J.-B. GIARD

PISANELLO MÉDAILLEUR. UN INNOVATEUR INSPIRÉ
PAR L'ANTIQUE DANS L'ART DE LA REPRÉSENTATION<fnref n="1" />

Définition de la médaille. Terme qui désigna à la Renaissance la monnaie antique puis, bien-
tôt également, la médaille moderne. Succès de la médaille, car elle est faite de métal. Une
image reproduite en médaille peut traverser les siècles, contrairement aux documents inscrits
sur le papier ou le parchemin. Voir les commentaires de Lorenzo Valla, dans la critique de la
Donation de Constantin.

C'est aussi un document léger, qu'on peut tenir dans la main. Voir l'exemple de la mon-
naie antique.

En fait, le succès tient surtout à l'attrait que présente la médaille pour le portraitiste. Au
XVe siècle, chacun veut posséder le portrait des hommes illustres, et ce besoin de collection
ira croissant aux siècles suivants : voir l'ambition de Paolo Giovo. Un portrait en médaille,
voici une nouveauté séduisante.

En 1517, Érasme et Pierre Gille, son ami prieront Th. More d'excuser le retard qu'ils mettent à lui envoyer leur portrait que devait peindre Q. Metsys. Mais une maladie leur a donné, disent-ils, mauvaise mine...

Défauts : surmoulages trop nombreux jusqu'au XIXe siècle. Difficulté de retoucher une médaille originale du XVe siècle. Patines irrégulières.

Les précédents : les médailles des Carrare, seigneurs de Padoue à la fin du XIVe siècle.

Les médailles de Constantin et d'Héraclius, acquises par Jean, duc de Berry.

Les médailles de Sesto, à Venise.

<footnote n="1">¹ Notes inédites pour la conférence donnée au Musée du Louvre, le 26 juin 1996 à 15h15, lors de la session « Pisanello et l'art du portrait » du colloque en liaison avec l'exposition *Pisanello, le peintre aux sept vertus* (26-28 juin 1996), non incluses dans les actes : Dominique Cordellier et Bernadette Py (éds), *Pisanello*, Paris 1998, 2 vols.</footnote>
## LES CONNAISSANCES DE PISANELLO

Pisanello est avant tout *Pictor*, peintre, dessinateur ; il ne se prétend jamais orfèvre. Il faut dire que, selon Alberti (*De la peinture*, 1435) le peintre occupe le premier rang parmi les artistes : « *La peinture a donc en elle-même ce mérite que les artistes consommés, lorsqu'ils voient leurs œuvres admirées, comprennent qu'ils sont presque égaux à un dieu. N'est-il pas vrai que le peintre est le maître ou, du moins, le principal ornement de tous les arts ?* »

Il connaît les monnaies antiques qu'il reproduit dans ses carnets, mais il identifie mal les personnages : César et Auguste, Claude le Gothique et Aurélien.

Il semble ignorer la typologie des travaux d'Hercule dans le monnayage antique, la typologie de la *Liberalitas*.

Il ignore le sens de certains mots latins, en particulier celui du mot *Divus*, attribué à Alphonse d'Aragon. Le terme désigne, dans l'Antiquité, un empereur divinisé mais mort.

Mais de qui tient-il ses instructions ?

En tout cas, la morale antique n'intéresse pas le XVᵉ siècle, comme le soutenait G.F. Hill au début du XXᵉ siècle.

## LA REPRÉSENTATION

Pisanello représente surtout des hommes politiques, car ce sont eux qui tiennent le plus au portrait, à ce que le public percevra d'eux. Quelques exemples : Jean VIII Paléologue, venu assister au concile de Ferrare que le pape, Eugène IV, a réuni en 1438 (importance de la coiffure, des cheveux : voir L. Anastasia).

Niccolo Piccinino (1375-1444) sert Ph.-M. Visconti après 1425. Image du griffon de Pérouse reprise d'une monnaie de Phocée (Ionie).

Francesco Sforza (1404-1466) épouse en 1441 Bianca, fille de Ph.-M. Visconti, devenant ainsi seigneur de Crémone. Ph.-M. Visconti meurt en 1447, mais F. Sforza ne deviendra duc de Milan qu'en 1450.

La tête de cheval évoque l'Afrique antique et Scipion l'Africain (connu alors par trois auteurs : Sénèque, Valère Maxime et Tite Live, auxquels il faut ajouter Pétrarque, auteur du poème *Africa* dont Scipion est le héros). Au XVᵉ siècle, Scipion est un exemple de vertu que beaucoup admirent, notamment Poggio Bracciolini. Il avait vaincu Hannibal et sauvé Rome.

A Scipion, Poggio oppose J. César : *Caesaris nomen flagitia plurima dehonestant, rapinae, furta, intestinae dissensiones, civilis sanguis, libido immoderata dominandi, stupra, adulteria, studium lacerandae patriae...*

Or Poggio est lié d'une étroite amitié avec Cosme de Médicis, qui, en 1434, détiendra le pouvoir réel à Florence. Et c'est Cosme qui apparaît en fait comme un nouveau Scipion, comme un modèle de vertu (voir la correspondance de Poggio).
Cosme est entouré de nombreux protégés, parmi lesquels figure F. Sforza. Il donnera à celui-ci beaucoup d'argent pour financer les batailles de sorte qu'il est vraisemblable que Sforza ait bientôt jugé bon d'apparaître, lui aussi, comme un nouveau Scipion.

Depuis le Moyen-Âge, la tyrannie est un grand thème de discussion. A l'inverse de Poggio, par exemple, Dante louait J. César, rejetant dans son Enfer Brutus et Cassius, les assassins des Ides de Mars 44.

Coluccio Salutati, chancelier de Florence à la fin du XIVe siècle et ancien maître de Poggio-prit, lui aussi, le parti de César, ne voulant pas contredire le trop illustre Dante. Et Poggio, qui ne s'était jamais bien entendu avec Salutati, renia son maître.

Face à cette prise de position, Guarino de Verona (1370-1460) réagit avec force pour défendre César. Il était alors le maître de Lionel d'Este et il voulait que son élève suive l'exemple de César, le fondateur de l'Empire romain et non l'ennemi de la Liberté romaine.

Débat poursuivi au XVIe siècle, durant lequel on forge les monnaies à l'effigie de Scipion. Voir plus tard, Henri IV, puis Richelieu.

### Lionel d'Este (1407, 1441-1450)

Six médailles à son effigie, très idéalisée. Il épouse en 1444 Marie d'Aragon, fille d'Alphonse. Les revers semblent peu inspirés par la politique. Dans l'ensemble, rien de guerrier.

### Sigismond Pandolphe

Seigneur de Fano, puis de Rimini, épouse en 1442 Polixène, fille de Francesco Sforza. Se révolte néanmoins contre Sforza.

Cheval maladroitement rendu au revers de la médaille Gn.34.

### Malatesta Novello

Frère du précédent, seigneur de Césène. Au revers de la médaille, guerrier à genou, au pied d'un crucifix.

### Cecilia de Gonzague

Fille de Gianfrancesco, élève de Vittorino de Feltre. Au droit de la médaille, un buste assez haut et une coiffure relativement sobre, en tout cas moins élaborée que celle de la pluï part des femmes peintes par Pisanello où l'influence flamande est forte. Au revers, une jeune fille à demi-vêtue assise en face d'un animal fantastique uni-corne, dans un paysage rocaill-leux que domine la lune et d'où émane une austérité ascétique. Voir les coiffures romaines.

### Alphonse d'Aragon

Buste à droite, entre un casque et une couronne : le guerrier triomphant de la loi pacia fique, qualifié malencontreusement de divus. Au revers, la liberalitas augusta, curieusement
représentée par un aigle dominant un quadrupède mort, deux vautours, un faucon et un autre oiseau de proie. Faut-il y voir une influence des antiques monnaies de Sicile ?

LA QUESTION DE LA RESSEMBLANCE

Le profil de la médaille est-il bien cela : du modèle ?

En fait, les portraits sont vraisemblablement idéalisés comme l'étaient ceux de l'Anti-
quité. Le réalisme est rare ; il ne peut être accepté sans choquer. Il faut étonner le spectateur,
non le choquer.

Quoi qu'il en soit, Pisanello a donné l'exemple de la réussite en médaille. Les émules
seront nombreux, mais perdront bientôt la sobriété du créateur.

Diapositives :

1. Cecilia Gonzague

2. revers

3. Licinius Père et Fils

4. Alberti, autoportrait

5. dessins de portraits romains

6. dessin de Jules César

7. monnaie de J. César de la Renaissance

8. J. César (Pisanello ou Ghiberti ?)

9. J. César (vente Bâle, 1932)

10. J. César, dans Cuspinian

11. M. Aurèle, au Latran

12. Jean VIII Paléologue

13. revers

14. fresque de S. Anastasia (Vérone)

15. Nicolas Picinino

16. monnaie de Commode, de Phocée (BM)

17. Francesco Sforza (D. et R.)

18. Guarino da Verona

19. Numérien

20. Maximien Hercule

21. monnaie de Scipion, de la Renaissance

22. revers (tête de cheval)

23. Lionel d'Este

24. revers (3 visages)

25. Lionel d'Este

26. Lionel d'Este, Bergame
27. Lionel d'Este

28. revers, lion lisant

29. Sigismond Pandolphe, Malatesta Novello, Louis III de Gonzague

30. Cecilia de Gonzague (droit)

31. Agrippine

32. Agrippine

33. Diva Faustina

34. Alphonse d'Aragon

35. Divus Augustus

36. Divus Augustus, de la Renaissance

37. monnaie de Sicile
<figure><img src="image_78.png" /></figure>
J.-B. GIARD

RENAISSANCE NUMISMATICS:
SCHOLARLY FOUNDATIONS AND IMAGINATION<fnref n="1" />

Numismatics, as a scholarly study of medals, slowly emerged in the Renaissance. It did not appear as a “*scientia*”, well-defined through its own rational principles. At first, it was more a new curiosity about certain objects which provided portraits of famous figures from the ancient times. Ancient coins allowed scholars to retrieve visual information about “*illustri viri*”. Visual information about the past was extremely scarce, hence it was much valued by the new social group of scholars, devoted to the “*studia humanitatis*”, who developed much interest in ancient Rome. Petrarca and Boccaccio were among the first collectors of ancient coins. They soon had many followers and imitators among scholars and their wealthy patrons in rich urban areas in Northern Italy and in Southern France, where the papal Court had moved.

To become an ancient coin collector or connoisseur, one had to be educated, to be liter-
ate, and to know some Latin, the language in which primary sources from the ancient times
were preserved and mediaeval scholarship was expressed as well. In other words, one had to
come from a wealthy milieu or to be part of social groups dedicated to the advancement of
learning, such as a religious order which valued the acquisition of knowledge, or the upper
half of the clergy, or some lawyers and physicians, or the University milieu. Thus in Verona,
about 1310-1320, we find Giovanni Mansionario (de Matociis), who authored an “*Historia
imperialis*”, actually an abbreviated version of the well-known “*Historia Augusta*”. He must
have been an ancient coin connoisseur. For in the margins of his book (Vatican, mss. Chigiani
I. VII, 259), pictures of Roman emperors were carefully drawn. The drawer’s style is still
awkward but his drawings were based on real observation of some ancient coins (slides 1-2).
This exemplifies what scholars were able to learn from the study of ancient coins. These pic-
tures were intended to recall the virtues of Roman emperors, their view was supposed to arise

<footnote n="1">¹ Cette conférence, présentée dans le cadre de l'exposition *Numismatics in the age of Grolier: an exhibition at the Grolier Club*, 11 September - 24 November 2001), n'a pas été incluse dans le volume : John Cunnally, Jonathan H Kagan et Stephen K Scher, *Numismatics in the age of Grolier*, New York 2001 ; contribution à la traduction de Luce Giard. Une version française a été intégrée dans l'article « La numismatique à la Renaissance : fondements érudits et imagination », *QTNAC* 33 (2004), p. 415-425.</footnote>
some noble desire for imitating them (“*incitamenta animi*”) (slide 3 : Hartmann Schedel). As André Thevet would write in 1584, “portraits and pictures convey some inner virtue and energy which carry us to the love of virtue and the horror of evil”. This very opinion will still be entertained by 18th century scholars. In a way, early Renaissance scholars granted to portraits of “*illustri viri*” some of the role attributed to the images of saints by the Church.

However it could not be said that Mansionario already studied ancient coins in a proper historical way. His only goal was the imitation of “*Historia Augusta*”, he did not wish to seem innovative or original. Such a wish was foreign to the intellectual context of his time. It would be unfair to criticize him for not having anticipated the bright future of philology. It was much later on, in the 15th century, that humanists (among whom Poggio Bracciolini, Guarino da Verona, Vittorino da Feltre, and mainly Lorenzo Valla) were able to create the philological method, and to become much superior at reading ancient texts and correcting all kinds of mistakes. Mansionario’s modest endeavor was to gather more information about the ancient world. Even if his book was not much circulated (only 3 copies of it are extant), its content showed evidence of some change in cognitive interests and it marked the emergence of a new taste for portraits.

During the 15th and the 16th centuries, the number of collectors and collections would increase. Collecting ancient coins benefited from the fact that treasure troves were handled more respectfully, they were no longer systematically traded to be melted down by silver-smiths and bell foundry workers eager to reuse coin metals. Besides, some more knowledge became available about ancient coinage. Even an important artist, as Lorenzo Ghiberti (1378-1455), a famous sculptor from Firenze, would judge acceptable and honorable for his art to counterfeit ancient “medals”. The usage of the word “medals was most frequent to designate ancient coins at that time. At the papal Court, the new humanist culture was more and more circulated and practiced. Thus more scholars became attracted to the study of ancient objects, but it was not the case for all humanists. According to Iulius Caesar Scaliger, the great Erasmus did not give any attention to this topic, and I do know that his younger friend, Beatus Rhenanus (1485-1547), did the same. It is clear that information about ancient coinage was still scarce. Only a few scholars could regard ancient coins as informative documents whose study was to be included into history itself. A French classicist, Guillaume Budé, tried to clarify ancient coin metrology in his “*De Asse*” (1st edition, Paris, 1514 ; second revised and increased edition, 1541), but he was not very successful. His results were inaccurate because his documentation was too limited. Moreover, he was unable to distinguish between Roman *denarii* and Greek *drachmae*, an opening error which ruined all his calculations. Early Renaissance scholars were better at collecting manuscripts and emending texts than at material observation. They still belonged in the intellectual medieval world, with its emphasis on language as the main instrument of any investigation. Their major innovation was to substitute a better kind of Latin for the rusty scholastic Latin which was the “*lingua franca*” at the medieval university. Actually the humanists’ goal was the restoration of a perfect linguistic knowledge, they wished to use a faultless classical Latin as elegant as Cicero’s
Latin at its best. Their linguistic quest was new in a way, but it remained based on a common linguistic assumption. They thought that a total and perfect command of classical Latin will enable them to think, to act, to write in the best possible way. Their quest for knowledge was closely related to a dream about a perfect language, which they believed to be made possible for the human mind through classical Latin and only through it.

At the same time, scholars started to give attention to ancient inscriptions on walls and stones. Inscriptions were praised because of their direct transmission and faultless preservation. The durability of their material support had not required countless acts of copying, each one introducing new mistakes and erroneous corrections from the part of scribes whose good will could not compensate for their lack of information, limited understanding of sources, or even sloppiness. In that sense, stone fared much better than paper or parchment and seemed to guarantee full authenticity and reliability to the text inscribed on it. The same long-lasting reliability will be attributed to inscriptions on coins when scholars start to carefully study their wording, but this will come later on when coin classification gets organized on sound principles and minute observation of all visible details.

Among a few examples which could be regarded as medieval forerunners of Renaissance numismatics, there was Emperor Frederic II's decision in the 13th century when he had gold coins minted which copied Roman *"augustales"*. On the obverse, the emperor was represented in a Roman-like attitude; on the reverse, there was an eagle (?) like the one visible on small *"orichalcum"* coins minted in Gaul under Augustus. Frederic's choice manifested his desire for a return to the ancient times and it emphasized the imperial continuity, which had much political meaning for him. But the process of imitation on the coin itself was limited to the search for pictorial likeness. The choice made of minting gold is to be interpreted from the viewpoint of economical history. Frederic's gold coinage first attested the return of an economy based on gold, this monetary practice had remained an Islamic monopoly in the Mediterranean area during the previous centuries, but it was slowly coming back to Christian powers, first with Italian cities as Genova and Firenze first did, then with the French king Louis XI.

The advent of the printing press in the mid-15th century was slow to benefit to ancient coin collecting and to their classification. Andrea Fulvio's book, "*Illustrium imagines*" (Rome, 1517) was the first printed catalogue including plates. Its pictures were not accurate, some of them came from the imagination and had no observational basis. Anyhow, the chronological order was generally right, a textual commentary ran along, it aimed at informing ignorant readers and entertaining connoisseurs. Fulvio's innovation was recognized by Johannes Huttichius who produced a shameless close imitation of Fulvio's catalogue in his own "*Imperatorum romanorum libellus, una cum imaginibus ad vivam effigiem expressis*" (Strasbourg, 1525; second edition, 1534). Both catalogues, and other ones of the same kind, allow us to check that early 16th century scholars had limited knowledge about medals. Artists who drew their plates did not aim at visual accuracy, their prints are more decorative than informative for historians. However visual accuracy was reached in a few instances by an
excellent artist, it was the case with Memling who painted a nearly perfect picture of a coin of Nero (slides 4-5). Such achievement was rare. In spite of its inaccurate plates, Huttichius’s book was mentioned in Conrad Gessner’s reference book, “*Bibliotheca universalis*” (Zürich, 1545, fol. 427 v°). This tells us that at that time a high-calibre scholar was ready to grant attention to the “*scientia*” about medals, under the preliminary form available to him. In other words, numismatics was making its debut in the social world of serious knowledge.

Enea Vico (1523-1567) authored a better book whose plates were more accurate. He was the first to include the study of reverses in his work. He was also very good at identifying modern counterfeit coins. He could rightly be regarded as a founding father of the actual science of coins. It does not come as a surprise that he had to emphasize all the wrong caused by counterfeiters to the study of ancient coins. Counterfeit coins, based on the imitation of actual ancient coins, and pseudo-coins, presented as ancient ones, whose type was invented by imaginative counterfeiters (they were served by skilled silversmiths), were highly regarded by customers who knew nothing about ancient coins. Because counterfeit coins were made of precious metal, because imitation bronze medals were nicely tinted and presented with a fine patina, they were highly priced and often treasured as long-lasting symbols of value.

Another reason why so many nicely-wrought counterfeit coins were produced at that time has to do not only with the great number of skilled silversmiths and goldsmiths available in wealthy areas, but also with the desire of more people to gaze at fine pictures of ancient leaders of the world and to be inspired by their contemplation.

More readers had gain access to ancient history (for example to Plutarch’s “*Parallel Lives*”). More people had come to admire the high deeds of Roman generals, such as Scipio Africanus (slides 6-7), Marius, L. Cinna etc., all generals who had never been represented on Roman Coins. Ancient history readers wished to contemplate portraits of their preferred great men from the ancient times, whose stories and high deeds were now familiar to them and inspired their actions, their books or their dreams. Besides, the consumption of pictures and visual representations made on all kinds of material support was no longer restricted to religious art. It could be said that the limitations imposed on religious art and ritual by the Reformation somehow contributed to move the desire for images and material representations from the religious sphere to the historical and political one. The development of literature, the availability and circulation of huge quantities of printed books, including all kinds of plates, maps, illustrations, and the huge production of prints made available and cheaper with the advancement of engraving techniques, all these factors together would explain the development of new habits and the formation of a new taste in the consumption of images. Soon potential customers for pictures of ancient great men on metallic support would be served by artists engravers, skilled silversmiths and efficient traders.

Had Enea Vico any kind of posterity ? It is unclear. For instance, Antonio Agustin (1517-1586) was one of the best scholars in his generation, but his “*Dialoguos de medallas in-scriciones y otras antiguedades*” (Tarragone, 1587) were neither much circulated nor much read, particularly in France. Pirro Ligorio (1513 ? -1583), a great antiquarian, also studied
the science of medals, but he died before having been able to publish his works on medals. Guillaume Rouillé (about 1519-1589) and Hubert Goltz (1526-1583) have been much criticized, which seems unfair. Both of them were great art-makers who produced art books well-printed, beautifully illustrated and really attractive for a selective readership which was not easy to satisfy or to deceive.

Rouillé’s “*Promptuaire des Medalles*” (Lyon, 1553) was a best-seller, it was translated into Latin, Spanish and Italian (slide 8). The works of Goltz (from Bruges) were much appreciated, we know that two of them were located in James VI of Scotland’s library. In 1617, Jacques de Bie announced that he was ready to produce a reprint of Goltz’s works, but his business went down before he could achieve the reprint. After being headed by Pierre-Paul Rubens, for a few years, his business was acquired by Plantin-Moretus in 1644, then by the printer Hieronymus Verdussen in 1678. Finally it was Sigebert Havercamp who, in the early 18th century, partly recycled Goltz’s works in his own.

Let us consider how much imagination contributed to 16th century scholarship. At that time, an imaginary input could be not only accepted, but even welcomed in many types of scientific enquiry. Many humanists, scholars, authors highly praised the role of imagination, considering it to be necessary to the operations of the mind. Archeology, cosmography and geography, and also literature or painting equally required its help and depended on its support. This statement could be easily documented if we had enough time to look at some of Leonardo’s creative works, or if we turned our eyes to Jerome Bosch’s paintings. Similar evidence could be gathered from texts, from Bonaventure des Périers’s satirical writings, or, better known, from Rabelais’s Pantagruelic fantasies. Or we could follow some gipsy scholars wandering through Renaissance Europe, such as the mysterious John Dee who traveled from England to Prague, and from Euclid to magic, in order to entertain private conversations with angels. Even more intriguing would be the brilliant and strange Guillaume Postel (1510-1580), an orientalist scholar, who was not accepted in the Society of Jesus because of his instability. Postel always pretended to be versed in Arabic language and science at a time when such knowledge was quite rare in Western Europe. He made his profit and career by offering information on the secrets of the Islamic world at a time when the growing political power of the Turks made this knowledge look desirable to Western kings. Postel was extremely good at kindling the enthusiasm of noble patrons for his many enterprises, and quite effective at getting their financial support for his ambitious research and writing programmes. Then he would be even better at disappearing just when royal patrons pressed him to produce some evidence of his findings, or when he was ordered to complete the promised works, translations, editions he had boastfully advertised, got lavishly funded and whose achievement he had often delayed.

Books on archaeology and geography would provide some nice examples of the role played by imagination. In November 1445, the well-known Cyriacus of Ancona was fast at identifying Alexander the Great on an intaglio signed by Eutyches: actually it figured Athena. Similarly Girolamo Ferrucci gave a wrong interpretation of a bas-relief from Rome, but his
made sense in a clever way. The bas-relief pictured the divine Mithra as a bull, Ferrucci did not read the scene as a ritual sacrifice as we do, he thought that it was a symbolic representation of agriculture per se (slides 9-10). Geography also depended on the power of imagination, at a time when a map was less a conventional representation of space resulting from complex mathematical procedures than an evocative incentive to travelling, sailing, or fighting to conquer new territories. The discovery of the Americas emphasized and nourished a natural tendency to believe that there was somewhere an Eldorado, that a terrestrial Paradise could be located in a far-away land, even if the way to reach it was not clearly described. Vagueness agreed with hope and dreams. And many fanciful maps of the New World were printed and circulated long before any precise knowledge of this area was made available to professional geographers and to artists collaborating with them.

In his edition of Ptolemy's geography (*Geographia universalis*, Basel, 1540), Sebastianus Münster, known as the "German Strabo", included a map of the New World on which this area looked much smaller than it had to, in spite of the whole drawing being nicely done (slide 11). Later on, in his "Cosmography" (1st edition in German, 1544), he left all caution and measure, in that case he provided fantastic or naïve pictures in lieu of actual maps. On one of them, Europe is figured as a crowned king, with the scepter in his left hand and the Earth globe in his right hand (slide 12). Here a political statement is substituted for geographical information: the political dominion of Europe over the world (at least over what was the actual world for Europeans) was enough for justifying this way of doing. The liberty taken with accurate knowledge and scientific ways of mapping the world did no wrong to Münster's "Cosmography". Soon it became a best-seller and stayed that way for a long time, with translations appearing in French (1552), English, Italian, Bohemian, with numerous editions and reprints as well. Many readers treasured this book, they used it as an encyclopedia and a reference book on the universe, for others it was a travel guide, and often a favorite reading.

In the second half of the 16th century, more knowledge was gathered on ancient coinage, Roman history was still known in greater detail than its Greek counterpart. Different factors caused it. It is a fact that Roman treasure troves were more frequent in Italy, France and Germany. The famous antiquarian Jacopo de Strada (slide 13) was very influential: his scholarly books on ancient coinage, the many works of his followers and imitators inspired many people with the desire for collecting ancient coins. But the concrete situation was unequal in this matter for historical investigations about ancient Greece and Rome. It was not easy to buy ancient Greek coins, the only providers would be merchants audacious enough for trading with the Turks, whose dominion now covered former territories where Greek coins had normally circulated, through the Balkan area, Minor Asia and the Near East. Besides, scholars fluent in Greek and interested in ancient Greece were never in high demand in Latin Europe, the great divide from the Byzantine Empire was still operating at different levels, all pride and prejudice had not disappeared with the arrival of numerous Byzantine "exilés" after the fall of Byzantium.
Some scholars worked hard to remedy the situation and composed exhaustive books on both kinds of ancient coins. Wolfgang Lazius (1514-1565), a German physician and philologist, had the project of describing all ancient coins, but he was unable to achieve it. He published a booklet whose grandiose title recalls his great unfulfilled ambition : “*Commentariorum vetustorum numismatum maximi scilicet operis et quatuor sectionibus multarum rerum publicarum per Asiam, Aphricam et Europam antiquitatis historiam nodosque Gordianos difficiliores comprehendentis Specimen exile ceu ex tecto tegula quaedam C. Julii Dictatoris, Augusti et Tyberii Caesarum monetam si quae ex argento in forulis S.R.R.M. extat, explicans, tabulam videlicet sectionis tertiae partis secundae primam*” (Vienna, 1558, in-4°). His thin work included a finely-engraved print picturing a “modern” medal of Julius Caesar along with ancient coins of Octavius-Augustus and Tiberius (slide 14). Less ambitious and more efficient, Sebastiano Erizzo wrote his “*Discorso sopra le medaglie antiche*” (Venise, 1559), in which he stressed the importance of studying coin reverses.

A few years after Erizzo, two scholars linked to one another would give a strong foundation to the science of medals. Here I have in mind the Italian Fulvio Orsini and his Augsburg correspondant, Adolfo Occo, a physician. Both authored excellent books providing accurate descriptions and well-thought classifications. Orsini mainly studied the Roman Republic in his “*Familiae Romanae*” (Rome, 1577 ; an increased and revised edition was produced by Charles Patin, Paris, 1663). Occo focused on the imperial period in his “*Imperatorum romanorum numismata a Pompeio Magno ad Heraclium*” (Antwerpen, 1579 ; expanded edition, Augsburg, 1601 ; third edition by Francesco Mezzabarba, Milan, 1683 (slide 15) ; 4th edition by Filippo Argelati, Milan, 1730). Another scholar from Antwerpen, Abraham Van Goorle (1549-1609), wrote a “*Thesaurus numismatum romanorum aureorum, argenteorum, aeroorum ad familias eius Urbis spectantium usque ad obitum Augusti...*” (no place, 1605), it was informative and made for a nice reading, but it is not wholly reliable. Van Goorle accepted to include in his book coins whose modern counterfeit nature he clearly acknowledged in his preface. He said that he had included them, because they concerned major figures from the past : “*quia ad historiam magnopere faciunt, vicemque supplent meliorum quos non habemus*”. His statement helps us to understand how and why many counterfeit Roman coins representing Caius (?) Marius and Lucius (?) Cinna were still circulated among collectors and scholars.

A second-rate scholar, if compared to Orsini and Occo, authored an innovative book, entitled “*Discours de la religion des anciens romains*” (Lyon, printed by Guillaume Rouillé, 1556 ; reprint, New York, 1976). This Guillaume du Choul, a royal officer (he was “*conseiller du roi*” and “*bailli des montagnes du Dauphiné*”, in South-East France, knew much less on ancient coinage than Erizzo did for instance, he accepted low-quality counterfeit coins as some of historical evidence. But he was already “modern” in his effort to treat ancient coins as historical pieces of evidence on specific issues. We could say that his interpretative effort was stronger and smarter than his critical analysis of his documentary basis, but to be fair, we must add that no sure critical method was devised in that matter before the 19th century. So
Guillaume du Choul's work could not be disregarded for not having anticipated the cumulative effects of three or four centuries of scholarly investigation.

For a few more years, scholars would deal with more imaginary input and less critical awareness in their works than we would like them to do. Some excellent artists, for instance Giovanni da Cavino (1500-1570) and Alessandro Bassiano, a friend of his, were still very active in producing counterfeit coins: is this word “counterfeit” the right one to designate those well-wrought objects? (slide 16). Their production was sustained, because it could attract potential buyers from the connoisseur milieu and among admirers of ancient art, craft or political achievement. Many a learned person was eager to arrange at home a small private art-gallery whose contemplation by himself and admiration by his friends and visitors would enhance their common love and respect for ancient Rome. Ancient coins were perfectly fit for this kind of practice. These were small objects, whose offer was plenty and whose price was not too high for discouraging beginning collectors, at least in the case of more common types. Real or counterfeit ancient coins were easy to carry and to handle, they were also easy to put in a secret place or to trade in troubled times or to share between members of one's household. They also provided many occasions of intellectual entertainment. They could be ordered and re-ordered in many different ways: by size, pictorial style, symbols represented and meanings attached to them, and also according to the presumed place or time of their making, etc. They could be associated to specific quotations from ancient literature and organized in a kind of visual commonplace book, at a time when every scholar would compose his manuscript commonplace book or would possess some printed copies of this literary genre. So there were many reasons why someone could be pleased when showing his belongings to his friends and visitors. Cabinet-makers made elegant wooden medal cabinets for them, there were portable cabinets convenient for traveling scholars and patrons as well.

If Renaissance numismatics was successful in increasing the number of collectors and of scholarly books concerning ancient coinage, it was not much efficient in gathering precise data about the chronology of events and the working of political institutions in ancient times. Onofrio Panvinio made a first try at it, when he included coins among his documentation for explaining Roman *"Ludes saeculares"*. But for a long time no other scholar followed his path. It was as if too many counterfeit coins and too much role granted to the imagination had disregarded the science of medals in the opinions of many people. Ancient coins were thus limited to an art of curiosity, and to artistic contemplation. They were used as an auxiliary instrument for teaching and awaking noble feelings in students' hearts. They served as an image-bank for authors, engravers and publishers eager to provide portraits of Roman emperors in Suetonius' *"Lives of the Caesars"*, for instance. It is only in the 18th century, and the 19th century, that a few dedicated scholars (abbé Barthélemy, J. Pellerin, and members of the Vienna school) will manage to found the historical science of numismatics and put it on an equal footing with epigraphy or philology.

Since the ancient times, coins have been part of everyone's daily life and usual environment. They were more considered for what was made possible by having them (trading,
traveling, saving, etc.) than for historical information that was transmitted through them. This long-time familiarity with coins could explain why scholars were so reluctant to regard them as informative objects deserving full historical study. Can I recall that Marcel Mauss was the first scholar to consider coins and money as a central “social fact” and that he did it in the early 20th century ? So it was a long way from Renaissance numismatics.

Slide 1 : Mansionario, *Historia imperialis* : Probus (276-282)

Slide 2 : Mansionario, *Historia Imperialis* : Constantius I (293-306), and Helena, mother of Constantine.

Slide 3 : Hartmann Schedel, *Registrum huius operis libri cronicarum, cum figuris et ymaginibus ab initio mundi*, Nuremberg, 1493 : Julius Caesar, Augustus, M. Antonius.

Slide 4 : Hans Memling, *Young man showing a sestertius of Nero* (1478, - Antwerp, Musée royal des beaux-arts).

Slide 5 : Memling, *Young man*, detail.

Slide 6 : medal of Scipio Africanus, obverse (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale).

Slide 7 : medal of Scipio Africanus, reverse : *AFRICHA RECEPTA* (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale).

Slide 8 : Rouillé, *Prima pars promptuarii iconum insigniorum a seculo hominum...*, Lyon, 1553, p. 146.

Slide 9 : *AGRICOLTURA*. The god Mithra stabbing the bull as an allegory of the perfect farmer.

Slide 10 : Bas-relief from Heddernheim (Wiesbaden Museum).

Slide 11 : Sebastian Münster, *Geographia universalis*, Basel, 1540, *New World*.

Slide 12 : *Europe* (Münster, *Cosmographia*, ed. Basel, 1556 ; Bibliothèque humaniste de Sélestat).

Slide 13 : Titian, *Jacopo de Strada* (Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum).

Slide 14 : Lazius, *Tabula prima*.

Slide 15 : A. Occo, *Imperatorum romanorum numismata...*, ed. by Francesco Mezzabarba, Milan, 1683.

Slide 16 : Giovanni da Cavino, *Antonia* (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale).
<figure><img src="image_79.png" /></figure>
HADRIEN RAMBACH

IN MEMORIAM

JEAN-BAPTISTE GIARD (14.02.1932-18.05.2018)<fnref n="1" />

It is with extreme sadness that I heard the announcement of the passing of Jean-Baptiste André Marie Joseph Giard, the former curator of Roman coins in the Paris coin cabinet (1961-1997), where he acted as ‘conservateur en chef’ since 1992. Like many visitors before me, I had the chance to benefit from his welcome at the coin cabinet, from his scientific advice, and from passionate and entertaining discussions with him.

Jean-Baptiste Giard was a member of the board of the International Numismatic Commission, from the Bern meeting of 1979 until the London meeting of 1986. Most museum curators knew him, not only because he had received them in Paris, but also because he travelled extensively (even in the former Soviet Republic) in order to make the casts that allowed him to later write his books on the Paris coin collection and on the coinage of the Lyon mint. He adopted a comprehensive approach, intending to build a corpus including die-studies, and his work is distinguished by its precision and depth, the result of setting a high intellectual standard – for himself as he did for others. He started teaching Roman and Mediaeval numismatics at the École du Louvre in the late 1960s, then at the Ecole Normale Supérieure (ENS) in the 1970s, and then from 1985 until c.2000 at the École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS). He had also been Assistant at the Institute for Advanced Studies in Princeton (1974-1977), where he befriended Andreas Alföldi († 1981) and André Weil († 1998).

The last of 18 children, Giard was born to an educated catholic family from northern France. His father René, a ‘chartiste’ like JBG would later be, came from a long line of book-dealers in Valenciennes (since the mid-eighteenth century). His happy childhood – educated at the Collège Sainte Odile in Lille – was stopped by the second world war: not long after the death of his father in March 1940, he had to flee in May-June 1940 first towards the Poitou (he was separated from his mother during this exodus – and two of his brothers died in the war) and then in Normandy where he remained until December 1941, until going back to Lille where he studied at the Saint-Joseph Jesuit school. After obtaining his baccalauréat in

<footnote n="1">¹ Déjà publié dans Hadrien Rambach, *In Memoriam*: “Jean-Baptiste Giard (14/II/1932-18/V/2018)”, in *International Numismatic Council – Compte Rendu*, vol. 64 (2018), pp. 46-49.</footnote>
1952, he moved to Paris to study at “Henri IV” and then graduated as archivist-palaeographer from the École des Chartes in 1960. The following year, he started working as a librarian at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, and he graduated in 1964 from the École pratique des hautes études (4th section). At the invitation of the director Henri Seyrig († 1973), whom he admired greatly, he became a resident of the Institut français d’archéologie in Beyrouth (1966-1967).

He had discovered numismatics during his studies, and his 1960 thesis was dedicated to *La Monnaie de Saint-Quentin au temps de Charles VI et de Charles VII, 1385 - vers 1447*. He continued to do some research on French medieval coinage, with articles on *Deux monnaies mérovingiennes de Troyes de mêmes coins* (1961), on *La Monnaie d'Arras de 1420 à 1426* (1962), on *Un trésor de florins trouvés à Dijon* (1962), and on *Le florin d'or au Baptiste et ses imitations en France au XIVe siècle* (1967), but his interests quickly turned towards Roman numismatics, in which he soon became a leading specialist. His most-used works are his books on the coinage of *Lugdunum* (Lyon), on which he published two volumes: a first one in 1983 on the period 43 BC – AD 41, and a second in 2000 on the periods AD 41-78 and AD 196-197, completing the series started by his friend Pierre Bastien († 2006); and the series *Catalogue des monnaies de l'Empire romain (collection du Cabinet des médailles de la Bibliothèque nationale)*, which he initiated with a volume on the coins of Augustus (first published in 1976, with new corrected editions in 1988 and 2001), and then continued with a volume on the coins of Tiberius to Nero (1988), and one that covered the collections down to the reign of Nerva (1998).

His vast interests, and his philological abilities, led him to deal with non-numismatic subjects: his translation and comments of Lorenzo Valla’s denunciation of the forged « Donation of Constantine » was published in 1993 with an introduction by Carlo Ginzburg.

JBG did not only start and direct the publication of an important Italian hoard, the *Rispostiglio della Venèra* (vol. II/2 in 1987, vol. I and vol. II/1 in 1995, vol. IV in 2000 and vol. III.1 in 2009), he also created the series *Trésors Monétaires* – the first 12 volumes of which he edited (1979-1992), not long after the start of the British series of *Coin Hoards* (published 1975 onwards). This dedication to the publication of coin-finds and hoards is significant, and is reflected in his own publications, with articles devoted to the coins found in Clamecy (1961), Allonnes (1962), Saint-Mesmin (1962), Châtenay-sur-Seine (1963), Maillé (1963), Caudebec-lès-Elbeuf (1964), Puy-de-Dôme (1964), Petit-Couronne (1965), Étaples (1965), Landebaëron (1965), Sougères-sur-Sinotte (1965), Malicorne and Bonneuil-sur-Marne (1966), Port-Haliguen (1967), Thiais (1968), Condé-sur-Aisne (1968-1969), Landebaëran (1970), Montereau (1972), Ambenay (1974), and Paris (1982). Probably as a consequence of the study of these French finds, JBG published several articles on the Roman currency of Gaul: *Pour une étude systématique des imitations du IIIe s.* (1962), *La monnaie locale en Gaule à la fin du IIIe siècle* (1965), *La monnaie locale en Gaule à la fin du IIIe siècle, reflet de la vie économique* (1969), *Pouvoir central et libertés locales. Le monnayage en bronze de Claude avant 50 après J.-C.* (1970), *Nîmes sous Auguste* (1971), *Le monnayage antique de Nîmes* (1971), *Le soulèvement de 68 et le*
<figure><img src="image_80.png" /><figcaption>Portrait de Jean-Baptiste Giard (1973) au Cabinet des Médailles de la Bibliothèque nationale de France. Extrait du documentaire télévisé Les Monnaies et l'Histoire par Hélène Dumas et Micheline Paintault (droits réservés)</figcaption></figure>

réveil du monnayage local en Gaule (1973), La pénurie de petite monnaie en Gaule au début du Haut-Empire (1975), Les émissions d'or et d'argent de Caligula dans l'atelier de Lyon (1976), La pénurie monétaire en Occident au début du Haut-Empire romain (1977), La monnaie coloniale de Narbonne en 40 avant J.-C. (1983), La monnaie coloniale d'Orange (1984), and La monnaie de Carausius à Rouen (1995).

In 1989, he published *Médailles et antiques I – Trésors monétaires – supplement 2*, in which he aimed at studying the history of numismatics, at enlarging the fields of research by linking – for example – the development of the art of the medal in the Renaissance with the growing interest given to ancient 'medals'. In it, he included an article on *Un camée du Roi René*, though he published otherwise little on glyptics: an article on *Une intaille d'Auguste* (1975) and a book on *Le Grand camée de France* (1998), but he was interested in the field because of the obvious similarities in subjects and type of depictions. Like Marie-Louise
Vollenweider († 2008), he understood well the connections between engraving coins and engraving gems, and the advantage that numismatists have in identifying portraits.

Portraiture was a real passion of his, and in 1980 he published *Le portrait d'autrefois*. This was followed by numerous articles: *Inventions et récréations numismatiques de la Renaissance* (1974), *Images de l'Antiquité romaine et de la Renaissance française* (1977), *Signis receptis. Armenia Capta. Images de reconquête à Rome* (1977), *L'illusion du portrait* (1978), *Images de l'antiquité romaine et de la Renaissance française* (1978), *Le double du prince* (1983), *Médailles incolores* (1985), *L'image d'Alexandre le Grand à la Renaissance* (1991), *Médailles et portraits, ou, La recherche de l'individu à la Renaissance* (1993), *Faux deniers de Caligula de la Renaissance* (1994), *Le portrait dans le monnayage romain* (1994), and several entries for Stephen Scher's exhibition-catalogue *The Currency of Fame*. *Portrait Medals of the Renaissance* (1994). He also leaves an unpublished manuscript devoted to portraiture (*L'Illusion du Portrait*).

His articles on portraiture show clearly a transition from the Roman period, his main interest, to the Renaissance, and this was led to him becoming an authority on the history of numismatics – writing essays on *Critique de la science des monnaies antiques* (1980), *L'évolution de la numismatique antique au XIXe siècle* (1986), *Valentin Jamerey-Duval : un numismate exemplaire du XVIIIe siècle* (1989), *L'édition numismatique au XVIIe siècle* (1994), *La génération numismatique de 1760* (1995), *Le trésor d'antiquités à la fin du XVIIe siècle* (1995), *Collectionneurs et savants numismates à la Renaissance* (1996), *Scipion l'Africain héros de la Renaissance* (2000), *La numismatique à la Renaissance : fondements érudits et imagination* (2004), *Numismates et antiquaires dans la première moitié du XVIIe siècle* (2005).

In addition to those books and articles, JBG published a great number of book reviews: at least 91 of them, published mostly in the French *Revue numismatique* 1962-1997 (he acted as the *Revue*'s secretary from 1962 until 1972 and then as one of its directors from 1974 until 1996), but also in the *Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes* (1964-1973), and in the *Revue des Études Anciennes* (1983). His reviews show his deep understanding of many subjects– as well as his mastery of many languages such as Italian, Spanish, English and notably German, which he had studied in his teenage years despite the trauma of the war. This dedication to reviewing books is an example of his constant desire to remain up to date with current research, and to exchange points-of-view with colleagues.

In addition to his historical interests, Jean-Baptiste Giard was also dedicated, notably in later years, to political and social issues. Few people were aware of it, but his life was devoted to others: he was a stable support for many, providing help to acquaintances having difficulties – financial or of any sort –, sharing his intelligence and thought-provoking criticism to students like myself. Without judging, without ever telling anyone what to do, he would encourage the young to develop their interests, their ideas, their studies. He embodied the concepts of kindness and of humanity, which were the bases of his friendships. He kept his private life separate from his professional one, and his extreme discretion resembled timidity, but it was in fact the expression of a deep respect of and interest in the others. Few images remain of
<figure><img src="image_81.png" /><figcaption>Portrait de Jean-Baptiste Giard (avril 2016) en famille à Longjumeau. Photographie par Aurélie Parnet (droits réservés).</figcaption></figure>

JBG, but he can be seen being interviewed in two TV-interviews for the documentaries « Les Monnaies et l'Histoire » in 1973 and « Les Vrais Monnayeurs » in 1979. He attended only three International Numismatic Congresses, in Rome in 1961, in New York in 1973, and in London in 1986 – all three cities which he knew well and liked much. It was therefore a great pleasure for him, especially considering his admiration for the work of Harold Mattingly († 1964) on the Roman Imperial Coinage, to be awarded the medal of the Royal Numismatic Society in 1998. In 1980, he had been made honorary member of the *Societatea Numismatica Româna*. Previously, he had received the Prix Duchalais of the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres in 1968 (for his work on the florin d'or), the Prix Allier de Hauteroche of the Académie in 1983 (for his work on Roman coins) and again in 2001 (for his second book on the Lyon mint), and he was made *Chevalier des Palmes académiques* in 1977.
<figure><img src="image_82.png" /></figure>
BIBLIOGRAPHIE DE JEAN-BAPTISTE GIARD<fnref n="1" />

OUVRAGES :

1. *Bibliothèque nationale [Cabinet des médailles]. Catalogue des monnaies de l'Empire romain*, vol. 1 : *Auguste*, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, 1976, VIII - 258 p. + LXXII pl. ; nouvelle édition révisée et corrigée, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, 1988, VIII - 258 p. + LXXII pl. ; troisième édition augmentée et mise à jour, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale / Strasbourg, Poinsignon numismatique, 2001, XVI - 258 p. + Pl. A-C, LXXIII pl.

2. *Le portrait d'autrefois*, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, 1980. [16] p.

3. *Le Monnayage de l'atelier de Lyon : des origines au règne de Caligula, 43 avant J.C.-41 après J.C.*, Wetteren, Ed. Numismatique romaine, 1983. 153 p.- XLII pl.

4. *Bibliothèque nationale [Cabinet des médailles]. Catalogue des monnaies de l'Empire romain*, vol. 2 : *de Tibère à Néron*, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, 1988. 180 p. + LVI pl.

5. Lorenzo Valla. *La donation de Constantin : sur la donation de Constantin, à lui fausse-ment attribuée et mensongère*. Trad. et comment. par Jean-Baptiste Giard; préf. de Carlo Ginzburg. Paris, les Belles lettres, 1993. XXI-149 p.

6. *Bibliothèque nationale [Cabinet des médailles]. Catalogue des monnaies de l'Empire romain*, vol. 3 : *du Soulèvement de 68 après J.-C. à Nerva*, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale / Strasbourg, Poinsignon numismatique, 1998. 366 p. + 148 pl.

7. *Le Grand camée de France*, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, 1998. 47 p. + XV pl.

8. *Le Monnayage de l'atelier de Lyon : de Claude Ier à Vespasien, 41 - 78 après J.C. et au temps de Clodius Albinus, 196 - 197 après J.C.*, Wetteren, Ed. Numismatique romaine, 2000. 191 p. + LVIII pl.

9. *L'illusion du portrait*, Trieste, EUT, 2020. VIII - 152 p.

<footnote n="1">¹ Déjà publiée dans Hadrien Rambach et Michel Amandry, "In Memoriam : Jean-Baptiste Giard (1932-2018)", in *Revue numismatique*, vol. 176 (2019), pp. 3-14</footnote>
MANUSCRIT INÉDIT :

- La Monnaie de Saint-Quentin au temps de Charles VI et de Charles VII, 1385 - vers 1447,
Thèse de l'Ecole des Chartes, 1960.

DIRECTION SCIENTIFIQUE :

- Série *Trésors Monétaires*, vol. 1 (1979) à vol. 12 (1991);

- Série *Rispostiglio della Venèra : nuovo catalogo illustrato*, vol. I (1995), vol. II/1 (1995), vol. II/2 (1987), vol. III.1 (2009), vol. IV (2000)

PRÉFACES :

- *Trésors Monétaires* I (1979), pp. 7-10

- *Trésors Monétaires* II (1980), pp. 5-6

- *Trésors Monétaires* III (1981), pp. 5-6

- *Trésors Monétaires* IV (1982), pp. 5-6

- *Trésors Monétaires* V (1983), p. 5

- *Trésors Monétaires* VI (1984), p. 5

- *Trésors Monétaires* VII (1985), p. 5

- *Trésors Monétaires* VIII (1986), p. 5

- *Trésors Monétaires* IX (1987), p. 5

- *Trésors Monétaires* X (1988), p. 5

- *Trésors Monétaires* XI (1989), p. 5

- *Médailles et Antiques I, Trésors Monétaires Supp.* 2 (1989), pp. 7-8

- *Trésors Monétaires* XIII (1992), pp. 7-8

ARTICLES :

1. Une monnaie surfrappée de Capoue, *BSFN*, 16/01, Janvier 1961, p. 3 ;
2. Deux monnaies mérovingiennes de Troyes de mêmes coins, *BSFN*, 16/03, Mars 1961, p. 32-33;

3. Faux de Mysala et de Capoue, *BSFN*, 16/06, Juin 1961, p. 64 (en collaboration avec G. Le Rider);

4. Le rapport de l'or à l'argent vers 211 avant J.-C., *BSFN*, 16/09, Novembre 1961, p. 91-92;

5. Le trésor de Clamecy, RN, 1961, p. 163-177;

6. Un quinaire inédit de M. Arrius Secundus, *BSFN*, 17/02, Février 1962, p. 121-122;

7. Trésor de monnaies de bronze des Fontaines-Salées (Yonne), *BSFN*, 17/04, Avril 1962, p. 145-146;

8. Les premières émissions de Marius et de Tétricus père à Cologne, *BSFN*, 17/07, Juillet 1962, p. 178-179;

9. Variété inédite d'une monnaie de Carausius frappée au nom de Maximien-Hercule, *BSFN*, 17/08, Octobre 1962, p. 187;

10. Le trésor d'Allonnes (Sarthe), *RN*, 1962, p. 217-225;

11. Le trésor de Saint-Mesmin (Aube), *RN*, 1962, p. 226-231;

12. NB avec J. Lafaurie à l'article posthume de P. Le Gentilhomme, Variations du titre de l'antoninianus au IIIe siècle, *RN*, 1962, p. 165-166;

13. La Monnaie d'Arras de 1420 à 1426, *RN*, 1962, p. 193-202;

14. Deux monnaies de Sicile frappées au Ier s. avant J.-C., *BSFN* 18/04, Avril 1963, p. 245-246;

15. Un trésor de florins trouvés à Dijon, *BSFN*, 18/05, Mai 1963, p. 253-254;

16. Le trésor de Châtenay-sur-Seine, *RN*, 1963, p. 153-158;

17. Le trésor de Maillé (Vendée), *RN*, 1963, p. 143-152;

18. Un bracelet gallo-romain trouvé à Caudebec-lès-Elbeuf, *BSFN*, 19/05, Mai 1964, p. 356-357;

19. Deux monnaies inédites d'Aurélien et de Constance-Chlore César, *BSFN*, 19/07, Juillet 1964, p. 385;

20. In memoriam: Harold Mattingly, *RN*, 1964, p. 217-218;

21. Le trésor du Puy-de-Dôme, *RN*, 1964, p. 151-161;

22. La monnaie de Capoue et le problème de la datation du denier romain, *Congresso Internazionale de Numismatica, Roma 11-16 Settembre 1961, II. Atti*, Rome, 1965, p. 235-260;
23. Adulterina numismata : la trouvaille du Petit-Couronne et le problème du monnayage local en Gaule à la fin du IIIe siècle, EPHE IVe Section, *Annuaire*, 1965-1966, p. 461-468 ;

24. Le trésor d'Étaples, RN, 1965, p. 206-224 ;

25. La monnaie locale en Gaule à la fin du IIIe siècle, *BSNAF*, 1963 (1965), p. 128-135 ;

26. Le trésor de Landebaëron (Côtes-du-Nord), *Annales de Bretagne*, 72/1, 1965, p. 195-202 ;

27. Une monnaie de Sévère Alexandre découverte à Sougères-sur-Sinotte, SM, 15, 1965, Heft 60, p. 153-154 ;

28. Un bracelet gallo-romain trouvé à Caudebec-lès-Elbeuf, *Bulletin de la Commission des Antiquités de la Seine-Maritime*, 25, 1964-1965, p. 223-224 ;

29. Malicorne et Bonneuil-sur-Marne : deux trésors monétaires du temps de Victorin, RN, 1966, p. 144-180 ;

30. Le florin d'or au Baptiste et ses imitations en France au XIVe siècle, *Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes*, 125/1, 1967, p. 94-141 ;

31. Édouard Giard (1876-1966), *Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes*, 125/2, 1967, p. 536-537 ;

32. Le trésor de Port-Haliguen. Contribution à l'étude du monnayage d'Auguste, RN, 1967, p. 119-139 ;

33. Trésor de Thiais, *Mémoires de la Société nationale des Antiquaires de France*, 1968, p. 19-45 ;

34. Le pèlerinage gallo-romain de Condé-sur-Aisne et ses monnaies, RN, 1968, p. 76-130 ;

35. Le pèlerinage gallo-romain de Condé-sur-Aisne et ses monnaies, RN, 1969, p. 62-97 ;

36. La monnaie locale en Gaule à la fin du IIIe siècle, reflet de la vie économique, JS, 1969, p. 5-34 ;

37. Pouvoir central et libertés locales. Le monnayage en bronze de Claude avant 50 après J.-C., RN, 1970, p. 33-61 ;

38. Exobnos sans-peur, SM, 20, 1970, Heft 80, p. 101-103 ;

39. Le trésor de Landebaëran (Côtes-du-Nord), *Annales de Bretagne*, 77/1, 1970, p. 267-271 ;

40. L'art du portrait sur les monnaies romaines, *Les graveurs d'acier et la médaille de l'antiquité à nos jours, Hôtel de la Monnaie juin- octobre 1971*. Paris, 1971, p. 401-413

41. Les monnaies du premier consulat d'Octave, RN, 1971, p. 90-105 ;
42. Nîmes sous Auguste, *SM*, 21, 1971, Heft 83. p. 68-73;

43. Le monnayage antique de Nîmes, École antique de Nîmes, 6-7, 1971-72, p. 47-60;

44. Le trésor de Montereau, *RN*, 1972, p. 184-207;

45. L'empire romain d'Auguste à 284 après J.-C., *A Survey of Numismatic Research 1966-1971* I. *Ancient Numismatics*, New York, 1973, p. 303-336;

46. Le trésor d'aurei d'Ambenay, *RN*, 1974, p. 68-80;

47. Inventions et récréations numismatiques de la Renaissance, *JS*, 1974, p. 192-211;

48. Une intaille d'Auguste, *RN*, 1975, p. 70-72;

49. La pénurie de petite monnaie en Gaule au début du Haut-Empire, *JS*, Avril-Juin 1975, p. 81-112;

50. Le soulèvement de 68 et le réveil du monnayage local en Gaule, *Proceedings of the 8th International Congress of Numismatics New York-Washington, September 1973*, Paris-Bâle, 1976, p. 279-296;

51. Les émissions d'or et d'argent de Caligula dans l'atelier de Lyon, *RN*, 1976. p. 69-81;

52. Roman coins bear fascinating tales, *Coin World*, 17, 1976, livraison 863, p. 76;

53. La pénurie monétaire en Occident au début du Haut-Empire romain, *BSNAF*, 1975 (1977), p. 115-117;

54. Images de l'Antiquité romaine et de la Renaissance française, *BSNAF*, 1975 (1977), p. 189-191;

55. La Trouvaille de Montereau, *Bulletin du Groupement archéologique de Seine-et-Marne*, 18-19, 1977-1978, p. 62-102, pl. VIII-XIV;

56. Signis receptis. Armenia Capta. Images de reconquête à Rome, *Bulletin de la Bibliothèque Nationale*, 2/1, 1977, p. 25-29;

57. L'illusion du portrait, *Bulletin de la Bibliothèque Nationale*, 3/1, 1978, p. 29-35;

58. Images de l'antiquité romaine et de la Renaissance française, *Essays presented to Humphrey Sutherland. Scripta Nummaria Romana* (R. A. G. Carson, C. M. Kraay ed.), Londres, 1978, p. 173-176;

59. Chemical Compositions of Copper-Based Roman Coins. V. Imitations of Caligula, Claudius and Nero, *RN*, 1978, p. 69-88 (en collaboration avec G. F. Carter, M. H. Kimiatek, et F. J. Klupacs);

60. Le classement des monnaies romaines du Haut Empire, *BSNAF*, 1976 (1978), p. 207-209;

61. Critique de la science des monnaies antiques, *JS*, 1980, p. 225-245;
62. Andreas Alföldi (1895-1981), *JS*, 1981, p. 197-227 (en collaboration avec J. Heurgon et A. Chastagnol);

63. La numismatique : source de l'histoire de l'art et de l'histoire des idées, *QTNAC*, 10, 1981, p. 21-29;

64. La numismatique : source de l'histoire de l'art et de l'histoire des idées : rapport, *Congrès international des Sciences historiques (1980)*, Bucarest, 1981, p. 15-24;

65. Le trésor du Parvis Notre-Dame, *Cahiers de la Rotonde*, 4, 1981, p. 5-13 et Pl. I-III;

66. Les trésors de monnaies romaines à Paris et dans la « Civitas Parisiorum » : un pro-
blème d'attribution, *Cahiers de la Rotonde*, 5, 1982, p. 7-16;

67. La monnaie coloniale de Narbonne en 40 avant J.-C., *RN*, 1983, p. 63-72;

68. Le double du prince, *Revue de la Bibliothèque Nationale*, 10, 1983, p. 3-11;

69. La monnaie coloniale d'Orange : une attribution en question, *RN*, 1984, p. 77-84;

70. Les jeux de l'imitation : fraude ou nécessité ?, *QTNAC*, 14, 1985, p. 231-238;

71. Médailles incolores, *Revue de la Bibliothèque Nationale*, 17, 1985, p. 10-17;

72. L'évolution de la numismatique antique au XIXe siècle, *SNR*, 65, 1986, p. 167-174;

73. Le corpus monétaire, *Les nouvelles de l'archéologie*, 33, 1988, p. 20-21;

74. Valentin Jamerey-Duval : un numismate exemplaire du XVIIIe siècle, *QTNAC*, 18, 1989, p. 385-391;

75. Un camée du Roi René, *TM I, Supp*. II, Paris, 1989, p. 21-22, et pl. X;

76. L'image d'Alexandre le Grand à la Renaissance, *QTNAC*, 20, 1991, p. 309-315;

77. Postface à *Jourdain numismate, François Edouard Jourdain (1771-1859)*. *Mémoires biographiques autographes*, Dannemoine, 1991, 2 p. non numérotées;

78. Préliminaires à l'établissement d'un corpus des monnaies de Lixus, *Lixus. Actes du colloque de Larache (8-11 novembre 1989)*, Publications de l'École française de Rome, 166, Rome, 1992, p. 267-269 (avec la collaboration de Fatima-Zora El Harrif);

79. Médailles et Portraits, ou la Recherche de l'Individu à la Renaissance, *Essays in honour of Robert Carson and Kenneth Jenkins* (M. Price et al. ed.), Londres, 1993, p. 277-280;

80. Faux deniers de Caligula de la Renaissance, *RN*, 1994, p. 330-332;

81. Le portrait dans le monnayage romain, *Revue de la Bibliothèque nationale de France*, 3, 1994, p. 21-23;

82. L'édition numismatique au XVIIe siècle, *QTNAC*, 23, 1994, p. 385-396;

83. *The Currency of Fame. Portrait Medals of the Renaissance* (S. K. Scher ed.), New York, 1994: notices Nicolas Leclerc and Jean de Saint-Priest. Louis XII and Anne of Brittany,
p. 310-311; Jean Marende. Philibert II 'the Fair' and Margaret of Austria, p. 311-313; Jacques Gauvain, p. 313; Pierre II Woeiriot de Bouzey, p. 314; Guillaume Dupré. Charles Duret de Chevry, p. 335-336;

84. La monnaie de Carausius à Rouen : une remise en question, *RN*, 150, 1995, p. 264-266;

85. La génération numismatique de 1760, *Numismatische Literatur 1500-1864: die Entwicklung der Methoden einer Wissenschaft*. 32. *Wolfenbütteler Symposium* (1992) (P. Berghaus ed.), Wiesbaden, 1995, p. 171-176;

86. Le trésor d'antiquités à la fin du XVIIe siècle, *Wissenschaftsgeschichte der Numismatik: Beiträge zum 17. Deutschen Numismatikertag* (1995), Speyer, 1995, p. 158-162;

87. Collectionneurs et savants numismates à la Renaissance, *QTNAC*, 25, 1996), p. 313-316;

88. Scipion l'Africain, héros de la Renaissance, *QTNAC*, 29, 2000, p. 413-450;

89. La numismatique à la Renaissance : fondements érudits et imagination, *QTNAC*, 33 (2004), p. 415-425;

90. Numismates et antiquaires dans la première moitié du XVIIe siècle, *Europäische numismatische Literatur im 17. Jahrhundert* (C. E. Dekesel ed.), *Wolfenbütteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung* 42, 2003, Wolfenbüttel, 2005, p. 39-46.

COMPTES RENDUS :

1. R. A. G. Carson, *Coins. Ancient, mediaeval and modern*, Londres, 1962, *RN*, 1962, p. 317;

2. Rudi Thomsen, *Early Roman coinage. A study of the chronology*. Vol. II et III. *Synthesis*, Copenhague, 1961, *RN*, 1962, p. 321-322;

3. E. Demougeot, Les martyrs imputés à Chrocus et les invasions alamanniques en Gaule méridionale, *Annales du Midi*, 74, 1962, p. 5-28, *RN*, 1962, p. 322-323;

4. A. S. Robertson, *Roman imperial coins in the Hunter coin cabinet*. University of Glasgow. I. *Augustus to Nerva*, Londres, 1962, *RN*, 1963, p. 177;

5. R. A. G. Garson, *Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum*. Vol. VI, *Severus Alexander to Balbinus and Pupienus*, Londres, 1962, *RN*, 1963, p. 177-178;

6. C. Richebe, *Les monnaies féodales d'Artois du Xe au début du XIVe siècle*. Paris, Picard, 1963, *Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes*, 122, 1964, p. 311-312;

7. C. J. Nordmann, Monnaies et finances suédoises au XVIIe siècle, *Revue du Nord*, XLVI, 1964, p. 469-488, *RN*, 1964, p. 214-215;

8. F. Xavier Calicó, *Florines de Aragón*, Barcelone, 1966, *RN*, 1966, p. 346-347;
9. K. Christ, *Antike Numismatik. Einführung und Bibliographie*, RN, 1967, p. 277-278;

10. *Revue belge de numismatique et de sigillographie*. Tomes CXI et CXII (1965-1966) : *Tables des tomes XXXVII à CX*, Bruxelles, 1967, RN, 1967, p. 278;

11. M. Thirion, *Les trésors monétaires gaulois et romains trouvés en Belgique*, Bruxelles, 1967, RN, 1967, p. 285;

12. G. Pollard, *Renaissance medals from the Samuel H. Kress collection at the National Gallery of Art, based on the catalogue of Renaissance medals in the Gustave Dreyfus collection...*, Londres, 1967, RN, 1967, p. 298-299;

13. L. Villaronga Garriga, *Las monedas de Arse-Saguntum*, Barcelone, 1967, RN, 1968, p. 309;

14. P. Berghaus et J. Spiegel, Die Münzen der Grafen von Limburg, *Die Geschichte der Grafen und Herren von Limburg...*, II/4, Assen et Münster, 1968, p. 270-350, RN, 1968, p. 312;

15. H.-U. Geiger, *Der Beginn der Gold- und Dickmünzenprägung in Bern. Ein Beitrag zur Bernischen Münz- und Geldgeschichte des 15. Jahrhunderts*, Berne, 1968, RN, 1968, p. 312-313;

16. L. R. Laing, *Coins and archaeology*, Londres, 1969, RN, 1969, p. 306;

17. M. Crawford, *Roman Republican coin hoards*, Londres, 1969, RN, 1969, p. 307;

18. H. Chantraine, *Novaesium III: die antiken Fundmünzen der Ausgrabungen in Neuss*, Berlin, 1968, RN, 1969, p. 308;

19. G. Fuchs, *Architekturdarstellungen auf römischen Münzen der Republik und der frühen Kaiserzeit*, Berlin, 1969, RN, 1969, p. 309;

20. L. Breglia, *L'arte romana nelle monete dell'età imperiale*, Milan, 1968, RN, 1969, p. 309-310;

21. M. Thirion, *Le monnayage d'Élagabale* (218-222), Bruxelles, 1968, RN, 1969, p. 310;

22. J. Jacquiot, *Médailles et jetons de Louis XIV d'après le manuscrit de Londres ADD. 31 908*, Paris, 1968, RN, 1970, pp. 159-161;

23. E. Ashtor, *Les métaux précieux et la balance des payements du Proche-Orient à la basse époque*, Paris, S. E. V. P. E. N., 1971 (École pratique des hautes études, VIe section. Centre de recherches historiques. Monnaies, prix, conjoncture, 10.), *Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes*, 131, 1973/1, p. 323-325;

24. A. Blanchet, *Traité des monnaies gauloises*, réimpression, Bologne, 1971, RN, 1971, p. 165;

25. A. Alföldi, *Die monarchische Repräsentation im römischen Kaiserreiche*, réimpression, Darmstadt, 1970, RN, 1971, p. 166;
26. S. Scheers, *Les monnaies de la Gaule inspirées de celles de la République romaine*, Louvain, 1969, RN, 1971, pp. 165-166;

27. C. H. V. Sutherland, *The cistophori of Augustus*, Londres, 1970, RN, 1971, pp. 166-167;

28. P. V. Hill, *The dating and arrangement of the undated coins of Rome A. D. 98-148*, Londres, 1970, RN, 1971, p. 168;

29. A. S. Robertson, *Roman imperial coins in the Hunter coin Cabinet. University of Glasgow. II, Trajan to Commodus*, Oxford, 1971, RN, 1971, p. 169;

30. M. R. Alföldi, *Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Deutschland*. Abt. IV, Rheinland-Pfalz. Bd. 3/1, Stadt Trier (3001-3002), Berlin, 1970, RN, 1971, p. 169-170;

31. P. Bastien et F. Vasselle, *Les trésors monétaires de Fresnoy-lès-Roye (Somme)*, Amiens, 1971, RN, 1971, pp. 174-175;

32. G. Gorini, *Monete antiche a Padova*, Padoue, 1972, RN, 1972, p. 278;

33. M. Grant, *Roman imperial money*, réimpression, Amsterdam, 1972, RN, 1972, p. 279;

34. S. Weinstock, *Divus Julius*, Oxford, 1971, RN, 1972, p. 279;

35. A. U. Stylow, *Libertas und liberalitas. Untersuchungen zur innenpolitischen Propaganda der Römer*, Munich, 1972, RN, 1972, p. 280;

36. A. Krzyzanowska, *Monnaies coloniales d'Antioche de Pisidie*, Varsovie, 1970, RN, 1972, p. 280-281;

37. R. Weiller, *Monnaies antiques découvertes au Grand-Duché de Luxembourg*, Berlin, 1972, RN, 1972, p. 281;

38. Th. Pekary, *Die Fundmünzen von Vindonissa, von Hadrian bis zum Ausgang der Römerherrschaft*, Brugg, 1971, RN, 1972, p. 282;

39. J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu, *Traité de numismatique celtique*. I, *Méthodologie des ensembles*, Paris, 1973, RN, 1974, p. 178;

40. J. P. C. Kent, B. Overbeck, A. U. Stylow, *Die römische Münze*, Munich, 1973, et C. H. V. Sutherland, *Monnaies romaines* (trad. S. de Roquefeuil), Fribourg, 1974, RN, 1974, p. 181-182;

41. H. Zehnacker, *Moneta. Recherches sur l'organisation et l'art des émissions monétaires de la République romaine (289-31 av. J.-C)*, BEFAR 222, Paris, 1973 et M. H. Crawford, *Roman Republican Coinage*, Londres, 1974, RN, 1974, p. 182-183;

42. E. Cocchi Ercolani, *Città di Forlì. Catalogo della collezione numismatica di Carlo Piancastelli. Aes grave, moneta romana repubblicana*, Forlì, 1972, RN, 1974, p. 184;

43. B. et R. Gagnebin, *Les trouvailles de monnaies antiques dans la région de Genève*, Geneva XXII, 1974, p. 275-295, RN, 1974, p. 184;
44. F. Chaves Tristan, *Las monedas de Itálica*, Séville, 1973, RN, 1974, p. 184-185;

45. P.-H. Martin, *Die anonymen Münzen des Jahres 68 nach Christus*, Mayence, 1974, RN, 1975, p. 191-192;

46. M.-L. Vollenweider, *Die Porträtgemmen der römischen Republik*, Mayence, 1974, RN, 1975, p. 192;

47. A. Alföldi, *Caesar in 44 v. Chr. Band 2. Das Zeugnis der Münzen*, Bonn, 1974, RN, 1975, p. 192-193;

48. G. G. Belloni, *Le monete di Traiano, Catalogo del Civico Gabinetto numismatico. Museo archeologico di Milano*, Milan, 1973, RN, 1975, p. 193;

49. C.H.V. Sutherland et C.M. Kraay, *Catalogue of coins of the Roman Empire in the Ashmolean Museum. Part I, Augustus* (c. 31 B.C.-A.D. 14), Oxford, 1975, RN, 1975, p. 193-194;

50. D.H.E. Whitehead, *The McGill University Collection of Greek and Roman Coins. Vol. I, Roman Coins in the McGill University Collection*, Amsterdam, 1975, RN, 1975, p. 194;

51. M. R. Alföldi, *Die Fundmünzen der Römischen Zeit in Deutschland, I. Bayern, 6. Unterfranken; VI. Nordrhein-Westfalen, 4. Münster; VI/5, Arnsberg, VI/6, Detmold, Berlin, 1971-1975, RN, 1975, p. 194-195*;

52. B. Overbeck, *Geschichte des Alpenrheintals in römischer Zeit auf Grund der archäologischen Zeugnisse. Teil II, Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit im Alpenrheintal und Umgebung*, Munich, 1973, RN, 1975, p. 195;

53. R. Postel, *Katalog der antiken Münzen in der Hamburger Kunsthalle*, Hambourg, 1976, RN, 1976, p. 228;

54. C. H. V. Sutherland, *The Emperor and the Coinage. Julio-Claudian Studies*, Londres, 1976, RN, 1976, p. 229-230;

55. B. Lichocka, *Justitia sur les monnaies impériales romaines*, Varsovie, 1974, RN, 1976, p. 230;

56. A. Alföldi et E. Alföldi, *Die Kontorniat-Medaillons. Teil 1. Katalog, in neuer Bearbeitung von.... unter Mitwirkung von* C L. Clay, Berlin, 1976, RN, 1976, p. 230-231;

57. S. Schultz, *Die Münzprägung von Magnesia am Mäander in der römischen Kaiserzeit*, Berlin, 1975, RN, 1977, p. 206-207;

58. C. Rodewald, *Money in the Age of Tiberius*, Manchester, 1976, RN, 1977, p. 207;

59. A. S. Robertson, *Roman Imperial Coins in the Hunter Coin Cabinet. University of Glasgow. III, Pertinax to Aemilian*, Oxford, 1977, RN, 1977, p. 208;

60. P. Bastien et C. Metzger, *Le trésor de Beaurains (dit d'Arras)*, Wetteren, 1977, RN, 1977, p. 208-209;
61. R. Weiller, *Monnaies antiques découvertes au Grand-Duché de Luxembourg* (II), Berlin, 1977, RN, 1977, p. 209;

62. R. Göbl, *Antike Numismatik*, Munich, 1978, RN, 1978, p. 173;

63. H.-J. Kellner et M. Overbeck, *Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Deutschland, I. Bayern, 3-4. Oberpfalz, Oberfranken*, Berlin, 1978, RN, 1978, p. 184;

64. W. Trillmich, *Familienpropaganda der Kaiser Caligula und Claudius. Agrippina Maior und Antonia Augusta auf Münzen*, Berlin, 1978, RN, 1978, p. 185;

65. A. S. Robertson, *Roman Imperial Coins in the Hunter Coin Cabinet, University of Glasgow*. IV, *Valerian I to Allectus*, Oxford, 1978, RN, 1978, p. 185-186;

66. A. Alföldi, *Aion in Mérida und Aphrodisias*, Mayence, 1979, RN, 1979, p. 241-242;

67. M.-L. Vollenweider, *Musée d'Art et d'Histoire de Genève. Catalogue raisonné des sceaux, cylindres, intailles et camées*. Vol. II, *Les portraits, les masques de théâtre, les symboles politiques. Une contribution à l'histoire des civilisations hellénistique et romaine*, Mayence, 1979, RN, 1979, p. 271-272;

68. M. R. Alföldi, *Antike Numismatik*. Teil I, *Theorie und Praxis*. Teil II, *Bibliographie*, Mayence, 1978, RN, 1979, p. 232;

69. W. E. Metcalf, *The Cistophori of Hadrian* (Numismatic Studies 15), New York, 1980, RN, 1983, p. 248;

70. A. S. Robertson, *Roman Imperial Coins in the Hunter Coin Cabinet, University of Glasgow*. V. *Diocletian (Reform) to Zeno*, Oxford, 1982, RN, 1983, p. 248-249;

71. R. Weiller, *Monnaies antiques découvertes au Grand-Duché de Luxembourg* (III), Berlin, 1983, RN, 1983, p. 249;

72. P. Berghaus, *Der Archäologe. Graphische Bildnisse aus dem Porträtarchiv Diepenbrock. Ausstellung und Katalog*, Münster, 1983, RN, 1983, p. 250;

73. A. Alföldi, *Octavians Aufstieg zur Macht* (Antiquitas, Reihe 1. Abhandlungen zur Alten Geschichte, Band 25), 1983, REA, 85, 1983, n° 3-4, p. 309-310;

74. R. Guéry, C. Morrisson et H. Slim, *Recherches archéologiques franco-tunisiennes à Rougga*. III, *Le trésor de monnaies d'or byzantines* (Collection de l'EFR 60), 1982, RN, 1984, p. 292;

75. K. Stribryny, E. Nuber, *Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Deutschland, IV/5, Montabaur*; VI/1, 1. *Stadt Köln*, Berlin, 1984-1985, RN, 1985, p. 235;

76. F. Bassoli, *Monete e medaglie nel libro antico dal XV al XIX secolo*, Florence, 1985, RN, 1986, p. 213;

77. B. Emmons Levy et P. C. V. Bastien, *Roman Coins in the Princeton University Library*. I, *Republic to Commodus*, Wetteren, 1985, RN, 1986, p. 214;
78. M. H. Crawford, *Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic. Italy and the Mediterranean Economy*, Berkeley et Los Angeles, 1985, RN, 1988, p. 280-281;

79. P. et H. Zazoff, *Gemmensammler und Gemmenforscher. Von einer noblen Passion zur Wissenschaft* et P. Zazoff, *Die antiken Gemmen*, Munich, 1983, RN, 1988, p. 288-290;

80. H.-M. von Kaenel, *Münzprägung und Münzbildnis des Claudius* (AMUGS 9), Berlin, 1986, RN, 1990, p. 297-298;

81. H.-J. Schulzki, *Die Fundmünzen der römischen Strassenstation Flerzheim. Untersuchungen zum Münzgeldumlauf in der Germania Inferior*, Cologne, 1989, RN, 1992, p. 259;

82. M. Peter, *Eine Werkstätte zur Herstellung von subaeraten Denaren in Augusta Raurica*, Berlin, 1990, RN, 1992, p. 259-260;

83. J. Melville Jones, *A Dictionary of ancient Roman coins*, Londres, 1990, RN, 1992, p. 260;

84. O. von Vacano, *Münzsammlung Dr. Erich Roth der Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf. Band I, Septimius Severus bis Severus Alexander (193 bis 235 n. Chr.)*, Bochum, 1990, RN, 1992, p. 260;

85. F. Berger, *Untersuchungen zu römerzeitlichen Münzfunden in Nordwestdeutschland*, Berlin, 1992, RN, 1994, p. 344-345;

86. R. Bland éd., *The Chalfont hoard, and other Roman coin hoards*, Londres, 1992, RN, 1994, p. 345;

87. A. et E. Alföldi, *Die Kontorniat-Medaillons. Teil 2. Text*, Berlin, 1990, RN, 1994, pp. 345-346;

88. R. Etienne et J.-C. Mossière, dir., *Jacob Spon, un humaniste lyonnais du XVIIe siècle*, Lyon, 1993, RN, 1994, p. 346;

89. F. Schmidt-Dick, *Die römischen Münzen des medagliere im Castelvecchio zu Verona, Vienne, 1995*, RN, 1997, p. 499;

90. J. Gorecki, *Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Deutschland*, Abt. V, Hessen, Berlin, 1994, RN, 1997, p. 499.

INTERVIEW:

H. Dumas et M. Paintault, *Les Monnaies et l’Histoire* (documentaire), 1973. Disponible sur http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k1320180t
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