but especially phonological characteristics (Dabouis & P. Fournier 2022) which differ from loanwords coming from other languages.

The corpus has been compiled from the *Routledge* database and some loanwords have not been integrated into the final dataset. Monosyllabic loanwords have been excluded and loanwords with two languages of origin are not kept either as it is difficult to determine which of the two source languages may have influenced the pronunciation in English. Entries which are doublets with spelling variations are not kept as it is clear that these minor differences do not affect the pronunciation in English (example: *Tadzhik* is not kept because *Tadjik* is already attested<fnref n="63" />), as well as masculine / feminine or singular / plural doublets (example: *sgraffito* is not kept because *sgraffiti* is already attested). Finally, certain entries may have different syllable counts in English and in source languages. The realization of vocalic sequences such as <i+V> is generally disyllabic in English but monosyllabic in source languages and especially in Italian with the synaeresis principle. Therefore, variability in the syllable count makes it impossible to compare the stress patterns in English and in source languages. That is why such entries as *siciliana* have been left out.

The final dataset is composed of 768 loanwords which come from 19 source languages. Table 1 compiles the different source languages mentioned in the *Routledge* dictionary as well as the number of items for each language.

<table><caption>Table 1: Source languages mentioned in the *Routledge* dictionary along with the number of loanwords in the final dataset.</caption><thead><tr><td>Language</td><td>Items</td><td>Language</td><td>Items</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Italian</td><td>214</td><td>Hungarian</td><td>12</td></tr><tr><td>Russian</td><td>166</td><td>Norwegian</td><td>10</td></tr><tr><td>Spanish</td><td>116</td><td>Polish</td><td>10</td></tr><tr><td>Welsh</td><td>73</td><td>Czech</td><td>9</td></tr><tr><td>German</td><td>44</td><td>Afrikaans</td><td>7</td></tr><tr><td>Danish</td><td>28</td><td>Portuguese</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>Swedish</td><td>21</td><td>Turkish</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>Dutch</td><td>18</td><td>Flemish</td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>Irish</td><td>13</td><td>Albanian</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Greek</td><td>12</td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

The results show that there are major discrepancies between donor languages concerning the number of borrowings transmitted to English. Thus, Italian, Russian and Spanish loanwords

<footnote n="63">⁶³ When doublets are attested, the first of the two entries has been kept.</footnote>
respectively represent 27.9%, 21.6% and 15.1% of the dataset (i.e. 64.6%). This massive
proportion of loanwords of Italian, Russian and Spanish origin means that some donor
languages have only transmitted a few items (examples: Albanian, Flemish or Turkish).
Determining the influence of source languages on the basis of such scant evidence is far from
easy. That is why the analysis and the conclusions are to be dealt with carefully. Surprisingly,
languages such as Arabic or Japanese which are good purveyors of loanwords in English are
not present in the data. It does not mean that the *Routledge* editors deny the existence of English
words coming from Arabic or Japanese, but simply that the foreign phonetic transcriptions are
not mentioned for such words as *halal* or *karate*. The list of loanwords from each source
language is available in the appendix along with the disyllabic and trisyllabic (and more)
distinction.

The next section deals with the stressing of loanwords of the dataset in British English.

3. The stressing of loanwords in British English.

This section investigates the location of primary stress in loanwords in British English.
According to the literature, loanwords coming from languages other than French are mainly
stressed on the penultimate syllable (i.e. /(-)10/<fnref n="64" />). The distribution of the stress patterns found
in British English is dealt with in 3.1 and it is necessary to distinguish the stress features attested
in disyllabic loanwords from those attested in loanwords of three syllables or more.

3.1 The stressing of loanwords in British English.

<footnote n="64">⁶⁴ /1/ stands for the syllable which carries primary stress and /0/ for an unstressed syllable. The (-) symbol stands for an undetermined number of syllables and the brackets signify that this is an optional feature. Therefore, this numerical representation brings together disyllabic loanwords and loanwords of three syllables or more as well.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_29.png" /><figcaption>Figure 3: The stressing of loanwords in British English.</figcaption></figure>

The results from Figure 3 show that disyllabic loanwords are generally stressed in /10/ in British English (84.4%) and that only 11.7% of them are stressed in /01/. The proportion of /01/-/01/ variation is very low with only 3.9%. This is not surprising if we consider that final stress patterns in loanwords are mainly found in words of French origin which are excluded from the dataset. Some examples of final stress patterns (5a) and stress variation<fnref n="65" /> (5b) are listed below:

(5) (a) *Vermeer, Gábor, Sinn Fein, Cavour, Abkhaz, artel, Baikal, kolkhoz, pirog, Bilbao, La Paz, Ortiz;*
(b) *Loren, signor, Kazakh, Penrhyn, Baku, Kyrgyz, Sergei = /10/ or /01/.*

Concerning loanwords of three syllables (or more), penultimate stress is also dominant (63.4%) but the proportion of antepenultimate stress is significant (24.9%). Other stress patterns are less represented with only 6.2% of loanwords stressed in /-1/, 1.6% in /(-)1000/. Stress variation is not frequent because only 3.9% of loanwords are subject to it. Therefore, even if the penultimate stress pattern is dominant, almost 1 loanword out of 4 of three syllables (and more) is stressed on the antepenultimate syllable in English, and this feature cannot be ignored.
The examples in (6) illustrate the final (6a) and the antepenultimate (6b) stress patterns found

<footnote n="65">⁶⁵ In the *Routledge* introduction (2017: x), it is said that: “The ordering of variant pronunciations does not imply that one form is more desirable or ‘correct’ than another”. Therefore, in this study, the ordering of stress variants is not mentioned as it is not meaningful.</footnote>
in English loanwords:

(6) (a) *Kap Farvel, Budapest, Fianna Fáil, pietà, podesta, Astrakhan, Azerbaijan, Chelyabinsk, Tadjikistan, Turkestan, Aguilar, Tenerife, Nant-y-glo, Penybont*;

(b) *Krugerrand, Pietermaritzburg, Jespersen, Kattegat, Hannover, Königsberg, papabile, pianissimo, Amundsen, Aeroflot, Taganrog, tsarevich, Zapotec, Ericsson.*

However, it appears that words from specific source languages have stress characteristics that differ radically from those of loanwords from other source languages and this is particularly attested in words of three syllables (and more). For example, loanwords from Swedish in (7a) are stressed differently from those of Greek origin in (7b):

(7) (a) *'Ericsson, Helsingfors, Lagerlöf, Norrköping, Swedenborg, 'Valdemar, Wallenberg, 'Uppsala<fnref n="66" />*;

(b) *bou 'zouki, Kó 'rinthos, sou 'vlaki, ta 'verna, tzat 'ziki.*

Loanwords from Swedish are stressed on the antepenultimate while loanwords from Greek are stressed on the penultimate. It means that source languages might have an influence on the stressing of loanwords in English and that the overall results from Figure 3 need to be refined as it seems essential to isolate the different languages of origin. Therefore, the penultimate stress pattern is usually attested in loanwords in English and it seems to confirm the hypothesis according to which this is the preferential stress pattern in loanwords, but words from specific source languages adopt distinct stress features. It is therefore necessary to distinguish between source languages.

## 3.2 The stressing of loanwords from major source languages.

In order to determine whether loanwords from some source languages are associated to specific stress patterns which can even be distinct from penultimate stress, it is not necessary to study source languages with few items only as results on such restricted sub-corpora would not be significant. Only source languages with at least 20 items are analysed here, which correspond to seven source languages in the dataset (see Table 1): Italian, Russian, Spanish, Welsh, German, Danish and Swedish. First, the distribution of stress patterns in disyllabic loanwords will be considered in 3.2.1.

<footnote n="66">⁶⁶ This item can also be stressed on the penultimate syllable.</footnote>
### 3.2.1 The stressing of disyllabic loanwords.

<figure><img src="image_30.png" /><figcaption>Figure 4: Distribution of stress patterns in disyllabic loanwords from major source languages.</figcaption></figure>

The results from Figure 4 show that disyllabic loanwords coming from Italian, Welsh, German, Danish and Swedish are massively stressed in /10/. This is also the dominant stress pattern in loanwords coming from Russian and Spanish, but the proportion of final stress patterns is nonetheless significant with respectively 22.4% and 30.5%. Examples in (8) illustrate the regular behaviour of disyllabic loanwords coming from Italian (8a), Welsh (8b), German (8c), Danish (8d) and Swedish (8e), which are massively if not all of them stressed in /10/:

(8) (a) *pasta*, *pesto*, *poco*, *scena*, *sempre*;

(b) *Arfon*, *Dyfed*, *Elan*, *Ifor*, *Mynwy*;

(c) *Augsburg*, *Holstein*, *Leipzig*, *Ostwald*, *Steichen*;

(d) *Aarhus*, *Bering*, *Erlang*, *Nielsen*, *Verner*;

(e) *Bergman*, *gyttja*, *krona*, *Nilsson*, *Rehnquist*.

Examples of disyllabic loanwords coming from Russian (9a) and Spanish (9b) and which are stressed on the final syllable whose rate is quite significant in Figure 4 are listed below:

(9) (a) *Abkhaz*, *Baikal*, *kolkhoz*, *pirog*, *Tashkent*;

(b) *Bilbao*, *Falange*, *Jerez*, *La Paz*, *Ortiz*.
These results show that the overall results from Figure 3 have to be dealt with carefully because final stress patterns are not attested in all disyllabic loanwords in English but rather restricted to words coming from specific source languages. This stress pattern is attested in disyllabic loanwords coming from Russian and Spanish but is rare in loanwords from other languages. The distribution of stress patterns in loanwords of three syllables (or more) will now be considered in 3.2.2.

### 3.2.2 The stressing of loanwords of three syllables (or more).

<figure><img src="image_31.png" /><figcaption>Figure 5: Distribution of stress patterns in trisyllabic (or more) loanwords from major source languages.</figcaption></figure>

The results from Figure 5 show that loanwords of three syllables (or more) coming from Italian and Welsh are generally stressed on the penultimate syllable (90.3% in loanwords from Italian and 79.5% in loanwords from Welsh). This stress pattern is illustrated in (10a) with loanwords from Italian and in (10b) with loanwords from Welsh:

(10) (a) Fellini, lasagne, Lugano, maestoso, panettone; (b) Abersychan, Aneurin, eisteddfod, Llewelyn, Pontardulais.

The penultimate stress pattern is less dominant in loanwords coming from Spanish with 73.1% of words which are stressed on the penultimate. Consequently, the proportion of antepenultimate stress is significant (19.4%). The results concerning final stress show that this
pattern is rare in loanwords of three syllables or more. There is a small proportion of loanwords
from Russian (13.1%) and Welsh (15.4%) which are stressed on the final syllable, which is
illustrated with loanwords from Russian (11a) and Welsh (11b):

(11) (a) *Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Novosibirsk, Tadjikistan, Turkmenistan*;
(b) *Aberfan, Penybont, Pontypridd, Talybont, Tal-y-llyn.*

The most striking feature from Figure 5 is the distribution of antepenultimate stress in loanwords. Indeed, it appears that loanwords coming from German, Danish and Swedish are massively stressed on the antepenultimate syllable. Examples in (12) illustrate this phenomenon with words from German in (12a), Danish in (12b) and Swedish in (12c):

(12) (a) *Autobahn, Fassbinder, Hannover, Rosenwald, Saarbrücken*;
(b) *Andersen, Jespersen, Kattegat, Odense, Rasmussen*;
(c) *Ericsson, Lagerlöf, Swedenborg, Valdemar, Wallenberg.*

The distribution of stress patterns in loanwords from Russian is difficult to interpret as there is
no real preferential pattern. Nonetheless, considering the huge proportion of loanwords coming
from Russian in the dataset, the proportion of antepenultimate stress is fairly significant (36.3%)
as it corresponds to 36 items. The loanwords coming from Russian in (13) are all stressed in
/(-)100/:

(13) *Aeroflot, Bolchevik, Gorbachev, Kaliningrad, Stalingrad.*

Therefore, even if penultimate stress is dominant among loanwords in English, a closer
look at the data concerning the major source languages attested in the dictionary shows that the
distribution of penultimate stress is not uniform. Loanwords coming from Italian and Welsh
(this applies to loanwords from Spanish as well) are usually stressed on the penultimate syllable
and the proportion of items from these languages is so important in the dataset that the tendency
for loanwords from all languages to be stressed on the penultimate syllable has been in a way
'overestimated' in the overall results. It appears that words from German, Danish, Swedish (and
also from Russian to a lesser extent) are more likely to be stressed on the antepenultimate
syllable. Besides, a massive proportion of antepenultimate stress is also found in loanwords
coming from less attested source languages. Antepenultimate stress is the dominant pattern in
loanwords coming from Afrikaans (14a), Dutch (14b) or Turkish (14c):

(14) (a) 'Krugerrand, Pieter 'maritzburg, Ve 'reeniging, Wit 'watersrand;
(b) Con 'certgebouw, 'Gelderland, 'Groningen, 'Limburger, 'Nijmegen, 'Suriname;
(c) 'Atatürk, 'baklava.
There is thus a clear disparity in the distribution of stress patterns in English loanwords and that this disparity relies on the origin of loanwords. Words coming from Italian are not stressed the same way that those coming from Welsh or German. Antepenultimate stress is not that marginal and is actually the preferential pattern attested in words coming from specific source languages. Therefore, if the language of origin is a significant parameter in the stressing of loanwords in English, it is essential to compare the location of stressed syllables in source languages and in loanwords in English because the distribution of stress patterns attested in English may result from the reproduction of the stress patterns from source languages. Examples in (15) definitely show that there are correspondences between the location of stressed syllables in English loanwords and the location of stressed syllables in source languages. Final stress matches are attested (15a), as well as penultimate stress matches (15b) or antepenultimate ones (15c) suggesting that this phenomenon is not only restricted to penultimate stress:

(15) (a) *van Gogh* /vanˈgɒf/ from Dutch /vanˈxɔx/;
*Sinn Feinn* /ˌsɪnˈfeɪn/ from Irish /ˌsɪnˈfjeːn/;
*Bakhtin* /bakˈtiːn/ from Russian /baxˈtɪn/;
*Kap Farvel* /ˌkapfɑːˈvɛl/ from Danish /ˌkɑbfaːˈvɛl/;
*Nant-y-glo* /ˌnantəˈgləʊ/ from Welsh /ˌnantʌˈglɒ/;

(b) *Botha* /ˈbəʊtə(r)/ from Afrikaans /ˈbʊəta/;
*Hašek* /ˈhɑšk/ from Czech /ˈhʌšk/;
*bodega* /bə(ʊ)'diːgə(r)/ from Spanish /boˈdeɣa/;
*Stavanger* /stəˈvaŋə(r)/ from Norwegian /stavˈaŋer/;
*zucchini* /zuːkiːni/ from Italian /tsukˈkini/;

(c) *Löwenbräu* /ˈləʊənbraʊ/ from German /ˈlɔeːvṇbrɔy/;
*Ericsson* /ˈɛrɪksn/ from Swedish /ˈeːrɪksɒn/;
*Málaga* /ˈmaləgə(r)/ from Spanish /ˈmalaya/;
*Rachmaninov* /rakˈmɑːnɪnɒf/ from Russian /raxˈmɑːninəf/;
*piccolo* /ˈpɪkələʊ/ from Italian /ˈpikkolo/.

The influential role of the preservation of the stress patterns observed in source languages on the stressing of loanwords in English might explain why loanwords coming from same source languages share the same stress properties. The next section investigates this assumption with a stress match analysis.
## 4. Stress match analysis between source languages and English.

Before giving the results of the stress match investigation, the terminology used in the figures below primarily needs to be described. The stress match is 'total' when the correspondence between the location of the stressed syllable in the source language and in English is identical. The 'total match' category brings together stress correspondences attested on last syllables (16a), penultimate syllables (16b), antepenultimate syllables (16c) or even pre-antepenultimate ones (16d):

(16) (a) *Nuevo León* /nweivəuli:'ɒn/ from Spanish /nweβole'ɒn/;
(b) *Mato Grosso* /matəʊ'grɒsəʊ/ from Portuguese /matu'grosu/;
(c) *Swedenborg* /'swi:dnbɔ:g/ from Swedish /'sve:dɒnbɒrj/;
(d) *Peenemünde* /'pi:nə,mʊndə(r)/ from German /'pe:nəmvndə/.

There is 'no match' when the location of the stressed syllable in the source language and in English is different as in (17):

(17) *Bratislava* /brat'sla:və(r)/ from Czech /'brʌtjslʌvʌ/;
*Osnabrück* /'ɒznəbrɒk/ from German /əsnə'brɪk/;
*matador* /'matədɔ:(r)/ from Spanish /mata'ðor/.

Finally, the match is 'partial' when there are stress variants but with at least one stress pattern shared by source languages and English like in (18):

(18) *Kasparov* /'kaspərɒv/ or /ka'spɑ:rɒv/ from Russian /ka'sparəf/.

When there are two primary stresses in the transcriptions of source languages as sometimes appears in Italian compounds (example: *sotto voce* /sɒtəʊ'vəʊtʃi/ from Italian /'sotto'vɒtʃe/), only the rightmost Italian stress has been taken into account and compared with the primary stress in English. Therefore, in *sotto voce*, the stress match is total. The global results of the stress match investigation are presented in 4.1.

### 4.1 Overall results of the stress match investigation.

The stress match investigation is carried out on 278 disyllabic loanwords and 477 trisyllabic (or more) loanwords. The overall results are presented in Figure 6.
<figure><img src="image_32.png" /><figcaption>Figure 6: Stress match rates between source languages and English loanwords.</figcaption></figure>

The results show that 83.5% (232 out of 278) of disyllabic loanwords in English are stressed the same way as the items in source languages. Only 12.6% (35 out 278) of them have distinct stress patterns from those of source languages. This tendency is confirmed by the results found in loanwords of three syllables (or more). Indeed, the location of primary stress is identical in the source language and in English in 369 out of 477 loanwords (77.4%). Almost 4 loanwords out of 5 reproduce the original stress pattern during the borrowing process. Therefore, one cannot deny that there is a direct phonological influence of items from source languages on to the primary stress location in corresponding English loanwords. However, the previous section has shown that the global results needed to be refined because of the distinct stress characteristics found in source languages. One may wonder if the preservation of the original stress pattern is effective whatever the source language may be. In order to prove this, these preliminary results are refined by separating the stress match rate results calculated for each source language, dealing first with disyllabic items in 4.2.1 and with trisyllabic (and more) words in 4.2.2.

## 4.2 Stress match rate results for each source language.

### 4.2.1 Disyllabic words.
<figure><img src="image_33.png" /><figcaption>Figure 7: Stress match rate results in disyllabic items for each source language.</figcaption></figure>

Concerning disyllabic words, the results from Figure 7 show that the match between the stress patterns of source languages and the stress patterns attested in English is perfect or close-to-perfect for words coming from Afrikaans, Czech, Danish, Dutch, Flemish, German, Greek, Hungarian, Irish, Italian, Norwegian, Polish, Portuguese, Spanish and Welsh. The results concerning words coming from Albanian, Russian, Swedish and Turkish are less convincing as it appears that there is no systematic correspondence between the location of the stressed syllable in the source language and in English. However, there are only few items coming from Albanian (*Tomor* = /10/ in English and /01/ in Albanian) and Turkish (*Iznik* = /10/ in English and /01/ in Turkish), so these preliminary findings have to be dealt with carefully. The results concerning loanwords coming from Swedish show that the English loanwords can sometimes (19a), but not always (19b) be stressed in the same way as in Swedish:

(19) (a) gyttja, krona, Malmö, Nilsson, Öland, öre, Vättern = /10/ in Swedish and in English;

(b) Alfvén, Bergman, Bofors, Rehnquist, Strindberg = /01/ in Swedish and /10/ in English.

The most interesting results are found in words from Russian because there are 41 items with total stress matches (examples in 20a) but also 19 items with no matches (examples in 20b):

(20) (a) Baikal, Bakhtin, kolkhoz, Kurgan, pirog = /01/ in English and Russian; dacha, droshky, Duma, Gamow, glasnost = /10/ in English and Russian;
(b) *pogrom*, *shashlik*, *Soyuz*, *taiga*, *Tiflis*, *Tuva* = /10/ in English and /01/ in Russian; *Vitebsk* = /01/ in English and /10/ in Russian.

The results found in words of three syllables (or more) will be described in 4.2.2.

4.2.2 Words of three syllables (or more).

<figure><img src="image_34.png" /><figcaption>Figure 8: Stress match rate results in trisyllabic (or more) items for each source language.</figcaption></figure>

The stress match rate is high and therefore significant between English and words coming
from Afrikaans (21a), Danish (21b), Dutch (21c), Flemish (21d), Irish (21e), Italian (21f),
Polish (21g), Swedish (21h) and Welsh (21i).

(21) (a) 'Krugerrand, Wit'watersrand, Ve'reeniging;

(b) ,Kap Far'vel, 'Andersen, 'Jespersen, 'Kattegat, 'Odense;

(c) ,van de 'Velde, 'Groningen, 'Rijksmuseum;

(d) 'Passchendaele;

(e) ,Fine 'Gael, Cú'chulainn, ,Dáil 'Eireann, Dun 'Laoghaire, 'feiseanna;

(f) im'pasto, Lo'renzo, pa'pabile;

(g) ,Kato'wice, ,Pade'rewski, ,Pende'recki, ,Zako'pane;

(h) 'Ericsson, 'Lagerlöf, 'Swedenborg, 'Valdemar;

(i) ,Taly'bont, ,Tal-y-'llyn, ,Aber'aeron, ,Aber'sychan.

There are only 12 loanwords coming from those source languages whose stress patterns
radically differ from the original ones (variation is not taken into account). The 12 cases are
listed in (22):

(22) ,Pieter'maritzburg (English) vs ,Pieterma'ritzburg (Afrikaans);
,Erte'bōlle (English) vs 'Erte,bōlle (Danish);
'Helsingōr (English) vs ,Helsin'gōr (Danish);
'Suriname (English) vs ,Suri'name (Dutch);
'auto, strada (English) vs auto'strada (Italian);
'auto, strade (English) vs auto'strade (Italian);
,mode'rato (English) vs modera'to (Italian);
,Quasi'modo (English) vs Qua'simodo (Italian);
'Romeo (English) vs Ro'meo (Italian);
'Helsingfors (English) vs ,Helsing'fors (Swedish);
'Norrköping (English) vs Norr'köping (Swedish);
,eistedd'fodau (English) vs ei'steddfodau (Welsh).

Loanwords coming from Spanish tend to retain their original stress patterns (there are 73 stress matches out of 91 loanwords, i.e. 80%). The results are more difficult to interpret in loanwords coming from German, Greek, Norwegian and Portuguese, as there are just a few more cases for which stress matches are attested but the results are not clear-cut. Finally, there are very few stress matches concerning words coming from Czech, Hungarian, Russian and Turkish.

The results from Figures 7 and 8 make it possible to rank source languages from those for which the reproduction of the location of stressed syllables is clearly attested in English to those for which the original stress patterns is scarcely preserved in English, which means there is no correlation between the stressing of loanwords in English and the conservation of the original stress pattern. Moreover, there are source languages which are difficult to categorize because the results are not conclusive.
<figure><img src="image_35.png" /><figcaption>Figure 9: Classification of source languages according to the stress preservation principle with English loanwords.</figcaption></figure>

It is impossible to determine from the results presented in Figures 7 and 8 if the stress match is effective whatever the stress patterns of source languages may be, because there are no details as to whether the distinct stress patterns attested in source languages are reproduced. One might object that the massive proportion of penultimate stress found in English loanwords is not the consequence of the preservation of the stress pattern of source languages but rather the application of the default stress pattern found in loanwords in English, i.e. the penultimate one. The hypothesis according to which there could be direct links between the stressing of loanwords in English and the stress patterns of source languages can only be retained if there are reproductions of final or antepenultimate stress patterns as well. In Section 4.3, the results from the preliminary stress match investigation are refined in order to observe the stress match rates among the different stress patterns attested in source languages.

## 4.3 Stress match investigation along with stress patterns from major source languages.

This detailed stress match investigation only focuses on source languages with at least 7 disyllabic items and stress variation is not included in order to obtain representative results. The corpus is thus composed of 232 disyllables and the results of the stress match analysis along with the distinct stress patterns found in source languages are presented in Figure 10.
<figure><img src="image_36.png" /><figcaption>Figure 10: Stress match results in disyllabic items along with the stress patterns attested in source languages.</figcaption></figure>

The stress patterns attested in corresponding source languages are indicated on the horizontal bar and positive matches mean that the original stress patterns are reproduced in English as well. If there are no matches, it means that English stress patterns differ from the ones found in source languages and which are mentioned on the horizontal bar.

In disyllabic words, the results show that there is usually a match concerning penultimate stress, which seems to confirm that the original penultimate stress pattern is almost systematically reproduced in English. There are only 4 items presented in (23) which contradict this phenomenon:

(23) *Schie'dam* from Dutch ['sxi:dam];
*Gá'bor* from Hungarian ['gá:bór];
*Mur'mansk* from Russian ['murmənsk];
*Vi'tebsk* from Russian ['vvitipsk].

The stress match rate on the penultimate syllable in disyllabic words is therefore very high (98%, i.e. 181/185 cases), but on the contrary the match rate concerning final stress is very low (40%, i.e. 19/47 cases). Final stress patterns attested in disyllabic items in source languages tend not to be reproduced in loanwords in English, which are massively stressed in /10/. There is a preferential /10/ stress pattern in English disyllabic loanwords and it seems to be inherited from the stress patterns of source languages which are massively stressed in /10/. Indeed, there
is a perfect or close-to-perfect /10/ stress match in disyllables coming from Danish, Dutch, German, Hungarian, Italian, Norwegian, Russian, Spanish, Swedish and Welsh.

As far as words of three syllables or more are concerned, only source languages with at least 7 items in English are conserved and stress variation as well as pre-antepenultimate stress patterns are excluded. The results are presented in Figure 11.

<figure><img src="image_37.png" /><figcaption>Figure 11: Stress match results in items of three syllables or more along with the stress patterns attested in source languages.</figcaption></figure>

The results concerning the reproduction of final stress patterns from source languages in English show that the stress match rate is actually very low, which echoes the conclusions drawn from the results concerning disyllabic items. There is a perfect match for words coming from Danish, Irish and Welsh and this is also the tendency attested in words coming from Italian, but the number of items is very low. There is a very small proportion of Russian and Spanish words whose final stress patterns are reproduced in English loanwords. The proportion of loanwords which is stressed differently from the original final stress patterns is actually more important. The final stress preservation is only effective in 37% of cases (25 matches out of 68).

Once again, the penultimate stress patterns attested in source languages are generally reproduced in English loanwords. The match rate is perfect or close-to-perfect in words coming from Irish, Italian, Russian, Spanish and Welsh. Surprisingly, this tendency is not attested in the few words coming from Danish, German and Swedish which are all stressed on the
antepenultimate in English (examples: *Hannover*, *Helsingør*, *Kristallnacht*, *Norköpping*, *Saarbrücken*). The proportion of penultimate stress preservation is substantial (94%, i.e. 256 matches out of 273). Therefore, the penultimate stress patterns attested in English loanwords are generally inherited from source languages.

As far as antepenultimate stress patterns attested in English loanwords is concerned, it appears that they are also massively inherited from source languages because there is a 91% match (i.e. 48 matches out of 53). This striking result was not anticipated and definitely proves that source languages have an impact on the stressing of loanwords in English. The stress match is perfect or so in words coming from Danish, German, Irish, Italian, Spanish and Swedish. Once again, the stress preservation principle is not effective concerning words of Russian origin and the only Welsh item with an antepenultimate stress is stressed on the penultimate syllable in English (*eisteddfodau*).

## 5. Discussion and conclusions.

The results of this study clearly demonstrate that loanwords are massively stressed on the penultimate syllable in English. This stress pattern is attested in disyllabic loanwords but also in loanwords of three syllables or more. This confirms that the penultimate stress pattern is the preferential one found in loanwords in English and echoes the assumption found in Dabouis & P. Fournier (2022) concerning the existence of a preferential penultimate stress which is massively shared by loanwords within the §Foreign subsystem.

However, the study reveals distinct stress features among loanwords in English, which are directly linked to source languages. Final stress is marginal in English loanwords and mainly attested in disyllabic and trisyllabic (and more) loanwords coming from Russian and Spanish. This echoes the argument according to which final stress is mainly found in words of French origin. By contrast, the proportion of antepenultimate stress in English loanwords is fairly significant (around 20%) and this stress pattern is extensively found in loanwords coming from German, Swedish, Danish and Russian. Therefore, the origins of loanwords might be an indicator of the way such words should be stressed in English. Indeed, if antepenultimate stress is mainly found in specific source languages, this is also the case for penultimate stress. Loanwords coming from Italian, Welsh and Spanish are massively stressed on the penultimate. The distribution of stress patterns in English loanwords seems to be directly linked to the stress characteristics of source languages.

The results of the comparison between the location of stressed syllables in source languages
and in English loanwords are striking. The preservation of the prosodic characteristics of source languages is definitely a determining parameter accounting for the stressing of loanwords in English. However, the results need to be refined because there are huge disparities among source languages. There is a perfect or close-to-perfect stress match concerning words coming from Afrikaans, Danish, Dutch, Flemish, German, Irish, Italian, Polish, Spanish and Welsh. On the contrary, the assumption that the location of the stressed syllable in English loanwords is derived from the original stress patterns does not apply to words coming from Czech, Hungarian, Turkish, Albanian and Russian. The stress match rate is so low that the preservation principle cannot account for the stressing of such loanwords. The results are not convincing either concerning loanwords coming from Greek, Norwegian, Portuguese and Swedish.

Considering that the reproduction principle is particularly attested in words coming from source languages which are great purveyors of words of foreign origin in English, like Italian or Spanish, this explains why the overall results of the stress match rate are so high. One cannot deny with such an extensive stress match rate that source languages are not influential on the stressing of loanwords in English. The proportion of stress match would even be higher if words of Russian origin were excluded from the dataset. Indeed, many loanwords of Russian origin in English are stressed differently from the original stress patterns found in Russian. As many loanwords of Russian origin are present in the dataset, this greatly influences the overall results by overrepresenting the “no match” category, when this is obviously mostly restricted to words of Russian origin.

The results show that final stress patterns found in source languages are generally not preserved in English in favour of penultimate stress patterns which are generally attested in disyllabic and trisyllabic (or more) loanwords. Unsurprisingly, penultimate stress from source languages is massively reproduced in English, but this feature was highly anticipated as penultimate stress is the preferential one in English loanwords. On the contrary, such a massive correspondence concerning antepenultimate stress was not expected. If the massive reproduction of stress patterns inherited from source languages was only attested for penultimate stress, one might object that this could actually be the result of the application of the preferential stress pattern on the penultimate and absolutely not linked to reproduction of the stress properties of source languages. But these findings concerning the high proportion of antepenultimate stress directly inherited from source languages are valuable as we can now legitimately conclude that source languages have a determining impact on the stressing of loanwords in English.

The results might also explain why penultimate stress is the preferential one in loanwords
in English and why English speakers, when facing words of foreign origin tend to stress the
penultimate as the experiment conducted on Italian words has shown (P. Fournier 2018). This
preferential pattern might have been derived from the massive proportion of words of foreign
origin stressed on the penultimate which integrated the English lexicon through time. This
penultimate stress has been massively preserved in English loanwords because, as this study
shows, there is a strong tendency to reproduce the original stress patterns in English, and in
turn, penultimate stress has been used to stress words of foreign origin in English. It is now
used as a phonological marker to signal the foreign origin of items. It might also explain why
words of Russian origin are massively stressed on the penultimate in English and do not
reproduce the original stress patterns attested in Russian.

The impact of source languages on the stressing of loanwords in English is undeniable but
when this preservation principle is not respected, the preferential penultimate stress is used by
default in English loanwords. There is actually an ongoing conflict in English between the
preservation of the stress patterns inherited from source languages and the application of the
preferential penultimate stress. The application of this preferential stress sometimes generates
stress differences between source languages and English.

However, it is hard to explain why there is a perfect or close-to-perfect reproduction of the
original stress patterns from some source languages but not from others. In the introduction, it
is suggested that loanwords are introduced in English by bilingual speakers who can use either
the mechanisms ruling the source language or the target language to pronounce them. This
position definitely echoes the two scenarios highlighted in this analysis: the preservation of the
stress pattern from source languages or the application of the preferential penultimate stress
characteristic of the English system. The usual preservation of original stress patterns attested
in this study confirms that loanwords infiltrate English through bilingual speakers who can
therefore reproduce the stress patterns of source languages. This is highly probable considering
the principle of stress deafness which is shared by non-bilingual speakers. Therefore, if
loanwords were introduced in English by non-bilingual speakers, such stress match rates would
not exist. Could this mean that loanwords of Russian origin are introduced in English by non-
bilingual speakers considering the low stress match rate attested? Probably not, as recent
research suggests (Kang 2010; Davis, Tsujimura & Tu 2012) suggest that the hypothesis of
different prosodic systems can account for such absence of stress preservation. In other words,
the prosodic characteristics of the English and Russian systems would be so different that it
might be impossible for speakers to reproduce the Russian stress pattern in English. This
argument echoes the results found in P. Fournier (2016) which show that the application of the
penultimate preferential stress pattern in loanwords of Japanese origin is the consequence of
the incompatibilities between the English and the Japanese stress systems. Their fundamental
characteristics are so different that stress preservation turns out to be impossible. A study of the
prosodic characteristics of source languages would therefore be valuable in order to determine
if the preservation of the original stress patterns in English can be accounted for with this
parameter.

To conclude, this study shows that the phonological properties of source languages and
more precisely their stress characteristics have a fundamental impact on the stressing of
loanwords in English. The results confirm that the stress patterns of source languages are
generally reproduced in English, which accounts for the significant proportion of
antepenultimate stress in the dataset. However, stress variation shows that there is a conflict
between stress preservation and the application of the preferential stress pattern in English.
English loanwords are generally stressed on the penultimate and this is a phonological indicator
used in English to illustrate the foreign origin of items. These preliminary results are based on
British English only, and American English should be investigated as well. It is also necessary
to work on a larger dataset because quite surprisingly, the phonetic transcriptions of major
source languages are not attested in the *Routledge* dictionary (examples: Arabic, Chinese,
Japanese). Finally, it is essential in future studies to test the influence of the preservation stress
hypothesis along with other determining parameters of the English system (examples:
segmental structure, grammatical category, syllable weight) in order to determine its efficiency.

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Appendix: Final dataset (768 loanwords) extracted from Routledge 2nd edition

**Afrikaans** (7 items): disyllables = *Botha*, duiker, Kruger; trisyllables and more = *Krugerrand*, *Pietermaritzburg*, *Vereeniging*, *Witwatersrand*.

**Albanian** (1 item): disyllable = *Tomor*.

**Czech** (9 items): disyllables = *Brno*, háleř, Hašek, Praha; trisyllables and more = *Bratislava*, *Janáček*, koruna, Navrátilova, Novotný.

**Danish** (28 items): disyllables = *Aalborg*, Aarhus, Ålborg, Århus, Bering, Blixen, Bornholm, *Brahe*, Dagmar, Erlang, Esbjerg, Falster, Herning, Nielsen, Roskilde, Tórshavn, Verner; trisyllables and more = *Andersen*, Buxtehude, Ertebølle, Helsingør, Jespersen, Kap Farvel, Kattegat, Kierkegaard, Odense, Petersen, Rasmussen*.

**Dutch** (18 items): disyllables = *Gouda*, gulden, Huygens, Limburg, Rembrandt, Schiedam, van Gogh, Vermeer, Zeeland, Zwolle; trisyllables and more = *Concertgebouw*, *Gelderland*, *Groningen*, Limburger, Nijmegen, Rijksmuseum, Suriname, van de Velde*.

**Flemish** (4 items): disyllables = *Leuven*, *Oostende*; trisyllables and more = *Passchendaele*, *Zeebrugge*.

**German** (44 items): disyllables = *Aachen*, Adler, Augsburg, Blücher, Diekirch, Duisburg, Gasthof, Hänsel, Heilbronn, Holstein, Karlsbad, Kirchhoff, Kroeber, Leichhardt, Leipzig, Müller, München, Münster, Ostwald, Rügen, Seifert, Steichen, Steuben, Würzburg; trisyllables and more = *Ansbacher*, Autobahn, Baden(-)Württemberg, Baedeker, Erzgebirge, Fassbinder, Gasthöfe, Götterdämmerung, Hannover, Heldentenor, Königsberg, Kristallnacht, Löwenbräu, Niemöller, Osnabrück, Peenemünde, Rosenwald, Saarbrücken, Seligman, Württemberg*.

**Greek** (12 items): disyllables = *boule*, dromoi, Khíos, Pátmos, Vólos; trisyllables and more = *Áyios Nikólaos*, bouzouki, Kórinthos, Seféris, souvlaki, taverna, tzatziki*.

**Hungarian** (12 items): disyllables = *Bartók*, csárdás, forint, Gábor, Kádáar, Kodály, Korda, *Lehár*; trisyllables and more = *Balaton*, Budapest, Fertő Tó, Ilona*.

**Irish** (13 items): disyllables = *Éire*, Gaeltacht, Samhain, Sinn Fein, slàinte; trisyllables and more = *Cúchulainn*, Dáil Eireann, Dun Laoghaire, feiseanna, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Oireachtas, Tánaiste*.

**Italian** (214 items): disyllables = *Arno*, Cavour, Croce, Fara, Gigli, Gobbi, Guardi, Lana, lento, lira, Loren, maestro, molto, Parma, pasta, penne, pesto, Pisa, Pitti, pizza, poco, presto, primo, putti, putto, Quattro, Rocco, Roma, Rossi, scampi, scena, scherzo, secco, sempre, signor, solo, squacco, stretto, stucco, tempi, tempo, tondi, tondo, Trieste, troppo, uno, Vespa, Vico, Zante; trisyllables and more = *Abruzzi*, Alberti, Albinoni, Amalfi, Amati, Annigoni, Antonioni, Armani, arrivederci, Ascona, autostrada, autostrade, Avogadro, Bugatti, ciabatta, condottiere, Coppola, Così Fan Tutte, da Vinci, Donizetti, Farnese, Fellini, figurante, Firenze, Galvani, Griselda, impasto, Lambretta, Lambrusco, larghetto, lasagne, legato, libretto, Livorno, Locarno, Lorenzo, Lugano, ma non troppo, Machiavelli, maestoso, Maggiore, manicotti, Manzoni, minestrone, moderato, obbligato, Pacino, Paganini, Pagliacci, Palermo, panettone, panforte, Panini, Pantelleria, papabile, paparazzi, Parmigianino, partita, Pavarotti, pecorino, pentimenti, peperino, peperoni, Pestalozzi, pianissimo, piano nobile, pianoforte, piccolo, pietà, Pirandello, Piranesi, Pisano, pizzeria, pizzicato, podestà, polacca, polenta, Pontormo, portamenti, portolano, pozzolana, predella, prestissimo, prima ballerina, prima donna, primavera, Puccini, Quasimodo, quattrocento, Radice, rallentando, Ravenna, ravioli, Respighi, ricotta, Rimini, ripieno, Risorgimento, risotto, ritardando, ritenuti, ritornelli, Riviera, Romeo, Rossellini, Rossini, rubato, saltarelli, scaloppine, scherzando, Schiaparelli, scirocco, secondi, seicento, semplice, serenata, sforzando, sforzato, sfumati, sgraffiti, signora, signorina, simpatico, smorzando, solfatara, solfeggio, sonata, sonatina, sopranino, soprano, sordini, sostenuto, sotto voce, spaghetti, spiccato, spumante, spumoni, staccato, stellini, stringendo,
tagliatelle, tempera, tenuto, terramara, terrazzo, terza rima, terzetti, tessitura, Tetrazzini, toccata, tortellini, tramontana, trattoria, trecento, tutti-frutti, Uffizi, vaporetti, verismo, vermicelli, villeggiatura, Vivaldi, Zeffirelli, zingari, zucchetto, zucchini.

**Norwegian** (10 items): disyllables = **Bokmål**, Hansen, Ibsen, Narvik, Nordkinn, Oslo, Trondheim; trisyllables and more = Amundsen, Lofoten, Stavanger.

**Polish** (10 items): disyllables = Gdańsk, Kielce, Kraków, Poznań, Wrocław, złoty; trisyllables and more = Katowice, Paderewski, Penderecki, Zakopane.

**Portuguese** (5 items): disyllables = Douro, Faro; trisyllables and more = Benguela, Carajás, Mato Grosso.

**Russian** (166 items): disyllables = Abkhaz, Altai, artel, Baikal, Bakhtin, Baku, Balkhash, Bokhara, Cheka, dacha, droshky, Duma, Gamow, glasnost, Gogol, gulag, Kalmuck, Karpov, Kaunas, Kazakh, Kharkov, Khrushchev, Kirov, kolkhoz, koumis, kulak, Kurgan, Kyrgyz, Lada, Laptev, Lena (forename), Lena (river), Lenin, Mikhail, Moskva, Murmansk, muzhik, Neva, Nevsky, Pavlov, Penza, pirog, podsol, pogrom, Pravda, Pushkin, Riga, Rurik, Sergei, shashlik, souslik, Soyuz, sputnik, suslik, Tadjik, taiga, Tashkent, Tiflis, troika, Tula, Tuva, ukase, Ukraine, Verny, Vitebsk, vodka, Yakut, zemstvo; trisyllables and more = Aeroflot, Aleksandrovsk, Alma-Ata, apparatchik, Ashkenazy, Ashkhabad, Astrakhan, Azerbaijan, babushka, balalaika, Birobidzhan, Bolshevik, Borodin, Borodino, Bukhara, Chelyabinsk, Cherenkov, Comintern, Ekaterinburg, Eugene Onegin, Gagarin, Godunov, Gorbachev, Gromyko, Horowitz, Kalinin, Kaliningrad, Kaluga, Kamenskoye, Kandinsky, Kasparov, Kazakhstan, Kerensky, Khabarovsk, Koluma, Komsomol, Korsakoff, Kostroma, Kosygin, Leninakan, Leningrad, Leonid, Lysenko, Maksutov, Mandelstam, Menshevik, Minkowski, Mussorgsky, Nabokov, nomenklatura, Novgorod, Novokuznetsk, Novosibirsk, Nureyev, Odessa, Orenburg, Pasternak, Pavlova, Petersburg, Petrograd, pierogi, Politburo, Potemkin, Przewalski, Rachmaninov, Raisa, Rasputin, Rimsky-Korsakov, Romanov, Rostropovich, Sakhalin, Samarkand, samizdat, samovar, samoyed, sastrugi, Sevastopol, Shevardnadze, Sholokhov, Stalingrad, Tadjikistan, Taganrog, tarantass, Tbilisi, tovarich, Trubetskoy, tsarevich, tsarevna, Turkestan, Turkmenistan, Ulanova, Ustinov, Vladimir, Vladivostok, Volgograd, Yekaterinburg, Yerevan, Yevtushenko.

**Spanish** (116 items): disyllables = Bilbao, Chavez, El Cid, Falange, Gaudí, Guzmán, Ifni, Jerez, Juárez, junta, La Paz, León (place in Spain), llano, López, Lorca, Méndez, mesa, Mixtec, Muñoz, Ortiz, Pérez, Ruiz, Vásquez; trisyllables and more = Acapulco, Aconcagua, Aguilar, Albacete, Alfonso, Algeciras, Alhambra, Alicante, Allende, Almería, alpargata, Altiplano, Alvarez, Ambato, anchoveta, Andorra, Antofagasta, Arequipa, Argentina, arroyo, Ávila, Ayacucho, Aymara, Ballesteros, Barcelona, Benidorm, bodega, Calderón, Cervantes, chaparajos, Chimborazo, Cochabamba, copaiba, coquina, cordillera, corozo, Cozumel, cuadrilla, Ecuador, García, González, guacharo, guanaco, guerrilla, Ibiza, jalapeño, Jiménez, jipijapa, jojoba, Juanita, La Coruña, La Jolla, Ladino, Lanzarote, Laredo, Las Palmas, llanero, Machu Picchu, Málaga, malaguena, Malvinas, mantilla, matador, Mendoza, Mercedes, Mexicali, Mudéjar, Mudéjares, Murillo, Nuevo León, Orinoco, Ortega, parador, Paraguay, Pinochet, Ramírez, Sajama, San Jacinto, San Salvador, Soledad, Tenerife, Tijuana, Torquemada, Uruguay, Valparaiso, Velásquez, Veracruz, vizcacha, Ximenes, Zacatecas, Zapata, Zapotec, Zaragoza.

**Swedish** (21 items): disyllables = Alfvén, Bergman, Bjorn, Bofors, gyttja, krona, Malmö, Nilsson, Öland, öre, Rehnquist, Strindberg, Vättern; trisyllables and more = Ericsson, Helsingfors, Lagerlöf, Norrköping, Swedenborg, Uppsala, Valdemar, Wallenberg.

**Turkish** (5 items): disyllables = Izmir, Iznik; trisyllables and more = Atatürk, baklava, vilayet.

**Welsh** (73 items): disyllables = afon, Amlwch, Arfon, Ceinwen, Cleddau, Clydach, Dewi, Dyfed, Dyffryn, Dylan, Elan, Eynon, Gwendraeth, Hywel, Iestyn, Ieuan, Ifor, Iolo, Iorwerth, Morfa, Mynwy, Ogwen, Penrhos, Penrhyn, Powys (surname), Powys (Welsh county), Rhodri, Rhondda, Rhuddlan, Rhydderch, Rhymney, torgoch, Tryfan, Vyrnwy; trisyllables and more = Aberaeron,
Aberfan, Abersychan, Aberystwyth, Aneurin, Angharad, Caernarfon, cynghanedd, Dinorwic,
Dolgellau, eisteddfod, eisteddfodau, Eluned, Felindre, Hirwaun, Islwyn, Llanwrtyd, Llewelyn,
Meredydd, Merthyr Tydfil, Myfanwy, Nantgaredig, Nant-y-glo, Penybont, Plaid Cymru,
Pontardawe, Pontardulais, Pontypridd, Preseli, Prestatyn, Pwllheli, Rhiannon, Rhossili,
Ruabon, Talybont, Tal-y-llyn, teledu, Tonyrefail, Ystalyfera.