# Reflexive constructions in Kambaata

Yvonne Treis

► To cite this version:

Yvonne Treis. Reflexive constructions in Kambaata. Katarzyna Janic, Nicoletta Puddu & Martin Haspelmath. Reflexive constructions in the world's languages, Language Science Press, pp.155-184, 2023, 978-3-96110-411-6. 10.5281/zenodo.7861660. hal-03095847v2

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<figure><img src="image_1.png" /></figure>
Chapter 6

Reflexive constructions in Kambaata

Yvonne Treis

LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO)

Kambaata (Cushitic, Ethiopia) has a nominal and a verbal reflexivizer. The nom-
inal reflexivizer *gag-á* ‘self’, a case-inflecting noun of masculine gender, is used
to mark coreference between the subject and a direct, indirect or oblique object.
Whereas the antecedent of the reflexive noun is most commonly the subject of the
same clause, this chapter argues that *gag-á* ‘self’ also qualifies as a long-distance
reflexive. As such, it can mark coreference between an NP in an infinite or finite
subordinate clause and the subject of the matrix clause. Apart from being used
in reflexive constructions, *gag-á* ‘self’ is a self-intensifier. The middle morpheme
-*aqq/-*’ on verbs is multifunctional. Most productively, it expresses autobenefactiv-
ity. It can also mark coreference between the subject and the direct object in the
same clause. However, in typical reflexive situations (e.g. ‘see oneself’), it is rarely
the only reflexivizer but cooccurs with the reflexive noun *gag-á*.

1 Introduction

Kambaata is a Highland East Cushitic (HEC) language spoken by more than
600,000 people (Central Statistical Agency 2007: 74) in the Kambaata-Xambaaro
Zone in the Southern Region of Ethiopia (see Figure 1).<fnref n="1" />

Immediate neighbors are speakers of other HEC languages (Hadiyya and Ala-
aba) and Ometo languages of the Omotic family (Wolaitta and Dawro). The most
widespread second language of Kambaata speakers is the Ethiopian lingua franca
Amharic. The description of reflexive constructions presented here is based on
data from diverse sources obtained during field research between 2002 and 2019:

<figure><img src="image_2.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>

<footnote n="1">¹Place names in the KX-zone are written in the official Kambaata orthography. All boundaries are unofficial.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_4.png" /></figure>

CC-BY Jeanne Zerner, CNRS, LLACAN, 2020

<caption>Figure 1: Map of the Kambaata-Xambaaro Zone</caption>

a corpus of recorded narratives and conversations, my field notes of elicited sentences and mock-dialogues as well as a corpus of written texts, including locally published collections of oral literature, schoolbooks, a dictionary, religious texts and the translation of the *Little Prince* (de Saint-Exupéry 2018). Gaps in the data were filled and open questions were discussed in interviews on the phone or through text and voice messages with a native speaker in 2020. The questionnaire by Janic & Haspelmath (2023 [this volume]) provided guidance for the data compilation and analysis.

## 1.1 Typological profile

The constituent order of Kambaata is consistently head-final, hence all modifiers precede the noun in the NP, and all dependent clauses precede independent main clauses. The last constituent in a sentence is usually a fully finite main verb or a copula. Kambaata is agglutinating-fusional and, except for one partial
pre-reduplication process,<fnref n="2" /> strictly suffixing. Inflectional morphology is realized by segmental suffixes together with stress suprafixes. The following open word classes are defined on morphosyntactic grounds: nouns, adjectives, verbs, ideophones and interjections.

Kambaata has a nominative-accusative case-marking system. The nominative is the subject case, see ‘girls’ in (1). The accusative marks direct objects – see ‘good place’ in (1) – and certain adverbial constituents, it also serves as the citation form of nouns and adjectives. Nouns distinguish nine case forms: nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, ablative, instrumental, locative, oblique and predicative. Nouns are marked for gender (masculine vs. feminine), the assignment of grammatical gender is mostly arbitrary. Attributive adjectives, such as ‘good’ in (1), agree with their head noun in case and gender.<fnref n="3" />

(1) (...) masal-aakk-atí-i danaam-íta ma'nn-íta aat-táa-s girl-PLV2-F.NOM-ADD good-F.ACC place-F.ACC give-3F.IPFV-3M.OBJ

(Speaking about the winner of a wrestling competition) '(...)' and also the girls honor him (lit. give him a good place).' [Conversation about circumcision traditions, EK2016-02-23_001]

Fully finite main verbs are distinguished from several types of dependent verbs, which are reduced in finiteness, i.e. relative verbs, converbs, purposive verbs and (infinite) verbal nouns. Verbs inflect for aspect, mood, polarity and syntactic dependence. All verb forms apart from verbal nouns obligatorily index their subject; see the portmanteau morpheme -táa in (1), which encodes imperfective aspect and indexes a 3rd person feminine subject. Object suffixes on verbs, such as the 3rd person masculine object suffix -s in (1) and the 1st person singular object suffix -e in (2), are pronominal in nature and usually substitute for object nominals. A finite verb form alone can constitute a complete utterance (2).

(2) **qéel-teente-é** defeat-2SG.PRF-1SG.OBJ

(Complete turn in a dialogue:) 'You have defeated me.' [Narrative, EK2016-02-12_003]

<footnote n="2">²See (28) for an example of a pre-reduplicated noun.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³Transcriptions in this chapter use the official Kambaata orthography, which is based on the Roman script (Treis 2008: 73–80; Alemu 2016). One important adaptation is here made to the official orthography: phonemic stress is marked by an acute accent on the vowel. The following graphemes are not in accordance with IPA conventions: 〈ph〉 /p’/, 〈x〉 /t’/, 〈q〉 /k’/, 〈j〉 /dʒ/, 〈c〉 /tʃ’/, 〈ch〉 /tʃ/, 〈sh〉 /ʃ/, 〈l’〉 /l’/, 〈r’〉 /r’/, 〈y〉 /j/ and 〈> /?/. Geminate consonants and long vowels are marked by doubling, e.g. 〈shsh〉 /ʃ:/ and 〈ee〉 /e:/ . In clusters of a glottal stop and a sonorant, the sonorant is, by convention, written double, e.g. 〈’nn〉 for /?n/ and 〈’rr〉 /?r/. Nasalization is marked by a macron, e.g. 〈â〉 /ã/.</footnote>
## 1.2 A preview of reflexive constructions

Kambaata uses a reflexive noun *gag-á* ‘self’ plus a possessive suffix (3) or a reflexive voice marker -aqq/-’, labelled “middle (derivation)” [MID] (4), to express coreference between the subject and an accusative object.

(3) **Gag-á-s** ba'-íshsh-o
self-M.ACC-3M.POSS be destroyed-CAUS1-3M.PFV
(Speaking about the actual cause of someone's death whom the addressee thought to have died from an illness) 'He killed himself (lit. his self).'
[Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

(4) **Kabár** gagmooxx-íin xuud-aqq-aammí=da áda
today.M.OBL mirror-M.ICP see-MID-1SG.IPFV.REL=COND then
móok-i-' sabáb-b darsh-ítee'u
cheek-F.NOM-1SG.POSS ensue-3F.PFV.CVB become swollen-3F.PRF
(Speaking about the consequences of a brawl) 'Then when I saw myself in
the mirror today, my cheek was badly swollen.' [Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

In (5), both reflexivizers cooccur in the same clause. The verb *saaxx-‘praise oneself’* is the middle derivation of *saad-‘praise (someone)’*.

(5) **Isú** mánn-u galaxx-u'nnáachchi-s
3M.ACC people-M.NOM thank-3M.NEG4-3M.OBJ
birs-í-ní-n ís gag-á-s
do before-3M.PFV.CVB-EMP-EMP 3M.NOM self-M.ACC-3M.POSS
**saaxx-án** biir-óochch biir-úta zahh-áyyoo'u
praise.MID-3M.IPFV.CVB office-F.ABL office-F.ACC walk-3M.PROG
'Before people (could) thank him (for the job), he walked from office to
office praising himself.' [Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

In the following sections, I will first introduce the personal pronoun system of Kambaata (§2) and then discuss the form and functions of the noun *gag-á* ‘self’ (§3). Apart from being used as a reflexivizer in various syntactic functions (except in the subject function), it is used as a self-intensifier. In §4, I present the multifunctional middle derivation, whose most productive function is to signal coreference between the subject and a beneficiary (a dative adjunct). It also marks coreference between the subject and a direct (accusative) object, but here it usually cooccurs with the reflexive noun. Thirdly, the middle derivation has an intersubjective use and expresses the emotional involvement of the *subject* speaker
in a state-of-affairs. Together with the passive morpheme, the middle derivation
marks reciprocity. In the conclusion (§5), I lay out the contexts in which the re-
flexive noun is preferred over the middle morpheme and when double expression
is preferred over the use of only one reflexive marker.

## 2 Personal pronouns

Kambaata has free (§2.1) and bound personal pronouns (§2.2), but no pronoun-
like reflexive nominals (i.e. pronominoids). Personal pronouns are used to refer
to humans, less often to other animates, and usually not to inanimate referents
like things or events, for which demonstratives are preferred.

### 2.1 Free personal pronouns

Free personal pronouns (Table 1) distinguish person, number, gender (in the 3rd person), honorificity (in the 2nd and 3rd person) and case. The case paradigm of personal pronouns is partly suppletive; see, for instance, the different stems that are used for the nominative and accusative forms of 1sg, 2sg, 2hon, 1pl, and 2pl. In principle, personal pronouns distinguish as many case forms as nouns. However, there is systematic syncretism of the instrumental-comitative-perrelative [icp] and locative [loc] forms for all persons except 3m. Furthermore, the oblique and the predicative case forms are only minimally distinct in the 1st person plural. The singular predicative forms combine with the copula [cop3] -Vt. In the plural, the copula [F.cop2] -taa is required (see Treis 2008: 397-426 for information on the distribution of Kambaata copulas).

### 2.2 Bound personal pronouns

Bound object pronouns on verbs and bound possessive pronouns on nouns and adjectives (Table 2) are only minimally distinct: for 1sg possessors and 2sg objects, speakers can choose between two freely distributed allomorphs, whereas only one of the allomorphs is admitted for the respective 1sg object and the 2sg possessor form. A comparison with free pronouns (§2.1) shows that bound pronouns neutralize the distinction between honorific and plural referents in the 2nd and 3rd person. The right column of Table 2 exemplifies the use of possessive suffixes on the accusative form of the reflexive noun *gag-á* ‘self’.

Possessive pronouns never cooccur with full nominal possessors. Object pro-
nouns typically substitute for direct or indirect object nominals; recall (1). How-
ever, in case of high referential prominence, an object can be doubly expressed by
a full object nominal – a noun or pronoun phrase – and a bound object pronoun on the verb, as seen in (6) and later in (14).

(6) *Harr-ée buud-á kesáa m-á buchch-íichch*

donkeys-F.GEN horn-M.ACC 2SG.DAT what-M.ACC soil-M.ABL

eeb-o<**kké**>ta-at?

bring-1SG.PURP.SS<2SG.OBJ>-COP3

'From where on earth am I going to bring you a donkey horn?'

[Narrative, EK2016-02-12_003]

<table><caption>Table 1: Free personal pronouns</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>NOM</th><th>ACC</th><th>GEN</th><th>DAT</th><th>ABL</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1SG</td><td>án</td><td>ées</td><td>íi</td><td>esáa(ha)</td><td>esáachch</td></tr><tr><td>2SG</td><td>át</td><td>kées</td><td>kíi</td><td>kesáa(ha)</td><td>kesáachch</td></tr><tr><td>2HON</td><td>á'nnu</td><td>ki'nnéta</td><td>ki'nné</td><td>ki'nnée(ha)</td><td>ki'nnéechch</td></tr><tr><td>3M</td><td>ís</td><td>isú</td><td>isí</td><td>isíi(ha)</td><td>isíichch</td></tr><tr><td>3F</td><td>íse</td><td>iséta</td><td>isé</td><td>isée(ha)</td><td>iséeechch</td></tr><tr><td>3HON</td><td>íssa</td><td>issáta</td><td>issá</td><td>issáa(ha)</td><td>issáachch</td></tr><tr><td>1PL</td><td>na'óot</td><td>nées</td><td>níi</td><td>nesáa(ha)</td><td>nesáachch</td></tr><tr><td>2PL</td><td>a'nno'óot</td><td>ki'nne'éeta</td><td>ki'nne'ée</td><td>ki'nne'ée(ha)</td><td>ki'nne'éechch</td></tr><tr><td>3PL</td><td>isso'óot</td><td>isso'óota</td><td>isso'óo</td><td>isso'óo(ha)</td><td>isso'óochch</td></tr><tr><th></th><th>ICP</th><th>LOC</th><th>OBL</th><th>PRED</th><th></th></tr><tr><td>1SG</td><td>esáan</td><td>esáan</td><td>áne</td><td>áne</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>2SG</td><td>kesáan</td><td>kesáan</td><td>áte</td><td>áte</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>2HON</td><td>ki'nnéen</td><td>ki'nnéen</td><td>á'nno</td><td>á'nno</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>3M</td><td>isíin</td><td>isóon</td><td>íso</td><td>íso</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>3F</td><td>iséen</td><td>iséen</td><td>íse</td><td>íse</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>3HON</td><td>issáan</td><td>issáan</td><td>íssa</td><td>íssa</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>1PL</td><td>nesáan</td><td>nesáan</td><td>na'ó</td><td>na'óo</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>2PL</td><td>ki'nne'éen</td><td>ki'nne'éen</td><td>a'nno'óo</td><td>a'nno'óo</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>3PL</td><td>isso'óon</td><td>isso'óon</td><td>isso'óo</td><td>isso'óo</td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><caption>Table 2: Bound personal pronouns and the reflexive noun</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>Pronominal suffixes</th><th>Reflexive noun [ACC] with possessive suffix</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1SG.OBJ</td><td>-'e</td><td>-</td></tr><tr><td>1SG.POSS</td><td>-'e ~ -'</td><td>gag-á-'e ~ gag-á-'</td></tr><tr><td>2SG.OBJ</td><td>-(k)ke ~ -he</td><td>-</td></tr><tr><td>2SG.POSS</td><td>-(k)k</td><td>gag-á-kk</td></tr><tr><td>3M</td><td>-s</td><td>gag-á-s</td></tr><tr><td>3F</td><td>-se</td><td>gag-á-se</td></tr><tr><td>1PL</td><td>-(n)ne</td><td>gag-á-nne</td></tr><tr><td>2PL (=2HON)</td><td>-(k)ki'nne ~ -'nne</td><td>gag-á-kki'nne ~ gag-á-'nne</td></tr><tr><td>3PL (=3HON)</td><td>-(s)sa</td><td>gag-á-ssa</td></tr></tbody></table>

# 3 Reflexive noun

## 3.1 Form and meaning

Kambaata uses the reflexive noun *gag-á* ‘self’, usually combined with a possessive suffix (Table 2),<fnref n="4" /> to express coreference between the subject and another participant in the clause. *Gag-á* ‘self’ is clearly noun-like in nature. It inflects for case (Table 3)<fnref n="5" /> like any regular common noun of the masculine declension M1 (Treis 2008: 103). In the text of this chapter, the reflexive noun is always cited in its accusative form *gag-á*.

<table><caption>Table 3: The case paradigm of *gag-á* ‘self’</caption><tr><td>ACC</td><td>gag-á</td><td>ABL</td><td>gag-íichch</td></tr><tr><td>NOM</td><td>gág-u</td><td>ICP</td><td>gag-íin</td></tr><tr><td>GEN</td><td>gag-i_´</td><td>LOC</td><td>gag-áan</td></tr><tr><td>DAT</td><td>gag-íi(ha)</td><td>OBL=PRED</td><td>gág-a</td></tr></table>

<footnote n="4">⁴There are two instances in the Gospel of John in which the possessor of *gag-á* ‘self’ is expressed by a free genitive pronoun, e.g. *ii* [1SG.GEN], *gag-ii* [self-M.DAT] ‘for myself’. For the use of unmodified reflexive nouns, see §3.2.5.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵In Table 3, the notation -i_´ of the genitive morpheme indicates that the case is realized by a segment -i and a stress suprafix on the rightmost syllable of the word.</footnote>
Gag-á ‘self’ is a transnumeral noun and thus allows for singular and plural reference. It is not attested with plurivative [PLV] marking, but a singulative [SGV] example is presented in (13). The reflexive noun is marked for distributivity through partial pre-reduplication (‘each ... oneself’), as seen in (28). Other morphemes that can attach to the reflexive noun are the emphasis marker -n (13), the additive marker -V (21), and – when ‘self’ is the head or modifier of the non-verbal predicate (33) – the copula. The stem of the reflexive noun can be the input of the status noun derivation with -oom-áta (Treis 2008: 171): gag-oom-áta ‘identity (lit. selfhood, selfness)’ (Alemu 2016: 349), as shown in (7).<fnref n="6" />

(7) **Gag-oom-á-nne**

self-STAT-F.ACC-1PL.POSS
caakk-is-soonti-nné=g-a<n>ka
become.light-CAUS1-2SG.PFV-1PL.OBJ.REL=SIM-M.ACC<EMP>
bír-i-kk caakk-ítu
future-F.NOM-2SG.POSS become.light-3F.BDV

‘As you brought our identity to light, may your future be bright!’ (Adane No date: 4)

The noun *gag-á* ‘self’ can be used metaphorically to express a ‘person like oneself’, or a ‘close relative’, as illustrated in (8).

(8) **Gág-u**

buud-á woqqarr-ó=da allagg-íchch-u
self-M.NOM horn-M.ACC strike-3M.PFV.REL=COND strangers-SGV-M.NOM
ill-íta qas-áno
eye-F.ACC poke-3M.IPFV

‘If a next of kin (lit. a self) strikes the horn (of your bull), a stranger (can) poke (you in your) eye.’ (Proverb, Alamu Banta Ataara & Alamaayyo G/Tsiyoon 2017: 52)

While ‘head’ is the most common source for reflexive nominals in the languages of the world (Schladt 2000) – see also the reflexivizer *ras* ‘head’ in Amharic (Leslau 1995: 57–58), the primary contact language of Kambaata, and the reflexivizer *umo* ‘head’ in the closely related HEC language Sidaama (Kawachi 2007: 184–187), – there is no indication that Kambaata *gag-á* goes back to a noun ‘head’. A reflexive noun cognate to that of Kambaata is used in the HEC languages Alaaba, K'abeena and Hadiyya (Crass 2005: 257–259; Schneider-Blum 2007: 188–199; Tadesse 2015: 90–91).

<footnote n="6">⁶All examples taken from publications in the Kambaata language are stress-marked, segmented, glossed and translated to English by the present author.</footnote>
## 3.2 Reflexive constructions

### 3.2.1 Autopathic domain

Coreference between the subject and its direct object in a monotransitive clause is expressed by an accusative-marked reflexive noun. The possessive suffixes on *gag-á* ‘self’ are coreferential with the subject of the clause, e.g. 3M in (3), 1SG in (9) and (13), 2PL in (10) and 3PL in (11). The examples (9–11) illustrate that the subject is not necessarily expressed by an independent nominative NP, it suffices to have it indexed on the verb. As the seven subject indexes and the seven possessive suffixes are not fully congruent, a mismatch is observed in (11). The ordered persons are indexed as 3F [=3PL] on the verb *torr-* ‘throw’ but as 3PL [=3HON] on ‘self’.<fnref n="7" />

(9) **(...) gag-á-** 'isso'oo-sí qax-á<n>ka ass-í
self-M.ACC-1SG.POSS 3PL.GEN-DEF level-M.ACC<EMP> do-1SG.PFV.CVB
kot-íshsh=ké' (...)
become.small-CAUS1.1SG.PFV.CVB=SEQ
'(...) I lower myself to their level (...).' (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 11)

(10) **Gag-á-’nne** xa’mm-iyyé: áà-ndo áà-bay?
self-M.ACC-2PL.POSS ask-2PL.IMP yes-Q yes-NEG1.Q
‘Ask yourselves: Yes or no (lit. not yes)?’ (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 93)

(11) Át gashsh-itaantí mann-á
2SG.NOM pass.the.night.CAUS1-2SG.IPFV.REL people-M.ACC
**gag-á-ssa** már-t baar-í aaz-éen
self-M.ACC-3PL.POSS go-3F.PFV.CVB sea-M.GEN inside-M.LOC
**torr-ítunta** azzaz-zoonti-ssá=da (...)
throw-3F.PURP.DS order-2SG.PFV-3PL.OBJ.REL=COND
‘If you ordered the people you govern (lit. make pass the night) to go and throw themselves into the sea (...)’ (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 38)

In (12), the subject that serves as the antecedent of the reflexive noun is expressed by a possessive pronoun (-ssa [3PL.POSS]) on the infinite verbal noun.<fnref n="8" />

<footnote n="7">⁷Free personal pronouns distinguish nine forms (Table 1), possessive/object pronouns (Table 2) and subject indexes only seven. In the possessive/object paradigm, we see the following syncretism: 1SG, 2SG, 3M, 3F, 1PL, 2PL [=2HON], 3PL [=3HON]. Another type of syncretism is found in the subject index paradigm: 1SG, 2SG, 3M, 3F [=3PL], 3HON, 1PL, 2PL [=2HON].</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸Unlike other verb forms, verbal nouns cannot index their subjects. The subject is either expressed by a nominative NP, a genitive NP or a possessive pronoun.</footnote>
(12) (...) **gag-á-ssa-n** íkko ées haww-íichch
self-M.ACC-3PL.POSS-EMP or 1SG.ACC trouble-M.ABL

fa'-is-ú-ssa dag-áam-ba'a
be_saved-CAUS1-M.ACC-3PL.POSS know-1SG.IPFV-NEG1

'(...) I don't know whether they can save themselves and me (lit. I don't know their saving themselves or me) from trouble.' (Kambaata Education Bureau 1989: 3.118)

The transnumeral reflexive noun can indicate coreference with singular and plural subjects, see *gag-á* in (9) and (10–12), respectively. However, we still find a small number of overtly singulative-marked forms in the corpus (13). The pragmatic reason for this marking is still unknown.<fnref n="9" /> In contrast, overt plurivative marking (hypothetically *gag-g-áta* [PLV1] or *gag-aakk-áta* [PLV2] ‘selves’) is untested and was rejected by the native speaker I consulted.

(13) **Gag-ichch-ú-'e-n** ikk-oommí=da esáa
self-1SG.M.ACC-1SG.POSS-EMP become-1SG.PFV.REL=COND 1SG.DAT

woyy-áno-'e
become.better-3M.IPFV-1SG.OBJ

(Protagonist of a story who has adopted body parts of other animals:) 'It would be better if I became myself (again).' [Narrative, TD2016-02-11_001]

A non-reflexive free accusative pronoun or a non-reflexive object suffix on the verb is necessarily interpreted as being referentially disjoint with the subject. See, for instance, the clause marked in bold in (14): the free accusative pronoun *isú* 'him' and the object suffix -sí (here infixed into the purposive verb) are always interpreted as being referentially disjoint from the subject of 'help' (reflected in the subject index 3M). The same is true of the object suffix -s on the main verb 'ask'; neither in this nor in any other context can it be coreferential with the subject 'little prince'.

(14) "(...) "y-í=ké' xa'mm-ée-s qakkíchch-u láah-u,
say-3M.PFV.CVB=SEQ ask-3M.PFV-3M.OBJ little-M.NOM prince-M.NOM

**isú** kaa'll-o<sí>ta hashsh-o-sí=biiha
3M.ACC help-3M.PURP.SS<3M.OBJ> want-3M.PFV-3M.OBJ.REL=REAS2
"("...)" said the little prince to him (*himself), because he wanted to help him (*himself).* (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 44)

<footnote n="9">⁹Note that one of the functions of singulative marking on transnumeral nouns is to express endearment (Treis 2014: 118f).</footnote>
3.2.2 Oblique domain

Kambaata also makes use of the reflexive noun *gag-á* ‘self’ to signal coreference
between the subject of a clause and its indirect or oblique objects. In (15), the
dative-marked beneficiary is coreferential with the subject ‘doves’. In (16), the
ablative-marked source is coreferential with the 2SG subject. In (17), the locative-
marked indirect object is coreferential with the 3F [=3PL] subject of its clause.

(15) Wól-i-s **handar-ití-i** (...) **gag-íiha-n-sa**
other-F.NOM-DEF doves-F.NOM-ADD self-M.DAT-L-3PL.POSS
it-táa=r-a bajig-óon hacc-itáyyoo'u
eat-3F.IPFV.REL=NMLZ4-M.ACC happiness-F.icp look.for.MID-3F.PROG
‘And the other doves (...) were happily looking for food (lit. what they
eat) for themselves.’ (Kambaata Education Bureau 1989: 8.19)

(16) Át káan y-itaantí-i
2SG.NOM P_DEM1.M.ACC say-2SG.IPFV.REL-NMLZ1.M.NOM
**gag-íichchi-kke-eti-ndo** (...)?
self-M.ABL-2SG.POSS-COP3-DISJ
(John 13:32) ‘Is this your own idea (lit. is it from yourself that you say this)
or (...)?’ (Kambaata and Hadiyya Translation Project Hosaina 2005: 83)

(17) **Gag-áan-ta-ssa** dikka'-áa-na wol-ú mann-á
self-M.LOC-L-3PL.POSS rely-3F.IPFV.REL-CRD other-M.ACC people-M.ACC
gad-dán “Ná'oot xumm-áan-n-u-a”
despise-3F.IPFV.CVB 1PL.NOM peace-AG-PLV3-M.PRED-M.COP2
y-itáa mann-íi (...) kúll-o-ssa
say-3F.IPFV.REL people-M.DAT tell-3M.PFV-3PL.OBJ
‘(He) said (...) to the people who trusted in themselves, who despised
others and who said, “We are righteous”.’ (The Bible Society of Ethiopia
No date: 16)

The reflexive noun is also attested in morphologically complex oblique object
NPs, e.g. those that are headed by a case-marked relational noun, such as *al-éen*
‘on top’ (18), or a case-marked nominalizer (19). Relational nouns and nominaliz-
ers govern genitive-marked modifiers.
(18) **Gag-i-kkí** **al-éen** gar-é murat-úta
self-M.GEN-2SG.POSS top-M.LOC justice-F.GEN judgement-F.ACC
aass-itaantí manch-ú ik-koontí=da (...)
give-2SG.IPFV.REL person.SGV-M.ACC become-2SG.PFV.REL=COND

'If you are a person who (can) pass a fair judgment on yourself (lit. on top of your self) (...).' (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 40)

(19) Ku mánch-u **gag-i-sí=tann-ée**
A_DEM1.M.NOM person.SGV-M.NOM self-M.GEN-3M.POSS=NMLZ3-F.DAT
xall-íi sáww=y-u'nnáan (...)
only-M.DAT think=say-3M.NEG4

'This man does not only think about himself (lit. for the one of his self) (...).' (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 52)

Kambaata does not have any adpositions but uses case markers or case-marked relational nouns to mark circumstantial adjuncts, e.g. locative adjuncts. Circumstantial adjuncts usually do not contain a reflexive noun in case of coreference with the subject. The phrase *shiin-áan-ta-se* 'beside her, at her side' in (20) is ambiguous and can be interpreted as 'at her own side' or 'at her (= another feminine referent's) side'. (See also §3.2.4 on the reflexive possessor.)

(20) Worr-iichch-ú mexx-é-ni-n **shiin-áan-ta-se**
snakes-SGV-M.ACC single-MULT-EMP-EMP side-M.LOC-L-3F.POSS
xúud-d (...)
see-3F.PFV.CVB

'She suddenly saw a snake beside her(self) (lit. at her side) (...).' [Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

### 3.2.3 Long-distance domain

In Kambaata, the antecedent of the reflexive noun does not have to be an argument of the same minimal clause. Even though my database does not provide a large number of examples, there is sufficient proof that *gag-á* 'self' qualifies as a long-distance reflexive, i.e. a reflexive noun that "can occur in a subordinate clause and take its antecedent in the matrix clause" (Haspelmath 2023 [this volume]). In some diagnostic examples, the reflexive noun is found in an infinite verbal noun clause [VNC] and its antecedent in the matrix clause. In (21), the antecedent of 'self' is the subject of the matrix clause – see the 1SG index on the main verb. In (22), the antecedent is the indirect object, expressed as a 2SG object pronoun, of the main verb.
(21) **[Gag-a-’í-i, min-i-nné-e,**
self-M.ACC-1SG.POSS-ADD house-M.ACC-1PL.POSS-ADD
hegeeg-u-’í-i muccur-ú ass-íi]vnc abb-á
area-M.ACC-1SG.POSS-ADD clean-M.ACC make-M.DAT big-M.ACC
yakitt-á ass-áamm
effort-M.ACC make-1SG.IPFV

‘I will make a great effort to clean myself, our house and my environs.’
(Kambaata Education Bureau 1989: 4.120)

(22) **[(...) gag-á-kk mann-íi hor-íi<n>ka
self-M.ACC-2SG.POSS people-M.DAT all-M.DAT<EMP>
lall-íis-u]vnc hasis-áno-he
appear-CAUS1-M.NOM be.necessary-3M.IPFV-2SG.OBJ

(John 7:4) ‘(...) you need to show yourself to everybody (lit. to show
yourself to everybody is necessary for you).’ (Kambaata and Hadiyya
Translation Project Hosaina 2005: 32)**

Examples (21–22) do not seem surprising from the perspective of European lan-
guages where reflexive pronouns can be employed in the non-finite long-distance
domain (cf. Haspelmath 2023: §9 [this volume]). However, Kambaata goes a step
further. As (23) illustrates, an antecedent can just as well be coreferential with
a reflexive noun in a finite subordinate clause. The ablative-marked standard of
comparison *gag-íichchi-s* ‘from/than himself’ – found in a relative clause inside
another relative clause that modifies the subject of the main clause – is corefer-
ential with the 3M subject of the hierarchically superior matrix clause, i.e. the
subject indexed on *he’-anó* ‘(who) lives’.

(23) **[Mát-o dooll-áan [[haraarím-a-s mát-o
one-M.OBL time-M.LOC width-F.NOM-3M.POSS one-M.OBL
**gag-íichchi-s kank-á<n>ka abb-itúmb-o]RC
self-M.ABL-3M.POSS that.much-M.ACC<EMP> become.big-3F.NEG5-M.OBL
plaaneet-í al-éen he’-anó]RC-na [jaal-á
planet-M.GEN top-M.LOC live-3M.IPFV.REL-CRD friend-M.ACC
has-áyyoo]RC qakkíchch-u láah-u yóo’ ikke]Main c
look.for.MID-3M.PROG little-M.NOM prince-M.NOM COP1.3 PST

‘Once upon a time there was a little prince who lived on a planet the
width of which was not much bigger than (the little prince) himself and
who was looking for a friend.’ (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 20)
3.2.4 Adpossessive domain

The adnominal possessor of a non-subject participant can be coreferential or non-
coreferential with the subject. Kambaata does not make a distinction between
subject-coreferential and subject-disjoint free possessor (genitive) pronouns or
possessive suffixes. In (24), the suffix -s [3M.POSS] on an instrumental-comitative-
perrelative participant is coreferential with the subject ‘Father God’, whereas the
subject ‘he’ (as indexed on the verb) and the possessor are disjoint in (25).

(24) Ánn-u Magán-u beet-íin-ta-s ább-unta (...)
father-M.NOM God-M.NOM son-M.ICP-L-3M.POSS be.glorified-3M.PURP.DS
(John 14:13) (Literal translation of the Kambaata version:) ‘So that Father
God is glorified through his (own) son (...).’ (Kambaata and Hadiyya
Translation Project Hosaina 2005: 68)

(25) A: Manch-í_i min-í márr-o_j-ndo? – B: Márr-ee_j íkke,
person.SGV-M.GEN house-M.ACC go-3M.PFV-Q go-3M.PRF PST
mánch-u-s_i yóo-ba'a, beet-íin-ta-s_i
person.SGV-M.NOM-DEF COP1.3-NEG1 son-M.ICP-L-3M.POSS
daqq-ámm-ee'u_j
meet.MID-PASS-3M.PRF

A: ‘Did he_j go to the man’s_i house?’ – B: ‘He_j went there, (but) the man_i was not there, he_j met his_i (= the man’s) son.’ [Elicited, DW2020-02-22]

Explicit coreference between the subject and the possessor of a non-subject
participant in the same clause is expressed with a genitive-marked reflexive noun
plus a possessive suffix, see ‘the mother’ and ‘her (own) part’ in (26), ‘these’ and
‘their (own) language’ in (27), and ‘they’ and the distributive phrase ‘(each) their
(own) people’ in (28).

(26) (...) am-atí-i **gag-i-sé** wud-íin qixxan-táa'u
mother-F.NOM-ADD self-M.GEN-3F.POSS side-M.ICP get ready-3F.IPFV
‘(...) and the mother gets ready for her (own) part.’ [Conversation about
circumcision traditions, EK2016-02-23_001]

(27) “Kúru gag-i-ssá afóo haasaaww-ú
P_DEM1.PL.M.NOM self-M.GEN-3PL.POSS mouth-M.ACC speak-M.NOM
iitt-ít bá'-ee-haa=rr-a”
love-3F.PFV.CVB do.very.much-3F.PRF.REL-M.COP2=NMLZ4-M.PRED
y-isiicc-iyyé!
say-CAUS2.MID-2PL.IMP

‘Make them say to themselves: “These are (people) who love to speak their (own) language (lit. mouth) very much.”’ [Symposium speech, DW2016-09-24]

(28) **Gág-gag-i-ssá**      **mann-á<n>ka**
RED-self-M.GEN-3PL.POSS people-M.ACC<EMP>
*aag-is-sáa-haa*
enter-CAUS1-3F.IPFV.REL-M.COP2

‘They intermarry in their own kin-group (lit. they marry each their own people).’ [Elicited, DW2004-11-03]

However, the genitive-marked reflexive noun is not strictly subject-oriented. It may also signal coreference between a possessor and a non-subject participant in the same clause. In my database, one finds, among others, examples in which the antecedent is the dative NP in a predicative possessive construction with yoo-‘exist’ [COP1], see ‘for the ones who hunt’ in (29), or an accusative object, see ‘the flower’ in (30).

(29) (...) *ées* **hugaax-xaa**=r-iihá-aᵢ **gag-i-ssáᵢ**
1SG.ACC hunt-3F.IPFV.REL=NMLZ4-M.DAT-ADD self-M.GEN-3PL.POSS
*séer-u* **yóo-haa**
rule-M.NOM COP1.3.REL-M.COP2

‘(...) and the ones who hunt me have their own rules (lit. and for the onesᵢ who hunt me, there are theirᵢ own rules).’ (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 70)

(30) (...) *qakkíchch-u láah-u* *fiit-ichch-útaᵢ* *ankar-í*
little-M.NOM prince-M.NOM flower-SGV-F.ACC night-M.ACC
*ankar-í* **gag-i-séᵢ** *burcuq-óoni-n* *iffíshsh (...)*
night-M.ACC self-M.GEN-3F.POSS glass-M.LOC-EMP close.3M.PFV.CVB

‘(...) the little prince shuts the flowerᵢ under herᵢ glass (globe) every night and (...)’ (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 91)

There are even several attested instances in which the reflexive noun is coreferential with an antecedent in an embedded clause: In (31), *gag-i-sí* ‘his own’ is coreferential with the direct object *manch-ú* ‘man’ [ACC] in the relative clause (RC). In (32), *gag-i-ssá* ‘their own’ is coreferential with the dative possessor in the conditional clause. In the adpossessive domain, Kambaata thus violates the
cross-linguistic tendency of antecedent-reflexive asymmetry, which states that “[t]he antecedent must be higher on the rank scale of syntactic positions than the reflexive pronoun” (Haspelmath 2023: §7 [this volume]).<fnref n="10" />

(31) [Manch-úi abbíshsh gen-anó]RC
person.SGV-M.ACC exceed.CAUS1.3M.PFV.CVB harm-3M.IPFV.REL
díin-uj gag-i-sí ilam-íichch ful-áno
enemy-M.NOM self-M.GEN-3M.POSS relatives-M.ABL come.out-3M.IPFV
‘A person’s worst enemy is found among his relatives (lit. An enemyj
who harms a personi very much comes out from hisi own relatives).’
(Periphrasis of proverb in common speech, Alamu Banta Ataara &
Alamaayyo G/Tsiyoon 2017: 115)

(32) [Ám-at il-áaí ánn-u gizz-íi]j
mother-F.NOM children-F.DAT owner-M.NOM cattle-M.DAT
yoo-ba’i=dda] gag-i-ssaí+j hé’-u<n>ku
COP1.3-NEG1.REL=COND self-M.GEN-3PL.POSS live-M.NOM<EMP>
bárch-i-ta
misery-F.PRED-F.COP2
‘If childreni have no mother (and) cattlej no owner (lit. if there is not a
mother for children (and) an owner for cattle) theiri+j life is a misery.’
(Periphrasis of proverb in common speech, Alamu Banta Ataara &
Alamaayyo G/Tsiyoon 2017: 10)

The use of the reflexive noun in the adpossessive domain is optional and serves
the purpose of emphasis. This can be illustrated with examples from natural lan-
guage use, such as (33), in which possession is expressed by juxtaposing a regular
genitive pronoun and a genitive reflexive noun.

(33) Kúun ammoonsíi kíi-haa-ba’a, ii-haa,
P_DEM1.M.NOM however 2SG.GEN-M.COP2-NEG1 1SG.GEN-M.COP2
gag-í-’e-a<n>ka béet-u
self-M.GEN-1SG.POSS-M.COP<EMP> son-M.PRED
‘But this is not yours, (it) is mine, (it) is my own son.’ [Narrative,
TH2003-05-28_001]

<footnote n="10">¹⁰A consulted native speaker confirmed that -sí could in principle also be coreferential with *díinu* ‘enemy’ [NOM] but that world knowledge would make a listener favor the first interpretation.</footnote>
The optionality of the reflexive noun is also reflected in two variants of the same proverb in (34–35): the first uses the genitive pronoun *isé* [3F.GEN] ‘her’ (34),<fnref n="11" /> while the second uses the reflexive noun *gag-i-sé* ‘her own’ (35).

(34) **Ball-ó** **wonan-á** **mogga'-óo**
mother.in.law-F.GEN **enset.ring-M.ACC** **steal-3F.PFV.REL**
**beet-í**=**biit** **isé** **beet-í** **ar-é** **bar-í**
**son-M.GEN**=**NMLZ2.F.NOM** **3F.GEN** **son-M.GEN** **wife-F.GEN** **day-M.ACC**
**wonan-á** **hoog-gáa'i**
**enset.ring-M.ACC** **loose-3F.IPFV**

‘The son’s (wife) who stole (her) mother-in-law’s enset ring loses (her) enset ring on the day of her son’s wife(’s arrival).’ (Proverb variant 1, Geetaahun 2002: 28)

(35) (...) **gag-i-sé** **beet-í** **ar-é** **bar-í** (...)
self-M.GEN-3F.POSS **son-M.GEN** **wife-F.GEN** **day-M.ACC**
‘(...) on the day of her own son’s wife(’s arrival).’ (Proverb variant 2, Alamu Banta Ataara & Alamaayyo G/Tsiyoon 2017: 24)

### 3.2.5 Bare reflexive noun

The possessive suffix on the reflexive noun can be dispensed with in contexts where the antecedent and the reflexive are impersonal or generic, as is often the case in proverbs (37), in conversations about traditions (38) or in general truths (39). The suffix is also missing in the idiom *gag-á daqq-* ‘become an adult, come of age (lit. find oneself)’.

(36) **Gaazhzh-ó** **hór-u<n>ku** **gag-íi** **fun[n]úq**
wage.war-3M.PFV.REL **all-M.NOM<EMP>** **self-M.DAT** **shove.away.IDEO**
‘All who wage war struggle for themselves (i.e. not for the collective good).’ (Proverb, Alamu Banta Ataara & Alamaayyo G/Tsiyoon 2017: 51)

(37) (...) **gag-í** **ilan-ch-ú**, **onxan-é** **ilan-ch-ú**
self-M.GEN **relatives-SGV-M.ACC** **nearness-F.GEN** **relatives-SGV-M.ACC**
**moog-eennó-o** **iill-án** **qax-ée**
**bury-3HON.IPFV.REL-NMLZ1.M.ACC** **reach-3M.IPFV.CVB** **extent-M.DAT**

<footnote n="11">¹¹The enset (*Ensete ventricosum*) is a multi-purpose plant cultivated in the highlands of southern Ethiopia. The fermented corm, the fermented pulp and the starch are used for human consumption. Fresh or dried leaves, midribs and leaf sheaths as well as the fibers extracted from the plant serve to produce household utensils and packaging material.</footnote>
waas-á qammas-áno-ba'a
enset.food-M.ACC take.a.bite-3M.IPFV-NEG1

'(...) (one) did not (even) take a bite of food until (people) buried one's relative, (one's) near relative.' [Conversation about mourning traditions, EK2016-02-23_003]

(38) **Gag-á** haww-íichch fa'-is-íi dánd-u ammóo
self-M.ACC trouble-M.ABL be savéd-caus1-M.DAT be.able-M.NOM however
qoorím-a-ta
wisdom-F.PRED-F.COP2

(The horse advises the hare: It is good to have friends.) 'But being able to save oneself from trouble is wise(r).' (Kambaata Education Bureau 1989: 3.118)

3.3 Self-intensifying constructions

As in many languages of the world (see, among others, König & Siemund 2000; Gast & Siemund 2006; König et al. 2013), the reflexive noun *gag-á* is also used as a self-intensifier. The description in this section is preliminary, as the diverse non-reflexive functions of *gag-á* are not yet well understood and still require further investigation. However, my corpus clearly shows that *gag-á* has self-intensifying functions when used adnominally (in apposition to a preceding noun phrase) or on its own as an argument or adverbial adjunct. In the typological literature (König & Siemund 2000; Gast 2002; Gast & Siemund 2006), the adnominal use of self-intensifiers is associated with an alternative-evoking function (roughly paraphrasable as ‘no one other than N’, ‘as opposed to others related to N’), whereas two functions linked to the adverbial use are labeled “adverbial-exclusive” or “actor-oriented” (‘on one’s own, alone, without help’) and “adverbial-inclusive” or “additive” (‘also, too’). However, in Kambaata, no correlation between syntactic position and meaning can be observed.<fnref n="12" />

In (39), *gag-á* is used in apposition to a subject noun with which it shares case and gender values. The central referent, *Kambáat-u* ‘Kambaata people’, is opposed to the contextually given foreign, non-native speaker of the Kambaata language.

<footnote n="12">¹²The following examples may give the (wrong) impression that the appositional use correlates with the alternative-evoking function and the non-appositional use with the “exclusive” and “inclusive” functions. This is, however, not the case, as other examples in my data show. Also note that – although all self-intensifiers in (39–41) are (parts of) subjects – alternative-evoking and “inclusive” self-intensifiers are also attested as direct objects, indirect objects, and predicates.</footnote>
(39) (...) Kambáat-u **gág-u<n>ku-s**

Kambaata-M.NOM self-M.NOM<EMP>-3M.POSS

haasaaww-anó=hanní=g-a

ass-ámm

speak-3M.IPFV.REL=NMLZ2.M.GEN=SIM-M.ACC do-PASS.3M.PFV.CVB

hiir-ámm-ee’i-i

íh-u

translate-PASS-3M.PRF.REL=NMLZ1.M.NOM become-M.NOM

hasis-áno-a

be.necessary-3M.IPFV.REL-M.COP2

(Context: We didn't want that the dialogues in the book sounded as if they were spoken by a foreigner.) ('(The book) had to be translated in a way (that it sounded) as if Kambaata people themselves would speak.' [Book launch speech, DW2018-03-12])

In (40), the self-intensifying gag-á expresses that the (male) addressee does not delegate or seek assistance but carries out the action himself.<fnref n="13" /> The example illustrates the so-called “adverbial-exclusive” function. The typological label is hardly suitable for Kambaata, as the self-intensifier is not used adverbially in (40) but is the subject of the main clause.<fnref n="14" />

(40) (...) át **harde'-oom-áan** yoontí **j-áata** **qabatt-óon**

2SG.NOM youngsters-STAT-F.LOC COP1.2SG.REL time-F.ACC belt-F.ICP

**gág-u-kki-n**

qo'rr-ít

self-M.NOM-2SG.POSS-EMP gird.MID-2SG.PFV.CVB

has-soontí=b-a

mar-táant íkke

want-2SG.PFV.REL=PLC-M.ACC go-2SG.IPFV PST

(John 21:18) 'When you were in your youth you dressed yourself and went where you wanted.' (Following context: But when you are old you will stretch out your hands, and someone else will dress you and lead you where you do not want to go.) (Kambaata and Hadiyya Translation Project Hosaina 2005: 95)

The third self-intensifying function, the so-called “adverbial-inclusive” function, is exemplified in (41). Again, the self-intensifier is not used adverbially in Kambaata but on its own as the subject.

<footnote n="13">¹³See also (42).</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴Note, however, that ‘on one’s own’ could, alternatively, be expressed by the ICP-marked form of ‘self’, i.e. [gag-íin-POSS] ‘by, with, through oneself’, in adverbial function.</footnote>
(41) (...) *hamiil-agúd-aa* bonx-ichch-í al-éen qakkíchch-ut
cabbage-seem-M.OBL leaf-SGV-M.GEN top-M.LOC tiny.SGV-F.NOM
gaaroríin-ch-ut afuu'll-ítee'; *gág-u<n>ku-se-n*
chameleon-SGV-F.NOM sit-3F.PRF self-M.NOM<EMP>-3F.POSS-EMP
*hamiil-agud-áta* agud-dáyyoo'u
cabbage-seem-F.ACC seem-3F.PROG
(The chameleon, which we, which I see here now,) the tiny chameleon
sits on a cabbage-colored leaf; (and) she, too (lit. herself), seems
cabbage-colored.' [Narrative, TD2016-02-11_001]

One and the same clause can contain two forms of *gag-á*, one in reflexive and the other in self-intensifying use, as seen in (42). The genitive form *gag-i-kkí* (lit.) ‘your self’s’ indicates coreference between the 2SG subject and the possessor, the nominative form *gág-u-kk* stressed that the addressee has to enforce their rights on their own.

(42) **Gag-i-kkí** gar-íta **gág-u-kk** aphph-íi
self-M.GEN-2SG.POSS right-F.ACC self-M.NOM-2SG.POSS grab.MID-M.DAT
aphphám-i
struggle-2SG.IMP

‘Enforce (lit. struggle to grab) your own rights yourself!’ (i.e. Nobody grants them to you.) (Periphrasis of a proverb, Alamu Banta Ataara & Alamaayyo G/Tsiyoon 2017: 138)

Self-intensifying functions constitute only a subset of the non-reflexive uses of *gag-á*. The corpus also shows it in contexts such as (43), in which *gag-á* does not lend itself to a self-intensifying interpretation. With respect to (43), a native speaker I consulted considered it interchangeable with a free personal pronoun (§2.1), which here would be *isso'ootí-i* [3PL.NOM-ADD].<fnref n="15" />

(43) (...) **gag-u-ssá-a** ammóo ma'nn-íta
self-M.NOM-3PL.POSS-ADD and place-F.ACC
af-fúmb-u-a=rr-a (...)
take-3F.NEG5-M.PRED-M.COP2=NMLZ4-M.PRED
(Context: They had only one ring of petals,) and they (lit. themselves)
took up no room (...).' (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 30)

<footnote n="15">¹⁵Note also that in a synonym matching exercise in a schoolbook, *gág-u-nne* [self-M.NOM-1PL.POSS] ‘ourselves’ has to be paired with the personal pronoun *na’óot* [1PL.NOM] ‘we’ (Kambaata Education Bureau 1989: 4.122).</footnote>
## 4 Middle derivation

Kambaata verb roots end in a single consonant or a consonant cluster.<fnref n="16" /> The root can be followed by one or several word-class maintaining or word-class changing derivational morphemes, which in turn are followed by inflectional morphemes. The most productive derivational categories on verbs are causative, passive, middle and reciprocal. Kambaata has a short (or simple) causative -(i)s [CAUS1] and a long (or double) causative -(i)siis [CAUS2]. Their distribution is partly determined by the valency of the base, but is also partly lexicalized (and thus not predictable). The passive is marked by -am, e.g. *shol*- ‘cook’ > *shol-am*- ‘be cooked’, *biix*- ‘break (tr.)’ > *biix-am*- ‘be broken, break (intr.)’. Kambaata only has one labile verb: *gid*- ‘be(come) non-tactile cold; make (someone) feel non-tactile cold’.

The middle is realized by two predominately phonologically conditioned allo-
morphs: -aqq /ak’:/ and -’ /?/. The first allomorph is used on verb stems ending
in a consonant cluster, e.g. iyy- ‘carry’ > MID: iyy-aqq- ‘carry for one’s benefit,
endure’, quss- ‘rub’ > quss-aqq- ‘rub oneself’, or on stems ending in an ejective
consonant, e.g. x /t’/ in maax- ‘hide’ > maax-aqq- ‘hide for/in oneself’. The sec-
ond allomorph is suffixed to stems that end in a sonorant, that in turn triggers
metathesis to satisfy the phonotactic constraints of Kambaata, see e.g. mur- ‘cut’
> mu’rr- /mu?r- / ‘cut oneself’, fan- ‘open’ > fa’nn-/fa?n-/ ‘open for one’s benefit’.
Stems ending in a single obstruent can either be marked as middle with -aqq, e.g.
 xuud- ‘see’ > xuud-aqq- ‘see, consider oneself’, or with the second allomorph. In
the latter case, the sequence of an obstruent plus a glottal stop is realized as a
geminate ejective consonant, e.g. /g+?/ = /k’:/ in dag- ‘know, find’ > daqq- ‘know,
find for one’s benefit’ and /f+?/ = /p’:/ in huf- ‘comb’ > huphph- ‘comb oneself’.
The choice of the first or second allomorph after single obstruents seems partly
lexically determined, partly a case of free variation.

The middle does not reduce the valency of the verb. It has three discernibly
different functions, the expression of autobenefactivity (§4.1), reflexivity (§4.2)
and emotional involvement of the speaker (§4.3). The middle is also part of the
reciprocal derivation (§4.4).

### 4.1 Autobenefactive

As in all East Cushitic languages (cf. Mous 2004), the most productive interpreta-
tion of the middle marker in Kambaata is to express that the subject of the clause

<footnote n="16">¹⁶Only a single verb root ends in a vowel: *re-* ‘die’. If the root is followed by a vowel-initial morpheme, *h* is inserted to avoid a vowel sequence.</footnote>
is the beneficiary of the event expressed by the verb. There are apparently no semantic restrictions on the verbs that can be used with an autobenefactive middle marker. In (44) the autobenefactive middle morpheme is on the verb *laa’ll-‘search and call (for a missing animal)’, in (45) on the verb *xa’mm-‘ask’, and in (46) on the verbs *ass-‘do’ (irregular middle form: *eecc-*) and *min-‘build’.

(44) Laa’ll-aqq-ayyoo’í-i xuud-eemma=dá-a
search.call-MID-3M.PROG.REL-NMLZ1.M.ACC see-3HON.PFV.REL=COND-ADD
m-á y-éen maassa’-éenno-la?
what-M.ACC say-3HON.PFV.CVB bless-3HON.IPFV-MIT

‘And if one comes across (lit. sees) someone who is searching and calling (for a missing animal) for his/her own benefit, what does one say to bless (him/her)?’ [Conversation on blessings, AN2016-02-19_002]

(45) Mát-u qabaaxxáam-u adab-óohu qabaaxxáam-oa<n>ka
one-M.NOM rich-M.NOM boy-M.NOM rich-M.OBL<EMP>
manch-í min-í márr-ee’u, beet-úta
person.SGV-M.GEN house-M.GEN go-3M.PRF daughter-F.ACC
xa’mm-aqq-óta
ask-MID-3M.PURP.SS

‘A rich young man (lit. boy) went to a rich man’s house in order to ask for the daughter for his own benefit.’ [Narrative, EK2016-02-12_003]

(46) Gizz-á hoolam-á ir-á xáaz-z
money-M.ACC much-M.ACC time-M.ACC gather-3F.PFV.CVB
qú’mm=eecc-ít min-í mi’nn-itóo’u
gather=do.MID-3F.PFV.CVB house-M.ACC build.MID-3F.PFV

‘After having saved money for many years, they could build a house for their own benefit.’ [Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

The autobenefactive function of the middle derivation could, in principle, also be analyzed as a subtype of the reflexivizing function, namely as one indicating coreference of the subject and a dative beneficiary adjunct.

## 4.2 Reflexive

In (4), the middle derivation was shown to be able to mark on its own that the subject and the direct (accusative) object are coreferential; another example is given in (47). Overall, however, examples of this type seem to be rare. There are
no clear cases in which the middle derivation alone marks coreference of the subject and a participant other than the direct object (if we exclude the beneficiary adjunct of §4.1). And even in prototypical reflexive situations, as in (4) and (47), the middle morpheme is often not the only reflexivizer but rather an additional reflexivizing device besides the reflexive noun, as elaborated on at the end of this section.

(47) Sull-aqq-ée'u
choke.with.rope-MID-3M.PFV
(Speaking about the actual cause of someone's death whom the addressee thought to have died from an illness) 'He hanged himself.' [Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

In contrast, we commonly find the middle morpheme on verbs of grooming and bodily care in Kambaata. Grooming and bodily care is typically self-directed, so the coreference of the carer and the cared is expected, and in many languages of the world, this coreference relations remains unmarked or marked by shorter morphemes if compared to the marking of prototypical reflexive situations (cf. Kemmer 1994). In Kambaata, with verbs of grooming and bodily care, reflexivity cannot be doubly expressed by a middle morpheme and a reflexive noun. If the noun gag-á 'self' is used with such verbs, it does not have a reflexive but a self-intensifying meaning; recall the self-intensifier with the verb qo'rr- 'gird' in (40).

Sometimes the root from which a middle verb was derived is not, or is no longer, attested in the language, and the middle verb forms a pair with a causative verb (Table 4). Here the speaker is bound to overtly express whether the action is carried out by the subject on him- or herself, or on someone else.

(48) Bór-a gassim-á xóqq=y-ít miin-í-se
PN-F.NOM morning-M.ACC get.up=say-3F.PFV.CVB face-F.ACC-3F.POSS
aa'll-ít odd-aqq-ít huphph-ít
wash.MID-3F.PFV.CVB put.on-MID-3F.PFV.CVB comb.MID-3F.PFV.CVB
xaaloot-á mar-tóó'u
church-M.ACC go-3F.PFV
'Bora got up in the morning, washed her face, got dressed, combed her hair and went to church.' [Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

The middle verbs in Table 5 are based on a verb root that usually<fnref n="17" /> expresses that an action of bodily care is carried out on a person that is non-coreferential

<footnote n="17">¹⁷In the corpus we also find some rare examples in which the unextended verb root is used even if the target of bodily care is the subject itself.</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 4: Grooming verbs (middle vs. causative stem)</caption><thead><tr><th>Root</th><th>Derivative</th><th>Translation</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>*aal-</td><td>aa'll- (48)</td><td>'wash (oneself)'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>aansh-</td><td>'wash (something/someone)'</td></tr><tr><td>*odd-</td><td>odd-aqq- (48)</td><td>'wear, put on (one's clothes)'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>odd-iis-</td><td>'have (someone) wear, put on (clothes)'</td></tr><tr><td>*gunguul-</td><td>gunguu'll-</td><td>'cover one's head'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>gunguushsh-</td><td>'cover someone's head'</td></tr><tr><td>*qor-</td><td>qo'rr- (40)</td><td>'gird, put on (belt, skirt, trousers)'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>qor-siis-</td><td>'have (someone) gird, put on (belt, skirt, trousers)'</td></tr></tbody></table>

with the subject. In contrast, the middle-derived form can only be interpreted as expressing coreference between the subject and the patient of bodily care. The clothes that are put on and the body parts that are the targets of bodily care can be overtly expressed as accusative objects, irrespective of whether the middle verb is of the type given in Table 4 or in Table 5; see, e.g. *miin-í-se* 'her face' in (48).

<table><caption>Table 5: Grooming verbs (root vs. middle stem)</caption><thead><tr><th>Root</th><th>Translation</th><th>Middle</th><th>Translation</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>buur-</td><td>'butter, anoint (s.o.)'</td><td>buu'rr-</td><td>'butter, anoint (oneself)'</td></tr><tr><td>dad-</td><td>'braid, plait (s.o.'s hair)'</td><td>daxx-</td><td>'braid, plait (one's own hair)'</td></tr><tr><td>huf-</td><td>'comb (s.o.'s hair)'</td><td>huphph-</td><td>'comb (one's own hair) (48)'</td></tr><tr><td>meed-</td><td>'shave (s.o.)'</td><td>meexx-</td><td>'shave (oneself)'</td></tr><tr><td>miiq-</td><td>'brush (s.o.'s) teeth'</td><td>miiq-aqq-</td><td>'brush (one's own) teeth'</td></tr><tr><td>xaax-</td><td>'wrap, tie around, have (s.o.) wear (e.g. a scarf)'</td><td>xaax-aqq-</td><td>'wrap, tie around (oneself), wear (e.g. a scarf)'</td></tr></tbody></table>

In cases of non-default coreference of subject and direct object (in the prototypical reflexive situation), it is common to find two reflexivizers, the reflexive noun and the middle derivation, in the same clause, as we saw in (5) and is further illustrated in (49–50). The reflexive noun seems to be the primary reflexivizer and
the middle derivation an addition. The native speaker I consulted was reluctant to omit the reflexive nouns in (50) and preferred the combination of the nominal and verbal reflexivizer. (An autobenefactive interpretation of the middle derivation in 50 can be excluded.)

(49) **Gag-á-''** **egexx-íi** **dand-áam-ba'a**
self-M.ACC-1SG.POSS hold.up.MID-M.DAT be.able-1SG.IPFV-NEG1
'I cannot contain myself.' (de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 37)

(50) **Jáal-a-''** **gag-á-se** **abbís-s**
friend-F.NOM-1SG.POSS self-M.ACC-3F.POSS exceed.CAUS1-3F.PFV.CVB
**qac-úta** **lókk-a-se** **ammóo culú=at-tumb-úuta**
thin-F.ACC leg-F.NOM-3F.POSS and beautiful=do-3F.NEG5-NMLZ1.F.ACC
**ass-ít** **xuud-aqq-ít** **gag-á-se**
do-3F.PFV.CVB see-MID-3F.PFV.CVB self-M.ACC-3F.POSS
**shigíg=eecc-ít** **bá'-ee-taa**
repel=do.MID-3F.PFV.CVB do.very.much-3F.PRF.REL-F.COP2
'My friend considers herself too thin (and) her legs ugly, she hates herself deeply.' [Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

4.3 Emotional involvement

The middle derivation has also acquired an intersubjective meaning and expresses the emotional involvement of the speaker – and not the subject – in a state-of-affairs. The three functions of the middle derivation – reflexive, autobenefactive and emotive – are contrasted in (51–53), which all contain the verb *aass-* ‘give’. In (51), the subject and the indirect object, the recipient of ‘give’, are coreferential. In (52), the subject is the beneficiary of a gift (or rather a bribe), but not the recipient. In (53), the speaker is emotionally touched by the event that he observes.

(51) Reflexive
**Gag-íiha-n-se** **abb-áta** **ma'nn-íta** **aass-aqq-itóo'u**
self-M.DAT-L-3F.POSS big-F.ACC place-F.ACC give-MID-3F.PFV
'She attributed (lit. gave) an important place to herself.' [Elicited,
DW2020-01-24]
(52) Autobenefactive

Dáann-u isíi fírd-unta-s gizz-á
judge-M.NOM 3M.DAT judge-3M.PURP.DS-3M.OBJ money-M.ACC

aass-aqq-ée'u

give-MID-3M.PFV

‘So that the judge would decide for him, he gave (the judge) money for his own benefit.’ [Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

(53) Emotive

Ább-u mánn-u aass-áni-yan xúujj
big-M.NOM people-M.NOM give-3M.IPFV.CVB-DS see.3M.PFV.CVB

ciil-uhú-u m-á-ndo aass-aqq-ée'u

infant-M.NOM-ADD what-M.ACC-Q give-MID-3M.PFV
(How amazing! How moving!) ‘The little child saw adults give (something, e.g. to the guests), then he also gave something (to them).’

[Elicited, DW2020-01-24]

## 4.4 Reciprocity

A sequence of a middle and a passive morpheme regularly gives rise to a reciprocal, e.g. gomb- ‘push’ > gomb-aqq-am- ‘push each other’, dag- ‘find’ > (*dag-?-am->) daqq-am- ‘meet (lit. find each other)’ (25), mazees- ‘injure’ > (*mazees-?-am->) mazeec-am- ‘injure each other’, y- ‘say’ > y-aqq-am- ‘say to each other’ (54).

(54) Āā, āā, kúun y-aqq-am-móommi-a bár-i
yes yes P_DEM1.M.NOM say-MID-PASS-1PL.PFV.REL-M.COP2 day-M.PRED
‘Yes, yes, it is the day we agreed on (lit. we said to each other).’
(de Saint-Exupéry 2018: 83)

## 5 Conclusions

Kambaata has a nominal and a verbal reflexivizer, both of which are multifunctional and also used in non-reflexive functions.

The reflexive noun gag-á ‘self’, which regularly combines with a possessive suffix, is primarily used to signal that the direct, indirect or oblique object is coreferential with the subject of the same clause. If the reflexive noun were replaced by a free personal pronoun or a bound object pronoun on the verb, the subject and these object pronouns would necessarily be considered referentially
disjoint. While the reflexive noun most commonly expresses a coreference relation between arguments of a minimal clause (§3.2.1, §3.2.2), I have also presented evidence that the antecedent of *gag-á* ‘self’ can be found outside this restricted syntactic domain. Examples in which the reflexive noun in an infinite or finite subordinate clause is coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause justify the analysis of *gag-á* ‘self’ as a long-distance reflexive (§3.2.3).

Whereas a non-reflexive (in)direct or oblique object pronoun rules out a coref-
erence relation with the subject NP, an adnominal possessor of a non-subject
noun phrase can be interpreted in two ways: as coreferential or non-coreferential
with the subject. In the adpossessive domain, the reflexive noun serves to signal
coreference explicitly and thus has a disambiguating function. As shown in §3.2.4,
the antecedent of the adnominal reflexive noun is not necessarily the subject of
the clause but may also be another participant, even in a subordinate clause.

Apart from having a reflexive function, the noun *gag-á* ‘self’ is also used as a
self-intensifier (§3.3).

The middle derivation -aqq/-' can serve as a reflexivizer in prototypical re-
flexive situations, i.e. situations in which coreference between arguments is un-
expected. It can only signal coreference between the subject and a direct (ac-
cusative) object – but even in this context it is rarely the only reflexivizing means
in its clause. Instead it often cooccurs with a reflexive noun (§4.2). In less typical
reflexive situations in which subject-object coreference (self-affectedness of the
subject) is the default, as in the case of grooming and bodily care, the middle mor-
pheme is used as the sole marker of coreference. If the noun gag-á 'self' occurs in
the clause of grooming and bodily care verbs, it necessarily has a self-intensifying
function. As in related East Cushitic languages, the most productive synchronic
function of the middle derivation is the expression of autobenefactivity (§4.1). In
Kambaata, it has furthermore adopted an intersubjective interpretation (§4.3).

Acknowledgements

Work on this chapter was in part supported by a grant of the *Institut des Sciences Humaines et Sociales* of the *Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique* (CNRS) under the programme *Soutien à la mobilité international 2019*. I am indebted to my Kambaata consultants Alemu Banta, Teshome Dagne, Tessema Handiso, Eremiyas Keenore, Aman Nuriye and all the other Kambaata speakers I have been working with since 2002. I am especially grateful to Deginet Wotango Doyiso for his native speaker expertise and the fruitful discussions of the analyses proposed here. I thank the editors, an anonymous reviewer and Abbie Hantgan for their valuable comments on an earlier version of this paper.
## Abbreviations

This chapter follows the Leipzig Glossing Rules (Comrie et al. 2008). Additional abbreviations used are:

<table><tr><td>A_DEM</td><td>adjectival demonstrative</td><td>MULT</td><td>multiplicative</td></tr><tr><td>ADD</td><td>additive</td><td>P_DEM</td><td>pronominal demonstrative</td></tr><tr><td>AG</td><td>agentive</td><td>PLC</td><td>place nominalizer</td></tr><tr><td>BDV</td><td>benedictive</td><td>PLV</td><td>plurative</td></tr><tr><td>CRD</td><td>coordinative</td><td>PN</td><td>proper noun</td></tr><tr><td>DISJ</td><td>disjunctor</td><td>PURP</td><td>purposive</td></tr><tr><td>DS</td><td>different subject</td><td>REAS</td><td>reason clause marker</td></tr><tr><td>EMP</td><td>emphasis</td><td>RED</td><td>reduplication</td></tr><tr><td>HON</td><td>honorific, impersonal</td><td>SEQ</td><td>sequential</td></tr><tr><td>ICP</td><td>instrumental-comitative-perlative</td><td>SGV</td><td>singulative</td></tr><tr><td>IDEO</td><td>ideophone</td><td>SIM</td><td>similative, manner</td></tr><tr><td>L</td><td>linker</td><td>SS</td><td>same subject</td></tr><tr><td>MID</td><td>middle</td><td>STAT</td><td>status noun derivation</td></tr><tr><td>MIT</td><td>mitigator</td><td></td><td></td></tr></table>

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