<figure><img src="image_172.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.4: Krog, kvadrat, pravi kot in njegovo razpolavljanje, razmerje 1 : √2.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.4: Circle, square, right angle and its halving, ratio 1:√2.</caption>

delimo na 360 stopinj, uro na 60 minut in minuto na 60 sekund. Vsekakor so šestdesetiški sistem uporabljali že v stari Mezopotamiji (prim. Berlinghoff, Gouvêa 2008, 15–17). Njegovo starost bo mogoče ugotoviti s pomočjo njegovih postavitev v mitičnih pokrajinah. Merjenje časa z Mesecem in zvezdami bo treba obravnavati posebej.

10.2.4 MATEMATIKA

Začetki matematike segajo v čas pred nastankom prvih pisav (v modernem smislu). Predmeti, ki kažejo na določeno matematično znanje, so stari vsaj 37.000 let (Berlinghoff, Gouvêa 2008, 12; za še zgodnejše začetke glej Rappenglück 2014).

S preprostimi orodji, kot sta vrv in palica, lahko na tleh narišemo krog. Podana sta njegov obod in središče. Z istim orodjem potem krog razdelimo na štiri dele, ki jih določata pravokotni črti (sl. 10.4). Ko povežemo njuna stičišča z obodom kroga, dobimo kvadrat. Razmerje stranice kvadrata in njegove diagonale je 1 : √2. Premer kroga je diagonala kvadrata, ki ga deli na dva enakokraka pravokotna trikotnika. Določen imamo kot 90°, z njegovim razpolavljanjem pa tudi kota 45° in 22,5°.

Če polmer kroga uporabimo za risanje nadaljnjih krožnic, ki gredo skozi središče prvega kroga in sekajo njegov obod, dobimo pravilen šesterolist (sl. 10.3) in šest točk na obodu. Skupaj s središčem kroga (sedma točka!) določajo šest enakostraničnih trikotnikov, medtem ko vsaka druga od šestih točk na obodu določa večji enakostranični trikotnik (sl. 10.5). S preprosto triangulacijo lahko nato iz osnovnih trikotnikov razvijamo želena prostorska razmerja in razdalje. Ko so znani dolžina ene stranice trikotnika in njena priležna kota, lahko določimo cel trikotnik. Enakostranične trikotnike

<figure><img src="image_173.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.5: Krog, enakostranični trikotniki, kot 60° in njegovo razpolavljanje.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.5: Circle, equilateral triangles, angle 60° and its halving.</caption>

10.2.4 MATHEMATICS

The beginnings of mathematics date back to the time before the emergence of the first alphabets (in the modern sense). Objects that indicate a specific mathematical knowledge, are at least 37,000 years old (Berlinghoff, Gouvêa, 2008, 12; about even earlier beginnings Rappenglück 2014).

With simple tools, such as rope and sticks, we can draw a circle on the ground. Its periphery and the centre are given. With the same tool the circle may then be divided into four parts, which are determined by the perpendicularly standing diameter lines (Fig. 10.4). When we connect their conjunctions with the circumference of the circle, we get a square. The diameter of the circle is the diagonal of the square, which is divided into two isosceles right angle triangles. The ratio of the sides of a square and its diagonal is 1:√2. So the 90° angle is given, with its halved angles of 45° and 22.5°.

If the radius of the circle is used to draw further circles, passing through the centre of the first circle, and intersecting the circumference of a circle, we get six-leaved form (Fig. 10.3) and at the circumference, we get six points. Together with the centre of the circle (the seventh point!) they determine six equilateral triangles, and every second of these six points on the circumference provides greater equilateral triangles (Fig. 10.5). Simple triangulation can thus be used to develop spatial relationships and distances from basic triangles. It is useful that we know the length of one side of the triangle and its adjacent angle, because in this way the whole triangle may be determined. Equilateral triangles can be used for measuring distances that are multiples of an arbitrary
<figure><img src="image_174.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.6: Mnogokratniki merske enote na isti črti s pomočjo enakostraničnih trikotnikov.</figcaption></figure>

Fig. 10.6: Multiples of the measurement unit along the same line using equilateral triangles.

<figure><img src="image_175.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.7: Mnogokratniki merske enote na isti črti s pomočjo enakokrakih, pravokotnih trikotnikov.</figcaption></figure>

Fig. 10.7: Multiples of the measurement unit along the same line by means of isosceles, and right-angle triangles.

lahko uporabljamo za merjenje razdalj, ki so poljuben mnogokratnik izhodiščne razdalje (sl. 10.6). Enako lahko uporabimo enakokrake pravokotne trikotnike (sl. 10.7). S pomočjo treh palic lahko čez gore, reke in doline potegnemo ravno smer.

S pomočjo navpične palice – gnomona so ljudje lahko določili (sl. 10.8) naklon Zemljine osi – ekliptiko (ε). Čeprav niso vedeli, kaj je ekliptika, so se zelo zavedali njenih posledic: spreminjajoče se moči sonca, ki je lahko tako šibko, da je vse ujeto v mraz in led, ali pa tako močno, da vse posuši in sežge. Z določitvijo kota ε (približno 23,5°) so ljudje določili zlato sredino med obema smrtonosnima skrajnostma. Lahko si predstavljamo, da so s ponazoritvijo te sredine, ki jo delovno imenujem obredni kot, naredili čar, ki je pomagal vzdrževati naravno ravnovesje in blaginjo. Isto funkcijo ima razmerje 1:√2, hipotenuza kot sredina med nasprotnima katetama (podrobneje Pleterski 2014, 122–127).

**Daljinske mere.** Nemški meroslovec Rolf Rottländer je dokazal, da je razvoj standardiziranih daljinskih mer star vsaj 8000 let. Zelo pomembno je dejstvo, da

<figure><img src="image_176.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.8: Določanje naklona Zemljine osi s pomočjo gnomona in prenos kota v ravnino.</figcaption></figure>

Fig. 10.8: Determining the inclination of the Earth's axis using a gnomon and transferring the angle to the plane.

baseline distance (Fig. 10.6). An isosceles right angle triangle may be used in the same way (Fig. 10.7). With the help of three sticks the straight line can be juxtaposed over the mountains, rivers and valleys.

With the help of a vertical stick (gnomon) were people able to determine (Fig. 10.8) the inclination of the earth's axis (ecliptic – ε). They did not knew what the ecliptic was, but they were very aware of its consequences: the changing power of the sun, which can be so weak that it is all trapped in cold and ice, and so strong that it dries and burns everything. By setting the angle ε (about 23.5°), the golden mean between the two deadly extremes was set. I call this the "ritual angle". One can imagine that the visualisation of the middle, seen as magic, helped to maintain natural balance and well-being. The same function has the ratio 1:√2, with the hypotenuse as the middle link between the catheti (more details Pleterski 2014, 122–127).

**Distance units.** German metrologist Rolf Rottländer proved that the development of standardised distance units is at least 8,000 years old. It is very important that they are all “genetically” connected (Rottländer 2006). Numerous distances are divisible with the so-called Charlemagne’s foot (333.22 mm). The multiples of the Charlemagne’s foot in a measurement module and the multiples of the module repeat in extremely strong symbolic numbers, often associated with the calendar and the moon’s numbers, and especially 3 x 9. The time that passes as the Moon returns to the same place on the horizon, is the sidereal month period of 27.32166 days. This is a month with three weeks, each week with nine days. The
so vse "genetsko" povezane (Rottländer 2006). Številne razdalje so deljive s tako imenovanim karlovim čevljem (333,22 mm). Mnogokratniki karlovega čevlja v mer skem modulu in mnogokratniki modula se ponavljajo in so hkrati simbolno izjemno močna števila, pogosto povezana s koledarskimi in mesečevimi števili, zlasti s formulo 3 x 9. Čas, ki mine, da se Mesec vrne na isto mesto na obzorju, je siderski mesec, ki traja 27,32166 dneva. To je mesec s 3 tedni, vsak teden z 9 dnevi. Formula 3 x 9 ali 27 (sem spadata tudi števili 999 in 39, pa tudi 93) je simbolično izjemno močna. Klicanje 27 dni sideričnega meseca, ko Mesec "odide in se vrne", je urok, ki so ga uporabljali za tiste, ki so odšli, da bi se vrnili (prim. Žolobov 2004). In tako kot Mesec stalno umira in oživlja, predstavlja idealno upanje za smrtnike, da se bodo vrnili.

## 10.2.5 KAKO NASTANE MITIČNA POKRAJINA

Predstavljam idealiziran model oblikovanja mitične pokrajine, kot ga lahko povzamemo na podlagi preučevanja slovanskega gradiva. To pa ne pomeni, da je model edinstven za Slovane. Njihovo izročilo je tako arhaično, da zanesljivo sega v predslovanski čas, s tem mislim na čas pred pojavom slovanskega jezika. Morda sega še dlje nazaj, v čas Predindoevropejcev (Pleterski 2014, 382). Zato je zelo verjetno, da bo predstavljeni model široko veljaven. Kako široko, bodo pokazali praktični preizkusi.

Struktura mitične pokrajine je bila realizirana vsakokrat ločeno v različnih teritorialnih enotah. Takšna enota je bila povezana geografsko, politično, gospodarsko, pravno, ritualno in identitetno. Slovani so jo poimenovali župa, tudi dežela (prim. Škrubej 2002, 96, 176-182, 205). Njen zunanji rob so določale štiri mitične točke (sl. 10.9), ki so bile povezane z mitičnimi dogodki v štirih letnih časih. Dve označujeta poletno in zimsko stanje, drugi dve pa pomladansko in jesensko spremembo. Hkrati označujejo štiri osebe mitičnih dvojic, rodovitne in neplodne. Ljudje so obiskovali te točke v določenih koledarskih dneh in izvajali obrede, ki so zagotavljali pravilno dogajanje mitične zgodbe in s tem ustrezen razvoj v naravi. V osrednjem delu župe so bile tri točke, povezane s tremi osebami Triglava ali z njegovimi tremi silami ognja, vode in zemlje. Ta trojica je bila lahko predstavljena tudi samo na enem mestu (Pleterski 2014, 377-382).

V ta prostorski okvir so ljudje postavili svoja naselja, grobišča in polja. Pri tem so poskušali kar najbolj spoštovati simbolične smeri, razdalje, oblike, kar vse je določalo tudi lego naselij in grobišč. Rešitve so bile prilagojene posameznim območjem, kanoniziranih pravilni bilo. Zato si niti dve situaciji nista enaki do zadnje podrobnosti, vedno pa se ponavlja isti vzorec.

Pomembna lastnost mitične pokrajine je, da ne razlikuje med svetim in profanim. Sestavni deli mitične

formula 3 x 9 or 27 (the numbers 999 and 39 as well as 93 could be added) is symbolically very strong. One spell involved calling on the 27 days of the sidereal month, when the moon "goes and returns", and was also used for those who have gone and should return (cf. Žolobov 2004). The Moon's death and gradual revival reflects the ideal hope for mortal people to be resurrected.

## 10.2.5 HOW DID THE MYTHICAL LANDSCAPE EMERGE?

I present an idealised model of the formation of the mythical landscape, which can be summarised according to Slavic material, but this does not mean that it is unique to the Slavs. Their tradition is so archaic, however, that it can be reliably traced back to pre-Slavic times, by which I mean the time before a Slavic language. It may even go back to the time of the Pre-Indo-Europeans (Pleterski 2014, 382). There is thus a substantial likelihood that the model presented is very widely valid: how wide will be demonstrated through its practical tests.

A mythical landscape structure was separately realised in each territorial unit (see below), which has been connected in a geographic, political, economic, juridic, identity, ritual manner. The Slavs called it župa, also dežela (cf. Škrubej 2002, 96, 176-182, 205). Its outer frame is defined by four mythical points (Fig. 10.9), associated with the mythical events of four periods of the year. Two of these events denote the summer and winter state, and two the spring and autumn change. At the same time they designate four persons as fertile and unfertile mythical couples. People went to these mythical points on specific calendar days and performed rituals to ensure the proper conduct of the mythical story and thereby the development of nature. In the central part of župa were three points that have been associated with persons of Triglav, or with his three forces, fire, water and earth. This trinity could also be presented together in one place (Pleterski 2014, 377-382).

People placed their settlements, burial grounds and fields in this spatial framework. In doing so, they tried their utmost to respect symbolic directions, distances, and shapes, which also denoted the positions of settlements and cemeteries. The respective solutions were adapted to the respective area; canonised rules did not exist. Although no two situations are similar in every last detail, the same concept is always repeated.

An important property of the mythical landscape is that the sacred and the profane are not distinguished; these components are everywhere, because it was the desire of the people to be protected in their entire living space. There is thus a mythical landscape wherever people lived.
<figure><img src="image_177.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.9: Idealiziran model mitične pokrajine teritorialne enote. Trikotniki označujejo točke, ki so prizorišča mitičnega dogajanja. Smeri povezav in njihovo število niso predpisane, vendar velja načelo, čim več tem bolje.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.9: Idealised model of the mythical landscape of a territorial unit. Triangles mark points that are the scene of mythical happenings. The directions of the connections and their number are not prescribed, but the principle is that more is better.</caption>

pokrajine so povsod, saj je šlo za željo ljudi, da bi bili zaščiteni v celotnem življenjskem prostoru. Zato obstaja mitična pokrajina povsod, kjer koli so ljudje živeli.

### 10.2.6 RADIESTEZIJSKI VIDIK

Doslej opisano ostaja na ravni zbiranja informacij različnih historičnih ved in preprostega opazovanja prostora. Vendar se sčasoma oblikuje občutek, da opazujemo samo lupino, porisano s formalističnimi čari. Vsebino ji daje tista lastnost prostora, s katero se ukvarja radiestezija, kar je moderno poimenovanje starodavne veščine občutenja prostora. Tu se ne bom spuščal v razpravo sedanjosti, ali gre pri radiesteziji samo za namišljena doživetja in paraznanost ali pa gre vendarle za objektivno obstoječe, čeprav fizikalno še nedoločene sile. Za mojo obravnavo je ta razprava nepomembna. Zanjo je pomembno preprosto dejstvo, da so ljudje verjeli v obstoj sil, ki izhajajo iz prostora, skušali z njimi živeti skladno in so zato v skladu s takšnim razumevanjem urejali prostor. Moje zanimanje je namenjeno pogledu nekdanjih ljudi na te sile, kako so jih zaznavali in razumeli ter kako so zaradi njih

### 10.2.6 RADIESTHESIA

What has been described so far remains at the level of gathering information from various historical sciences and simple observations of space, however, a feeling arises over time that we are observing only a shell, painted with formalistic ideograms. The contents of this shell are given by those properties of the space that radiesthesia deals with, which is a modern term for the ancient skill of feeling space. I will not go into the current debate about whether radiesthesia is merely an imaginary experience and parascience, or whether it is an objectively existing, albeit still physically undefined force, as this debate is irrelevant for my purposes. What matters is the simple fact that people believed in the existence of forces arising from space, tried to live with them in harmony, and therefore regulated space according to such an understanding. My interest is in looking at the historical view of these forces, how they were perceived and understood, and how the people therefore came to particular spatial solutions. The following are some fragments of statements recorded half a century ago by Pavel Medvešček and now published in collections of narratives describing the thoughts and actions of people in western Slovenia who still knew how
prišli do določenih prostorskih rešitev. V nadaljevanju
navajam nekaj drobcev izjav, ki jih je pred pol stoletja
zapisal Pavel Medvešček in jih sedaj objavlja v zbirkah
pripovedi, ki opisujejo razmišljanja in ravnanja ljudi v
zahodni Sloveniji, ki so še znali živeti tesno povezano
z naravo. V taki povezanosti niti pogovor z drevesi ni
bil čudež. Ali kot pravi rezijanska pripoved: “Nekoč so
rekli, da je gozd govoril. Ko so ljudje šli drevo sekat, je
reklo: ‘Ne mene, usekaj drugo!’ Nekoč je govorilo vse, vse
je govorilo” (posnel Milko Matičetov 1964 v Lipovcu/
Lipovaz, Italija: Dapit, Kropej 1999, 9). In še bolj stvarno
v pripovedi o domačinu Javorju: “Odkar hodi tja, rase
ob njegovi stezi bukev, za katero je vedel, da čuti njegovo
prisotnost. Pozornost ji je izkazoval tako, da jo je vedno
pogladil in ji tudi kaj lepega rekel. Ko je bil vesel, jo je tudi
objel in prav kmalu v svojih dlaneh začutil njen odgovor
(Medvešček 2015, 56).

Tročan. Beseda je doma samo v delu Posočja, tam ima še različico trigl (Medvešček 2015, 365), verjetno tudi truj (Medvešček 2015, 106), na Krasu pa trojnik (Čok 2015). V sedanjo, tudi raziskovalno rabo se je najbolje umestila beseda tročan in jo zato uporabljam v nadaljevanju. Tročani imajo nekaj zgovornih opisov. “Moj oče, ded in praded so od časov, ko so tu še tlačanili, prenašali izročilo o tročanu, ki je takrat pomenil tudi način življenja. Ko so se odločili, da bodo postavili hišo, kaščo in hlev, so najprej poiskali tri kamne. Dva so uporabili za temelj, tretjega pa so imeli za binkl [< nemško “Winkel” = kot – torej kamen, ki je označeval kot] – varuha, ki so ga varovali kot skrivnost, saj je zanj vedel le gospodar – gradi telj, ki je na smrtni postelji povedal bodočemu gospodarju, kje je. Tročan je bil vedno v znamenju ognja (sonca), vode in zemlje. Prenekatero kmetijo je pobralo, ker se je vedenje o hišnem tročanu izgubilo ali pa so ga celo iz nevednosti uničili. Kmetije, hiša, kašča, hlev, kozolec ali čebelnjak so bili vedno grajeni v tročanu. Tudi v sadovnjaku so sadili po tem pravilu. Če to ni bilo mogoče, so to storili s posevki. Baje je imela vsaka kmetija takrat svoj binkel, vendar le ognjenega, vodenega ali zemljenega ... Porezen je skupaj z Otavnikom in Robijo tvoril veliki tročan ... tudi drevesa in poljščine [so] razvrščali po sončnem, vodenem in zemljenem znamenju ... spadajo v sončnega ajda, jablana in vino, v zemljenega bob, češplja in mleko, v vodenega pa repa, tepka [stara vrsta hruške] in studenčnica.” (izročilo iz Zakojce in Bukovega na Cerkljanskem, Medvešček 2006, 55–58). Rad bi povedal kaj o tročanu, ampak tako kot me je naučil dehnar [= vodja skupine starovercev v Posočju]. Vedno je začel s hišnim tročanom, s katerim je bil povezan rod, od kdo ve kdaj. Kot vemo, so hišni tročan povezovali trije kamni. Prvi je bil v hiši, drugi v hlevu, kleti ali pajštvu [= sušilnica za sadje], tretji pa v bližini hiše. V hiši je bil vedno tudi premikajoči tročan, to je najstarejši trinožnik. Trinožniki, ki jih potrebujemo v hlevu, kleti ali na dvorišču, pa so podrejeni najstarejšemu. Med njimi mora potekati nemotena tretja moč, zato morata

to live closely connected with nature. Even talking to the
trees was not unusual as part of this connection, or as the
Resia (the mountain region western to Soča valley, now in
Italy) narrative says: “They once said that the forest spoke.
When people went to cut down a tree, it said, ‘Not me, cut
down another!’ Everything it used to speak, everything
spoke” (recorded by Milko Matičetov 1964 in Lipovec/
Lipovaz, Italy: Dapit, Kropej 1999, 9). More realistically, in
the story about a native Javor: “Whenever he walked there,
a beech [she] grows along his path, which he knew could
feel his presence. He showed her his attention by always
smoothing her and telling her something nice. When he
was happy, he also embraced her and soon felt her answer
in his hands” (Medvešček 2015, 56).

Tročan (= from trinity). The word is only used in
a part of the Soča Valley, where it takes the form trigl
(Medvešček 2015, 365), probably also truj (Medvešček
2015, 106), and in the Karst trojnik (Čok 2015). The word
“tročan” (plural tročans) is best placed in the present and
research use, which is why I use it below. The tročans
have some eloquent descriptions. “My father, grandfather
and great-grandfather have carried the tradition of tročan,
from the time of threlddom when it was also a way of life.
When they decided to erect a house, a granary and a stable,
they first looked for three stones. Two of them were used as
the foundation, and the third was called binkl [<German
“Winkel” = a corner – hence the stone that marked the
corner] – a guardian who was kept secret, since only the
master – the builder who knew about it, and on his death-
bed told the future house master, where it is. Tročan was
always in the sign of fire (sun), water and earth. Many farms
collapsed because the knowledge of the house točan was
lost or was destroyed through ignorance. Farms, a house, a
granary, a stable, a hayrack or apiary were always built in
tročan. They also planted the orchard under this rule. If that
was not possible, they did it with crops. It seems that every
farm had its own binkl at the time, but only fiery, watery or
earthy ... Porezen, together with Otavnik and Robija [three
mountains], formed a large tročan ... also trees and crops
[were] posed by sun, water and earth sign ... they belong:
to sun – buckwheat, apple-tree and wine, to earth – beans,
plums and milk, and to water – turnip, European pear
[Pyrus communis] and springwater” (narratives from
Zakojca and Bukovo in Cerkno region, Medvešček 2006,
55–58). ... “I would like to say something about the tročan,
but just as the dehnar [= leader of the group of Old Faith
believers in the Soča Valley] taught me. He always started
with a house tročan to whom the lineage was related, who
knows when. As we know, the house tročan was connected
by three stones. The first was in the house, the second in a
barn, basement or pajštba [= fruit dryer] and the third near
the house. There was always a movable tročan in the house,
this is the oldest tripod chair. The tripod chairs we need in
the barn, basement or yard are subordinated to the oldest
 tripod. There must be a smooth third power between them,
biti pri hiši ob najstarejšem le še dva druga. Tretji bi bil zanesljivo moteč in bi lahko povzročil nesrečo. Z njega bi denimo lahko nesrečno padel in se poškodoval. Po dehnarjevem mnenju tvorijo **zemeljski tročan** voda, ogenj in zemlja. **Nebeškega** pa sonce, luna in zvezda nimra [= najverjetneje Severnica] (Medvešček 2015, 114). **Vodni tročan** je med dvema izviroma potoka Vogrinke, in sicer severni ali lunin izvir ter južni ali sončni izvir. Kovezuje pa ju nevidna črta, ki je dolga nekaj sto korakov. Od obeh izvirov pa teče voda proti zahodu po obeh krakih potoka. Kjer se združita v enega, je tretja ali zvezdnata točka tročana. Od te točke pa do lunine ali sončne je prav tako nekaj sto korakov razdalje" (Medvešček 2015, 231).

K temu moramo dodati še zapis iz bohinjskega izročila. V Bohinju so imeli erotično silo za najobčutnejšo obliko življenjske sile. Nekdanji vodja fantovske druščine v Bohinju je o njej pripovedoval, "da je ta življenjska sila ustvarjanja, ki je združena tudi z vsem pomnjenjem rajnih, prav tako trodelna, kakor je Kašar ob velikonočnem spraševanju pravil za vile [šlo je za trizobe vile, kjer iz enega nastavka izhajajo trije roglji], kakor je tudi Triglav [ena gora s tremi vrhovi] in domača zastava [zastava s tremi barvami]. Je v tleh pri Matješi [to naj bi bil zemeljski ogenj], je v sapi ali vetru in mokroti in je v oblakih neba, ki jih robi in farba Sonce. V tem, da je vsa ta sila, od katere dobivajo odgovorjajoči del rastline, živali in človek za časa življenja. Od tam, da prihaja vse, tudi prava pamet, in tja se vse povrne – tudi pomnjenje" (v Bohinju zapisal zdaj pokojni Joža Čop z Broda). Tako dobimo pomen strukture tročana. Tročan je troje v enem. Kot celota je življenjska sila, ki prežema vse. Sestavljajo jo ogenj, voda in zemlja. To so tudi tri točke v prostoru. Če so v **ravni črti**, so jih v Čepovanu imenovali **triber** (Medvešček 2015, 365). Tročanova upodobitev je trikotnik. Obstaja veliko tročanov različnih velikosti, od mikro obsega na enem predmetu do makro velikosti, kjer gre za večdesetkilometrske razdalje.

Z zgornjim se ujemata opisa Bucinovega Štefana in Janeza Strgarja z desnega brega Soče. Po pripovedi prvega je bil tročan "verovanje v trojnost, ki povezuje tri vrhove, tri drevesa ali tri različne stvari, kot na primer jamo, drevo in goro. Zdi se mi, da je bilo tročanstvo tudi način življenja, ki si ga je posameznik izbral. Ker so v tročanu delovale sile, ki so blagodejno vplivale na ljudi in naravo samo, bi mu namreč takšen način življenja pomagal, da bi v tem nerodovitnem svetu preživel." (Medvešček 2015, 37). Drugi ga je previdno opisal zelo na kratko: "Tročan je navidezna povezava treh točk v trikotniku. Povedano po domače je to verovanje v trojnost. Vse nevidne sile, ki so v tročanu potekale od ene do druge točke, pa so blagodejno vplivale na človeka, živali in rastline. Točka, ki povezuje dva ali več tročanov, pa je imela tudi čarno moč. (Medvešček 2015, 41).

**Tretja in peta moč.** Medveščkovi sogovorniki so včasih omenili tretjo moč in nekajkrat tudi peto, nikoli

so there should be only two others near the oldest one. An additional tripod would be reliably distracting and could cause an accident. For example, you could accidentally fall and be injured. In the dehnar's view, **earth's tročan** consists of water, fire, and earth. **The heavenly tročan**, of the sun, **the moon and the star** nimra [= most likely the North Star] (Medveščak 2015, 114). ... "The water tročan is between two springs of the Vogrinka stream, namely the northern or the moon spring and the southern or solar spring. However, they are connected by an invisible line that is several hundred steps long. From both springs, however, water flows westward along both branches of the stream. Where they merge into one, is the third or star point of the tročan. From this point to the moon point or the sun point there are also several hundred steps of distance" (Medvešček 2015, 231).

To this must be added the record from the Bohinj tradition. In Bohinj (a region in northwestern Slovenia) erotic power was regarded as the most strongly felt form of vitality. The former head of the young man comradship in Bohinj said that "this life-force of creation, which is united with all the memory of died people, is just as triplex as fork [with three prongs], as is Triglav [one mountain with three peaks] and a national flag. It is in the soil at Matješa [this is supposed to be an earthly fire], it is in breath or wind and wetness, and it is in the clouds of the sky, which the sun borders and paints. In that all is this force, from which they receive the responsible part the plants, animals and humans for the life time. From there everything comes, even the right mind, and there everything comes back – even the memory" (written in Bohinj by the late Joža Čop from Brod). This is how the meaning of the tročan structure is obtained. It is three in one. As a whole, it is the life force that permeates everything. It consists of fire, water and earth. These are also three points in space. If they are in a straight line, they were called **triber** in Čepovan (Medvešček 2015, 365). Tročan's illustration is a triangle. There are many tročans of different sizes, from the micro-scale on one object, to the macro-scale, where there are distaces of several dozens kilometres.

The above corresponds with the descriptions of Štefan Bucin and Janez Strgar on the right bank of the Soča River. According to the narrative of the former, tročan was "a belief in the trinity that connects three peaks, three trees, or three different things, such as a cave, a tree, and a mountain. It seems to me that the tročan-principle was also a lifestyle chosen by the individual. Because forces that had a beneficial effect on humans and nature were operating in the tročan, that kind of lifestyle would help them survive in this haunted world." (Medveščak 2015, 37). The second one carefully described it very briefly: "The apparent connection of three points in a triangle is tročan. To put it simply, it is the belief in triplicity. All the invisible forces in tročan that flowed from one point to another had a beneficial effect on humans, animals and plants. The point that connects two or more tročans also had a magical power" (Medvešček 2015, 41).
pa ju ni nihče opisal. Kaj sta, lahko sklepamo samo posredno po povezavah, v katerih nastopata. Tretjo moč imajo nekatere vode, jame, drevesa, kamni in potem predmeti, ki od tam prihajajo. Ta moč seva in se prenaša. Tako sadilni klin iz lesa s tretjo močjo to moč prenaša na rastline, od teh pa preide na človeka. Tretja moč deluje zdravilno, pomaga pri rasti in deluje proti propadanju, varuje pred zlimi duhovi (Medvešček 1992, 110; 2006, 5, 24, 46, 65, 168; 2015, 48, 103, 301, 330, 355, 428, 471, 522). Nastane tudi pri spolni dejavnosti, kuščarji in kače jo po parjenju puščajo za seboj (Medvešček 1998, 31). To se ujema z bohinjsko pripovedjo, da je erotična sila najobčutnejša oblika življenjske sile. Bohinjska pripoved tudi pojasnjuje, da ime tretja moč izvira iz trojnosti te moči. Marsikdo se je dandanašnji namreč že vprašal, kje in kaj so potem prva, druga in četrta moč, če obstajata tretja in peta. Očitno pa ne gre za vrstni red, ampak za število sestavin. S tem dobimo tudi namig za razumevanje pete moči, ki je opisana najbolj skopo. Tako kot tretja moč se tudi peta pretaka v tročanu. Nekateri ljudje imajo lahko tretjo in peto moč. Tudi peta moč ima zdravilni učinek (Medvešček 2006, 185; 2015, 48, 106, 172, 483). Če tretjo moč lahko povežemo s številom tri in Triglavom, potem je peta moč povezana s številom pet Svetovidovega križa. In ker je opazno, da so Medveščkovi sogovorniki večkrat iste stvari imenovali z različnimi imeni, postanemo pozorni na naslednji opis: "Ob taurah [= v skalo okameneli bik] pred hišo pa so pred prvo svetovno vojno rasle tri stoletne lipe, njihove korenine pa so bile povezane s taurami. Prav zaradi tega so bile v stiku s podzemljem ... Rekli so, da taure delujejo od spodaj navzgor, z zemeljsko močjo, lipe pa od zgoraj navzdol, z nebesno močjo (Medvešček 2015, 361). Sklep, da je tretja moč zemeljska moč, ki prihaja od spodaj, in da je peta moč nebesna moč, ki prihaja od zgoraj, je logičen. Ne nazadnje ga potrjuje tudi Zbruški idol, kjer je Triglav spodaj, Svetovid pa zgoraj (Pleterski 2015a, 18–21).

Je pa o zgornjih taurah Medvešček izvedel še več (sl. 10.10). "Kot vidiš, je Pri starih kamnih prva in zadnja taura, če gledaš v ravni črti proti zahodu. Ker je srednja taura pomaknjena nekoliko proti jugu, vse tri skupaj tvorijo tročan. Sredino tročana pa je označeval ploščat kamen, ki so ga vkopali v zemljo, da je bil poravnan s površjem ... Ker je bila moč tročana in vseh treh tauer zdravilna, so se na sredinski kamen ulegli, usedli ali stali bolni ljudje, tja pa so pripeljali in privezali tudi bolno žival ... Vendar so taure služile predvsem kot neke vrste preprost koledar, da so lahko domačini s pomočjo senc s posamezne taure vedeli, ker je bil kraj pod tauro označen, kdaj se začne pomlad, poletje, jesen in zima. Okrogli kamni, ki so bili položeni na vrhu vsake taure in prineseni sem od drugod, pa so imeli na vrhu vklesano luknjico, v katero so zagozdili drenovo palico, da je njena senca padla na vrh taure. Te pa so označevale še druge pomembne dneve v letu, kot so poletni (23. junija) in zimski (23. decembra) kres ipd. (Medvešček 2015, 360).

**The third and the fifth power.** Medvešček's dialogists sometimes referred to the third power and several times to the fifth power, but no one ever described them. What they are can only be inferred indirectly through the relationships in which they occur. Some waters, caves, trees, stones include the third power and then objects that come from those places. This power radiates and is transmitted. Thus, planting a wedge of wood with the third-power transfers this power to plants, and from these to humans. The third power is healing, which helps things to grow, acts against decay, and protects against evil spirits (Medvešček 1992, 110; 2006, 5, 24, 46, 65, 168; 2015, 48, 103, 301, 330, 355, 428, 471, 522). It also occurs in sexual activity, and lizards and snakes leave it behind after mating (Medvešček 1998, 31). This fits with the Bohinj narrative that erotic force is the most sensitive form of life force. The Bohinj narrative also explains that the name third power derives from the trinity of that power. Many people today wondered where and what the first, the second and the fourth powers are, if there are third and fifth powers. Obviously, this is not about the order, but about the number of ingredients. This also

<figure><img src="image_178.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.10: Lazne, Slovenija. Tročan Pri starih kamnih: taure, lipe in zdravilni kamen (po: Medvešček 2015, sl. 101).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.10: Lazne, Slovenia. Tročan Pri starih kamnih: tauras, linden trees and healing stone (after: Medvešček 2015, Fig. 101).</caption>
### 10.2.7 IZVEDBA PROSTORSKE UMESTITVE

Razporeditev stavb. Da so "velike" stare civilizacije imele svoje arhitekte, poznale urbanistično urejanje prostora, skratka gradile po nekih pravilih, ni skrivnost, saj jo dobro dokumentirajo tako terenski sledovi, kot je rimska centuriacija, in pisni viri (celo priročniki, kot je npr. Frontin 1998). Vendar, ali to pomeni, da so drugi gradili kaotično, brez razmisleka, če njihovih gradenj ne opisujejo pisni viri ali niso zapustili veličastnih stavb?

Da so tudi stari Slovani poznali določen prostorski red in pravila pri postavljanju svojih domovanj, je prvi opazil Jaroslav V. Baran. Pri ukrajinskem naselju Raškiv I iz obdobja od druge polovice 7. do začetka 9. st. je opazil pravilno razporejanje bivališč, ki jim mesto postavitve določajo ravne črte. K temu opažanju mu je pomagalo srečno naključje. Na načrtu najdišča je pozabil ravnilo in ko se je vrnil, je zagledal vrsto hiš, ki so se z vogalnom dotikale ravnega roba ravnila (ustna informacija J. V. Barana v pogovoru leta 2002). Potem je hitro ugotovil, da je mogoče hiše celotne naselbine povezati s črtami. Odkritje je bilo tako osupljivo, da je grozilo, da ne bo mogel obraniti doktorske disertacije s tako vsebino raziskave. Prepričljivost je pridobil, ko se je oprl na etnološke raziskave Alberta K. Bajburina o bivališču v obredih in predstavah vzhodnih Slovanov, kjer je bila še posebej važna ugotovitev o načrtovanju hišnega tlorisa s pomočjo hišnih vogalov, še zlasti z diagonalo med svetim kotom in protiležečim kotom s pečjo (Bajburin 1983, 128, 184). Še pomembneje pa je bilo, da je v slovanskih pravnih spomenikih našel zapise o vrvi kot predmetu in hkrati kot poimenovanju določene vrste sorodstvenih odnosov (Baran 1992, 130–140). Pozneje je sistem povezav hišnih diagonal in vogalov potrdil Peter Šalkovský na slovaški zgodnjesrednjeveški naselbini Mužla-Čenkov I (Šalkovský 1993).

Najboljši opis uporabe vrvi najdemo v pravu župe Poljica v okolici Splita (Hrvaška). To pravo je bilo zapisano kot Statut poljički že ob koncu srednjega veka in vsebuje številne prežitke iz mnogo starejših časov (Pera 1988, 403–410). Gre za enega najpomembnejših slovanskih pravnih spomenikov.

Tu bomo kratko obravnavali termin vrv, ki nastopa v Statutu. Najdemo ga tudi v staroruskem zakoniku Pravda rus'skaja iz 11. stoletja. Tam pomeni enoto družbeno-teritorialne organizacije, medtem ko Pera za poljiško vrv meni, da pomeni vrsto sorodstvene povezanosti, ki naj bi bila starejša od teritorialnega pomena vrvi v Pravdi rus'skaji (Pera 1988, 544). Izraz vrv v Statutu poljičkem je analiziral tudi Miho Barada in ugotovil, da vrv nikakor ni krvna zveza, ampak je prežitek iz časa priselitve Slovanov. Beseda vrv je naredila pomenski razvoj od predmeta, s katerim so merili skupno zemljišče, pozneje so z njo poimenovali tako izmerjeno zemljišče, na koncu je postala abstrakten pojem za idealno pravico do takega zemljišča (Barada 1957, 23–33).

gives a hint with which to understand the fifth power, which is described very sparsely. Like the third power, the fifth power also flows in tročan. Some people may have the third and the fifth power. The fifth power also has a healing effect (Medvešček 2006, 185; 2015, 48, 106, 172, 483). If the third power can be related to the number three and Triglav, then the fifth power is connected to the number five of the Cross of Svetovid. Since it is notable that Medvešček's informers have repeatedly called the same thing by different names, we turn our attention to the following description: "At the tauras [taura = a bull turned to a rock] in front of the house three hundred years old linden trees grew before the First World War and their roots were connected to the tauras. That is why they were in contact with the underworld ... They said that the tauras act from the bottom up, with earthly power, and the linden trees from the top down, with celestial power (Medvešček 2015, 361). The conclusion that the third power is the earthly power coming from below, and that the fifth power is the celestial power coming from above, is logical, confirmed by the Zbruč idol, where Triglav is below and Svetovid is above (Pleterski 2015a, 18–21).

However, Medvešček learned more about these tauras (Fig. 10.10). "As you can see, at Pri starih kamnih (= At the old stones; a place name), the first and the last taura, if you look in a straight line, are to the west. Because the middle taura is slightly southward, all three form a tročan. The middle of the tročan was indicated by a flat stone that was dug into the ground and aligned with the surface ... Because the power of the tročan and of all three tauras were healing, sick people lay down, sat or stood on the centre stone, and they also brought and tethered sick animals ... But the tauras served especially as a kind of simple calendar, that the locals could know through the shadows of each taura, because the place under the taura was marked, when spring, summer, autumn and winter begin. The round stones that were laid on top of each taura, and brought in from elsewhere, they had a hole carved into the top. They put a dogwood stick in it, so that its shadow dropped to the top of the taura, which marked other important days of the year, such as summer (23rd June) and winter (24th December) bonfire, etc." (Medvešček 2015, 360).

### 10.2.7 PLACEMENTS

**Arrangement of buildings.** That the “great” old civilisations had their own architects, knew urban planning, and in short, built according to some rules, is no secret, since it is well documented by field traces such as for Roman centuriation and written sources (including manuals such as Frontin 1998). Does this mean that others were building chaotically, without consideration, however, if their constructions were not described by written sources or did not leave magnificent buildings?
Uporaba termina *vrv* v *Statutu* pa pove še več. Besedna zveza *vrv pojati* v 62. členu (Pera 1988, 462) kaže, da gre za materialno uporabo vrvi, čeprav v simbolnem pomenu. *Pojati* namreč izvira od praslovanskega *pod'ati*, kar je ponavljalni glagol od praslovanskega *poditi*, to pa je prvotno pomenilo "napenjati, raztegovati" (Snoj 1997, 459 in 463). *Vrv pojati* ima zato v *Statutu* najverjetne stari pomen "raztegovati vrv", torej z vrvjo meriti prostor. To seveda ne zanika namena, da je pri tem šlo za preverjanje sorodstva (Junković 1968, 113; Baran 1992, 137). V členu 80a je omenjena *družina vrvitja* (vrvna družina, družina od vrvi), 36. člen pa povsem nedvoumno pove, da obstajata *brat prisni* (pristni brat) in *brat ne prem prisni* (ne povsem pristni brat), da je prvi *brat bližnji* in da je drugi *brat vrvni* (Pera 1988, 434, 436, 484). Obe vrsti bratov sta večinoma pravno izenačeni, vrvni so malenkostno manj zaščiteni. Seveda lahko razliko med obema vrstama bratov pojasnimo z razliko med bližnjim (*brat bližnji*) in daljnim sorodstvom. Vendar protistava *prisni* < *vrvni* kaže na starejše stanje, pri katerem je bil *prisni brat* po krvi, *vrvni brat* pa brat po vrvi (podobno: Barada 1957, 29; Mladen Ančić opozarja na zanimiva primera, ko sta bili dve osebi hkrati "krvna" in "vrvna brata" oziroma *fratres consanguinales et funales*; Ančić 1994, 320).

Če temu dodamo Perovo ugotovitev, da je bil odnos prebivalcev Poljice do njihove zemljiške posesti prvenstveno emocionalen, da so imeli do nje skoraj mističen odnos kot do svoje hraniteljice in osnove svojega obstanka (*terra mater*) (Pera 1988, 290) in da so bili rodni bratje po svoji materi povezani s popkovino – rodno vrvj o (Pera 1988, 150), potem je simbolika vrvi, ki vse to povezuje, nedvoumna. Tako kot druži krvne brate popkovina z materjo, ki jim je dala življenje, tako druži vrvne brate vrv z materjo zemljo, ki jim daje življenje. Vsi, ki so svoj prostor urejali s pomočjo vrvi in pri tem skupaj držali to vrv, so postali vrvni bratje. To je bilo pravno dejanje, ki je najprej povezalo naseljenca z novopridobljeno zemljo, lahko pa je tudi vključilo tujca v skupnost kot enakopravnega člana, neodvisno od njegovega krvnega izvora. To je bilo eno temeljnih dejanj pri osvojitvi prostora in zdi se, da je prav pravni institut vrvi nekoč dajal Slovanom izjemno asimilacijsko moč.

Svoja opažanja je Baran povzel v nekaj pravil. Eno imenuje sistem diagonalnih povezav. Od enega od vogalov starejše hiše gre črta, ki določa diagonalo mlajše hiše, kjer sta na njej peč in protilegli kot (sl. 10.11). Ta odnos je potrjen stratigrafsko. Drugo pravilo je, da so sočasna bivališča razporejena tako, da si ne zakrivajo tisti del stene, na katero se naslanja zadnja stena peči in v kateri je bila verjetno odprtina. Tretje pravilo je, da je gradnja večinoma potekala po skupinskem načelu. Diagonalne povezave so po Baranu simbolizirale vez med starši in otroki, torej ravno linijo sorodstva. Na eni črti se pojavljajo vogali ali stene več sočasnih ali različno starih hiš (sl. 10.12). Iz tega sledi četrto pravilo.

Jaroslav V. Baran was the first to notice that even the ancient Slavs followed a certain spatial order and rules when setting up their homes. He observed that at the Ukrainian settlement of Rashkiv I, from the second half of the seventh to the beginning of the ninth century, the correct arrangement of the dwellings, and their place of erection was determined by straight lines. This observation was aided by a happy coincidence. He left the ruler to lay on the site plan, and when he returned to it, he saw a series of houses touching the ruler with a corner (oral information by J. V. Baran in a 2002 interview). He quickly realised that the houses of the whole settlement could be connected by lines. The discovery was so stunning that it threatened his ability to defend his doctoral dissertation. He gained credibility by relying on Albert K. Bajburin's ethnological research on dwelling in the rites and notions of the Eastern Slavs, where it was particularly important to conclude the design of a house floor plan using house corners, especially the diagonal between the sacred angle and the counter-angle with a furnace (Bajburin 1983, 128, 184). More importantly, in Slavic legal texts, he found records of the rope as an object of measurement and at the same time as naming a certain kind of kinship (Baran 1992, 130–140). The system of house diagonals and corner connections was later confirmed by Peter Šalkovský at the Slovak Early Medieval settlement Mužla-Čenkov I (Šalkovský 1993).

The best description of rope usage is found in župa Poljica law (= Slavic territorial and administrative unit) in the vicinity of Split (Croatia). This law was signed as the Statute of Poljica at the end of the Middle Ages and contains many relics from many earlier times (Pera 1988, 403–410). It is one of the most important Slavic legal monuments.

Here, we will briefly discuss the term *vrv* (= a rope) as it appears in the statute. It is also found in the Old Russian Code *Pravda rus'skaja* from the eleventh century, where it means a unit of socio-territorial organisation, and Pera considers the Poljica rope to be a type of kinship that is earlier than the territorial significance of the rope in *Pravda rus'skaja* (Pera 1988, 544). The term *vrv* in the Statute of Poljica was also analysed by Miho Barada. He found that the rope does not imply a blood connection, but is a survivor from the time of Slavic immigration. The word *vrv* (rope) developed semantically from meaning the object used to measure common land, to the land that was measured in this way, eventually becoming an abstract term for the ideal right to such land (Barada 1957, 23–33).

The use of the term 'rope' in the statute, however, gives more information. The phrase "*vrv pojati*" in Article 62 (Pera 1988, 462) indicates that it is a practical use of the rope, albeit in a symbolic sense. Namely, *pojati* comes from the Proto-Slavic *pod'ati*, which is a repetitive verb from the Proto-Slavic *poditi*, which originally meant "to strain, to stretch" (Snoj 1997, 459 and 463). Therefore, *vrv pojati* in the statute, most probably has the old meaning
<figure><img src="image_179.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.11: Raškiv, Ukrajina. Skupina hiš v zgodnjesrednjeveškem naselju Raškiv I, ki jih povezujejo hišne dijagonale (podlaga: Baran 1992, Ris. 2).</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_180.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.12: Raškiv, Ukrajina. Skupina hiš v naselju Raškiv I, ki jih povezujejo črte vzdolž stranic in vogalov (podlaga: Baran 1992, Ris. 7).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.12: Rashkiv, Ukraine. A group of houses in the Rashkiv I settlement, connected by lines along the sides and corners (base: Baran 1992, Fig. 7).</caption>

Sistem linijsko povezanih lokastih struktur oz. *linijsko-radialni*. Ta bi lahko simbolizirala bočno, horizontalno linijo sorodstva (bratje, strici, sorodniki) (Baran 1997, 177–179). Svojo raziskavo je Baran povzel v trditvi, da je prostorska ureditev s pomočjo vrvi upodobitev sorodstvenih odnosov (prim. Baran 1992, 132). Zanjo ima, kot smo videli zgoraj, vrsto dobrih argumentov. Kot bomo videli v nadaljevanju, pa to ni edina motivacija za take prostorske povezave. Poleg tega se Baran ni ukvarjal z vprašanjem, ali obstaja izmerljiva povezava naselbine z okolico.

Pozneje je Bogdan Tomenčuk logično predpostavil, da bi sistem socialno-prostorskih odnosov moral obstajati tudi na grobiščih, in je hitro našel

of “stretching the rope”; measuring the space with a rope. This, of course, does not negate the intention that this was a kinship check (Junković 1968, 113; Baran 1992, 137). Article 80a mentions *družina vrvitja* (rope family, family by rope), and Article 36 states unambiguously that there is *brat prisni* (a genuine brother) and *brat ne prem prisni* (a not fully authentic brother), that the first brother is *brat bližnji* (close) and that the other is *brat vrvni* (by rope) (Pera 1988, 434, 436, 484). For the most part, both types of brothers are legally equal, although those of the rope are slightly less protected. Of course, the difference between the two types of brothers can be explained by the difference between one's close brother (*brat bližnji*) and one's distant kinship, however, the opposition *prisni* <br> *vrvni* indicates an earlier condition in which *prisni brat* was brother by blood and *vrvni brat* was brother by rope (similar: Barada 1957, 29; Mladen Ančić points to interesting cases where two people were “blood brothers” and “rope brothers” at the same time or *fratres consanguinales et funales*; Ančić 1994, 320).

Pera also observed that the attitude of the inhabitants of Poljica to their land tenure was primarily emotional, that they had an almost mystical attitude to it as their breadwinner and the basis of their existence (*terra mater*) (Pera 1988, 290) and that the native brothers were related by their mother to the umbilical cord – the rope of birth (Pera 1988, 150), and here the symbolism of the rope connecting it all is unambiguous. Just as the umbilical cord connects the blood brothers with the mother who gave them life, so the rope connects the rope brothers with the mother earth that gives them life. Everyone who arranged their space with the help of a rope while holding that rope together became rope brothers. It was a legal act that first linked the settler to the newly acquired land, but could also include the alien in the community as an equal member, regardless of their blood origin. This was one of the fundamental actions in the conquest of space, and it seems that the legal institute of rope once gave the Slavs tremendous assimilation power.

Baran summed up his observations in a few rules. One he calls *the diagonal connection system*. From one of the corners of an earlier house there is a line defining the diagonal of the younger house, which includes the furnace and the opposite angle (Fig. 10.11). This relationship is confirmed stratigraphically. The second rule is that contemporary dwellings are arranged in such a way that they do not block each other at the part of the back wall with the furnace, and where the opening was likely. The third rule is that construction was mostly done on a group basis. The diagonal connections, according to Baran, symbolised the bond between parents and children, that is, a straight line of kinship. On the same line there are corners or walls of several simultaneously or differently old houses (Fig. 10.12). This follows rule four. The system of linearly connected arcuated structures is called *line-radial*. This could symbolise a lateral, horizontal
<figure><img src="image_181.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.13: Knjažin, Ukrajina. Knjažinsko grobišče, plani, žgani grobovi. Ukrajina (po: Tomenčuk 2002, Ris. 1).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.13: Knyazhin, Ukraine. Knyazhin burial ground, flat, burnt burials. Ukraine (after: Tomenčuk 2002, Fig. 1).</caption>

več primerov, kjer je mogoče najti linijske povezave med grobovi na planih in tudi gomilnih grobiščih, na staroslovanskih (sl. 10.13) in celo skitskih (Tomenčuk 2002). Tudi Tomenčuk se ni ukvarjal z vprašanjem, ali obstaja izmerljiva povezava grobišča z okolico.

Baranovo rekonstrukcijo stavbne zasnove naselbin v marsičem potrjuje posoško izročilo, kot ga je zapisal Pavel Medvešček. Le da tam ni omembe sorodstvenih povezav, izražena pa je želja navezati se na sosednje tročanske točke. Motivacija je bila nedvomno želja, da bi na svoja bivališča ter vse, kar je v njih, vzpostavili pretok tretje in pete moči, ki sevata v tročanih, kot so verjeli ljudje.

**Staro znanje postavljanja vasi in hiš** je v 20. st. v Posočju živelo samo še v spominu na pripovedi starih, saj se je ohranjalo le še na območjih, kjer je življenje zamira-lo in ni bilo novogradenj, ki bi tako znanje potrebovale. Povezava prostora in rodu, ki jo je tako živo videl Baran, je v pripovedih ostala skoraj povsem zabrisana. Samo mimogrede naletimo na omembo, da je obstajal hišni tročan, s katerim je bil povezan rod (Medvešček 2015, 114). Morda so staroverci o tem vendarle vedeli več, a preprosto niso dobili pravega vprašanja.

Če združimo podatke različnih pripovedi, se oblikujeta hierarhija tročanskih točk in njihovo zaporedje. Vse se je začelo z določitvijo glavne točke, na katero so nato naslonili posamične vaške tročane. V enem znanem primeru je bila naravna točka hrib Žarnik (Artovlja), ki mu je pomen določil žarni kamen, ki je nanj padel, pozneje pa je tam stal poseben kamen (Medvešček 2015, 130). Zanimivo bi bilo raziskati, ali bi na tistem prostoru zaznali kakršne koli sledi padca meteorita.

V drugem primeru so izhodiščno točko postavili umetno, po izbiri krajevnega dehnarja. To se je zgodilo na kresni dan, dehnar pa si je pomagal z brezovima ba-

line of kinship (brothers, uncles, relatives) (Baran 1997, 177–179). Baran summarised his research by arguing that spatial arrangement, using a rope, is a representation of kinship relations (cf. Baran 1992, 132). He has a number of good arguments for this, as we saw above, however, as we will see below, this is not the only motivation for such spatial connections. Baran did not address the question of whether there was a measurable connection between the settlement and the surrounding area.

Later, Bogdan Tomenčuk logically assumed that a system of socio-spatial relationships should exist in cemeteries as well, and he quickly found several examples where line connections between graves could be found on plane cemeteries as well as on burial mounds, in the Old Slavic period (Fig. 10.13) and even Scythian (Tomenčuk 2002). Even Tomenčuk did not address the question of whether there was a measurable connection between the burial ground and the surrounding area.

Baran's reconstruction of the settlement design is in many respects confirmed by tradition in the Soča region, as written down by Pavel Medvešček. There is no mention of kinship ties, however, but a desire to relate to neighbouring tročan points is expressed. The motivation was, undoubtedly, the desire to establish a flow of the third and the fifth powers that radiate in tročans, in their dwellings, and in everything within them, as people believed.

**The old knowledge of setting up villages and houses** was only remembered in the Posočje region in the 20th century by the oldest residents, since it was preserved only in areas where life was dying and there were no new buildings that would need such knowledge. The connection between space and lineage, so vividly seen by Baran, remained almost completely blurred in the narratives. We only come across a mention that there was a house tročan with which the lineage was related (Medvešček 2015, 114). The Old Faith Believers may have known more about it, but they simply were not asked the right questions.

If we combine the data of different narratives, then a hierarchy of tročan points and their sequence are formed. It all began with the identification of the main point on which the individual village tročans were based. In one known case, the natural point was the Žarnik hill (Artovlja), whose significance was determined by a glowing stone that fell on it, and later a special stone that there would be any traces of a meteorite fall in that area.

In the second case, the starting point was set up artificially, at the choice of the local dehnar. This happened on a midsummer day, and the dehnar used his birch divining rods. When he felt a "crackle" in his hands, he stood and thrust the laburnum post into the earth. The next day, he determined three points with the help of its shadow, which he marked with birch stakes. He chose one of them as the main village temenik (= a kind of foundation stone), and there they dug an elongated stone that had a small triangle carved on it – tročan (Medvešček
<figure><img src="image_182.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.14: Tročani v stavbah (po: Medvešček 2015, sl. 17).
Fig. 10.14: Tročans in buildings (after: Medvešček 2015, Fig. 17).</figcaption></figure>

jalicama. Ko je začutil v rokah "prasketanje", je obstal in v zemljo zabil nagnojev kol. S pomočjo njegove sence je naslednji dan določil tri točke, ki jih je označil z brezovimi količki. Z žrebom je enega izbral za glavni vaški temenik in tam so vkopali podolgovat kamen, ki je imel na vrhu vklesan manjši trikotnik – tročan (Medvešček 2015, 467). Temenik je bil pomemben za vse, kar se je zgodilo v vasi, ker je bilo nanj navezano zaporedje tročanov, ki so vodili do posameznih hišnih tročanov (Medvešček 2015, 466). Ti so bili zunanji in notranji. Zunanji je bil gotovo tisti, ki je hišo povezoval s temenikom oziroma Žarnikom. Do tja je segal z najdaljšim krakom. Ker sta druga dva vogala ležala znotraj domačije (ne nujno v isti stavbi), si to lahko predstavljamo samo tako, da so bile stavbe usmerjene z eno stranico proti temeniku oz. Žarniku. V tem primeru nastane pravi kot in njegova hipotenuza kot najdaljša stranica je zagotovo tista, ki gre do izhodiščne točke. To potrjuje čepovansko izročilo, ki ne govori o tročanih, ampak triglih, trikotnikih s trdim oziroma pravim kotom (Medvešček 2015, 365).

K zunanjim hišnim tročanom je najverjetneje spadal tudi tročan, ki so ga povezovali trije kamni. Prvi je bil v hiši, drugi v hlevu ali v enem od drugih gospodarskih poslopij (klet, sušilnica), tretji je bil skrit v bližini hiše in je zanj vedel le hišni gopodar (Medvešček 2015, 114, 466). K notranjim tročanom bi po logiki spadali tisti, ki niso segali izven hiše. To so bili tročani, ki so določali tloris hiše. Pri manjših stavbah so tročan vedno izpeljali iz enega vogala hiše (sl. 10.14). Večje stavbe so imele v tlorisu štiri tročane, manjše pa samo dva (Medvešček 2015, 130). Ta dva sta sestavljala kvadrat ali pravokotnik (Medvešček 2015, 365). To pomeni, da sta se stikala v stranici, ki je bila diagonala stavbe, kar se v celoti ujema s podatki Bajburina in Barana.

2015, 467). Temenik was important for everything that happened in the village because it was linked to a succession of tročans leading to individual house tročans (Medvešček 2015, 466). These were external and internal. The exterior was certainly the one that linked the house to the temenik or Žarnik. It reached it with the longest side. Since the other two corners were located inside the homestead (not necessarily in the same building), we can only imagine that the buildings were oriented with one side towards temenik, respectively Žarnik. In this case, a right angle is created and its hypotenuse, as the longest side, is definitely the one that goes to the starting point. This is confirmed by the tradition in Čepovan, which does not speak of tročans, but trigls, triangles with trd (= solid) or right angles (Medvešček 2015, 365).

The exterior house tročans probably also included tročan, which was connected by three stones. The first one was in a house, the second in a stable or in one of the other outbuildings (cellar, oast), the third was hidden near the house and was only known to the house owner (Medvešček 2015, 114, 466). Interior tročans would logically include those that did not reach outside the house. These were the tročans which determined the floor plan of the house. In smaller buildings, the tročan was always taken from one corner of the house (Fig. 10.14). Larger buildings had four tročans in the floor plan, and smaller houses only had two (Medvešček 2015, 130). These two made up a square or rectangle (Medvešček 2015, 365). This means that they were connected in diagonal of the building, which is completely in line with the data of Bajburin and Baran.

There was also a *moving tročan* inside tročans, which was the oldest tripod chair. There could only be two more tripods in the homestead, which were needed in the barn, basement or yard and which were subordinated to the oldest tripod chair. An additional tripod would prevent the third force from flowing and could cause an accident (Medvešček 2015, 114). The tročan, constructed in the basement from two adjacent corners to the front door opposite, prevented must, and stopped meat from spoiling, and the remaining corners were therefore good for vinegar, turnips and cabbage (Medvešček 2015, 365).

## 10.3 THE PREDICTIVE MODEL IN THE MYTHICAL LANDSCAPE OF BLED

**Constructing of the model.** The church of St Katarina on Hom above Zasip, is the starting point of the Bled mythical spatial system, but also of a system that connects a large part of the Gorenjska region (Fig. 10.15; more detailed description: Pleterski 2014, 286–288). From St Katarina is a line that ends at St Primož above Kamnik. Its azimuth can be measured (all measurements were made using the GoogleEarth web service) a little
<figure><img src="image_183.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.15: Severozahodna Slovenija. Prostorske povezave Bleda proti jugovzhodu. 1 – gora, 2 – cerkev.
Fig. 10.15: Northwestern Slovenia. Spatial connections of Bled to the southeast. 1 – mountain, 2 – church.</figcaption></figure>

Prav tako bi k notranjim tročanom spadal premi-
kajoči tročan, kar je bil najstarejši trinožnik. Ob tem sta
bila lahko v domačiji samo še dva, ki so ju potrebovali
v hlevu, kleti ali na dvorišču in sta bila najstarejšemu
podrejena. Dodatni trinožnik bi preprečil potekanje
tretje moči in bi lahko povzročil nesrečo (Medvešček
2015, 114). Tročan, ki je šel v kleti iz dveh sosednjih
vogalov k vhodnim vratom nasproti, je preprečeval, da bi
se pokvarili mošt in mesnine, preostala vogala pa sta bila
zato dobra za kis, repo in zelje (Medvešček 2015, 365).

10.3. ŇAPOVEDNI MODEL
V MITIČNI POKRAJINI BLEDA

Izpeljava modela. Začeti ga moramo pri cerkvi
sv. Katarine na Homu nad Zasipom, ki je izhodišče
blejskega mitičnega prostorskega sistema, hkrati pa
tudi sistema, ki povezuje velik del Gorenjske (sl. 10.15;
podrobnejši opis Pleterski 2014, 286–288). Od Sv.
Katarine gre namreč smer, ki se konča pri Sv. Primožu
nad Kamnikom. Njen azimut lahko izmerimo (vse
meritve so narejene s spletno storitvijo GoogleEarth)
malenkostno različno (prim. pogl. 3.3.1), ker je pri Sv.
Primožu tudi cerkev Sv. Petra in ni zanesljivo, katera je
bližje prvotnemu orientirju. Izmerjeni azimut niha med
108,77° in 108,94°. V obsegu tega pasu najdemo cerkvi
sv. Lovrenca nad Bašljem in sv. Jakoba nad Potočami,
pa tudi zgodnjesrednjeveško kultno jamo Na bleku na
Krvavcu (o slednji Pleterski 2010b, 215–216). Vsekakor

differently (cf. Chapter 3.3.1), because at St Primož there
is also the church of St Peter and it is not certain which is
closer to the original landmark. The measured azimuth
fluctuates between 108.77° and 108.94°. At the extremes
of this range, we find the churches of St Lovrenc above
Bašelj and St Jakob above Potoče, as well as the Early
Medieval cult pit Na bleku on Krvavec (about the latter:
Pleterski 2010b, 215–216). The range from St Katarina to
St Primož is certainly centred on mount Storžič, and its
slope Gradišče above Bašelj as a cult place par excellence.
This is due to the exceptional density of Early Medieval
shrine gifts (cf. Štular 2020). Viewed from St Katarina,
the described direction is oriented towards sunrise over
the Na bleku site on 23/24 October and 18/19 February,
which corresponds to the presented winter period accord-
ing to the old calendar. The azimuth of the well-preserved
southern wall of Roman Emona, 108.89°, at the southern
extreme of the Gorenjska region, which is reliable, proves
that this direction is earlier than the Early Middle Ages.

We mentioned the right angle as an important in-
gredient in a tročan. In Bled, a perpendicular line runs in
the described direction from St Katarina to Kupljenik. It
misses the church of St Štefan by some metres and ends
above it on the **Gradišče** hill, where, according to tradi-
tion, there once stood a castle of thieving knights who
robbed travellers and gave to the poor (more Zupan 1998,
3; I am correcting my earlier understanding of Gradišče:
Pleterski 2014, 279). The narrative may have an archaeo-
logical basis if there are any remains on Gradišče. At the
same time, it can also be understood as a distant echo of
ima v razponu od Sv. Katarine do Sv. Primoža osrednje mesto gora Storžič, na njegovem pobočju pa Gradišče nad Bašljem kot kultno mesto par excellence. Tako je zaradi izjemne gostote zgodnjesrednjeveških svetiščnih darov (prim. Štular 2020). Gledano od Sv. Katarine, gre smer na točko sončnega vzhoda nad najdiščem Na bleku v dneh 23./24. X. in 18./19. II., kar se ujema s predstavljenim obdobjem zime po starem koledaru. Da je ta smer starejša od zgodnjega srednjega veka, dokazuje tudi azimut dobro ohranjenega južnega obzidja rimske Emone 108,89°, na južnem začetku Gorenjske, ki se zanesljivo ne ujema samo naključno.

Omenili smo pravi kot kot pomembno sestavino tročana. Na Bledu poteka pravokotnica na opisano smer od Sv. Katarine proti Kupljenku. Tam za nekaj deset metrov zgreši cerkev sv. Štefana in se konča nad stol na vzpetini Gradišče, kjer je po izročilu nekoč nstoj grad roparskih vitezov, ki so ropali popotnike in dajali revežem (podrobneje Zupan 1998, 3; popravljam svoje prejšnje razumevanje Gradišča: Pleterski 2014, 279). Pripoved ima morda svojo arheološko osnovo, če obstajajo na Gradišču neki stavbni ostanki. Hkrati jo lahko razumemo tudi kot oddaljen odmev vere v mesto mitičnega lika, ki je skrbel za poletno blagostanje ter je hkrati protistava ženske gospodarice zime na Homu (prim. Pleterski 2014, 242, 243, 279). Njeno mesto so tam pozneje pozidali s cerkvijo sv. Katarine.

Naslednja pomembna točka je kresišče na Višelnici, ki je na grebenu jugovzhodno od glavnega vrha. Tam je radolški (radovljiški) grof, ki se je izgubil na lovu, zagledal blejski grad in se rešil. Gre za spomin na moški mitični lik v zimskem delu leta, ko je navidezno mrtev, dokler se spomladi prenovljen ne vrne (prim. Pleterski 2014, 240–242). V pripovedi je navidezno neskladje, da se radolški grof reši s pogledom na blejski grad in ne na radovljiško graščino, ki se z Višelnice prav tako vidi. Mogoče ga je pojasniti z asinhronimi sestavinami pripovedi. Od konca srednjega veka je pomemben del gorjanskega kota, ki mu pripada tudi Višelnica, pripadal radovljiškemu gospostvu. Zato je pripovedna prispodboba odličnika tam šcasoma postal namišljeni radolški grof. Pogled na blejski grad je torej starejša sestavina pripovedi. In starejša sestavina ima svojo arheološko potrditev. Če od kresišča potegnemo smer prek blejskega gradu, jo na obzorju lahko zaključimo z vrhom Šmarjetne gore nad Kranjem (kjer sedaj stoji hotel, ki je odbil vrh). Na tej smeri leži pet znanih blejskih zgodnjesrednjeveških grobišč (sl. 6.13). Ta potrjujejo rekonstruirano staroslovansko predstavo o onostranstvu kot pašniku, kjer se pasejo duše umrlih, tam se smrt preobraža v življenjsko moč. Njihov pastir je moški mitični lik (prim. Ivanov, Toporov 1974, 34–75; Mencej 2001, 168–172; Toporov 2002, 46). Na Bledu ima ime Višel. Vrsta grobišč nakazuje motivacijo: tako kot je Višel premagal smrt, jo bodo tudi tisti, ki mu sledijo.

belief in the place of the mythical figure who cared for summer well-being while at the same time opposing the female mistress of winter at Hom (cf. Pleterski 2014, 242, 243, 279). Her place there was later built on by the church of St Katarina.

Another important point is the **bonfire site on Višelnica**, which is on the ridge southeast of the main peak. There, the Count of Radovljica, who lost himself on the hunt, saw the castle in Bled and saved himself. It is a memory of a male mythical character in the winter part of the year, when he is apparently dead until he returns in the spring (cf. Pleterski 2014, 240–242). There is a seeming inconsistency in the narrative, where the Count of Radovljica is saved by looking at the Castle of Bled rather than the Radovljica Castle, which is also visible from Višelnica. It can be explained by the asynchronous components of the narrative. From the end of the Middle Ages, an important part of the Bled region, the area from Gorje to which Višelnica also belongs, belonged to the Radovljica manor. That is why the narrative character of the nobleman eventually became an imaginary count of Radovljica. The view towards the Bled Castle is therefore an earlier component of the narrative, and this earlier ingredient has archaeological proof. If we take the direction from the bonfire site over the Bled castle hill, we can define its end on the horizon with the summit of Šmarjetna gora above Kranj (where there is now the hotel that demolished the peak). There are five well-known Early Medieval burial sites in this direction (Fig. 6.13). This confirms the reconstructed ancient Slavic notion of the Otherworld as a pasture where the souls of the dead graze, where death is transformed into a life-giving power. Their shepherd is a male mythical character (cf. Ivanov, Toporov 1974, 34–75; Mencej 2001, 168–172; Toporov 2002, 46). In Bled he is called Višel. The line of burial grounds indicates motivation: just as Višel overcame death, so will those who follow him.

It is quite obvious that St Katarina and Višelnica are the points of the winter mythical couple that limit the northern part of the Bled area (Fig. 10.16). In the Christian guise there, they appear as St Katarina and Saint Nicholas. They are depicted in the St Katarina on Hom and St Nikolaj churches under the Višelnica in Mevkuš. The latter church should have stood at the bonfire site, but the locals were fortunate enough to experience a miracle, moving their tools to the valley, where they then erected a church. Still, it stands in the line that goes from St Katarina through the bonfire site to the church. At the south of the Bled region, we also logically expect the points of the summer mythical couple, and if Gradišče really belongs to the male summer character, then **Bled Island** is offered as his female counterpart (cf. Pleterski 2014, 243–244; see Chapter 6.2.3, 10.4).

The Višelnica – Bled Castle – Šmarjetna gora line crosses the most fertile soil of Bled and therefore offers
<figure><img src="image_184.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.16: Bled, Slovenija. Osnovne točke mitične pokrajine (podrobneje Pleterski 2014, 238–245, 276–286).
Fig. 10.16: Bled, Slovenia. The main points of the mythical landscape (in detail: Pleterski 2014, 238–245, 276–286).</figcaption></figure>

Povsem očitno je, da sta Sv. Katarina in Višelnica točki zimskega mitičnega para, ki omejujeta severni del blejskega prostora (sl. 10.16). V tamkajšnji krščanski preobleki nastopata kot Katarina in Miklavž. Upodobljena sta na Sv. Katarini in v Sv. Nikolaju pod Višelnico v Mevkšu. Slednja cerkev bi morala stati na kresišču, a se je domačinom posrečil čudež s prestavljanjem orodja v dolino, kjer so potem ob studencu postavili cerkev. Še vedno pa stoji na smeri, ki gre s Sv. Katarine prek kresišča do cerkve. Logično pričakujemo tudi točki poletnega mitičnega para južneje. In če Gradišče res pripada moškemu poletnemu liku, se kot njegov ženski par ponuja Otok na Blejskem jezeru (prim. Pleterski 2014, 243–244; glej pogl. 6.2.3, 10.4).

Smer Višelnica-blejski grad-Šmarjetna gora prečka najplodnejši del Bleda in zato ponuja dobro umestitev grobišč nemajhnemu številu vasi. Vendar se ob tem postavljata dve nadaljnji vprašanji. Prvo je, kako so problem rešili v vaseh, ki so oddaljene od smeri? Drugo

a good location for burial grounds for a number of villages, however, two further questions arise. The first is how did they solve the problem of location in villages away from the line? Also, even if the burial ground is on the direction-line, why is it exactly there and no closer or farther from Višelnica? The answer to both questions can be found in the example of the villages of Mužje and Zasip (in detail: Pleterski 2013a, 31–40; 2014, 246–257). The villages and their fields are so far from the described line that they do not even touch it. The solution was simple for the earliest village Mužje. They draw a perpendicular line to the direction Višelnica – St Katarina with a right angle at St Katarina (Fig. 10.17). Each point on this perpendicular line creates the tročan with the points of the mythical winter pair (Višelnica, St Katarina). The cemetery, the village and the eastern edge of the best village field are on the perpendicular line. The placement used a distance of 150 meters or – expressed in the then-Charlemagne (Benedictine, Drusus) foot – 450 feet (= 149.949 m). For our present understanding I will use meters. For the number
<figure><img src="image_185.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.17: Mužje in Zasip, Slovenija. Merska ureditev vaškega prostora, vrisana v franciscejski kataster iz leta 1826. 1 – zgodnjesrednjeveško grobišče, M – najstarejše vaške njive Mužij, Z – najstarejše vaške njive Zasipa.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.17: Mužje and Zasip, Slovenia. Metric arrangement of the village area, inscribed in the Franciscan cadastre of 1826. 1 – Early Medieval cemetery, M – the earliest village fields of Mužje, Z – the earliest village fields of Zasip.</caption>
vprašanje, tudi če je grobišče na smeri, zakaj je ravno
tam in ne bližje ali dlje od Višelnice? Odgovor na obe
vprašanji nam da primer vasi Mužje in Zasip (podrobno:
Pleterski 2013a, 31–40; 2014, 246–257). Vasi in njuno
polje so tako daleč stran od opisane smeri, da se je nikjer
niti ne dotikajo. V dvojici vasi so starejše Mužje in za to
vas je bila rešitev preprosta. Potegnili so pravokotnico
na smer Višelnica–Sv. Katarina s pravim kotom pri Sv.
Katarini (sl. 10.17). Vsaka točka na tej smeri sestavlja
tročan s točkama zimskega mitičnega para. Na smeri se
zvrstijo grobišče, vas in vzhodni rob najboljšega vaškega
polja. Pri razvrščanju so uporabili daljinsko mero 150 m
ali – izraženo v tedanjih karlovih (benediktinskih, dru-
zovih) čevljih – 149,949 m. V teh čevljih ta mera znese
450 čevljev. Za našo predstavnost v sedanjosti bom upo-
rabljal metre, za število čevljev je metre treba pomnožiti
s tri. Daljinska razlika med metrom in tremi karlovimi
čevlji je za našo uporabo zanemarljiva. Grobišče je od
vasi oddaljeno 2 x 150 m, vas pa do konca najboljših njiv
3 x 150 m, do konca glavnega dela polja pa 5 x 150 m.
Razdaljo od Sv. Katarine je pogojila geomorfologija.
Grobišče so postavili na južni breg ledeniške morene.
Opisana daljinska mera je praktična, ker gre za 100
dvojnih korakov (dokazuje jo tudi izročilo v Bodeščah:
Pleterski 2014, 257–258). Če pa število 150 razstavimo
na 10 x 3 x 5, opazimo ponavljanje ritma 3 in 5, ki zelo
verjetno simbolizirata tretjo in peto moč (glej zgoraj).
Ta ritem bi moral zagotoviti blagodejno delovanje obeh
moči na celoten vaški prostor.

Ker je bila možnost pravokotnice pri Sv. Katarini
na smer proti kresišču na Višelnici že izrabljena, so za
vas Zasip, ki je nastala pozneje od Mužij, proti koncu
8. st., našli drugačno rešitev. Na opisani pravokotnici so
označili točko, ki je postala izhodišče ureditve vaškega
prostora. Sestavlja tročan s Sv. Katarino in Višelnico. Od
točke so proti vzhodu potegnili pravokotnico, ki je hkrati
vzporednica smeri Katarina–Višelnica in je osnovna os
zasipškega Zadnjega polja, najstarejšega polja vasi Zasip.
Do danes je ta smer vidna kot omejek, ki prečka polje.
Proti sredini polja nanjo pravokotno poteka proti jugu
naslednji omejek in jo deli na dva dela. Zahodni je dolg
približno 150 m, vzhodni približno 212 m, kar pomeni
razmerje ravnovesja 1 : √2. Južni rob polja je 150 m
oddaljen od zgornje glavne osi polja in je na smeri, ki je
pravokotna na smer s Katarine proti Mužjam in vzpo-
redna smeri Katarina–Višelnica. Na dolžini 2 x 150 m
se smer dotakne vzhodnega roba vasi Zasip. Tam so
postavili prvo hišo (prim. Pleterski 2013a, 32–33) in od
tam se je vas pozneje širila proti zahodu vzdolž opisane
smeri. Današnje stavbe imajo tam enako smer kot pred
dvema stoletjema. Tedanje hiše v najstarejšem delu vasi
z imenom Pod lipo očitno ohranjajo prvotno ureditveno
smer. Tako so določili ureditev polja in lego vasi.

Za določitev lege grobišča so od točke, ki je urejala
polje in vas, potegnili smer proti jugu, ki s staro smerjo
Katarina–Mužje sestavlja kot 23,5°, kar je obredni kot

of feet, meters must be multiplied by three. The difference
in distance between three feet and a meter is negligible for
our use. The cemetery of Mužje is 2 x 150 m away from the
village, 3 x 150 m far from the best fields and 5 x 150 m by
the end of the main field. The distance from St Katarina
was conditioned by geomorphology. The cemetery was
erected on the south slope of the glacial moraine. The
distance measure of 150 m is practical because it is 100
double steps (also evidenced by the tradition in Bodešče:
Pleterski 2014, 257–258). However, if we decompose the
number 150 into 10 x 3 x 5, we see the rhythmic repeti-
tion of 3 and 5, which probably symbolises the third and
fifth power (see above). This rhythm should ensure the
beneficial effect of both powers on the whole village space.

Because the possibility of the perpendicular at St Katarina, in the direction to the bonfire-site on Višelnica, has already been used, a different solution has been found for the village Zasip, which originated later than Mužje, towards the end of the 8th century. On the perpendicular line described, they marked a point that became the starting point for the arrangement of the new village area. It connects tročan with St Katarina and Višelnica. From the point, a perpendicular line was drawn to the east, parallel to the Katarina – Višelnica line and on the basic axis of Zadnje polje, the earliest field in Zasip. To this day, this line is seen as a narrow belt of lawn crossing the field. Towards the middle of the field, the next lawn belt runs perpendicular to the south, and then divides the direction-line into two parts. The western one is about 150 m long, and the eastern one is about 212 m long, which means an equilibrium ratio of 1:√2. The southern edge of the field is 150 m away from the upper main axis of the field and is in a direction perpendicular to the direction from Katarina to Mužje and parallel to the Katarina – Višelnica line. With a length of 2 x 150 m, the direction touches the eastern edge of the village Zasip. The first house was erected there (cf. Pleterski 2013a, 32–33), and from there the village expanded westwards along the direction described. Today’s buildings have the same direction there as they did two centuries ago. At that time, houses in the earliest part of the village, called Pod lipo (= under the linden), apparently retained the old direction. Thus the arrangement of the field and the location of the village was determined.

To determine the location of the burial ground,
a southward direction was drawn from the point that
governed the field and the village, which, with the old
Katarina –Mužje line, creates an angle of 23.5°, which
is the ritual angle of equilibrium. This new direction in-
tersects at the eastern edge of Pod lipo village, the Zasip
village line – the southern edge of the Zasip field. It is
probable that at that time a tročan linden was planted,
at the described eastern point of the village, which gave
its name to the eastern, earliest part of the village. The
importance of this place is underlined by the fact that,
a few meters to the east, the church of St Janez Krstnik
ravnovesja. Ta nova smer seka smer vas Zasip-južni rob zasipškega polja na vzhodnem robu vasi Pod lipo. Verjetna je misel, da so tedaj na opisani vzhodni točki vasi posadili tročansko lipo, ki je dala ime vzhodnemu, najstarejšemu delu vasi. Pomen tega mesta poudarja okolnost, da so pozneje nekaj metrov vzhodneje postavili cerkev sv. Janeza Krstnika. To se je zgodilo v 12. ali 13. st., vsekakor je že leta 1296 omenjena kot župnijska cerkev (Pleterski 2013a, 36). Tedaj je bil pomen smeri Katarina-Višelnica morda še dobro znan. Sv. Janez Krstnik namreč stestavlja par s cerkvijo sv. Jurija v Zgornjih Gorjah, ki je prvič omenjena kot že obstoječa cerkev med letoma 1115 in 1121 (Bizjak 2012). Obe cerkvi določata smer, ki je vzporedna s smerjo Katarina-Višelnica (sl. 10.30), nanjo so pozneje vmes postavili še cerkev sv. Osvalda v Spodnjih Gorjah (Pleterski 2014, sl. 10.3.6.53). Razdalja med Sv. Janezom Krstnikom in Sv. Jurijem, ki se izide znotraj obeh cerkva, je 3400 m (o simboliki števila 34: Pleterski 2015c, 23). Pozoren bralec je medtem pravilno ugotovil, da gre za isto smer, ki spaja vas Zasip in južni rob zasipškega polja. Hkrati je zelo verjetno, da tudi Sv. Jurij stoji ob gorjanski tročanski točki, ki bi lahko bila nekaj metrov vzhodno od cerkve. Od tam namreč poteka pravokotnica južno na markantno jamo Poglejsko cerkev.

Zasipško grobišče leži na ledini Žale. Njegov obstoj je nakazovalo že ledinsko ime; starocerkvenoslovansko žalb = nagrobnik, praslovansko *žalb = bolečina, obžalovanje (Snoj 1997, 756). Ker je grobišče dolgo samo 32 m, ime Žale pa se po jožefinskem katastru nanaša na skoraj 300 m dolgo zemljišče, smo leta 1985, ko obstoj mitične pokrajine še ni bil znan, za točno določitev mesta grobišča uporabili preprost napovedni model. Sestavili smo ga z opazovanjem lege tedaj znanih blejskih zgodnjesrednjeveških grobišč. Prepostavljal je bližino vasi, poti, južno do vzhodno pobočje, po možnosti z vsaj majhno gomilo na vrhu. Na mestu, ki je ustrezalo tem pogojem, smo po nekaj urah kopanja naleteli na prvi grob. V naslednjih dveh letih smo raziskali celotno grobišče (Knific, Pleterski 1993).

Smer zasipško polje-Zasip Pod lipo-grobišče Na Žalah sega do jame, ki je bila zapolnjena z rdečo ilovico in jo je pokrivala mlajša kamnita groblja. Ta jama je severozahodni vogal grobišča in je od točke Pod lipo oddaljena 3 x 150 m. Sam prostor grobišča (sl. 10.18) je bil urejen s pomočjo štirih enakostraničnih trikotnikov. Stranice vsakega trikotnika merijo 4 x 3 x 9 karlovih čevljev, kar je prepletanje števil 4 in 3 ter hkrati magična formula 3 x 9. Opisana smer proti Zasipu in polju je hkrati višina najzahodnejšega trikotnika z najstarejšimi grobovi. Ob njej je poseben otroški grob 15, ki je usmerjen proti kamnu sredi severnega roba grobišča. Kot začetnika vasi lahko razumemo moškega (grob 55), ki ga je označeval kamen in lesen kol, ter žensko (grob 20), ki jo je označeval kamen. Ta dva predstavljata zahodni in vzhodni rob grobišča. Določata smer, ki sega do kresišča

(John the Baptist) was built in the 12th or 13th centuries, and it was certainly mentioned in 1296 as a parish church (Pleterski 2013a, 36). At that time, the significance of the Katarina - Višelnica direction might have been still well known. St Janez Krstnik is paired with the church of St Jurij in Zgornje Gorje, first mentioned as a church between 1115 and 1121 (Bizjak 2012). Both churches determine the line parallel to the Katarina - Višelnica line (Fig. 10.30). Later the church of St Oswald in Spodnje Gorje was erected in between (Pleterski 2014, Fig. 10.3.6.53). The distance between St Janez Krstnik and St Jurij, which comes out including parts of both churches, is 3400 m (on the symbolism of the number 34: Pleterski 2015c, 23). The careful reader, meanwhile, has correctly concluded that this is the same line that connects the Zasip village and the southern edge of the Zasip field. At the same time, it is very likely that St Jurij stands at the tročan point of Zgornje Gorje, which may be a few meters east of the church. From there, a perpendicular line runs south to a striking cave, Poglejska cerkev.

The Zasip cemetery lies on the Žale meadow. Its existence was suggested by the place name (Žale); Old Church Slavic žalb = tombstone, Proto-Slavic *žalb = pain, regret (Snoj 1997, 756). Since the cemetery is only 32 m long and the name Žale refers to land almost 300 m long according to the Josephine cadastre (named after Emperor Joseph II 1741-1790), in 1985, when the existence of the mythical landscape was not yet known, we used a simple predictive model to determine the burial site. The model was composed by observing the location of the then-known Bled Early Medieval cemeteries. It assumed the vicinity of the village, the path, south or east slope, possibly with at least a small mound at the top. At a place that met these conditions, we came across the first grave after a few hours of digging. Over the next two years, the entire burial ground was explored (Knific, Pleterski 1993).

The Zasip field - Pod lipo - the Žale cemetery line extends to a cave filled with red loam and covered by a younger stone heap. This cave is the northwest corner of the burial ground. It's distance from the point Pod lipo is 3 x 150 m. The area of the cemetery (Fig. 10.18) was arranged using four equilateral triangles. The sides of each triangle measure 4 x 3 x 9 Charlemagne's feet, which is an interweaving of the numbers 4 and 3, and at the same time the magic formula 3 x 9. The direction described towards the Zasip village, is at the same time the peak of the westernmost triangle with the earliest graves. Next to it is a special child grave (15), oriented towards a stone in the middle of the northern edge of the cemetery. A man (Grave 55), marked by a stone and a wooden pillar, as well as a woman (Grave 20), marked by a stone, can be identified as the original burials of the village. These two represent the western and eastern edges of the burial ground. They determine the line that reaches the bonfire-place on Višelnica, and the graves mostly follow this direction. The mathematical symbolism clearly calls
<figure><img src="image_186.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.18: Žale pri Zasipu, Slovenija. Ureditvene točke in geometrija grobišča.
Fig. 10.18: Žale at Zasip, Slovenia. Arrangement points and cemetery geometry.</figcaption></figure>

na Višelnici, grobovi njeno smer večinoma upoštevajo.
Matematična simbolika jasno kliče tretjo in peto moč
ter kliče ponovno vrnitev s številom 27 (= 3 x 9) in s
povezavo s kresiščem na Višelnici (podrobneje Pleterski
2014, 250–257).

**Opažanja, pomembna za model.** Odkritje grobišča Na Žalah je potrdilo prometno-geomorfološka izhodišča. To pomeni bližino vasi, poti ter južno do vzhodno pobočje z gomilo. Grobišče ima svoje mersko-simbolne točke. Te so na Bledu neposredno povezane s smerjo Višelnica (kresišče)–Šmarjetna gora, če to ni mogoče, pa z eno ali več točk, ki omogočajo povezavo s kresiščem na Višelnici. Pomembna je povezava prostora polja, vasi in grobišča, še posebej je pomembna razdalja med vasjo in grobiščem, ki je mnogokratnik simbolno pomembnega števila. V igri so 3 x 4, 3 x 5, 3 x 9.

Kje torej iskati grobišče prvotnih Spodnjih
Bodešč. Izhodišče razmisleka je bilo, da so poznejše
Spodnje Bodešče zasedle prostor prvotne vasi in njenega
polja. Predpostavka je, da stavbe sedanje vasi stojijo ne-
kako na mestu, kjer je stala prva vas, in da je sklenjena
površina najboljše njivske zemlje predstavljala osrednje
polje prvi vasi (sl. 10.19). Severozahodni vogal tega polja
prečka smer Višelnica (kresišče)–Šmarjetna gora. Ta
vogal stoji severno od vasi, na njem pa se izide razdalja
540 m od vasi, kar je 2 x 270 m; 270 m pa je 3 x 9 x 10 m,
torej število, ki simbolno kliče k vrnitvi tiste, ki so odšli.
Tu je tudi nizka ledeniška gomila Pod prežo z južnim

for the third and fifth power, and calls for the return of
the soul by the number 27 (= 3 x 9) as well as by the con-
nection with the bonfire-place on Višelnica (detailed:
Pleterski 2014, 250–257).

**Observations relevant to the model.** The discovery of the Žale cemetery confirmed the traffic-geomorphological starting points; this means the vicinity of the village, the path and the south or east slope with the mound. The cemetery has its symbolic points. These in Bled are directly connected with the Višelnica (bonfire-site) – Šmarjetna gora line. Where this is not possible, they are connected with one or more points that allow a connection with the bonfire-site on Višelnica. The connection between the space of the field, the village and the cemetery is important, especially the distance between the village and the cemetery, which is a multiple of a symbolically significant number. There are 3 x 4, 3 x 5, and 3 x 9 in the game.

So, where should we look for the burial ground of
the primeval Spodnje Bodešče? The starting point of the
enquiry was that the later Spodnje Bodešče occupies the
area of the primeval village and its field. The assumption
is that the buildings of the present village stand somehow
at the place where the ancient village stood, and that
the enclosed area of the best arable land represents the
central field of the first village (Fig. 10.19). The northwest
corner of this field is crossed by the Višelnica (bonfire-
place) – Šmarjetna gora line. This corner stands north of
<figure><img src="image_187.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.19: Zgornje in Spodnje Bodešče, Slovenija. Vaški prostor, predvidene ureditvene črte in točke izkopavanj, vrisano v franciscejski kataster.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.19: Zgornje and Spodnje Bodešče, Slovenia. The village area, the envisaged arrangement lines and excavation points, inscribed in the Franciscan cadastre.</caption>

do vzhodnim pobočjem in mimo teče stara pot. Mesto torej ustreza kriterijem zgornjega modela.

Še bolj je vpadljiva velika gomila Došca, del ledeniške morene, ki predstavlja najvišjo točko ob robu polja. Poleg tega je prav tako severno od vasi na sredini smeri med severozahodnim vogalom polja in vasjo, kar pomeni, da je od osrednjega dela vasi oddaljena 270 m. Mimo nje vodi ista stara pot. Tudi ta točka ustreza kriterijem zgornjega modela.

Izkopavanja smo usmerili na vse tri opisane točke:
– na jedro vasi, da bi našli morebitne sledove vaške točke, ki je povezovala vas, grobišče in smer Višelnica (kresišče)–Šmarjetna gora,
– na prostor Pod prežo ob severozahodnem vogalu vaškega polja,
– na vmesno gomilo Došca.

**Rezultat in razprava.** Izkopavanja je izvedla Zvezdana Modrijan (glej pogl. 11). Na mestu Pod prežo ni bilo sledov grobišča. V vasi so novodobni vkopi uničili

the village, at a distance of 540 m from the village, and is 2 x 270 m; 270 m is 3 x 9 x 10 m, which is a symbol that calls for the return of those who left. There is also a low glacial mound, Pod prežo (= below a hunting tower), with a south to east slope that runs past an old path. The site therefore meets the criteria of the above model.

Even more striking is the large mound, Došca, the part of the glacial moraine that represents the highest point along the edge of the field. It is also north of the village in the middle of the direction between the northwest corner of the field and the village, which means that it is 270 m away from the central part of the village. The same old path leads past it. This point also meets the criteria of the above model.

Excavations were made at all three points described:

– the core of the village, to find possible traces of the village point connecting the village, the cemetery and the Višelnica (bonfire-place) – Šmarjetna gora line,
– to Pod prežo at the northwest corner of the village field,
– to the Došca mound between.
morebitne starejše plasti. Na temenu gomile Došca je bil odkrit zgodnjesrednjeveški žgan grob, drobci oglja v okolici nakazujejo prostor, kjer so odlagali pepel pokojnih (prim. Zoll-Adamikowa 1979, 126–131, 252–253). Odkritje potrjuje obstoj mitične pokrajine s pravili urejanja prostora, ki smo jih v blejskem primeru dovolj dobro razumeli. To nikakor ne pomeni, da bo mogoče kjer koli na soroden način odkriti nova arheološka najdišča in povezave v mitični pokrajini. Vsak prostor ima svoje rešitve in zahteva podrobno poznavanje. Bližnjic ni. Dokazali pa smo, da pot obstaja.

Odkritje žganega grobišča dokazuje tudi domnevo o starejši vasi na prostoru Spodnjih Bodešč in potrjuje ustreznost metode retrogradne analize zemljiškega katastra (Pleterski 2013a, 17–30), ki jo je nakazala. Morda je nekoliko nepričakovano, da so ob koncu 8. st. ali morda še pozneje na Bledu še vedno sežigali pokojne, ker so v tem času v sosednjih vaseh že pokopavali nesežgana trupla. Če je to opažanje pravilno, pomeni, da je tedaj vsaka vaška srenja še imela možnost, da se glede tega odloča po svoje.

Dejstvo, da smo našli eno samo grobno jamico, ki pa je bila prekrita z večjim kamnom, ki jo je bolj označeval, kot ščitil, kaže na namerno ustvarjanje simbolne in prostorske točke. Motivacija zanjo bi lahko bila želja zabeležiti grobišče prednikov v trenutku opuščanja starega načina pokopavanja. Vprašanje, ali je vas nato imela še grobišče z okostnimi grobovi ali pa je že pred tem propadla, ostaja odprto.

A zdi se, da je označeni grob imel neki drug namen. Ko smo stali pred odprtim grobom, se je pokazalo še nekaj, kar je mogoče doživeti samo v pravem trenutku in na pravem mestu. Grob, vogal Marofarjeve hiše v Zgornjih Bodeščah in kresišče na Višelnici so se poravnali na isti smeri (sl. 10.20). Marofarjeva hiša stoji na mestu prve domačije, s katero se je začela nova vas Bodešče (sedanje Zgornje Bodešče). Ime ima po ustanovitelju Bodeši, ki ga lahko enačimo s pokojnikom v grobu 43 na sosednjem grobišču Dlesc (Pleterski 2014, 257–263). Opisana smer potrjuje, da je Bodeša prišel iz vasi, kjer so danes Spodnje Bodešče. Novi dom je navezal na grob prednika v rodni vasi in na točko vrnitve na kresišču na Višelnici. Hkrati se mu je posrečilo še več odličnih prostorskih povezav. Razdalja od Došce do Bodeševe (sedaj Marofarjeve hiše) se izide pri 450 m, kar je 3 x 150 m, kar pomeni tudi ritem tretje in pete moči. Pravokotnica na to točko pa po 100 korakih ali 150 m seže do nekdanje (novi lastnik jo je brezobzirno zravnal z bagrom) ledeniške gomile na Dlescu. Tam je Bodeša zastavil novo grobišče in tam so ga pokopali. Vse omenjene črte so bile tudi opora za ureditev polja nove vasi (Pleterski 2014, 257–258).

**Outcome and discussion.** Excavations were performed by Zvezdana Modrijan (detailed report in Chapter 11). There were no traces of a burial ground at Pod prežo. In the village, modern age activities had destroyed any earlier layers. An Early Medieval cremation grave was discovered on top of the Došca mound, and fragments of charcoal in the surrounding area indicate the place where the ashes of the deceased were deposited (cf. Zoll-Adamikowa 1979, 126–131, 252–253). The discovery confirms the existence of a mythical landscape following the rules about how to arrange space, which we understood well enough in the Bled case. This does not in any way mean that new archaeological sites and connections in the mythical landscape can be found in any similar way. Each space has its own solutions and requires detailed knowledge. There are no shortcuts. But we have proven that the path exists.

The discovery of the cremation burial ground also proves the presumption of an earlier village in the area of Spodnje Bodešč and confirms the appropriateness of the retrograde analysis of the land cadastre method (Pleterski 2013a, 17–30), which indicated the earlier village. It may be somewhat unexpected that at the end of the eighth century, or perhaps even later in Bled, the dead were still incinerated, because at that time unburnt corpses were already buried in the neighbouring villages. If this observation is correct, it means that every village community still had a chance to make its own decision then.

The fact that we found only a single grave pit, albeit covered with a larger stone, which it marked more than protected, indicates the deliberate creation of a symbolic and spatial point. The motivation for such an act might be the desire to record the ancestral burial ground at the moment of abandoning the old ways of burial. The question of whether the village then had a burial ground with skeletal graves or whether it had previously collapsed remains open.

The marked grave also seems to have another purpose. As we stood in front of the open grave, there was something else that could only be experienced at the right moment and in the right place. The grave, the corner of the Marofar house in Zgornje Bodešče and the bonfire-place on Višelnica were aligned in the same direction (Fig. 10.20). The Marofar House stands on the site of the first homestead that started the new village of Bodešče (the present Zgornje Bodešče). It is named after the founder, Bodeša, who can be equated with the deceased in Grave 43 at the adjacent Dlesc cemetery (Pleterski 2014, 257–263). The described direction confirms that Bodeša came from the village where Spodnje Bodešče village is today. He connected the new home to the ancestral grave in his native village and to the point of return at the bonfire-place at Višelnica. At the same time, he managed to establish more great spatial connections. The distance from Došca to Bodeša's (now Marofar) house is 450 m, which is 3 x 150 m, which is also the rhythm of
<figure><img src="image_188.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.20: Došca, Bodešče, Slovenija. a – lisa groba in črta proti Višelnici, b – črta proti Višelnici in vogal Marofarjeve (Bodeševe) hiše v Zgornjih Bodeščah.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.20: Došca, Bodešče, Slovenia. a – the grave spot and the line towards Višelnica, b – the line towards Višelnica and the corner of Marofar's (Bodeša) house in Zgornje Bodešče.</caption>

the third and fifth power. The perpendicular line to this point, after 100 steps or 150 m, reaches the former (the new owner ruthlessly flattened it with bulldozer) glacial mound Dlesc. There, Bodeša established a new cemetery and was buried there. All these lines also served as support for the arrangement of the field of the new village (Pleterski 2014, 257–258).
## 10.4. BLEJSKI OTOK KOT NAPOVEDNI MODEL SAM PO SEBI

Blejski otok je prostor, kjer se že stoletja prepletajo različne razlage njegovega prestižnega pomena. Da bi bila zadeva še bolj zapletena, ni nič več mogoče razločiti izvirnega ljudskega izročila od učenih pojasnil (prim. Pleterski 2014, 243–244). V zraku že vsaj od 18. st. visi ugibanje o predkrščanskem svetišču (prim. Linhart 1981, 260; prva izdaja 1788) kakršnega koli videza. In to je napovedni model sam po sebi. V takih razmerah lahko da stvarno osnovo samo arheološka raziskava. Časovna razdalja med arheološko raziskavo pred več kot pol stoletja in objavo njenih izsledkov v tej knjigi ter tedanje možnosti arheološkega dokumentiranja so privedle do tega, kar Benjamin Štular poimenuje arhivsko izkopavanje (pogl. 3.3). V nadaljevanju bom poskušal prikazati, kaj je vse to prineslo za preverjanje stoletnega napovednega modela, seveda pa bom podal tudi prvo soočenje izsledkov tega izkopavanja z našim modelom mitične pokrajine.

Uvodoma lahko poudarim, da v arheloški dokumentaciji ni opisov sestavin, ki bi jih bilo mogoče prepričljivo razložiti kot ostanke stavbe, ki bi bila starejša od prve cerkvene zgradbe (pogl. 4). Na Blejskem otoku ni bilo veže (v arhaičnem pomenu: svetiščna stavba) božanstva stare vere. Na vse romantične predstave v zvezi s tem bo treba pozabiti. Vendar razloga za razočaranje ni. Obstajajo številne prvine mitične pokrajine.

Skalnat otok s **studencem** sredi jezera je naravna danost, ki kar kliče, da bi jo vključili v sestav mitične pokrajine (podrobneje pogl. 6.2.3). Pred gradnjo prve cerkve je bilo na otoku že zgodnjesrednjeveško grobišče (glej pogl. 2.1 in 4). Na tem mestu ni bilo zato, ker bi bilo poleg neke vasi, ampak zaradi posebnega pomena otoškega prostora. Grobovi se stiskajo okoli **ognjiščne površine**, ki je bila omejena in označena s kamni (pogl. 1.4. in 4.2). Ohranila se je kot ostanki žganine in kot plast debelo prežgane zemlje. Kot kaže prerez (sl. 1.13), je na razmeroma majhni površini (približno 1 m v premeru) gorel ogenj, zaradi katerega je bila zemlja tam prepečena do 15 cm debelo. V to plast je vkopanih nekaj grobov, izjemna gostota grobov na tem mestu pa kaže njegovo prestižnost (pogl. 8.1.2 in 8.3).

Taka prežgana plast ne nastane zlahka, ker ni odvisna od velikosti kupa drv, ki jih kurimo. Pri gorenju lesa namreč takoj začne nastajati plast pepela, ki se useda na tla in deluje kot odlična izolacija, ki preprečuje segrevanje tal. Če namensko želimo segreta in posledično tudi prežgana tla, moramo najmanj vsake pol ure obrniti žerjavico, da pride žareče oglje povsem spodaj. To je tehnika kurjenja kmečke peči za peko kruha. Če žerjavice ne razkopavamo in ne obračamo, hlebci od spodaj niso zapečeni, ker se tla niso dovolj segrela. Pri tem seveda ne trdim, da so se nekoč vozili na Blejski

## 10.4 BLED ISLAND AS A PREDICTIVE MODEL IN ITSELF

Bled Island is a place where different interpretations of its prestigious importance have been interwoven for centuries. To make the matter even more complicated, it is no longer possible to distinguish the original folk tradition from the learned interpretations (cf. Pleterski 2014, 243–244). Since at least the 18th century there has been speculation about the existance of a pre-Christian shrine (cf. Linhart 1981, 260; first edition 1788) of any appearance. Such guesswork is a form of predictive model itself. In such circumstances, only archaeological research can give a real basis for knowledge. The temporal distance between the archaeological survey more than half a century ago and the publication of its findings in this book, and the potential of archaeological documentation at the time, led to what Benjamin Štular calls an archival excavation (Chapter 3.3). In what follows, I will attempt to show how all this can be cross-checked against the centennial predictive model, but of course I will also offer the first comparison of the results of this excavation with our model of the mythical landscape.

First, I can point out that there are no descriptions, in the archaeological documentation, of the elements that could be convincingly interpreted as the remains of a building earlier than the first church building (Chapter 4). There was no shrine building for the deity of the Old Faith on Bled Island. All romantic imaginings in this regard will have to be forgotten. However, there is no reason for disappointment. There are many elements of the mythical landscape.

The rocky island with a **spring** in the middle of the lake is a natural feature that calls for inclusion in the mythical landscape (for details, Chapter 6.2.3). Before the first church was built, there was an Early Medieval cemetery on the island (Chapters 2.1 and 4). It was there not because it was next to a village, but because of the special importance of the island area. The graves crowd around the **hearth**, which was bordered and marked by stones (Chapters 1.4., 4.2). It was preserved as the burnt remains as well as a layer of thickly burned earth. According to the cross section (Fig. 1.13), fire burned on a relatively small surface (about 1 m in diameter), causing up to 15 cm thick of the earth to burnt. Several graves have been dug into this layer, and the exceptional crowding of the graves here shows its prestige (Chapters 8.1.2 and 8.3).

Such a burnt layer is not easily formed, and it does not depend on the size of the pile of wood that is burned. The burning of wood immediately creates a layer of ash that settles on the ground and acts as an excellent insulation that prevents the floor from heating. If we want to deliberately create a heated and consequently burnt floor, we must turn around the embers at least every half an hour so that the glowing charcoal comes completely
otok peč kruh. Nikakor ne. Enak učinek na podlago bi
namreč lahko dosegli, če bi žerjavico s pepelom vsakič
odstranili in nov ogenj zakurili na goli zemlji ter tak
postopek mnogokrat ponovili. Zelo verjetno je, da se je
na Blejskem otoku dogajalo prav to. Ob določenih sve-
čanih trenutkih so kurili ogenj in njegove ostanke vsakič
odstranili. Smiselno bi bilo, da so jih nosili domov.KT
kaže stratigrafsko sosledje (sl. 3.16), je ta obred na otoku
potekal, še preden so tam izkopali prve zgodnjesrednje-
veške grobove. Žganina na vrhu prepečene zemlje (pogl.
1.4) je potem bodisi ostanek zadnjega ognja, ki ga niso
odstranili, ali pa so spremenili namen kurjenja ognja.

Zgornja tafonomska opažanja se ujemajo z izročil-
lom posoških starovercev. "... v bližini kurišča nad Ko-
povišcem. Tam so vedno kurili poletni, zimski in še druge
kresove. Takih posvečenih kurišč je bilo na desnem bregu
Soče kar nekaj" (Medvešček 2015, 99). "... dokler ni kres
ugasnil. Takrat so tudi fantki prižgali drevesne gobe in jih
na palici odnesli tistim, ki so ostali brez kresnega ognja.
Vsaka hiša je v ogenj na ognjišču vrgla nekaj kresnega
oglja ali gobe. Nekoč pa je bilo treba stari ogenj pogasiti,
odstraniti pepel in s kresnim ognjem zakuriti nov ogenj v
hiši" (Medvešček 2015, 337). "Ta kovinska lopatka pa je
bila položena poleg in so jo potrebovali ob kresovanju za
pobiranje žerjavice, ki so jo potem nesli domov" (Med-
vešček 2015, 252). Samoumevno je, če je na Blejskem
otoku res šlo tudi za kurjenje novega ognja, da so prav
tako tamkajšnje kurišče vsakokrat predhodno dobro
očistili starih ostankov, če jih je še kaj bilo od prejšnjega
kurjenja.

Usmerjenost in razporejenost zgodnjesrednjeve-
ških otoških grobov kaže, da so se zavedali sosednjih
pomembnih točk mitične pokrajine in nanje navezovali
otoški prostor (podrobno pogl. 6.2.2 in 6.2.3). Kljub te-
mu, da so ob različnih zidavah ponekod uničili starejše
kulturne plasti in da zaradi cerkvenih zidov nekaterih
površin niso mogli arheološko raziskati, je ostalo dovolj
ohranjene in arheološko raziskane površine (sl. 4.3),
da je zanesljivo, da se zgodnjesrednjeveško grobišče
razprostira samo na severnem delu ravnice vrh otoka
in v prostor, ki ga danes zaseda cerkev, posega samo
obrobno. To kaže, da so cerkev postavili na mesto, ki je
bilo pomembno že v predhodnem obdobju.

Na tem mestu je nekaj kamnov in vkopov v skalno
osnovo (sl. 10.21), ki so starejši od druge cerkve in razen
pri pravokotni jami v velikosti groba (sl. 3.16) strati-
grafski odnos s prvo cerkvijo ni bil dokumentiran. To
pomeni, da so bodisi sočasni bodisi so od nje starejši. V
tloris prve cerkve se slabo vklapljajo in je za večino večja
verjetnost, da so od prve cerkve starejši. Prav tako niso
bili dokumentirani neposredni ali posredni stratigraf-
skih odnosov med njimi, kar pomeni, da ne poznamo
podatkov o sočasnosti ali zaporednosti.

Nedvomno je od prve cerkve starejša **pravokotna**
**jama v velikosti groba** (sl. 10.21: a), ki je bila v nekem
trenutku zasuta, v polnilo je bil posajen steber, ki je bil

down. This is the technique used in a rustic bread baking
furnace. If the embers are not turned, the loaves of bread
are not baked from below, because the floor is not warm
enough. Of course, this is not to say that people once used
to paddle to Bled Island to bake bread. Not at all. The same
effect on the substrate could be achieved by removing the
ash embers every time,when they were there, after burn-
ing a new fire on bare earth, and repeating this process
many times. It is very likely that this is exactly what was
happening on Bled Island. At certain solemn moments,
the fire was lit and its remains were removed every time.
It would make sense that they were carried home. As the
stratigraphic sequence shows (Fig. 3.16), this rite took
place on the island before the first Early Medieval graves
were excavated there. The burnt remains on top of the
burnt earth (Chapter 1.4) is then either a remnant of the
last fire which was not removed, or due to a change in the
purpose of the fire.

The above taphonomic observations are in line
with the tradition of the Old Faith Believers in the Soča
region. "... near the fireplace above Kopovišče. Midsum-
mer, midwinter and other bonfires were always lit there.
There were some such consecrated fireplaces on the right
bank of the Soča River" (Medvešček 2015, 99). "... until the
bonfire was extinguished. At that time, the little boys also
lit the tree mushrooms and took them on sticks to those
who remained without a bonfire. Every house threw some
bonfire charcoal or mushroom into the fire at the fireplace.
Once, the old fire had to be extinguished, the ashes had to
be removed and a new fire had to be lit from the bonfire
in the house" (Medvešček 2015, 337). "This metal shovel
was laid next to it and was needed at the bonfire to collect
the embers, which they then brought home" (Medvešček
2015, 252). It is self-evident, if Bled Island was indeed
involved in the burning of new fire, that the fireplace was
also cleaned every time, before making a new fire, if there
was anything from the previous burning.

The orientation and arrangement of the Early Me-
dieval island graves shows that people were aware of the
adjacent important points of the mythical landscape and
related the island space to them (in detail, Chapters. 6.2.2,
6.2.3). Although the early cultural layers were destroyed
in different building events and, some of the surfaces
could not be archaeologically explored due to the pres-
ence of the church walls, there were enough preserved
and archaeologically researched areas (Fig. 4.3) to reliably
suggest that the Early Medieval cemetery extends only
over the northern part of the plain at the top of the island
and the space, now occupied by the church, affects it only
marginally. This suggests that the church was built in a
place that was important in the previous period.

There are some stones and pits in the rock base (Fig. 10.21) that are earlier than the second church, and, except for a rectangular hole in the size of a grave (Fig. 3.16), the stratigraphic relationship with the first church has not been documented. This means that they are
<figure><img src="image_189.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.21: Blejski otok, Slovenija. Jame in kamni, ki bi lahko bili starejši od prve cerkve. Dodani so kurišče s kamnom, grob 72 in idealiziran obris prve cerkve. Številki 24 in 34 kažeta razdaljo v karlovih čevljih. 1 – obdelan kamen, 2 – jama.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.21: Bled Island, Slovenia. Holes and stones that could be older than the first church. The hearth with the stone, Grave 72 and an idealised outline of the first church were added. Numbers 24 and 34 show the distance in Charlemagne's feet. 1 – carved stone, 2 – hole.</caption>

pozneje odstranjen. Jamo s polnilom je prekrila plast, v kateri je bil nad jamo klesan kamen (sl. 10.21: b), v to plast pa je bil vkopan zgodnjesrednjeveški grob 72, ki so ga našli pod temeljem najstarejše cerkve (glej pogl. 4.2). Osamljeno lego groba 72 lahko pojasnimo s soseščino klesanega kamna. Točka je bila tako pomembna, da je pritegnila grob 72. In magnet ni bil toliko sam kamen, kot je bila jama, ki se je skrivala pod njim (pogl. 4.7). Tako zaporedje dogodkov nakazuje, da je jama starejša tudi od zgodnjesrednjeveškega grobišča.

Tako lahko sestavimo trojico: studenec, ognjišče in pravokotna jama sestavljajo pravokotni trikotnik (sl. 6.15), katerega vrh pri studencu meri obredni kot (prim. pogl 6.2.3). Na simbolni ravni tročanov je severni vogal voda, zahodni vogal je ogenj, južni vogal je zemlja. Vsebinsko sorodne tročane trenutno poznamo s treh blejskih grobišč: Žale pri Zasipu (Pleterski 2014, 256), Dlesc pri Bodeščah (Pleterski 2014, 261), Pristava na Bledu (Pleterski 2014, 264–274). Ta tročan je bil na otoku, še preden so začeli s pokopavanjem v zgodnjem srednjem veku. Prerivanje grobov ob ognjišču (sl. 8.3; pogl. 8.1.2, str. 190) kaže, kaj je bila motivacija. Na krsčanskem pokopališču je primerljiva z željo biti pokopan blizu oltarja in tamkajšnjih svetinj.

Pravokotna jama v velikosti groba ima usmeritev, ki je drugačna od smeri otoških grobov in ni usmerjena na enega od drugih dveh vogalov tročanskega trikotnika. S svojo prečno osjo je usmerjena proti prostoru južno

either contemporaneous or earlier. They do not fit well into the floor plan of the first church and are more likely to be earlier than the first church. Neither direct nor indirect stratigraphic relationships between them have been documented, which means that we cannot identify the sequence.

Undoubtedly **the rectangular grave-sized hole** is earlier than the first church (Fig. 10.21: a), which at some point was filled in, then a pillar was put in the filling and was later removed. The hole with the filing was covered with a layer including a carved stone (Fig. 10.21: b), and into this layer was dug an Early Medieval grave (72) which was found under the foundation of the earliest church (Chapter 4.2). The secluded position of Grave 72 can be explained by the area of carved stone. The place was so important that it attracted Grave 72, and the draw was not so much the carved stone itself as it was the hole hiding beneath (Chapter 4.7). Such a sequence of events indicates that the hole is earlier than the Early Medieval cemetery.

In this way, we can assemble a trinity: the water spring, the hearth and the rectangular hole make up a right triangle (Fig. 6.15) whose top at the spring measures the ritual angle (cf. Chapter 6.2.3). At the symbolic level of tročans, the northern corner is water, the western corner is fire, and the southern corner is earth. At present, the substantively related tročans are known from three Bled cemeteries: Žale at Zasip (Pleterski 2014, 256), Dlesc at Bodešče (Pleterski 2014, 261), and Pristava at Bled (Pleterski 2014, 264–274). This tročan was on the island even before burials began in the Early Middle Ages. Burying the graves near the hearth (Fig. 8.3; Chapter 8.1.2, p. 190) is comparable, in a Christian graveyard, to a desire to be buried near the altar and the relics.

The grave-seized rectangular hole is oriented differently from the island's graves and does not point to one of the other two corners of the tročan triangle. With its transverse axis, it faces the area south of the tročan hearth (Fig. 10.21: d), the space that was also respected by the Early Medieval cemetery and, it appears, the described tročan itself. There is a **posthole for pillar** to the south of the hearth and the largest stone is next to it (Fig. 10.21: c). The arrangement of this pit, hearth and rectangular grave-sized hole does not seem random, but driven by the distance between the pit and the other two spatial elements. The distance between the pit and the stone at the hearth is 8 m or 24 Charlemagne's feet, and the distance between the pit and the rectangular grave-seized hole is 13.3 m or 34 Charlemagne's feet, respectively. What matters is the ratio they have illustrated: 24:34 = 12:17 = 1:√2. It is the tročan balance of the three forces of nature. The ratio of 12:7 was also well known to medieval builders (cf. Milošević, Peković 2009, 248–255 and Chapter 5.1, p. 131). If the described arrangement is not accidental, it means that its constituent parts existed simultaneously for at least some period, and that is why it is also the posthole
od tročanskega ognjišča (sl. 10.21: d), prostoru, ki ga je spoštovalo tudi zgodnjesrednjeveško grobišče in – kot je videti – tudi opisani tročan. Tam je južno od ognjišča in največjega kamna ob njem **jama za steber** (sl. 10.21: c). Razporeditev te jame, ognjišča in pravokotne jame v velikosti groba ni videti naključna. Na to napeljujeta razdalji med jamo in drugima dvema členoma prostora. Razdalja med jamo in kamnom ob ognjišču se izide pri 8 m oziroma 24 karlovih čevljih, razdalja med jamo za steber in pravokotno jamo v velikosti groba pa pri 13,3 m oziroma 34 karlovih čevljih. Pomembno je razmerje, ki so ga s tem ponazorili: 24 : 34 = 12 : 17 = 1 : √2. Gre za tročansko ravnovesje treh sil narave. Razmerje 12 : 17 je bilo dobro znano tudi srednjeveškim gradbenikom (prim. Milošević, Peković 2009, 248–255 in pogl. 5.1, str. 131). In če opisana razporeditev ni naključna, pomeni, da so jneni sestavni deli vsaj v nekem obdobju obstajali sočasno in da je torej tudi jama za steber še iz časa pred nastankom zgodnjesrednjeveškega grobišča. Tudi ta jama je del sestava, ki je dajal otoku poseben pomen. Njegov namen lahko trenutno poskušamo poiskati s hipotezo, da gre za del mitične pokrajine, ki ima v poteku leta posebno vlogo. Uporabnost hipoteze preverjamo in hkrati ocenjujemo s tem, v kolikšni meri je sposobna vključiti znane sestavine in njihove okolnosti. Kljub temu pa vedno ostaja samo eden od možnih pogledov v preteklost.

Razprava o okolnostih jame za steber. Ena jama za steber je seveda premalo za opaznejšo stavbo. Lahko je točka, ki je vplivala na ureditev prostora grobišča, a to še ne pojasni, kaj je predstavljala v času pred nastankom grobišča. Namig lahko najdemo v postavitvi prvih dveh cerkva na otoku. Obe sta stali na prostoru med jamo za steber in pravokotno jamo, na osi med njima in ta os je pravokotna na približno vzdolžno os pravokotne jame. In če je usmeritev obeh cerkva astronomska, proti sončnemu vzhodu na dan Marijinega vnebovzetja (Čaval 2010, 167–178), je več kot samo verjetno, da je tudi os jama za steber–pravokotna jama astronomska. V 11. st., ko so postavili prvo cerkev (glej pogl. 7.3), je bil 15. avgust po tedanjem kabinetnem julijanskem koledarju po sončnem koledarju že 6 dni pozneje, torej 21. avgusta. Ta dan meji z 20. avgustom, koncem poletne tretjine leta po starem sončnem koledarju (glej zgoraj). Ne bi moglo biti bolj očitno, da so s postavitvijo cerkve želeli nadomestiti starodavno češčenje ženskega mitičnega lika ob koncu poletja. Ta datum pa je bilo treba določiti in pokončen steber v funkciji gnomona je takemu namenu lahko dobro služil. Morda so ga uporabili celo za določitev smeri prve cerkve, na kar namiguje jama v cerkveni osi. Dokumentacija arheoloških izkopavanj nam ne da neposrednega odgovora na vprašanje, ali je bila površina okrog gnomona umetno izravnana. Ta možnost obstaja, nakazuje jo rdečerjavo ilovnato izravnalno nasutje, ki je prekrivalo pravokotno jamo v velikosti groba in bilo starejše od groba 72 (pogl. 4.7).

for pillar from the time before the Early Medieval cemetery. This pit is also part of the composition that gave the island special significance. At present we can try to find its purpose by hypothesising that it is part of the mythical landscape that plays a special role during the course of the year. The usefulness of a hypothesis is tested and at the same time evaluated by its ability to incorporate all known constituents and their findings. Nevertheless, it always remains only one of all possible views of the past.

Discussion of the findings of the posthole for pillar. One posthole is, of course, not enough for a more prominent building. It may be a point that influenced the arrangement of the cemetery, but that does not yet explain what it represented at the time before the burial site was created. A clue can be found in the placement of the first two churches on the island. Both stood in the space between the posthole for pillar and the rectangular hole, on an axis between them, and this axis is perpendicular to the approximately longitudinal axis of the rectangular hole. If the orientation of the two churches is astronomical, towards sunrise on the day of the Assumption (Čaval 2010, 167–178), it is more than probable that the axis, the posthole for pillar – rectangular hole, is also astronomical. In the 11th century the first church was erected (Chapter 7.3) on 15th August, according to the then-Julian “cabinet” calendar, but according to the solar calendar, it was six days later, or 21st August. This day follows the 20th August, the end of the summer third of the year according to the old solar calendar (see above). It couldn’t be more obvious that by erecting the church, the authorities wanted to replace the ancient worship of a female mythical figure at the end of summer. This date, however, had to be fixed, and the upright pillar in the gnomon’s function could well have served that purpose. It may even have been used to determine the direction of the first church, as indicated by the posthole in the church axis. The documentation of archaeological excavations does not give us a direct answer to the question of whether the surface around the gnomon was artificially levelled. This possibility exists, as indicated by the red-brown loamy levelling deposit that covered the rectangular grave-seized hole, and was earlier than Grave 72 (Chapter 4.7).

It is attested that the Slavs had gnomons in the sanctuary places (Pleterski, Mareš 2003, 21–24). Even gnomons in burial grounds are not unusual. In the 10th and 11th centuries appear, for example, round platforms with a central wooden pillar and several surrounding pillars in the mound burial grounds of northwestern Kiev Russia (Fig. 10.22). The cult character of the complex does not seem to be controversial (cf. Svirin 2006). Not only the astronomical, but also the cult significance of the gnomon spaces is confirmed by the younger churches which were erected on them (Figs. 10.23–10.26).

The use of gnomons was widespread among the folk until the 20th century. According to a narrative from
<figure><img src="image_190.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.22: a – Pskov, Rusija. Kultni prostor na ravni geološke podlage (po: Labutina 1989, 102, ris. 1). b – Hodosoviči, Belorusija. Kultni prostor 50 m severno od gomilnega grobišča. Številne jame za kole zanesljivo niso istočasne, stratigrafija je ostala nepojasnjena (po: Kuza, Solovʻeva 1972, Ris. 1).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.22: a – Pskov, Russia. Cult place at the level of geological basis (after: Labutina 1989, 102, Fig. 1). b – Hodosovichi, Belarus. A cult place 50 m north of the burial mounds. Many postholes are reliably not contemporaneous, stratigraphy has remained unexplained (after: Kuza, Solovʻeva 1972, Fig. 10.1).</caption>
<figure><img src="image_191.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.23: Ostrów Tumski, Poznań, Poljska. Okrogla apnena površina z jamo za steber v plasti pod prvo cerkvijo s konca 10. st. (prirejeno po Bukowska 2016, 59–60, Rys. 10–11).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.23: Ostrów Tumski, Poznań, Poland. Round lime surface with pillar pit in layers below the first church from the end of the tenth century (adapted after Bukowska 2016, 59–60, Figs. 10–11).</caption>

Izpričano je, da so Slovani imeli gnomone na sve-
tiščnih prostorih (Pleterski, Mareš 2003, 21–24). Tudi
gnomoni na grobiščih niso nobena posebnost. V 10.
in 11. st. se npr. na gomilnih grobiščih severozahodne
kijevske Rusije pojavljajo okrogle ploščadi z osrednjim
lesenim stebrom in več okolnimi stebri (sl. 10.22). Kultni
značaj sestavov se ne zdi sporen (prim. Svirin 2006). Ne
samo astronomski, ampak tudi kultni pomen prostorov
z gnomoni potrjujejo mlajše cerkve, ki so jih postavili
na njihova mesta (sl. 10.23–10.26).

Uporaba gnomonov je bila ponekod med ljudstvom
splošno razširjena vse do 20. stoletja. Po pripovedi iz
Čepovana (zahodna Slovenija) so nekoč “imeli gospo-
darji zunaj južno od kleti poseben prostor, kjer ni rasla
trava, saj je bil tlak zbit z ilovico. Na sredi pa je bila za-
pičena drenova palica, s katero so ugotavljali osončenost
prostora, predvsem pa čas, ko sonce zaide. Ta pa je bil v
različnih letnih časih različen, kot tudi smer sence, ki pa
je bila v glini označena s črtami in kamenčki” (Medvešček
2015, 365). Kompleksen primer energetskega tročana,
zdravilnega mesta, astronomskega opazovališča pa je
bil že predstavljen (glej zgoraj). Tovrstno mesto je bil
tudi Blejski otok.

Seveda se vprašamo, zakaj je bilo treba vedeti,
kdaj se začne in konča poletna tretjina leta. Zanesljivo
je šlo za več kot preprosto osebno zavedanje, kateri
dan je danes. Trdim, da imamo ogromno informacij
ves čas pred seboj, samo vidimo in razumemo jih ne,
dokler nimamo pravega vprašanja. Kajti ko si postavi-

Čepovan (western Slovenia), “*The masters once had,
outside, south of the cellar, a special place where grass did
not grow, because the soil was paved with loam. In the
middle, there was inserted a dogwood stick, which used
to determine the insolation of the place, and especially the
time when the sun goes down. This one was different in dif-
ferent seasons, as was the direction of the shadows, which
in turn were marked with lines and pebbles in the clay*”
(Medvešček 2015, 365). A complex example of an energy
tročan, a healing site, and an astronomical observatory
has already been presented (see above). Bled Island was
also a place of this kind.

Of course, we ask ourselves why it was necessary to
know when the summer third of the year begins and ends.
It was certainly more than just a personal awareness of what
day it is. I suggest that we have a great deal of information
in front of us all the time, we just don't see and understand
it until we ask the right question. Asking the above question
leads us to another context of the island. An underwater
survey of the lake floor before the lake's Jezernica outlet has
revealed an area that is throw from the shore and where
weapons were scattered. This covers a time span from the
beginning of the Urnfield culture (two bronze swords), that
is from the 13th century BCE, through the Hallstatt period
(two iron spears) to late medieval and modern times (axes).
Andrej Gaspari sees in this an archaeological trace of the
cult of throwing weapons into the water, perhaps in some
connection with Bled Island (Gaspari 2012). I confirm this
assumption and substantiate it further.
<figure><img src="image_192.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.24: Ostrów Tumski, Poznań, Poljska. Okrogla apnena površina z jamo za steber (po: Bukowska 2016, 60, Rys. 12. Avtorica odločno zavrača staro domnevo, da bi šlo za krstilnico).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.24: Ostrów Tumski, Poznań, Poland. Round lime surface with pillar pit (after: Bukowska 2016, 60, Fig. 12. The author strongly rejects the old assumption that it was a baptistery).</caption>

Grave 38 on Bled Island is oriented perpendicular to the direction of the island spring (Chapter 6.2.3) and corresponds to the direction determined by the hearth and the rectangular grave-seized hole. If we extend the line across the spring, we reach St Katarina on Hom (azimuth 20.98° – 21.24°, west and east edges of the church), and therefore, towards the site of the antithetical mythical female character, mistress of the winter third of the year. This is the direction of the west side of the island tročan triangle as presented above. The south side of the triangle, which is perpendicular to the direction to St Katarina (Fig. 10.29), however, lies in a direction that goes east through the weapons depository off the lake shore, and further crosses the Early Medieval Dlesc cemetery near Bodešče (azimuth 111°). This shows that the weapons were thrown at a carefully selected point, but it also confirms how very thoughtfully Bodeša chose the place where he and his relatives will be buried (see above).

This observation also suggested a space-time connection between the beginning and end of the summer third of the year and the throwing of weapons into the water towards the island. This is a good starting point to look at a mythical story. The key events in the mythical story of the year are the takeover of weapons (Fig. 10.1). In the spring from the male character takes over from the female character, and in the autumn it is the other way around. It is therefore crucial for the proper course of events in nature that the weapons are with the right owner at the right time. In this light, the island's rectangular grave-shaped hole proves to be a stage component of a mythical drama, as the grave of the male mythical

<figure><img src="image_193.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.25: Vyšehrad, Praga, Češka. Črka G označuje stojišče gnomona v sedanji cerkvi Sv. Petra in Pavla (po: Nechvátal 2004, Obr. 83).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.25: Vyšehrad, Prague, Czech Republic. The letter G indicates the location of the gnomon in the present church of St Peter and Paul (after: Nechvátal 2004, Fig. 83).</caption>
<figure><img src="image_194.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.26: Vyšehrad, Praga, Češka. a – jama za gnomon, iz stadičnih razlogov tlakovana in obzidana s kamni (po: Nechvátal 2000, Obr. 4), b – gnomon danes, ohranjen kot Čertův sloup v parku vzhodno od cerkve Sv. Petra in Pavla.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.26: Vyšehrad, Prague, Czech Republic. a – gnomon pit, for static reasons paved and walled with stones (after: Nechvátal 2000, Fig. 4), b – gnomon today, preserved as Čertův sloup (= The Devil's pillar) in the park east of the Church St Peter and Paul.</caption>

mo zgornje vprašanje, postanemo pozorni še na eno okolnost otoka. Podvodne raziskave jezerskega dna pred jezerskim iztokom Jezernico so odkrile površino, ki je lučaj od obale in na kateri so bili razstreseni kosi orožja. To časovno prekriva razpon od začetka kulture žarnih grobišč (dva bronasta meča), torej nekako od 13. st. pred n. št. prek starejše železne dobe (železni sulični osti) do poznosrednjeveških in novoveških sekir. Andrej Gaspari v tem vidi arheološko sled kultnega metanja orožja v vodo, morda v neki povezavi z Blejskim otokom (Gaspari 2012). Tej domnevi se pridružujem in jo dodatno utemeljujem.

Grob 38 na Blejskem otoku ima smer, ki je pravokotna na smer proti otoškemu studencu (pogl. 6.2.3) in se ujema s smerjo, ki jo določata kurišče in pravokotna jama v velikosti groba. Če črto proti studencu podaljšamo, pridemo do Sv. Katarine na Homu (azimut 20,98°–21,24°, zahodni in vzhodni rob cerkve), torej proti mestu protistavnega mitičnega ženskega lika, gespodarici zimske tretjine leta. To je smer zahodne stranice otoškega tročanskega trikotnika, kot je predstavljen zgoraj. Južna stranica, ki je pravokotnica na smer proti Sv. Katarini (sl. 10.30), pa leži na smeri, ki gre proti vzhodu prek odlagališča orožja pred jezersko obalo ter v nadaljevanju prečka tudi zgodnjesrednjeveško grobišče Dlesc pri Bodeščah (azimut 111°). To kaže, da so orožje odmetavali na skrbno izbrani točki, potrjuje pa tudi, kako zelo domišljeno je Bodeša izbral prostor, kamor bodo pokopali njega in njegove (glej zgoraj).

<figure><img src="image_195.png" /></figure>

figure, seemingly dead in the winter and renewing, to rise from the grave cavity in the spring. He acquires a weapon, defeats the old and barren mistress of winter, and thus rejuvenates her so that they can begin a new period of fertility together (see above). A rectangular hollow at the top of the grave thus also makes sense. It contained a green stone, which was later violently torn down and found by archaeologists (Fig. 4.12). The green colour of the stone is purposeful, that is, it is the colour of the underground master of souls, who has been preserved as a Water Sprite in folk mythology (Kropej 2008, 248–257), and it is the colour of his transformation into a potent young spring man, still known by people as Zeleni Jurij (= Green George) (Kropej 2008, 79–85). It depends on the image in which he appears, whether he is armed or not. In terms of the stage accessory, it would be a question of whether or not the weapon was lying on the green stone. Those who remember now that the future King Arthur was trying to draw a sword out of stone to end the period of chaos and to start the new era of order, have opened their mind enough that a continuation will make sense to them.

**On Bled Island, a ceremonial piece of weaponry was laid on the green stone and taken from it. This happened in the days marked by the sunrise at the same point on the horizon as the beginning and end of the summer third of the year** (Fig. 10.27). We can play with the thought that at one time this weapon was a stone axe found next to a green stone (cat. No. 131, Fig. 1.15: 12, Pl. 13: 11; Chapters. 1.4, 4.7).
<figure><img src="image_196.png" /></figure>

Sl. 10.27: Blejski otok, Slovenija. Pogled na sončni vzhod z Blejskega otoka 17. avgusta 2018. Naslednji dan sonce vzhaja nad cerkvijo Sv. Petra in sosednjo Marijino kapelico nad čudodelno podzemno jamo (bela puščica). Naravna razporeditev svetih mest je zelo blizu koledarsko pomembnim datumom.

Fig. 10.27: Bled Island, Slovenia. A view of the sunrise from Bled Island on the 17th August 2018. The next day, the sun rises above the church of St Peter and above the adjoining Chapel of Mary above the marvellous underground cave (white arrow). The natural arrangement of the holy places is very close to important calendar dates.

S tem opažanjem pa smo pridobili tudi prostor-
časovno povezavo med začetkom in koncem poletne
tretjine leta ter metanjem orožja v vodo proti otoku.
Imamo dobro izhodišče, da pogledamo mitično zgodbo.
Ključna dogodka v mitični zgodbi leta sta prevzema
oblasti nad orožjem (sl. 10.1). Spomladi ga od ženskega
lika prevzame moški lik, jeseni je obratno. Za pravilen
potek dogajanja v naravi je torej ključno, da je orožje ob
pravem času pri pravem upravitelju. V tej luči se otoška
pravokotna jama v obliki groba pokaže kot scenska
sestavina mitične drame. Kot grob moškega mitičnega
lika, ki je pozimi navidezno mrtev in se prenavlja, da
spomladi vstane iz grobne votline, pridobi orožje, z njim
premaga ostarelo in neplodno gospodarico zime ter jo
s tem pomladi, da lahko skupaj začneta novo obdobje
plodnosti (glej zgoraj). Tako dobi tudi pravokotna
vdolbina na vrhu groba svoj smisel. V njej je tičal zeleni
kamen, ki so ga pozneje nasilno zrušili in so takega našli
arheologi (sl. 4.12). Zelena barva kamna je namenska,
to je barva podzemnega gospodarja duš, ki se je v ljud-
skem bajeslovju ohranil kot povodni mož (Kropej 2008,
248–257), in je barva njegove preobrazbe v pomladnega

In Slovenian mythology, the male mythical character
who lives as a sleeping man in the cave is Kralj Matjaž
(= King Matthias). A narrative from the vicinity of Ormož
also describes the place where the conflict took place.
It is Sveta gora (= Holy Mountain), and beneath it is a
spring, and next to the spring a tree. When Kralj Matjaž
cuts a tree, the axe remains stuck, and Kralj Matjaž is
covered by the Holy Mountain (Grafenauer 1951, 188).
The resemblance to Bled Island and the cult complex on
it is astonishing, and is not random. The axe in the tree,
or in the stone indicates a time of chaos.

Additional clarification is needed here. There is
an important difference between the green stone of
Bled Island and the stone with the sword. The stone
of Arthur, the mountain, and the tree of Matjaž's story
are forms of the tročan force of the earth (cf. Pleterski
2014, 76-82). On Bled Island, the tročan was composed
and decomposed in the ritual ceremony, consisting of:
the rectangular hole = earth, green stone = water, the
axe = fire. In the summer, the fire/axe was united with
water/green stone in the earth/rectangular hole. In the
winter, the axe lay alone in the rectangular hole. This is
potentnega mladeniča, ki ga ljudje še vedno poznajo kot zelenega Jurija (Kropej 2008, 79–85). A v kateri podobi nastopa, je odvisno od tega, ali je oborožen ali ni. Na ravni scenskih rekvizitov bi šlo za to, ali je na zelenem kamnu ležalo orožje ali ne. Kdor se je sedaj spomnil, kako bodoči kralj Artur skuša izvleči meč iz kamna, da bi končal obdobje kaosa in začel novo dobo reda, je razprl svoje razumevanje dovolj, da mu bo smiselno tudi nadaljevanje.

Na Blejskem otoku so na zeleni kamen obredno polagali in z njega jemali obredni kos orožja. To se je zgodilo v dneh, ki ju je na isti točki obzorja s svojim vzhodom označilo sonce kot začetek in konec poletne tretjine leta (sl. 10.27). Lahko se poigramo z mislijo, da je bila v nekem času to prav kamnita sekirica, ki so jo našli ob zelenem kamnu (kat. št. 131, sl. 1.15: 12, t. 13: 11; pogl. 1.4 in 4.7).

V slovenskem bajeslovju je moški mitični lik, ki biva kot mrtev v jami, kralj Matjaž. Pripovedka iz okolice Ormoža tudi opiše prostor, v katerem se je ubitost zgodila. To je Sveta gora, pod njo studenec, ob studencu drevo. Ko kralj Matjaž zaseka drevo, ostane sekira zapičena, kralja Matjaža pa Sveta gora zagrne (Grafenauer 1951, 188). Podobnost z Blejskim otokom in kultnim sestavom na njem je osupljiva. In ni naključna. Sekira v drevesu, v kamnu je čas kaosa.

Tu je potrebno dodatno pojasnilo. Med zelenim kamnom Blejskega otoka in kamnom z mečem je pomembna razlika. Arturjev kamen, gora, drevo Matjaževe zgodbe so oblike tročanske sile zemlje (prim. Pleterski 2014, 76–82). Na Blejskem otoku so pri obredu sestavljali in razstavljali tročan, ki so ga sestavljali: pravokotna jama = zemlja, zeleni kamen = voda, sekira = ogenj. Ogenj/ sekira je bil poleti združen z vodo/zelenim kamnom na zemlji/jami. Pozimi je ležala sekira samostojno na jami. To je čas, ko je ogenj pri ženski gospodarici zime (sl. 10.1).

Zakaj je bilo potem potrebno še metanje orožja v vodo? Orožje iz različnih obdobji dokazuje, da gre za ponavljajoč se obred. Ki pa ni mogel biti vsakoleten, ker bi sicer moralo biti v vodi stokrat več kosov orožja. Šlo je torej vendarle za izjemno dejanje, kakršnega pogojujejo izjemne razmere: naravne katastrofe, sončni, morda tudi mesečevi mrki. Vsak tak dogodek so ljudje lahko razumeli kot zdrs v kaotično obdobje pomanjkanja in možnosti smrti. Voda je ločnica med tostranstvom in onostranstvom (Mencej 1997). In če želimo, da mitični lik, ki pride iz onostranstva ter z orožjem vzpostavlja naravni red, svoje delo opravi, kot je treba, mu moramo pomagati z orožjem, kajti njegovo običajno se je nekje izgubilo. Rešilno dejanje je torej met orožja v vodo, v onostranstvo. Kjer vode ni, ga lahko vržemo v jamo, ki vodi v oni svet, ali pa tako jamo celo sami izkopljemo in vanjo položimo orožje (prim. razprava o povezanosti zakopa bronastodobnih predmetov na Kanalskem vrhu s sončnim mrkom, tamkajšnji prostor je prav

when fire is in the possession of the female mistress of winter (Fig. 10.1).

Then why was it necessary to throw weapons in the water? Weapons from different periods prove this to be a recurring rite, which could not be done every year because otherwise there would have to be a hundred times more weapons in the water. It was, however, an extraordinary act conditioned by exceptional circumstances: natural disasters, solar, and perhaps even lunar eclipses. Any such event could be seen by people as slipping into a chaotic period of deprivation and the possibility of death. Water is the dividing line between the world of the living and the world of death (Mencej 1997), and if we want the mythical character, who comes from abroad to establish a natural order with his weapon, to do his job properly, we have to help him with the weapon, because he has lost his usual weapon somewhere. The rescue act therefore involves throwing weapons into the water, beyond. Where there is no water, they can be thrown into a cave that leads to the underworld, or we may even dig a cave ourselves and put a weapon in it (cf. discussion on the connection of deposition of Bronze Age objects in Kanalski vrh with a solar eclipse, as well as the way that the space there is also connected to stories about Kralj Matjaž: Mihelič 2012, 21–34). The fact that weapons were thrown into Lake Bled from at least the Late Bronze Age onwards, from the same place, means that the cult role of Bled Island did not change significantly over that long period. This means that pits for pillars and stones under church buildings may belong to various renovations of the cult site, but we cannot date them in detail.

## 10.5. INSTEAD OF AN EPILOGUE, WHAT WAS IT THEN?

In trying to cover over the Old Faith, Christianity unintentionally preserved much of it. The old mythical points and the system of two calendar triangles, which divide the year into six parts (Fig. 10.3), have also been preserved in the group of the earliest Bled churches (Fig. 10.28). Several centuries have certainly passed since all the churches of this network were built, and it is unlikely that there has been a uniform designed building program for so long, that has been carefully followed by various constructors over such a long period. It is more likely that the sense of the mythical landscape and the awareness of it among the people perpetuated in a persistent and firm manner, despite formal baptism. This is therefore about how the church building can be accepted as a house of God by someone who does not use the church and does not believe in Christian doctrine, but who knows and uses the old mythical landscape.

It is striking how well the selection of saints, to which the Bled churches are dedicated, is matched by six time points in the circle of the old solar calendar (Fig. 10.29).
tako povezan z zgodbami o kralju Matjažu: Mihelič 2012, 21–34). Da so orožje metali v Blejsko jezero vsaj od pozne bronaste dobe z istega mesta, pomeni, da se kultna vloga Blejskega otoka v tem dolgem obdobju ni bistveno spremenila. To pomeni, da jame za stebre in kamni pod cerkvenimi stavbami lahko pripadajo različnim prenovam kultnega sestoja, podrobneje pa jih ne moremo datirati.

## 10.5. NAMESTO EPILOGA, KAJ JE BILO POTEM

Krščanstvo je, v želji prekriti staro, nehote mnogo starega ohranilo. Stare mitične točke in sistem dveh koledarskih trikotnikov, ki delita leto na šest delov (sl. 10.3), so se svojevrstno ohranili tudi v skupini najstarejših blejskih cerkva (sl. 10.28). Gotovo je minilo vsaj nekaj stoletij, da so zgradili vse cerkve te mreže, in zato ne gre verjeti, da je tako dolgo obstajal enotno zasnovan gradbeni program, ki so se ga sicer različni izvajalci skrbno držali skozi tako dolgo obdobje. Bolj verjetno je, da sta se občutenje mitične pokrajine in zavest o njej med ljudmi vztrajno in trdno ohranjala kljub formalnemu pokristjanjenju. Gre torej za to, kako cerkev lahko sprejme kot božjo hišo tudi nekdo, ki cerkve ne rabi in ne verjame v krščanski nauk, pozna in uporablja pa staro mitično pokrajino.

Vpadljivo je, kako zelo se izbor godovnih zavetnikov, ki so jim posvečene posamezne blejske cerkve, ujema s šestimi časovnimi točkami v krogu starega sončnega koledarja (sl. 10.29). Nadalje je nedvomno, da je po blejskem in bohinjskem izročilu par sv. Juriju prav sv. Martin kot svetnik, ki ima opravka z zmajem. Na Bledu ima cerkev tam, kjer je imel svoja jajca *lintvrn* (Pleterski 2014, 238), v Bohinju je dal nasvet, kako ukaniti tamkajšnjega zmaja. In najmočnejši dokaz: blejski Sv. Martin je v grobem usmerjen proti sončnemu vzhodu na jurjevo 23. IV. (Pleterski 2014, 286). Martinovo je 270 dni od valentinovega (14. II.), kar pomeni, da sta to dneva, ki prav tako začenjata in končujeta smrtno zimsko četrtino leta po krščanskem

Furthermore, it is beyond doubt that, according to the Bled and Bohinj tradition, the pair of St George is just St Martin as a saint dealing with a dragon. In Bled, he had a church where a dragon had his eggs (Pleterski 2014, 238). In Bohinj, he gave advice about how to kill a dragon there, and the strongest evidence: St Martin's church in Bled is roughly oriented towards sunrise on the 23rd of April (Pleterski 2014, 286). St Martin's Day is 270 days from St Valentine's Day (14th February). This means that these two days are the days that also begin and end the deadly winter quarter of the year according to the Christian calendar, which fits in with the Croatian spell, the St Martin's Prayer, which was used to eliminate torments before death (Rudan, Tomašić 2019.) In his analysis of folk holidays, Niko Kuret also came to the conclusion that the pagan holiday had been transferred to St Martin's Day (Kuret 1989, 110), so only St Catherine seems inconsistent, but we must remember that there were people going to her church during two feasts: a slaughter of an old black cow

<figure><img src="image_197.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.28: Šest delov leta in blejske cerkve.</figcaption></figure>

<table><caption>Fig. 10.28: Six parts of the year and the churches of Bled.</caption><thead><tr><td>datum starega sončnega koledarja / date of the old solar calendar</td><td>datum proščenja / feast day of the saint</td><td>cerkev / church</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>20.8.</td><td>15.8.</td><td>Marijino vnebovzetje / The Assumption of Mary</td></tr><tr><td>24.10.</td><td>11.11.</td><td>Sv. / St Martin</td></tr><tr><td>21.12.</td><td>26.12.</td><td>Sv. / St Štefan</td></tr><tr><td>19.2.</td><td>25.11.</td><td>Sv. / St Katarina</td></tr><tr><td>23.4.</td><td>23.4.</td><td>Sv. / St Jurij</td></tr><tr><td>21.6.</td><td>4.6.</td><td>Sv. / St Janez Krstnik / St John the Baptist</td></tr></tbody></table>

Sl. 10.29: Godovni zavetniki, ki so jim posvečene posamezne blejske cerkve in šest časovnih točk v krogu starega sončnega koledarja. (Manjše odstopanje je pri Sv. Martinu, vendar sta v pastirskem koledarju sv. Demetrij in sv. Martin povezljiva (prim. Mencej 2001, 188–191).)

Fig. 10.29: Selection of saints, to which the Bled churches are dedicated and six time points in the circle of the old solar calendar. (There is a slight divergence at St Martin, but in the pastoral calendar St Demetrius and St Martin are connected (cf. Mencej 2001, 188–191).)
<figure><img src="image_198.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 10.30: Datumska geometrija blejskih cerkva (zeleno) in nekatere druge mitične črte (belo).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 10.30: Date geometry of Bled churches (green) and some other mythical lines (white).</caption>

koledarju. S tem se ujema hrvaški zagovor Molitva svetega Martina, ki so ga uporabljali za odpravljanje predsmrtnih muk (Rudan, Tomašić 2019). Tudi Niko Kuret je v svoji analizi ljudskih praznikov prišel do sklepa, da so na martinovo prenesli poganski praznik (Kuret 1989, 110). Tako se zdi neskladna samo Sv. Katarina. Vendar se moramo spomniti, da sta se pri cerkvi dogajala ljudska praznika: klanje stare črne krave *bavhe* in žaganje pustne *babe* (Pleterski 2014, 243). Na mitični ravni lahko staro črno kravo in babo izenačimo in ker poosebljata zimski čas, se je ta z njunim pokončanjem končal. Da so *bavho* v novem veku klali na katarinino, lahko razumemo kot pokristjanjenje običaja in njegovo vključitev v krščanski koledar.

In ker je treba po načinu prednikov razmišljati na način prostorčasa, kjer sta prostor in čas združeni kategoriji, si poglejmo, kako so naštete cerkve prostorsko razporejene (sl. 10.30). Šest cerkva sestavlja tri koledarsko protistavne dvojice. Sv. Marija (konec

*bavha* and sawing a carnival grandmother *baba* (Pleterski 2014, 243). On a mythical level, the old black cow and the grandmother can be equated, and because they embody winter, the latter ended with their slaughter. That *bavha* was slaughtered on St Catharine's Day in the modern period can be understood as a baptism of custom and its incorporation into the Christian calendar.

Since it is necessary to think in the way of our ancestors regarding space-time, where space and time are united categories, let us look at how the listed churches are spatially distributed (Fig. 10.30). The six churches are made up of three calendar-counterparts. St Marija (end of summer) and St Katarina (end of winter) is the first couple to set a line, with an azimuth of 20.97°. The second couple are St Janez Krstnik (summer solar solstice) and St Štefan (winter solar solstice), who define a line with an azimuth of 20.97°, which is of course parallel to the first. The third couple are St Jurij (beginning of summer) and St Martin
poletja) in Sv. Katarina (konec zime) je prvi par, ki določa črto z azimutom 20,97°. Drugi par sta Sv. Janez Krstnik (poletni sončni obrat) in Sv. Štefan (zimski sončni obrat), določata črto z azimutom 20,97°, ki je prvi seveda vzporedna. Tretji par sta Sv. Jurij (začetek poletja) in Sv. Martin (začetek zime), ki določata črto z azimutom 110,97°. Ta črta je pravokotna na prvi dve črti. Taka geometrija seveda ni naključna. Kako zelo so se domačini zanjo trudili, dokazuje izročilo, da so končno stavbišče Sv. Štefana izbrali šele po tem, ko so pastirji tam našli podobo sv. Štefana (Zupan 1998, 3).

In če nas zanima, kaj pomeni ideogram, ki ga je sčasoma sestavilo naštetih šest cerkva, ga najdemo v odgovoru, ki ga je na vprašanje Kako ste gledali na to, ko so vaše otroke v šoli učili verouk od staroverca dobil Pavel Medvešček.

Kot na vse tisto, kar smo zaradi večinske vere morali delati in poslušati. Toda večina naših otrok je bila na te razmere predčasno poučena in zato pripravljena. Dehnar [= svečenik in vodja staroverske skupnosti] nas je pogosto opozarjal z besedami: 'Misli tako, kot čutiš in verjameš, ne pa, kar ti ne naši pridigajo'. Seveda pa je vsak staroverski otrok pri sebi imel vedno ploščati prodnik krint (sl. 10.30), ki je ploskev kamenčka vsaj na eni strani razdelil na štiri dele, oziroma na štiri tročane, ki so imeli sredinsko točko skupno. Krint je seval veliko moč in tako odbijal, kar so ti vsiljevali (Medvešček 2015, 93).

Ker sta na Bledu dve črti vzporedni, so vzpostavili kar dvojen krint (sl. 10.31). Celoten podvig je bil toliko pretkan, da so bili tisti nepoučeni, ki so morda opazili, da nastaja prostorski križ, lahko prepričani, da v prostor vpisujejo krščanski križ.

<figure><img src="image_199.png" /></figure>

(beginning of winter) defining a line with an azimuth of 110.97°. This line is perpendicular to the first two lines. Such geometry is, of course, not accidental. How much the locals strove for this geometry is demonstrated by the tradition wherein the final building-place of St Štefan was chosen only after the shepherds had found the image of St Stefan there (Zupan 1998, 3).

If we are interested in the meaning of the ideogram, which was eventually compiled by the six churches, we find it in the answer to the question asking *how did you view it when your children were taught Christian religion at the school*, given by Pavel Medvešček from an Old Faith Believer.

As with all that we have to do and listen to because of the majority faith. But most of our children have been taught this situation prematurely and are therefore prepared. Dehnar [= priest and leader of the Old Faith Believer community] often warned us with the words: 'Think the way you feel and believe, not what you are preached by not-ours'. Of course, every Old Faith Believer child always had a flat pebble krint (Fig. 10.30), which divided the surface of the pebble into at least one part into four parts, or four tročans, which had a middle point in common. The krint radiated great power and thus repelled what they were forced (Medvešček 2015, 93).

Since the two lines are parallel in Bled, they have established a double krint (Fig. 10.31). The whole venture was so cunning that those ignorant people, who may have noticed that a spatial cross was forming, could be convinced that they were inscribing a Christian cross in the space.

<caption>Sl. 10.31: Krint kot ploščat prodnik (po: Medvešček 2015, sl. 6).</caption>

<caption>Fig. 10.31: Krint as a flat pebble (after: Medvešček 2015, Fig. 6).</caption>
<figure><img src="image_200.png" /></figure>
# 11. BODEŠČE

Zvezdana MODRIJAN

V septembru leta 2015 in 2016 smo sondirali dve lokaciji na polju pri Bodeščah in eno na vrtu kmetije v vasi (sl. 11.1). Namen raziskav na prvih dveh lokacijah

In September of 2015 and 2016, we trial trenched two locations in a field near the village of Bodešče and one in the garden of a farm in the village itself (Fig. 11.1). The purpose of the research at the first two locations was to confirm or dismiss the existence of another Slavic cemetery near Bodešče which supposed to be earlier as the already researched cemetery at Dlesc (Knific, Pleterski 1981a; see also Chapter 10.3), while the research in the village tried to discover potential traces of Early Medieval settlement.

<figure><img src="image_201.png" /></figure>

The first two trial trenches were situated on a glacial mound, which lies approx. 250m to the south-southeast from the already researched Early Medieval cemetery Dlesc (Knific, Pleterski 1981a) (longitude and latitude: 14,1407 / 46,3485). We were not able to find out the microtoponym for this location and thus named it “Pod prežo”. Prior to the beginning of the excavation, the slope of the mound was overgrown by grass with a field on the top. Two trial trenches were dug out on the south-eastern grassy slope.

## TRIAL TRENCH 1 (Fig. 11.2)

It was oriented approximately in the direction of east-west, with a slight shift towards the south, and in a size of 6 x 1.5m. The geological base within it was a brownish loam-sandy layer (layer 5), which we stumbled upon at approx. 0.5m beneath the turf. A layer of smaller and bigger (up to 20cm) irregularly scattered stones and sand (layer 3) was found above layer 5 in the eastern part of the trial trench. We followed the layer only in a length of approx. 1.2m from the eastern edge of the trial trench;

Sl. 11.1: Lokacije Pod prežo (1), Došca (2) in Bodešče 28 (3).

Fig. 11.1: Locations Pod prežo (1), Došca (2) and Bodešče 28 (3).

(Vir / source: https://gisportal.gov.si/portal/home/webmap/viewer.html)
je bil potrditi ali zavreči obstoj še enega slovanskega grobišča pri Bodeščah, ki bi naj bilo po predvidevanjih starejše od že raziskanega zgodnjesrednjeveškega grobišča Dlesc (Knific, Pleterski 1981a; glej tudi pogl. 10.3), s sondiranji v vasi pa smo poskušali odkriti morebitne sledove zgodnjesrednjeveške poselitve.

## POD PREŽO

Prvi dve sondi smo izkopali na ledeniški gomili, ki leži približno 250 metrov v smeri jug-jugovzhod od že raziskanega zgodnjesrednjeveškega grobišča Dlesc (Knific, Pleterski 1981a) (geografska dolžina in širna 14,1407 / 46,3485).

Za lokacijo nam ni uspelo izvedeti ledinskega imena in smo jo delovno imenovali "Pod prežo". Pobočje gomile je bilo pred raziskavo poraščeno s travo, na vrhu je bila njiva. Sondi smo locirali na jugovzhodnem, travnatem pobočju.

### SONDA 1 (sl. 11.2)

Usmerjena je bila približno v smeri vzhod-zahod, z rahlim zamikom proti jugu, velika je bila 6 x 1,5 m. Geološko osnovo v njej je predstavljala rjavkasta ilovnato-peščena plast (plast 5), na katero smo naleteli približno 0,5 m pod rušo. V vzhodnem delu sonde je nad njo ležala plast manjših in večjih (do 20 cm) nepravilno nametanih kamnov in peska (plast 3). Plast smo sledili le v dolžini 1,2 m od vzhodnega roba sonde, proti zahodu je prehajala v peščeno plast (plast 0). Plast 3 je bila popolnoma brez najdb in je verjetno nastala ob čiščenju polja. Nad plastema 3 in 4 je po celotni dolžini sonde ležala 20-30 cm debela plast ornice (plast 2), v kateri je bilo najdenih nekaj odlomkov novoveške keramike. Nad plastjo 2 je ležala še ruša (plast 1). Na njenem vrhu je bil najden košček bronaste pločevine, ki je premajhen za natančnejšo časovno opredelitev.

it traversed into a sandy layer (layer 4) towards the west. Layer 3 was completely void of finds and was probably created during the clearing of the field. Above layers 3 and 4, along the entire length of the trial trench, there was a 20-30cm thick plough layer (layer 2), in which a few fragments of Post-Medieval pottery were found. A layer of turf (layer 1) lay above layer 2. On top of the turf, a piece of bronze sheet was found which is too small for a precise chronological definition.

## TRIAL TRENCH 2

It was set slightly more to the west from trial trench 1, diagonally across the slope of the glacial mound, oriented approximately north-west-south-east. It measured 6 x 1.5m.

Here, also, the geological base was represented by a loam-sandy layer (layer 5). Above it was an approx. 30cm thick plough layer (layer 2), which was covered by grassy turf (layer 1). The trial trench contained no finds.

## DOŠCA

The second location is on a glacial mound in the central part of Bodeško polje (longitude and latitude: 14,1412 / 46,3463). The top of the mound is the field's highest point (490.2m). It is situated approx. 550m in a southeastern direction from Early Medieval cemetery of Dlesc (Knific, Pleterski 1981a) and approx. 225m in a northern direction from the village of Bodešče, where an Early Medieval settlement is supposed (Pleterski 2013a, 45-54). The plot's microtoponym is Došca.<fnref n="1" />

The top of the mound is flat. Its eastern slope is fairly steep, while the slopes in the north, south, and west descend more gently towards the bottom. The

<figure><img src="image_202.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 11.2: Sonda 1, severni profil.
Fig. 11.2: Trial trench 1, the northern cross-section.</figcaption></figure>

<footnote n="1">¹ The informant: A. V, Lesce. Data on the informant are kept in the Archive of ZRC SAZU.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_203.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 11.3: Ledeniška gomila Došca. Pogled z zahoda.
Fig. 11.3: Glacial mound Došca. A view from the west.</figcaption></figure>

## SONDA 2

Postavili smo jo nekoliko zahodneje od sonde 1, prečno čez pobočje ledeniške gomile, tako da je bila usmerjena približno severozahod-jugovzhod. Velika je bila 6 x 1,5 m.

Tudi tu je geološko osnovo predstavljala peščeno-ilovnata plast (plast 5). Nad njo je ležala približno 30 cm debela plast ornice (plast 2), ki jo je prekrivala travna ruša (plast 1). Sonda je bila popolnoma brez najdb.

## DOŠCA

Druga lokacija leži na ledeniški gomili v osrednjem delu bodeškega polja (geografska dolžina in širina 14,1412 / 46,3463). Vrh gomile je njegova najvišja točka (490,2 m). Od že raziskanega zgodnjesrednjeveškega grobišča Dlesc (Knific, Pleterski 1981a) je oddaljena pribl. 550 metrov v smeri jug- jugovzhod, od domnevne zgodnjesrednjeveš-ke naselbine na mestu današnje vasi Bodešče (Pleterski 2013a, 45–54) pa pribl. 225 m proti severu.

Po podatku informatorja ima parcela ledinsko ime Došca<fnref n="1" />.

mound is almost completely overgrown with grass, only its south-western slope is thickly overgrown with trees and bushes in the lower part. A few fruit trees grow in the western part (Fig. 11.3).

The steep eastern slope appears slightly artificially transformed; a few terraces can also be seen on the western slope. Parts of the mound could have been removed in these parts in the past. Namely, people report that sand used to be dug in this area; a few pits, which probably also originate from this digging, can be seen on the overgrown southern part of the mound.

On the fallow of Došca three trial trenches were dug (trial trenches 3, 4, and 5). Trial trenches 3 and 4 were situated on the eastern slope, while trial trench 5 was set at the top of the mound, so that it included its highest point.

## TRIAL TRENCH 3

It was located slightly diagonally across the eastern slope, directed approximately north-west-south-east, and measured 6 x 1.5m (Fig. 11.4).

The geological base here was represented by a layer of yellowish sand (layer 12), which was found immediately under the turf (layer 10). In the upper part, the sand was slightly mixed with soil, but at the depth

<footnote n="1">¹ A. V, Lesce. Podatke o informatorju hrani Arhiv ZRC SAZU.</footnote>
Vrh gomile je raven. Vzhodno pobočje je precej strmo, pobočja na severu, jugu in zahodu pa so nekoliko bolj položna. Gomila je bila pred posegom skoraj v celoti porasla s travo, le jugozahodno pobočje je v spodnjem delu poraščeno z gostim drevjem in grmovjem. Na zahodnem delu je tudi nekaj sadnih dreves (sl. 11.3).

Strmo vzhodno pobočje deluje nekoliko umetno preoblikovano, prav tako je nekaj teras vidnih na zahodnem pobočju. Morda je bil del gomile na teh mestih v preteklosti odstranjen. Prebivalci namreč poročajo o kopanju peska na tem območju – nekaj jam, ki so verjetno posledica tega kopanja, je vidno na zaraščenem južnem delu gomile.

Na ledini Došca smo izkopali tri sonde (sonde 3, 4 in 5). Sondi 3 in 4 sta ležali na vzhodnem pobočju, medtem ko smo sondo 5 postavili na vrhu gomile, tako da smo zajeli njeno najvišjo točko.

## SONDA 3

Ležala je nekoliko prečno na vzhodno pobočje, usmerjena je bila približno v smeri severozahod-jugozvhod, velika 6 x 1,5 m (sl. 11.4).

Tu je geološko osnovo predstavljala plast rumenkastega peska (plast 12), ki je ležal takoj pod rušo (plast 10). V zgornjem delu je bil pesek še nekoliko mešan z zemljo, na globini približno 20 cm pa že popolnoma čist. Plasti ornice na tem mestu nismo zasledili, samo v severnem delu sonde je nad plastjo 12 ležala nekaj cm debela zaplata drobnega peska oziroma mivke (plast 11) – verjetno posledica delovanja vode. Vse plasti so bile popolnoma brez najdb.

## SONDA 4

Ležala je vzporedno s precej strmim vzhodnim pobočjem, usmerjena je bila sever-jug, velika 6 x 1,5 m. V zahodnem delu sonde je bila nad sterilno osnovo (plast 12) takoj ruša (plast 10). V vzhodnem delu je nad plastjo 12 ležala še nekoliko bolj zemljena plast, v kateri je bilo nekaj večjih, brez reda ležečih kamnov (plast 13). Tudi ta plast je bila popolnoma brez najdb.

## SONDA 5

Postavili smo jo na zravnanem vrhu gomile, usmerjena je bila sever-jug. Sprva (izkopavanja leta 2015) je bila velika 6 x 1,5 m (sl. 11.5), leta 2016 pa smo jo podaljšali in razširili, tako da je skupna raziskana površina merila 50 m². Sonda je tako poleg vrha gomile obsegala tudi del njenih položnih pobočij na severu in jugu.

V sondi 5 je geološko osnovo predstavljala rumeno-rjava ilovnata plast, mešana z drobnim do srednje

<figure><img src="image_204.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 11.4: Sonda 3 po odstranitvi ruše. Pogled z vzhoda.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_205.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 11.5: Sonda 5 z razširitvami.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 11.5: Trial trench 5 with widenings.</caption>

of approx. 20cm it was completely clean. The plough layer was not noticed here; only in the northern part of the trial trench was a few centimetres thick patch of fine sand (layer 11) discovered above layer 12 – this is probably the consequence of water activity. All layers were completely void of finds.

## TRIAL TRENCH 4

It was situated parallel to the fairly steep eastern slope, directed north-south, and measuring 6 x 1.5m. In the western part of the trial trench, turf (layer 10) lay immediately above the sterile base (layer 12). In the eastern part, a somewhat more earthy layer was located above layer 12, which contained a few bigger, irregularly scattered stones (layer 13). This layer was also without finds.
<figure><img src="image_206.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 11.6: Sonda 5, planum 2.
Fig. 11.6: Trial trench 5, planum 2.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_207.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 11.7: Sonda 5, planum 2 (SE 15 in vanj vkopana jama SE 16/17).</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_208.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 11.8: Delno izpraznjena jama SE 16/17.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 11.8: Partly emptied pit SU 16/17.</caption>

drobnim peskom, v njej so bili tudi posamični večji (do 15 cm) kamni. Nad njo je ležala peščeno-zemljena plast (15), v kateri so bili nepravilno razporejeni posamezni večji (do 30 cm) kamni. Na njeni površini je bilo tudi nekaj koščkov oglja (sl. 11.6).

Pod enim od večjih kamnov je bila odkrita jama (plast 16), velika približno 30 x 35 cm (sl. 11.6; 11.7), ki je bila vkopana v peščeno plast 15. Že na njeni zgornji površini je bilo vidnih nekaj koščkov žganine. Pri odstranjevanju polnila smo v jami poleg koščkov žganine našli še nekaj okroglih prodnikov, od katerih so bili nekateri ožgani (sl. 11.8). Jama je bila globoka približno 15 cm.

Plast 15 je prekrivala tanka (10–20 cm debela) plast ruše (sl. 11.6), v vzhodni razširitvi pa je nad plastjo 15 in pod rušo ležala še plast dokaj velikih prodnikov. Plast je ležala na pobočju, na vrhu gomile je nismo zasledili.

Razen jame 16 v sondi 5 in njenih razširitvah nismo odkrili drugih vkopov.

## TRIAL TRENCH 5

It was set on the levelled top of the mound and was directed north-south. At first (excavations in 2015) it was 6 x 1.5m large, but in 2016 it was extended and expanded so that the total area surveyed was 50 m². (Fig. 11.5). Thus, in addition to the top of the mound, the trial trench also included a part of its gentle slopes at the north and south.

In trial trench 5 the geological base was represented by a yellow-brown loam, mixed with fine to medium-fine sand and including individual bigger (up to 15cm) stones. Above it was a sandy-earthy layer (layer 15), in which individual larger (up to 30cm) stones were scattered irregularly. On its surface, a few pieces of charcoal were found (Fig. 11.6).

Under one of the bigger stones a pit (layer 16) was discovered which measured approx. 30 x 35cm (Fig. 11.7) and was dug into sandy layer 15. Even on its
<figure><img src="image_209.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 11.9: Sonda Bodešče 28 po odstranitvi SE 203. Pogled z jugozahoda.</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 11.9: Trial trench Bodešče 28 after the removal of SU 203. A view from the south-west.</caption>

Polnilo jame (100 % vzorec polnila) je bilo flotirano in pregledano v laboratoriju Inštituta za arheologijo ZRC SAZU. Določeni so bili gaber (Carpinus betulus), lipa (Tilia sp.), hrast (Quercus sp.), hrast/jesen (Quercus/ Fraxinus sp.), hrast (Quercus sp.) in ena malina (Rubus idaeus) (nezoglenelo). Poleg tega je bil odkrit še ožgan kostni fragment (vretence malega sesalca?) in dve zogle- neli spori gliv. Raznolik les kaže, da gre pri vsebini jame za ostanek s kurišča.

Analizirani so bili tudi kosi ožganega lesa iz plasti 15, za katere je bilo ugotovljeno, da pripadajo hrastu (Quercus sp.), ki se je v glavnem uporabljal v konstruk- cijske namene.<fnref n="2" />

Od dveh vzorcev oglja (iz plasti 15 in iz jame 16), ki sta bila poslana na datacijo C14,<fnref n="3" /> je bilo mogoče datirati le tistega iz jame. Analiza je dala datum 1180 ± 30 BP (kalibrirano, 2 Σ 777-887 [68,2 % verjetnost) in 730-951 [95,4 % verjetnost]) in s tem potrdila, da gre pri jami 16 za jamo iz zgodnjesrednjeveškega obdobja.

## BODEŠČE 28

Zadnja sondirana lokacija je bila v vasi Bodešče, za katero Pleterski (2013a, 45–54) domneva zgodnjesred- njeveško starost. Na vrtu kmetije Bodešče 28 (geografska dožina in širna: 14.1412 / 46,3436) smo izkopali sondi velikosti 6 x 1,5 m (sl. 11.9).

Geološko osnovo je tukaj predstavljala rumenkasta peščena plast (plast 205), nad katero sta ležali plasti (202 in 204) novoveških nasutij, ob vzhodnem robu pa je ta nasutja prebil vkop (plast 203), ki je segal skoraj

upper surface a few pieces of the charcoal layer were seen. While removing the filling, in addition to pieces of charcoal a few round pebbles were found in the pit, some of which were charred (Fig. 11.8). The pit was about 15cm deep.

Layer 15 was covered by a thin (approx. 10–20cm thick) layer of turf (Fig. 11.6), while in the eastern widen- ing a layer of fairly big pebbles was found above layer 15 and under the turf. The layer was located on the slope and was not noticed on the top of the mound.

With the exception of pit 16, trial trench 5 and its widenings did not reveal any other dug-ins.

The flotation of the entire sample of the pit 16 (100% sample of the filling) and the paleobotanical analyses were done in the laboratory of the Institute of Archaeology of ZRC SAZU.<fnref n="2" /> Determinate were horn- beam (Carpinus betulus), lime (Tilia sp.), oak (Quercus sp.), oak/ash (Quercus/Fraxinus sp.), and one raspberry (Rubus idaeus) (uncharred). In addition, one charred osseous fragment (a vertebra of a small mammal?) was discovered as well as two charred fungus spores. The diverse wood indicates that the content of the pit is the remains from a fireplace.

Pieces of the charred wood from layer 15 were de- termined as oak (Quercus sp.), which was mainly used for construction.

From two samples of charcoal (from layers 15 and 16), which were sent for C14 dating, only the one from the pit 16 was possible to date. The analysis yielded date 1180 ± 30 BP (calibrated, 2 Σ 777-887 [68,2% possibility) and 730-951 [95,4% possibility])<fnref n="3" /> and thus confirmed that layer 16 is a pit from the Early Medieval period.

## BODEŠČE 28

The last location was in the village of Bodešče, for which an Early Medieval dating is supposed (Pleterski 2013a, 45–54). In the garden of the farm Bodešče 28 (longitude and latitude: 14.1412 / 46,3436) a trial trench measuring 6 x 1.5m was dug (Fig. 11.9).

The geological base was here represented by a yel- lowish sandy layer (layer 205), above which two layers of modern levellings were found (layers 202 and 204), while at the eastern edge these levellings were pierced by a dug-in (layer 203) that reached almost 0.5m under the level of the turf (layer 201), through layers 202 and 204 into the geological base (layer 205). In it a lot of Post-Medieval pottery was found.

Therefore, no traces of Early Medieval settlement were discovered at this location.

<footnote n="2">² T. Tolar, Bodešče 2015. Neobjavljeno poročilo. Hrani Arhiv ZRC SAZU.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Póznanjski radiokarbonski laboratorij. Neobjavljeno poročilo. Hrani Arhiv ZRC SAZU.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Tjaša Tolar, Bodešče 2015. Unpublished report. Kept in Archive of ZRC SAZU.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Poznań Radiocarbon Laboratory. Kept in Archive of ZRC SAZU.</footnote>
0,5 m pod nivo ruše (plast 201), skozi plasti 202 in 204 v geološko osnovo (plast 205). V vkopu je bilo najdene precej novoveške keramike.

Sledov zgodnjesrednjeveške poselitve na tej lokaciji torej nismo odkrili.

## ZAKLJUČEK

Sondi na ledini "Pod prežo" nista potrdili zgodnjesrednjeveške grobišča na tem mestu, niti nista dali najdb, ki bi jih lahko povezali z zgodnjesrednjeveškim obdobjem. Tudi v sami vasi, na lokaciji Bodešče 28, so bili odkriti samo novoveški ostanki.

Na ledini Došca je bila arheološko pozitivna sonda 5 na vrhu ledeniške gomile. Za jamo 16 je bilo zaradi njene pravilne oblike in ostankov žganine na njenem vrhu že na terenu jasno, da je antropogena.

Žganina, ostanek ožgane kosti in ožgani prodniki dovoljujejo domnevo, da predstavlja jama grob, ki je na podlagi C 14 analize datiran v zgodnjesrednjeveško obdobje. Dodatno to hipotezo podpira lokacija jame. Ta je ležala na samem vrhu gomile, ki predstavlja osrednjo točko bodeškega polja (glej pogl. 10.3). Zakaj je grob edini na dokaj veliki raziskani površini, ni jasno. Mor- da jih je bilo prvotno tudi več, pa so bili v preteklosti uničeni. Ruša, ki prekriva plast, v katero je bil vkopan domnevni grob, je namreč zelo tanka, opaziti je tudi preoblikovanost vzhodnega pobočja, kjer smo izkopali negativni sondi 3 in 4. Če so bili grobovi vkopani plitveje kot jama 16, so bili verjetno uničeni.

Žgani zgodnjesrednjeveški grobovi so z območja Blejskega kota doslej znani z dveh lokacij. Bodeški dokaj sorodna je situacija na Žalah: zgodnjesrednjeveški žgan grob (grob 2) je bil vkopan na vrh ledeniške gomile, kjer je verjetno uničil enega od dveh prazgodovinskih grobov, ki sta bila prav tako vkopana v gomilo (Pleterski 2008, 35). Na podlagi tipoloških značilnosti žare je grob datiran v 7. st. (Pleterski 2008b, 36). Žgani grobovi so bili odkriti tudi na grobišču Pristava, kjer so bili vkopani med okostne. Jame so vsebovale žganino in dele posod, v enem primeru morda tudi ožgano kost. Datirani so v prvo polovico 7. st. (Pleterski 2008b, 36).

Vkopi zgodnjesrednjeveških grobov v gomile (večinoma prazgodovinske) so znani tudi drugje v Sloveniji. Lonec, ki kaže značilnosti slovanske lončenine 7. st., je bil vkopan v prazgodovinsko gomilo v Branževcu nad Seli pri Dolenjskih Toplicah. Čeprav gre za staro najdbo s pomanjkljivo dokumentacijo, je zelo verjetno, da gre v tem primeru za slovanski grob (Pleterski 2008b, 34–35, sl. 2.2).

Kot zgodnjesrednjeveški je bil prepoznan tudi pokop v prazgodovinski gomili na Kapiteljski njivi v Novem mestu. Tam je posoda vsebovala tudi ožgane kosti. Ddatacija C14 je pokazala datum 1270 ± 90 BP

## CONCLUSION

The two trial trenches at the fallow of "Pod prežo" did not confirm the existence of an Early Medieval cemetery in this spot, neither did they yield any finds which could be connected to the Early Medieval period. Solely modern remains were also discovered at the location Bodešče 28.

At the fallow of Došca, trial trench 5 at the top of the glacial mound was archaeologically positive. Due to its regular form and remains of the charcoal layer at its top, it was clear even in the field for pit 16 that it is of anthropogenic origin.

The charcoal layer, charred bones, and charred pebbles allow for the assumption that this pit was a grave, which is - based on C14 dating - of Early Medieval age. This hypothesis is additionally supported by the pit's location at the very top of the mound, representing the central point of Bodeško polje (see Chapter 10.3). Why this grave is the only one in a fairly big researched area is not clear. Originally there could have been more but were destroyed in the past. The turf which covers the layer in which a presumed grave was dug is very thin, while the transformation of the eastern slope can also be noticed, where negative trial trenches 3 and 4 were excavated. If the graves were dug shallower than pit 16, they were probably destroyed.

So far, Early Medieval cremation graves are known from two locations from the area of Blejski kot. Fairly similar to the one in Bodešče is the situation at Žale, where an Early Medieval cremation grave (Grave 2) was dug into the top of a glacial mound, where it probably destroyed one of the two prehistoric graves that were also dug into the mound (Pleterski 2008b, 35). Based on the typological characteristics of the urn, the grave is dated to the 7th century (Pleterski 2008b, 36). Cremation graves were also discovered at the cemetery of Pristava, where they were dug amidst the skeletal graves. Pits contained charcoal and parts of vessels, in one example possibly also a charred bone. They are dated to the first half of the 7th century (Pleterski 2008b, 36).

Digs of Early Medieval graves into mounds (mostly prehistoric) are known elsewhere in Slovenia, too. The pot which reveals characteristics of Slavic pottery of the 7th century was dug into the prehistoric mound in Branževč above Sela near Dolenjske Toplice. Even though this is an old find with imperfect documentation, it is very probable that this is a Slavic grave (Pleterski 2008b, 34–35, Fig. 2.2).

A burial in the mound at Kapiteljska njiva in Novo mesto was also recognised as Early Medieval. There the vessel contained charred bones and C14 dating revealed a date of 1270 ± 90 BP (calibrated, 2 Σ range 663–826 [68% probability] or 615–905 [95% probability]). Based on typological characteristics of the vessel, the grave is
(kalibrirano, 2 Σ razpon 663–826 [68-odstotna verjetnost] oziroma 615–905 [95-odstotna verjetnost]. Na podlagi tipoloških značilnosti posode je grob ožje datiran v drugo tretjino 7. st. (Belak 2014, 399–400).

V gomilo 13 prazgodovinskega grobišča pri Molniku pri Ljubljani sta bila vkopana žgana grobova, ki sta na podlagi tipoloških značilnosti lončenine pripisana zgodnjesrednjeveškemu obdobju (Tecco Hvala 2017, sl. 32, 33; t. 10 B,C).

Pokopavanje v gomilah je znano na območju zahodnih Slovanov od začetka 2. stopnje, od sredine 7. st. (Zoll Adamikowa 1979, 280). Pokopi so bili najprej žgani, nato pa tudi okostni in ti so prevladali v 4. stopnji (Zoll Adamikowa 1979, 205–218). V jugovzhodnih Alpah so pokopi v gomilah redki, kaže pa, da so večinoma uporabljali gomile, na katere so naleteli ob prihodu – bodisi umetno nasute prazgodovinske bodisi naravne gomile. Vanje so pokopavali tudi cela trupla, saj so na primer Došci najbližji slovanski okostni grobovi vkopani v ledeniško gomilo na Dlescu le približno 500 m stran (glej pogl. 10.3).

Grob z Došce z ostalimi žganimi zgodnjesrednjeveškimi grobovi z območja Slovenije povezuje njegova lega v gomili, se pa od njih razlikuje po dataciji. Večina ostalih žganih grobov je (predvsem na podlagi tipoloških značilnosti lončenine) datirana v 7. st., medtem ko je C14-datacija oglja z Došce dala čas od sredine 8. do sredine 10. st. Konec 8. st. je že čas, ko začne tudi pokopavanje celih trupel na bližnjem grobišču Dlesc (Knific, Pleterski 1981a, 504). Ali sodi vkop z Došce kronološko pred začetek pokopavanja na Dlescu ali pa se je žgani pokop ohranil še v 9. st. in bil (vsaj nekaj časa) v uporabi sočasno s skeletnim, za zdaj ni jasno. Več odgovorov bodo lahko dala samo nova odkritja in analize morebitnih žganih grobov iz zgodnjesrednjeveškega obdobja.

narrowly dated to the second third of the 7th century (Belak 2014, 399–400).

Two cremation graves were dug into prehistoric mound 13 of the cemetery at Molnik near Ljubljana, which are based on typological characteristics of pottery ascribed to the Early Medieval period (Tecco Hvala 2017, Figs. 32, 33; Pl. 10 B,C).

Burials in mounds are known in the territory of the Western Slavs from the beginning of the Phase 2 (from the mid-7th century) onwards (Zoll Adamikowa 1979, 280). At first, burials were incremental burials, while later they were also skeletal, which prevailed in the Phase 4 (Zoll Adamikowa 1979, 205–218). In the South-Eastern Alps, burials in mounds are rare; however, it seems that they mostly used mounds which they stumbled across upon their arrival – either artificially made prehistoric ones or natural mounds. They also dug skeletal graves in them, since e.g. the nearest Slavic skeletal graves to Došca are dug into the glacial mound at Dlesc, only about 300m away (see Chapter 10.3).

The grave from Došca is linked to other Early Medieval cremation graves from Slovenia by its position in the mound, while it differs from them in its date. The majority of other cremation graves are (primarily based on typological characteristics of pottery) dated to the 7th century, while the C14 dating of charcoal from Došca showed the time from the mid-8th to the beginning of the 10th century. The end of the 8th century is already the time when skeletal burial begins at nearby Dlesc (Knific, Pleterski 1981a, 504). Whether the dug-in from Došca chronologically belongs before the beginning of burials at Dlesc or cremation burial was preserved all the way to the 9th century and was used simultaneously with skeletal burial is yet not clear. More answers will only be given by new discoveries and analyses of potential cremation graves from the Early Medieval period.
12. KATALOG GROBOV IN NAJDB

12. CATALOGUE OF GRAVES AND FINDS

Polona BITENC, Timotej KNIFIC

12.1 GROBOVI IN GROBNE NAJDBE / 12.1 GRAVES AND GRAVE GOODS

V katalogu je 124 enot, vanj so uvrščeni tudi skupki kosti, ki so bili med izkopavanji označeni in oštevilčeni kot grobovi, pozneje pa se je izkazalo, da to niso. Opisi grobov vsebinsko sledijo Šribarjevemu osnutku besedila za objavo (arhiv 489), vendar so drugače urejeni, prečiščeni in dopolnjeni. Podatke smo primerjali z navedbami v drugih dokumentacijskih virih, kadar se podatki med seboj razlikujejo, smo na neskladje opozorili v posebni rubriki (komentar). Risarsko in fotografsko dokumentiranje grobov je bilo večinoma omejeno na stanje izkopanih okostij zgolj v eni fazi raziskovanja. Na območjih s številnejšimi pokopi dokumentacija ni bila dopolnjena s podatki, pridobljenimi pri nadaljnjem delu, npr. po odstranitvi kosti iz prekopanih grobov in dodatnem čiščenju okostij. V rubriko s komentarji smo zapisali vse terenske ugotovitve o zaporedju pokopov, vendar v mnogih primerih ostajajo odnosi med grobovi nejasni zaradi pomanjkanja podatkov.

Usmeritev grobov je določena glede na stopnjo od-
stopanja od smeri S–J. Azimut 90° pomeni, da je okostje
ležalo tako, da je bila glava na zahodu in noge na vzhodu.
Smer je izmeril B. Štular po terenskih risbah (razen pri
grobovih, pri katerih je izmera posebej pojasnjena).<fnref n="1" />
Izhodiščna točka za merjenje globin je bila leta 1962
točka 0 koordinatne mreže, odmerjena na nadmorski
višini 493,70 m, od leta 1963 pa so meritve navezovali
na absolutni višini 494,07 m in 493,87 m, odmerjeni
na pragu preddverja cerkve oziroma na pragu proštije
(sl. 1.6). Absolutna višina groba je bila praviloma izmer-
jena pri glavi, če je bila izmerjena drugje, je navedeno v
opisu groba. Prevladujoča smer grobov je Z (glava) – V
(noge), z odmerjenim odklonom od S (azimut).

Nekateri grobovi so bili antropološko obdelani,
rezultati analiz so navedeni.<fnref n="2" />

The catalogue describes 124 units, and includes
groups of bones that were marked and numbered as
graves during the excavations, even though it was later
established that they did not form individual graves. As
regards contents, the grave descriptions follow Šribar's
draft text for publication (archive 489), however, they have
been revised and reorganised. We compared the data with
mentions in other sources, and if the data did not match,
we drew attention to this discordance in a separate rubric
(commentary). Photographic and sketch documentation
of the graves focused predominantly on the state of the
excavated skeletons within a single research phase. The
documentation of the areas with a greater density of
burials was not updated with data obtained later on, e.g.
after the bones were removed from their graves and the
skeletons were additionally cleaned. The commentaries
include all fieldwork findings linked to the sequence of
burials, however the relations between individual graves
often remain uncertain due to insufficient data.

Grave orientation is defined as a declination from
the N-S direction. Azimuth 90° means that the skeleton
was positioned with the head to the west and the feet to
the east. The orientation was determined by B. Štular from
the fieldwork sketches (except for the graves where the
measurements were especially explained).<fnref n="1" /> In the 1962
coordinate system the starting point (point 0) for measur-
ing depths was defined at the height of 493.70 m above sea
level, while from 1963 onwards the measurements were
linked to the absolute height of 494.07 m (measured at the
entrance to the church's lobby) or 493.87 m (measured at
the entrance to the provost's house) (Fig. 1.6). As a rule,
the absolute height of the grave was measured at the head,
however, if it was measured at some other point this is
stated in the grave description. The prevailing orientation
of the graves was west (head) – east (feet), with a measured
deviation from the north (azimuth).

<footnote n="1">¹ Smeri, ki so bile zapisane pri opisih grobov od 1 do 64 (arhiv 489), zaradi večjih neskladnosti z načrti grobišča v katalogu ne upoštevamo.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Leben-Seljak 1996, *passim*. Seznam okostij z določenim spolom in starostjo je naveden na straneh 301 in 302, v priloži 4.1.4.1. Ti podatki so povzeti pri opisih grobov.</footnote>

<footnote>* Translation Sunčan Patrick Stone.</footnote>

<footnote n="1">¹ Due to the large discrepancies from the original plan of the graveyard, the catalogue does not include the orientations that were included in the descriptions of Graves 1 to 64 (archive 489).</footnote>
**Krajšave**
deb. = debelina
dol. = dolžina
glob. = globina
odl. = odlomek
pr. = premer
šir. = širina
vel. = velikost
viš. = višina

**Grob 1** (t. 22: 1; N 1,2 [seznam terenskih risb, pogl. 12.5])

*Grobna jama*. Vkopana je bila v humus, severni in zahodni rob sta bila vklesana v dolomitno skalo. Vzhodni del jame je pokrival zid št. 2, kamen tega zidu je pokrival desno kolčnico. V jami so našli odlomek srednjeveške lončene posode (kat. št. 1; t. 6: 1; 18: 1).

*Komentar*. Zvezek akcesije (arhiv 494) pripisuje odlomek lončenine, ki je bil ob najdbi razlomljen na tri koščke, grobu 2. To je povzela tudi objava enega od teh koščkov, s plastičnim rebrom (Šribar 1972a, slika na str. 21, št. 3). Vendar osnutek besedila (arhiv 489, str. 27, 28) postavlja odlomek ("3 fragmenti prahistorične keramike") v grob 1 in za grob 2 navaja, da "ob kosteh ni bilo najdb".

*Okostje*. Maturus (46 do 58 let), moški. Viš. 483,21 m; azimuth 112°. Okostje v hrbtni legi je bilo delno ohranjeno, v predelu nog prekopano. Manjkale so kosti obeh podlahti, stegnenici sta ležali na desni nadlahtnici. Kosti so bile slabo ohranjene, dolge kosti razlomljene, lobanja delno poškodovana. Od vrha lobanje do križnice je skelet meril 0,75 m.

*Komentar*. Azimut smo izmerili po terenskih risbah okostja (Rn 221/6 in 221/9), na črti med sredino lobanje in sredino križnice. Grob so poškodovali pri postavljanju zidu 2. Po osnutku besedila (arhiv 489, str. 28) "so pri izkopu jame za temelje zidu št. 2 zadeli na dolge kosti nog in jih po izkopu cele grobne jame položili na desni humerus".

*Pridatki*. Ob glavi sta ležala poškodovana uhana (1, 2).

(1) Del bronastega kovanega polmesečastega uhana (levi) z locnom zaobljeno pravokotnega preseka. Na polmesecu je vrezan črtni okras. Viš. 4,95 cm, šir. 3,45 cm. Inv. št. S 1796 (t. 1: 1; 15: 1). Objava: Šribar 1972a, slika na str. 21, št. 1; Korošec 1979, 100/I, sl. 10: 1 (levi).

(2) Del bronastega kovanega polmesečastega uhana (desni) z locnom okroglega preseka. Na polmesecu je vrezan črtni okras. Na locnu je bil nataknjen bronast obroček, zdaj pogrešan. Viš. 4,7 cm, šir. 3,4 cm. Inv. št. S 1797 (t. 1: 2; 15: 2). Objava: Šribar 1972a, slika na str. 21, št. 2; Korošec 1979, 100/I, sl. 10: 1 (desni).

Some graves were treated anthropologically and the results of the analysis are included.<fnref n="2" />

*Abbreviations*
th. = thickness
l. = length
d. = depth
fr. = fragment
dia. = diameter
w. = width
s. = size
h. = height

**Grave 1** (Pl. 22: 1; N 1,2 [list of field drawings, Chapter 12.5])

*Grave pit.* Dug into humus, the north and west edges were carved into dolomite rock. The eastern part of the pit was covered by wall No. 2, and a stone from this wall covered the right innominate bones. A fragment of mediaeval pottery (Cat. No. 1; Pls. 6: 1; 18: 1) was also found in the pit.

*Commentary.* The field diary (archive 494) states that the pottery fragment, which was broken into three parts when found, belonged to Grave 2. This was also assumed in the publication of one of these fragments, with the rib (Šribar 1972a, pg. 21, Fig. 3). However, the draft of the draft of the text for publication (archive 489, pp. 27, 28) placed the fragment ('3 fragments of prehistoric pottery') into Grave 1 and stated that Grave 2 'did not include any grave goods'.

*Skeleton.* Maturus (46 to 58 years), male. H. 483.21 m; azimuth 112°. The skeleton was positioned on its back and was only partially preserved for the leg bones have been moved. The bones of both ulnas were missing, the femurs were placed across the right humerus. The bones were poorly preserved, the long bones were broken and the skull partially damaged. The skeleton measured 0.75 m from the top of the skull to the sacrum.

*Commentary.* The azimuth was measured from the field sketches of the skeleton (Rn 221/6 and 221/9), along the line running from the centre of the skull to the centre of the sacrum. The grave was damaged during the construction of wall No. 2. According to the draft of the text for publication (archive 489, pg. 28) 'the builders hit on the long bones of the legs while building the foundations for wall No. 2, and after they dug out the entire grave pit they placed these bones on top of the right humerus'.

*Grave goods.* Two damaged earrings were found (1, 2) next to the head.

(1) A part of a forged bronze crescent shaped earing (left), the loop has a rounded rectangular cross-section. The crescent is decorated with engraved lines. H. 4.95 cm, w. 3.45 cm. Inv. No. S 1796 (Pl. 1: 1; 15: 1). Publication: Šribar 1972a, pg. 21, Fig. 1; Korošec 1979, 100/I, fig. 10: 1 (left).

(2) A part of a forged bronze crescent shaped earring (right), the loop has a rounded cross-section. The crescent is decorated with engraved lines. The ring attached to the loop is now missing. H. 4.7 cm, w. 3.4 cm. Inv. No. S 1797 (Pls. 1: 2; 15: 2). Publication: Šribar 1972a, pg. 21, Fig. 2; Korošec 1979, 100/I, fig. 10: 1 (right).

<footnote n="2">² Leben-Seljak 1996, *passim*. The list of skeletons with specified sex and age can be found on pages 301 and 302, in appendix 4.1.4.1. This data is summarised in the grave descriptions.</footnote>
### Grob 2 (t. 22: 2,3; N 3)

*Grobna jama.* Ni bila ohranjena.

*Okostje.* Adultus I (21 do 24 let), ženska. Deli kosti odrasle osebe so ležali na površini 0,6 x 0,4 m ob severni steni sedanje cerkve. Zbrane kosti, zložene ob vrsti treh velikih kamnov, verjetno izvirajo iz prekopanega groba.

*Pridatki.* Pridatkov ni bilo.

### Grob 3 (t. 22: 4; N 1)

*Grobna jama.* Ni podatkov.

*Okostje.* Maturus I (40 do 49 let), ženska. Viš. 493,23 m; azimut 67°. Kosti delno ohranjenega okostja v hrbtni legi so bile v dobrem stanju. Na levi strani je manjkala nadlahtnica, kolčnica je bila poškodovana. Desna roka je bila iztežnjena ob trupu, leva upognjena, zapestje je ležalo na medenici. Okostje je merilo 1,24 m. Ležalo je vzporedno z okostjem št. 7. Pri izkopu grobne jame so zadeli na več starejših grobov. Prekopane kosti, označene kot grobovi 8 in 15, so bile zložene med okostjema v grobovih 3 in 7. Ležale so tesno ob okostju v grobu 3, približno 10 cm više od okostja, niže je ležala le stegnenica, ki so jo našli pod desno stegnenico okostja v grobu 3. Prekopane kosti za lobanjo v grobu 3 so označili kot grob16.

*Komentar.* Grob 3 je s spodnjim delom nog segal na prostor, kjer je pozneje potekal zid 5. Iz dokumentacije ni razvidno, ali je bil ta del groba pri postavljanju zidu prekopan ali ga je zid le pokril.

*Predmeti v grobu.* Na levi strani lobanje so ležali naglavna obročka (1, 2) in nož (3).

*Komentar.* V osnutku besedila (arhiv 489, str. 28) je zapisana domneva, da predmeti niso spadali k temu grobu. Po terenskem dnevniku (arhiv 476, 6. julij 1962) so nož (3) našli v zasutju "3-4 cm zahodno od lobanje", torej za lobanjo, v neobičajni legi za nož. Pogosteje so noži v višini pasu umrlega, kar bi ustrezalo mestu noža v grobu 16, vendar ta odnos ni jasen, ker so okostje v grobu 16 večidel prekopali pri izkopu jame za grob 3. Naglavna obročka sta si podobna in v zvezku akcesije (arhiv 494) označena kot levi (1) in desni obroček (2). Za enega zvezo z grobom 3 potrjuje tudi terenski dnevnik (arhiv 476, 6. julij 1962): "ob levi strani njegove glave je bil naglavni obesek (z eno odebelitvijo na konceh)".

(1) Bronast nesklenjen naglavni obroček, desnosučen, ovalnega preseka s stanjšanima profiliranima zaključkoma. Vel. 4 x 3,7 cm, deb. 0,3 cm. Inv. št. S 1800 (t. 1: 3; 15: 6). Objava: Šribar 1972a, slika na str. 21, št. 5: Korošec 1979, 100/I, sl. 10: 2 (desni); Knific 2004, 108, sl. 20: 1.

(2) Bronast nesklenjen naglavni obroček, desnosučen, ovalnega preseka s stanjšanima profiliranima zaključkoma. Vel. 3,96 x 3,54 cm, deb. 0,3 cm. Inv. št. S 1801 (t. 1: 4; 15: 7). Objava: Šribar 1972a, slika na str. 21, št. 4; Korošec 1979, 100/I, sl. 10: 2 (levi); Knific 2004, 108, sl. 20: 2.

(3) Nekoliko poškodovan železen nož s trastnim nastavkom za držaj. Hrbet rezila se pri konici poševno zalomi. Dol. 8,8 cm, šir. rezila do 1,8 cm. Inv. št. S 1799 (t. 1: 5; 17: 1; predmet je pogrešan). Objava: Šribar 1972a, slika na str. 21, št. 6; Korošec 1979, 100/I, sl. 10: 2.

### Grave 2 (Pl. 22: 2,3; N 3)

*Grave pit.* Was not preserved.

*Skeleton.* Adultus I (21 to 24 years), female. Parts of adult bones lay in an area covering 0.6 x 0.4 m, alongside the northern wall of the present-day church. The bones piled up alongside three large stones were most likely part of a reburial.

*Grave goods.* There were no grave goods.

### Grave 3 (Pl. 22: 4; N 1)

*Grave pit.* No data.

*Skeleton.* Maturus I (40 to 49 years), female. H. 493,23 m; azimuth 67°. The partially preserved skeleton was placed on its back, bones were in a good condition. The left humerus was missing and the left side of the innominate bones were damaged. The right arm was stretched alongside the body, the left was flexed, and the hand positioned on the pelvis. The skeleton measured 1.24 m. It lay parallel to skeleton No. 7. A number of previous graves were disturbed during the creation of this grave pit. The reburied bones, marked as Graves 8 and 15, were placed between the skeletons in Graves 3 and 7. Most bones lay approximately 10 cm above the skeleton in Grave 3, with the exception of the femur, which was found underneath the right femur of the skeleton in Grave 3. The reburied bones found behind the skull in Grave 3 were marked as Grave 16.

*Commentary.* The lower parts of the legs of the skeleton in Grave 3 reached into the area where wall No. 5 was erected at a later stage. The documentation does not reveal whether this part of the grave was dug up when the wall was erected or whether the wall merely covered it up.

*Artefacts.* Two temple rings (1, 2) and a knife (3) were found to the left of the skull.

*Commentary.* In the draft of the text for publication (archive 489, pg. 28) it was assumed that these objects did not belong to this grave. According to the excavation diary (archive 476, 6th July 1962) the knife (3) was found in the fill-in material '3-4 cm west of the skull', i.e. behind the skull, in an unusual position for a knife. Knifes are usually placed alongside the waist of the deceased, which would mean that this knife was more likely to belong to Grave 16; however this relationship is unclear as the skeleton in Grave 16 was reburied when the pit for Grave 3 was created. The temple rings are similar and marked as left (1) and right ring (2) in the field file list (archive 494). The connection to Grave 3 is confirmed for one of the rings by an entry in the excavation diary (archive 476, 6th July 1962) which reads: 'a temple pendulum (with one end thickened) was found alongside the left side of the head'.

(1) Bronze open temple ring, right handed, with an oval cross-section and moulded ends. S. 4 x 3.7 cm, th. 0.3 cm. Inv. No. S 1800 (Pls. 1: 3; 15: 6). Publication: Šribar 1972a, pg. 21, Fig. 5: Korošec 1979, 100/I, Fig. 10: 2 (right); Knific 2004, 108, Fig. 20: 1.

(2) Bronze open temple ring, right handed, with an oval cross-section and moulded ends. S. 3.96 x 3.54 cm, th. 0.3 cm. Inv. No. S 1801 (Pls. 1: 4; 15: 7). Publication: Šribar 1972a, pg. 21, Fig. 4; Korošec 1979, 100/I, Fig. 10: 2 (left); Knific 2004, 108, Fig. 20: 2.
### Grob 4 (t. 22: 5; N 1)

**Grobna jama.** Severni rob grobne jame je bil vsekan v živo skalo.

**Okostje.** Juvenis (16 let), ženska. Viš. 493,14 m; azimut 77°. Dobro ohranjeno okostje je bilo v hrbtni legi. Leva roka je bila iztegnjena ob trupu, zapestje je bilo na levi stegnenici. Desna roka je bila upognjena, dlan je ležala na medenici. Kosti leve rame so bile skoraj v celoti uničene. Nad stegnenicama je ležala nekoliko poškodovana močnejša stegnenica nekega drugega okostja. Od vrha glave do kolen je okostje merilo 1,26 m. Ležalo je vzporedno z grobom 5 (t. 22: 5), in sicer tako, da je ležala desna nadlahtnica okostja v grobu 4 tik nad levo nadlahtnico okostja v grobu 5. Med njima je bil 5 do 7 cm debel sloj humusa, pomešan z zelo drobnim lomljencem. Spodnji del groba 4 je segal na prostor, kjer so pozneje postavili zid 5.

**Komentar.** Zaporedje kopopov: najprej grob 5, za njim grob 4.

**Pridatki.** Ob levi strani glave je bil bronast uhan (1), najden pri čiščenju lobanje. Ob desni roki sta ležala prstana (2, 3), en prstan je bil na levi roki (4). Legi odlomka steklene jagode (5) in železnega noža (6; najden pri ponovnem prekopu grobne jame, arhiv 494, št. 49) v dokumentaciji nista natančneje opisani.

**Komentar.** V zvezku akcesije sta prstana (3, 4) vpisana kot najdbi na levi roki (arhiv 494, št. 9 in 10).

(1) Bronast uhan s svitkastimi in valjastimi odebelitvami na spodnjem delu loka. Zgornji del loka je okroglega preseka, zaključek je profiliran. Viš. 3,45 cm, šir. 3,15 cm, deb. loka spodaj 0,38 cm, deb. loka zgoraj 0,2 cm. Inv. št. S 1807 (t. 1: 6; 15: 5). Objava: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 108, kat. št. 263; Knific 2004, 108, sl. 20: 3; Knific, Nabergoj 2016, 99, 226, sl. 120.

(2) Bronast sklenjen prstan polkrožnega preseka, zunanja stran traku je okrašena s poševnimi vrezi, pri okrasnem kamnu s po dvema polkrožnima vrezoma. Na zgornji razširjeni strani je kroglasto ovalen okrasni kamen iz temnomodrega natronskega stekla.<fnref n="3" /> Pr. 2,27 cm, viš. 2,4 cm, vel. okrasnega kamna 1,18 x 0,9 cm. Inv. št. S 1802 (t. 1: 7; 15: 16).

(3) Bronast nesklenjen prstan polkrožnega preseka. Ploščica razširjenega dela je poškodovana. Pr. 2 cm. Inv. št. S 1805 (t. 1: 8; predmet je pogrešan).

(4) Bronast prstan polkrožnega preseka z okroglo razširitvijo za okrasni kamen (verjetno polkroglast predmet št. 5). Zunanja stran obročka je okrašena z globokimi poševnimi vrezi. Pr. 2,2 cm. Inv. št. S 1804 (t. 1: 10; predmet je pogrešan).

(5) Polkroglast predmet iz svetlomodrega stekla s tremi bellišimi očesci, verjetno okrasni vložek (morda del prstana št. 4). Vel. 1 x 0,8 cm. Inv. št. S 1803 (t. 1: 9; predmet je pogrešan).

(6) Železen nož, del trna in konica rezila manjkata. Prehod iz rezila v trn je poševen, hrbet rezila je raven. Dol. noža ob najdbi 11,2 cm, zdaj 8,9 cm (del rezila pri konici ni več ohranjen), šir. rezila do 1,6 cm; dol. trna 2,5 cm. Inv. št. S 1806 (t. 1: 11; 17: 2).

(3) A slightly damaged iron knife with a tang. The back of the blade is obliquely angled at the tip. L. 8.8 cm, blade width up to 1.8 cm. Inv. No. S 1799 (Pls. 1: 5; 17: 1; the object is missing). Publication: Šribar 1972a, pg. 21, Fig. 6; Korošec 1979, 100/I, Fig. 10: 2.

### Grave 4 (Pl. 22: 5; N 1)

**Grave pit.** The northern edge of the pit was carved into live rock.

**Skeleton. Juvenis** (16 years), female. H. 493.14 m; azimuth 77°. The well-preserved skeleton was positioned on its back. The left arm was stretched alongside the body, the wrist was placed on the left thigh bone. The right arm was flexed, the hand was placed on the pelvis. The bones belonging to the left shoulder were almost completely destroyed. A slightly damaged strong thigh bone from another skeleton lay on top of the thigh bones. From the top of the head to the knees the skeleton measured 1.26 m. The skeleton lay parallel to Grave 5 (Pl. 22: 5), at which the right humerus of the skeleton in Grave 4 lay just above the left humerus of the skeleton in Grave 5. There was a 5 to 7 cm thick layer of humus mixed with fine quarry stone between them. The lower part of the Grave 4 reached the area, where later the wall No. 5 was built.

**Commentary.** The timeline of graves: first Grave 5, followed by Grave 4.

**Grave goods.** A bronze earring (1) lay alongside the left side of the head; it was found when the skull was cleaned. Two rings (2, 3) lay alongside the right hand; one ring was on the left hand (4). The documentation does not provide the precise locations of the fragmented glass bead (5) and iron knife (6; found when the grave pit was re-examined, archive 494, No. 49).

**Commentary.** The field file list recorded the rings (3, 4) as finds on the left hand (archive 494, Nos. 9 and 10).

(1) Bronze earring with astragal-shaped thickenings on the lower part of the arch. The upper part has a circular cross-section, with moulded end. H. 3.45 cm, w. 3.15 cm, thickness of the arch below 0.38 cm, thickness of the arch top 0.2 cm. Inv. No. S 1807 (Pls. 1: 6; 15: 5). Publication: Bitenc, Knific 2001, 108, Cat. No. 263; Knific 2004, 108, Fig. 20: 3; Knific, Nabergoj 2017, 99, 226, Fig. 120.

(2) Bronze closed ring with a semi-circular cross-section, the outer side of the band is decorated with slanting engravings, while the decorative stone has two semi-circular engravings. On the upper, wider, side lies a globular oval decorative stone from dark blue natron glass.<fnref n="3" /> Dia. 2,27 cm, h. 2,4 cm, size of the decorative stone 1.18 x 0.9 cm. Inv. No. S 1802 (t. Pls. 7; 15: 16).

(3) Bronze open ring with a semi-circular cross-section. The wider part is damaged. Dia. 2 cm. Inv. No. S 1805 (Pl. 1: 8; the object is missing).

(4) Bronze ring with a semi-circular cross-section and a rounded bezel for a decorative stone (most likely the semi-circular object No. 5). The outer side of the ring is decorated with deep slanting engravings. Dia. 2.2 cm. Inv. No. S 1804 (Pl. 1: 10; the object is missing).

(5) Semi-circular object made from bright blue glass with three white eyes, most likely a decorative insert (possibly a part

<footnote n="3">³ Meritev stekla po kombinirani metodi PIXE-PIGE: Knific, Šmit 2018, 402, 403, priloga A, št. 88.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ The stone was measured with the combined method PIXE-PIGE: Knific, Šmit 2018, 402, 403, appendix A, No. 88.</footnote>