<figure><img src="image_110.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.8: Shematični prikaz delovanja metode rastrskih piramid (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 3.8: Scheme of the raster pyramid method (by B. Štular).</caption>

Na podlagi povedanega in ob upoštevanju tedanje metodologije dokumentiranja planumov (Šribar 1969; Šribar 1974; Šribar 1976; Šribar 1977; Šribar 1981) sklepamo, da so pri vseh merilnih metodah nastajale sistematične napake, kjer napaka narašča z razdaljo od merskega izhodišča. Zato smo risbe umestili v prostor z metodo, ki smo jo razvili za umeščanje historičnih zemljevidov, pri izdelavi katerih so se zaradi uporabe kartografske mize pojavljale istovrstne napake (Štular 2010; prim. Conolly, Lake 2006, 86–89). Uporabo te metode je omogočilo dvoje:

– srečna okoliščina, da so bila izkopavanja v cerkvi in tik ob njej, ta pa od izkopavanj ni doživela strukturnih gradbenih posegov, in

– dejstvo, da so pri risanju upoštevali pravila dobre prakse in na vsako risbo vrisali vsaj 1 zid cerkvene stavbe z vsaj 2 vogaloma.

Tako je mogoče vsako risbo umestiti v prostor glede na relativen položaj do cerkvene stavbe.

Ker nismo imeli na voljo dovolj natančnega geodetskega posnetka cerkve, ki bi bil umeščen v koordinatni sistem D96/TM, smo uporabili metodo rastrskih piramid, s katero na podatek majhnega merila postopno umeščamo podatke v čedalje natančnejšem merilu (sl. 3.8; prim. Spletni vir 1). Uporabljeni podatki glede na merilo od najmanjšega so:

– procesirani in vizualizirani lidarski podatki (postopek po Štular, Lozić 2016; procesiranje E. Lozić<fnref n="3" />),

– digitalni ortofoto posnetek DOF025,

– geodetski posnetek cerkve iz leta 2009,

– arheološke risbe.

Lidarske podatke smo uporabili za izdelavo 2,5-razsežnega modela cerkvene stavbe. Digitalni ortofoto posnetek DOF025 je štirikrat natančnejši, a je zaradi

graphing the drawings is unknown and we had no access to the metadata; the only available piece of information was that high-quality equipment had been used and that the correction of camera lens distortion had been applied in Adobe Photoshop software. In such circumstances it would not be advantageous for us to apply any further corrections.

In order to georeference plan drawings in the absolute coordinate system, the method previously developed for the archaeological excavations of the Župna cerkev cemetery in Kranj was first tested. The method is based on a reconstructed grid of quadrants, onto which individual archaeological drawings are georeferenced (Pleterski, Štular, Belak 2016, 25–26). This method, however, did not yield satisfactory results, due to errors in the order of metres (Fig. 3.5). The analysis of the results demonstrated that the error in the original drawings increased with the distance from each starting point of the grid set up in the field. Furthermore, this error does not occur in the grid drawn in the plan drawings of Excavation area 1/1. This was because the aforementioned grid was laid out with stakes only in the excavation area north of the church,<fnref n="3" /> but the stakes were not maintained and were replaced by strings (Fig. 3.6). Laying out the grid with stakes was later dropped altogether. A self-constructed measuring device (Fig. 3.7) was therefore used for taking measurements for plan drawings. An improvised protractor was used in the confined church interior, where architectural elements were used as the basis of measurements (Fig. 1.22).

On the basis of what has been said, and taking into account the then methods of recording plan drawings (Šribar 1969; Šribar 1974; Šribar 1976; Šribar 1977; Šribar 1981), it can be inferred that there were systematic errors with all measurement methods, and that the error increased with the distance from the starting (zero) point of the measurement grid. The same types of systematic errors occurred in nineteenth century maps due to the use of the protractor. The plan drawings were therefore georeferenced in GIS using the method developed for geo-referencing historical maps (Štular 2010; cf. Conolly, Lake 2006, 86–89). The use of this method was possible due to:

– the fortunate circumstance that the excavations were conducted in the interior and the immediate vicinity of a church that has undergone no structural construction works since the excavations, and

– the fact that rules of good practice were followed and each plan drawing includes at least one church wall with at least two corners.

Each plan drawing could thus be georeferenced based on its position relative to the church building.

Since a sufficiently detailed geodetic plan of the church, which could be incorporated into the D96/TM coordinate system, was not available, we used the raster pyramids method, where a small-scale piece of information is gradually upgraded by pieces of information of

<footnote n="3">³ Na tem mestu se zahvaljujem E. Lozić za procesiranje in vizualizacijo lidarskih podatkov.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Field journal for 1962, inv. no. NMS AO 480, pp. 15–16.</footnote>
poševne perspektive uporaben samo za južno steno. Te podatke smo uporabili, da smo v državni koordinatni sistem D96/TM (Berk, Boldin 2017) umestili geodetski posnetek cerkvene stavbe. Ta pomeni izhodišče za umeščanje arheoloških risb izkopavanj na Blejskem otoku v omenjeni absolutni koordinatni sistem.

S to metodo je mogoče umestiti v prostor vsako risbo posebej. Vendar je za arheološko analizo prostorske dokumentacije ujemanje med posameznimi planumi pomembnejše od absolutne napake umestitve posamezne risbe. Že vizualen pregled risb je pokazal, da so risarji uporabili še eno pravilo dobre prakse, po katerem se fiksne točke v prostoru – v tem primeru cerkvene zidove – izmeri le prvič in se jih na nadaljnje planume ali tlorise preriše. Zato smo za vsako izkopno polje le prvega izmed planumov “vpeli” na cerkev z opisano metodo. Ostale planume smo “prilepili” na prvega. Povedano drugače, v prostor smo jih umestili na podlagi fiksnih točk prvega planuma namesto fiksnih točk geodetskega načrta. S to metodo smo dosegli največje možno ujemanje med posameznimi planumi. Pri tem smo uporabili transformacijo, ki ne popači notranjih razmerij na posameznem načrtu, temveč prilagaja le položaj celotnega načrta.<fnref n="4" /> Uporabljeni postopek umeščanja načrtov v absolutni koordinatni sistem je torej optimiziran za čim manjše popačenje notranjih razmerij na posameznem načrtu in čim boljše medsebojnoj ujemanje planumov.

Po opisani metodi smo umestili v prostor vseh 68 planumov. Prednost dela v okolju GIS je združevanje načrtov iz različnih izkopnih polj, tekoče prehajanje med planumi in delo v absolutnem koordinatnem prostoru. Zato v nadaljevanju prispevka ne uporabljamo delovnih oznak izkopnih polj ipd.

V nadaljnjem postopku smo za potrebe prostorske analize vektorizirali vse zidove, tlake in vkope. Obliko v tlorisu smo dobili tako, da smo obrisali meje elementov v dvorazsežnem (2R) okolju GIS. Vektoriziranje smo izvajali v merilu 1 : 20. S tem smo dosegli enotno natančnost vektoriziranja, ki je primerljiva z natančnostjo zajemanja podatkov, torej prvotnega risanja tlorisov. Osnovni namen vektoriziranja je bil omogočiti stratigrafsko analizo v 2R-okolju GIS (glej spodaj).

Dodatno smo elementom, ki so imeli podatek o nadmorski višini, tega pripisali kot atribut. To omogoča prikaz vsakega elementa v 3R-prostoru. Vendar so elementi prikazani horizontalno, saj je bila večinoma izmerjena le po 1 višina za vsak element. Ne gre torej za dejanski 3R-model, saj bi za to potrebovali približno 1000-krat več meritev višin. Kljub temu simulacija elementov v 3R-prostoru omogoča vtis o medsebojnem odnosu posameznih elementov v prostoru, tudi tistih, ki so bili izkopani v različnih sezonah (sl. 3.9).

ever more detailed scale (Fig. 3.8; cf. Internet source 1). From the smallest to the largest scale, the following data was used:

– processed and visualised airborne lidar data (procedure after Štular, Lozić 2016; processing by E. Lozić<fnref n="4" />),

– DOF025 digital orthophoto image,

– geodetic plan of the church from 2009,

– archaeological drawings.

Airborne lidar data were used to create a 2.5-dimensional model of the church. A DOF025 digital orthophoto image is four times more accurate, but due to its oblique perspective, its usefulness is limited to the southern wall. This data was used to georeference the geodetic plan of the church (Berk, Boldin 2017) in the D96/TM national coordinate system. The latter is the starting point for georeferencing the archaeological drawings from the Bled Island excavations in the above-mentioned absolute coordinate system.

In this method, each drawing is georeferenced independent of each other. For the archaeological analysis of spatial documentation, however, the accuracy of matches between individual drawings is more important than the absolute georeferencing error of individual drawings. Therefore, another tweak to the method was necessary. A visual inspection of the drawings showed that another rule of good practice was followed in the field: fixed points in space – church walls in this case – were measured only once and were copied into later plan drawings. Therefore, for each excavation area, only the first of the plan drawings was “projected” onto the church using the above-mentioned method. The rest of the plan drawings were “attached” to the first one; in other words, the first plan drawing was georeferenced on the fixed points of the church and the rest on the fixed points of the first planum. Using this method, the maximum possible match between individual plan drawings was achieved. The transformation used in this process was of the type that does not distort the internal proportions of an individual plan, but only adapts the position of the plan as a whole.<fnref n="5" /> The procedure used for georeferencing plan drawings in the absolute coordinate system is thus optimised to achieve the lowest possible distortion of the internal proportions of an individual plan while achieving the optimal overall accuracy.

All 68 plan drawings were georeferenced using the above method. Working in the GIS environment enables advantages such as combining plans from different excavation areas, smooth transitions between various plan drawings, and working in the absolute coordinate system and therefore, no labels of excavation areas etc. are used in the continuation of this contribution.

<footnote n="4">⁴ Programski paket ArcGIS 10.5, orodje Georeferencing, transformacija 1. reda, to je prilagajanje (angl. affine).</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ The author would like to thank Edisa Lozić for the processing and visualisation of the lidar data.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ ArcGIS 10.5 software package, the Georeferencing tool, transformation of the 1st order, i.e. affine.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_111.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.9: Blejski otok, aksonometrična projekcija izbranih stratigrafskih elementov: grobov, vkopov, žganine in zidov. Višinske razlike so prikazane z 10-kratnim pretiravanjem (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 3.9: Bled Island, axonometric projection of selected stratigraphic contexts: graves, pits, burnt layers, and walls. Height-differences are shown at 10x scale (by B. Štular).</caption>

Tako pripravljeni podatki omogočajo tudi prosthorsko analizo grobišča. Za potrebe teh analiz smo posamezne grobove obravnavali kot točke. Grobovi, pri katerih je mogoče rekonstruirati lego glave, so označeni s točko na mestu atlasa, to je stika glave in vratu. Pri slabše ohranjenih grobovih je točka postavljena v geometrično središče ohranjenih ostankov.

Tam, kjer je risarsko dokumentirana ohranjenost skeleta dopuščala, smo izmerili kartografski azimut na stopinjo natančno. Izmerjen je torej odklon od severa v državnem koordinatnem sistemu D96 v Mercatorjevi projekciji, ki ga ne gre zamenjevati z astronomskim azimutom.

Prostorske analize smo opravili v okolju GIS,<fnref n="5" /> posamezni algoritmi pa so opisani v analizi.

### 3.3.2 GEOMORFOLOGIJA OTOKA

Otok na Blejskem jezeru je bil predvsem v zadnjih stoletjih močno preoblikovan. Glavna poteza današnje oblike otoka je baročna cerkvena arhitektura s ploščadjo okoli cerkve in stopniščem, ki se na južni strani cerkve spušča do obale (sl. 3.10). Za arheološko analizo je zato izjemnega pomena pridobiti čim več podatkov o geomorfologiji otoka pred opisanimi arhitekturnimi posegi.

In the further process, all walls, pavements, and cuts were vectorised for the spatial analysis. The shape in plan view was acquired by outlining the elements in a two-dimensional (2D) GIS environment. Vectorisation was conducted at a scale of 1:20. A uniform accuracy of vectorisation was thus achieved, which is comparable to the accuracy of original plan drawings. The primary purpose of the vectorisation was to allow for a stratigraphic analysis in a 2D GIS environment (see below).

If the contexts contained elevation data this was included as an attribute, thus allowing the display of each context in 3D-space. The individual contexts, however, are displayed horizontally, because in most of the cases only one elevation measurement per context was recorded. The result is therefore not a proper 3D model, which would require approximately 1000 times more elevation measurements. The simulation of the elements in 3D-space nevertheless provides an idea of the relationships between individual elements in space, including the elements excavated in different years (Fig. 3.9).

The data thus prepared allowed for a spatial analysis of the cemetery. For the purpose of the spatial analysis, graves were treated as points. The graves in which the position of the head could be reconstructed are represented with a point positioned at the *atlas*, i.e. the joint between the head and the neck. Poorly preserved graves are mapped with the point placed at the geometric centre of the surviving remains.

<footnote n="5">⁵ ESRI ArcGIS Desktop 10.5.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_112.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.10: Blejski otok, pogled z obale na zahodno stran otoka (foto A. Pleterski).
Fig. 3.10: Bled Island, view from the shore to the western part of the island (photo A. Pleterski).</figcaption></figure>

Planumska izkopavanja seveda ne omogočajo rekonstrukcije posameznih stratigrafskih enot in s tem metrične rekonstrukcije posameznih hodnih površin po celotni površini. V pomoč bi lahko bili sistematično dokumentirani *kontrolni preseki*, ki jih žal ni. Zato smo razvili metodo fuzije podatkov o skalni osnovi na območju pod cerkveno ploščadjo in podatkov o višini modernih tal izven tega območja. Pri tem smo se oprli na 2 podatka:

- rekonstrukcijo površine skalne osnove znotraj izkopnih polj in

- podatek, da je bila hodna površina severno od današnje cerkve v času nastanka grobišča do 1 m nad skalno osnovo (sl. 3.4).

Iz risb tlorisov smo pridobili 136 meritev absolutne nadmorske višine skalne osnove (sl. 3.11). Žal so višine skalne osnove neposredno merili le izjemoma. Neposrednih meritev je tako zgolj 63. Z interpretacijo tlorisov smo lahko pridobili še 50 posrednih meritev in 23 rekonstruiranih meritev. Med prve sodijo npr. meritve plasti zemlje v neposredni bližini skalne osnove, med druge pa npr. meritve skeleta, ki leži neposredno na

When the drawings of the skeleton allowed for this, the cartographic azimuth was measured to an accuracy of one degree. It is the deviation from the north in the D96 national coordinate system in the Mercator projection that was measured, which should not be confused with the astronomical azimuth.

The spatial analysis was conducted in a GIS environment<fnref n="6" /> and individual algorithms are described in the analysis.

### 3.3.2 GEOMORPHOLOGY OF THE ISLAND

The island in Lake Bled has been significantly transformed, especially in the last few centuries. The main feature of the present-day island is a baroque church surrounded by a platform, with a staircase descending to the shore on the southern side (Fig. 3.10). For archaeological analysis it is therefore paramount to acquire all possible information on the geomorphology of the island prior to these changes.

<footnote n="6">⁶ ESRI ArcGIS Desktop 10.5.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_113.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.11: Blejski otok, lega meritev nadmorskih višin skalne osnove: 1 – neposredna meritev; 2 – posredna meritev; 3 – rekonstruirana meritev; 4 – meja izkopnega polja; 5 – obstoječi zid; 6 – neizkopano ali uničeno (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 3.11: Bled Island, location of above-sea-level measurements of the bedrock: 1 – direct measurement; 2 – indirect measurement; 3 – reconstructed measurement; 4 – excavation trench; 5 – existing wall; 6 – unexcavated or destroyed (by B. Štular).</caption>

skalni osnovi. Predvsem ti lahko od dejanskega stanja odstopajo tudi do 0,1 m, kar pa je glede na želeno merilo končnega rezultata zanemarljivo.

V naslednjem koraku smo znotraj območja meritev interpolirali površino z osnovno celico 1 m. V tovrstnih primerih statistične analize kažejo, da je najuspešnejša metoda interpolacije *kriging* (Chaplot s sodelavci 2006). Zaradi majhnega števila meritev so bile za izračun vsake celice uporabljene vse meritve.

Arbitrary planum excavations do not allow for the reconstruction of individual stratigraphic contexts, and thus a reconstruction of individual occupation surfaces over the entire area. Systematically recorded sample sections could be helpful, but unfortunately, they do not exist. We therefore developed a method that allows for a fusion of the recorded elevation data for the bedrock under the baroque platform with airborne lidar data of the surrounding area. We drew upon two pieces of information:
<figure><img src="image_114.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.12: Blejski otok, oblak talnih točk nepozidanega dela otoka (avtorica E. Lozić po metodi Štular, Lozić 2016; vir: zračno lasersko skeniranje Slovenije, eVode; http://gis.arso.gov.si/evode/profile.aspx?id=atlas_voda_Lidar@Arso; uporabljeni so podatki v koordinatnem sistemu D96/TM).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 3.12: Bled Island, point cloud of ground points of the unbuilt area (by E. Lozić, method after Štular, Lozić 2016; source: airborna laser scanning of Slovenia, eVode; http://gis.arso.gov.si/evode/profile.aspx?id=atlas_voda_Lidar@Arso, D96/TM coordinate system).</caption>

Podatek o današnjih tleh izven območja cerkvene ploščadi smo pridobili z analizo lidarskih podatkov (za metodo glej Štular, Lozić 2016; analiza E. Lozić). Ker je bil arheološko dokumentiran le manjši del cerkvene ploščadi, za razmeroma veliko površino nimamo níkakršnih podatkov (sl. 3.12).

Primerjava obeh virov podatkov je pokazala, da je ocena o hodni površini približno 1 m nad skalno osnovo, do katere smo prišli z analizo arheoloških presekov, zadovoljiva. To pomeni, da so bili po združitvi vseh podatkov prehodi med obema območjema tekoči. Zato smo rekonstruirani površini skalne osnove prišteli 1 m.

V zadnjem koraku smo podatke obeh območij združili v enoten oblak točk in z interpolacijo *kriging* izdelali digitalni model površine (DMP) za celoten otok tako (sl. 3.13).

Ta rekonstrukcija po našem mnenju solidno odraža geomorfologijo otoka v času pred poznosrednjeveškimi in posrednjeveškimi gradbenimi posegi. Najvišja točka otoka je bila na mestu, kjer danes stoji zvonik. Stopnice, ki danes vodijo do cerkve iz južne strani otoka, so bile zgrajene na koridorju, ki je že prej omogočal najlažji dostop na vrh. Edini razmeroma izravnan prostor na celotnem otoku je bila manjša ravnina na prostoru severnega dela današnje cerkvene ladje in tik severno od nje.

- the reconstruction of the bedrock surface inside the excavation areas, and

- the information that at the time of the foundation of the cemetery, the occupation surface north of the present-day church was up to 1 m above the bedrock (Fig. 3.4).

One hundred and thirty-six elevation measurements of the bedrock were acquired from the plan drawings (Fig. 3.11). Unfortunately, the elevation of the bedrock was only rarely directly measured and there were only 63 direct measurements. Interpretation of the plan drawings furthermore made it possible to acquire 50 indirect measurements and 23 reconstructed measurements. The former include, for example, the measurements of soil layers in the immediate vicinity of the bedrock, while the latter include, for example, the measurements of skeletons lying directly on the bedrock. The latter especially can deviate from the actual situation by as much as 0.1 m, which is, however, negligible, given the required scale of the final result.

The next step was to interpolate the area with the basic cell of 1 m within the area of the measurements. Statistical analysis shows that in such cases, the most successful method of interpolation is kriging (Chaplot et al. 2006). Due to the small number of measurements, the value for each cell was calculated based on all measurements.

The information on the present-day surface outside the area of the church platform was acquired through the analysis of airborne lidar data (for the method see: Štular, Lozić 2016; analysis: E. Lozić). Since only a small part of the church platform has been archaeologically recorded, there is a relatively large surface without any data (Fig. 3.12).

By comparing both data sources, the estimation - based on the analysis of archaeological cross-sections, the occupation surface was about 1 m above the bedrock - was found to be satisfactory. This means that after the integration of all data, there were smooth transitions between the two areas. One metre was therefore added to the reconstructed surface of the bedrock.

In the last step, the data from both areas was fused into a uniform point cloud and then a digital surface model (DSM) was created for the entire island, using the *kriging* interpolation method (Fig. 3.13).

We believe that this reconstruction adequately reflects the geomorphology of the island before the Late Medieval and Post-Medieval construction works. The highest point of the island was where the bell tower stands today. The present-day staircase leading to the church from the southern side of the island was built in the location of an earlier corridor, which had allowed for the easiest access to the top. The only relatively level area on the entire island was a small flat surface in the area of the northern part of the present-day church nave and immediately to the north of it.
<figure><img src="image_115.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.13: Blejski otok, geomorfološka rekonstrukcija površine pred srednjeveškimi gradbenimi posegi. Aksonometrični pogled na 3-razsežni digitalni model površine; na abscisi in ordinati so koordinate državnega koordinatnega sistema, na osi z nadmorska višina (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 3.13: Bled Island, geomorphologic reconstruction of the surface before medieval building activities. Axonometric 3D view of digital surface model; x, y and z axes are in D96/TM coordinate system (by B. Štular).</caption>

### 3.3.3 STRATIGRAFSKA ANALIZA

Ključno arheološko vprašanje na najdišču je odnos posameznih grobov do cerkvene stavbe. Zadovoljiv odgovor otežujeta na eni strani razmeroma majhno število zadovoljivo dokumentiranih najdb, tako znotraj kot tudi izven grobov, in na drugi strani kompleksna stavbna zgodovina. Pri delu s podatki modernih stratigrafskih izkopavanj je reševanje takšnih vprašanj rutinsko, pri analizi pol stoletja starih podatkov planumskih izkopavanj pač ne (prim. Štular 2008).

Edina možna metoda je stratigrafska analiza podatkov, čeprav so bila izkopavanja planumska. Osnova metode je enostavna: s primerjavo risb planumov, ki so v superpoziciji, prepoznati čim več stratigrafskih odnosov in iz njih zgraditi Harrisov diagram (prim. Mlekuž 2001). Če imamo na primer na planumu 11 tlak 23, ki se delno prekriva s tlakom 10 na nižjem planumu 12, je prvi nad drugim. Za vedno pa so izgubljeni stratigrafski odnosi na primer med sosednjima si tlakom 23 in nasutjem 15 na planumu 11 (sl. 3.14). Enako so seveda izgubljene vse sledi za vsemi tlaki in plastmi znotraj 0,5 m debelega režnja, ki niso bili dokumentirani na planumu (glej zgoraj).

Posamezni elementi so na vsakem planumu že oštevilčeni. Da bi razlikovali elemente med planumi, smo vsakemu dodali številko planuma. Zgoraj opisana tlaka, na primer, smo torej označili kot 11–23 in 12–10.

### 3.3.3 STRATIGRAPHIC ANALYSIS

The key archaeological question about this site is the relationship between individual graves and the church buildings. Obtaining a satisfactory answer is made difficult on the one hand by a relatively small number of adequately recorded finds, both from the graves and from outside the graves, and on the other hand by the complex architectural history. While solving such questions is a routine matter for modern stratigraphic excavations, the analysis of half-a-century old data from arbitrary excavations is a different story (cf. Štular 2008).

Stratigraphic analysis of the data is the only possible method, even if the arbitrary method was used in the excavations. The principle of the method employed is simple: to recognise as many stratigraphic relationships as possible by comparing the plan drawings in superposition; these are then used to create a Harris matrix. If, for instance, Pavement 23 in Planum 11 partly overlaps with Pavement 10 in the lower Planum 12, the former is above the latter. Forever lost, though, is the stratigraphic relationship between, for example, the neighbouring Pavement 23 and Fill 15 in Planum 11 (Fig. 3.14). Similarly lost are all traces of pavements and layers inside the 0.5 m thick arbitrary levels that were not recorded in the plan drawings (see above).

Individual contexts are already numbered in existing plan drawings. To differentiate the contexts between
<figure><img src="image_116.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.14: Blejski otok, prekrivanje risb planumov 11 (sivo) in 12 (črno) iz notranjosti sedanje cerkve; načrt je orientiran proti kartografskemu severu (avtor B. Štular; vira: NMS AO Rn 222/11 in NMS AO Rn 222/12).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 3.14: Bled Island present-day church interior, overlay of plan drawings 11 (grey) and 12 (black); plan drawing is oriented to north (by B. Štular; sources: NMS AO Rn 222/11 and NMS AO Rn 222/12).</caption>

Zidovi na nekaterih planumih niso bili označeni. Te smo označili s številko planuma in zaporedno številko zidu, na primer 02-zid1.

Vsak grob smo v matriko vnesli kot stratigrafsko skupino (prim. Herzog 2004, 10), kar je utemeljeno s podatki. Arheološki zapis vsakega vkopanega groba je seveda sestavljen najmanj iz vkopa, mejne površine s truplom in morebitnimi pridatki ter vsaj enega polnila. Vendar podatki izkopavanj Otoka ne razlikujejo med temi enotami: nikoli niso omenjena različna polnila

the drawings, each of them was additionally assigned the number of the drawing. The above-described pavements, for instance, were thus labelled 11-23 (No. 23 on plan drawing 11) and 12-10 (No. 10 on plan drawing 12).

Walls were not numbered in some of the drawings and were therefore labelled with the number of plan drawing and the number of wall, for example "02_wall1". Each of the graves was entered into the matrix as a stratigraphic group (cf. Herzog 2004, 10), which is justified by the data. The archaeological record of each grave is, of course,
<figure><img src="image_117.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.15: Blejski otok, Harrisov diagram, zgoraj celota, spodaj izrez (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 3.15: Bled Island, Harris matrix; entire matrix above, excerpt below (by B. Štular).</caption>
<figure><img src="image_118.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 3.16: Blejski otok, faziran diagram izbranih stratigrafskih skupin (avtor B. Štular).
Fig. 3.16: Bled Island, Harris matrix of selected stratigraphic groups with stratigraphic phases (author B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

v posameznem grobu in le redko so omenjeni vkopi. Povedano drugače, vsak grob je bil dokumentiran kot stratigrafska skupina. Umetno drobljenje izvornega podatka na posamezne stratigrafske enote (vkop, polnilo, skelet), ki bi mu nujno sledilo združevanje v stratigrafske skupine, v tem primeru ni smiselno. Tako je vsak grob obdržal številčno oznako, ki so jo podelili izkopavalci in jo uporabljamo v katalogu grobov (glej pogl. 12.1), na primer g001 ali grob 1. Kjer je iz dokumentacije (največkrat iz risb tlorisov) razvidno, da je z eno številko dokumentiranih več pokopov, smo oznaki dodali črke abecede (na primer g082a za skelet in oznake g082b-e za lobanje, potisnjene na rob grobne jame).

Tako smo dobili 688 stratigrafskih elementov (stratigrafskih enot ali stratigrafskih skupin), od tega 128 grobov, 213 vkopov, zidov, tlakov in hodnih površin ter 347 plasti. Tem stratigrafskim enotam smo določili 905 unikatnih stratigrafskih odnosov.

Stratigrafske odnose smo analizirali z računalniškim programom Stratify.<fnref n="6" /> Gre za enega redkih progra-

comprised of several stratigraphic contexts, at least the cut of the grave, the surface adjoining the dead body and the potential grave goods, and at least one fill. The data from the excavations on Bled Island, however, do not distinguish between these contexts: cuts are mentioned rarely, different fills in an individual grave, never. In other words, each grave was recorded as a stratigraphic group. The forced fragmentation of the original data into individual stratigraphic units (cut, fill, skeleton), inevitably followed by their integration into stratigraphic groups, is therefore not advantageous. Each grave thus kept the label it was assigned by the excavators and the same labels are used in the catalogue of graves (see Chapter 12.1), for example g001 for Grave 1. Whenever the documentation (usually plan drawings) indicated that a single label was used for documenting multiple burials, the label was assigned alphabet letters (for example g082a for the skeleton and g082b-e for skulls, stacked at the edge of the grave pit).

The result was 688 stratigraphic elements (stratigraphic contexts or stratigraphic groups). They included 128 graves, 347 layers, and 213 cuts, walls, pavements,

<footnote n="6">⁶ Stratify 1.5, www.stratify.org</footnote>
mov, ki iz vnesenih posameznih stratigrafskih odnosov zgradi Harrisov diagram na podlagi matematičnih algoritmov (Herzog 2004). Poleg avtomatizacije izdelave diagrama med prednostmi programa lahko naštejemo sproten nadzor pravilnosti odnosov, upoštevanje dodatnih podatkov (absolutna datacija, lega v prostoru, globina itd.) in možnost združevanja stratigrafskih enot v stratigrafske skupine. Kot veliko slabost kaže izpostaviti grafično podobo končnega diagrama, ki je nepregledna in le težko berljiva (sl. 3.15).

Stratigrafska analiza je metodološko gledano količinska oziroma kvantitativna analiza: upoštevamo vse odnose, na končnem diagramu analiziramo položaj vsake stratigrafske enote v odnosu do vseh ostalih. Vendar so okoliščine stratigrafske analize najdišča Otok na Blejskem jezeru zahtevale drugačen pristop. Ključna je okoliščina, da poznamo le približno 13 odstotkov vseh stratigrafskih odnosov (glej zgoraj). Tako velike izgube podatkov ne moremo preprosto odmisliti; zavedajoč se, da manjka 87 odstotkov informacij, količinska analiza na podlagi matematičnih algoritmov ni smotrna. Poleg tega z izjemo najdb iz grobov – najdb ni mogoče umestiti v posamezne stratigrafske enote, zaradi česar bi kakršenkoli rezultat kvantitativne analize stratigrafije ne prinesel novih podatkov, temveč le dodatne informacije. Povedano drugače, s tem le povečamo informacijski šum (prim. informacija na sl. 3.15 in podatek na sl. 3.16).

Zato smo se odločili za kakovostno oziroma kvantitativno analizo stratigrafije. Osredotočili smo se na grobove in tiste stavbne elemente (zidovi, tlaki, vkopi), ki so v neposrednem stratigrafskem stiku z osrednjo cerkveno stavbo. Grobove smo na podlagi lege v prostoru in znanih medsebojnih stratigrafskih odnosov združili v sedem stratigrafskih skupin (sl. 3.16). Podobno smo stavbne elemente združili v pet gradbenih faz.

and occupation surfaces. For these stratigraphic elements 905 unique stratigraphic relationships were recognised.

The stratigraphic relationships were analysed using the Stratify software.<fnref n="7" /> In addition to the automatisation of the matrix creation process, the advantages of this software include constant checks on the correctness of the relationships, consideration of additional data (absolute date, position in space, depth, etc.), and the ability to integrate stratigraphic units into stratigraphic groups (Herzog 2004). A major drawback is the output of the final Harris matrix, which is a bitmap image that is hard to read (Fig. 3.15).

Methodologically stratigraphic analysis can be defined as a quantitative analysis: all the relationships are taken into account and the position of each stratigraphic element is analysed in relation to all others. The specific circumstances of the Bled Island site, however, called for a different approach. The fact that only about 13% of all stratigraphic relationships were recorded (see above) is crucial here. Such data loss cannot be simply ignored; when 87% of the information is missing, a quantitative analysis based on mathematical algorithms is not appropriate. Furthermore, the finds – with the exception of those from the graves – cannot be ascribed to individual stratigraphic elements, which means any result of the quantitative analysis of the stratigraphy would bring no new information, only additional data. In other words, this would only increase information noise.

We therefore decided to conduct a qualitative analysis of the stratigraphy. The focus was on the graves and on the architectural elements (walls, pavements, cuts) in direct stratigraphic contact with the central church building. On the basis of their position in space and the known stratigraphic relationships between them, the graves were divided into seven stratigraphic groups (Fig. 3.16). Similarly, the architectural elements were divided into five phases of construction.

<footnote n="7">⁷ Stratify 1.5, www.stratify.org</footnote>
# 4. STRATIGRAFIJA NAJDIŠČA

## 4. SITE STRATIGRAPHY

Benjamin ŠTULAR

### 4.1 UVOD

Šribar (1972, 390–391) je glede na lego v prostoru na grobišču določil pet večjih pokopaliških skupin, ki jih opiše takole:

1. severno od baročne cerkve je približno 60 grobov razporejenih v šest nepravilnih vrst;

2. na prostoru tako imenovane cerkvene lope so grobovi v eni vrsti, nekateri s tremi kasnejšimi pokopi;

### 4.1 INTRODUCTION

Šribar (1972, 390–391) defined five larger graveyard groups with respect to their position in the cemetery, described as follows:

- to the north of the baroque church, there are approximately 60 graves in six irregular lines;

<figure><img src="image_119.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.1: Blejski otok, načrt Šribarjevih pokopaliških skupin 1 do 5 (avtor B. Štular)</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.1: Bled Island, location of Šribar's graveyard groups 1 to 5 (by B. Štular).</caption>

<footnote>* Translation Meta Osredkar.</footnote>
3. v naravni kotanji je približno 10 grobov, ki so razporejeni od baročne ograje severno od velike zakristije do severovzhodnega dela baročnega prezbiterija;

4. grobovi znotraj cerkve so bili v jugovzhodnem vogalu ladje, v mali zakristiji ter v vogalu med južno steno ladje in vzhodno steno stranske kapele, približno osem grobov vključno z grobom št. 72;

5. ostali grobovi znotraj ladje in prezbiterija (sl. 4.1).

Te skupine je na podlagi analize posameznih grobnih skupin tudi kronološko opredelil: pokopavanje v skupini 1 se začne morda že pred postavitvijo prve kapele, zagotovo pa traja v času njene uporabe. V čas prve kapele sodita tudi skupini 4 in 5. V času druge kapele so nadaljevali pokopavanje v skupini 1, poleg tega pa tudi v skupini 5. Skupine 3 ni bilo mogoče časovno opredeliti.

Ker večina grobov nima pridatkov, stanje vede pa Šribarju še ni omogočalo dovolj natančne stratigrafske analize, je bilo opredeljevanje skupin povsem intuitivno. Predvsem to velja za relativno datiranje, ki je zato večidel napačno. Predvsem je Šribar močno precenil število zgodnjesrednjeveških na račun poznosrednjeveških in novoveških grobov.

Naše izhodišče za razumevanje najdišča je stratigrafska analiza in iz te izhajajoče stratigrafske skupine (sl. 3.16). Za pripadnost posamezni skupini je torej ključna stratigrafska bližina, lega v prostoru je drugotni kriterij.

Tako smo na grobišču določili 7 grobiščnih skupin (od G1 do G7) in 5 stratigrafskih faz (od F1 do F5; sl. 4.2):

1. grobišče, ki je starejše od najstarejše cerkvene stavbe (F1; G1, G2),

2. najstarejši cerkveni stavbi in sočasni grobovi (F2a, F2b; G3, G4),

3. tretja cerkvena stavba ter sočasni grobovi (F3; G4, G5),

4. četrta cerkvena stavba ter sočasni grobovi (F4; G6) in

5. še danes stoječa cerkvena stavba ter sočasni grobovi (F5; G7).

## 4.2 FAZA 1

V to fazo sodijo grobovi, ki so stratigrafsko starejši od severne fronte danes stoječe cerkvene stavbe (sl. 4.3). Gre najprej za grobove severozahodno od današnje cerkvene stavbe (sl. 4.2: G1). Ti grobovi so od ostalih ločeni s praznim prostorom in so v medsebojnem stratigrafskem stiku, ker jih prekrivajo 3 razmeroma enotne zemljene plasti (03-07, 03-09, 03-10; 03-12; 03-16, 03-17, 03-18, 03-19).

Stratigrafsko najstarejši element te faze je ognjišče v središču skupine grobov. Gre za plast prepečene ilovice, na zahodni strani obdane s polkrožno zloženim kamenjem. Med tem izstopa kamen osamelec, ki je tam stal ves čas kurjenja, kajti barva humusa pod kamnom in okoli njega je svetlejša. Izkopavalci so ognjišče razumeli kot prazgodovinsko, saj so ob izkopavanju ožgane zemlje

- in the area of the so-called church shed, there are graves in a single line, some of them with three later burials;

- approximately 10 graves are in a natural depression, lined from the baroque fence north of the large vestry to the northeastern part of the baroque presbytery;

- graves inside the church were located in the southeastern corner of the nave, in the small vestry, and in the corner between the southern wall of the nave and the eastern wall of the side chapel there were approximately 8 graves, including Grave 72;

- the rest of the graves inside the nave and the presbytery (Fig. 4.1).

Based on the analysis of individual graveyard groups, these groups were chronologically defined: burials in Group 1 perhaps started even before the construction of the first chapel, and certainly in the time of its use. Groups 4 and 5 also belong to the time of the first chapel. During the time of the second chapel, burials in Group 1 continued, and the same is true for Group 5. Group 3 could not be chronologically defined.

Since most of the graves contained no grave goods, and the state of the archaeological science did not allow Šribar to conduct a sufficiently detailed stratigraphic analysis, the groups were defined purely by intuition. This is particularly true for the relative chronology, which is mostly erroneous. Above all, Šribar greatly overestimated the number of Early Medieval graves at the expense of Late Medieval and Early Modern graves.

Our starting point for understanding the site is the stratigraphic analysis and the stratigraphic groups that are rooted in it (Fig. 3.16). Stratigraphic vicinity is the key criterion for belonging to a specific group, and position in space is only secondary.

Seven cemetery groups (from G1 to G7) and five stratigraphic phases (from F1 to F5; Fig. 4.2) were defined:

- the cemetery that is earlier than the earliest church building (F1; G1, G2),

- the two earliest church buildings and the contemporary graves (F2a, F2b; G3, G4),

- the third church building and the contemporary graves (F3; G4, G5),

- the fourth church building and the contemporary graves (F4; G6), and

- the church building that still stands today and the contemporary graves (F5; G7).

## 4.2 PHASE 1

Phase 1 includes the graves that are stratigraphically earlier than the northern face of the still standing church building (Fig. 4.3). Firstly, these are the graves to the northwest of the present-day church building (Fig. 4.2: G1). Separated from the others by an empty area, these
naleteli na številne prazgodovinske najdbe (glej pogl.
1.4.1). Vendar so pri izkopavanju naredili sicer zelo
pogosto napako s tem, da so prežgano zemljo obrav-
navali kot polnilo vkopa. V resnici so prazgodovinske
najdbe del plasti oziroma polnila kotanje A, ognjišče
pa je bilo zgrajeno in kurjeno na tej plasti. Prepečena
plast je nastala zaradi vročine ognja, gledano s stališča
plasti s prazgodovinskimi najdbami, v podepozicijskih
procesih. Kurjenje ognja, stratigrafsko mejna površina,
je torej mlajše od plasti s prazgodovinskimi najdbami;
prepečena plast je del polnila kotanje A, ki je bil pre-
oblikovan v podepozicijskih procesih (sl. 4.4). Je pa
bilo ognjišče zagotovo uporabljeno že pred pokopi v
nekaterih grobovih (št. 40, 41, 46), saj so v zasutju teh
grobov kosi ožgane ilovice.

Stratigrafsko sočasna grobiščni skupini G1 je ho-
mogena in omejena skupina grobov tik ob severovzhod-
nem vogalu današnje cerkve (sl. 4.2: G2). Stratigrafsko
sočasen je še osamljeni grob (št. 72), ki leži 7,3 m južno
od ostalih opisanih grobov. Ta grob je hkrati strati-
grafsko starejši od najstarejše cerkvene stavbe, saj leži

graves are in mutual stratigraphic contact, covered by
three relatively uniform layers of soil (03–07, 03–09,
03–10; 03–12; 03–16, 03–17, 03–18, 03–19).

The stratigraphically earliest element of this phase is a fireplace in the centre of the group of graves. It was described as a *layer of burnt clay*, surrounded on the western side by a *semi-circular array of stones*. Prominent among them is a *solitary stone*, which must have been there at the time when the fires were burning, *because the humus under the stone and around it is of a lighter shade*. The excavators understood the fireplace to be a prehistoric feature, since many prehistoric finds were discovered during the excavation of the burnt soil (see Chapter 1.4.1). Nevertheless, a very common mistake was made during the excavation by interpreting the burnt soil as the fill of a cut. In reality, the prehistoric finds were embedded in a layer (the fill of Hollow A) **on top** of which the fireplace was built. *The burnt layer* was created due to the heat of the fire, in post-depositional processes from the perspective of the layer with prehistoric finds. The burning of the fire is an interface surface later than the layer with prehistoric finds. Therefore, *the burnt layer* is part of the fill of Hollow

<figure><img src="image_120.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.2: Blejski otok, načrt stratigrafskih grobiščnih skupin G1 do G7 (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.2: Bled Island, location of cemetery groups G1 to G7 (by B. Štular).</caption>
<figure><img src="image_121.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.3: Blejski otok, načrt elementov faze 1 (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.3: Bled Island, plan of Phase 1 (by B. Štular).</caption>

pod najstarejšo apsido (sl. 4.5; Šribar 1966a, 118; prim. Šribar 1966a, 199 za drugačno interpretacijo).

Absolutno kronološko opredelitev faze 1 omogočajo nakitni predmeti v grobovih (glej pogl. 7.2.1) in neposredno datiranje kosti iz groba 72. Uporabili smo radiometrično datiranje z metodo radioaktivnega ogljika v laboratoriju *Póznanjski radiokarbonski laboratorij*.<fnref n="1" /> Nekalibriran rezultat je 1115 ± 30 BP. Rezultat je bil kalibriran s programom OxCal v4.2.3 (Bronk Ramsey, Lee 2013) po kalibracijski krivulji IntCal13 (Reimer

A, which was transformed in post-depositional processes (Fig. 4.4). The fireplace, however, was certainly used before the burials in some of the graves (nos. 40, 41, 46), for there are fragments of burnt clay in the fills of these graves.

Stratigraphically contemporary with the G1 cemetery group is a homogenous and delimited group of graves in the immediate vicinity of the northeastern corner of the present-day church (Fig. 4.2: G2). Another stratigraphically contemporary grave is the solitary Grave 72, which lay 7.3 m to the south of the rest of the graves. Lying under the earliest apse, this grave is stratigraphically earlier than

<footnote n="1">¹ Laboratorijska številka Poz-101617.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_122.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_123.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_124.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_125.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_126.png" /></figure>

Sl. 4.4: Shematičen prikaz procesov na ognjišču od prazgodovine do arheološkega izkopavanja: a – aktivnosti na prazgodovinski hodni površini; b – arheologizacija oz. nastanek arheološkega zapisa prazgodovinskih procesov; c – ognjišče na zgodnjesrednjeveški hodni površini; d – arheologizacija zgodnjesrednjeveških procesov; e – arheološki izkop prepečene plasti vsebuje prazgodovinsko lončenino (avtor B. Štular).

Fig. 4.4: Illustration of the processes on the fireplace since prehistory until excavation: a – activities on the prehistoric occupation surface; b – arheologization, i.e. the creation of an archaeological record of prehistoric activities; c – fireplace on the early medieval occupation surface; d – arheologization of early medieval processes; e – archaeological excavation of the *burnt layer* that includes prehistoric pottery shards (by B. Štular).

<figure><img src="image_127.png" /></figure>

Sl. 4.5: Blejski otok, apsidi najstarejših cerkvenih stavb. Zgoraj levo kumulativni tloris, zgoraj desno vzdolžni in spodaj prečni presek skozi obe apsidi in grob 72 z izvurnimi opisi (avtor B. Štular; vir: arhiv NMS AO Rn 222/11, Rn 222/12, Rn 222/13, Rn 222/18).

Fig. 4.5: Bled Island, apses of the two latest church buildings. Above left: plan drawing. Above right: sample section of both apses and grave 72 by length. Below: sample section of both apses and grave 72 by width (by B. Štular; sources: NMS archive AO Rn 222/11, Rn 222/12, Rn 222/13, Rn 222/18).
<figure><img src="image_128.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.6: Blejski otok, načrt elementov faze 2a (F2a, levo) in 2b (F2b, desno; avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_129.png" /></figure>

idr. 2013). Kalibrirana datuma znotraj 1 standardnega odklona od srednje vrednosti (σ1) sta med letoma 895 in 930 (34,6-odstotna verjetnost) in med letoma 939 in 972 (33,6-odstotna verjetnost) n. št. Kalibrirana datuma znotraj 2 standardnih odklonov (σ2) od srednje vrednosti sta med letoma 779 in 789 (1,2-odstotna verjetnost) in med letoma 869 in 1013 (94,2-odstotna verjetnost) n. št. V arheologiji najpogosteje navajamo razpon vrednosti σ1, torej 934 ± 38 n. št.

## 4.3 FAZA 2

Faza 2 (sl. 4.6) je obdobje dveh najstarejših stavb z apsido in dveh sočasnih grobov. Stratigrafsko najpomembnejša elementa te faze sta apsidi (sl. 4.5). Na eni strani isto mesto in ista gradbena tehnika izkazujeta gradbeno kontinuiteto, na drugi strani sta apsidi stratigrafsko jasno ločeni: prek temeljev prve apside je pred začetkom gradnje druge apside prišel premaz iz 10 cm debele ilovice (...); zahodni zaključek loka (...) apside je deloma prekrit s tlakom (...), ki pripada višje ležeči apsidi (Šribar 1966a, 197).

Sosledje dveh zelo podobnih stavb potrjuje tudi stratigrafija grobov 67 in 71 (Šribar 1966a, 116–117). Analiza tlorisa in pisne dokumentacije kaže, da je bil najrej izkopan in uporabljen grob 71; grob je bil naknadno izpraznjen, prazna grobna jama pa zasuta. Sledil je izkop grobne jame 67 približno pol m južneje, pri čemer je bil v severnem delu presekan tedaj že izpraznjen in zasut grob 71. Zatem je bil čez obe grobni jami položen estrih. Pomenljiva je predvsem lega obeh grobov: starejši (71) je ležal tik zunaj starejše stavbe, mlajši tik zunaj mlajše, oba pa na najverjetnejšem mestu vsakokratnega vhoda (sl. 4.2: G3; drugače Šribar 1972, 391).

the earliest church building (Fig. 4.5; Šribar 1966a, 118; cf. Šribar 1966a, 199 for a different interpretation).

Absolute dates for Phase 1 could be obtained with the help of the jewellery in the graves (see Chapter 7.2.1) and by direct radiometric dating of the bones from Grave 72. The method used was radioactive carbon dating, carried out in the Poznań Radiocarbon Laboratory.<fnref n="1" /> The uncalibrated result is 1115 ± 30 BP. The result was calibrated with the OxCal v4.2.3 software (Bronk Ramsey, Lee 2013) using the IntCal13 calibration curve (Reimer et al. 2013). The calibrated dates within 1 standard deviation from the mean value (σ1) are between the years 895 and 930 CE (34.6% probability) and between the years 939 and 972 (33.6% probability) CE. The calibrated dates within two standard deviations (σ2) from the mean value are between the years 779 and 789 CE (1.2% probability) and between the years 869 and 1013 (94.2% probability) CE. In archaeology, the most commonly quoted range of values is σ1, i.e. 934 ± 38 CE.

## 4.3 PHASE 2

Phase 2 (Fig. 4.6) is the time period of the two earliest buildings with an apse and two contemporary graves. Stratigraphically, the most important elements of this phase are the two apses (Fig. 4.5). On the one hand, the same location and the same construction technique indicate the continuity of construction, while on the other hand, the two apses are clearly stratigraphically separated: *before the beginning of the construction of the second apse, a 10-cm-thick clay coating had been applied over the foundations of the first apse (...); the western end of the arch (...) of the apse is partly covered with a pavement (...), which belongs to the apse above* (Šribar 1966a, 197).

<footnote n="1">¹ Lab. no. Poz-101617.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_130.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.7: Blejski otok, načrt elementov faze 3 (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.7: Bled Island, plan of Phase 3 (by B. Štular).</caption>

Stratigrafsko izkazana prekinitev na eni strani in jasni elementi arhitekturne in sepulkralne kontinuitete na drugi strani narekujejo delitev faze 2 na podfazi 2a in 2b. *Terminus post quem* faze 2a narekuje z metodo C14 datiran grob (št. 72; glej zgoraj pogl. 4.2) v čas zanesljivo po letu 779 n. št., najverjetneje v drugi polovici 10. stoletja. Okvirno kronološko umestitev faze 2b v zaključek zgodnjega srednjega veka poleg arhitekture narekujeta fragmenta zgodnjesrednjeveške lončenine, najdena na sloju, ki je ločil po horizontali obe najstarejši apsidi (Šribar 1966a, 108, 121). Odlomka nista ohranjena.

Zgolj zaradi preglednosti bomo v nadaljevanju to fazo opisno imenovali *predromanska*.

## 4.4 FAZA 3

Faza 3 (sl. 4.7) je stratigrafsko kompleksnejša in najverjetneje tudi dolgotrajnejša. Začetek faze označuje gradnja stavbe s podkvasto apsido. Arheološki zapis te faze pomenijo ostanki podkvaste apside (79–8, 79–9,

The sequence of these two very similar buildings is reinforced by the stratigraphy of Graves 67 and 71 (Šribar 1966a, 116–117). The analysis of the plan view and written records shows that Grave 71 was dug and used first; the grave was subsequently emptied and the empty grave pit was filled. The pit for Grave 67 was then dug about half a metre to the south, which caused a cut into the northern part of the then already emptied and filled Grave 71. After this, a mortar pavement was laid over both grave pits. The position of the two graves is particularly telling: the earlier grave (no. 71) lay immediately outside the earlier church building, the later grave (no. 67) immediately outside the later church building, and both were in the most likely position of the respective entrances (Fig. 4.2: G3; differently Šribar 1972, 391).

The stratigraphic discontinuity on the one hand, and clear elements of architectural and sepulchral continuity on the other, necessitate that Phase 2 be divided into Subphases 2a and 2b. The *terminus post quem* for Phase 2a is provided by the grave dated with the radiocarbon method (no. 72; see above Chapter 4.2) and is certainly
79-10), maltni estrihi (12-04, 12-05, 12-06, 12-10, 12-49, 12-50) in zob zidu v jugozahodnem vogalu današnje cerkvene ladje (sl. 5.4; prim. sl. 4.8).

V fazo 3 sodita dve skupini grobov. Stratigrafsko starejša je skupina grobov v današnjem zahodnem preddverju cerkve (sl. 4.2: G2). Gre za stratigrafsko homogeno skupino, ki leži pod zemljenima plastema (24-01, 24-03) in je bila poškodovana z zahodnim zidom cerkvene ladje v naslednji fazi 4.

Ker stratigrafski stik s sočasno stavbo ni bil dokumentiran (sl. 3.3), obstajata glede faziranja dve možnosti. Prva možnost je, da so grobovi sočasni stavbi faze 3, saj z nogami segajo tik do zahodnega zidu te faze. Druga možnost je, da začetek te skupine sega v fazo 2b, o čemer bi pričala lega grobov v prostoru (glej pogl. 7.3). Vsaj najmlajši pokopi te skupine torej sodijo v fazo 3 in zato skupino obravnavamo v okviru faze 3.

V fazo 3 sodi še ena, nekoliko manj homogena skupina grobov (sl. 4.2: G5), katerih lega je stratigrafsko vezana na stavbo s podkvasto apsido. Del grobov leži v jugovzhodnem delu sočasne stavbe, drugi del zunaj tik južno od apside.

Okvirno časovno umestitev te faze omogoča pozavava s sočasno arhitekturo, zgrajeno v romanskem slogu (glej pogl. 5).

Zgolj zaradi preglednosti bomo v nadaljevanju to fazo opisno imenovali *romanska*.

## 4.5 FAZA 4

Faza 4 (sl. 4.8) ima 13 grobov južno od sočasne (in današnje) cerkvene stavbe. Večina jih je stisnjena tik ob zid na majhnem prostoru med današnjo cerkveno stavbo in zvonikom. Plitvi grobovi so vkopani do skalne osnove ali so delno vklesani vanjo in so prekriti z razmeroma tankimi zemljenimi plastmi. Zato neposreden stratigrafski stik z drugimi skupinami grobov ali stavbnimi ostanki ni ohranjen. A to območje je bilo ob gradnji gotske arhitekture močno spremenjeno z zniževanjem v cerkvi in tik ob njej (sl. 3.13) ter z nasipanjem tako imenovane *gotske ploščadi* nekoliko vstran. Grobovi te skupine (sl. 4.2: G6) torej ne morejo biti starejši od gradnje gotske arhitekture, saj bi jih ob tem uničili ob nižanju terena ali zasuli z nasipavanjem terase.

Zaradi jasnosti besedila bomo v nadaljevanju to fazo opisno imenovali *gotska*.

## 4.6 FAZA 5

Faza 5 (sl. 4.8) je čas baročne arhitekture, ki označuje cerkveno stavbo še danes. V to fazo stratigrafsko sodita sosednji si grobnici v severozahodnem delu cerkvene ladje, lega katerih je bila označena v baročnem cerkvenem tlaku (sl. 4.2: G7).

after 779 CE, but most likely the second half of the 10th century. The dating of Phase 2b to roughly the end of the Early Middle Ages is supported not only by the architecture but also by *two fragments of Early Medieval pottery, discovered on the layer horizontally separating the earliest two apses (Šribar 1966a, 108, 121).* The fragments in question have been lost.

For clarity of the text only, this phase will henceforth be descriptively termed *Pre-Romanesque*.

## 4.4 PHASE 3

Phase 3 (Fig. 4.7) is stratigraphically more complex and probably lasted longer. The beginning of the phase is marked by the construction of a building with a horseshoe-shaped apse. The archaeological record of this phase is comprised of the remains of this apse (79-8, 79-9, 79-10), mortar pavements (12-04, 12-05, 12-06, 12-10, 12-49, 12-50), and a protrusion from the wall in the southwestern corner of the present-day church nave (Fig. 5.4; cf. Fig. 4.8).

At least two groups of graves belong to Phase 3. The stratigraphically earlier one is the group of graves in the present-day western lobby of the church (Fig. 4.2: G4). This is a stratigraphically homogeneous group, which lies under two layers of soil (24-01, 24-03) and was overlaid by the western wall of the church nave in the subsequent Phase 4.

Since stratigraphic relationship with the contemporary building has not been recorded (cf. Fig. 3.3), there are two possible ways to interpret the phasing. The first option is that the graves are contemporary with the Phase 3 building, for the legs of the deceased reach all the way to the western wall of this phase. The second option is that the beginning of this group can be dated to Phase 2b, which could be supported by the spatial position of the graves (see Chapter 7.3). Since at least the latest burials of this group all belong to Phase 3, the group is considered in the context of Phase 3.

Phase 3 includes another, slightly less homogeneous group of graves (Fig. 4.2: G5), whose positions are stratigraphically linked to the horseshoe-shaped apse. Some of the graves are positioned in the southeastern part of the contemporary building, and some are outside, just south of the apse.

Approximate dating of this phase is made possible by the connection with the contemporary architecture, built in the Romanesque style (see Chapter 5).

For clarity of the text only, this phase will henceforth be descriptively termed *Romanesque*.
<figure><img src="image_131.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.8: Blejski otok, načrt elementov faze 4 in 5: 1 – grob faze 4; 2 – grob faze 5; 3 – zob zidu, ki priča o poteku zahodne stene v fazi 3; 4 – obstoječi zid; 5 – neizkopano ali uničeno (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.8: Bled Island, plan of Phases 4 and 5: 1 – Phase 4 grave; 2 – Phase 5 grave; 3 – wall protrusion that marks where western wall in Phase 3 stood; 4 – existing wall; 5 – unexcavated or destroyed (by B. Štular).</caption>

## 4.7 PRAZGODOVINA

Ob naštetih stratigrafskih fazah je treba omeniti še **prazgodovinske arheološke sledi**. Večina prazgodovinskih najdb je bila dokumentirana v drugotnem položaju, na primer v polnilih grobov faze 1. Na nekaterih mestih, predvsem v prezbiteriju današnje cerkve, je v dokumentaciji navedena prazgodovinska kulturna plast. Vendar na podlagi opisov plasti sodimo, da gre tudi v teh primerih za najdbe v drugotni legi. Zato prazgodovinskih najdb ni mogoče opredeliti kot samostojno stratigrafsko fazo.

Analiza razprostranjenosti prazgodovinskih najdb kaže žarišče na prostoru prezbiterija današnje cerkve in drugotno žarišče severno od današnje cerkve (sl. 4.9). Prazgodovinski artefakti si vsekakor zaslužijo natančnejšo analizo, ki pa ni predmet tega prispevka.

Jamo, ki leži pod prezbiterijem današnje cerkve, obravnavamo na tem mestu, ker moramo za njeno razumevanje v argumentacijo pritegniti stratigrafske faze 1,

## 4.5 PHASE 4

Phase 4 (Fig. 4.8) includes 13 graves south of the contemporary (and present-day) church building. Most of them are huddled together near the wall, in a small space between the present-day church building and the bell tower. The shallow graves were dug into the bedrock or even partly carved into it, and are covered with relatively thin layers of soil. No direct stratigraphic contact with other groups of graves of architectural remains are therefore preserved. This area was largely transformed during the construction of the Gothic architecture by levelling the bedrock in the church and its immediate vicinity (Fig. 3.13) and by the accumulation of the so-called *Gothic platform* a little further away. The graves of this group (Fig. 4.2: G6) therefore cannot be earlier than the construction of the Gothic architecture, for they would have been destroyed during the levelling or buried under the terrace accumulation.

For clarity of the text only, this phase will be henceforth descriptively termed *Gothic*.
<figure><img src="image_132.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.9: Blejski otok, razprostranjenost prazgodovinskih najdb z označenimi mesti najdb kamnitih orodij: 1 – obstoječi zid; 2 – neizkopano ali uničeno; 3 – kamnito orodje; 4 – izven izkopnega polja; 5 – jama in jama za kol; 6 – število najb/m² (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.9: Bled Island, location of prehistoric finds: 1 – existing wall; 2 – unexcavated or destroyed; 3 – stone tool; 4 – outside of excavation trench; 5 – pit or posthole; 6 – no. of finds per m² (by B. Štular).</caption>

2 in 3. Gre za pravokoten vkop s 3 polnili in naknadnim vkopom v polnilo (sl. 4.10: P4 – 1, 2, 3 in 4). To so:

1. temnorjava ilovica, pomešana z ogljem in hišnim lepom;

2. trda, močno pomešana ilovica z drobci oglja in h.[išnega] lepa (mesto kurišča);

3. pas trde ilovice in

4. črnorjava ilovica – morebitno mesto jame pravokotne oblike za kol (op. B. Š.: opisano je polnilo naknadnega vkopa; vir: marginalije risbe Rn 221/27).

Jama je vklesana v skalno osnovo in jo prekrivajo izravnalna nasutja faze 3: plast rdečerjave ilovice (Šribar 1966a, 107) in svetlorjav humus, pomešan z lomljenci in finim peskom (Šribar 1966a, 100, št. 6 in 7). Jama in njena polnila niso v neposrednem stratigrafskem stiku ne z grobovi faze 1 ne s stavbnimi ostanki faze 2. Polnili 1 in 2, kolikor je mogoče sklepati iz opisov plasti, sta nastali v dveh ločenih dogodkih. Vsak dogodek je potekal po požigu ali požaru objekta, grajenega iz šibja in ilovice (angl. wattle and daub), kakršni so značilni

## 4.6 PHASE 5

Phase 5 (Fig. 4.8) is the time of the Baroque architecture, which characterises the present-day church building. Stratigraphically, it includes two neighbouring tombs in the northwestern part of the church nave, whose position was marked in the baroque pavement of the church (Fig. 4.2: G7).

## 4.7 PREHISTORY

In addition to the above-listed phases, there were **prehistoric archaeological features**. Most of the pre-historic finds were recorded in a secondary position, for instance in the fills of the Phase 1 graves. In some locations, especially in the presbytery of the present-day church, the documentation mentions a prehistoric cultural
<figure><img src="image_133.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.10: Blejski otok, tlorisi območja jame vzhodno od najstarejših apsid dokumentirani kot planumi 3 (P3, zgoraj levo), 4 (P4, zgoraj desno), 5 (P5, spodaj levo) in 6 (P6, spodaj desno. Na tlorisu P3 sta označena kamen iz zelenega groha (št. 30) in enotna plast, ki prekriva jamo (št. 24). Na tlorisu P4 so označena polnila jame (št. 1–3) in jama za kol (št. 4) (avtor B. Štular; vir: arhiv NMS AO Rn 222/12–15).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.10: Bled Island, pit adjacent to the earliest two apses, plan drawing of arbitrary levels 3 (P3, above left), 4 (P4, above right), 5 (P5, below left) and 6 (P6, below right). On the P3 the green stone (No.. 30) and layer above the pit (No. 24) are marked. On P4 the pit fillings (Nos. 1–3) and posthole filling (No. 4) are marked (by B. Štular; source: NMS archive AO Rn 222/12–15).</caption>

za prazgodovino, v neposredni bližini. Morda kaže razmišljati v smeri čiščenja dela površine po požaru, vendar ne v smislu utilitarnega čiščenja pred novogradnjo, saj je količina oglja in ožgane ilovice premajhna. Polnilo 3 je očitno posledica utrjevanja dna jame, polnilo 4 pa je ostanek lege pravokotnega kola ali kamna.

S podrobno analizo risarske dokumentacije je mogoče natančneje opredeliti stratigrafski položaj jame. Izhodišče je podatek – ki je iz dokumentacije razviden posredno na več mestih (Šribar 1966a, *passim*) – da so bile hodne površine znotraj stavb dovolj vodoravne, da lahko na razdalji 25 cm (kolikor je jama oddaljena od apsid faze 2) morebitne višinske razlike zanemarimo. Na planumu 3 je prej omenjeno izravnalno nasutje rdečerjave ilovice prikazano kot kontinuirana plast, ki popolnoma prekriva jamo. Hkrati je nekoliko zahodneje

layer, however, based on the descriptions of the layers, we can assume that these too are only cases of finds in a secondary position. Prehistoric finds therefore cannot form a stratigraphic phase.

The analysis of the distribution of prehistoric finds shows a concentration in the area of the present-day church presbytery and a secondary concentration north of the present-day church (Fig. 4.9). While the prehistoric artefacts certainly deserve a more detailed analysis they are not the subject of this contribution.

A pit located under the presbytery of the present-day church is discussed here; in order to understand it, stratigraphic Phases 1, 2, and 3 have to be considered. It is a rectangular cut with three fills and a filled in re-cut (Fig. 4.10: P4 – 1, 2, 3, and 4):

- dark brown clay, mixed with charcoal and clay daub;

- hard clay, mixed with many fragments of charcoal and clay daub (fireplace location);

- a patch of hard clay; and

- black-brown clay – possible location of a rectangular post-hole (note by B. Š.: the description refers to the fill of the latest cut; source: margins of plan drawing Rn 221/27).

The pit is carved into the bedrock and covered by levelling accumulations of Phase 3: a layer of red-brown clay (Šribar 1966a, 107) and light brown humus, mixed with roughly carved stones and fine sand (Šribar 1966a, 100, nos. 6 and 7). The pit and its fills have no direct stratigraphic contact with the graves from Phase 1, nor with the architectural remains from Phase 2. As far as it can be assumed from the descriptions of the layers, Fills 1 and 2 were created in two separate events. Each event followed the burning of a building made of wattle-and-daub – which is typical of prehistory – in the immediate vicinity. Perhaps it can be inferred that the surrounding surface was cleared after a fire, but not in the sense of utilitarian clearing followed by a new construction, because the quantity of charcoal and burnt clay is insufficient. Fill 3 seems to have been created during the consolidation of the bottom of the pit, while the re-cut and its fill are an archaeological record of a rectangular post or stone.

A thorough analysis of plan drawings provides further details regarding the stratigraphic position of the pit. The starting point is the information – indirectly evident several times in the documentation (Šribar 1966a, *passim*) – that occupation surfaces inside the buildings were horizontal, and that any potential differences in elevation are negligible in the distance of 25 cm (the distance between the pit and the Phase 2 apses). In a plan drawing of arbitrary Level 3, i.e. Planum 3, the above-mentioned levelling accumulation of red-brown clay is depicted as a continuous layer, completely covering the pit. A little further to the west, however, the surface of the clay at the western end of the grave pit [72] is at the level of its upper edge (Šribar 1966a, 106; underlined by
<figure><img src="image_134.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.11: Blejski otok, stratigrafija na območju jame in treh najstarejših apsid. Prikazane so dejanske nadmorske višine (desno), vsi ostali elementi so shematizirani: 1 – faza 1, hodna površina na zasutju jame; 2a, 2b – fazi 2a in 2b, zidova predromanskih apsid s pripadajočima hodnima površinama; 3 – faza 3, romanska apsida s pripadajočo hodno površino (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.11: Bled Island, stratigraphy of the area of the pit and the three latest apses. The above sea level measurements are at scale, all other elements are illustrated only: 1 – Phase 1, occupation surface on the pit filling; 2a, 2b – Phases 2a and 2b, walls of pre-Romanesque apses with respective occupation surfaces; 3 – Phase 3, Romanesque apse and contemporary occupation surface (by B. Štular).</caption>

površina ilovice ob zahodnem zaključku grobne jame
[72] v ravni njenega zgornjega roba (Šribar 1966a, 106;
podčrtal B. Š.). To pomeni, da je bil planum 3 izkopan
tako, da je sledil hodni površini, iz katere je bil vkopan
grob 72. To opažanje potrjuje tudi analiza kompozitnega
preseka: vrh jame je bil dokumentiran približno 0,2 m
nižje kot vrh groba 72 (sl. 4.11). S precejšnjo gotovostjo
torej sklepamo, da so bili jama in njena polnila v času
pokopa v grob 72 prekriti z ilovnatno plastjo, tedanjo
pohodno površino. Jama in njena polnila so torej stra-
tigrafsko starejši od groba 72.

O času nastanka jame lahko sklepamo le posredno.
Tik ob jami so bile na nivoju planuma dokumentirane
številne prazgodovinske najdbe: najmanj 28 odlomkov
lončenine, več kot 61 kosov ožgane ilovice, 2 kamniti
orodji, fragment rečne oblice (NMS inv. št. S1922 a-c)
in fragment kamnite zelenkaste sekire s fino zglajeno
površino velikosti 5 x 6,2 centim (Šribar 1966a, 121-122;
t. 13: 11). Naštete najdbe nakazujejo možnost prazgo-
dovinskega nastanka jame, kar posredno potrjuje tudi
prisotnost hišnega lepa v polnilih.

Trajanje uporabe jame nekoliko osvetli klesan
kamen (sl. 4.12), ki je ležal na polnilu jame. Gre za
pravokotno oblikovan kamen, prelomljen iz zelenega
groha, dolžine približno 0,3, širine 0,2 in višine 0,25 m
(vir: arhiv NMS AO Rn 222/12). Zeleni groh je ljudsko
poimenovanje za kamnino, ki jo je razmeroma lahko
oblikovati in je bila zlasti priljubljena na območju
današnje zahodne Gorenjske za izdelavo arhitekturnih
členov od konca srednjega veka do modernega obdobja
(Avguštin 1971). Iz te kamnine je bila izdelana, kot se
zdi na podlagi opisa, prej omenjena glajena sekira (t. 13:

B. Š.). This means that Planum 3 was excavated at the
level approximately adhering to the surface walked on
at the time that Grave 72 was dug. This observation is
further confirmed by the analysis of the section draw-
ing: the top of the pit was recorded as approximately
0.2 m lower than the top of Grave 72 (Fig. 4.11). It can
therefore be assumed with reasonable certainty that in
the time of the burial in Grave 72, the pit and its fills
were covered with a clay layer, which represented the
occupation surface at the time. The pit and its fills are
therefore stratigraphically earlier than Grave 72.

The time that the pit was dug can only be inferred
indirectly. Right next to the pit, at the burnt level, abundant
prehistoric finds were recorded: at least 28 fragments of
pottery, more than 61 fragments of burnt clay, two stone
tools, a fragment of a river pebble (NMS inv. no. S1922
a-c) and a fragment of a greenish-grey stone axe with
a finely polished surface, measuring 5 x 6.2 cm (Šribar
1966a, 121-122). These finds imply the possibility of a
prehistoric dating of the pit, which is indirectly supported
by the presence of clay daub in the fills.

A cut stone (Fig. 4.12), which lay on top of the fill
of the pit, can shed some light on the duration of the
use of the pit. This is a rectangularly shaped stone, cut
out of green tuff, approximately 0.3 m long, 0.2 m wide,
and 0.25 m high (source: archive NMS AO Rn 222/12).
Relatively easy to work, this particular green tuff (locally
known as “groh”) was an especially popular material for
architectural elements in the area of present-day western
Gorenjska from the end of the Middle Ages to the modern
period (Avguštin 1971). On the basis of the description,
the polished axe seems to have been made of this type
<figure><img src="image_135.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 4.12: Blejski otok, pogled na jamo vzhodno od najstarejših apsid v stanju, ki je bil dokumentiran kot *planum* 3 (pogled proti jugu; vir: Arhiv NMS AO negativ št. sv4712).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 4.12: Bled Island, view of the pit adjacent to the earliest two apses as documented on the arbitrary level 3 (a view towards south; source: NMS archive AO film No. sv4712).</caption>

11; kat. št. 129). Uporabo zelenega groha pred srednjim vekom zanesljivo dokazuje rimskodobni nagrobnik iz bližnjih Lesc (lupa 3726).<fnref n="2" />

Opisani klesanec iz zelenega groha je ležal (i) na polnilu jame, (ii) v rdečerjavem ilovnatem izravnalnem nasutju, ki je prekrivalo jamo in je služilo kot pohodna površina v času izkopa groba 72 (glej zgoraj), ter (iii) pod estrihi faze 3. Stratigrafski (i) *terminus post quem* za namestitev kamna je torej zasutje jame pred fazo 1, (ii) *terminus ad quem* je nastanek pohodne površine, uporabljene tudi v času izkopa groba 72, (iii) *terminus ante quem* pa gradnja stavbe v fazi 3. *Terminus ante quem* izključuje možnost, da bi šlo za infiltrirani visoko- ali poznosrednjeveški arhitekturni člen, *terminus ad quem* pa dokazuje, da je bil kamen v času pokopa v grob 72 in v času gradnje najstarejših stavb viden. Izjemnega pomena je lega **na** najmlajšem polnilu jame in **v** izravnalnem nasutju. Graditelji nasutja so torej bodisi sami položili kamen na jamo bodisi so tam ležeč kamen zavestno

of stone (Pl. 13: 11; Cat. no. 129). The use of green tuff before the Middle Ages is further confirmed by a Roman tombstone from the nearby town of Lesce (lupa 3726).<fnref n="2" />

The cut piece of green tuff lay (i) on top of the fill of the pit, (ii) in a levelling accumulation of red-brown clay, which covered the pit and served as the occupation surface at the time Grave 72 was dug (see above), and (iii) under the mortar pavements of Phase 3. The stratigraphic (i) *terminus post quem* for the placement of the stone is thus the filling of the pit prior to Phase 1; (ii) the *terminus ad quem* is the creation of the occupation surface, which was in use at the time Grave 72 was dug; while (iii) the *terminus ante quem* is the construction of the building in Phase 3. The *terminus ante quem* excludes the possibility that this is an infiltrated High- or Late Medieval architectural element, while the *terminus ad quem* gives evidence that at the time of the burial in Grave 72 and the construction of the earliest buildings, the stone was

<footnote n="2">² Za podatek se zahvaljujem E. Lozić.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² The author would like to thank E. Lozić for this information.</footnote>
pustili na mestu. Ob izravnavi pohodne površine so
torej poskrbeli, da je klesanec iz zelenega groha na mestu
starejše jame štrlel približno 0,2 m nad hodno površino.
Najprepričljivejša interpretacija tega dejanja je, da je bil
kamen uporabljen kot označevalec prostora jame.

Natančna namembnost in datacija jame in kamna
nista znani. Zgornji podatki niso neposreden dokaz, da
so pogrebci ob izkopu groba 72 in graditelji najstarejše
stavbe z apsido – oboji hodeč po opisani hodni površini,
iz katere je štrlel zelen klesan kamen – poznali lokacijo
in pomen jame. Vendar se glede na redkost klesanih
kamnov v zgodnjem srednjem veku ne zdi mogoče, da
bi kamna ne razumeli kot prostorskega označevalca
pomena (za izraz prim. Fletcher 2004, 136, op. 1; No-
vaković 2001, 221). Takšno interpretacijo utrjuje tudi
jama za kol (glej zgoraj, polnilo 4), najverjetneje ostanek
predhodnega označevalca mesta jame ali celo prvotna
lega klesanega kamna. To nakazuje kontinuiteto poseb-
nega pomena mikrolokokije, kjer si na nekaj kvadratnih
metrih sledijo:

- koncentracija prazgodovinskih najdb vključno z gla-
  jeno sekiro iz zelenega groha,

- jama s polnili, ki pričajo o ponavljajoči se dejavnosti,

– kol ali kamen kot označevalec prostora,

– namensko postavljen klesanec zelenega groha,

– izjemen zgodnjesrednjeveški grob (št. 72) in

– apsidi prvih dveh apsidalnih stavb.

4.8 ABSOLUTNA KRONOLOGIJA

Okvirna kronološka opredelitev faz je torej taka:

1. Zgodnji srednji vek je označen s predmeti, absolutni terminus ad quem σ1 je 895–972 n. št.

2. Zgodnji srednji vek je označen s predromansko arhitekturo, absolutni terminus post quem σ1 je 895–972 n. št.

3. Visoki srednji vek je označen z romansko arhitekturo.

4. Pozni srednji vek je označen z gotsko arhitekturo.

5. Posrednjeveško obdobje je označeno z baročno ar-
hitekturo.

Podrobnejša kronološka opredelitev je predstav-
ljena v nadaljevanju (glej pogl. 7).

protruding above the ground. Of key importance is its
position on top of the latest fill of the pit and in the level-
ling accumulation. This means that the people who filled
the pit either put the stone on top of the pit themselves
or consciously left it there. When the occupation surface
was being levelled, a conscious effort was made that the
cut piece of green tuff in the location of an earlier pit
protruded about 0.2 m above the occupation surface. The
most convincing interpretation of this act is that the stone
was used as a spatial marker of the pit location.

The exact purpose and date of the pit and the stone
are, therefore, unknown. The above provides no direct
evidence that the people who dug Grave 72 and the people
who constructed the earliest apsed building – both using
the occupation surface with the protruding green cut
stone – were aware of the location and the significance
of the pit. Nevertheless, considering the rarity of cut
stones in the Early Middle Ages, the stone must have
been understood as a spatial marker of the predating pit
and/or its meaning (for the expression *cf*. Fletcher 2004,
136, note 1; Novaković 2001, 221). This interpretation is
further supported by the post-hole (see above, re-cut),
which is most likely a remnant of an earlier marker of the
location of the pit or perhaps even the original position
of the cut stone. This implies a continuity of the special
meaning of this micro-location, where, in an area of a few
square metres, the following sequence occurs:

- a concentration of prehistoric finds, including a polished
  axe made of green tuff,

- a pit with fills that give evidence of a repeated activity,

- a post or a stone as a location marker,

- an intentionally placed cut stone of green tuff,

- an exceptional Early Medieval grave (no. 72), and

- the apses of the two earliest buildings with apses.

4.8 ABSOLUTE CHRONOLOGY

A tentative chronology of the phases is therefore
as follows:

1. The Early Middle Ages is defined by artefacts, the absolute *terminus ad quem* is C14 σ1 895–972 CE.

2. The Early Middle Ages is defined by Pre-Romanesque architecture; the absolute *terminus post quem* σ1 is 895–972 CE.

3. The High Middle Ages is defined by Romanesque architecture.

4. The Late Middle Ages is defined by Gothic architecture.

5. The Post-Medieval period is defined by Baroque architecture.

A more detailed chronology is presented in the follow-
lowing sections (see Chapter 7).
# 5. STAVBNA ANALIZA

# 5. BUILDING ANALYSIS

Benjamin ŠTULAR

## 5.1 REKONSTRUKCIJA STAVBNIH TLORISOV

Na podlagi opisane relativne stratigrafije smo sestavili načrt stavbnih elementov za vsako fazo posebej in ti omogočajo rekonstrukcijo stavbnih tlorisov.

Najstarejša oziroma prva stavba s krožno apsido (sl. 5.1) je zelo slabo ohranjena, saj je bila večidel uničena ob kasnejših gradnjah. Temelj apside (sl. 4.5), zgrajen iz lomljencev velikosti do 40 x 60 cm, vezanih s temnorumeno slabo malto, je bil širok približno 70 cm (Šribar 1966a, 105 in 199). V risarski dokumentaciji je kot vezivo kamnov navedena ilovica. Od ostalih delov stavbe so ohranjeni zgolj vkopi v živo skalo (prim. Šribar 1966a, 113–114) in majhna zaplata maltnega estriha (sl. 4.8: a; 4.2: 13–09, 14–06, 14–08, 14–09, 14–B1). Dokumentirane vkope interpretiramo kot arheološko sled temeljev lesene stene. Šribar (1966, 198) sicer navaja še najmanj štiri luknje za steber velikosti 15 x 20 cm na razdalji 2(-eh) m od ramena apside, ki pa jih v risarski in fotografski dokumentaciji ni zaznati.

Na podlagi predvsem ostankov apside si tehniko gradnje verjetno lahko predstavljamo kot podobno tisti, ki je znana iz bolje ohranjene cerkvene stavbe, zgrajene sredi 10. stoletja v današnji Pragi (Malostranské trg 2). Šlo je za okroglo sakralno stavbo s temelji iz lomljenih kamnov, vezanih z ilovico. Verjetno lesena nadgradnja je bila ometana z rumeno glino. Mikroskopska analiza glinenega ometa je pokazala, da je bila stena zglajena in prebarvana z rdečim in oker-rdečim barvilom, izdelanim na temelju zelezovih oksidov (Čiháková 2018, 297–298).<fnref n="1" />

Skromne arheološke sledi ne zadoščajo za zanesljivo rekonstrukcijo tlorisa stavbe. Ta je mogoča šele ob upoštevanju kontinuitete usmeritve stavb z apsido, ki se glede na arheološko dokumentirane primerjave zdi zelo verjetna (Strmčnik-Gulič 1994; Sagadin 2017; prim. Čaval 2010, 168). Upoštevali smo usmeritev severne stene ladje z romanskimi temelji (glej pogl. 6.2.1). Ob upoštevanju te usmeritve ohranjeni ostanki apside – oziroma, natančneje, ohranjena plast znotraj apside

## 5.1 BUILDING FLOOR PLAN RECONSTRUCTION

Based on the relative stratigraphy described above, a plan of architectural elements was created separately for each phase. These plans allow for a building floor plan reconstruction.

The earliest, i.e. the first building with a circular apse (Fig. 5.1), is very poorly preserved, owing to the fact that most of it was demolished by later constructions. The foundation of the apse (Fig. 4.5) was built from roughly worked stones up to 40 x 60 cm in size, bound with dark yellow *poor quality mortar*, and approximately 70 cm wide (Šribar 1966a, 105 and 199). According to the drawings, clay was the binding material of the stones. From the rest of the building, only *cuts in the bedrock* (cf. Šribar 1966a, 113–114) and a small patch of mortar pavement survived (Figs. 4.8: a; 4.2: 13–09, 14–06, 14–08, 14–09, 14–B1). The recorded cuts can be interpreted as archaeological traces of the foundations of a wooden wall. While Šribar (1966, 198) lists *at least four more post-holes, measuring 15 x 20 cm, within the distance of 2 m from the shoulder of the apse*, they do not appear in the plan drawings or any other documentation.

Based mainly on the remains of the apse, the construction technique can probably be imagined as similar to that known from a better-preserved church, built in the middle of the 10th century in the present-day Prague (Malostranské trg 2). It was a round ecclesiastical building with foundations made of roughly worked stones bound with clay. The probably wooden superstructure was plastered with yellow clay. A microscopic analysis of the clay plaster showed that the wall was smoothed and painted with red and an ochre-red pigments based on iron oxides (Čiháková 2018, 297–298).<fnref n="1" />

The scant archaeological traces do not allow for a definite reconstruction of the floor plan of the building. The latter is only possible when the continuity of the orientation of the apsed-buildings – which, judg-

<footnote n="1">¹ Za podatek se zahvaljujem J. Rihterju.</footnote>

<footnote>* Translation Meta Osredkar.</footnote>

<footnote n="1">¹ The author would like to thank J. Rihter for this information.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_136.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 5.1: Blejski otok, faza 2a, prva stavba s polkrožno apsido, rekonstrukcija stavbnega tlorisa: a – arheološke sledi (vijolično vkopi, svetlo rjava maltni estrih, temno rjava temelj zidu); b – rekonstrukcija zunanje fronte zidu in središčna os apside; c – rekonstrukcija stavbne površine (rjavo); d – idealiziran potek južne fronte zidu ob upoštevanju simetrije; e – rekonstrukcija dejanske (rjavo) in idealizirane (rumeno) stavbne površine; f – razmerje med dolžino in širino idealizirane stavbne površine (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 5.1: Bled Island, Phase 2a, first building with a semi-circular apse, floorplan reconstruction: a – archaeological remains (purple for pits, light brown for mortar pavement, dark brown for wall foundation); b – reconstruction of the outer walls and central axis of the apse; c – floorplan reconstruction; d – idealized southern wall when symmetry is taken into account; e – reconstruction of actual (brown) and idealized (yellow) floorplan; f – length-width proportions of idealized floorplan (by B. Štular).</caption>

– zadostujejo za rekonstrukcijo zunanje in notranje fronte zidu apside; vkopi na severni, južni in zahodni strani pa omogočajo rekonstrukcijo ostalih sten in s tem stavbnega tlorisa (sl. 5.1: b, c).

ing by archaeologically recorded analogies, seems very likely (Strmčnik-Gulič 1994; Sagadin 2017; cf. Čaval 2010, 168) – is taken into account. The orientation of the northern wall of the nave with Romanesque foundations
<figure><img src="image_137.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 5.2: Blejski otok, faza 2b, druga stavba s polkrožno apsido, rekonstrukcija stavbnega tloris: a – arheološke sledi (rjavo temelj zidu, rumeno maltni estrih); b – rekonstrukcija zunanje fronte in središčna os apside; c – rekonstrukcija stavbne površine; d – rekonstrukcija dejanske (rjavo ladja, rumeno prizidek) in idealizirane (črta) stavbne površine (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 5.2: Bled Island, Phase 2b, second building with a semi-circular apse, floorplan reconstruction: a – archaeological remains (yellow for mortar pavement, brown for wall foundation); b – reconstruction of the outer walls and central axis of the apse; c – floorplan reconstruction; d – reconstruction of actual (brown for church nave, yellow for appendix) and idealized (black line) floorplan (by B. Štular).</caption>

Tako rekonstruiran tloris je asimetričen, kar je za sočasne stavbe z apsido izjema. Ker rekonstrukcija lege južne stene temelji zgolj na enem vkopu, smo preizkusili tudi možnost simetričnega poteka južnega zidu. Tako zgrajena ladja bi imela proporce 1 : √2, ki so značilni za zgodnjeromanske cerkve s polkrožno apsido (Stopar 2017, 18–33; sl. 5.1: d, e, f).

Vendar poleg omenjenega vkopa proti simetrični rekonstrukciji z idealnimi proporci ladje priča tudi lega groba 71 (sl. 5.1: f), ki bi ga v tem primeru stena prekri-vala. Tako je verjetnejša rekonstrukcija z nesimetrično ladjo, ki je bila dolga 7,5 in široka 4,8 m s skupno povr-šino 35,9 m². Celotna stavba je bila dolga 9 m. Apsida ima obliko polovice elipse, visoke 2,8, široke 3,5 m, torej v razmerju 4 : 5.

Druga stavba s krožno apsido (sl. 5.2) ima ohran-
jene ostanke od 0,67 do 0,72 m širokih temeljev zidov iz

(see Chapter 6.2.1) was measured. Applying this informa-
tion, the recorded remains of the apse – or more precisely,
the layer inside the apse – suffice for the reconstruction
of the exterior and interior faces of the apse wall; the cuts
on the northern, southern and western sides enable the
reconstruction of the remaining walls and consequently
the floor plan of the building (Fig. 5.1: b, c).

This reconstructed floor plan is asymmetrical,
which is not common among the contemporary build-
ings with an apse. Since the reconstructed position of the
southern wall is based on a single pit, the version with
a symmetrical plan was evaluated. The proportions of
the thus-constructed nave would be 1:√2, which is typi-
cal of early Romanesque churches with a semi-circular
apse (Stopar 2017, 18–33; Fig. 5.1: d, e, f). However, not
only the above-mentioned cut, but also the position of
Grave 71 (Fig. 5.1: f), which would in this case be covered
by the wall, attest against a symmetrical reconstruction
<figure><img src="image_138.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 5.3: Blejski otok, pogled na suhi zid iz večjih apnencev in lehnjakov kvadratne oblike, ki je bil dokumentiran kot planum3 (pogled proti jugu; vir: Arhiv NMS AO negativ št. sv4649). Fig. 5.3: Bled Island, view of the dry wall made from larger limestones and square tufa stone as documented on the arbitrary level 3 (view towards south; source: NMS archive AO film No. sv4649).</figcaption></figure>

lomljencev, vezanih z malto (12–18, 12–25, 13–20, 13–25, 13–27), in maltnih estrihov (13–12, 13–13, 13–14, 13–19, 13–20; sl. 5.2: a). Od starejše stavbe se temelji razlikujejo zgolj po tem, da je bila ohranjena malta nekoliko svetlejše rumenkaste barve (Šribar 1966a, 198). Na podlagi teh ostankov ni mogoče z gotovostjo presoditi, ali je šlo za stavbo, zidano iz z malto vezanih lomljencev, ali za leseno stavbo, temelječo na tako zidanem vencu. Indic, da je verjetnejša prva interpretacija, je nekaj kosov peščenca z ostanki fresk, ki so bili v naslednji gradbeni fazi vzidani v temelj podkvaste apside (Šribar 1966a, 138).

Stavbni tloris je mogoče na podlagi ohranjenih zidov prepoznati na vseh straneh, razen na južni. Slednjo je mogoče rekonstruirati ob predpostavki, da je bila stavba simetrična. Takšno rekonstrukcijo potrjuje lega groba 67, ki v tem primeru leži tik ob steni (sl. 5.2: b, c).

Ladja ima obliko nepravilnega nizkega pravokotnika, širokega od 5,95 do 6,15 m in dolgega 6,75 m s skupno površino 52,3 m<fnref n="2" />. Razmerje med dolžino in širino na ožjem delu od za predromanski slog značilnega razmerja √3 : 2 odstopa za 1,6 odstotka.<fnref n="2" />

Na zahodni strani je bila ladja naknadno podaljšana za 3,1 m z ožjim prostorom s tlorisom v obliki nepravilnega trapeza. Gradbenega zaporedja iz dokumentiranih stratigrafskih odnosov ni mogoče razbrati, ohranjeni estrihi pa dokazujejo, da sta vsaj ob zadnji uporabi ladja in prizidek delovala kot celota (sl. 5.2: c).

with ideal proportions. The more plausible reconstruction is therefore the one with an asymmetrical nave, which measured 7.5 m in length and 4.8 m in width, and had a surface of 35.9 m<fnref n="2" />. The entire building was 9 m long. The apse is semi-ellipse shaped with a width of 2.8 m and the length of 3.5 m, i.e. a ratio of 4:5.

In the second building with a circular apse (Fig. 5.2), the remains of 0.67–0.72 m wide foundations made of roughly worked stones bound with mortar (12–18, 12–25, 13–20, 13–25, 13–27), and mortar pavements (13–12, 13–13, 13–14, 13–19, 13–20; Fig. 5.2: a) survive. The foundations differ from those of the earlier building only by the colour of the surviving mortar, which was of a slightly lighter yellowish shade (Šribar 1966a, 198). On the basis of these remains it is not possible to determine with any certainty whether the building was constructed of roughly worked stones bound with mortar, or was a wooden building built on thus-constructed foundations. A few pieces of sandstone with remains of frescoes, built into the foundation of the horseshoe-shaped apse in the following phase, indicate that the former interpretation is more likely (Šribar 1966a, 138).

Based on the surviving walls, the floor plan of the building can be recognised on all sides, except the south-ern side. The latter can be reconstructed if a symmetrical building is assumed. The position of Grave 67 immedi-ately next to the wall speaks for such a reconstruction (Fig. 5.2: b, c).

The nave takes the shape of an irregular low rectan-gle, 5.95–6.15 m wide, 6.75 m long, and with a surface of 52.3 m<fnref n="2" />. In the narrower part, the ratio between the length and the width deviates for 1.6% from the √3:2 ratio, typical of the Pre-Romanesque style.<fnref n="2" />

On the western side, the nave was subsequently prolonged for 3.1 m by adding a narrow room in the shape of an irregular trapezium. While the constructional sequence cannot be inferred from the recorded strati-graphic relationships, the surviving mortar pavements testify to the fact that at least during the last phase of the building's use the nave and the extension functioned as a single room (Fig. 5.2: c).

Incorporated into the above-described apse was a dry-stone wall made of large square pieces of limestone and tufa with dimensions up to 60 x 70 cm (Šribar 1966a, 108 and 197, also the drawing of Planum 3, no. 28). While its stratigraphic relationship to the apse was not fully understood by the excavators (Šribar 1966a, 197), an analysis of photographs clearly demonstrated that it was built against the already existing apse. The wall is therefore later than the apse. There is no doubt that the second apse and the above-mentioned wall were demolished to the exact same level, i.e. simultaneously (Fig. 5.3). This means that at least during the last phase of their use, they were

<footnote n="2">² Čisto razmerje √3 : 2 bi ob dolžini 6,75 m pomenilo širino 5,83 m.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² The pure √3:2 ratio would mean 0.12 m diffrence in width.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_139.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 5.4: Blejski otok, faza 3, stavba s podkvasto apsido, rekonstrukcija stavbnega tlorisa: vijolično rekonstruiran tloris, rumeno maltni estrihi, rjavo temelj zidu, sivo sedanja cerkvena stavba; označena je lega groba št. 118 (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 5.4: Bled Island, Phase 3, building with horseshoe-shaped apse, floorplan reconstruction: reconstructed floorplan in purple, mortar pavement in yellow, wall foundations in brown, present-day church walls in grey; location of grave No. 118 is marked (by B. Štular).</caption>

V opisano apsido je bil včlenjen suhi zid iz večjih apnencev in lehnjakov kvadratne oblike velikosti do 60 x 70 cm (Šribar 1966a, 108 in 197 ter risba planuma 3, št. 28). Stratigrafski odnos z apsido izkopavalcem ni bil povsem jasen (Šribar 1966a, 197), a analiza fotografij jasno kaže, da se ta zid naslanja na apsido. Zagotovo sta bila druga apsida in omenjeni zid porušena na isto višino, torej hkrati (sl. 5.3). To pomeni, da sta vsaj ob koncu uporabe delovala kot celota. Za rekonstrukcijo tlorisa morebitnega prostora ni dovolj elementov, niti ni povsem jasno, ali je sploh šlo za stavbo. Šribarjev sklep, da gre za prizidek k stavbi z drugo apsido (1966, 110), torej zgolj malenkostno popravljamo: gre za zidova, morda manjši pravokotni prostor, prizidana k drugi stavbi z apsido.

Sledila je gradnja stavbe s podkvasto apsido (sl. 5.4) s 3,2-krat večjo površino ladje od predhodne stavbe. Gre za najtemeljitejšo prezidavo v stavbni zgodo-

contemporary and functioned as a whole. There are not enough elements to allow for a reconstruction of the floor plan of the potential room; it is not even perfectly clear whether it was a building at all. Šribar's conclusion that this was an extension of the building with the second apse (1966, 110) therefore needs to be slightly modified: there were two walls, perhaps part of a small rectangular room, added to the second building with an apse.

There followed the construction of a **building with a horseshoe-shaped apse** (Fig. 5.4), whose surface was 3.2 times larger than the nave of the previous building. This was the most thorough rebuilding in the construction history of Bled Island, during which the previous building was razed to the ground. Such a radical action was never again repeated and most of the walls built in Phase 3 still stand as parts of the present church. More specifically, the entire northern and southern walls as well
vini Blejskega otoka, za potrebe katere je bila predhodna stavba porušena dobesedno do tal. Tako radikalen poseg se nikoli ni ponovil, saj večina zidov, zgrajenih v fazi 3, kot del sedanje cerkve še stoji. Natančneje, v današnji cerkvi so ohranjeni severna in južna stena v celoti ter deli vzhodne stene. Zahodna stena in apsida sta bili uničeni s kasnejšimi prezidavami. O legi prve pričajo ohranjeni estrihi in zob zidu v jugozahodnem vogalu današnje cerkvene ladje. Ostanki apside so bili dokumentirani arheološko (sl. 4.5; Šribar 1966a, 136).

Opisanim so sledile prezidave in dozidave v **gotskem** in kasneje **baročnem** arhitekturnem slogu. Sledi teh prezidav se v arheološkem zapisu večinoma niso ohranile in zato niso predmet pričujoče analize. Med slednje sodi tudi zid v obliki manjšega kvadrata, ki je bil odkrit tik pod tlakom faze 5. Stratigrafsko je mlajši od faze 2 in starejši od faze 5. Na podlagi lege v prostoru ga interpretiramo kot del opreme notranjosti cerkve v fazi 4 ali fazi 5.

V to obdobje sodijo tudi zidovi severno od današnje cerkve, ki so bili v preteklosti interpretirani kot del triladijske dvoapsidalne romanske cerkve (Šribar 1967, 63). Ker so ti zidovi stratigrafsko mlajši od gotske in starejši od baročne arhitekture, jih interpretiramo kot dele prizidkov profane namembnosti, kakršni so bili v poznem srednjem veku običajni.

## 5.2 INTERPRETACIJA

Arheološke sledi aktivnosti znotraj stavb niso bile ohranjene oziroma dokumentirane, zato interpretacija namembnosti stavb ni samounevna. Vendar imamo 4 prepričljive argumente, da so vse stavbe z apsido služile kot krščanska cerkev:

- apsida je v času od 9. do 11. stoletja na obravnavanem prostoru brez nam znane izjeme uporabljena za krščanske cerkvene stavbe (prim. Stopar 2017, 18–36).

- Krščanske cerkve so vsaj od 8. stoletja grajene tako, da je oltar na vzhodu in je kongregacija med molitvijo prav tako obrnjena proti vzhodu (Gordon 1971, 213).

- Na območju jugovzhodnoalpskega prostora so vse znane stavbe, ki so dokumentirane pod temelji poznosrednjeveške cerkve in imajo isto usmeritev kot ta, interpretirane kot cerkev (Sv. Jurij, Legen: Strmčnik-Gulič 1994; Župna cerkev v Kranju: Sagadin 2017; Sv. Martin, Laško: Stopar 2017, 26; Sv. Daniel, Gailtal, Avstrija: Eichert 2012, 22–23; Molzbichl, Spittal, Avstrija: Eichert 2012, 51–55; Sv. Peter pri Edlingu, Spittal, Avstrija: Eichert 2012, 62–64; Sv. Martin, Rive d'Arcano, Italija: Gleischer 2006, Abb. 3: 2; Sv. Martin, Zell bei Kufstein, Avstrija in Sv. Martin, Pfongau, Avstrija: Gleischer 2006, Abb. 6: 2,3).

as some parts of the eastern wall survive in the present church. The western wall and the apse were destroyed in later rebuildings. The position of the former is evidenced by the surviving mortar pavements and a protrusion from the wall in the southwestern corner of the present-day church nave. The remains of the apse were recorded archaeologically (Fig. 4.5; Šribar 1966a, 136).

These changes were followed by conversions and extensions in the **Gothic** and later **Baroque** architectural styles. The traces of these conversions generally do not survive in the archaeological record and therefore they are not the subject of this analysis. They include, among other things, a wall in the shape of a small square, discovered just under the pavement of Phase 5. It is stratigraphically later than Phase 2 and earlier than Phase 5. On the basis of its position, it can be interpreted as part of the furnishings of the interior of the church in either Phase 4 or Phase 5.

The walls north of the present-day church, in the past interpreted as parts of a three-nave Romanesque church with two apses (Šribar 1967, 63), belong to the same period. Since these walls are stratigraphically later than the Gothic church and earlier than the Baroque architecture, they can be interpreted as parts of extensions with a secular function, which were common in the Late Middle Ages.

## 5.2 INTERPRETATION

Since archaeological traces of activities inside the buildings have not been preserved or recorded, the interpretation of the function of the buildings cannot be taken for granted. There are, however, four convincing arguments that all buildings with apses served as Christian churches:

- between the 9th and 11th centuries, apsed buildings in the region were – without any exception known to the author – Christian church buildings (cf. Stopar 2017, 18–36).

- At least from the 8th century on, Christian churches were built in such a manner that the altar was in the east and the congregation was facing the east while praying (Gordon 1971, 213).

- In the Southeastern Alpine region, all known buildings recorded under the foundations of Late Medieval churches with the same orientation are interpreted as churches (St George, Legen: Strmčnik-Gulič 1994; the parish church in Kranj: Sagadin 2017; St Martin, Laško: Stopar 2017, 26; St Daniel, Gailtal, Austria: Eichert 2012, 22–23; Molzbichl, Spittal, Austria: Eichert 2012, 51–55; St Peter near Edling, Spittal, Austria: Eichert 2012, 62–64; St Martin, Rive d'Arcano, Italy: Gleischer 2006, Abb. 3: 2; St Martin, Zell bei Kufstein, Austria, and St Martin, Pfongau, Austria: Gleischer 2006, Abb. 6: 2,3).

- Likewise, it can be said that there are no recorded cases of High Medieval graves right next to a building that was not a church.
– Podobno lahko rečemo, da ni bil dokumentiran noben visokosrednjeveški grob, ki bi ležal tik ob sočasni stavbi, ki bi ne bila cerkvena stavba.

Obstoj apside, vzhodna usmeritev stavbe, kontinu-
iteta rabe prostora in sočasni grobovi so torej zanesljivi
argumenti, da obravnavane stavbe z apsido interpreti-
ramo kot več gradbenih faz krščanske cerkve.

Kolikor lahko o arhitekturi sodimo na podlagi tlo-
risa, se zdi, da je bila najstarejša cerkev sprva načrtovana
skladno z načeli predromanske cerkvene arhitekture
kot simetrična stavba s polkrožno apsido in proporcem
cerkvene ladje 1 : √2. Toda zaradi prilagajanja konfi-
guraciji terena izvedba ni sledila načrtom in zgrajena
je bila nesimetrična, verjetno večidel lesena stavba. Ta
cerkev je bila porušena do tal in nadomestila jo je stavba
podobnega videza, velikosti in proporcev, ki pa je bila
morda že zidana iz kamna. Verjetno naknadno ji je bil
na zahodni strani prizidan podaljšek ladje s tlorisom
nepravilnega trapeza. Ta je s svojo nenavadno obliko
cerkveno ladjo funkcionalno razdelil na nesomerna
dela, podobno kot pri zgodnjesrednjeveških cerkvah
sv. Petra (Sclavons, Cordenone, Italija: Gleischer 2006,
Abb. 3:1) in sv. Avguština (St. Margarethen, Avstrija:
Gleischer 2006, Abb. 6:1). Morda je ta delitev imela
podoben liturgični namen kot delitev cerkvenih ladij
s kamnito pregrado s pleteninasto ornamentiko, na
primer v Molzbichlu (Eichert 2012, 51–55; glej tam
navedeno literaturo).

Dimenzije, oblika apsid in pravilen proporc ladje
obeh stavb s polkrožno apsido so značilni elementi pred-
romanske cerkvene arhitekture (Stopar 2017, 18–19).
Temeljita rušitev najstarejših dveh cerkva nas utrjuje v
interpretaciji, da sta bili stavbi vsaj delno leseni in da so
rušitve posledica običajnega nadomeščanja dotrajanih
stavb. Morda o trajnosti tovrstnih objektov lahko skle-
pamo na podlagi primerjave z bližnjo leseno cerkvico v
Lescah. Ta je bila porušena in nadomeščena s kamnito,
potem ko je preteklo veliko časa (post multorum vero
cursum temporum); to trajanje je interpretirano kot 6
do 7 desetletij (Bizjak 2012).

Na Blejskem otoku je sledila zidava kamnite cerkve
s podkvasto apsido, ki jo glede na velikost in obliko lahko
označimo za tipično romansko arhitekturo. Drugače od
obeh predhodnih cerkva, ko so se graditelji prilagajali
terenu, so tokrat s klesanjem skalne osnove intenzivno
posegli v prostor in izravnali površino vsaj 74,2 m².
Ohranjeni tlaki iz maltnega estriha kažejo na enotno in
dobro vzdrževano notranjost cerkvene ladje.

V nadaljevanju zgolj zaradi preglednosti starejši
stavbi imenujemo prva in druga predromanska cerkev
(faze 2), mlajšo pa romanska cerkev (faze 3).

The apses, the orientation of the buildings towards
the east, the continuous use of space, and the contempo-
rary graves are therefore reliable arguments that these
buildings with apses can be resolutely interpreted as
several construction phases of a Christian church.

Based on what a floor plan can reveal about the ar-
chitecture, it seems that the earliest church was originally
planned in accordance with the principles of Pre-Roman-
esque ecclesiastical architecture: as a symmetrical building
with a semi-circular apse and the 1:√2 ratio of the nave, but
owing to the adjustment to the configuration of the terrain,
the implementation did not follow the plans and an asym-
metrical, mostly wooden building was constructed. This
church was razed to the ground and replaced by a building
similar in appearance, size, and proportions, but perhaps al-
ready made of stone. It was probably later that an extension
of the nave in the shape of an irregular trapezium was built
on the western side. With its unusual shape, the extension
functionally divided the church nave into two asymmetrical
parts, similarly to the Early Medieval churches of St Peter
(Sclavons, Cordenone, Italy: Gleischer 2006, Abb. 3:1) and
St Augustine (St. Margarethen, Austria: Gleischer 2006,
Abb. 6:1). Perhaps this division had a similar liturgical
meaning as the division of church naves by stone screens
with interlace decoration, for example in Molzbichl (Eichert
2012, 51–55; see the literature there cited).

The dimensions, the shape of the apses, and the
regular proportions of the naves of both buildings with
semi-circular apses are typical elements of Pre-Roman-
esque ecclesiastical architecture (Stopar 2017, 18–19). The
complete destruction of the earliest two churches reinforces
the interpretation that these buildings were at least partly
made of wood, and that the demolition was due to the usual
replacement of obsolete buildings. Perhaps an inference
can be made regarding the duration of such buildings on
the basis of a comparison with a roughly contemporary
small wooden church in the nearby Lesce. This church was
demolished after a long course of time (post multorum vero
cursum temporum) to be replaced by a stone church; this time
period is interpreted as six to seven decades (Bizjak 2012).

On Bled Island, this was followed by the construc-
tion of a stone church with a horseshoe-shaped apse,
which can be, on the basis of its size and shape, described
as a typical Romanesque church building. Unlike the
previous two churches, in the construction of which ad-
justments to the terrain were made, this time the builders
levelled the bedrock and made substantial changes in the
geomorphology of the island, levelling the surface of at
least 74.2 m². The surviving mortar pavements indicate
a uniform and well-maintained church nave interior.

Only for the sake of transparency, the earlier two
buildings are henceforth referred to as the first and the
second Pre-Romanesque church (of Phase 2), and the
earlier church is referred to as the Romanesque church
(of Phase 3).
<figure><img src="image_140.png" /></figure>
# 6. MORFOMETRIČNE ANALIZE NAJDIŠČA

# 6. MORPHOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF THE SITE

Benjamin ŠTULAR

## 6.1 GROBNI ATRIBUTI

V tem poglavju prikazujemo rezultate morfometrične analize grobnih atributov. Natančneje, opazovali smo pojavnosti različnih atributov v prostoru. Izbor ni bil pogojen z metodološkim premislekom ali konkret-nimi znanstvenimi vprašanji, temveč z dostopnostjo podatkov: obravnavamo vse atribute, ki jih je bilo iz obstoječe dokumentacije možno zajeti sistematično za vse grobove iz risarske (ponovni pokopi in lega rok) in pisne dokumentacije (prisotnost oglja, malte in lončenine v zasutju, vkopanost v skalno osnovo).

### 6.1.1 GROBNE JAME

Pri opisovanju grobov so izkopavalci razmeroma sistematično beležili podlago, v katero je bila vkopana posamezna grobna jama. Tako so ločevali grobove:

- vkopane v humus,

- delno vkopane v skalno podlago,

- vklesane v skalno podlago, in

- grobnice.

Grobovi, vkopani v humus, prevladujejo severno od cerkve v grobiščnih skupinah G1 in G2. Na drugi strani grobovi, vklesani v skalno osnovo, prevladujejo južno od cerkve. To potrjuje pravilnost rekonstrukcije geomorfologije otoka v času pokopavanja (sl. 3.13).

Pri skupini G1 morda kaže omeniti trojico grobov na jugozahodnem robu te skupine, ki je bila vklesana v živo skalo. To verjetno kaže, da so pogrebci na tem delu dosegli skrajni rob grobišča, ki se jim je zdel še primeren za pokopavanje. Podobno kažejo posamezni grobovi na severnem robu te skupine, ki so bili delno vkopani v skalno podlago ali pa ležijo na njej.

Grobovi južno od cerkvene ladje potrjujejo stratigrafsko opredelitev v čas po gradnji romanske cerkve v fazi 3. Za to gradnjo je bila namreč opravljena obsežna izravnava terena s klesanjem skalne osnove in ves morebitni starejši arheološki zapis je bil tedaj uničen. Dotični grobovi so zatorej brez izjeme vklesani v skalno osnovo.

## 6.1 GRAVE ATTRIBUTES

This chapter presents the results of morphometric analysis of grave attributes. Specifically, a spatial analysis of various attributes was conducted. The selection of observed attributes was not conditional on methodological considerations or specific scientific questions, but unfortunately on the accessibility of data: the attributes discussed are all that could be recorded systematically for all the graves, either from the plan drawings (subsequent burials and the position of the arms) or from the textual documentation (charcoal, mortar, and pottery in the fill, being carved into the bedrock).

### 6.1.1 GRAVE PITS

In their descriptions of the graves, the excavators recorded the ground into which individual grave pits were dug relatively systematically. The graves were therefore classified as:

- dug into the humus,

- partly dug into the bedrock,

- carved into the bedrock, and

- tombs.

Graves dug into the humus are prevalent to the north of the church, in the G1 and G2 cemetery groups. On the other hand, graves carved into the bedrock prevail to the south of the church. This confirms the validity of the reconstruction of the geomorphology of the island at the time of the burials (Fig. 3.13).

In the G1 group there were three graves at the southwestern edge carved into the bedrock. This probably suggests that in that location, the grave diggers reached the very edge of the area they considered suitable for burials. Something similar is indicated by individual graves along the northern edge of this group, which are either partly dug into the bedrock or lie on the bedrock.

The graves south of the church nave confirm the stratigraphy-based dating to the period after the construction of the Romanesque church in Phase 3. The construc-

<footnote>* Translation Meta Osredkar.</footnote>
## 6.1.2 POLNILA GROBNIH JAM

Kot večkrat omenjeno, obravnavana izkopavanja niso bila stratigrafska, zato podatki o vsebini polnila grobnih jam niso natančni niti niso opisani kriteriji, po katerih je bil določen predmet pripisan zasutju posameznega groba. Razprostranjenost nekaterih artefaktov in ekofaktov je zato pomemben element za interpretacijo.

Drobci oglja v zasutju zgodnjesrednjeveških grobov niso neobičajni (npr. Sagadin 2001, 362–367). Na obravnavanem grobišču so v zasutju štirih grobov (št. 18, 22, 46, 63; sl. 6.1) grobiščne skupine G1. Ti grobovi so razprostranjeni na majhnem prostoru, najdlje 2,95 m od stratigrafsko sočasnega ognjišča (glej pogl. 4.2). Eden izmed grobov (št. 46) je bil vkopan delno v prežgano plast ognjišča in bi oglje lahko prišlo v grob tudi ob prekopavanju. Vendar na ognjišču oglje ni bilo ohranjeno, kar pomeni, da je bilo ognjišče po kurjenju očiščeno. V nobenem primeru pa to ni možna razlaga za preostale tri grobove (št. 18, 22, 63), ki ležijo nekoliko vstran od ognjišča in niso bili vkopani neposredno vanj. Medsebojna hližina ognjišča in grobov z drobci oglja v zasutju na eni strani ter lega ognjišča, ki se mu grobovi

tion was preceded by a large-scale levelling of the ground, which included carving the bedrock, and all potential earlier archaeological record was destroyed. These graves are therefore without exception carved into the bedrock.

## 6.1.2 GRAVE PIT FILLS

As has been mentioned several times, the excavations did not adhere to the stratigraphic method and consequently the data about the fills of grave pits is not accurate. There is also no description of the criteria according to which a specific object was attributed to the *fill* of a grave. The distribution of some artefacts and ecofacts is therefore an important piece of information for the interpretation.

Charcoal fragments are not unusual in the fill of Early Medieval graves (e.g. Sagadin 2001, 362–367). In the Bled Island cemetery, they are present in the fill of four graves (nos. 18, 22, 46, 63; Fig. 6.1) of the G1 cemetery group. These graves are distributed over a small area, no more than 2.95 m from the stratigraphically contemporary fireplace (see Chapter 4.2). One of the graves (no. 46) was partly dug into the burnt layer of the fireplace. This

<figure><img src="image_141.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.1: Blejski otok, črno grobovi z ogljem v zasutju; sivo – ostali grobovi (avtor B. Štular).
Fig. 6.1: Bled Island, graves with charcoal in the filling (black); other graves in grey (by B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>
izogibajo, na drugi strani ne puščata mnogo možnosti za interpretacijo. Vir oglja v grobovih je prav to ognjišče, ki je bilo kurjeno v času med izkopom in zasutjem omenjenih grobnih jam.

Podobno interpretiramo drobce malte, dokumentirane v 7 grobovih (št. 77a, 82a, 84, 87, 88, 93a, 101) grobiščne skupine G4, in sicer v stratigrafsko mlajših grobovih te skupine (sl. 6.2). Ta ugotovitev je kronološko pomenljiva, saj dokazuje neposredno bližino z malto ometane stavbe v času mlajših, ne pa tudi v času stratigrafsko starejših grobov (glej pogl. 7.3). Vir malte je lahko le zahodni zid cerkvene ladje romanske cerkve faze 3 (prim. Šribar 1966a, 89), tik ob katerem so bili grobovi vkopani. Zahodna stena cerkve faze 2a je bila namreč oddaljena 6 m, faze 2b pa 3 metre.

V grobovih (št. 67 in 71) je bil v zasutju dokumentiran tudi pesek. Tega ne moremo podrobneje

could have been the potential source of the charcoal in the grave, save for the fact that the charcoal does not survive in the fireplace itself, which means that the fireplace was cleared after the end of its use. Either way, the other three graves (nos. 18, 22, 63) are positioned slightly further away from the fireplace and were not dug through the fireplace. The proximity of the fireplace and the graves with charcoal fragments in their fills on the one hand, and on the other hand the location of the fireplace, which is avoided by the graves, do not leave many options for interpretation. The source of the charcoal in the graves is this very fireplace, which was used in the time between the digging of the graves and the filling of the grave pits, i.e. during the funeral.

Similarly interpreted are fragments of mortar, which were recorded in seven graves (nos. 77a, 82a, 84, 87, 88, 93a, 101) of the G4 cemetery group. These graves are among the stratigraphically latest graves of the group

<figure><img src="image_142.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.2: Blejski otok, fazi 2b in 3. Zgoraj Harrisov diagram (t.i. stratigrafska matrika) grobiščne skupine G. Spodaj načrt cerkvenih stavb faz 2b (rjavo cerkvena ladja, rumeno prizidek) in 3 (vijolično) ter lokacija sočasnih grobnic (barvasti pravokotniki); rumeno so označeni grobovi z malto v zasutju (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 6.2: Bled Island, Phases 2b and 3. Above Harris matrix of cemetery group G4. Below plan of church buildings in Phase 2b (brown for church nave, yellow for appendix) and 3 (purple) and location of contemporary grave chambers (coloured rectangles); graves with mortar in the filling are marked in yellow (by B. Štular).</caption>
<figure><img src="image_143.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.3: Blejski otok, grobovi z lončenino v zasutju: zeleno – prazgodovinska lončenina; rdeče – zgodnjesrednjeveška lončenina; rumeno – poznosrednjeveška lončenina; sivo – ostali grobovi (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 6.3: Bled Island, graves with pottery in the filling: green – prehistoric pottery; red – early medieval pottery; yellow – late medieval pottery; grey – no pottery (by B. Štular).</caption>

interpretirati, a verjetno ni naključje, da gre za edina
grobova faze 2.

Odlomki lončenine so bili dokumentirani v 13
grobovih (sl. 6.3). Lončenina v 8 grobovih (št. 1, 24, 39,
45, 46, 49, 55, 120) je prazgodovinska. Ta lončenina je
rezidualna, kar dokazuje tudi razprostranjenost, ki se
ujema z razprostranjenostjo prazgodovinskih najdb (glej
pogl. 1.4.1). V štirih grobovih (št. 61, 71, 84, 115) so od-
lomki lončenine, izvrtene na lončarskem kolesu, kakršno
datiramo v čas od vključno 13. stoletja (t. 6: 5, 6, 8–13).
Te odlomke interpretiramo kot infiltrirane najdbe. V
grobu 45 sta dva odlomka morda zgodnjesrednjeveške
lončenine (t. 6: 3, 4). Ker posamezne odlomke sočasne
lončenine poznamo tudi z drugih zgodnjesrednjeveških
grobišč (npr. Pleterski idr. 2019, 68, 69, 72 itd.), se zdi
upravičena domneva, da je lončenina sočasna pokopu.
Natančnejšo interpretacijo – na primer ali gre za namer-
ne pridatke, ostanke pogrebnega obreda, ostanke drugih
dejavnosti na prostoru grobišča ali kaj četrtega – bo treba
iskati na primerljivih moderno izkopanih grobiščih.

(Fig. 6.2). This finding also has chronological implications,
for it demonstrates the immediate vicinity of a mortar-
plastered building at the time of the stratigraphically later
graves – but not stratigraphically earlier graves (see Chap-
ter 7.3). The only possible source of mortar is the western
wall of the nave of the Phase 3 Romanesque church (cf.
Šribar 1966a, 89), in the immediate vicinity of the graves.
The western wall of the Phase 2a church was 6 m away and
the wall of the Phase 2b church was 3 m away.

There was also sand recorded in the fills of the graves (nos. 67 and 71). While a more detailed interpretation is not possible, it is probably no coincidence that these two graves are the only graves of Phase 2.

Pottery fragments were recorded in 13 graves (Fig. 6.3). Eight graves (nos. 1, 24, 39, 45, 46, 49, 55, 120) contained prehistoric pottery. This is residual pottery, as confirmed by its distribution, which matches the distribution of the prehistoric finds (see Chapter 1.4.1). Four graves (nos. 61, 71, 84, 115) contained fragments of wheel-thrown pottery dated to the 13th century and later (Pl. 6: 5, 6, 8–13). These fragments are interpreted as infiltrated
<figure><img src="image_144.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.4: Blejski otok, število ponovnih pokopov v isto grobno jamo (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 6.4: Bled Island, map of re-burials (by B. Štular).</caption>

### 6.1.3 POKOPI V ISTO GROBNO JAMO

Na obravnavanem grobišču 27 odstotkov grobov kaže sledove poznejšega pokopavanja v isto grobno jamo (sl. 6.4). Ker so bile grobne jame identificirane le izjemoma, je o tem mogoče sklepati le posredno, glede na lego skeletov. Kot ponovne pokope štejemo le tiste grobove, ki imajo v grobu poleg dobro ohranjenega skeleta še lobanjske in/ali dolge kosti, ki so (bolj ali manj) skrbno zložene ob robovih (npr. grob št. 81 in 93; terenske risbe N 11).

Na večjem delu grobišča se ponovni pokopi pojavljajo sporadično, pri čemer gre za 2- do 3-kratni naknadni pokop. Štirikratni naknadni pokop je evidenciran le pri grobovih 39 in 109. V prvem primeru gre za namenski sekundarni pokop – kot se zdi na podlagi lege posameznih kosti – več pokojnikov v organski pravokotni recipient, verjetno lesen zaboj. V drugem primeru gre za kosti v zasutju, ki jih najverjetneje lahko interpretiramo kot zakop kosti, na katere so naleteli graditelji cerkvene stavbe z gotsko arhitekturo v fazi 4.

finds. One grave (no. 45) contained two fragments of possibly Early Medieval pottery (Pl. 6: 3, 4). Since individual fragments of contemporary pottery are known from other Early Medieval cemeteries (e.g. Pleterski et. al. 2019, 68, 69, 72 etc.), it seems justified to assume that the pottery is contemporary with the burial. A more specific interpretation – for instance whether these are intentional grave goods, the remains of the burial ceremony, the remains of other activities in the area of the cemetery, or something else – will have to be sought in other comparable cemeteries, excavated using modern methods.

### 6.1.3 BURIALS IN THE SAME GRAVE PIT

In the Bled Island cemetery, 27% of graves show traces of subsequent burials in the same grave pit (Fig. 6.4). Since grave pits were identified only exceptionally, there is only indirect evidence of this, namely the position of the skeletons. Subsequent burials are therefore defined as those where a grave contains a well-preserved skeleton as
<figure><img src="image_145.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.5: Blejski otok, lega rok pokojnikov: 0 – ni ohranjena; 1 – v naročju (hipogastrična); 2 – ena v naročju, druga iztegnjena; 3 – sklenjene na prsih; 4 – Iztegnjene ob telesu (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 6.5: Bled Island, map of the deceased's hands' position: 0 – no data; 1 – in the lap (hypogastric); 2 – one in lap the other fully stretched; 3 – on chest as if in prayer; 4 – fully stretched (by B. Štular).</caption>

Izrazito pa od ostalega grobišča v tem elementu izstopa grobiščna skupina G4. Velika večina tamkajšnjih grobov ima ponovne pokope in tudi edini primeri 5- in 6-kratnih pokopov so na tem delu grobišča.

Pokopavanje v isto grobno jamo je bilo torej na večjem delu grobišča opravljeno sporadično in ga interpretiramo kot posledico prostorske stiske. V grobiščni skupini G4 in v primeru groba 39 pa je bilo ponovno pokopavanje pravilo oziroma namerno dejanje.

### 6.1.4 LEGA ROK POKOJNIKOV

Drža rok pokojnikov je še ena izmed tem zgodnjesrednjeveške arheologije smrti, ki ima sicer dolgo zgodovino raziskav, a malo konkretnih arheoloških analiz. V našem primeru smo lego rok opredelili na podlagi risb in jih razdelili v 4 razmeroma ohlapno opredeljene skupine (sl. 6.5):

1. v naročju,

2. ena v naročju, druga iztegnjena,

well as a skull and/or other bones, (more or less) carefully placed along the edges (for example Graves 81 and 93; field documentation N 11).

In the larger part of the cemetery, subsequent burials appear sporadically as second or third burials. A fourth subsequent burial is only identified in Graves 39 and 109. In the first case this was an intentional secondary burial of – on the basis of the position of individual bones – several deceased in an organic rectangular receptacle, probably a wooden box. In the second case there are bones in the fill and they can probably be interpreted as the burial of bones discovered by the builders of the Gothic church in Phase 4.

When it comes to this element, the G4 cemetery group differs drastically from the rest of the cemetery. The vast majority of its graves contain subsequent burials and the only cases of a fifth and sixth subsequent burial are in this part of the cemetery.

Multiple burials in the same grave pit were therefore sporadic in most of the cemetery and are interpreted as a consequence of the lack of space. Subsequent burials were
3. sklenjene na prsih in

4. iztegnjene ob telesu.

Pokojnike z rokami v naročju najdemo na celotnem
grobišču. Največ jih je v skupinah G1 in G4, vendar samo
v skupini G4 tovrsten položaj rok izrazito prevladuje. V
tej skupini ima to držo 92 odstotkov določljivih pokoj-
nikov oziroma vsi razen že omenjenega groba (št. 105),
ki od pravil skupine G4 odstopa v vseh analiziranih
atributih.

Pokojniki z eno roko v naročju in drugo iztegnjeno
oziroma z iztegnjenimi rokami ob telesu so enakomerno
zastopani na vsem grobišču, razen seveda v skupini G4.
Edini pokojnik z rokami, sklenjenimi na prsih (grob št.
67), je bil pokopan pred cerkvenim pragom v stratig-
rafski fazi 2b.

Ugotovljeno interpretiramo takole: v stratigrafski
fazi 1 (G1, G2) drža rok ni bila pomembna, saj so vse
različice enakomerno zastopane. Edini ohranjeni skelet
iz faze 2 (G3) je tudi edini na celotnem grobišču z roka-
ma, sklenjenima v drži molitve na prsih; to verjetno ni
toliko kronološka značilnost kot posebnost tega groba
(glej pogl. 8.2). Drža rok je bila pomembna pogrebcem
v fazi 3 (G4), kjer imajo z eno izjemo vsi pokojniki roki
v naročju. V grobovih v notranjosti ali tik izven sočasne
cerkve faze 3 in 4 (G5) prevladujejo pokojniki z eno roko
v naročju in drugo iztegnjeno.

6.2. ORIENTACIJA

Kot smo omenili v predgovoru, analiza grobov,
pokojnikov in grobnih inventarjev ni bil naš glavni cilj,
saj je temu namenjen 1. del knjige. Vendar morfologije
stavbnih ostalin ni bilo mogoče analizirati ločeno od
grobišča, saj so stavbe in grobovi stratigrafsko prepleteni
in v nekaterih obdobjih soodvisni. Tako je na primer
umestitev prve stavbe v prostor upoštevala nekatere
aspekte predhodnega grobišča; na drugi strani sta na
primer usmeritev in mesto grobov pod vsakokratnim
cerkvenim pragom neposredna povezana s stavbo. V
nadaljevanju predstavljamo analizo orientacije cerkva
in grobov.

6.2.1 ORIENTACIJA CERKVA

Kot že grško-rimski templji so najkasneje od 8.
stoletja tudi krščanske cerkve usmerjene proti vzhodu.
Vzrok za to ima korenine globoko v prazgodovini. Člo-
vekova delitev obzornice oziroma horizonta na četrtine
je najverjetneje egocentrična in izvira iz fizionomije
človeškega telesa, ki zaznava 4 smeri: spredaj, zadaj,
levo in desno. Sprva je šlo morda za delitev glede na
orientir v naravi, kasneje glede na astronomiska opa-
zovanja. Štiridelna delitev horizonta neba je zagotovo
starejša od organiziranih religij, a najkasneje s pojavom

intentional within the G4 cemetery group and in the case
of Grave 39, however, and as such a part of burial customs.

6.1.4 POSITION OF THE ARMS
OF THE DECEASED

The position of the arms of the deceased is another theme in the Early Medieval archaeology of death with a long history of research and few concrete archaeological analyses. In our case, the positions of the arms were taken from the plan drawings and divided into four relatively loosely defined groups (Fig. 6.5) where arms are positioned:

- in the lap,

- one arm in the lap, the other extended,

- clasped on the chest, and

- extended along the body.

Deceased with their hands in the lap can be found
across the entire cemetery. While they are the most com-
mon in the G1 and G4 groups, it is only the G4 group
where this position of the arms is distinctly predominant.
In this group, arms are in the lap in 92% of the cases with
an identifiable position, i.e. in all graves except for Grave
105 (which deviates from the rules of the G4 group in all
analysed attributes).

The deceased with one arm in the lap and the other
one extended or with both arms extended along the body
are distributed evenly over the entire cemetery, except
within the G4 group. The only deceased with hands
c clasped on the chest (Grave 67) was buried in front of the
church threshold in stratigraphic Phase 2b.

These findings are interpreted as follows: in strati-
graphic Phase 1 (G1, G2), the position of arms was not
an important part of burial customs, since all groups are
represented evenly. The only surviving skeleton from
Phase 2 (G3) is at the same time the only deceased in the
entire cemetery with hands clasped in the prayer posi-
tion on the chest; this is probably less a chronological
feature than a specific feature of this grave (see Chapter
8.2). The position of the arms was especially important
in Phase 3 (G4), when, with one exception, the arms of
all the deceased are in their laps. The deceased with one
arm in the lap and the other one extended are prevalent
in the graves inside the contemporary Phase 3 and Phase
4 churches or in the immediate vicinity (G5).

6.2 ORIENTATION

As mentioned in the foreword, the analysis of graves,
the deceased and grave inventories constituted the subject
of Part 1 of this book and is therefore not the main goal
here. Nevertheless, in this particular case the morphology
of the building remains cannot be analysed separately
from the cemetery because the buildings and the graves
teh dobi tudi simbolni pomen. Tako lingvistične študije izkazujejo izjemen pomen vzhoda v svetovnem nazoru prazgodovinskih indoeuropejcev, ki nedvomno izvira iz češčenja Sonca; na drugi strani zahod krščanstvo povezuje s satansko temačnostjo, žalostjo in smrtjo. Delitev se je v številnih religijah, na primer krščanski, muslimanski in judovski, prenesla tudi na pojmovanje onostranstva (Ratz 1978; prim. Evans 1989, 234).

Začetki modernih raziskav orientacije srednjeveških cerkva segajo v 19. stoletje, ko je bila na podlagi pesmi angleškega poeta iz 18. stoletja postavljena hipoteza, da so bile srednjeveške cerkve orientirane proti vzhajališču Sonca na dan cerkvenega zavetnika (Hinton 2012, 9–11). Natančna analiza pisnih virov je pokazala, da so vsaj ponekod stremeli k usmeritvi proti vzhodu Sonca ob enakonočju (Vogel in dr. 1962). Tako je v svojem breviariju srednjeveških znanosti povzel klasične gromatike Izidor Sevilski (+ 636):

*Unde et quando templum construebant, orientem spectabant aequinoctialem, ita ut lineae ab ortu ad occidentem missae fierent partes caeli dextra sinistra aequales; ut qui consuleret atque precaretur rectum aspiceret orientem.<fnref n="1" />*

Da je isto veljalo še sredi 13. stoletja, sporoča francoski škof Guillame Durando v svojem povzetku večstoletne tradicije liturgičnih komentarjev:

*Debet quoque sic fundari, ut caput recte inspiciat versus orientem (...) videlicet versus ortum solis equinoctialem ...<fnref n="2" />*

Moderne analize orientacij cerkva iz Slovenije (Čaval 2010; 2014), Avstrije (Eichert 2012, 244–251), severne Italije (Spinazzè 2014; 2016a; 2016b), Iberskega polotoka (Gonzáles-Garcia, Belmonte 2015, Valcárcel, Palmero 2018) in Anglije ter Walesa (Ali, Cunich 2001; Hinton 2006; 2012; Sassin Allen 2016) nedvomno dokazujejo, da je bila vzhodna orientacija evropskih srednjeveških cerkva vsaj zaželena, če že ne vedno uresničljiva. Vendar je prav vsaka izmed navedenih študij znotraj splošne vzhodne orientacije dokumentirala nenaključne variacije. Na primer: srednja vrednost orientacij 630 srednjeveških cerkva iz Walesa od kardinalnega vzhoda odstopa za 8° proti severu (Sassin Allen 2016, 158–159).

Te variacije oziroma razlike v usmeritvi cerkva avtorji razlagajo na več načinov. Cerkve naj bi bile orientirane proti vzhajališču (ali zahajališču) Sonca na dan cerkvenega zavetnika, na veliko noč ali drug pomemben cerkveni praznik, na dan polaganja temeljev; razlike v orientaciji bi bile lahko posledica regionalnih, kronoloških ali monastičnih razlik, magnetne deklinacije,

are stratigraphically intertwined and, in some periods, interdependent. For instance, in the positioning of the first building, certain aspects of the previous cemetery were considered. On the other hand, the orientations and positions of three graves under the respective church entrances were directly associated with the buildings in question. In the following, an analysis of the orientation of the Bled Island churches and graves is presented.

### 6.2.1 ORIENTATION OF CHURCHES

Like Greco-Roman temples, Christian churches have been oriented towards the east since at least the 8th century. The reasons are most likely rooted deep in prehistory. The human division of the horizon into four parts is probably egocentric and originates in the physiognomy of the human body, which knows four directions: front, back, left and right. At first this may have been based on a point of orientation in the landscape and later on astronomical observations. The division of the horizon into four parts is certainly earlier than organized religions and, with the emergence of the latter, it gained symbolic meaning. Linguistic studies point to the great significance of the East in the worldview of the prehistoric Indo-Europeans, undoubtedly originating in sun worship; in contrast, Christianity associates the West with satanic darkness, sadness and death. In religions such as Christianity, Islam and Judaism, this division was transferred to the conception of the afterlife (Ratz 1978; cf. Evans 1989, 234).

The beginnings of modern research into the orientation of medieval churches could be found into the 19th century, when on the basis of a poem by an English 18th-century poet, a hypothesis was established that medieval churches were oriented towards the point where the sun rose on the day of the patron saint of the church (Hinton 2012, 9–11). Nevertheless, a thorough analysis of written sources revealed that the intention was to have the church oriented towards the rising sun at the equinox (Vogel et al. 1962). In his compilation of medieval sciences, Isidore of Seville (+ 636) summarized the classical gromatists:

*Unde et quando templum construebant, orientem spectabant aequinoctialem, ita ut lineae ab ortu ad occidentem missae fierent partes caeli dextra sinistra aequales; ut qui consuleret atque precaretur rectum aspiceret orientem.<fnref n="1" />*

This remained true as late as the mid-13th century, as reported by French bishop Guillame Durando in his summary of a centuries-long tradition of liturgical comments:

<footnote n="1">¹ Orig. XV.4.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Durand, *Rationale* I.1/8.</footnote>

<footnote n="1">¹ Orig. XV.4.</footnote>
nadmorske višine, lokalne topografije ali pokrajinskega konteksta (Sassin Allen 2016, 158–170 in tam navedena literatura). Razlage lahko strnemo v 4 skupine, ki orientacijo cerkva delijo na simbolno, pejsažno oziroma topografsko, liturgično in konstrukcijsko (Valcárcel, Palmero 2018, 175–176 in tam navedena literatura; prim. Čaval 2010, 42). Za vsako izmed navedenih razlag obstajajo argumenti za in proti, nobena pa ne pojasni vseh primerov. Zato se zdi najkoristnejša obravnava posameznih primerov ali vsaj sorodnih si skupin cerkva, in sicer v kontekstu pokrajine in ostalih merodajnih kontekstov (npr. Pleterski 2014).

Metodološko je izjemnega pomena opozorilo, da le najnovejše študije (Čaval 2010; Pleterski 2014; Gonzáles-Garcia, Belmonte 2015; Spinazzè 2016b; Valcárcel, Palmero 2018) analizirajo astronomske orientacije. Po merodajnosti se jim približa še angleška analiza kalibriranih magnetnih deklinacij (Ali, Cunich 2001). Vse ostale študije obravnavajo kartografske orientacije, zato njihovi rezultati niso primerni za analizo vzhajališča in zahajališča Sonca.

Prva študija, ki je primerljiva z Blejskim otokom, je obravnavala 167 cerkva, zgrajenih na Iberskem potoku pred letom 1086. Največ jih je orientiranih glede na kanonično določen datum enakonočja, 25. marec po julijanskem koledarju. Orientacij, ki bi upoštevale dan cerkvenega zavetnika, študija ni zaznala (Gonzáles-Garcia, Belmonte 2015). Naslednja študija je obravnavala izbor izmed zgornjih cerkva, in sicer 49 predromanskih cerkva, zgrajenih pretežno v 10. stoletju v tako imenovanem mozarabskem slogu. Rezultati te študije so sicer potrdili prevladujočo astronomsko orientacijo, a tokrat pretežno glede na vzhajališče Sonca na pomemben krsčanski praznik. Najpogostejaš je orientacija na veliki šmaren, praznik Marijinega vnebovzetja 15. avgusta (Valcárcel, Palmero 2018, 185). Študiji istih cerkva torej prinašata različne zaključke.

Naslednja primerljiva je analiza 143 velikih zgodnjesrednjeveških cerkva v Angliji in Walesu, ustanovljenih večinoma v 11. in 12. stoletju. Dve petini teh je orientiranih proti vzhajališču ali zahajališču Sonca na dan cerkvenega zavetnika, nadaljnja četrtna pa proti vzhajališču Sonca na veliko noč (Ali, Cunich 2001). Razlago za slednje morda lahko vidimo v tedanji katoliški liturgiji: praznovanje velike noči na pravi datum je bil eden ključnih elementov tako imenovane ortoprakse, torej pravilnega izvajanja ritualov (Geary 2001, 197).

Prostorsko mnogo bližja blejski cerkvi je analiza 181 cerkva od švicarskih Alp do Toskane, zgrajenih pred romaniko ali v obdobju med 10. in 12. stoletjem. Večina je bila orientiranih glede na vzhajališče Sonca na praznik cerkvenega zavetnika ali glede na vzhajališče Sonca na enega od štirih Marijinih praznikov (Spinazzè 2016b). Najbližje Bledu so primerjave iz analize astronomske usmeritve romanskih cerkva v Sloveniji. Rezultat razkriva velik razpon smeri, ki se gostijo okoli pomenljivih

*Debet quoque sic fundari, ut caput recte inspiciat versus orientem (...) videlicet versus ortum solis equinotialem ...<fnref n="2" />*

Modern analyses of the orientation of churches in Slovenia (Čaval 2010, 2014), Austria (Eichert 2012, 244–251), Northern Italy (Spinazzè 2014, 2016a, 2016b), the Iberian Peninsula (Gonzáles-Garcia, Belmonte 2015; Valcárcel, Palmero 2018), England and Wales (Ali, Cunich 2001; Hinton 2006, 2012; Sassin Allen 2016) fully confirm the notion that orientation towards the east was at least desired, if not always achieved. Notably, each of these studies recorded non-accidental variations within the general pattern of orientation towards the east. For instance, the mean value of the orientation of 630 medieval churches in Wales deviates from true (cardinal, geodetic) east for 8° to the north (Sassin Allen 2016, 158–159).

Recorded variations or differences in the orientation of churches have been explained in various ways. Churches were supposedly oriented towards the point where the sun rose (or set) on the day of the patron saint of the church, on Easter or some other important church holiday, or on the day the foundations were laid. Moreover, differences in orientation could be the consequence of regional, chronological or monastic differences, magnetic declination, elevation above sea level, local topography, or the regional context (Sassin Allen 2016, 158–170; see also the literature cited therein). Explanations can be summarized into four groups, classifying the orientation of churches as either symbolic, landscape-based or topographical, liturgical and constructional (Valcárcel, Palmero 2018, 175–176; see also the literature cited therein; cf. Čaval 2010). For each of the listed explanations there are pro and con arguments, with none explaining all cases. Therefore, the best way forward seems to be to study individual examples or at least groups of comparable churches in the context of landscapes and other relevant domains (e.g. Pleterski 2014). Methodologically, it is extremely important to note that astronomical orientations have only been analyzed recently (Čaval 2010; Pleterski 2014; Gonzáles-Garcia, Belmonte 2015; Spinazzè 2016b; Valcárcel, Palmero 2018). English analyses of calibrated magnetic declinations are of comparable methodological quality (Ali, Cunich 2001). All other studies discuss cartographic orientations and their results are not suitable for an astronomic analysis of where on the horizon the sun sets and rises.

The first study relevant to Bled Island is an analysis of 167 churches built in the Iberian Peninsula before 1086. Most of these are oriented in accordance with the canonically decided date of the equinox: 25th March by the Julian calendar. No orientations based on the day of the patron saint of the church are detected in the study (Gonzáles-Garcia, Belmonte 2015). A subsequent study has limited the selection to 49 pre-Romanesque churches, mostly built in the 10th century in the so-called Mozarabic style.

<footnote n="2">² Durand, *Rationale* I.1/8.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_146.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.6 / Fig. 6.6</figcaption></figure>

dni v Sončevem in Luninem ciklu (npr. solsticijev in ekvinokcijev) bodisi na datume pomembnih liturgičnih praznikov predkrščanskega izvora. Med temi je tudi praznik Marijinega vnebovzetja, ki je pogojil usmeritev osmih cerkva. Cerkve, orientirane glede na praznik cerkvenega zavetnika, so redke (Čaval 2010; sl. 6.6).

Iz povedanega lahko potegnemo dva za Blejski otok pomembna zaključka. Prvič: vse študije, ki analizirajo astronomsko orientacijo, so odkrile prevladujoč delež astronomsko orientiranih cerkva; orientacije se gostijo na liturgično pomembne datume. Drugič: v alpskem svetu in morda v Angliji je določen delež cerkva orientiranih glede na praznik svojega zavetnika. Metodološko rigorozne moderne študije so torej potrdile prevladujočo astronomsko orientacijo cerkva, zgrajenih med 10. in 12. stoletjem, ki se je starejšim raziskovalcem izmikala.

Kam sodi cerkev Marijinega vnebovzetja na Blejskem otoku, je pokazala Čavalova (Čaval 2010, 176–178 in 309–314). Izmerjena vzhodna astronomska usmeritev severne fasade današnje cerkve na Blejskem otoku je 76° 43', južne fasade pa 76° 34'; izračunana deklinacija vzhajališča Sonca je 11° 38'. Slednje pomeni datum 16. avgust po julijanskem koledarju z možnostjo enodnevne napake. Cerkev na Blejskem otoku je tako usmerjena proti sončnemu vzhodu na praznik Marijinega vnebovzetja. Ker je cerkev na Blejskem otoku posvečena Marijinemu vnebovzetju (glej pogl. 8.1), je to hkrati usmeritev glede na praznik zavetnika.

Z arheoastronomsko analizo ni mogoče ugotoviti, ali so graditelji cerkev orientirali glede na liturgični praznik, glede na zavetnika, ali zavestno glede na oboje hkrati. Vendar se to razlikovanje bržčas zdi pomembno le modernemu raziskovalcu, srednjeveškemu graditelju in uporabniku cerkve je oboje pomenilo isto.

Naša analiza stavbnih ostankov na Blejskem otoku kaže, da se usmeritev cerkvenih stavb od prve ni spre-

The results of this study have confirmed the prevalence of astronomical orientation, but this time largely based on the rising point of the sun on an important Christian holiday. The most common of these dates is 15th August, the day of the Assumption (Valcárcel, Palmero 2018, 185). These two studies of the same churches have therefore offered different conclusions.

The next most comparable study is the analysis of 143 large Early Medieval churches in England and Wales, most of which were founded in the 11th and 12th centuries. Two fifths of them are oriented towards either the rising or the setting point of the sun on the day of the patron saint of the church and a quarter towards the rising point of the sun on Easter (Ali, Cunich 2001). The latter might be explained by contemporary Catholic liturgy: celebrating Easter on the right date was one of the key elements of the so-called orthopraxy, i.e. the accurate performance of rituals (Geary 2001).

Spatially much closer to the church on Bled Island is an analysis of 181 churches from the Swiss Alps and Tuscany (Italy), built either before or during the Romanesque period, i.e. between the 10th and 12th centuries. Most of them are oriented to the rising point of the sun on the day of the patron saint of the church, or to the rising point of the sun on one of the four Marian feast days (Spinazzè 2016b). Most pertinent to Bled are comparisons from an analysis of astronomical orientation of Romanesque churches in Slovenia. The result reveals a large range of directions concentrating either around meaningful days in the solar and lunar cycles (e.g. solstices and equinoxes) or the dates of important liturgical holidays of pre-Christian origin. Among them is the Assumption of Mary, which conditioned the orientation of eight churches. Few churches are oriented based on the day of their patron saint (Čaval 2010; Fig. 6.6).

Therefore, two conclusions directly relevant to the Bled Island analysis can be drawn. First, all of the studies
<figure><img src="image_147.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.6: Slovenija, vzhodne deklinacije Sonca pri romanskih cerkvah; z rdečo so označene vrednosti -23° (zimski solsticij), 0° (ekvinokcij) in 23° (poletni solsticij) (avtor B. Štular; vir: Čaval 2010, Slika 6.5).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 6.6: Slovenia, histogram of eastern declinations of the Sun at Romanesque churches; marked in red are -23° (winter solstice), 0° (equinox) and 23° (summer solstice) (by B. Štular; source: Čaval 2010, Fig. 6.5).</caption>

minjala. Astronomsko orientirana je bila najstarejša cerkev na Blejskem otoku (sl. 5.1), poznejše stavbe so tej orientaciji zelo natančno sledile. Povedano drugače, astronomsko orientirana je bila zgodnjesrednjeveška predromanska cerkev; visokosrednjeveška romanska cerkev (sl. 5.4) ni bila orientirana astronomsko, temveč v skladu s predhodno arhitekturo.

Morda je to razlog, da je usmeritev na veliki šmaren v slovenski študiji romanskih cerkva izjema, v študiji iberskih predromanskih ter italijanskih predromanskih in romanskih cerkva pa pravilo. Kot kaže, je astronomsko orientiranje cerkve glede na vzhajališče Sonca na praznik Marijinega vnebovzetja značilnost zgodnjesrednjeveških cerkva, grajenih v predromanskem slogu. Tega pravila pri gradnji novih cerkva v romanskem slogu v visokem srednjem veku niso več upoštevali; usmeritev se je tako v romanski cerkveni arhitekturi ohranila le izjemoma pri tistih cerkvah, ki so neposredno nadomestile zgodnjesrednjeveške predromanske stavbe.

### 6.2.2 ORIENTACIJA POKOPOV<fnref n="3" />

#### UVOD

Orientacija grobov in pokojnikov ima lahko določen pomen in je pomemben dejavnik v tistih religijah,

analyzing astronomical orientation have detected a large share of astronomically oriented churches focused on significant liturgical dates. Second, in Alpine regions and perhaps also in England, a certain proportion of churches are oriented in accordance with the feast day of their patron saint. Methodologically rigorous modern studies have thus confirmed the predominant astronomical orientation of churches built between the 10th and 12th centuries, which had eluded earlier researchers.

Čaval (2010, 176–178 and 309–314) has explained the orientation of the Church of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary on Bled Island. The eastern astronomical orientation of the present-day church on Bled Island was measured as 76° 43' for the northern façade and 76° 34' for the southern façade; the calculated declination of the rising point of the sun is 11° 38', which is calculated to be on 16th August by the Julian calendar, with a one-day margin of error. This means that the church on Bled Island is oriented towards the rising point of the sun on the day of the Assumption. Given that the church on Bled Island is dedicated to the Assumption of Mary (see Chapter 8.1), the orientation is identical to the feast day of the patron saint.

Archaeoastronomical analysis cannot determine whether the builders oriented this particular church in accordance with the liturgical feast day, in accordance with the patron saint, or consciously in accordance with both. Nevertheless, distinguishing between these options is probably only significant for modern researchers, whereas to medieval builders and church users it probably made no difference.

Analysis of architectural remains on Bled Island demonstrates that the orientation of church buildings did not change after the first building. The earliest church on Bled Island was astronomically oriented (Fig. 5.1) and later buildings followed this orientation. In other words, only the Early Medieval pre-Romanesque church was

<footnote n="3">³ Idejo in pobudo za analizo orientacije pokopov je dal A. Pleterski, za kar se mu na tem mestu zahvaljujem.</footnote>
pri katerih pogreb predstavlja pomemben del obredja (Parker Pearson 1999, 6). Srednjeveški grobovi so praviloma orientirani v smeri vzhod-zahod, z glavo proti zahodu oziroma s pogledom proti vzhodu (npr. Knific 2004; Brundke 2013, 32 s primeri in literaturo za severovzhodno Bavarsko; Nowotny 2018, 32–34). To usmeritev so zagotovo vodili podobni ali celo isti razlogi kot orientacijo sočasnih cerkva, vendar natančnega odgovora še ne poznamo. Po mnenju že omenjenega francoskega škofa Guillama Duranda iz 13. stoletja so bili pokojni tako usmerjeni zato, da bi lahko vstali obrnjeni proti mestu Kristusovega stajenja. A to je bila najverjetneje zgolj racionalizacija dejanskega stanja (Ratz 1978; primb. Evans 1989, 234).

Pravilo so v krščanski praksi pogosto izvajali tako, da so pokopavali vzporedno s cerkvijo (Gordon 1971, 211–217; prim. Čaval 2010, 37–58 in tam navedena literatura). Vendar imajo vzhodno orientacijo tudi grobišča brez cerkve. Tehnično znanje za astronomsko določanje kardinalnega vzhoda za zgodnji srednji vek potrjuje na primer Beda Venerabilis (+ 735). Kot kaže analiza njegovih del, so ljudje vedeli, da kardinalni jug določa senca ob dnevni kulminaciji – ko gnomon meče najkrajšo senco (Hoare, Sweet 2000, 166; prim. Sassin Allen 2016, 154). Konkretno o dnevni kulminaciji Sonca izvemo:

> Tanta autem lux cuncta ea loca perfuderat, ut omni
> splendore diei siue solis meridiani radiis uideretur
> esse praeclarior.<fnref n="4" />

Beda Venerabilis še na treh mestih jasno pokaže, da so ljudje letno gibanje Sonca poznali dovolj dobro, da so se kadarkoli v letu lahko orientirali glede na položaj vzhoda Sonca v času zimskega in letnega solsticija. Tako:

> ... ab euroaustro, id est, ab alto brumalis exortus ...<fnref n="5" />

in

> Incedebamus autem tacentes, ... contra ortum solis
> solstitialem...<fnref n="6" />

ter

> ...quasi contra ortum solis brumalem me ducere
> coepit.<fnref n="7" />

To pomeni, da so bili vsaj Angli v prvi tretjini 8. stoletja sposobni ne le določanja kardinalnih smeri neba, temveč so imeli navidezno premikanje sončnega vzhoda po obzornici ves čas v zavesti. To so uporabljali

astronomically oriented; the High Medieval Romanesque church (Fig. 5.4) was instead oriented in accordance with earlier architecture. Perhaps this is the reason why orientation in accordance with the day of the Assumption is an exception in the Slovenian study of Romanesque churches, while in the study of Iberian Pre-Romanesque and Italian Pre-Romanesque and Romanesque churches it is the rule. It seems that the astronomical orientation of a church in accordance with the rising point of the sun on the day of the Assumption is a feature of Early Medieval churches built in the pre-Romanesque style. In the construction of new Romanesque-style churches in the High Middle Ages, this rule was no longer observed, whereas in Romanesque ecclesiastical architecture orientation was preserved only as an exception in those churches that directly replaced Early Medieval pre-Romanesque buildings.

### 6.2.2 ORIENTATION OF BURIALS<fnref n="3" />

#### INTRODUCTION

The orientation of graves and their occupants may be significant. Indeed, it is a highly meaningful aspect of world religions in which burial is the main rite (Parker Pearson 1999). Medieval graves are usually oriented in an east-west direction, with the head towards the west, that is to say, looking towards the east (e.g. Knific 2004; Brundke 2013, 32 with examples and literature from north-east Bavaria; Nowotny 2018). While this orientation must have been prompted by similar or perhaps even the same reasons as the orientation of contemporary churches, the exact answer is not yet known. In the opinion of the already mentioned 13th century French bishop Guillame Durando, the deceased were oriented this way so that they could be resurrected facing the place of Christ's resurrec- tion. However, this was probably only a rationalization of the existing state (Ratz 1978; cf. Evans 1989, 234).

In Christian practice, this rule was often applied by interring parallel to the adjacent church (Gordon 1971, 211–217; cf. Čaval 2010, 37–58 and the literature cited therein). However, medieval graves in cemeteries without a church were also oriented towards the east. That there was enough technical knowledge in the Early Middle Ages for the astronomical determination of true east was confirmed, for instance, by Bede the Venerable (+ 735). As demonstrated by analyses of his works, people knew that true south is determined by the shadow at the daily culmination, when the shadow of the gnomon is short- est (Hoare, Sweet 2000, 166; cf. Sassin Allen 2016, 154). Specifically, the daily culmination of the sun has been described as follows:

<footnote n="4">⁴ Bed. Venerab. Histor. lib. 5 cap. 12 (prevod Miller 1999, 191; tam napačno označeno kot cap. XIII).</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Bed. Venerab. Histor. lib. 4 cap. 3 (prevod Miller 1999, 119).</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Bed. Venerab. Histor. lib. 5 cap. 12 (prevod Miller 1999, 189; tam napačno označeno kot cap. XIII).</footnote>

<footnote n="7">⁷ Bed. Venerab. Histor. lib. 5 cap. 12 (prevod Miller 1999, 191; tam napačno označeno kot cap. XIII).</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ The author would like to thank A. Pleterski, who contributed the idea and initiative for the analysis of the orientation of burials.</footnote>
za orientacijo v prostoru, podobno kot mornarji rožo vetrov. Vendar arheoastronomske raziskave jasno kažejo, da je bilo to znanje še starejše, široko razširjeno in da so do njega različne kulture prišle neodvisno druga od druge (npr. Ministr 2007).

Orientacija pokopov v srednjeveški Evropi torej zanesljivo ni naključna. Namen pogrebcev je bil usmeriti truplo pokojnika proti vzhodu Sonca v skladu z religioznimi predstavami. Gre za orientacijo v prvetnem pomenu pojma *orientîrati*: določiti vzhod (Snoj 2015, pojem orientîrati -am). Moderni arheološki opisi, na primer usmeritev vzhod-zahod ali z glavo proti zahodu, so potemtakem sicer artefaktno korektni, a vsebinsko napačni. Zato bomo v nadaljevanju uporabljali izraz vzhodna orientacija ali (kot sopomenko) orientacija proti vzhodu (čeprav gre etimološko za pleonazem).

Slabo pojasnjeno pa je vprašanje, proti kateri(m) točki(am) na vzhodu so pogrebci usmerjali trupla pokojnikov.

Že prvi raziskovalci zgodnjesrednjeveških pokopov so ugotovili prevladujočo usmeritev proti vzhodu in postavili tako imenovano hipotezo solarnega azimuta (nem. *Sonnenazimatthese*). Ta pravi, da so bili pokopi orientirani po sončnem vzhodu na dan pogreba (Niederle 1931, 84–85; Karaman 1940, 10–11). Prvo tovrstno študijo za naš prostor je naredil B. Škerlj (1952), ki je analiziral Pristavo na Bledu, Ptujski grad in še tri manjša najdišča. Le pokope iz starejšega dela grobišča Pristava na Bledu, ki so ga uporabljali staroselski Roma ni, je interpretiral kot usmerjene proti vsakokratnemu sončnemu vzhodu. Študija je imela odmev predvsem v arheološki praksi, saj se je pri nekaterih izkopavalcih zgodnjesrednjeveških grobišč v naslednjih desetletjih uveljavilo dokumentiranje orientacije skeletov in situ (npr. Berce idr. 2012). Kljub temu pa v objavah v naslednjih desetletjih raziskovalci našega prostora orientacije pokopov z nekaj izjemami (npr. Sagadin 1985, 96–97) niso namenjali posebne pozornosti, moderne raziskave pa so šele na začetku (Achino idr. 2019).

Hipoteza solarnega azimuta je razmeroma enostavno preverljiva. Zaradi nagnjenosti zemeljske osi za 23,5° se azimut Sonca na Zemlji glede na kardinalni oziroma pravi geografski vzhod skozi leto spreminja (npr. Strahler 2011, 54–55). Točka sončnega vzhoda zatorej navidezno potuje po horizontu in je poleti severno ter pozimi južno od pravega vzhoda. Ta točka je odvisna od geografske dolžine in je na Blejskem otoku 61,5° ± 0,5° ob poletnem in 127° ± 0,5° ob zimskem solsticiju (sl. 6.7; izračun A. Pleterski; prim. Škerlj 1952, 112). Kjer hipoteza solarnega azimuta drži, orientacija posameznih pokopov sledi opisani navidezni poti sončnega vzhoda. Na primer analiza grobišč ameriških staroselcev Tutelo iz Pennsylvanie (ZDA) – za katere iz drugih virov vemo, da so pokopavali skladno s solarnim azimuthom – je pokazala 90-odstotno ujemanje (Evans 1989, 234-235).

> Tanta autem lux cuncta ea loca perfuderat, ut omni splendore diei siue solis meridiani radiis uideretur esse praeclarior.<fnref n="4" />

On three further occasions, Bede the Venerable clearly demonstrated that people were sufficiently familiar with the annual movement of the sun to be able to orient themselves at any time during the year according to the rising point of the sun at winter and summer solstices. Therefore:

> ... ab euroaustro, id est, ab alto brumalis exortus ...<fnref n="5" />
> and
> Incedebamus autem tacentes, ... contra ortum solis solstitialem...<fnref n="6" />
> as well as
> ...quasi contra ortum solis brumalem me ducere coepit.<fnref n="7" />

This means that in the first third of the 8th century, the Angles at least were able not only to determine the cardinal directions, but were constantly aware of the apparent movement of the sunrise along the skyline. This was used for orientation in the landscape in a similar fashion as the wind rose (compass rose) was used to navigate the sea. However, archaeoastronomical research has clearly revealed that this knowledge was much earlier and widely spread and that it was discovered by different cultures independently (e.g. Ministr 2007).

The orientation of burials in medieval Europe was therefore certainly not accidental. The intention of the mourners – specifically, the people in charge of digging the grave – was to direct the body towards the east, in accordance with their religious notions. It is no coincidence that the medieval meaning of the word “orient” was the direction east. Hence, modern archaeological descriptions, for example the east-west orientation or with the head towards the west, may be artefactually correct, but they do not convey the correct meaning. The terms “eastern orientation” or (as a synonym) “orientation towards the east” will therefore be used from this point forward, even though etymologically speaking they are pleonasms.

Nevertheless, it remains inadequately explained towards which point(s) in the east the mourners orientated the bodies of the deceased. The researchers of Early Medieval burials in the early 1900s set the so-called solar azimuth hypothesis (German: *Sonnenazimatthese*), which deemed that burials were oriented in accordance with the sunrise on the day of the burial (Niederle 1931, 84–85;

<footnote n="4">⁴ Bed. Venerab. Histor. lib. 5 cap. 12 (translation Miller 1999, 191; there incorrectly labelled as cap. XIII).</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Bed. Venerab. Histor. lib. 4 cap. 3 (translation Miller 1999, 119).</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Bed. Venerab. Histor. lib. 5 cap. 12 (translation Miller 1999, 189; there incorrectly labelled as cap. XIII).</footnote>

<footnote n="7">⁷ Bed. Venerab. Histor. lib. 5 cap. 12 (translation Miller 1999, 191; there incorrectly labelled as cap. XIII).</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_148.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.7: Blejski otok, rumeno azimuth sončnega vzhoda in rdeče izmerjene usmeritve grobov (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 6.7: Bled Island, azimuth of sunrise in yellow and grave orientations in red (by B. Štular).</caption>

Z uporabo te metode so za zgodnjesrednjeveška grobišča številni avtorji hipotezo solarnega azimuta ovrgli (Škerlj 1952; Šolle 1959, 376–377; Hanuliak 1984, 109–114 pregledno z literaturo za Slovaško; Herrmann 1989, 186; Brundke 2013, 32–33). Ostale interpretacije o tem, kam so bili orientirani grobovi, lahko strnemo v 4 skupine, in sicer da so grobovi orientirani:

1. splošno proti vzhodu,

2. po cerkvi (na grobiščih ob cerkvi),

3. astronomsko ali

4. glede na geografski orientir.

(1) Avtorji najpogosteje usmeritev razlagajo kot splošno usmeritev proti vzhodu (v zadnjem času npr. Knific 2004; Brundke 2013, 32 s primeri in literaturo za severovzhodno Bavarsko; Papeša 2016; Filipec 2016; Vyroubal, Pleše, Novak 2016). Nekateri avtorji so pri tem določnejši in odstopanje od kardinalnega vzhoda razlagajo kot napako pogrebcev (Müller 2013, 152; prim. Rempel 1966, 11), pri čemer pa ne navajajo, katero definicijo vzhoda naj bi pogrebci iskali.

(2) Druga najštevilčnejša je ugotovitev, da so bili grobovi orientirani vzporedno s sočasno cerkveno stavbo (Rajchl 2001, 127–128 za Češko; Müller 2013, 152

Karaman 1940, 10–11). The first such study for the area of Slovenia was conducted by Božo Škerlj (1952), who analyzed the Pristava site in Bled, Ptuj Castle and three smaller sites. Only the burials in the earlier part of the Pristava cemetery in Bled, which was used by the indigenous Romanized population, were interpreted as oriented towards the sunrise. This study had a notable impact on archaeological practice and in the following decades it became customary for some excavators of Early Medieval cemeteries to record the orientations of skeletons in situ (e.g. Berce et al. 2012). In the following decades, however, researchers studying the area of Slovenia – with a few exceptions (e.g. Sagadin 1985, 96–97) – neglected the orientation of burials in publications, while modern studies are only just beginning (Achino et al. 2019).

The solar azimuth hypothesis is relatively easy to test. Due to the Earth's axial tilt of 23.5°, the azimuth of the sun on Earth with respect to the cardinal or true geographical east changes throughout the year (e.g. Strahler 2011, 54–55). The exact location of the sunrise seemingly moves along the horizon; in summer it is north of true east and in winter south of it. The exact location depends on the geographic longitude and the horizon. On Bled Island it is 61.5° ± 0.5° on the summer solstice and 127° ± 0.5° on the winter solstice (Fig. 6.7; calculation by A. Pleterski; cf. Škerlj 1952, 112). If the orientation of individual burials follows the above-described apparent movement of the sunrise on the horizon, the solar azimuth hypothesis is confirmed. For instance, an analysis of the cemeteries of the Native American Tutelo people from Pennsylvania (USA) – for whom it is known from other sources that they buried their dead facing the rising sun on the day of the burial – unveiled a 90% rate of correspondence (Evans 1989, 234–235).

By using this method, many authors have refuted the solar azimuth hypothesis for Early Medieval cemeteries (Škerlj 1952; Šolle 1959, 376–377; Hanuliak 1984, 109–114 for an overview with literature for Slovakia; Herrmann 1989, 186; Brundke 2013, 32–33). Other interpretations can be classified into four groups, specifically graves that are oriented:

1. towards the east in general;

2. parallel with the church (for cemeteries near churches);

3. astronomically; and

4. geographically, i.e. in the direction of a specific place in the landscape.

(1) The orientation of graves is most commonly explained as a general orientation towards the east (recently e.g. Knific 2004; Brundke 2013, 32 with examples and literature for north-east Bavaria; Filipec 2016; Papeša 2016; Vyroubal, Pleše, Novak 2016). Some authors are more specific and explain the deviation from true east as an error of the mourners (Müller 2013, 152; cf. Rempel 1966, 11), without stating which definition of the east mourners supposedly sought.
za Nemčijo; Azinović Bebek, Janeš 2016; Čimin 2016). Ta sicer enostavno preverljiva hipoteza ni v nobeni izmed navedenih študij podprta z meritvami, je pa izpričana v srednjeveškem epu, ki je nastal okoli leta 1200 (Fry 1999, 67).

(3) Izrazito astronomsko orientacijo izkazuje na primer zgodnjesrednjeveško grobišče ob cerkvi v naselbini Břeclav-Pohansko (Češka). Grobovi so tam usmerjeni proti poletnemu sončnemu solsticiju, sončnemu vzhodu na enakonočje in južni polni luni (Rajchl 2001). Podobno so bili usmerjeni grobovi na grobišču v Velkých Bílovicích na Češkem (Měřínský 1985, 24). V Sloveniji so zgodnjesrednjeveški grobovi na najdišču Brezje nad Zrečami usmerjeni proti zimskemu solsticiju oziroma vzhodu božičnega sonca (Kaiser 2004).

(4) Študije, ki dokazujejo orientacijo zgodnjesrednjeveških grobov glede na geografski orientir, so sicer redke, a utemeljene s sistematičnimi analizami (Evans 1989, 244–250; Hanuliak 1984; Pleterski 2014, 115–362).

Zgornje interpretacije lahko komentiramo takole. S tem, ko je bil ovržen solarni azimut, je bila ovržena tudi razlaga, da je pogrebcem pomenil vzhod točko na obzornici, kjer je tistega dne vzšlo Sonce. Znanstveno vprašanje in s tem izhodišče raziskave moramo torej spremeniti v: kaj – ob odsotnosti kompasa, zemljevidov v kartezijski projekciji in navigacijskih naprav – je konkretnim pogrebcem predstavljalo vzhod? V odgovoru na to vprašanje je ključ do kulturne interpretacije. Najpogostejša arheološka interpretacija orientacije grobov, splošno proti vzhodu, po mnenju tega avtorja ni nič drugega kot intelektualna lenoba. Odgovor, ki ga ta razlaga ponuja na zgornje vprašanje, je: vzhod je na vzhodu. Druga najpogostejša ugotovitev, da so grobovi usmerjeni po cerkvi, sicer še čaka potrditve s sistematičnimi merskimi analizami, a se ne zdi vprašljiva. Za razlago orientacije grobov na zgodnjesrednjeveških grobiščih brez cerkve izmed navedenih torej preostaneta dve hipotezi: astronomomska in/ali geografska usmeritev.

## METODA

Analiza usmeritve cerkva je pokazala, da je tudi v preučevanje orientacije zgodnjesrednjeveških pokopov treba uvesti enako metodološko rigoroznost.

Najprej je treba definirati objekt meritev. Kaj v arheološkem zapisu najbolje ponazarja orientacije pokopa? Ker usmeritev pokopov preučujemo predvsem s stališča pogrebnega rituala, se zdi najbolj izpovedna usmeritev grobne jame. Ta arheološka sled ima največji potencial, da odseva (za izraz prim. Klejn 1987, 41) zavestno odločitev pogrebcev o usmeritvi. V idealnem primeru bo znana še usmeritev morebitne krste ali deske in trupla.

(2) The second most common conclusion is that graves were oriented parallel to a contemporary church building (Rajchl 2001, 127–128 for the Czech Republic; Müller 2013, 152 for Germany; Azinović Bebek, Janeš 2016; Čimin 2016). While easily testable, this hypothesis has not been supported by measurements in any of the studies listed. It is, however, attested in a medieval epic poem, written around the year 1200 (Fry 1999, 67).

(3) An obvious astronomical orientation is corroborated, for instance, in an Early Medieval cemetery surrounding the church within the settlement of Břeclav-Pohansko (Czech Republic). The graves have been oriented towards the summer solstice, the sunrise on the equinox and the southern full moon (Rajchl 2001). The graves of the Velkých Bílovicích cemetery in the Czech Republic had a similar orientation (Měřínský 1985, 24). In Slovenia, Early Medieval graves from the site of Brezje above Zreče have been oriented towards the winter solstice, i.e. the Christmas sunrise (Kaiser 2004).

(4) Studies demonstrating the orientation of Early Medieval graves in accordance with a specific place in the landscape are rare, but are supported by systematic analyses (Hanuliak 1984; Evans 1989, 244–250; Pleterski 2014, 115–362).

The above interpretations can be evaluated as follows. The refutation of the solar azimuth hypothesis disproves the interpretation that for the mourners, east was the point on the horizon where the sun rose on that particular day. The scientific question and the starting point of the research should therefore be changed to: what specifically represented the east – in the absence of a compass, Cartesian projection maps and navigation devices – for any particular mourners? The answer to this question is the key to a cultural interpretation. In the opinion of the author, the most common archaeological interpretation of the orientation of graves (i.e. towards the east in general) is nothing more than mental inertia. According to this interpretation, the answer to the question of what represented east to the mourners is the direction towards the east. The second most common conclusion, i.e. that graves are oriented in accordance with the church, still has to be confirmed by systematic metric analyses, but it does not appear questionable. Two hypotheses thus remain for the explanation of the orientation of graves in Early Medieval cemeteries without a church: astronomical and/or geographical orientation.

## METHOD

The church orientation analysis above indicates that study of the orientation of Early Medieval graves must also be conducted with the same methodological rigour.
Po zgledu arheoastronomije bi v takem primeru vse tri meritve lahko povprečili (Čaval 2010, 113).

Žal so v arheološki stvarnosti srednjeveških grobišč krste ali grobne deske, kjer so bile uporabljene, ohranjene le izjemoma. Na obravnavanem grobišču jih ni. Tudi grobne jame so na srednjeveških grobiščih ob cerkvah praviloma problematične. Razlog za to je tako imenovana grobna črnica. To je mazava plast zelo temnorjave do črne barve, ki pogosto obsega celoten volumen arheoloških plasti srednjeveških grobišč in v kateri je le izjemoma mogoče določiti polnila grobov. Na grobiščih z večstolletno kontinuiteto je to deloma posledica pogostega prekopavanja starejših grobov in zasipavanja grobnih jam z isto prstjo. Obstaja pa še drugi, nekoliko mrakobnejši razlog, imenovan adipocera oziroma mrliški vosek. To je snov, ki nastaja pri anaerobni bakterijski hidrolizi maščobnega tkiva trupla, ko ta v procesu saponifikacije razpade na glicerol in nenasičene maščobne kisline. Slednje se nasičijo in prodirajo v tkivo in prst. Nastane zelo obstojna biocidna snov, na videz podobna vosku (Haglund, Sorg 1997, 568; Vranová, Marvo, Rejšek 2015, 1421). V ekstremnih razmerah, na primer pod vodo ali v neprodušnih krstah, to povzroči mumifikacijo notranjih organov in mišičnega tkiva (npr. Papageorgopoulou idr. 2010). V majhnih količinah pa adipocera v ilovnatih prsteh in ob prisotnosti vlage nastaja vedno (Esteves da Silva et al. 2009). V rahlo alkalnih prsteh se ta snov sčasoma kopiči (prim. Gordon, Buikstra 1981) in tako nastane grobna črnica. Takšna plast je lahko tako nasičena z adipocero, da jo izvohajo psi sledniki (Rebmann, Koenig, David 2000, 68, 122–123; Pintar, Glavaš 2017). Povedano drugače, v podepozicijskih procesih se barva in konsistenca polnila groba in okoliških plasti poenotita do te mere, da med izkopavanji ni mogoče zanesljivo določiti vkopa grobne jame.

Učinek izgine z razpadom adipocere, kar traja od nekaj stoletij do tisočletja in le izjemoma več tisočletij (prim. Papageorgopoulou idr. 2010, Table 1). V arheološki praksi to pomeni, da je grobna črnica značilna predvsem za srednjeveška grobišča s kontinuiteto pokopavanja v posrednjeveško obdobje in le izjemoma – v alkalnih prsteh z visoko vsebnostjo ilovice in visoko vlago – na starejših grobiščih.

Na grobišču na Blejskem otoku so bili dokumentirani pokopi najmanj 168 pokojnikov, a le 22 grobnih jam, od tega le 8 v celoti. Podobno ali še slabše razmerje opazujemo na mnogo večjem grobišču Župna cerkev v Kranju iz izrazito grobno črnico (Pleterski, Belak, Štular 2016; Pleterski, Belak, Štular 2017; Pleterski idr. 2019).

Za preučevanje orientacije pokopov v srednjeveški arheologiji najpogosteje lahko izmerimo le orientacijo skeleta. Pri tem je treba upoštevati podepozicijske procese ob razpadanju trupla (Knüsel, Robb 2016, 661–667), na primer premike ob razpadanju trupla v votlem prostoru krste ali grobnice (Knüsel 2014, 30–35; glej tam navedeno literaturo).

First, the object to be measured needs to be defined. What in the archaeological record best mirrors the orientation of a burial? Given that the orientation of burials is predominantly studied from the perspective of burial ritual, the orientation of the grave pit seems the most informative. This archaeological trace has the greatest potential to mirror (for this expression cf. Klejn 1987, 41) the conscious decision of the mourners about the orientation. In an ideal case, the orientation of the potential coffin or plank and the orientation of the body would also be known. Following the example of archaeoastronomy (e.g. Čaval 2010, 113), in such an instance the average of all three measurements could be taken.

Unfortunately, in the archaeological reality of medieval cemeteries, coffins or burial planks – where they were used at all – have rarely survived. In the cemetery discussed here, there are none. Grave pits are also usually problematic in medieval cemeteries near churches. The reason for this is what can be termed cemetery dark soil. This is a very dark brown to black layer, which often encompasses the entire extent of archaeological layers in medieval cemeteries, i.e. the graves are covered by it but have also been dug into it, so the fills of the grave pits can hardly ever be distinguished from the surrounding layer. In cemeteries that have been in use for several hundreds of years, this cemetery dark soil is partly a consequence of the fact that earlier graves were often exhumed and grave pits were filled with the same soil. There is also another, more sombre reason, called adipocere or corpse wax. This is a substance formed by the anaerobic bacterial hydrolysis of body fat in a corpse in the saponification process, when the fat decomposes into glycerol and unsaturated fatty acids. The latter become saturated and penetrate the tissue and the soil. The result is a very persistent biocidal substance that has an appearance similar to wax (Haglund, Sorg 1997, 568; Vranová, Marvo, Rejšek 2015, 1421). In extreme conditions, for instance underwater or in tightly sealed coffins, this results in the mummification of the internal organs and muscle tissue (e.g. Papageorgopoulou et al. 2010). Nevertheless, small quantities of adipocere are always formed in moist clayey layers (Esteves da Silva et al. 2009). In slightly alkaline soils, this substance accumulates over time (cf. Gordon, Buikstra 1981) and this is how the cemetery dark soil is formed. This layer can be saturated with adipocere to such a level that sniffer dogs can detect it (Rebmann, Koenig, David 2000, 68, 122–123; Pintar, Glavaš 2017). In other words, the colour and the consistency of the fill of the grave and that of the surrounding layers become so uniform in post-depositional processes (as the adipocere penetrates in the surrounding soil regardless of the stratigraphic context) that the grave pit can no longer be identified with certainty during the excavation.

This effect disappears with the disintegration of adipocere, a process that lasts between a few centuries and one millennium and exceptionally several millennia
Druga vrsta problemov so meritve same. V pre-
teklosti so bile najpogostejše meritve izvedene *in situ* z
magnetnim kompasom, kar lahko imenujemo magnetna
orientacija. Te so problematične zaradi magnetne dekli-
nacije, odstopanja magnetnega severa od geografskega
severa. Dodaten odklon lahko povzroči magnetna
deviacija, ki nastane na primer zaradi bližine železnih
konstrukcij ali velike vsebnosti železove rude (Čaval
2010, 113–114). Oboje je sicer mogoče naknadno račun-
sko izničiti, a ne pri arhivskih izkopavanjih. Praviloma
namreč manjkajo tako imenovani metapodatki, pred-
vsem opis, kaj in s kakšno natančnostjo je bilo merjeno.

Če orientacijo merimo na podlagi načrtov ali me-
ritev z elektronsko geodetsko totalno postajo, govorimo
o kartografski orientaciji. Pri tej je treba upoštevati več
vrst napak. Prva vrsta so napake zaradi natančnosti doku-
mentiranja na terenu (na primer upadanje natančnosti z
risanjem v merilu 1 : 5, 1 : 10 in 1 : 20 ali, v najslabšem pri-
meru, kabinetno vektoriziranimi razpačenimi poševnimi
fotografijami). Naslednja vrsta so napake, ki se pojavljajo
pri premeščanju arheoloških načrtov iz relativnih v absolu-
lutne koordinatne sisteme, torej pri umeščanju v prostor
oziroma georeferenciranju. Tu napaka nastane zaradi
razlik med kartezičnimi (npr. relativna mreža kvadrantov
v izkopnem polju) in valjnimi (npr. državni koordinatni
sistem D96/TM) koordinatnimi sistemi na eni strani ter
geografskimi koordinatnimi sistemi s sferičnimi projek-
cijami (npr. WGS84) na drugi strani (prim. Šprajc 1991,
11–13). Arheološka dokumentacija skoraj vedno nastaja
v kartezičnem (arheološka risba) ali valjnem (meritve s
totalno postajo) koordinatnem sistemu, pravi geografski
sever pa lahko odčitamo le na podlagi poldnevnikov
oziroma meridianov v sferični projekciji (sl. 6.8). Tako
izmerjena orientacija groba je primerna za analize v okolju
GIS, predvsem za medsebojno primerjavo orientacije gro-
bov znotraj enega grobišča, in za preverjanje orientacije
glede na izbrano točko v pokrajini.

Za arheoastronomske analize moramo poznati azimut Sonca na obzornici, višino obzornice in geografsko širino; na podlagi teh podatkov je mogoče izračunati astronomsko usmeritev in deklinacijo. Deklinacija se kaže kot azimut vzhajališča ali zahajališča določenega nebesnega telesa na določeni datum na določenem kraju. Šele na podlagi deklinacije lahko izračunamo, na primer, na kateri astronomski datum je Sonce vzšlo v smeri določenega pokopa (Šprajc 1991; Čaval 2010, 112–118 in tam navedena literatura). Naštetemu dodajmo še kartografske razlike.

Študij, ki bi za preučevanje usmeritve srednjeveških
pokopov uporabljale astronomski azimut in deklinacije,
izmerjene in izračunane po opisanem postopku, ne
poznamo (najbliže Škerlj 1952; Pleterski 2003b). Z meto-
dološkega stališča torej kaže opozoriti predvsem na dvo-
je. Prvič, hipotezo solarnega azimuta lahko preverjamo
samo z analizo deklinacij, kar – po našem vedenju – še
ni bilo storjeno. Drugič, primerjave orientacije med

(cf. Papageorgopoulou et al. 2010, Table 1). In archaeo-
logical practice, this means that cemetery dark soil is
typical mostly for medieval cemeteries with continuity of
burials in the Post-Medieval period and only occasionally
in alkaline soils with high clay and moisture content in
earlier cemeteries.

The burials of at least 168 deceased were recorded in the Bled Island cemetery, but as few as 22 grave pits have been identified and only eight of them completely. A similar or even worse ratio can be found in the much larger cemetery of Župna cerkev in Kranj, with a high content of cemetery dark soil (Pleterski, Belak, Štular 2016; Pleterski, Belak, Štular 2017; Pleterski et al. 2019).

Therefore, to analyze the orientation of medieval
burials, most often only the orientation of the skeletal
remains can be measured. However, in order to measure
orientation of skeletal remains in a meaningful fashion
the post-depositional processes that occur during body
decomposition must be taken into account (Knüsel, Robb
2016, 661–667). For instance, the shifts of a body decom-
posing within the hollow space inside a coffin or a tomb
can significantly influence the position of the remains
(Knüsel 2014, 30–35; see the literature cited therein).

Another type of problem pertains to the meas-
urements themselves. In the past, the most common
measurements were conducted *in situ* with a magnetic
compass, called magnetic orientation. However, these
measurements are problematic due to magnetic dec-
lination, i.e. the deviation of magnetic north from the
geographic north. Another discrepancy can be caused by
the magnetic deviation that arises due to, for instance, the
vicinity of iron constructions or high contents of iron ore
(Čaval 2010, 113–114). While both can later be rectified
by calculations, this cannot be done for archive excava-
tions, where so-called metadata (especially the descrip-
tion of what was measured and with what accuracy, i.e.
metadata and/or paradata) are usually missing.

Orientations measured on the plan drawings or the
plans recorded with a geodetic total station can be termed
cartographic orientation. For these, several types of errors
must be taken into account. The first owes to the accuracy
of recording in the field (for example the decrease in ac-
curacy by drawing in the scales of 1 : 5, 1 : 10 and 1 : 20,
or in the worst case, desk-based vectorization of oblique
photos). The second type comprises the errors that occur
when archaeological plans are transferred from relative
to absolute coordinate systems, i.e. georeferencing. This
error is due to the differences between Cartesian (for
example a relative grid of quadrants in the excavation
area) and cylindrical (e.g. the national D96/TM coor-
dinate system) coordinate systems on the one hand and
geographic coordinate systems with spherical projections
(e.g. WGS84) on the other (cf. Šprajc 1991, 11–13). Ar-
chaeological documentation is almost always created in a
Cartesian (plan drawings) or a cylindrical (measurements
taken with a total station) coordinate system and the true
<figure><img src="image_149.png" /><figcaption>Sl. 6.8: Shematični prikaz azimuthne, stožčne in valjne kartografske projekcije (zgoraj) ter primerjava sferične geografske koordinatne mreže WGS84 (modro) in valjne koordinatne mreže starega državnega koordinatnega sistema D48/GK (črno) na primeru Slovenije (spodaj) (avtor B. Štular).</figcaption></figure>

<caption>Fig. 6.8: Illustration of azimuth, cone and valve cartographic projection (above); comparison of a spherical geographic coordinate grid WGS84 (blue) and valve geographic coordinate grid D48/GK (black) for Slovenia (below) (by B. Štular).</caption>

različnimi najdišči na podlagi primerjave načrtov grobišč, izrisanih v relativnih koordinatnih sistemih, niso dovolj natančne (npr. Škerlj 1952; Hanuliak 1984; Evans 1989). Možnost statistično signifikantne napake lahko izključimo šele s prenosom vseh primerjanih načrtov v enoten absoluten koordinatni sistem s sferično projekcijo. Povedano drugače, med različnimi najdišči lahko

geographical north can only be established on the basis of meridians in spherical projection (Fig. 6.8). If the orientation of the grave is recorded in this manner, it is suitable for analysis in the geographic information system (GIS) environment, especially for comparing the orientations of different graves in one cemetery and for checking these with respect to a selected point in the landscape.

For archaeoastronomical analysis, the azimuth of the sun, the height of the horizon and the geographic latitude need to be known. On the basis of these data, the astronomical orientation and the declination can be calculated. The declination is observable as the azimuth of the point on the horizon where a certain celestial body, for example the sun or the moon, rises or sets on a specific date in a specific location. Only on the basis of the declination can we calculate, for example, on which astronomical date the sun rose in the direction of a certain burial (Šprajc 1991; Čaval 2010, 112–118 and the literature cited therein).

The author is aware of no studies in which the orientation of medieval burials has been studied using the astronomical azimuth and declinations that are measured and calculated according to the above-described procedure (the closest are Škerlj 1952 and Pleterski 2003b). From a methodological point of view, two things should therefore be called to attention. First, the solar azimuth hypothesis can only be tested by an analysis of declinations, which according to our knowledge has never been done before. Second, comparisons of orientations in various sites based on the comparisons of site plans drawn in respective relative coordinate systems are not sufficiently accurate (e.g. Škerlj 1952; Hanuliak 1984; Evans 1989). The possibility of statistically significant error can only be ruled out if all the compared plans are transferred into a unified coordinate system with a spherical projection. In other words, when it comes to the comparison of orientations from different sites, only cartographic or even better astronomical orientations measured in situ can be compared.

On Bled Island, the cartographic orientation of burials was measured on the skeletons drawn into the plan drawings in the scale of 1 : 20. The measurements were conducted in the GIS environment (see Chapter 3.3.1).<fnref n="8" /> First to be measured were the well-preserved skeletal remains of 23 individuals where the positions of the head and the pelvis could be reconstructed and no traces of post-depositional movements were detected. The cartographic azimuth was measured from the contact between the head and the spine (os axis) to the centre of the pelvis (os pubis). Where the state of preservation allowed, the second point was measured in the arithmetic mid-point between the knees and the ankles. Given that the number of these measurements was too small for quantitative analysis, the measurements of the adequately preserved

<footnote n="8">⁸ The measurements were conducted using a combination of ArcGIS Desktop 10.5 software for the display and PixelStick software to measure the angle of the computer screen.</footnote>
primerjamo samo kartografske ali, še bolje, astronomske orientacije, izmerjene *in situ*.

Na Blejskem otoku smo kartografsko orientacijo pokopov merili na skeletih, vrisanih v tlorise v merilu 1 : 20. Meritve smo izvajali v okolju GIS (glej pogl. 3.3.1).<fnref n="8" /> Najprej smo izmerili 23 odlično ohranjenih skeletov, pri katerih je mogoče rekonstruirati vsaj lego glave in medenice ter ne kažejo očitnih znakov podepozicijskih premikov. Kartografski azimut smo merili od stika glave in hrbtenice (os axis) do sredine medenice (os pubis). Kjer je ohranjenost dopuščala, smo drugo točko merili na aritmetični sredini med kolenoma ali gležnjema. Ker je bilo število teh meritev premajhno za količinsko analizo, smo izmerili še 42 solidno ohranjenih skeletov. To so skeleti, pri katerih je bil dokumentiran bodisi trup s hrbtenico, bodisi nogi z medenico, bodisi je mogoče rekonstruirati lego glave in še vsaj medenice, kolen ali gležnjev. Skupaj smo izmed 168 risarsko dokumentiranih skeletov ali delov skeletov izmerili kartografski azimut 65 skeletom.

Azimut smo merili s točnostjo 1/5°. Vendar na natančnost meritev vplivajo številni prej našteti omejevalni dejavniki; v konkretnem primeru je vseeno daleč najpomembnejša slaba ohranjenost skeletov. Na podlagi poskusov z obravnavanim gradivom in primerjavami s sorodnim gradivom grobišča Župna cerkev v Kranju smo ocenili, da je natančnost izmere ± 1°. Rezultati meritev so zato zapisani brez decimalnih vrednosti.

Za arhivska izkopavanja naknadne meritve vsakega groba *in situ* z modernimi metodami seveda niso mogoče. Zato smo astronomske azimute in deklinacije preračunali iz kartografskih s primerjavo z arheoastronomsko izmero obstoječe cerkvene stavbe. Vsi obravnavani grobovi so od današnje cerkvene stavbe oddaljeni manj kot 10 m. Hkrati Blejski otok obdaja najmanj 200 in največ 1400 m jezera, zato obzornico kljub alpskemu okolju opišemo kot manj razgibano. Vse to pomeni, da lahko razlike v izračunu deklinacij zaradi odmika posameznih grobov od cerkve zanemarimo.

Izmerjena vzhodna astronomska usmeritev severne fasade cerkve na Blejskem otoku je 76° 43', južne fasade pa 76° 34' (Čaval 2010, 177). Kartografska orientacija istih v našem okolju GIS (glej pogl. 3.3.1) je 78° 59' in 78° 49'. Kartografska orientacija odstopa od astronomske za 2° 15' ± 1', oziroma s stopinjsko natančnostjo 2°. Izmerjene kartografske orientacije smo torej v astronomske orientacije s stopinjsko natančnostjo izračunali tako, da smo od izmerjenih vrednosti odšteli 2°.

Tako izračunan astronomski azimut je tudi izhodišče za izračun deklinacije vzhajališča in zahajališča Sonca. Izračunana vzhodna deklinacija cerkve je 11° 38' (Čaval 2010, 177). Vzhodno deklinacijo posameznega

skeletal remains of 42 individuals were also included. These comprised examples where either the torso with the spine or the legs with the pelvis were preserved, or those where it was possible to reconstruct the position of the head and at least the pelvis, the knees or the ankles. Out of 168 recorded individuals, the cartographic azimuth was measured for 65.

The azimuth was measured with an accuracy of 1/5°. While the precision of measurements was influenced by many of the above limiting factors, the most important by far in this specific case was the poor preservation state of the skeletal remains. Based on a test with the Bled Island data and on comparisons with similar data from the Župna cerkev cemetery in Kranj, the precision of the measurements was estimated at ± 1°. The results of the measurements are therefore given without decimal values.

Of course, when it comes to archive excavations, subsequent measurements of each grave *in situ* with modern methods are not possible. Therefore, astronomical azimuths and declinations were calculated from the cartographic ones by comparing them with the archaeoastronomical measurements of the existing church building. All of the studied graves are located less than 10 m away from the present-day church building. At the same time, Bled Island is surrounded by between 200 and 1400 m of the lake, which means that despite the alpine environment, the horizon is relatively even. All of this implies that differences in the calculations of declinations due to the distance between individual graves and the church can be neglected.

The eastern astronomical orientation of the present-day church on Bled Island was measured as 76° 43' for the northern façade and 76° 34' for the southern façade (Čaval 2010, 177). The cartographic orientation of the same two façades in our GIS environment (see Chapter 3.3.1) was 78° 59' and 78° 49'. This means that the cartographic orientation differed from the astronomical for 2° 15' ± 1'. Astronomical orientations were therefore calculated from the measured cartographic orientations with 1° accuracy by subtracting 2° from the measured values.

The calculated astronomical azimuth provided the starting point for the calculation of the declinations of the sunrise and sunset. The calculated eastern declination of the church was 11° 38' (Čaval 2010, 177). The eastern declination of an individual grave ($D_V$) was calculated by adding the value of the astronomical azimuth of the church ($A_A$) with the subtracted difference between the cartographic azimuth ($A_K$) and the deviation of the cartographic azimuth from the astronomical azimuth ($A_K - A_A$) to the eastern declination of the church ($\delta_V$):

$$D_V = (A_A - (A_K - (A_K - A_A))) + \delta_V$$

Once the values $A_A$, ($A_K - A_A$) and $\delta_V$ had been replaced by constants applicable to our case, we obtained

<footnote n="8">⁸ Meritve smo izvajali s kombinacijo programov ArcGIS Desktop 10.5 za prikazovanje in programa PixelStick za izmero kota na računalniškem zaslonu.</footnote>
groba ($D_V$) izračunamo tako, da vzhodni deklinaciji
cerkve ($δ_V$) prištejemo vrednost, ki jo dobimo, ko od
astronomskega azimuta cerkve ($A_A$) odštejemo razliko
med kartografskim azimutom ($A_K$) in odstopanjem
kartografskega azimuta od astronomskega azimuta
($A_K - A_A$):

$$
D_V = (A_A - (A_K - (A_K - A_A))) + \delta_V
$$

Ko vrednosti $A_A$, ($A_K$ - $A_A$) in $\delta_V$ nadomestimo s konstantami, ki veljajo za naš primer, dobimo končno formula za preračunavanje kartografskih azimutov grobov na Blejskem otoku v deklinacije:

$$
D_V = (76 - (A_K - 2)) + 11.
$$

Z istim postopkom izračunamo tudi zahodno
deklinacijo grobov (D<sub>Z</sub>):

$$
D_Z = (256 - ((A_K+180) - 2)) + (-2).
$$

Poudariti je treba, da natančnost tako izračunanih
deklinacij zaradi višine horizonta upada z naraščanjem
odklona astronomskega azimuta groba od vrednosti
76. Predvsem za grobove 36, 38, 55, 59, 111, 112 in
113 moramo torej izračunane deklinacije obravnavati
zgolj kot orientacijske vrednosti. Vendar je na podlagi
astronomskih azimutov z novimi meritvami višine
obzorja deklinacije mogoče po potrebi natančno iz-
računati (sl. 6.9).

ANALIZA

Za analizo orientacije je bilo torej na voljo 65 gro-
bov. Število grobov z izmerjeno orientacijo je premajhno
za kompleksne statistične analize, zato smo uporabili
metodo vizualne primerjave dejanskih vrednosti s pri-
čakovanimi vrednostmi (sl. 6.10). Astronomski azimuti
vseh grobov imajo razpon med 57° in 173°, se pravi od
SZ do J. Vendar med temi trije grobovi izrazito odstopajo
od ostalih; statistično govorimo o grobovih z robnimi
vrednostmi usmeritev. Če teh grobov ne upoštevamo,
so azimuti razporejeni v vzhodnem sektorju med 65° in
111°. Lahko torej rečemo, da imajo grobovi na Blejskem
otoku splošno vzhodno orientacijo.

V nadaljevanju bomo kot ničelni preverili obe hi-
potezi, ki se v literaturi pojavljata najpogosteje: hipotezo
solarnega azimuta in hipotezo pokopavanja splošno
proti vzhodu.

Kot omenjeno, hipoteza solarnega azimuta predvi-
deva orientacijo glede na vsakokratni sončni vzhod, kar
na Blejskem otoku pomeni 61,5° ± 0,5° in 127° ± 0,5° (iz-
račun A. Pleterski; prim. Škerlj 1952, 112). Kartografske
orientacije grobov z Blejskega otoka so med 59° in 175°,
ob neupoštevanju treh grobov s skrajnimi vrednostmi

the final formula for calculating the cartographic azimuths
of the graves on Bled Island into declinations:

$$
D_V = (76 - (A_K - 2)) + 11.
$$

The same procedure could be used to calculate the
western declinations of the graves (D<sub>Z</sub>):

$$
D_Z = (256 - ((A_K+180) - 2)) + (-2).
$$

It should be emphasized that due to the height
of the horizon, the accuracy of the calculated declina-
tions decreased with the increase in the deviation of the
astronomical azimuth of a grave from the value of 76°.
Especially for Graves 36, 38, 55, 59, 111, 112 and 113,
the calculated deviations must be understood merely
as approximate values. Nevertheless, where necessary
the declinations could be calculated precisely from the
astronomical azimuths and new measurements of the
height of the horizon (Fig. 6.9).

ANALYSIS

There were 65 graves available for the analysis of
orientation. Given that the number of graves with mea-
sured orientations was too small for complex statistical
analyses, the method of visual comparison of actual and
expected values was used (Fig. 6.10). The astronomical
azimuths of all graves was found to span between 57°
and 173°, i.e. from the southwest to the south. However,
three graves stand out as statistical outliers. Once these
outliers are excluded, the azimuth values are distributed in
the eastern sector between 65° and 111°. It can therefore
be said that the orientation of the graves on Bled Island
is towards the east in general.

In what follows, first the two the null hypotheses are
tested: the solar azimuth hypothesis and the “towards east
in general” hypothesis. As already mentioned, according
to the solar azimuth hypothesis, the orientation of each
individual burial is to be in accordance with the sunrise on
the day of the burial. On Bled Island the sun rises between
61.5° ± 0.5° and 127° ± 0.5° on the horizon (calculation
by A. Pleterski; cf. Škerlj 1952, 112). The cartographic
orientations of graves on Bled Island are between 59° and
175°, or between 65° and 111° after outliers are excluded.
Apart from one grave (3a) all others fall within 61.5° ±
0.5° and 127° ± 0.5° and therefore might have been ori-
iented towards the point in the horizon where the sun was
rising on the day of the burial. A more detailed analysis,
however, refutes the solar azimuth hypothesis as the sole
factor in the orientation of burials. The expected mortality
of people in the Middle Ages was not evenly distributed
throughout the year; rather, it was highest at the end of
winter (Brown 1983). The expected distribution of orien-
tations should therefore show a marked south deviation
<table><thead><tr><th>Grob / Grave</th><th>A<sub>K</sub></th><th>A<sub>A</sub></th><th>D<sub>V</sub></th><th>D<sub>Z</sub></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>3a</td><td>67</td><td>65</td><td>22</td><td>9</td></tr><tr><td>4a</td><td>77</td><td>75</td><td>12</td><td>-1</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>88</td><td>86</td><td>1</td><td>-12</td></tr><tr><td>6</td><td>96</td><td>94</td><td>-7</td><td>-20</td></tr><tr><td>7</td><td>71</td><td>69</td><td>18</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>10a</td><td>90</td><td>88</td><td>-1</td><td>-14</td></tr><tr><td>12</td><td>95</td><td>93</td><td>-6</td><td>-19</td></tr><tr><td>18</td><td>88</td><td>86</td><td>1</td><td>-12</td></tr><tr><td>19</td><td>83</td><td>81</td><td>6</td><td>-7</td></tr><tr><td>20a</td><td>96</td><td>94</td><td>-7</td><td>-20</td></tr><tr><td>22</td><td>96</td><td>94</td><td>-7</td><td>-20</td></tr><tr><td>24a</td><td>86</td><td>84</td><td>3</td><td>-10</td></tr><tr><td>29</td><td>90</td><td>88</td><td>-1</td><td>-14</td></tr><tr><td>30</td><td>92</td><td>90</td><td>-3</td><td>-16</td></tr><tr><td>32a</td><td>91</td><td>89</td><td>-2</td><td>-15</td></tr><tr><td>35</td><td>95</td><td>93</td><td>-6</td><td>-19</td></tr><tr><td>36</td><td>101</td><td>99</td><td>-12</td><td>-25</td></tr><tr><td>38</td><td>113</td><td>111</td><td>-24</td><td>-37</td></tr><tr><td>40</td><td>90</td><td>88</td><td>-1</td><td>-14</td></tr><tr><td>42</td><td>91</td><td>89</td><td>-2</td><td>-15</td></tr><tr><td>45</td><td>82</td><td>80</td><td>7</td><td>-6</td></tr><tr><td>46</td><td>72</td><td>70</td><td>17</td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>49</td><td>91</td><td>89</td><td>-2</td><td>-15</td></tr><tr><td>50</td><td>98</td><td>96</td><td>-9</td><td>-22</td></tr><tr><td>51</td><td>92</td><td>90</td><td>-3</td><td>-16</td></tr><tr><td>54</td><td>96</td><td>94</td><td>-7</td><td>-20</td></tr><tr><td>55</td><td>99</td><td>97</td><td>-10</td><td>-23</td></tr><tr><td>56</td><td>95</td><td>93</td><td>-6</td><td>-19</td></tr><tr><td>59</td><td>100</td><td>98</td><td>-11</td><td>-24</td></tr><tr><td>60</td><td>91</td><td>89</td><td>-2</td><td>-15</td></tr><tr><td>61</td><td>88</td><td>86</td><td>1</td><td>-12</td></tr><tr><td>65a</td><td>91</td><td>89</td><td>-2</td><td>-15</td></tr></tbody></table>

Sl. 6.9: Blejski otok, tabelarični prikaz orientacij grobov; sivo so označene deklinacije, ki veljajo samo kot orientacijske vrednosti: A<sub>A</sub> – astronomski azimut; A<sub>K</sub> – kartografski azimut, D<sub>V</sub> – vzhodna deklinacija; D<sub>Z</sub> – zahodna deklinacija (avtor B. Štular).

Fig. 6.9: Bled Island, grave orientation; values in grey are approximate values only: A<sub>A</sub> – astronomic azimuth; A<sub>K</sub> – cartographic azimuth; D<sub>V</sub> – eastern declination; D<sub>Z</sub> – western declination (by B. Štular).

pa med 65° in 111°. Velika večina (97,6 odstotka) grobov bi torej lahko bila usmerjena proti vsakokratnemu sončnemu vzhodu. Vendar podrobnejša analiza hipotezo solarnega azimuta kot edinega vodila pri orientaciji pokopov ovrže. Pričakovana umrljivost ljudi med letom v srednjem veku namreč ni bila enakomerna, temveč je

<table><thead><tr><th>Grob / Grave</th><th>A<sub>K</sub></th><th>A<sub>A</sub></th><th>D<sub>V</sub></th><th>D<sub>Z</sub></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>67</td><td>78</td><td>76</td><td>11</td><td>-2</td></tr><tr><td>69</td><td>78</td><td>76</td><td>11</td><td>-2</td></tr><tr><td>71</td><td>78</td><td>76</td><td>11</td><td>-2</td></tr><tr><td>72</td><td>59</td><td>57</td><td>30</td><td>17</td></tr><tr><td>76a</td><td>80</td><td>78</td><td>9</td><td>-4</td></tr><tr><td>77a</td><td>83</td><td>81</td><td>6</td><td>-7</td></tr><tr><td>78</td><td>87</td><td>85</td><td>2</td><td>-11</td></tr><tr><td>79a</td><td>77</td><td>75</td><td>12</td><td>-1</td></tr><tr><td>80</td><td>74</td><td>72</td><td>15</td><td>2</td></tr><tr><td>81a</td><td>86</td><td>84</td><td>3</td><td>-10</td></tr><tr><td>82a</td><td>77</td><td>75</td><td>12</td><td>-1</td></tr><tr><td>84</td><td>80</td><td>78</td><td>9</td><td>-4</td></tr><tr><td>87</td><td>78</td><td>76</td><td>11</td><td>-2</td></tr><tr><td>90a</td><td>75</td><td>73</td><td>14</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>91</td><td>77</td><td>75</td><td>12</td><td>-1</td></tr><tr><td>93a</td><td>81</td><td>79</td><td>8</td><td>-5</td></tr><tr><td>94</td><td>83</td><td>81</td><td>6</td><td>-7</td></tr><tr><td>95a</td><td>78</td><td>76</td><td>11</td><td>-2</td></tr><tr><td>98a</td><td>75</td><td>73</td><td>14</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>102</td><td>77</td><td>75</td><td>12</td><td>-1</td></tr><tr><td>103</td><td>76</td><td>74</td><td>13</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td>105</td><td>76</td><td>74</td><td>13</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td>106</td><td>77</td><td>75</td><td>12</td><td>-1</td></tr><tr><td>109b</td><td>79</td><td>77</td><td>10</td><td>-3</td></tr><tr><td>111</td><td>106</td><td>104</td><td>-17</td><td>-30</td></tr><tr><td>112</td><td>104</td><td>102</td><td>-15</td><td>-28</td></tr><tr><td>113</td><td>134</td><td>132</td><td>-45</td><td>-58</td></tr><tr><td>115a</td><td>87</td><td>85</td><td>2</td><td>-11</td></tr><tr><td>118</td><td>78</td><td>76</td><td>11</td><td>-2</td></tr><tr><td>119</td><td>175</td><td>173</td><td>-86</td><td>-99</td></tr><tr><td>121a</td><td>84</td><td>82</td><td>5</td><td>-8</td></tr><tr><td>121b</td><td>84</td><td>82</td><td>5</td><td>-8</td></tr><tr><td>124</td><td>77</td><td>75</td><td>12</td><td>-1</td></tr></tbody></table>

from the eastern direction. If mortality was highest for instance in January and February, in Bled that would mean orientations between approximately 104° and 121° (cf. Škerlj 1952, 113). The measured values, however, deviate markedly towards the north. In other words, should the solar hypothesis hold, most burials on Bled Island would