equal work. Higher gender pay gap indicates wider segregation in the job market.<fnref n="27" /> Therefore, when the pay gap is generally higher in the private sector it implies that the labor market is more segregated in the private sector than it is in the public sector. This data is from the year 2017 that is after the implementation of the directive on equal opportunities and equal treatment of men and women in matters of employment and occupation.

**1.4. Directive on equal opportunities and equal treatment of men and women in the matters of employment and occupation**

The objective of the Directive 2006/54/EC on is to ensure equal opportunities and equal treatment of women and men in the matters of employment and occupation. The prohibition of direct and indirect discrimination, harassment and sexual harassment in pay are required by this directive.<fnref n="28" /> The Directive 2006/54/EC is an important aspect of the gender equality law in the European Union. European Commission intends to submit a new directive that is based on Article 13 of the directive on equal opportunities and equal treatment in matters of employment. This would extend the principle of equal treatment of men and women beyond employment law.<fnref n="29" />

**1.5. Labor market policy effect on employment of women**

European Union has released in 1997 its “European Employment Strategy”. This is a set of policies which objective is to increase the individual employability and also emphasize the aim of obtaining equal opportunity for women and men.<fnref n="30" /> The effects of policies like skill-training programs, monitoring and sanctions, job search assistance and employment subsidies are larger for women than for men, particularly shown in areas that have low female labor force participation. According to a survey on active labor market policy effects for women in Europe seems that skill training programs are more effective on women and job search assistance is more effective for men. Overall, active labor market policies have a positive effect on employment for women.<fnref n="31" />

**2. CASE LAW AND EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES AND TREATMENT**

There are cases of indirect discrimination based on gender in the Union and there are also European Court of Justice (ECJ) rulings on the grounds of one of the main principles of the European Union, equal pay for equal work for men and women. Case law shows how the legislation finds its way in individual situations. Circumstances that deal with indirect discrimination must be handled case by case and the solutions can be found from the legislation. Current EU legislation aim is to secure

<footnote n="27">²⁷ Gender pay gap statistics – Statistics Explained, ec.europa.eu. Accessible: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Gender pay gap_statistics#Gender pay gap_higher_in_the_private-sector</footnote>

<footnote n="28">²⁸ European equality law network. Key EU directives in gender equality and non-discrimination. Accessible: https://www equalitylaw.eu/legal-developments/16-law/76-key-eu-directives-in-gender-equality-and-non-discrimination</footnote>

<footnote n="29">²⁹ Dagmar Schiek. "A New Framework on Equal Treatment of Persons in EC Law." 2002 p.291. Accessible: https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu/documents/38022186/schiek_elj_2002.pdf?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAIWOWYYGZ2Y53UL3A&Expires=1555495952&Signature=Eu2Y3eMiVR4YKP%2F0mtbU6Ck1%2BBE%3D&response-content-disposition=inline%3B%20filename%3DA_New_Framework_on_Equal_Treatment_of_Pe.pdf</footnote>

<footnote n="30">³⁰ Active labor market policy effects for women in Europe: A survey. P.2. Accessible: https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/78669/1/525034781.pdf</footnote>

<footnote n="31">³¹ *Ibidem*. P.14.</footnote>
equality in the matters of employment and occupation.<fnref n="32" /> Therefore, the more that there appear cases of inequality in the ECJ, the more there will be rulings and precedents concerning the subject. These rulings and precedents will also have an effect on future cases that concerns indirect discrimination towards women.

**2.1. Case Kenny and others v Minister for justice, Equality Law Reform and others and indirect discrimination**

Case Kenny and others c Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and others is an example of an indirect discrimination case in Ireland. Ms. Kenny and 13 other female civil servants were employed to perform clerical duties for the Irish Police force. The claimants claimed indirect discrimination against them in the form of salaries. Their claim was that they were engaged in work equivalent to the work of a group of police officers also assigned to do the same duties but were paid a higher rate. The Irish Labor court found that there was indirect discrimination in question but also stated that the difference in pay was objectively justified. The claimants appealed to the High Court in Ireland, which referred questions to the European Court of Justice (ECJ).<fnref n="33" /> In light of ECJ rulings, in this case, it's for the employer to establish objective justification for the difference in pay. In the case where the indirect discrimination aspect has been established, the justification in the difference in pay must relate to the comparators who have been recognized by the national court in establishing the pay difference.<fnref n="34" /> In light of this case, the unequal treatment of male and female workers can be objectively justified in certain situations even when indirect discrimination has been recognized. The directive on equal opportunities and equal treatment between men and women in matters of employment prohibits direct and indirect discrimination,<fnref n="35" /> but in these circumstances, the ECJ has set in its ruling aforementioned limits to in which situations indirect discrimination can be objectively justified when established.

**2.2. European Court of Justice (ECJ) rulings**

As a way to enacting the principle of equal treatment, individual law enforcement has proven to be a slow way.<fnref n="36" /> One of the main principles of the European Union is the aforementioned principle of equal pay for equal work for male and female workers. Therefore, all the member states have to ensure that this principle is applied in their legislative systems. Description of equal pay without discrimination based on sex is that pay for work at time rates is the same for the same job and that pay for the same work at piece rated shall be calculated on the basis of the same unit of measurement.<fnref n="37" /> The article 141 of the EC Treaty ensures equal pay for work of equal value and

<footnote n="32">³² Gender equality, European Commission – European Commission. Accessible: https://ec.europa.eu/info/policies/justice-and-fundamental-rights/gender-equality_en</footnote>

<footnote n="33">³³ Personnel Today. Kenny and others v Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and others. 2013. Accessible: https://www.personneltoday.com/hr/case-of-the-week-kenny-and-others-v-minister-for-justice-equality-and-law-reform-and-others/</footnote>

<footnote n="34">³⁴ *Ibidem*.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">³⁵ EUR-Lex – 32006L0054 – EN – EUR-Lex, Eur-lex.europa.eu. Accessible: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?qid=1553349084039&uri=CELEX:32006L0054</footnote>

<footnote n="36">³⁶ Dagmar Schiek. "A New Framework on Equal Treatment of Persons in EC Law." 2002 p.299. Accessible: https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu/documents/38022186/schiek_elj_2002.pdf?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAIWOWYYGZ2Y53UL3A&Expires=1555495952&Signature=Eu2Y3eMiVR4YKP%2F0mtbU6Ck1%2BBE%3D&response-content-disposition=inline%3B%20filename%3DA_New_Framework_on_Equal_Treatment_of_Pe.pdf</footnote>

<footnote n="37">³⁷ Heide Ineborg. "Supranational action against sex discrimination: equal pay and equal treatment in the European Union." 2001, p.477. Accessible: http://cite.gov.pt/pt/destaques/complementosDestqs2/Women gender and work 2001.pdf#page=478</footnote>
applies not only to regular wages but also to "any other consideration, whether in cash or in kind, which the worker receives, directly or indirectly, in respect of his (or her) employment from his (or her) employer."<fnref n="38" /> The rulings of ECJ will also lead the way for the future cases that concern indirect discrimination, especially towards women.

## CONCLUSION

As a conclusion, according to the aforementioned research, the European Union has taken several actions towards more equal pay between men and female workers in the form of legislation, directives, etc. Since there are various factors that contribute the gender pay gap, the legislation is not able to fully close it, it does secure certain rights, but it doesn't change the structure of the labor market in short-term. The labor market, as well as the general mindset of the people and the economy, is structurally modeled to work a certain way. Therefore, the gender pay gap has its roots in deep and it can't be changed via legislation, at least not on a short-term basis. One of the main factors contributing to the gender pay gap is segregation in the labor market between male and female workers, meaning that women and men generally work in different jobs. However, segregation does not always imply inequality in the labor market. Lower income jobs are more likely to be occupied by female workers and higher income jobs occupied by male workers. Obviously, this is a statistical generalization. According to the aforementioned research, women are more likely to be stigmatized, for instance, being more sensitive than men and men are more likely to be stigmatized as the breadwinner of the household, the money maker. This is a difficult matter of subject since the legislation doesn't give a direct answer to it. The existing legislation may prohibit direct and indirect discrimination, but it does not ensure full equality between male and female workers. Since the last few decades, female participation in the labor market has increased and this may be, at least partly, due to EU legislation supporting equality, the directive on equal treatment and opportunities in matters of employment, equal pay for equal work, etc. Since there are more equal opportunities for both sexes, it encourages female participation in the labor market in terms of where it has been lacking. The legislation prohibits direct and indirect discrimination in terms of employment and occupation, however, there are cases like Kenny and others v Minister of Justice and, Equality Law Reform and others where indirect discrimination can be objectively justified even when recognized in some cases. When individual legislation has proven to be a slow way to enact the principle of equal treatment it still does have an effect. Overall, the effect of EU legislation on women's rights and equality in the workplace is positive. Today women's equal rights with men have better security than before and there is legislation where to turn to in case of, for instance, indirect discrimination, and there is the possibility to try and correct the injustice via existing legislation in any of the member states. However, since the gender pay cap consists on aspects like labor market segregation that does not always indicate inequality between men and women in matters of employment, it's not necessarily something that is even possible to fully close via legislation.

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<footnote n="38">³⁸ *Ibidem*. P.480.</footnote>
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# Right to Self Determination in Globalization Era

IWEJUO UCHE KINGSLEY

TALLINN UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY, ESTONIA
UCIWEJ@TALTECH.EE

**Abstract:** Conflicts are not modern. Through the quandary of first and second world wars, states embraced norms to mitigate reoccurrence of conflict intra and interstate. From the Montevideo convention on rights and duties of states 1933, Westphalia treaty 1648, to the universal declaration of human right 1948. While these global norms grant states legitimacy more so acknowledge its sovereignty, it inter alia grants protection of right and choices of indigenous people in determining how and who governs them "right to self-determination". However, there is a prevalence of human right abuses, reinforced by conflict created by these norms. While the state strives to protect their sovereignty, indigenous people clamor for the protection of their right to self-determination. Through appraising the Catalonian and the Biafran secessionist struggle this paper acknowledges state sovereignty. However, argues that rights to self-determination of indigenous people should take precedence over sovereignty.

**Keywords:** Globalisation, Human Rights, Self-determination, Sovereignty.

## INTRODUCTION

Globalization is impacting not only on our daily lives but also on relationships between states, non-state actors and redefining boundaries. This has weakened understanding of emerging intricate relationships that exist. Realizable wars and conflicts of new dimensions are widespread globally. While scholars, governments, and organizations implement their views to enhance a sustainable solution, the conflicts still exist and expand with time.

Historically there are global norms on human right (universal declaration of human right 1948) on wars (Hague convention of 1899 and 1902), on recognition of state (Montevideo convention on rights and duties of states 1933 and the Westphalia treaty 1648) remarkably the united nation treaty of 1966 which grants indigenous people right to self-determination is seen to be a trigger to this modern global upheaval.

Decades ago the universal right to self-determination of 1966 was a passport to the creation of new states these new states were guaranteed sovereignty from the offshoot of the Westphalia treaty. Visibly today is the conflict between the right to self-determination of indigenous people and the sovereign right of states to protect their territorial integrity.<fnref n="1" /> This conflict is because of no clear roadmap for the enforcement of this global right.

This research will unravel if right to self-determination is a trigger to the contemporary conflict and determine how to create a balance between the right to self-determination and sovereignty. A comparative analysis of the Biafra secessionist movement in Nigeria and the Catalonia call for independence in Spain will be visited to draw a design for implementation of this global right to end the contemporary feud.<fnref n="2" />

<footnote n="1">¹ Hoffmann, T. & Chochia, A. (2018). The Institution of Citizenship and Practices of Passportization in Russia's European Neighborhood Policies. In: A. Makarychev, T. Hoffmann (Ed.). Russia and the EU Spaces of Interaction (223–237). Routledge, Taylor&Francis Group.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Ramiro Troitino, D.; Chochia, A.; Kerikmäe, T. (2017). Critics of the Catalan Independence Process and Catalan Political Nationalism. In: W. Strickland (Ed.). European Union: Political, Economic and Social Issues (77–98). New York: Nova Science Publishers.</footnote>
The rising nature of conflict anchored on minorities right to self-determination raises more concern on the path to sustainable peace thus this research will attempt to revisit past researches on the right to self-determination

This research will seek answers to:

Is the Right to self-determination in United Nation Treaty Article 1 Vol 999 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights a death trap in post-colonial Era?

How will the right to self-determination and sovereignty of states coexist?

OVERVIEW ON THE RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION

States since inception, worked towards global peace notably ensuring treaties that guides the action of states in the international system among these treaties are the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States,<fnref n="3" /> Enacted on 26th December 1933 and came to force a year after. The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907⁴, the Westphalia treaty of 1648 notable for granting states sovereignty and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.<fnref n="5" /> Whereas these treaties played a key role in regulating the conduct of states across national frontiers, it could be seen that vagueness the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on the right to self-determination<fnref n="6" /> has triggered a global human right violation by states anchoring on principle of sovereignty and protection of territorial integrity.<fnref n="7" />

The right to self-determination is an international principle that grants all indigenous people the right and freedom to self-governance. As captured by article 1 of united nation treaty vol 999 "All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development"<fnref n="8" /> while the right to self determination was instrumental in the colonial era in granting independence to every indigenous people from their colonial masters, in the post-colonial era, the right to self-determination has become a death trap as it gives room for anarchy sprouting from states use of force to suppress the movement which they perceive an internal threat to their sovereignty. Illustrative Evidence is seen in The Nigerian civil war of 1967-1970 between the Nigerian state and secessionist indigenous people of Biafra, the failed Catalonia referendum in Spain, secessionist plight by the Kurdish people in Iraq and the anglophone secessionist crisis in Cameroun.

Amidst these views, the reality of the vagueness of this international law on right to self-determination in post-colonial Era and its concomitant effects are visible in the use of brute force to quell every secessionist movement not minding the statutory right of the indigenous people.

The rising nature of conflict anchored on minorities right to self-determination raises more concern on the path to sustainable peace previous research's holds Divergent views on the right to self-determination, sovereignty, secession and human right catastrophes arising therein, more so correlation between these factors are not new to the academic polity, questions on the possibility of emergence of new states on the global principle of self-determination is argued to be left on the desecration of the sovereign entities as the existing laws are not for creation of new state but for

<footnote n="3">³ U.I.O, The Faculty of Law, Convention on Rights and Duties of States, Dec 26, 1933, Art. 1,</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Médecins Sans Frontières, The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907(Médecins Sans Frontières, The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ United Nation Treaty Vol 999 No. 14668, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 19 December 1966</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ ibid</footnote>

<footnote n="7">⁷ Chochia, A., & Popjanevski, J. (2016). Change of Power and Its Influence on Country's Europeanization Process. Case Study: Georgia. In *Political and Legal Perspectives of the EU Eastern Partnership Policy* (pp. 197-210). Springer, Cham.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ United Nation Treaty Article 1 vol 999 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. 19 December 1966</footnote>
recognition of sovereign states<fnref n="9" /> more theories posit that international laws pick on the notion of
sovereignty and territorial integrity as against the creation of new states<fnref n="10" /> For Carsten Stahn
sovereignty is a known yardstick for recognition of states and could be earned sovereignty,
conditional and constrained sovereignty this concludes that such rights could be granted on the
desecration of the leviathan who may perhaps refuse to grant such supposedly gesture as seen in
Catalonian and Spain uprising<fnref n="11" /> Malcolm posited that sovereignty cannot guarantee recognition
without stability as evident in the case of Democratic Republic of Congo and a sister secessionist
group. In a fight for recognition by the united nation, the former was accepted and the later was
rejected for lack of stability in its acclaimed polity<fnref n="12" />

DEFINITION OF RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION

Conflict arising from this universal right of self-determination and need for sustainable
solutions put the legal statute into many scholarly types of research, Erica-Irene held that right to
self-determination could be well understood by distinguishing between the internal and external
rights to self-determination she sees external right to be evident in states liberating itself from alien
rule. Such liberation from their colonial masters is external self-determination. And the internal right
to self-determination as the power of this sovereign to decide their system of government and who
governs them<fnref n="13" />, Susanna Mancini, perceives right to self-determination as fundamental freedom of
people to make economic, political and religious decisions for their good.in furtherance, she sees
self-determination as a principle that combines both nationalist and democratic tenants<fnref n="14" /> amidst these
views as captured by article 1 of united nation treaty vol 999 “All peoples have the right of self-
determination. By virtue of that right, they freely determine their political status and freely pursue
their economic, social and cultural development”<fnref n="15" /> the numerous views have a center point which
sees the right to self-determination as to the right of colonies and non-colonies to determine their
own way of life.

BIAFRA SECESSIONIST MOVEMENT IN NIGERIA

Who are the Biafran people?

The Biafran people are indigenous people from the eastern states of Nigeria, these states
include Abia, Imo Ebonyi, Enugu, Anambra, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, And Calabar. Though most of
these states are now grouped under south-south, historically it is believed the conflict started after
the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorate which lead to the formation of Nigeria.
Historians have blamed the conflict on the amalgamation which had in its consideration the
economic benefits from the union and not the diversity in cultural and religious ideology more so
variant languages the Biafrans are known for their exceptional trading skills and their egalitarian
culture, such as the findings of the colonial masters had failed severally to annex the region unlike

<footnote n="9">⁹ Tamás Lattmann International Law Reflection 2017/12/EN 29 October 2017</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Jure Vidmar, Review of Developments in German, European and International Jurisprudence, Vol. 16 No. 03 P.351</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Carsten Stahn, The Law and Practice of International Territorial Administration, P.756</footnote>

<footnote n="12">12 Malcolm N. Shaw, International Law, sixth Edition P.205</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ Erica-Irene A. Some consideration on the right of indigenous people to self-determination, P.4</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ Susanna Mancini, Rethinking the boundaries of democratic secession: Liberalism, nationalism, and the right of minorities to self-determination, 11 September 2008, P.3</footnote>

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ ibid</footnote>
their counterparts who had a central authority through which the areas were easily acquired. The
eastern Nigerians are predominantly Christians, with a little over 10 percent atheist and Muslims

Chronicles Of 1967-1970

The Ibo as one of the minority group before the independence of the Nigerian state in 1960 detest the union of the northern and southern protectorate by Sir Lord Lugard, after the Nigerian independence in 1960 the ethnic politics of governance and the marginalization of this minority groups ensued leading to the first Nigerian civil war with alarming casualties described as genocide. Three million Ibos were massacred by the Nigerian elite forces and foreign soldiers who were invited by the government. The thoughts of what led to the civil war have met varying view. Greene was of the view that the marginalization took many dimensions there laws meant only for the poor, censuses that were not census, elections that were not elections, recounting the speech made by the secessionist leader that Biafra people did not secede from Nigeria, rather were pushed out from it as a result of organizational and legal standings which enhance and reinforced marginalization of the Biafran populace<fnref n="16" />

The Secession Movement Post 1970
---

The massacre of 1967 to 1970 did nothing to the determination of this indigenous person who convincingly referred to the united nation right to self-determination as a base for their call for independence. From the top of the genocide in 1970 to date there has been countless demonstrations by this people which at all times meets the brute force of the government resulting to alarming casualties and no liability by the side of the government who stands on the right of protecting its sovereignty and territorial integrity the aba and Onitsha massacre stands out in the analogy of the use of force against unarmed civilians in the grounds of protecting territorial integrity. After the death of the Biafran leader, 2015 saw the reemergence of the call for self-determination. A new leader trained in the United Kingdom preached the nonviolent method of demonstration as pathway to secession, such peaceful unarmed protesters were not only arrested and charged for treason, many were killed during the protest reacting to this further raises questions as to the legality of secession on the legal ground of the universal right to self determination and the methodology for its pursuance. Till date the struggle for the right of self-determination of the indigenous people of Biafra persists so is the government brutal response to the movement on the grounds of sovereignty and right to protect such.

THE CATALONIANS IN SPAIN
---

Historically Catalonia was adjudged autonomous prior to the early eighteenth century, having its territorial integrity, rulers, Institutions, and laws this was captured in its union agreement with Aragon in 1137.17 The death of Martí l'Humà in 1410 saw the emergence of Fernando de Antequera to the throne as there was no heir from Martí l'Humà. Not long after Fernando took the throne there was a pact leading to the joint administration of Castile governed by queen Isabel and Fernando of Aragon in 1479 though these nations were governed by a single sovereign entity, there were no major institutional changes arising from this pact.

Shortly ensued an occurrence that changed the status of the Catalonian nation. By 1621 Philip IV appoints duke of Olivares as chief minister in a bid to create a strong absolute state this was

<footnote n="16">16 Kirk- Geene, The Genesis of The Nigerian Civil War And The Theory Of Fear, Uppsala 1975, P.4</footnote>

<footnote n="17">17 Montserrat Guibernau, Prospects for an Independent Catalonia, Volume 27, Issue 1, pp 5-9.</footnote>
recorded in history as the revolt of the reapers and the first nationalist revolution in Europe.<fnref n="18" /> Not long after ensued a war of succession where the Catalonians choose the Austrian against Philip V. the treaty of Utrecht was in favors of Philip IV and lead to his emergence as the king of Spain. the emergence of Philip V brought changes to the governance structure of Catalonia. Barcelona surrender after its defeat by the Franco Spanish people and by the order of Philip V the Catalan political institutions was dissolved, and their language changed to Spanish.

## Post 2000.2004 Era and Catalonia Struggle

The Catalonian nationalism grew from strength to strength as many models of nationalist movements and struggle ideologies emerged. movements like the conservative nationalism by Jaume Balmes, the Catholic nationalist movement by Josep Torees, the Catalan Marxist struggle by Anreu Nin. Thought the Catalonian struggle for independence has been a life it took the trajectory of seeking for more autonomy, Montserrat highlighted several factors that triggered and re-energized the contemporary call for not just more autonomy but independence these factors ranges from Jose Maria neglect for the Catalonian call for more autonomy, the questions on the statue of autonomy and the limitations set by the Spanish state that leads to accumulation of 8% deficit to the Catalonian GDP¹⁹opinion poll held on 11th September 2013 shows 52% of Catalonians would vote for a sovereign Catalonian state as against 24.1% who will vote against the referendum, the Spanish state stopped the referendum on the ground that the Spanish constitution does not and will not recognize the Catalonian as a sovereign state, but a single Spanish nation within Spain. it states that the 2006 statue aims to eliminate certain constitutional grounds which made Catalonia an integral part of Spain. Such acts that confer the Catalonia state the authority to create its own taxes are unconstitutional as it is repugnant to the Spanish laws which are adjudged supreme.

## CONFLICTS OF NORMS

The right to self-determination as a universal principle that guarantees indigenous people the right to determine who governs them is widely seen as a trigger to abuse and death from the Catalonian of Spain to the Biafran in Nigeria, states are obligated to protect their territorial integrity as such uses state mechanism to quash secessionist movements. One could question the rights and wrongs of the parties to this conflict, could be state be held liable for protecting the territorial integrity using the state machine which they are obligated to do? Or could the indigenous people who pray to secede from their original state on the ground of the right to self-determination? These norms have been reinterpreted to suit states hegemony ignoring the indigenous peoples' rights such interpretations that support states hegemony was portrayed in the response of the united states in the wakes of the use of force on the Catalonians quest for secession. Though the methodology of implementing the right to self-determination is still left vague, the Montevideo convention enumerated criteria which are essential for state recognition Catalonian posses these characteristics, yet the United States response contradicts the Montevideo convention<fnref n="20" /> having refused to recognize Catalonian independence on the right to self-determination but see it as an integral part of the sovereign Spanish territory.

## Harmonizing Right to Self-Determination and State Sovereignty

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ Chochia, A. & Ramiro Troitino, D. (2012). Future Enlargements of the EU and limits of the organization. L'Europe unie/United Europe, 6, 2–26.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Ibid P.9</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ ibid</footnote>
Many states suffer the pains of these conflicting norms, the two cases explored in this article stand out and represent others. They share similar patterns and anchored on the universal right of Self-determination. A path to peace could be far from practicable without analyzing the conflict of norms to ensure a path through which this right be exercised. It is pertinent that answers to certain questions are required. Do these questions include what is a democracy? And does democracy play any role in the conflict of these norms, lastly what should be prioritized over the other, right to self-determination or the sovereignty of states? The definition of democracy is synonymous to that of the right to self-determination. Democracy is seen as a system of government characterized by periodic elections, right to franchise, life freedom of speech, etc. Thus democracy guarantees the freedom of speech as such to a large extent forms a legal ground for the expression of the right to self-determination. Sadly, as evident in these countries where these fundamental rights are denied are all democratic nations. The defense of states on the anchor to the sovereignty clause is to be analyzed in cautiousness to the meaning of sovereignty a state is adjudged sovereign when it possesses three essential elements, which are people, location (geographical area) and a government. It is pertinent to note that among all the components of a state the people are the most important as there could be no state or sovereignty without the people. The people also in this context forms the government and the laws, in a question on the what should be the priority of the state, it should be remembered that among the attribute of a state the people are the most important and should enjoy such rights associated with their importance. The right to self-determination could be a threat to the existence of states without a certain clause to regulate the creation of new states. However, the states should not be protected on the altar of sacrificing the peoples right as it goes against the pact in the foundation of the states. Amidst these conflicts a sustainable peace could be realized by redefining the contextual meaning of indigenous people, could indigenous people mean a group of people? all marginalized people in a state? Indigenous people should be defined on the ground of certain shared value system. As seen ailing democracy aids the contemporary hikes on the call for secessions, globally there is ailing political system characterized by corruption and incapacity of the mechanism of the state, such inefficiency bread marginalization and the call for secession.

## CONCLUSION

Right to Self-determination from the Catalonian and the Biafran secessionist struggle is seen as an anchor for the pursuance of such rights. However, the states on its own have maintained their obligation for the protection of the territorial integrity as such used the state mechanism at "all cost" in response to such secessionist struggle. Amidst the theories that explain these intricate relationships between the right to self-determination and sovereignty, these theories align with the state on its obligation to protect its territory and others see the right to self-determination as a political statement left for states to interpret. This research recognizes both rights as two democratic principles, which should be followed in a systematic way as both could coexist without being a threat to the existence of each other. This could be realized by redefining the term indigenous people or people as it is captured in the right to self-determination, giving priority to people as it forms the most essential element in the state. Institutional reforms that guarantee the absence of marginalization and corruption should be encouraged. Right to self-determination should not be addressed as a political statement without a clear interpretation in the post-colonial era. A state without the people cannot be called a state and democracy without the people is no democracy suffix to say respecting the will of the people is true democracy without which a state is stateless.
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# Migration Policy in Russia and its „Domino Effect”
## Towards Migrants

ABDURASUL ABDURAKHIMOV

TALLINN UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY, ESTONIA

ABDURASUL.ABDURAKHIMOV@GMAIL.COM

**Abstract:** Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, migration policy has always been an all-important issue for Russian authorities. It is one of the major migrant-receiving countries in the world and according to some assessments, international migrants constitute up to 25 per cent of total workforce in the country. After becoming an independent state, the authorities quickly realized that the Soviet-style immigration laws had to undergo huge changes in order to regulate the incoming massive migration effectively. This article presents a general overview of Russian immigration law at different stages of its development. It also elaborates on how toughening migration policy has produced reverse effect by creating more illegal migrants in the country, in addition to resulting in "domino effect" towards migrants.

**Keywords:** migration policy, Russia, domino effect, Central Asian migrants, FMS

## INTRODUCTION

Russia, after the United States of America, Saudi Arabia and Germany, is the fourth largest host country of international migrants in the world with over 11 million migrants residing in the country in 2017.<fnref n="1" /> Majority of them come from the former Soviet countries, especially from Central Asia.<fnref n="2" /> Generally, the nationals of those countries can come to Russia under the visa-free regime. However, once they arrive, they are subject to draconian immigration laws and regulations which usually compel many of them to stay and work illegally.<fnref n="3" /> According to statistics from 2015, about three million foreign citizens residing in Russia had already violated the legal terms of their residence.<fnref n="4" />

If the USSR would still exist, majority of the migrants in Russia today would not be regarded as international migrants and their conduct would also be regulated by ordinary Russian internal legislation. Moreover, the collapse of the Soviet Union has changed the statuses of people by turning former citizens of one country into foreign citizens in relation to each other. In turn, it resulted in changing attitudes among those people and created completely new ways of viewing migration. All these processes took place simultaneously with other huge transformations in the post-Soviet area: transition from planned economy to Western-style market economy and from a multinational and multicultural country to building nation-states. Under the circumstances, a number of questions arose

<footnote n="1">¹ UN DESA, 2017. International Migration Stock. [Online] Available at: http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/data/estimates2/estimates17.asp [Accessed 25 March 2019].</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, 2018. Statistics and Analytics. [Online] Available at: https://xn--b1aew.xn--p1ai/Deljatelnost/statistics/migracionnaya/item/15851053/; Chochia, A., & Popjanevski, J. (2016). Change of Power and Its Influence on Country's Europeanization Process. Case Study: Georgia. In *Political and Legal Perspectives of the EU Eastern Partnership Policy* (pp. 197-210). Springer, Cham. [Accessed 25 March 2019].</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Urinboyev, Rustamjon. 2016. „Migration and Parallel Legal Orders in Russia.“ ALEKSANTERI INSIGHT (Aleksanteri Institute, University of Helsinki).</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Russian Federal Migration Service, 2015. Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs. [Online] Available at: https://xn--b1ab2a0a.xn--b1aew.xn--p1ai/upload/site1/document_file/Itogovyy_doklad_na_19.02.16.pdf [Accessed 25 March 2019].</footnote>
in the post-Soviet Russia about the regulation of vast inevitable mobility processes and whether this mobility is beneficial and desirable or negative and even dangerous. The answers to those questions — which have been constantly changing over time — led to another set of equally complicated questions: what institutions and rules should control and regulate the process and its actors.

An ongoing debate on this issue has always been accompanied by constant changes in the migration policies of Russia. Meanwhile, available research on migration in Russia suggest that the policies are highly inconsistent, cynical and dependent on conflicts between various lobbysts i.e. liberals, nationalists and neo-imperialists.⁵⁶ They also point out the existence of strong ideological division on this subject.<fnref n="7" /> Undoubtedly, all of these factors inevitably lead to controversial and frequent changes, which derserve sound research not only from a domestic perspective, but in a comparative context as well.<fnref n="8" /> In the first section of this research paper, I aim to give a brief description of changes and developments in Russia's migration policy, namely early stages of its development and the concept of "compatriot" developed during that stage. Further, I will present my analysis on the main directions and results of the recent changes in the immigration laws. In the second section, I will suggest that high number of illegal migrants in Russia largely has to do with the "domino effect" of its immigration laws where breaking one law makes it inevitable to break another which finally pushes a migrant out of an inner circle of legality without any right of return. I will use a case study derived from my daily conversations with Uzbek migrants when I was in Uzbekistan in May 2018. At the end of the second section, I will try to present my analysis on what factors resulted in "domino effect" and possible solutions to this issue. The last section of this research paper will summarize all the important points before coming to a logical conclusion.

# 1. DEVELOPMENTS IN RUSSIA'S MIGRATION POLICY

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a newly independent Russia became a destination for millions of international migrants. With its very little experience in managing large-scale migration processes, Russia had to quickly set up its policies and institutions to regulate the situation. Soon, it became obvious that its Soviet-style immigration laws needed to be updated and had to undergo huge transformations.

## 1.1. Refugees and Issues of Displacement

The early 1990s was marked by a massive resettlements of Russian-speaking migrants who were previously living in other Soviet republics. It was largely due to various upheavels and political reforms taking place in those republics including civil war in Tajikistan, armed conflicts in Moldova and Caucasus, and laws that gave the status of official state language to languages other than Russian. It resulted in huge flows of refugees and displaced people from various ethnic groups.

<footnote n="5">⁵ Mukomel. 2005. „Migratsionnaya politika Rossii: postsovetskie konteksty.“ (Moscow: Dipol’-T. ).</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Zaionchkovskaya, Zh., N. Mkrtchyan and E. Tyuryukanova. 2009. „‘Rossiya pered vyzovami immigratsii’. Postsovetskie transformatsiia: otrazhenie v migratsiyakh.“ Monteerinud: Zh.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">⁷ Mukomel’. 2008. „‘Novaya migratsionnaya politika Rossii: izderzhki ideologii’.“ Moldoscopie (Probleme de analiza politica) 93-110.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ On the general need for the study and teaching of comparative law in central and Eastern Europe see Hoffmann, T., Reflections on Opportunities for Comparative Private Law in Academia: Central and Eastern Europe. Review of Central and East European Law, 39 (2014), p. 1–17.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1. Migration flows to and from Russia, 1991-2015</figcaption></figure>

Note: Immigration figures refer to inflows of migrants who stay in Russia longer than one year.

Source: Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat), "International Migration," updated April 19, 2019, available online (in Russian).

Therefore, unsurprisingly, the first migration legislation in the post-Soviet Russia was devoted to the issue of refugees and displaced people.<fnref n="9" /> This legislation explained the difference between refugees and displaced people. According to it, foreign citizens arriving in Russia were defined as refugees and Russian citizens who obtained their citizenship outside of Russia were defined as forcibly displaced people. In this sense, this period of immigration policies in Russia is considered to be the most liberal from the political point of view as it mainly aimed to regulate the influx of unprecedented number of migrants — majority of whom were ethnic Russians — to resettle in their "homeland".<fnref n="10" />

### 1.1.1. "Compatriots"

Later in 1995, Russian government adopted a 'Declaration on Support for Russian Diaspora and on Patronage for Russian Compatriots' according to which anyone coming from former USSR, Russia and their direct descendants thereof, who do not hold a Russian citizenship but want to maintain ties and stay loyal to the Russian Federation are defined as "compatriots". Further, in 1999, the newly adopted "Act on the Russian Federation's State Policy toward Compatriots Abroad" strengthened the concept.<fnref n="11" /> Generally, the concept of "compatriot" was very broad and *de facto* included anyone who lived in the post-Soviet area. Subsequently, all policies concerning the "compatriots" were built around the idea of supporting them abroad and even more importantly, assisting those who wanted to move back to Russia permanently. Moreover, simplified procedures for getting Russian citizenship were in place for them.

## 1.2. The Toughening of the Russia's Migration Laws

The next milestone in the development of Russia's migration policies dates back to 2000s. Given the threats of both internal and international terrorism, Russian authorities decided to reorient

<footnote n="9">⁹ Zakon 'O bezhentsakh', No. 4528-I and Zakon 'O vynuzhdennykh pereselentsakh', No. 4530-1.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Meilus, L. 2013. "Challenges in Migration Policy in Post-Soviet Russia." (Illinois Wesleyan University.) 17.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ On details of this act in the context of Russian foreign policies see Hoffmann, T. & Chochia, A. (2018). The Institution of Citizenship and Practices of Passportization in Russia's European Neighborhood Policies. In: A. Makarychev, T. Hoffmann (Ed.). Russia and the EU Spaces of Interaction (223–237). Routledge, Taylor&Francis Group.</footnote>
the existing migration policies and turn it into a fight against the illegal migration.<fnref n="12" /> The authorities started seeing illegal migrants as one of the main sources of instability inside the country and ultimately, as a threat to the national security.<fnref n="13" /> One of the first steps on this way was "drawing a clear line between "ours" and "aliens" and between "preferred" and "non-preferred"". For this reason, "Federal Law on Legal Status of Foreign Citizens in the Russian Federation" was adopted in 2002. Along some other changes, this law also laid out certain cultural requirements for compatriots and migrants who wanted to become Russian citizens. Initially, as mentioned above, the concept of "compatriot" included anyone who was a citizen of the USSR and their direct descendants. Therefore, it was open for anyone from the post-Soviet area regardless their national, ethnic and cultural origin. However, it gradually became a word to describe someone with plan's to move to Russia.<fnref n="14" /> According to the new law adopted in 2002, all migrant workers who entered the territory of Russian Federation were classified as "temporary staying foreigners" and had a right to stay in Russia for 90 days. They were also obliged to register at the City Department of Interior of Russian Federation within 3 days of their arrival to Russia. For that to be done, migrants needed either a written agreement with the perspective employer or a rental contract with a landlord and a migrant. In order to change their status from "temporary staying foreigner" to "temporary staying resident", migrants had to find a job and get proper work permit within those 90 days.

However, in reality, for migrant workers, it was extremely hard to register within three days of their arrival due to the following reason: neither employers nor landlords are willing to make a formal written contract with migrants. The paramount motive behind it is to evade the taxes.<fnref n="15" /> Since majority of landlords do not provide leasing contracts easily, migrants have no other choice than working without proper documents. In turn, it makes them extremely vulnerable to violations of their rights by employers and the police.

So, due to those legal restrictions, many migrants turned to shadow economy. In this way, the number of illegal migrants in Russia grew dramatically since the introduction of the aforementioned draconian laws and regulations. It also initiated a growth in corruption related to the immigration industry.<fnref n="16" /> As a result, in 2007, Russian authorities were compelled to introduce some changes to previously existing laws. Due to those amendments, the 90-day period was extended to 180 days and 3-day deadline for registering was also extended to 7 days. Apart from that, there were several positive changes concerning the procedures of getting work permits. For example, based on the new amendments, migrants could apply for the work permit in any Federal Migration Service (hereafter: FMS) offices without being dependent on one particular employer. It meant more freedom to choose and to change their workplace.

However, what looked *de jure* good, was *de facto* hard to implement. Moreover, the compulsory medical exam that had to be done within 30 days cost about 500 USD which is extremely expensive for migrants. The amendments to the law also made it compulsory for migrants to take language test which was another huge obstacle on their way to legality. Above all, FMS failed to fully cooperate with other agencies when it comes to implementing new reforms. Therefore, this stage of development in Russia's migration laws were called by some academicians as "liberal-restrictive" due to its double standard approach.<fnref n="17" />

<footnote n="12">¹² Latsis, O. 2002. „Time for deportation again?“ The Russian Journal.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ Igushev, A. 2003. „Tajikistan: Countering poverty, trying to stay in good terms with Russian and West.“ CACI Analyst.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ Heleniak, T. 2001. 'Migration and restructuring in post-Soviet Russia'. Kd. 4,</footnote>

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ Schaible, D. 2003. „Life in Russia's 'Closed City: Moscow's movement restrictions and the rule of law.“ New York University Law Review 76: 344-373.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">¹⁶ Meilus, L. 2013. „Challenges in Migration Policy in Post-Soviet Russia.“ (Illinois Wesleyan University.) 17.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ Tipaldou, S., & Uba, K. 2014. The Russian Radical Right Movement and Immigration Policy: Do They Just Make Noise or Have an Impact as Well? Kd. 7. 66 kd.</footnote>
### 1.2.1. Reforms of 2014-2015

As the massive migration flow continued throughout the following years, there was a need to revise previously existing immigration laws and to introduce further developments to it. Those developments came in 2014 and 2015. They had several important aspects and were aimed at solving particular tasks which I will describe in the next paragraphs.

Although the new concept *de jure* talked about attracting more migrant workers to Russia, the first amendments *de facto* had more restrictive nature rather than encouraging. The implementation of a three-month stay rule can be a salient example in this regard. According to it, a migrant coming from a country that has established visa-free regime with Russia can stay for three month with six month period. Previously, there was no six month limitation and therefore, many migrants used to cross and re-enter the nearest border (e.g. Kazakhstan, Ukranian borders) and in this way, prolong their stay. With the new rule, Russian authorities removed this option for migrants. So, migrants had to either leave Russia in three month and return only after staying at least three month in their own home countries, or acquire proper documents. The latter option had its own nuances and obstacles.

Apart from the aforementioned change, there were some other significant changes in other aspects of immigration legislation. Previously, in order to work legally in Russia, migrants were obliged to get quota permits and work patents. Starting from 2015, a single patent system was introduced which was supposed to simplify the process of getting proper documents to work in the country. One should note that it was only for those countries that have visa-free regime with Russia and citizens of countries that do not fall under that category were still obliged to acquire permits and work patents. Except for simplifying the process, this development was also meant to solve the issue of social security of migrants by making it compulsory to get a health insurance.

Further and even more importantly, the new laws drew a line between those who were only invited to stay temporarily, and those who were encouraged to stay permanently and acquire Russian citizenship. For example, native Russian speakers, businessmen and experts in particular fileds had a chance to get a residence permit and Russian citizenship easier than other ordinary migrant workers. The latter category was required to renew their patent after a year of their stay and leave Russia after 2 years.

The fourth significant amendment to the immigration laws had to do with the integration of migrants into the Russian society and culture. According to the new law, one of the requirements for acquiring residence permit and patent was passing an exam in Russian language, history and legal system. One more interesting thing to note about this legislation is that there was an examination fee to be paid by migrants. This law entered into force from 2015 and still stays active.

### 1.2.2. Entry Bars

Since 2012, in order to regulate the vast migration process, Russian authorities introduced a practice of issuing entry bars to migrants who have violated the immigration laws. Initially, it used to be issued only to those migrants who had not left Russia within the thirty-day period after the expiry of their residence permit. However, it has experienced a serious shift in 2013-2014. According to the new law, entry bar is issued to any migrant who commits two or more administrative offences (i.e. crossing the road in wrong places, speeding or parking tickets) within a three-year period.<fnref n="18" /> Unlike many other laws, this one works retroactively and therefore, a migrant can get an entry bar not only for two or more administrative offences committed after this law was passed, but rather any three-year period of migrant's residence in Russia. Although the law does not imply it explicitly,

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ Russian Federation. 1996. „THE LAW ON THE RULES OF ENTRY AND EXIT FROM THE TERRITORY OF RUSSIAN FEDERATION, Art. 27, § 2.1.“</footnote>
courts have *de facto* interpreted it accordingly.<fnref n="19" /> Issuing an entry bar makes a migrant effectively deportable and leaves no possibility to regularize his/her stay in Russia. As a result, the number of deportations increased significantly over the following years. According to the official statistics from FMS, 645, 000 migrants were deported in 2014 compared to 73, 000 in 2013. It is important to note that not all migrants who get an entry bar are deported by the authorities. In many cases, they are given a certain period of time to leave Russia on their own.

## 2. IMMIGRATION LAWS AND THEIR EFFECTS

Since 2000s, the migration policies of Russia towards migrant workers, especially from Central Asia, have become more and more restrictive and repressive. Although the laws do not imply it explicitly, it can be seen in the real life experiences of many migrants. Frequently changing rules and other inconsistencies in the law and in the institutions that regulate migration have led to the phenomenon of "domino effect" of immigration laws. In other words, it is a kind of a chain reaction which migrants can activate by committing a single offence and it does not matter how small it is. It is enough to cause the "domino effect".

### 2.1. A case study

Anvar is thirty-two years old migrant worker from Uzbekistan<fnref n="20" />. He had arrived in Moscow several years ago to find a work in some construction site because it was a job for which he had received special training when he was in Uzbekistan. He found a job in a small construction site and he liked it. He also was advancing well in his career. Of course, as with everyone else, there were temporary delays in payments, but Anvar understood very well that it is a general condition for all migrants in Russia and therefore, accepted it. Moreover, he managed to bring his wife and his child to Russia, so they were all living together. In short, he was happy with his job and his life.

He was one day stopped in the metro by the police. During the check, the police officers asked for his passport and residence registration card. Having checked the documents, the officers accused Anvar of having fake registration. Subsequently, the officers kept him at a police station overnight. In next the morning, they took him to one of the district courts with the accusations of having a fake registration documents. Alongside him, the officers also took eighteen more migrants with the same accusations.

The court immediately accepted the charges brought by the police and found Anvar and other migrants guilty of violating administrative and immigration laws. It resulted in ordering a usual triple sentence: a five-year entry which had to be issued immediately by the FMS, expulsion order and a fine (5000 rubles). With various construction projects under way, his wife and a child living with him in Moscow, leaving Russia seemed impossible.

Moreover, Anvar was quite certain that his immigration documents were legit because they were given to him by his employer. Therefore, he hired an immigration lawyer. The lawyer recommended Anvar to go to the local FMS office and ask them to check the status of his registration from their database. It is important to note that the police does not have an access to the FMS database because of the division in their responsibilites and therefore, they are supposed to send an official request to FMS every time when they suspect someone of having false immigration papers.

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Kubal, Agnieszka. 2016. „Entry Bar as Surreptitious Deportation?“ Journal of the American Bar Foundation (Law&Society Inquiry) 2 (2): 13.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ In order to keep the confidentiality of a migrant whom I talked to in Uzbekistan, I changed his name and some of his personal data. However, important facts of the case are unchanged.</footnote>
However, as in the case of Anvar, the police often do not follow those procedures and file a case directly to the court.

Having waited in the long queue at the FMS office, Anvar was informed that his registration was on their database. The FMS officer issued a printout from their database certifying the validity of his registration. Based on this evidence, Anvar's lawyer filed an appeal with the Moscow City Court.

In turn, the court having received the evidences rejected the earlier decision of the District Court.

Justice seems to be served. However, what were the real effects of the decision made by the Moscow City Court which was supposed to bring Anvar back into legality?

As mentioned above, Anvar was issued a triple sentence and one of them was issuing the five-year entry bar immediately by the FMS. So, the decision of the Moscow City Court was supposed to remove the entry bar. It was necessary for him in order to renew his patent. However, there was yet a bigger problem. Anvar's registration was soon going to expire and renewing it required the removal of his entry bar. The problem was that the formal long processing time of the Moscow City Court and equally, long processing time of FMS would make it impossible for him to renew the registration. Without registration, it is also impossible to renew his working patent which would push him back into illegality.

His lawyer advised Anvar to make a request at the FMS so that they would remove his entry bar as soon as possible and let him legitimise his stay in Russia. Subsequently, he filled an application at the FMS and attached the reference from the Moscow City Court. The FMS confirmed that it takes one month for FMS to remove his entry bar from the database. However, his registration expiry date was closer than that.

Did he win the case after all? After all, Anvar and his family were compelled to leave the Russian Federation and wait for the court and the FMS to process and lift his entry bar. In other words, despite the acquittal of the Moscow City Court, he had to leave.

## 2.2. "Domino effect": the reasons and the ways to eradicate them

Anvar's case represents many other cases and similar situations that migrants experience in Russia in their every day life. Breaking one law — or simply being accused— leads to breaking another law which, finally, pushes a migrant out of the inner circle of legality while offering very little or no chance to return. As Anvar told me: "If you do not fulfil one condition, pay the taxes on working patent a few days later, or FMS officer puts your name or your date of birth incorrectly, then the process starts. One thing leads to another and it continues until you find yourself in the court. After that, illegality becomes your only and only option."

I would argue that the more repressive the immigration laws are in Russia, the more illegal migrants will be produced as a result. The above presented data has shown that over the years, Russia's immigration policies has been getting tougher against the migrants and it was producing reverse effect: the number of illegal migrants has been increasing since then. Moreover, from my point of view, slight decreases in the number of migrants in the country have largely to do with the economic decline in Russia since 2014 due to the sanctions imposed by EU and USA. Therefore, the belief that the newly adopted policies have been effective might be questionable.

Taken into account the complexity of the migration process in Russia, it is impossible to offer any "quick fixes". However, there seems to be several ways how the overall situation could be improved. Above all, there is a need to revise the proportionality of the sanctions being imposed on migrants compared to the scale of an offence committed. For example, issuing an entry bar and expulsion of a migrant (who might have family ties in Russia) because of administrative offences seems to be against the principle of proportionality. Apart from that, taking into consideration the
financial situation of migrants and the capacity and the willingness of state agencies to implement
the new laws is important step towards establishing better immigration legislation.

CONCLUSION

The aim of this paper was to analyze the development of migration policies in post-Soviet Russia and to examine the phenomenon of "domino effect" of its current immigration laws in relation to migrant workers, especially from Central Asia. As observed above, the migration policies in the country had more liberal character in its earlier stages. Its immigration laws were solely aimed at regularizing the vast migration process and accomodating millions of people fleeing to the country. Moreover, it was far less selective in terms of ethnicity and culture when deciding how to treat migrants. However, starting from 2000s, due to both external and internal factors, Russia started toughening its migration laws and treating particular type of migrants differently. Over time, it created a division between "preferred" and "non-preferred" migrants. The concept of "compatriot" – which initially was implemented as a very broad concept and included de facto everyone in the post-Soviet space – lost its initial significance and thus, its value.

Reforms in 2014-2015 which de jure were supposed to make migrants' lives easier produced reverse effects due to its impracticality and failure of legislating authorities to consider the everyday realities of migrants' lives and working style of its state agencies. Moreover, the practice of issuing entry bars, especially after the amendments to the legislation in 2014, started producing even more illegal migrants and ultimately, led to the above mentioned "domino effect". Due to the improportionate sanctions, many migrants turned to shadow economy. In this respect, when making new amendments and revising the existing immigration policies as a whole, Russian authorities need to take these factors and results into consideration. There is a high need for further research into the lives of migrants in order to examine real "rules of the game" that migrants live by rather than formal legislation that do not usually operate as it is supposed to.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

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2. Hoffmann, T. & Chochia, A. (2018). The Institution of Citizenship and Practices of Passportization in Russia's European Neighborhood Policies. In: A. Makarychev, T. Hoffmann (Ed.). Russia and the EU Spaces of Interaction (223–237). Routledge, Taylor&Francis Group.

3. Igushev, A. 2003. „Tajikistan: Countering poverty, trying to stay in good terms with Russian and West.“ *CACI Analyst*.

4. Kubal, Agnieszka. 2016. „Entry Bar as Surreptitious Deportation?“ *Journal of the American Bar Foundation* (Law&Society Inquiry) 2 (2): 13.

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7. Meilus, L. 2013. „Challenges in Migration Policy in Post-Soviet Russia.“ (Illinois Wesleyan University.) 17.

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10. Russian Federal Migration Service. 2015. *Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs*. Kasutatud 25. March 2019. a. https://xn--b1ab2a0a.xn--b1aew.xn--p1ai/upload/site1/document_file/Itogovyy_doklad_na_19.02.16.pdf.

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17. Urinboyev, Rustamjon. 2016. „Migration and Parallel Legal Orders in Russia.“ *ALEKSANTERI INSIGHT* (Aleksanteri Institute, University of Helsinki).

18. Zaionchkovskaya, Zh., N. Mkrtchyan and E. Tyuryukanova. 2009. „‘Rossiya pered vyzovami immigratsii’. Postsovetskie transformatsii: otrazhenie v migratsiyakh.“ Monteerinud: Zh. Zaionchkovskaya and G. Vitkovskaya (eds). (Tsentr migratsionnykh issledovanii, Institut narodokhazaistvennogo prognozirovaniya Rossiiskoi akademii nauk) 9-62.
# Flexicurity in termination the Employment Contract – the Comparison Between Estonia and Vietnam<fnref n="1" />

DINH THI CHIEN

HO CHI MINH CITY UNIVERSITY OF LAW, VIETNAM

DTCHIEN@HCMULAW.EDU.VN

**Abstract:** This article compares the regulation on terminating the employment contract at the initiative of the employer between the Estonian Employment Contract Act and the Vietnamese Labour Code. The comparison is done in the theory of flexicurity to give some recommendations for reforming these regulations of the Vietnamese Labour Code.

**Keywords:** Flexicurity, termination the employment contract, labour law, Vietnam, Estonia.

## INTRODUCTION

The concept of flexicurity entered the academic and political discourse in the late 1990s. The most widely followed definition paints it as a policy strategy that attempts, synchronically and in a deliberate way, to enhance the flexibility of labour markets, work organization and labour relations on the one hand, and to enhance security – employment and social security – notably for weaker groups in and outside the labour market, on the other hand<fnref n="1" />. A combination of the flexibility of the labour market and the security of employees is also evident in policy discourse at European Union level, in particular in Commission's Green paper from 1997². Flexicurity policy in Europe is aimed at solving social and economic problems as the development of the labour market enters the period of "erosion of the standard employment relationship" and the rise of "flexible employment" and the decline of indefinite full-time job and the long-term employment relation<fnref n="3" />. Some studies at that time show that, flexicurity policy will help support the competitiveness of firms, increase quality and productivity at work and facilitate the adaptation of firms and workers to economic change<fnref n="4" />. The flexicurity concept was also being implemented by the International Labour Organization (ILO) in the Middle East and developing countries, including Vietnam. These studies indicated that the harmonious combination of security and flexibility in promulgating labour relations in market economies is an appropriate policy to create economic development and decent work.<fnref n="5" />

In the framework of flexicurity, it is important to establish transparent rules on the termination employment contract at the initiative of the employer. The regulation of the termination of an employment contract at the request of the employer shows how flexible labour relations are. Estonia is also a European country that applies this policy to labour market reforms and labour laws since 2008. The basis for the draft act was the concept of flexicurity and therefore the Act aimed to increase flexibility and security in employment relations<fnref n="6" />. The new Employment Contracts Act of Estonian

<footnote n="1">¹ This research has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 734712.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Wilthagen and Tros, 2008, p. 169; Klammer, 2004.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Per Kongshoj Madsen, 2006, p.3.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ ILO/Denmark/Molisa Project in Vietnam, Balancing security and flexicurity in emerging countries, 2009, p.37</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Ton Wilthagen and Frank Tros, 2008; Kazutoshi Chatani (2008)</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Maria Sabrina De Gobbi, 2007; Paul Vandenberg, 2008.</footnote>

<footnote>Praxis Centar, Analysis of Labour Contract Act, https://centar.ee/uus/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Analysis-on-Labour-Contract-Act.pdf; Estonian Employment Contracts Act: Cornerstone in Applying the Flexicurity in Estonia?</footnote>
has been ratified in 2008 and effected from 01/01/2009 (EECA)<fnref n="7" /> focuses on balancing the interests of the parties to employment contracts and attempts to make the rules more flexible. Estonia is considered as a successful country in fulfilling the flexicurity policy in Europe, especially on voluntary job mobility<fnref n="8" />.

The first Labour Code of Vietnam was issued on June 23, 1994, takes effect from January 1, 1995, has passed four additional amendments in 2002, 2006, 2007 and 2012 (VLC). The application process of the Labour Code has appeared many shortcomings, limited from practical implementation. Comments on the draft Labour Code 2012, It is said that the provisions of this Code were strangling the labour market<fnref n="9" />. Through summarizing the implementation, many businesses, workers, user representatives, and trade unions have reflected many difficulties and shortcomings including the content of labour contracts. Currently, the Draft Law on Amendment and Supplementation to the VLC is being published publicly on the National Assembly website to get people's opinions (Draft).

In this article, the author will make a comparison of the rules of termination of the employment contract at the initiative of the employer in the concept of flexicurity between EEAC 2008 and VLC 2012. To point out the advantage and disadvantages of each and give some recommends for complete there rules of VLC 2012. Termination of the employment contract at the initiative of the employer is the case where the employer unilaterally terminates the labour contract without agreement of the employee. To protect the security of work for employees, EECA 2008 and VLC 2012 both regulate the ground and the procedure that the employer has to comply with.

# 1. THE GROUNDS OF CANCELLATION

Regulations on the grounds of cancellation show how easy/flexible that the employer could cancel legally employment contracts. In order to protect employees' works, Article 4 Convention Number 158 of the International Labour Organization (ILO) stipulates that, an employment contract must not be terminated unless there is a valid reason for such termination connected with the capacity or conduct of the employee or based on the operational requirements of the undertaking, establishment, or service. Countries have regulated grounds and procedures for terminating contracts. The strict of these regulations show how flexible the employer is.

## EECA

Fulfilling the concept of flexicurity, EEAC makes significant changes concerning the rules on the grounds for termination of an employment contract on the initiative of the employer. Instead of exact grounds<fnref n="10" />, EEAC provides general reasons and guidelines for termination. The employers could decide which reasons are suitable for their enterprises. According to EEAC, the employer can cancel the employment contract only extraordinarily and due to an influential reason connected with the employee or the economic situation.

- *The grounds due to reasons from employees*

<footnote n="7">⁷ The old EAC (1992) regulated the grounds and procedure for termination of employment contracts in great detail. That kind of rigid regulation on termination was not purposeful.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ Muffels, R. J. A., & Wilthagen, A. C. J. M., 2013.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ Lawyer Truong Quang Duc, Comments on the draft Labor Code 2012, http://luatsuquangthai.vn/bo-luat-bop-nghet-thi-truong-lao-dong-367-a3id. Many provisions remarked in this writing were regulated in Vietnamese Labor law code 2012.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ The old EAC (1992) provided ten specific grounds for terminating contracts. For each of the grounds for dismissal, the employer had an obligation to prove that there was a reason provided by law for the dismissal; otherwise, the dismissal was unlawful.</footnote>
Section 1 Article 88 EECA provides a possibility for the employer to cancel the employment contract due to the reasonable excuse caused by the employee. The law lists examples of probable cancellation causes: (i) For a long time been unable to perform his or her duties due to his or her state of health which does not allow for the continuance of the employment relationship (decrease incapacity for work due to a state of health). A decrease in capacity for work due to state of health is presumed if the employee's state of health does not allow for the performance of duties over four months' (The employee has not been able to fulfil their work tasks due to the health condition for a long time); (ii) For a long time been unable to perform his or her duties due to his or her insufficient work skills, non- suitability for the position or inadaptability, which does not allow for the continuance of the employment relationship (decrease in capacity for work) (The employee cannot cope with work tasks due to insufficient knowledge or skills); (iii) In spite of a warning, disregarded the employer's reasonable instructions or breached his or her duties; (iv) In spite of the employer's warning been at work in a state of intoxication; (v) Committed a theft, fraud or another act bringing about the loss of the employer's trust in the employee; (vi) Brought about a third party's distrust in the employer; (vii) Wrongfully and to a significant extent damaged the employer's property or caused a threat of such damage; and (viii) Violated the obligation of maintaining confidentiality or restriction of trade. The employer can cancel the employment contract within a reasonable period after they learned or must have learned about the circumstances<fnref n="11" />.

- *The grounds due to economic reasons*

Economic reasons are cases where due to objective reasons, employers must change their organizational structure or new technology or other objective reasons leading to labour redundancy. In this case, the employee lost his job completely without their fault.

According to EECA, an employer may extraordinarily cancel an employment contract if the continuance of the employment relationship on the agreed conditions becomes impossible due to: a decrease in the work volume or reorganization of work or other cessation of work; cessation of the activities of the employer; bankruptcy<fnref n="12" />.

Before cancellation of an employment contract due to lay-off, an employer shall where possible, offer other work to the employee. Such obligations do not apply in the case of the employer's bankruptcy and when the employer ends its' activity. The employer shall, where necessary, organize the employee's in-service training or change the employee's working conditions, unless the changes cause disproportionately high costs for the employer<fnref n="13" />.

Besides, the employer must follow the equal treatment principle during redundancy. This means that the employer may keep better-working employees employed. At the same time, the employer may not reduce employees based on their gender, age, nationality, sexual orientation or other circumstances not related to work. During redundancy, the employees' representative and employee raising a child under the age of 3 get preferential treatment. For instance, if the employer must make some employees redundant and has determined employees who will be let go, the employee raising a child under the age of 3 must be kept at work and another employee chose<fnref n="14" />.

Employees' representative and a parent of a child under the age of 3 can only be made redundant if one position (employing this person) will be made redundant and there are no other people to let go from the same position instead. For instance, when the only accountant of the company will be let go as the company shall procure accountancy service from outside the company in the future<fnref n="15" />.

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Section 4 Article 88 EAC 2008</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² Section 1 Article 89 EEAC 2008</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ Section 3 Article 89 EECA 2008</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ subsection 1, 2 Section 1, Section 2 Article 88 EECA</footnote>

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ Section 4,5 Article 89 EEAC 2008</footnote>
VLC

According to VLC, the grounds that the employer may cancel employment contract are stipulated at four articles with different procedures of cancellation: (i) Cases where employers shall may unilaterally terminate labour contracts which has two groups of grounds: reason arising from the employee and force majeure reasons (Article 38); (ii) Obligations of employers in cases of changes in structure, technology or due to economic reasons (Article 44); (iii) Obligations of employers in cases of merger, consolidation, division, or separation of enterprises and cooperatives (Article 45); Dismissed (Article 126). Although they are regulated in different articles with different names, they can be divided into two groups: the grounds due to reasons arising from employees and the ground due to economic reasons.

- *The grounds due to reasons from employees*

The grounds due to reasons from employees that the employer may cancel employment contract are stipulated at two articles:

*The first group* is regulated in Section 1 Article 38 VLC with the right to unilaterally terminate the employment contract of the employer. The employer shall have the right to unilaterally terminate the employment contract in the following cases: (i) The employee repeatedly fails to perform his/her work in accordance with the terms of the employment contract; (ii) An employee is sick or has an accident and remains unable to work after having received treatment for a period of twelve consecutive months in the case of an indefinite term employment contract, for six consecutive months in the case of a definite employment contract, or more than half the duration of the contract in the case of an employment contract for seasonal work or a specific task of less than 12 months. Upon recovery, the employee shall be considered for reinstatement or continue to work for the employer (The employee has not been able to fulfil their work tasks due to the health condition for a long time); (iii) The employee does not present him/herself at the workplace until the period of 15 days from the expiry of the suspension period of the employment contract as stipulated in Article 32 VLC.

In those cases, the employer could cancelation the employment contract after doing prior notice to the employee, which are regulated in Section 2, Article 38 VLC.

*Second group* is stipulated at Article 126 VLC with the right of the employer to dismiss employees as the a disciplinary measure, includes: (i) The employee commits an act of theft, embezzlement, gambling, intentionally causing injury, using illicit drug inside the workplace, disclosing technological or business secrets or infringing the intellectual property rights of the employer, or commits acts which are seriously detrimental or posing seriously detrimental threat to the assets or interests of the employer; (ii) The employee who is subject to the disciplinary measure of deferment of wage increase recidivates while the disciplinary measure is not yet repealed; or where an employee was demoted as a labour discipline and recidivates. Recidivism means an employee recommits the same breach of labour disciplinary regulations while the disciplinary measure has not been repealed in accordance with Article 127 of this Code; (iii) the employee has been absent from work for 05 accumulated days in 01 month or 20 accumulated days in 01 year without a proper reason. Proper reasons include natural calamities or fires; the employee or his/her family member suffers from illness with a certification by a competent health care institution; and other reasons as stipulated in the internal work regulations.

Employers have to comply with the principles and procedures for settling violations of labour disciplinary regulations which are regulated by law<fnref n="16" />: The employer must demonstrate the culpability of the employee; There must be the participation of the representative organization of the

<footnote n="16">¹⁶ Article 123 VLC 2012,</footnote>
worker's collective at the grassroots level; The employee must be physically present and is entitled to self-defence or to have a lawyer or other persons to assist in his/her defence; if the employee is under 18 years of age, his/her father, mother or a legal representative must be present; and any settlement of violations of labour disciplinary regulations must be documented.

- *The grounds due to economic reasons*

According to VLC, the economic reasons that the employer has the right to lay-off employees are regulated in more detail, concludes: (i) Changes of organizational structure, re-organization of employments: (i) Changes of products, product structure; (ii) Changes of technology process, machinery, business manufacturing equipment, associated with production, business activities of the employer<fnref n="17" />; (ii) Economic reasons: Economic crisis or recession; or Implementation of the governmental policy on restructuring the economy or implementation of international commitments<fnref n="18" />; (iii) In cases of merger, consolidation, division, or separation of enterprises and cooperatives<fnref n="19" />; (iv) In cases of force majeure: in the event of a natural calamity, fire, hostilities, epidemics, relocation or narrowing of the production and business sites, at the request of competent state agencies and the employer has exhausted all possibilities, and is forced to scale down production and reduce the workforce<fnref n="20" />.

Except for the cases of force majeure, VLC also requires the employer to offer and/or re-train employees for continued employment<fnref n="21" />.

*Comments:*

Firstly, in regulations of the grounds due to reasons arising from employees, EECA provides the employer the right to cancel the employment contract easier than VLC does:

- EECA provides an employer the right to cancel the employment contract in the cases that are not allowed by VLC: (i) In spite of a warning, disregarded the employer's reasonable instructions or breached his or her duties; and (ii) In spite of the employer's warning been at work in a state of intoxication;

- For serious violations of employees, EECA allows employers to unilaterally terminate labour contracts just with prior notice. Meanwhile, VLC regulates that, the employer can only terminate the labour contract by disciplining with the dismissal penalty in a very strict procedure. These grounds are: Committed a theft, fraud or another act bringing about the loss of the employer's trust in the employee; Brought about a third party's distrust in the employer; Wrongfully and to a significant extent damaged the employer's property or caused a threat of such damage; Violated the obligation of maintaining confidentiality or restriction of trade<fnref n="22" />.

Secondly, the grounds due to economic reasons stipulated in EECA are the same in VLC but the conditions to lay-off employees in EECA are stricter than those in VLC. Many grounds regulated in VLC are just specified examples for the case of re-organizing of works, which are regulated in both EECA and VLC. EECA prohibits discrimination and treatment and limits the number of cases not allowed to quit, while VLC does not. So EECA is more reasonable than VLC in the meaning of security of employees. In reality, the employer could easy to create the grounds for redundancy (such as the grounds of reorganizing of employment, restructuring of activity). The equal treatment principle of EECA prevents the arbitrariness of the employer and protects week employees in the

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ Section 1 Article 44 VLC 2012, Article 13 Degree 05/2015/NĐ-CP</footnote>

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ section 2 Article 44 VLC 2012, Article 13 Degree 05/2015/NĐ-CP</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Article 45 VLC 2012</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ subsection a Section 1 Article 38 VLC</footnote>

<footnote n="21">²¹ Article 44,45,46 VLC</footnote>

<footnote n="22">²² These grounds are for employers to cancel the employment contract according to section 1 Article 88 EECA, and for employers dismiss employees as a disciplinary method according to Article 126 VLC.</footnote>
case of redundancy. VLC does not such restrict regulations so the employer often applies these measures to cancel the employment contract.

Thirdly, the obligation of employers to arrange other jobs for the employees is regulated in EECA is more reasonable than that in VLC. EECA requires the employer to offer a new job for the employee in any case possible, not depend on the reasons lead to cancellation. VLC only requires the employer to do this obligation in the case of redundancy<fnref n="23" />. The employer has no obligation to offer anther job for employees in case of employees cannot cope with work tasks due to objective reasons (health status or personal capacity<fnref n="24" />). In this field, EECA considers to the social responsibility of the employer to protect security for the employee better than VLC. The obligation of employers to offer another job for employees is a method to guarantee the security of work for employees. According to EECA, this obligation of the employer is set up in cases where an employer cannot guarantee the job according to the contract without employees' fault, or employees cannot cope with work tasks due to objective reasons. This regulation is base on both sociality and contract aspects. For cases where the employee does not undertake the work due to objective reasons such as health status or personal capacity, the employer offers the other appropriate job (if any). These regulations reach to the social responsibility of employers. In the case of redundancy, employers cannot provide work to the employee on agreed conditions because of economic reasons, arranging another job for the employee is considered to implement the obligations in the contract law.

## 2. PROCEDURE ON CANCELATION

### • Terms for advance notice of cancellation

Advance notice of cancelation has the purpose to give the employee the chance to find a new job and to reduce the expenses of the unemployment insurance fund. The longer the period of advance notice, the more security for employees and the less flexible for employers.

#### EECA

According to EECA, an employer shall give an employee advance notice of extraordinary cancellation if the employee's employment relationship with the employer has lasted:

- Less than one year of employment – no less than 15 calendar days;

- One to five years of employment – no less than 30 calendar days;

- Five to ten years of employment – no less than 60 calendar days;

- Ten and more years of employment – no less than 90 calendar days.

On the basis specified in subsection 1 Article 88 EECA (contract is terminated due to the employee's actions) an employer may cancel an employment contract without adhering to the term for advance notice if, considering all circumstances and mutual interests, it cannot be reasonably demanded that the performance of the contract be continued until the expiry of the agreed term or term for advance notice.

#### VLC

VLC requires the employer to give the prior notice only in the case of unilateral termination of the employment contract specified at Article 38 VLC. The period of advance notice does not depend on the length of employment at the employer's company but depends on the types of labour

<footnote n="23">²³ Article 44,45,46 VLC</footnote>

<footnote n="24">²⁴ Stipulated at subsection a, b Section 1 Article 38 VLC</footnote>
contracts. When unilaterally terminating an employment contract in cases provided at section 1 Article 38 VLC, an employer shall give notice to the employee as follows<fnref n="25" />:

- At least 45 days in the case of an indefinite term employment contract;

- At least 30 days in the case of a definite term employment contract;

- At least 03 working days in the case of an employment contract for seasonal work or a specific task of fewer than 12 months' duration and in the case the employee has not been able to fulfil their work tasks due to the health condition for a long time.

Comments

To give the employee the chance to find a new job, the terms of advance notice in EECA 2008 is more reasonable. The employer should do the prior notice in the entire termination contract at the initiative of the employer. This obligation is only omitted in the case of impossible or not be necessary. These regulations in VLC are not reasonable and do not meet the purpose of gaining a security job for employees. According to VLC, employers do not have the obligation to do advance notice in the case of redundancy and dismissal. VLC has no exception on the case initiative termination employment contract, which is regulated in Section 1 Article 38. Another while, In case of force majeure, the employers also should do the prior notice to employees. In the case of an employment contract for seasonal work or a specific task of fewer than 12 months' duration and in the case the employee has not been able to fulfil their work tasks due to the health condition for a long time, the period of prior notice of 3 working days is too short to find a new job.

• The obligation of employers to grant time off:

Obligation of the employer to grant time off is regulated in EECA but not be in VLC. Article 99 EECA stipulates: "If an employer cancels an employment contract extraordinarily, the employer shall grant the employee within the period of advance notice time off to a reasonable extent to find new employment".

The obligation of the employer to grant time off is a good regulation for granting the security of work for the employee. To get a new job as soon as terminating the employment, the employee needs to do some procedure such as: finding information, applying employment fill, take part in a recruitment procedure.

3. ALLOWANCE/ COMPENSATION

Allowance/ compensation that the employer must pay to the employee in the case of termination contract has a role as granting the security of income for the employee. Vietnam and Estonia both have implemented the unemployment insurance scheme. The employer and employees have to contribute monthly to the unemployment fund. Employees will receive unemployment benefits in most cases of unemployment because of the terminating labour contract. In these cases, employers have no obligation to pay an allowance to employees because they had contributed to the unemployment fund for this purpose. Granting the amount and the range of unemployment benefits is considered as a method to fulfil the flexicurity policy.

EECA

EECA requires the employer to compensate employees just in case of redundant<fnref n="26" />. The amount of money for compensation depends on the type of employment contract:

<footnote n="25">²⁵ Section 2 Article 38 VLC 2012</footnote>

<footnote n="26">²⁶ In this case, an employee also has the right to receive a benefit upon lay-offs under the conditions and according to the procedure prescribed in the Unemployment Insurance Act of Estonia.</footnote>
"- Upon cancellation of an employment contract due to lay-off, an employer shall pay an employee compensation to the extent of one month's average wages of the employee.

- Upon cancellation of an employment contract entered into for a specified term for economic reasons, except for reason of bankruptcy, an employer shall pay an employee compensation to the extent that corresponds to the wages that the employee would have been entitled to until the expiry of the contract term. No compensation shall be paid if the employment contract is cancelled due to force majeure.

- If an employer gives advance notice of cancellation later than provided by law or a collective agreement, the employee has the right to receive compensation to the extent to which he or she would have been entitled to upon adhering to the term for advance notice."<fnref n="27" />

### VLC

In Vietnam, the unemployment insurance regime is implemented from January 1, 2009. Employees are obliged to participate in unemployment insurance when working under indefinite labour contracts and definite labour contracts with a term of from full 3 months<fnref n="28" />.

In case an employment contract is terminated at the initiative of the employer, which are regulated in Section 1 Article 38 VLC, the employer is responsible for paying severance allowance to the employee who has worked regularly for a period of at least a full 12 months. Half of the monthly wage is payable for each year of work<fnref n="29" />. Where the employment contract is terminated because of economic reasons which are regulated at Article 44, 45 VLC, and the employee has worked regularly for the employer for at least 12 months, the employer shall pay a job-loss allowance to the employee. The job-loss allowance shall be one-month wage for each year of employment, and shall not be lower than 2 months' wage<fnref n="30" />. The qualified period of work for the calculation of severance allowance and job-loss allowance shall be the total period during which the employee actually worked for the employer minus the period in which the employee participated in the unemployment insurance scheme in accordance with the Law on Social Insurance, and the period for which the employee has been already paid severance allowance by the employer<fnref n="31" />. The reference wage for the calculation of severance allowance and job-loss allowance shall be the average of the wages, which are stated in the employment contract valid for 06 months preceding the termination of the employment contract<fnref n="32" />.

### Comments

- In cases where the employer unilaterally terminates, the labor contract basing on the grounds due to the reasons from the employee, EECA and VLC both do not require the employer to subsidize or compensate employees. The employer-paid unemployment insurance premiums for employees during the time of employment. So in these cases, employees only receive unemployment benefits if they meet the conditions prescribed by the law on unemployment insurance.

- In cases where the employer unilaterally terminates the labour contract basing on the grounds due to financial reasons, EECA requires the employer to subsidize or compensate employees while VLC does not. Besides the unemployment insurance allowance, EECA provides the obligation of the employer to pay compensation of one average salary month to the employee. If the employment contract is a fix-term one, this amount of compensation equal to the salary for the rest time of the contract. In these cases, the employer cannot guarantee employment for employees

<footnote n="27">²⁷ Article 100 EECA</footnote>

<footnote n="28">²⁸ Article 43 Vietnamese employment law 2013</footnote>

<footnote n="29">²⁹ Section 1 Article 48 VLC</footnote>

<footnote n="30">³⁰ Section 1 Article 49 VLC</footnote>

<footnote n="31">³¹ Section 2 Article 48, Section 2 Article 49 VLC</footnote>

<footnote n="32">³² Section 3 Article 48, Section 3 Article 49 VLC</footnote>
according to the signed contract without the employee's fault. Therefore the employer has to
compensate employees. This regulation will make the employer considers carefully in redundancy.
According to VLC, the employer does not have the obligation to pay any allowance or compensation
to the employee when terminating the employment contract due to financial reasons<fnref n="33" />. This provision
of VLC is not reasonable to base on the contracting aspect as explaining above. It also conflicts with
the nature of job-loss allowance according to VLC. The job-loss allowance is paid to employees who
have lost their jobs without their faults, so the amount of job-less allowance is twice of the amount
of severance allowance. Job-Less allowance includes two parts: half is the severance allowance and
half is compensation that the employer has to pay to the employees because of not guaranteeing work
for the employee under the employment contract. In the case of employees take part in the
unemployment insurance regime, the employer has contributed the amount of money to the
unemployment insurance fund so in ordinary they do not have to obligation to pay severance
allowance to the employee in ordinary termination of employment contracts. But it is not fair if
employers have no obligation to pay any allowance/compensation to employees in the case of
extraordinary termination employment contract base on economic reasons. The obligation to
compensate employees in this case also limits the employer applying economic reasons to lay off
employees.

4. CONSEQUENCES OF ILEGAL TERMINATION OF LABOR CONTRACT AT INITIATIVE OF EMPLOYERS

EECA

Article 104 EECA stipulates that voidness of cancellation happens in these cases: (1) Cancellation of an employment contract without a legal basis or in conflict with the law; (2) Cancellation of the employment contract of a pregnant employee or an employee who has the right to pregnancy and maternity leave. Violation the terms of advance notification is not void<fnref n="34" />.

An action with the court or an application with a labour dispute committee for the
establishment of the voidness of cancellation shall be filed within 30 calendar days as of the receipt
of the declaration of cancellation. If an action or application is not filed within the term or if the term
for filing the action or application is not restored, the cancellation is valid from the start and the
contract has expired on the date specified in the declaration of cancellation<fnref n="35" />.

Within 30 calendar days as of the receipt of a declaration of cancellation an employee may file
an action with the court or an application with a labour dispute committee to challenge the
cancellation in force due to a conflict with the principle of good faith, unless the employer cancelled
the contract due to a breach of the employment contract by the employee. In the case a court or labour
dispute committee establishes that cancellation of an employment contract is void, the court or labour
dispute committee shall, at the request of the employer or the employee, terminate the employment
contract as of the time when it would have expired in the case of validity of the cancellation. the
court or labour dispute committee shall not terminate the employment contract if the employee is
pregnant or has the right to pregnancy or maternity leave or has been elected as the employees'
representative unless it is reasonably not possible considering mutual interests<fnref n="36" />.

<footnote n="33">³³ the employer only pays job loss allowance for the period that the employee does not participate in unemployment insurance regime.</footnote>

<footnote n="34">³⁴ Where the employer fails to comply with the provisions on advance notice, the employee shall be paid a compensation equivalent to his/her wage for the number of days during which the notice is not given (Section 4 Article 100 EEAC)</footnote>

<footnote n="35">³⁵ Article 105 EECA</footnote>

<footnote n="36">³⁶ Article 106,107 EEAC</footnote>
Upon the unlawful cancellation of an employment contract, if the employment relationship continues, an employee has the right to demand compensation for damage, in particular wages not received. The part obtained by way of different use of the employee's labour force may be deducted from the compensation. In case of termination of the employment relationship in court or labour dispute committee, an employer shall pay employee compensation in the amount of three months' average wages of the employee. If the court or labour dispute committee terminates an employment contract with an employee who is pregnant, who has the right to pregnancy and maternity leave or who has been elected as the employees' representative, the employer shall pay the employee compensation in the amount of six months' average wages of the employee. In these cases, the court or labour dispute committee may change the amount of the compensation, considering the circumstances of the cancellation of the employment contract and the interests of both parties<fnref n="37" />.

VLC

According to Article 41 VLC, the unilateral termination of an employment contract is illegal in cases that are inconsistent with Article 37, 38, 39 VLC. That means the cancellation is void if the employer violates the regulations on grounds of termination, advance notice or in cases the right of the employer to unilaterally terminate an employment contract is limited. Comparing with EECA, VLC regulates stricter in the grounds of illegal termination employment contracts. Violating the advance notice terms is void according to VLC, but it is not void according to EECA 2008. That leads to the result that violating advance notice term is treated as violating grounds of termination or prohibit cases of termination.

The legal consequences of illegal termination of labour contracts of employers under VLC are also stricter than those of EECA. Article 42 VLC stipulated that, in cases of illegal unilateral termination of employment contracts, employers have these obligations:

- The employer shall pay the wage, social insurance and health insurance for the period during which the employee was not allowed to work, and additionally at least 2 months of wage as stipulated in the employment contract;

- The employer shall reinstate the employee in accordance with the original employment contract: where the employee does not wish to return to work, the employer shall pay the severance allowance; where the employer does not wish to reinstate the employee, and the employee agrees, two parties shall negotiate additional compensation which shall be at least equal to two months' wage as stipulated in the employment contract, in order to terminate the employment contract; where there is no longer a vacancy for the position or work as agreed in the employment contract and the employee still wishes to continue working, two parties shall negotiate to amend and supplement the employment contract.

- Where the employer fails to comply with the provisions on advance notice, the employee shall be paid a compensation equivalent to his/her wage for the number of days during which the notice is not given.

Comments:

- VLC is very stricter than EECA in requiring the employer to reinstate work for the employee.

The regulation on reinstating the employee is one aspect of flexicurity in gaining security for employees and decreeing flexible for employers. According to ECA, in case of wrongful termination of an employment contract, it is possible to terminate the employment contract by a decision of the court, if at least one of the parties intends to do so. This means that even in the case of wrongful dismissal, an employee will lose his or her job. However, the employee has an opportunity to obtain compensation from the employer, the amount of compensation will be determined by the court.

<footnote n="37">³⁷ Article 108, 109 EECA</footnote>
Being opposite to EECA, VLC requires the employer to reinstate the job for the employee in all cases of illegal termination of labour contract at the initiative of the employer.

- *The legal consequence in case the employer violates the prior notice term is too strict according to VLC.* For example, in case the employee “repeatedly fails to perform his/her work in accordance with the terms of the employment contract”<fnref n="38" />, the employer has cancelled employment contract with him/her without advance notice or notify with a period less than that are regulated by law. This case is the illegal termination of labour contracts according to Article 41 VLC. The employer has to reinstate the employee, pay the wage, social insurance, and health insurance for the period during which the employee was not allowed to work, and additionally at least a 2-month wage as stipulated in the employment contract. Besides, the employer has to pay compensation equivalent to his/her wage for the number of days during which the notice is not given. Meanwhile, according to EECA, in the above case, the employer has only the obligation to pay to the employee's wage for the number of days during which the notice is not given.

- *The amount of compensation in case the unfix-term labour contract according to VLC is so strict comparing with that in EECA.* In the case of an indefinite term labour contract, the employer must compensate wages during the working days from the date of termination of the illegal labour contract. The time limit to bring an individual labour dispute to the Court is 01 year from the date of detection of the act, which a party claims that their lawful rights or interests are infringed upon<fnref n="39" />. The employee who is cancelled illegal labour contract will look for another job and get unemployment insurance allowance (in the time of unemployment). They will file a lawsuit after nearly 1 year and it is taken at least 6 months for trial. In this case, the employer must compensate for the salary during the days of not working under the contract is about 18 salary months, plus at least 2 months by law. Meanwhile, he/she still received unemployment benefits or salaries in other companies during that time.

## 5. SOME RECOMMENDATIONS FOR VLC

*   **Re-divide the grounds of cancelation**

In general, there are two kinds of the grounds that the employer shall may cancel labour contracts: first kind is arising from the employee (violating contracts, disciplinary or inadequate health, ability to perform work under contract); the second kind comes from the objective reasons that the employer cannot guarantee the work for the employee (force majeure reasons or measures to develop production and business, increase labour productivity resulting in employers having to narrow their production and business leading to labour redundancy). In the first kind of the grounds the failure to perform the contract is due to reasons arising from the employee, not entirely due to the fault of the employer. In the second kind of the grounds the reasons lead to the job-loss is not entirely due to the employee's fault. The division base on the employee's fault above will have fair treatment in the cancelation procedures and the responsibility of the employer when terminating the contract. Obviously, in the second kind of grounds, employers must be more responsible than the first one. The Draft remains the regulation of the grounds of cancelation as present VLC. The Authors of this article recommends that new VLC need to re-divide the grounds of cancelation into two kinds as that in EECA. Specifically:

- Moving the grounds that the employer has the right to dismiss the employee from Article 126 VLC to Section 1 Article 38 VLC. These are serious disciplinary violations of employees but

<footnote n="38">³⁸ a ground that the employer may cancel the employment contract stipulated at subsection a section 1 Article 38 VLC</footnote>

<footnote n="39">³⁹ Article 202 VLC</footnote>
the employer has to fulfil a much stricter procedure to cancelation employment contract than other cases, which are regulated at Article 38.

- Moving the grounds that the employer has the right to unilateral employment contract at subsection d Section 1 Article 38 (force majeure) to Article 44 as an economic reason.

*Adding the cases that the employer has an obligation to re-train and/or offer another job for the employee.*

The obligation of the employer to re-train and/or offer another job for the employee is a method to gain the security of work for the employee. This obligation should be regulated in case the employer cannot provide work for the employee according to the employment contract because of objective reasons, except the case impossible or unreasonable. In order to guarantee work for employees, VLC should provide two more case that the employer has to retrain and/or offer another job for employee like EECA: in case of employees cannot cope with work tasks due to objective reasons (health status or personal capacity<fnref n="40" />).

* Amending the term of advance notice

Firstly, VLC should require employers to give advance notice in cases they unilateral terminate the labour contract unless it is not possible to do not unnecessary. The authors of this article agree with the Draft that regulates the obligation of the employer to give advance notice in case of redundancy (Article 42, 43 Draft). Besides, the employer also should give advance notice in the case of dismissal regulated in Article 126 VLC. Besides, VLC should point out the cases that the employer has no obligation to give prior notice, for example: The employee commits an act of theft, embezzlement, disclosing technological or business secrets or infringing the intellectual property rights of the employer, in the case of force Majeure that the employer could not give the advance notice.

Secondly, VLC needs to gain the period of advance notice to at least 15 days. The period of 3 working days stipulated in section 2 Article 38 VLC is too short to find a new job.

* Addition the term of grant time off

The term of grant time off regulated in EECA is a very improvement one that VLC should be adding in the cancelling labour contract procedure. Within the period of advance notice time, the employee must have the right to be off for taking part in a new recruitment procedure.

* Renewing compensation/allowance regulations:

Firstly, for cases where employees lose their jobs completely without their fault except the reasons for force majeure, the employee needs to be paid the amount of money as a compensation for being terminated the labour contract. In the cases of redundancy which are regulated at Article 44,45 VLC (Article 41,42 Draft), the employer must have to pay compensation to the employee. This regulation will affect the employer in considering the case of redundancy. Especially for the type of labour contract that defines the time limit to be regulated in the direction of compensation for the remaining time of the contract. This provision will limit the signing of the type of labour contract to determine the actual duration, which means to ensure the stability of work for employees in the market.

Secondly, VLC should release the obligation to re-employ the employee in case the employer cancels the labour contract base on the legal ground but violates the advance notice. The obligation to re-employ the employee in all cases of illegal cancellation the labour contracts is too strict to the

<footnote n="40">⁴⁰ The cases that the employer has the right to cancel employment contract which is stipulated at subsection a, b Section 1 Article 38 VLC</footnote>
employer in the concept of flexicurity. Actually, in the case of violating the regulation of advance notice, the employer has the right to cancel the employment contract at the end of the advance notice period. Because the employer canceled the employment contract before the notice period expires, the contract is violated until the time of termination of the contract. therefore, employers only need to compensate for wages during the unannounced days.

CONCLUSION

In general, EECA gives the employer much more flexible in cancelling labour contracts and also gives more security of work or/and income for the employee in comparing with VLC. In estimating the balance between the flexible of the employer and the security of the employee in the situation of Vietnam, the authors of this article give some recommendations to reform VLC on the regulation of cancelation of the employment contract at the initiative of the employer.

REFERENCES:

1. Wilthagen, T., & Tros, F. (2008). The concept of ‘flexicurity’: a new approach to regulating employment and labour markets. *Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research*, 10(2), 166–186.
https://doi.org/10.1177/102425890401000204

2. Klammer, U. (2004). Flexicurity in a life-course perspective. *Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research*, 10(2), 282–299.
https://doi.org/10.1177/102425890401000210

3. Per Kongshoj Madsen. "Flexicurity: A New Perspective on Labour Markets and Welfare States in Europe. Tilburg Law Review 14, no. 1 and 2 (2007): 57-79.

4. Kazutoshi Chatani (2008), *From corporate-centered security to flexicurity in Japan*, ILO, 2008.

5. Maria Sabrina De Gobbi. Flexibility and security in labor markets of developing countries, Employment Policy Department, ILO, Geneva, 2007;

6. Paul Vandenberg. Asia adopting flexicurity? A survey of employment policies in six countries, Economic and Labour Market Papers International Labour Office, Geneva, 2008.

7. Praxis Centar, Analysis of Labour Contract Act, https://centar.ee/uus/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Analysis-on-Labour-Contract-Act.pdf; Estonian Employment Contracts Act: Cornerstone in Applying the Flexicurity in Estonia?

8. Muffels, R. J. A., & Wilthagen, A. C. J. M. (2013). Flexicurity: A new paradigm for the analysis of labor markets and policies challenging the trade-off between flexibility and security. *Sociology Compass*, 7(2), 111-122.

9. Balancing security and flexicurity in emerging countries, ILO/Denmark/Molisa Project in Vietnam, 2009.

10. Lawyer Truong Quang Duc, Comments on the draft Labor Code 2012, http://luatsuquangthai.vn/bo-luat-bop-nghet-thi-truong-lao-dong-367-a3id.

11. Estonian Employment Contract Act 2008.

12. Vietnamese Labor Code 2012.
# Le fait religieux, l'islam et la radicalisation

PROFESSOR DR. HEDI SAIDI

CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF LILLE CHEVALIER DE LA LEGION D'HONNEUR
ET CHEVALIER DES PALMES ACADEMIQUES

## QU'EST CE QUE LE FAIT RELIGIEUX?

### UN FAIT TOTAL D'UN GENRE PARTICULIER

L'expression « fait religieux » s'est imposée depuis quelques années dans le vocabulaire scientifique, scolaire et public. Le fait religieux, quoi qu'en pense de ses origines et de son contenu, est un aspect important de la vie des sociétés contemporaines qui contribue à les spécifier ; il a tenu et tient encore une grande place dans l'histoire des sociétés et a entretenu des rapports nombreux et divers, avec les autres composantes de la vie collective (R. Rémond, 1995). Il participe pleinement de l'histoire de l'humanité. Bergson (1859-1941) n'hésite d'ailleurs pas à qualifier l'homme « d'animal religieux », véritable « machine à fabriquer des dieux » (Delimeau, 2000). L'homme étant apparu sur terre il y a environ trois millions d'années, on dénote déjà chez ces hommes, une ritualisation de la mort, une transcendance d'une entité supérieure, d'un au-delà avec la mort, avec lesquels ils cherchent à se relier. C'est entre 95 000 et 35 000 av. J.-C. que les hommes ont voulu donner une sépulture à leurs morts, attitude les différenciant ainsi de l'animalité. Chaque religion<fnref n="1" /> est dans les faits, un « système religieux » (Thual, 2003) qui renvoie à la fois « à un corpus de croyances et à des formes sociologiques et administratives se manifestant par une expression collective du culte elle-même articulée sur les structures politiques ». Ce système religieux soude tous ceux qui y adhèrent en une « communauté morale » (Durkheim) qui se réfère, et transmet génération après génération, un discours, une « mémoire collective » (Julliard, 1996) puisque l'acceptation du verbe polysémique latin religere (duquel émane également le vocable religion) signifie remémorer, se souvenir, se recueillir des restes. Avoir foi en une religion, c'est subséquemment adhérer à un dogme, pratiquer et transmettre valeurs et croyances.

Etudier une religion revient in fine, à analyser des « représentations (croyances, mythes, dogmes), une organisation (mosquées, églises, confréries, sectes) et des rites (Dumortier, 2002).

## CE FAIT A TROIS CARACTERISTIQUES :

1-Il se constate et s'impose à tous. Il y a depuis mille ans des cathédrales dans les villes françaises, des œuvres d'art sacré dans les musées, des fêtes au calendrier religieux, du gospel à la radio. Pouvons-nous boucher les oreilles et fermer les yeux devant le monde tel qu'il est ? Pouvons-nous refuser d'écrire sur nos agendas sous prétexte que le calendrier prend pour l'année zéro la date (contestée) de la naissance de Jésus ?

2-Un fait ne préjuge ni de sa nature, ni du statut moral ou épistémologique à lui accorder. Ces interrogations se révèleront du débat philosophique, elles doivent être formulées, prendre acte n'est pas prendre parti.

<footnote n="1">¹ La religion vient du verbe latin religare : elle relie les croyants entre eux, elle soude la communauté des fidèles et relie cette communauté à l'objet de la croyance.</footnote>
3-Un fait est englobant. Il ne privilégie aucune religion particulière comme plus vraie ou plus recommandable que les autres. Il est vrai que les programmes d'Histoire donnent une place importante au siècle des Lumières (XVIIIème) et ne négligent pas les religions qui sont parties prenantes sur un strict pied d'égalité. Le fait est observable, neutre et pluraliste.

Ces trois propriétés disent déjà ce qu'un enseignement du « fait religieux » peut signifier pour l'école républicaine dans un pays (où la laïcité privilège unique sur le continent européen) revêt la dignité d'un principe constitutionnel. La séparation des églises et de l'Etat ne signifie pas, comme aux USA, rendre les églises libres de toute emprise étatique, mais rendre l'Etat libre de toute emprise ecclésiastique.

Faire entrer l'histoire du fait religieux dans l'enseignement, c'est apporter un éclairage circonstancié sur ses incidences sur l'aventure humaine puisqu'il est un élément essentiel des civilisations. Les croyances et les pratiques religieuses sont bien des faits de civilisations, l'exercice a donc un caractère laïc. Il s'agit de transmettre une culture et non de dispenser un enseignement religieux.

## DE LA DIFFICULTE DE QUANTIFIER LE FAIT RELIGIEUX

Le fait religieux se prête à la description, à l'explication, à l'interprétation mais fort mal à la quantification (Dumortier, 2002). En effet, le dénombrement des fidèles est un enjeu de pouvoir protéiforme : la possibilité pour une minorité 'affirmer un état de fait et de dénoncer les brimades et les vexations dont elle est victime (chrétiens du Soudan, musulmans en Chine, Karens en Birmanie) ou au contraire pour une majorité d'atténuer l'influence ou la domination dont elle profite dans la réalité.

En outre comment définir un fidèle ? Un baptisé est il nécessairement un chrétien ? Peut-on légitimement considérer comme fidèle une personne ayant cessé toute pratique ? De fait les chiffres sont toujours sujets à discussion, ou, à tout le moins, à l'interrogation.

## LA RELIGION SOURCE DE CONFLICTUALITE ?

La faillite actuelle de l'idéologie marxiste<fnref n="2" /> athée et ses variantes a autorisé la réapparition du fait religieux dans des Etats où il était officiellement interdit. Ainsi renaissent au grand jour l'Eglise orthodoxe en Russie, l'islam en Asie centrale (ex- républiques soviétiques du Kazakhstan, de l'Ouzbékistan, de Kirghizie, de Turkménistan, du Tadjikistan de l'Azerbaïdjan) ; le luthérianisme en Estonie et Lettonie, le bouddhisme au Cambodge. Seul la Corée du Nord, la Chine et Cuba affichent un athéisme contredit par bien des réalités (venue du pape à Cuba). Mais cette résurrection s'accompagne, à l'échelle mondiale, d'un regain de conflictualité. Non pas que les religions, dans leur essence, sont porteuses d'intolérance, toutefois, force est de constater l'accumulation d'affrontements qui culminent médiatiquement avec les attentats du 11 septembre 2001.

Ainsi depuis 1990, plusieurs pays ont connu diverses guerres civiles ou conflits régionaux comportant un élément religieux ou idéologique : l'ex-Yougoslavie, l'Irak, le Sri Lanka, l'Algérie, Israël, l'Arménie, la Birmanie, le Timor-Oriental, la Tchétchénie, le Tibet, les Philippines, la Syrie,

<footnote n="2">² Francis Fukuyama annonçait dans sa formule le « choc des civilisations », la « fin de l'histoire » : la victoire du « monde libre » dans la guerre froide devait assurer le monopole de la démocratie du marché, horizon désormais unique et indépassable.</footnote>
la Lybie. Ces conflits régionaux mettent aux prises des acteurs marqués religieusement, que cette connotation soit consciente et affichée ou qu'elle leur soit attachée inconsciemment.<fnref n="3" />

L'après- Seconde Guerre mondiale et la volonté affirmée de mettre à l'index la guerre, suivie de la guerre froide<fnref n="4" /> ont donné l'illusion d'un monde sans guerre. Or depuis 1945 à 1989, 160 conflits ont éclaté à la surface de la planète causant la mort de 40 millions de personnes (Boniface, 2001), conflits localisés<fnref n="5" /> occultés par l'affrontement des deux superpuissances.

## ISLAM ET SOCIETE

Ce qui retiendra notre attention ici, ce n'est pas l'intimité de la conscience personnelle, le contenu de la foi musulmane mais le facteur religieux en tant qu'il déborde de la vie privée comme phénomène social. Il le fait de plus d'une façon et pour diverses raisons. D'abord l'adhésion à la religion musulmane a naturellement des effets sur le comportement des musulmans en société : elle est de nature à modifier leur attitude, à infléchir leur vote à peser sur leurs opinions politiques ou sociales. Deuxième religion de France, l'islam reste la religion des autres par excellence. Elle est l'une des plus méconnues des religions de ce pays. Elle rime souvent avec intégrisme, terrorisme, exploitation de la femme et fanatisme.

De plus le fait religieux comporte ordinairement une dimension sociale puisqu'il se vit dans une communauté. La foi est enseignée, reçue, vécue dans une mosquée, église, synagogue, elle s'exprime dans un culte célébré publiquement le vendredi. La religion suscite ainsi l'existence d'une communauté musulmane (confessionnelle par nature)) à l'intérieur de la société française globale et cette dernière ne peut plus ignorer la présence musulmane et se désintéresser de la présence musulmane dans le pays. Il faut donc aller aux explications théorique pour mieux cerner ce retour du religieux particulièrement chez les jeunes et non pas les explications journalistiques. Mais également les instances religieuses musulmanes ne peuvent plus ignorer que leurs fidèles appartiennent aussi à une nation et son par conséquent les citoyens de cet Etat. Il y aura donc inéluctablement, intimes ou espacés, implicites ou codifiés, bons ou mauvais des rapports entre l'Islam organisé et les pouvoirs publics français.

Mais cet aspect des rapports Religion/Etat qui est généralement le plus visible et le plus connu, s'il retient l'attention en priorité, est loin d'être le seul et l'unique ou s'articulent les deux institutions. Il n'est que sommet d'une pyramide de relations multiples et qui intéressent bien d'autres secteurs de la réalité tel que ; l'culture, les mentalités, l'immigration, les classes sociale, la mouvance djihadiste. Ce n'est donc pas seulement la présence des étrangers sur le sol français qui évoque le fait religieux, c'est toute l'histoire de la France. D'autre part, les rapports avec l'islam ont subi d'importantes évolutions surtout lorsque les autorités françaises que le mythe du retour est ébranlé et que ces immigrés s'y enracinent pas leurs enfants.

Mais qui a dans ce pays a intérêt à traduire en termes exclusivement religieux, des problèmes qui sont politiques, sociaux économiques et identitaires et qi prennent éventuellement des formes religieuses parce qu'ils ne peuvent plus prendre des formes politiques.

Si le fait religieux a cessé en beaucoup de société, (tel n'est pas le cas dans les sociétés musulmanes où la référence à l'islam est l'expression du sentiment national) d'être l'expression commune, si le pluralisme des croyances est devenu le droit et le fait, si les liens entre religion et politique se sont distendus, le fait religieux n'a pas disparu. Loin de là, il montre même une étonnante

<footnote n="3">³ Ainsi au Kosovo, les Kosovars musulmans ont été aux prises avec les troupes de la République fédérale de Yougoslavie cependant que les forces d'interposition de l'ONU (la KFOR) étaient avant tout composées de Chrétiens.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Où la paix impossible rendait malgré tout la guerre improbable.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Où l'élément religieux n'est en rien négligeable</footnote>
persistance dans les pays qui ont tenté de l'étouffer (Union soviétique ou les pays socialistes), il montre une capacité de durer et de résister qui n'autorise pas à le traiter comme une simple survivance voué à s'étioler à bref délai.

## QUAND L'ORIENT INSPIRAIT L'OCCIDENT: SAVOIRS, ECHANGES ET REPRESENTATIONS

L'Europe, au cours de son histoire, était en permanence en contact avec de grandes civilisations au passé millénaire. Celles de l'Orient en particulier sont caractérisées par l'enracinement religieux de leurs populations, et témoignent de structures sociales, culturelles et économiques particulières. Après des siècles de relations plus ou moins tendues, le choc sans précédent avec l'Occident à partir du XIXème siècle ne manque pas de faire évoluer en profondeur ces rapports. Or, du VIIème au XVème siècle, l'islam a été effectivement présent en Occident même. Pour des historiens comme Claude Liauzu,<fnref n="6" /> il fallait occulter cette longue page de l'histoire pour construire une hostilité envers l'Orient et les Arabes. Mais après avoir été longtemps oublié et /ou occulté, l'apport de la civilisation arabo-musulmane est à nouveau un sujet d'intérêt, et ce travail d'objectivation est maintenant entrepris par de nombreux historiens.

Lorsqu'on parle d' « héritage occulté », il faut savoir qui assume l'héritage et qui l'occulte, qui le reconnaît et qui le rejette. Le public connaît peu la philosophie et la science arabe et juive du Moyen-âge alors que la présence de l'Islam en Occident, qu'on peut appeler Islam « occidental » débute dès 719 avec la conquête de la Septimanie. L'influence de la civilisation arabo-musulmane sur la culture européenne est l'objet à présent d'une sorte de reconnaissance posthume et un objet de recherche de réflexions.

Penchons-nous donc sur ces relations et les représentations réciproques, les préjugés et les peurs qui ont jalonné ces échanges.

## L'ESPRIT DES LUMIERES ET L'ISLAM

Que sont les Lumières? C'est une expression relativement récente dans la langue française, elle date de quelques décennies à peine et s'oppose à l'obscurantisme religieux. On peut la traduire en allemand par *Aufklärung* qui veut dire éclairement, en italien par *illuminismo* et en anglais par *enlightenment* qui veut dire illumination.

Les Lumières sont un mouvement intellectuel du XVIIIème siècle qui entend faire triompher la raison, l'esprit critique, dans l'évolution de la pensée et de la réflexion.

Les philosophes adoptent deux positions concernant la religion musulmane. Hostiles à toutes les religions, ils le sont également à l'islam. Mais comme il s'agit d'une religion concurrente du christianisme, ils font preuve à son égard de bienveillance. Si les philosophes critiquent des dogmes chrétiens comme celui de la Trinité, ils apprécient le caractère rationnel de l'islam où Jésus est considéré comme un homme et non comme un Dieu.

De même, les philosophes s'opposent au monachisme et reprochant aux moines d'être absents dans la lutte contre l'absolutisme intellectuel et politique, allant s'isoler pour prier au lieu de s'intégrer aux forces vives du royaume.

<footnote n="6">⁶ LIAUZU (Claude), *Empire du mal contre Grand satan. Treize siècles de cultures de guerre entre l'Islam et l'Occident*, Paris, Armand Colin, 2005, p.6</footnote>
Autre point séduisant pour les philosophes des Lumières: l'absence d'une hiérarchie religieuse en islam. En effet, un fidèle peut s'adresser, prier et demander le pardon directement au Seigneur.

Dans l'empire ottoman, qui s'étendait des confins algéro-marocains jusqu'à l'Asie, les religions vivaient au contraire en harmonie, du moins sans accrocs apparents.<fnref n="7" /> Les juifset les chrétiens, appelés “dhimmis”, bien que considérés comme inférieurs sont convenablement traités. Ils pouvaient conserver leur croyance moyennant le paiement d'un tribut appelé « jezia ». Il faut rappeler qu'après 1492 (date de la prise de Grenade en Espagne), de nombreux juifs ont préféré se réfugier dans les provinces turques et en Afrique du Nord où ils étaient correctement accueillis. Appelés “gens du livre”, leur statut est jugé avantageux comparé à celui des juifs établis en Europe chrétienne.

Tout cela n'était pas sans émerveiller les philosophes qui se plaignaient à la même époque de l'intolérance religieuse sévissant en Europe.

La pièce de théâtre écrite<fnref n="8" /> par Voltaire, « L'imposteur ou Mahomet », est cependant ambiguë. Il y critique subtilement l'islam. Dédié au pape, cet ouvrage a profondément horrifié les musulmans. La grande idée ayant séduit les philosophes dans l'islam est celle de l'égalité. Or, les musulmans sont égaux comme les dents d'un peigne. Dans la religion musulmane, la soumission existe, mais seulement envers Dieu et la foi qui trouve son aboutissement dans la législation islamique. Le christianisme, à la différence de l'islam n'entretient pas l'idée d'un espoir terrestre ; aussi dans les sociétés chrétiennes, on ne peut pas espérer modifier les conditions sociales en s'appuyant sur la religion. Il ne faut pas oublier que le roi est monarque de droit divin, comme en témoignent la cérémonie du sacre et le pouvoir miraculeux du roi. Toute tentative de mise en cause ou toute rébellion contre cet état des choses est impie et sévèrement condamné par l'Eglise, alliée du souverain. En terre d'islam, en revanche on peut toujours évoquer "l'infidélité aux principes de Dieu", l'éloignement des préceptes du Prophète pour galvaniser les fidèles et réclamer une correction des conditions présentes. Une correction qui ne peut se faire et ne doit se faire que dans les limites imposées par le Coran.

Pour les *Oulemas*, les théologiens, la société nouvelle ou ancienne n'a qu'une référence absolue, celle existant à l'époque de Mohamed (le guide), exposant ainsi que la société musulmane à ses débuts, fut marquée par l'égalité de traitement entre l'esclave et le seigneur d'une tribu.

Les philosophes savaient que l'islam prêchait l'harmonie sociale, et cette idée d'améliorer socialement les conditions de vie n'était pas pour leur déplaire. Mais ces *Oulemas* ont bâti une référence théologique, à savoir reconstruire une société idéale, celle de l'époque de Mohamed, alors que les penseurs des Lumières posaient comme préalable la destruction de l'ordre religieux, avec cependant une exception envers l'islam.

<footnote n="7">⁷ Pour plus d'information sur ce sujet, veuillez consulter les nombreux articles rédigés par l'historien et président de l'Académie tunisienne des Sciences, de Lettres et des Arts, Hichem Djait notamment ses livres *L'Europe et l'Islam*, aux éditions le Seuil, Paris, 1978, et *Connaissance de l'Islam* ; La Découverte, Paris, 1994.</footnote>

<footnote>Ce que l'on appelle modernisation passe concrètement par des pensées, réflexions, actions, réformes qui transforment rythme et mode de vie en ville surtout mais également dans certains villages (dits coloniaux) et parfois jusqu'à la campagne. Dans un premier temps, la diffusion culturelle avant et sous le Protectorat (1881) est plus urbaine que rurale, touche davantage les hommes que les femmes mais elle imbibe graduellement la société tunisienne. La création d'associations et d'équipes sportives, l'enthousiasme scolaire qui en suit, l'introduction du cinéma à Tunis dès 1896, l'apparition d'une école de peinture en 1930, la naissance du ciné-club en 1946 sont autant d'initiatives culturelles qui touchent une minorité de Tunisiens, considérés après 1956 comme des pionniers et des relayeurs culturels et civilisationnels. Cette attraction française joue également sur la vie familiale comme elle agit sur la sensibilité des Tunisiens et jusque dans leur vie privée.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ Rédigée en 1736 et jouée à Lille et à Paris en 141 et 1742.</footnote>
L'ORIENTALISME FRANÇAIS

En 1664, la Compagnie des Indes orientales, créée par Colbert pour le commerce de la soierie, du thé et des épices, favorise les échanges commerciaux et artistiques. Dès ce moment, l'Orient prend peu à peu sa place dans le décor de la vie française (tapisseries la mauresque, faïence imitant les arabesques). Au XVIIIème siècle, les liens diplomatiques entre la France et certains pays d'Orient se resserrent, différentes réceptions de délégations étrangères ont lieu. Ainsi Ali Bey décide d'envoyer, après l'avènement au trône de France de Louis XVI, un ambassadeur à Versailles pour une visite de haute courtoisie.

Désormais, tout ce qui vient de Turquie, de Chine, de Perse (en bref d'Orient) est à la mode. La traduction par Antoine Galland des *Mille et Une nuits* (1704), et *Les Lettres persanes* (1721) de Montesquieu renforcent cet attrait. L'image que l'Orient véhicule au XVIIème et au XVIIIème est celle d'un monde magique et mystérieux.

L'orientalisme, terme inventé au début du XIXème siècle désigne aussi bien l'intérêt scientifique pour l'Orient que la fascination exercée par cette terre sur l'Occident et qui s'est exprimée dans un courant littéraire et artistique. C'est Bonaparte en 1798, qui ouvre les portes d'un Orient non plus de fantaisie mais vécu, exploité par le romantisme avec ses couleurs propres et ses mœurs. L'orientalisme se construit à l'occasion de l'expédition d'Égypte, de la colonisation ainsi que par la fascination exercée par l'empire ottoman devenu « l'homme malade de l'Europe ». Et c'est grâce à une élite d'intellectuels et d'artistes qui représentent les paysages de la Méditerranée orientale, les monuments et les populations, que la curiosité des Occidentaux pour l'Orient se trouve aiguisée. Des peintres (Delacroix, Benjamin Constant), des écrivains et des poètes (Flaubert, Victor Hugo et Byron) voyagent dans tous les pays du sud de la Méditerranée et alimentent cet intérêt à travers gravures, peintures, récits viatiques et descriptions exotiques. Victor Hugo écrit: « L'Orient est devenu une préoccupation générale<fnref n="9" />». En 1842, l'historien Edgar Quinet nomme l'Orientalisme « une renaissance orientale<fnref n="10" />». D'après lui, cette renaissance vise à retrouver les sources communes de l'Orient et de l'Occident et constitue une source d'inspiration. Les écrivains (Lamartine, Nerval), les peintres (Gabriel Decamps qui visite la Grèce et la Turquie en 1828, Adrien D'Auzat qui voyage dans le Proche Orient en 1830, Delacroix au Maroc en 1832) témoignent d'un Orient éternel, immobile, mystérieux, exotique et érotique qui contraste avec l'univers de la société industrielle européenne. L'orientalisme français est lié aux valeurs du romantisme littéraire et dans le même temps, vise à retrouver les sources communes à l'Orient et à l'Occident<fnref n="11" />.

Ces impressions, ces sentiments et ces stéréotypes (le harem, le désert, le sable...) nourrissent abondamment la littérature et l'art du XIXème siècle. L'Orient représente cet « ailleurs » dont l'espace et la culture sont perçus, soit comme un monde exotique et mystérieux, soit comme un monde barbare. Ainsi l'empire ottoman constitua pour les Occidentaux le seuil entre le monde civilisé et l'Orient barbare. Cette rencontre avec l'Orient forme aussi une culture regardante de l'autre, dans laquelle l'observateur mesure les écarts à la norme occidentale. Dans cette rencontre, l'Orient reste une figure silencieuse mais nécessaire à l'Occidental pour entretenir sa propre identité.

Dans la seconde moitié du XIXème siècle, l'extension du tourisme, du commerce et l'expansion coloniale aidant, l'Orientalisme est une source d'inspiration active en Europe, et sa vogue aboutit, par exemple, au Salon des peintres orientalistes français en 1895, dont le but est de mieux faire connaitre les pays et les cultures d'Orient. Les Orientalistes pensent que leur civilisation a son origine au Proche Orient. On remarque que, pour beaucoup de pays colonisés par la France

<footnote n="9">⁹ Préface de *Les Orientales*, Paris, Charles Gosselin, 1829.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ *Le Génie des religions*, Paris, Charmentier, 1842.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ BEJI (Linda), *L'orientalisme français et la littérature tunisienne francophone : relations et influences*. Thèse de doctorat soutenue en juin 2009, université Paris IV, pp. 9-10.</footnote>
comme la Tunisie, leur reconnaissance au monde moderne a pour origine l'Occident. Un dialogue de civilisations s'opère, accepté souvent par les deux civilisations. Au fur et à mesure du développement des outils de communication (photos, cinéma, publicité) et du tourisme, l'Orient se banalise et le mouvement orientaliste, tel qu'il était à l'origine, s'arrête.

Cette lassitude s'installe à une époque (1855) où s'impose la sensibilité ethnographique, c'est-à-dire un intérêt pour l'indigène, sa culture, son identité et non plus son environnement.

## QUAND LES COMBATTANTS DE LA FOI ETAIENT LES AMIS DE L'OCCIDENT !

Lors de l'invasion soviétique de l'Afghanistan en 1979 sur demande du président de l'époque, le pro soviétique Nejib, les djihadistes étaient considérés amis de l'Occident, des « combattants de la foi » dans le Djihad. A cette époque, la religion musulmane n'était perçue comme un facteur de régression du mois qu'elle s'accorde aux intérêts stratégiques de l'Occident. Et peu importe que la quasi-totalité de ces combattants afghans héroïsés soient des musulmans traditionnalistes, intégristes même.

Bien que la référence absolue de leur combat est islamiste rétrograde, dans laquelle la femme renvoyée à sa place traditionnelle, est totalement absente, un récit médiatique quasi unique va durant de longues années, exalter les Moudjahidines, en présentant leur révolte comme une chouannerie sympathique attachée à sa foi. Et puisque la priorité géopolitique est que ce pays devienne pour l'URSS ce que le Vietnam a été pour les Américains, il s'agissait de populariser le combat contre « l'empire du mal ». Alors on applaudissait les exploits militaires de ces « combattants de la foi » contre l'armée rouge. En voilà quelques exemples :

- Brzezinsky, Conseiller à la Sécurité nationale (1977-1981) du président américain J. Carter (1977-1981) : « Cette terre là bas est la vôtre. Vous y retournerez un jour ce que votre combat va triompher. Vous retrouverez alors vos maisons et vos mosquées. Votre cause est juste. Dieu est à vos côtés » le 3 février 1980 quelques jours après l'intervention de l'URSS en Afghanistan, s'adressant aux Moudjahidines réfugiés au Pakistan.

- Jean-François Le Mounier écrivait dans *Le Point* le 3 mars 1980 que « Allah Akbar, les russes dehors. Le vendredi 22 février, ils entendaient manifester drapeau vert de l'islam en tête contre la présence de l'armée soviétique, jugée insupportable »

- Marek Hatler, écrivain et intellectuel français déclare au journal *Le Monde* le 30 juin 1980 : « Le comité Droits de l'Homme a décidé d'aider la résistance afghane à construire une radio sur son territoire : Radio Kaboul Libre ».

- Le Figaro Magazine du 13 septembre 1980 : « Ce qui meurt à Kaboul sous la botte soviétique, c'est une société d'hommes nobles et libres »

- B. H. Levy philosophe, intellectuel médiatique et ami du Commandant Messaoud<fnref n="12" />, déclare dans le journal de 20h de TF1 le 29 décembre 1981 : « il faut accepter de penser que comme tous les résistants du monde entier les afghans ne peuvent vaincre que s'ils ont des armes...L'Occident doit les aider...je crois qu'aujourd'hui, ils n'ont de chance de triompher que si nous acceptions de nous ingérer dans les affaires intérieur afghanes ».

- Le Monde, 19 décembre 1984 : « Des Français qui travaillent avec les résistants afghans, c'est cela l'Amitié franco-afghane... un ami qui aide son ami »

Quelques années plus tard, leurs cousins idéologiques en Algérie (GIA, Groupe islamique armé), puis les Talibans en Afghanistan, El Quaida et l'organisation de l'Etat islamique (OEI) ont

<footnote n="12">¹² Chef des Moudjahidines 1953-2001. Assassiné probablement par Al Quaïda.</footnote>
été dépeints sous les traits de « fanatiques », « fous de Dieu », et de « barbares ». Il n’en est pas moins vrai que l’Afghanistan a servi de creuset et d’incubateur à leurs successeurs. Le jordanien Abou Moussab Al Zarkaoui, considéré comme le père de l’OEI, a débarqué en Afghanistan de 193 à 1993.

Ben Laden, fondateur d'Al Qaida a été dépêché par les services secrets saoudiens au Pakistan (Peshawar) afin d'apporter un soutien militaire et financier aux Moudjahidines.

L'Algérien Mokar belmoktar respnsable d'AQMI a combattu lui aussi dans les rangs des Moudjahidines afghans, il est ensuite revenu en Algérie pendant la guerre civile et a combattu avec la GIA avant de rejoindre Al Quaida. Ceux là et bien d'autres étaient favorablement accueillis par les Américains et les Européens tant qu'ils servaient leurs desseins stratégiques. Puis ils se sont retournés eux, la presse européenne et américaine après la période de séduction, changea complètement de discours, on commence alors à évoquer leur férocité et à parler de leur extrémisme religieux.

## RELIGION ET VIOLENCE

Partout le fanatisme religieux ruine le « Vivre Ensemble », mine la vie des pays et sabote la laïcité. Ce raz de marrée de nostalgie religieuse, qui brouille les cartes et bouscule les démocraties, n'est pas si surprenant que cela. Les énormes mutations technologiques économiques et géopolitiques que nous vivons depuis plusieurs années portent en elles autant de menaces que de promesses. Mais malheureusement, elles nous précipitent collectivement dans une incertitude, une instabilité, un avenir difficile à maîtriser (Roy, 2008). Dans ces périodes, la tentation est grande de tenter et recréer rêveusement un monde auréolé de tous les vertus, une nostalgie de l'islam pur et conquérant, son « âge d'or ».

Dans une rupture générationnelle, ces candidats à la mort) en cherchent à retourner contre leurs parents une « prétendue » vérité islamique que ces derniers auraient trahie et pas su transmettre (Roy, 2012). Des parents qi ne comprennent pas du tout la radicalisation<fnref n="13" /> de leurs enfants. Car à l'aube de la deuxième décennie du XXIème siècle, l'odeur de souffre et d'encens ; les appels aux meurtres des *koffars* (athées) menacent nos vis. Partout le temps est couvert, couvert de voile, de barbes, de sang, d'interprétations fallacieuses du coran et de l'islam. Des questions à la quelle nous avons tenté d'y répondre : Quand est ce que tout a commencé ? Quelle année, quel jour et en quelle saison les lumières se sont éteintes ? Pourquoi les jeunes empruntent-ils le registre de la radicalisation islamique ? Comment faire pour désamorcer la bombe sur laquelle nous sommes assis<fnref n="14" /> ? Comment ces jeunes se sont imposés alors qu'ils étaient faibles ? Cette radicalisation a entrainé un conflit entre et a ouvert un débat de fond dans l'interprétation des causes du djihadisme chez ces jeunes. Deux conceptions vont s'affronter : celle de Gilles Kepel qui met en avant la radicalisation de l'islam rendue visible par la montée du salafisme, exprimée dans la formule « *radicalisation de l'islam* » et Olivier Roy qui considère la radicalisation djihadiste n'est pas la conséquence mécanique de la radicalisation de l'islam. La plupart des terroristes sont des jeunes issus de la seconde génération de l'immigration, radicalisés récemment et sans itinéraire religieux de longue date ils ne deviennent pas djihadistes à l'issue d'un parcours de radicalisation religieuse. Quand ces jeunes se radicalisent, ils empruntent le répertoire religieux comme les jeunes des années 1970 avaient empruntés l'action armée révolutionnaire. Pour ce dernier c'est une révolte nihiliste générationnelle, il l'a exprimé dans la formule « *Islamisation de la radicalité* » Il ne s'agit pas pour nous de trancher ici la question mais

<footnote n="13">¹³ Tout cela fini par construire une espace de religion du Djihadisme qui devient relativement autonome par rapport aux préceptes de l'islam.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ Est le titre de notre article paru dans le *Huffington Post* en 2015 et distribué aux doctorants le mardi 19 février 2019.</footnote>
de comprendre pourquoi Daech attire ces jeunes et comment lutter contre cette radicalisation qui met en danger le « Vivre Ensemble » ?

Depuis le 11 septembre 2001, on ne parle que de la poussée islamiste et de la radicalisation de l'islam. En même temps une querelle est engagée pour l'hégémonie sur l'islamologie en France et la recherche sur la radicalisation. La compétition est assez rude, il faut avoir à l'esprit aussi les enjeux financiers et le pouvoir qui s'y jouent.¹⁵Ce qui a retenu notre attention ici, ce n'est pas l'intimité de la conscience personnelle, le contenu de la foi musulmane, mais le facteur religieux en tant qu'il a débordé la vie privée comme phénomène social car cette adhésion (à l'islam) comme croyance religieuse a naturellement des effets sur le comportement des fidèles en société. Certains jeunes issus de l'immigration sont attirés par la révolution que porte Daech et par le changement profond de leur vie qu'elle peut leur procurer. Ces jeunes radicalisés se sentent investis d'une mission morale même s'ils viennent d'un milieu délinquant et même s'il existe une multiplication de motivations et une multitude de profils. L'Etat islamique recrute aussi facilement, c'est qu'il propose à ses candidats, de vivre ensemble un récit en groupe auquel on peut croire, qui donne sens à leur vie, dans des groupes d'individus prêts à se sacrifier les uns pour les autres, pour des étrangers unis par l'idée de l'islam. Les humains ne veulent pas vivre sans grand récit et sans mythe, les inscrire dans un récit historique pour prolonger la flamme religieuse comme au début d'l'apparition de l'islam, c'est la narration (Logier, 2016), vécu par ces gens comme positif et non nihiliste même s'il se traduit par des crimes intolérables de notre point de vue. Pour eux, le fait de se faire tuer ne répond pas à une volonté de mourir mais de vivre « au-delà ». C'est ce qu'a bien compris ce groupe terroriste. Ils perçoivent leur vie actuelle comme dénuée de sens et dont ils veulent sortir, ces recrus pensent qu'ils sont en train de sauver le monde même si c'est une vision apocalyptique, puisqu'il faut d'abord le détruire. Dans cette approche la violence constitue un rite de passage vers la libération de soi et de l'humanité (Atran, 2016). Parler de « psychopathes » ou de « fous » empêche la compréhension du phénomène. Comment explique-t-on alors le fait de trouver des sympathisants de Daech dans une centaine de pays hommes et femmes de tous âges, avec des positions sociales diverses ? Des jeunes marginalisés en France, des universitaires en Angleterre, des professionnels en Afrique, des étudiants en Tunisie. Il faut revoir sur le lien relationnel et social du groupe car beaucoup ont rejoint Daech avec leurs amis, tenter de réparer l'ascenseur social qui est en panne depuis plusieurs années, intégrer les mémoires de l'immigration dans le récit national afin qu'ils ne sentent plus périphériques à la nation. Surtout avec l'essoufflement de l'utopie islamique d'une civilisation tournée uniquement (avec rigueur) sur le religieux et l'apparition depuis des années d'un nouvel islam tissé de compromis pragmatique avec l'Occident et nourri au libéralisme économique. C'est l'émergence d'une nouvelle classe bourgeoise cosmopolite qui est demandeuse de religion plus mondaine, plus individualiste, plus adaptée à la société française (un islam de France disaient certains) et surtout tournée vers l'économie du marché et le profit alliant Coran et management.

POURQUOI DAECH ATTIRE ? POURQUOI DES GENS NORMAUX SONT ATTIRES PAR CETTE ORGANISATION ?

Des jeunes et des personnes très diverses sont séduits par Daech parce qu'ils sont à la recherche d'un récit qui donne sens à leur vie. Daech cherche à élaborer un projet idéologique fondé sur la

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ Les derniers attentats ont amené gouvernement et Fondations à débloquer des sommes colossales pour les recherches sur le radicalisme.</footnote>
négation de l'individu et des libertés individuelles<fnref n="16" />. En effet, chacun, est défini uniquement par son appartenance à la communauté musulmane, et tous les musulmans doivent adhérer à ce projet. La communauté musulmane doit être constamment engagée dans une lutte dont l'objectif est fixé par le projet idéologique de Daech. Il cherche ainsi à créer un homme nouveau, il est un soldat d'Allah, il lutte et meurt pour affermir les principes de l'islam.

Daech a bien compris que les discours sur la République et les institutions démocratiques et républicaines, ne mobilise plus, il est bien au contraire source de contestation. Elle va alors développer un marketing qui s'adresse à l'affect, aux émotions, aux tripes et sentiments. Elle va chercher à inscrire ces jeunes dans un récit historico-religieux glorieux, devenant ainsi la « meilleure » organisation sur le marché de la radicalisation. Dans son approche, la violence constitue un passage obligatoire vers une libération personnelle et même une libération de l'humanité. Elle réussit à leur « vendre » l'idée apocalyptique qu'ils sont en train de sauver le monde puisqu'il faut le détruire en premier.

Là où Daech est fort, c'est qu'(il investit du temps pour écouter chaque personne qu'elle recrute, en même temps, elle trouve les moyens de marier des frustrations intimes avec son grand récit, cette histoire d'un monde qu'on construit L'objectif est de provoquer une adhésion totale en allant chercher les ressorts intimes du candidat plutôt qu'un développement de généralités sur l'islam et le coran.

Pour attirer les jeunes dans son giron, le mouvement terroriste Daech propose à ces jeunes ce qu'il y a de « meilleur » ses dernières années sur le la marché de la contestation sociétale radicale, appuyée par une visibilité médiatique concoctée avec un récit narratif et des aventures alléchantes. Ces jeunes vont pouvoir ainsi marquer la rupture générationnelle avec leurs parents, ils vont retourner contre ces derniers une « prétendue » vérité islamique qu'ils auraient trahie et pas su transmettre (Roy, 2016).

Mais on peut s'interroger sur la vie religieuse de ces jeunes qui empruntent le registre de la radicalisation islamique ? Parmi eux, il y a des jeunes stupides certes, quelques psychopathes également, mais aussi des gens brillants, instruits et intelligents.

Ces jeunes ne sont pas pratiquants de longue date, ils croient au paradis (si non, ils ne se feront pas exploser) et à la mort. Ils se dispensent des obligations rituelles religieuses parce qu'ils se font exploser et que dans leur conception, vis-à-vis de ce genre de sacrifice, Dieu sera plus tolérants sur l'absence de pratiques religieuses telles que les prières, le ramadan et autres obligations religieuses. Ce qu'ils cherchent, c'est cette rédemption finale qui les dispense d'être un bon et vrai pratiquant. La plus part d'entre eux, même s'ils viennent de milieux délinquants voire criminels, se sentent investis sincèrement d'une mission morale.

Ils affichent clairement leur volonté d'établir un califat, mais ils n'évoquent pas de la société islamique qui se construirait sous le califat. Ils ne parlent jamais de ce que serait la vie dans une société islamique. Ils n'annoncent pas non plus le futur mais seulement la fin des temps, car vivre ne les intéressent plus. Ces jeunes n'attendent rien du futur, c'est véritablement « no future » et que la mort peut être la solution à ce questionnement de mal de vivre. Ce sentiment est nihiliste, qui ne croit plus à la vie, il est celui qui meurt dans la pureté de son acte.

On sous estime la capacité d'attraction de Daech, l'utopie qu'elle propose et même les valeurs que porte cette organisation terroriste. Pour Scott Atram anthropologue français, parler des psychopathes ou de nihilistes empêche la compréhension du phénomène. Comment explique-t-on que cette organisation a des sympathisants dans nombreux pays, home et femmes de tout âge et de catégorie sociale : des jeunes diplômés et marginalisés en Tunisie, des universitaires en France, des

<footnote n="16">16 Cette situation nous renvoie à « la banalité du mal » développée par Hannah Arendt au sujet du procès d'Eichmann. Selon elle, l'inconsistance tragique de l'accusé, son incapacité à penser et à juger par lui-même le rend un personnage robotisée n'ayant fait qu'obéir, « dé substantialisé ».</footnote>
salariés en Algérie et en Angleterre. Ils sont attirés par la révolution que propose Daech. Et par le changement de leur vie qu'elle peut procurer, ils conçoivent leur vie actuelle comme inutile sans sens de laquelle il faut s'en sortir (Liogier, 2016).

## LA MORT EST LEUR DESTINATION

La mort est au cœur du projet des jeunes radicalisés. Leur révolte mortifière se marie parfaitement bien avec le discours apocalypthique de l'organisation terroriste Daech. Alors que le salafisme propose une séparation et pose des problèmes de séparatisme sociétal (Homme/femme, pratiquant/non pratiquant, musulmans/autres...). Et même si certains fondamentalistes salafistes ont fleurté avec certains thèmes de Daech, voire ils les mettent en avant de Daech et portent une grande responsabilité dans le départ de nombreux jeunes faire le Djihad, les salafistes, leur mort n'est pas nécessaire à leur action.

La biographie des djihadistes qui sont passés à l'action dans les mois qui suivent leur reconversion mais qui n'ont pas de pratiques réelles de l'islam. La mort est au centre de leur projet djihadiste, elle est leur « destin ».

## LES CHANTIERS DE L'ISLAM DE FRANCE<fnref n="17" />

Comment l'islam doit se réformer en profondeur pour être compatible avec la laïcité ?

Voilà à mon sens quelques pises de réflexion afin de faire émerger un « islam des Lumières »<fnref n="18" /> en France :

- Décréter la guerre sainte dépassée et inutile et refuser toute forme d'intégrisme<fnref n="19" />. Dans le coran, il ya autant de versets qui prônent la paix que la guerre. Les muftis doivent privilégient les premières : l'ascèse intérieure. Substituer au Jihad, la bataille contre soi, l'approfondissement de la foi, l'amour de l'Autre, en l'absence de clergé en islam il revient par conséquent aux intellectuels musulmans de le faire

- Réévaluer le statut de la femme. Polygamie, répudiation... aspects les plus visibles de l'infériorité juridique de la femme. Comme toujours les fondamentalistes s'appuient sur les textes. Ils les extrapolent exemple : frappez la de 100 coups (Sourate de la Lumière), ce statut est caduc.

- Affirmer la prééminence de l'individu sur la communauté. Pour interpréter les textes, les musulmans doivent se libérer de l'idéologie de la communauté très forte dans cette religion. Puisque l'islam prétend transcender des identités nationales. La *Oumma* n'est pas au dessus de la critique humaine.

Existence des Etats avec des histoires et des cultures différentes et de l'autre côté, l'Homme croyant ou pas, libre de s'exprimer.

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ Un Islam en France est un islam qui doit respecter le statut de la femme, les valeurs de la République, la laïcité, l'égalité Homme/femme, in fine il doit séparer le ciel et la terre. Un islam en France est un islam importé d'autres pays (Arabie Saoudite, Afghanistan, Algérie...) qui veulent l'appliquer intégralement sans tenir compte de l'histoire et des spécificités de la société française.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ L'expression est de l'anthropologue Malek Chebel.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Le terme même d'intégrisme a historiquement une origine chrétienne¹⁹. En 1890, c'est le nom du parti politique espagnol créé par ses prometteurs en vue de la mise en pratique du syllabus, publié par les autorités pontificales, en 1864. Ce texte s'oppose de la façon la plus totale à tout modernisme et préconise une conception fixiste des pensées et des comportements aux différents plans politiques, idéologiques et religieux. Il s'agit en fait, de faire en sorte que rien ne change en quelque domaine que ce soit, toute modernité risquant de remettre en cause l'intégrité des principes éternels de l'Eglise.</footnote>
-Rappeler le primat de la politique sur le religieux. L'islam régit la sphère céleste et les affaires terrestres, le domaine privé et l'espace public. Il faut cantonner les imams à la mosquée c'est à cette condition que l'islam pourra se séculariser.

Un islam rénové n'est nullement une menace pour la laïcité, il faut faire valoir un islam des Lumières (Chebel, 2009).

-Favoriser une nouvelle interprétation des textes : Après le questionnement de l'innovation Depuis près de mille ans, l'interprétation s'est figée sur des percepts qui datent du Moyen Age. Or le coran doit être replacé dans son contexte historique nouveau, il ne nous parle plus de la même manière.

POUR CONCLURE

Le retour du spirituel pour éviter les guerres de religion ?

Après deux siècles de reflux, la mer du spirituel remonte. Pour le meilleur et pour le pire. Le pire de pulsions obscurantistes dont les religions n'ont pas réussi à se débarrasser ; intolérance et superstitions, de la femme à l'homme. Et une radicalité de tous les intégrismes ou s'exprime le désarroi d'agonie d'un système saisi par la terreur de ses voir inexorablement mourir. Mais le spirituel revient également pour le meilleur. Parfois même du côté de la religion, lorsqu'elle en s'érige pas en maitre de vérité. De plus en plus des héritiers de l'islam, du christianisme, du judaïsme, vont puiser à ces sources des perles d'inspiration. On ne va plus vers les textes pour obéir mais pour méditer, trouver son chemin de vie personnel. On relit la Bible, le Coran, la Bhagavad-Gita, pour y sentir le mystère de l'univers et de notre condition humaine. Chacun tente de s'ouvrir aussi aux grands textes des autres et la nouvelle quête de sens fait exploser tous les cadres. Elle déborde les murs et les frontières du religieux qui n'a plus le monopole de rien. Le chercheur de sagesse est aujourd'hui un nomade spirituel, un explorateur, un omnivore qui cherche partout de la nourriture pour son âme, partout une expérience initiatique, y compris dans les domaines les plus profanes de sa vie : ses amours, ses réseaux, ses engagements, son travail, de la simplicité, de la beauté, de l'intensité, de la qualité plutôt que la quantité. Cette soif est spirituelle, car elle vient s'étancher aux mille et une sources de l'existence où jaillit quelque chose qui peut nous faire grandir en humanité. N'est ce pas là l'aurore d'une spiritualité enfin partageable entre nous tous, athées, agnostiques et croyants de toutes confessions ? Voyez à quel point les générations qui arrivent sont mues par cette immense espérance d'une « respiritualisation » du monde. Leurs ainées sécularisées se battaient pour une société qui soit la plus juste. A ce combat pour le progrès politique, ces nouvelles générations veulent ajouter le progrès d'être et conscience. Elles perçoivent que les deux sont inséparables, que la transformation personnelle sera demain la condition- l'énergie- de la transformation sociale. Elle refuse le monde d'hier, qui ne donnait plus gère e droit de cité au spirituel. Qui mesurait la valeur d'une vie en termes e réussite matérielle, de plaisirs sensibles. En rupture avec ce modèle, notre jeunesse veut éprouver la joie bien exaltante de se sentir vivante. De sentir couler en soi la sève des grands liens nourriciers qui dilatent l'esprit et le cœur jusqu'à l'infini (fraternité, communion avec la nature, avec son âme....), cette sublime source lumineuse décrite par toutes les traditions de sagesse d'Orient et d'Occident. La vie spirituelle qui émerge ne tend plus vers un au-delà, elle veut se nourrir ici et maintenant, dans tout geste, tout acte, tout engagement, la vie spirituelle cherche à devenir la vie tout court, tel est l'événement de ce début du XXIème siècle (A. Bidar, 2016).
# La localisation des activités en Europe :
Les cles de la reussite

PROFESSEUR ERIC OLSZAK

PROFESSEUR DES UNIVERSITES CATHOLIQUES
EN SCIENCES ECONOMIQUES
FACULTE LIBRE DE DROIT - C3RD
UNIVERSITE CATHOLIQUE DE LILLE
CHERCHEUR ASSOCIE AU CLERSE
ERIC.OLSZAK@UNIV-CATHOLILLE.FR

**Résumé** : L'économie régionale et territoriale s'est intéressée depuis plusieurs décennies à la présence de certaines zones d'activités économique et à leurs impacts sur la croissance économique et sur le développement régional. Ces multiples contributions mettent en évidence le succès de certaines zones d'activités économiques qui demeurent toutefois dissemblables. L'objet de cet article s'efforce dans un premier temps de dresser une typologie des principales zones d'activités économiques avant dans un deuxième temps d'en analyser leurs caractéristiques. Dans cette optique, nous mettrons en exergue la Silicon Valley qui demeure aujourd'hui encore une référence au niveau international avant de nous intéresser à deux exemples emblématiques en Europe : l'exemple des districts industriels italiens et l'exemple de Kalundborg au Danemark.

**Mots clés** : zones d'activités économiques, systèmes productifs locaux, districts industriels, écologie industriel.

**Abstract:** The regional and territorial economy focused for several decades the presence of certain areas of economic activities and their impacts on economic growth and regional development. These many contributions highlight the success of certain areas of economic activities which remain however dissimilar. The purpose of this article strives at first to draw up a typology of the main areas of economics activities before in a second time to analyze their features. With this in mind, we'll highlight Silicon Valley which today remains a reference at the international level before we look at two emblematic examples in Europe: The example of Italian Industrial Districts and example of Kalundborg in Denmark.

**Keywords:** economic activity, local productive systems, industrial districts, industrial ecology areas.

L'économie régionale et territoriale s'est intéressée depuis plusieurs décennies à la présence de certaines zones d'activités économique et à leurs impacts sur la croissance économique et sur le développement régional, on peut citer sans être exhaustif les travaux de Benko et Lipietz (1992), de Pecqueur (2000), de Baudelle, Guy et Mérenne-Schoumaker (2011) et d'Olszak (2016), ces derniers portant sur la ville de Loos en Gohelle située dans la région des Hauts de France. Ces multiples contributions mettent en évidence le succès de certaines zones d'activités économiques. Toutefois, il nous faut souligner que chacune de ces zones disposent de spécificités au niveau de leur organisation interne et qu'un cluster ne peut être comparé à un système productif local (SPL), lui-même différent d'un district industriel ou d'un pôle de compétitivité. Il convient dans un premier temps de dresser une typologie des principales zones d'activités économiques avant d'en analyser leurs caractéristiques de manière plus spécifique.

## 1. UNE TYPOLOGIE DES PRINCIPALES ZONES D'ACTIVITES ECONOMIQUES

Comme nous venons de le mentionner, de nombreux travaux scientifiques se sont penchés sur les caractéristiques des différentes zones d'activités, l'un d'entre eux a retenu toute notre attention, celui de Perrat (2006) car il présente dans un tableau de synthèse les différentes formes territoriales
d'organisation industrielle que l'on peut retrouver en Europe et ailleurs en prenant soin de
distinguer :

- Les caractéristiques des dynamiques ;

- La relation à l'espace ;

- Les acteurs et la gouvernance de ces zones d'activités.

Le tableau 1 nous donne un aperçu très détaillé de chacune de ces formes.

<table><caption>Tableau : Les différentes formes territoriales d'organisation industrielle</caption><thead><tr><td></td><td>Caractéristiques des dynamiques</td><td>Relation à l'espace</td><td>Acteurs et gouvernance</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Districts industriels (DI)</td><td>Présence d'activités industrielles semblables et complémentaires amenant à la réalisation de produits finis spécifiques. La flexibilité constatée dans la réponse aux tendances du marché stimule la productivité et la compétitivité</td><td>Le système est lié à un territoire précis et bien défini. On peut souligner une prédominance du développement endogène qui se matérialise par un plus ou moins grand dynamisme des entreprises en présence sur ce même territoire.</td><td>Ce sont essentiellement des PME que l'on retrouve au sein de cette zone. Concernant la gouvernance, on est en présence d'un système auto-organisé qui mélange à la fois, la coopération entre firmes et la concurrence entre elles, le fait qu'elle soit de taille équivalente favorise ces deux attitudes. La coopération peut être favorisée par le fait que l'on note l'existence d'une certaine identité culturelle forte entre les entreprises (le sentiment d'appartenir à un même territoire en même temps que l'origine le plus souvent local des chefs d'entreprise renforce cet effet).</td></tr><tr><td>Systèmes productifs locaux (SPL)</td><td>A l'instar du District Industriel, on retrouve les mêmes activités industrielles semblables mais avec des types de production qui dans le cas présent peuvent être plus divers : produits finis, composantes, ensembles complexes, etc ...</td><td>Ce système est lié également à un territoire précis et bien défini et l'on note également une prédominance du développement endogène lié également au dynamisme des entreprises locales.</td><td>De manière quasi-identique aux districts industriels, on retrouve un système qui est fortement auto-organisé mais avec cette fois-ci des entreprises qui peuvent être de taille différentes et appartenir à des secteurs différents comme l'industrie et les services. La gouvernance pour sa part repose principalement sur le</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>secteur privé mais avec des modes d'organisation plus informelles que pour les districts. Un autre élément à souligner également repose sur le fait que le secteur public peut être sollicité pour améliorer le fonctionnement du système.</td></tr><tr><td>Technopôles/technopole</td><td>Une technopôle implique de nourrir des synergies entre des entreprises, des centres de recherche et des organismes de formation, dans le but d'ouvrir en permanence de nouveaux champs de développement de produits, de procédés et de marchés.</td><td>Si l'on prend une définition restrictive de la technopole, on retrouve une zone géographique peu étendue et un site particulier. A l'inverse si l'on se place dans une approche extensive de la technopole<fnref n="20" />, l'implantation des activités peut couvrir une agglomération beaucoup plus étendue. Concernant le développement d'une telle zone, celui-ci peut être endogène à l'instar des organisations territoriales précédentes mais il peut le cas échéant avoir un caractère exogène, avec des éléments extérieurs dynamisant la croissance de la zone.</td><td>Dans le cas d'une technopôle ou d'une technopole, les acteurs en présence sont de différents types : grandes firmes, PME, TPE, laboratoire de recherche, centres techniques, grandes écoles, centre de formations, etc. La plus ou moins grande coopération entre ces acteurs dépend en grande partie des décisions volontaristes des acteurs publics (Etat et collectivités locales). La gouvernance d'une technopole est d'abord publique, mais une entrée plus ou moins forte du secteur privé peut en modifier la dynamique.</td></tr></table>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ On définit habituellement une technopôle comme une zone d'activités qui rassemble des entreprises de fabrication ou de services dans le secteur des hautes technologies. Elles sont situées la plupart du temps dans la périphérie de grandes villes, dans un cadre plutôt agréable et en lien avec les structures de recherche. Dans le même temps, on définit une technopole comme un territoire de grande envergure, en l'occurrence une vielle entière orientée vers les hautes technologies, qui développe une politique d'accueil des cadres, chercheurs et techniciens en leur assurant un cadre de vie de bon niveau.</footnote>
<table><tr><td>Pôles de compétitivité</td><td>Le gouvernement français définit un pôle de compétitivité comme un partenariat entre des entreprises, des centres de formation et des centres publics et privées de recherche organisé autour d'un marché et du champ technologique qui lui est lié. Le but recherché est de faire franchir ponctuellement des étapes significatives en termes d'innovation ou de productivité</td><td>Le regroupement de cette multitude d'acteurs doit se faire dans une espace géographique donnée bien que cette espace peut être beaucoup plus étendu que les trois espaces précédents, une coopération entre plusieurs régions peut être recherchée par ailleurs. Le mode de développement est résolument exogène et tiré par le marché.</td><td>A l'instar des technopoles, c'est une politique publique, volontariste et sélective qui porte sur un nombre limité de projets disposant d'une masse critique et d'une visibilité internationale. Dans le cas présent, ce sont des grandes firmes nationales et étrangères qui doivent être les pilotes de ces projets et de leur gouvernance.</td></tr><tr><td>Clusters</td><td>Si l'on se réfère à la terminologie anglaise, il s'agit d'un conglomérat d'éléments, par exemple un ensemble de firmes et accessoirement d'autres acteurs (recherche, formation, services) dont le degré d'interaction n'est pas bien défini mais dont on attend une certaine osmose.</td><td>Concernant la zone géographique pertinente, elle peut varier considérablement, soit un espace clairement défini soit au contraire un réseau d'entreprises entretenant entre elles des liens étroits. Dans le cas présent, le mode de développement est résolument exogène et tiré par le marché.</td><td>Au niveau de la gouvernance, ce sont des acteurs privés qui sont en charge de la coordination des activités au sein du cluster. On peut avoir parfois le secteur public qui peut s'insérer dans son fonctionnement en développant son aspect organisationnel et financier.</td></tr></table>

La typologie des formes territoriales d'organisation industrielle laisse apparaître des situations assez différentes avec une multitude de clivage entre d'une part, les zones d'activités plutôt spécialisées comme les districts et les SPL d'un côté et les autres formes d'organisation de l'autre. Un autre élément de différenciation intervient également entre des zones d'activités clairement identifiées en terme de positionnement géographique, c'est le cas une fois encore des districts, des SPL et des technopoles par rapport aux pôles de compétitivité et autres clusters qui pour leur part peuvent s'étendre sur une large zone. Ensuite, on peut faire la distinction entre les zones d'activités qui vont entrainer une dynamique interne que l'on peut qualifier de développement « endogène » voire « autoentretenue » c'est le cas essentiellement des districts et des SPL et des zones d'activités qui se développent en fonction de l'évolution du marché comme les pôle de compétitivité et les
clusters. Pour finir, il nous faut souligner une dernière distinction liée à la prédominance du secteur privé dans la gouvernance de la zone par rapport à celle du secteur public. Dans le premier cas, on retrouve les districts, les SPL et les clusters, dans le deuxième cas, les technopoles et les pôles de compétitivité.

## 2. LES REUSSITES DE CERTAINES ZONES D'ACTIVITES ECONOMIQUES

Après avoir dressé une typologie des organisations industrielles territoriales, il nous semble intéressant de nous attarder sur certaines expériences que l'on peut qualifier de réussites et qui ont été menées aux Etats-Unis et en Europe et qui correspondent en grande partie aux cinq cas de figure qui ont été énoncés précédemment. Ainsi, nous examinerons successivement le cas de la Silicon Valley comme étant particulièrement illustratif du concept de technopole, de cluster et de pôle de compétitivité. Nous mettrons ensuite en valeur le District Industriel en nous appuyant sur l'expérience italienne et pour finir, nous examinerons le cas de Kalundborg au Danemark comme étant représentatif d'un SPL.

### 2.1. La Silicon Valley

Le territoire de la Silicon Valley a donné lieu à de nombreux travaux concernant son développement et son succès aujourd'hui mondialement reconnus, on peut citer plus particulièrement les contributions de Saxenian (2000), de Rosental (2012). Pour l'occasion, nous nous appuierons sur le document de synthèse paru en 2013 et réalisé par l'AUCAME (Agence d'Urbanisme de Caen-Métropole) et qui fait ressortir les points importants de cette zone en même temps qu'il insiste sur les conditions nécessaires pour la transposer avec succès.

La Silicon Valley située dans la région de Santa Clara à côté de la ville de San José représente le symbole de la domination américaine dans le secteur des hautes technologies (informatiques, télécommunications, nano et bio-technologies). Le développement de la Silicon Valley est étroitement lié à la montée en puissance de l'Université de Stanford, aujourd'hui considérée avec Harvard et le MIT comme l'une des meilleures universités au monde. Au sein de cette université, un professeur que l'on qualifie aujourd'hui de visionnaire, Fred TERMANN agacé de voir ces étudiants partir sur la côte Est<fnref n="21" /> pour trouver un travail bien rémunéré avait eu l'idée de développer les relations entre les entreprises et les universités. Ces relations ont eu comme effet et c'est encore vrai aujourd'hui de créer une sorte de « dynamique croisée », les inventeurs des entreprises donnent des cours au sein des universités comme Stanford et Berkeley et les étudiants les plus brillants et ingénieux sont stimulés pour créer des sociétés. On oublie trop souvent que des entreprises comme HEWLETT-PACKARD et plus récemment APPLE sont le fruit de l'imagination de jeunes étudiants à l'instar de Steve Jobs dans le cas d'APPLE.

Les différents chercheurs qui ont analysé ce que l'on appelle aujourd'hui le « modèle de la Silicon Valley » mettent en avant un certain nombre de points forts permettant d'expliquer cette réussite territoriale.

Le premier élément que l'on retrouve ici relève principalement des comportements particuliers des habitants de la zone, ces derniers auraient une mentalité particulière qui se décline en fonction d'un certain nombre de facteurs :

<footnote n="21">²¹ Il nous faut souligner qu'avant la seconde guerre mondiale, l'essentiel de l'activité économique des USA était concentré sur la côte Est, la Californie faisait figure de parent pauvre pour l'occasion, la tendance s'est inversée à partir du début des années 1960.</footnote>
- la reconnaissance d'un droit à l'échec ;

La prise de risque lorsque l'on choisit de créer est reconnu comme fondamentale mais une première expérience peut parfois échouer, alors qu'en Europe l'échec s'accompagne plus difficilement de l'octroi d'une seconde chance, dans la Silicon Valley, cela apparaît comme faisant partie des règles du jeu.

- le décloisonnement entre les milieux professionnels ;

Au sein de la Silicon Valley et plus particulièrement à Stanford, les enseignants sont souvent eux-mêmes des chefs d'entreprise !

- l'existence d'une solidarité transversale ;

Les liens peuvent être très forts entre les salariés d'entreprises potentiellement concurrentes, la côté identitaire est très fort chez les habitants de la Silicon Valley.

- l'importance des réseaux ;

Ici plus que nulle part ailleurs, les réseaux sociaux permettent la diffusion de l'information ce qui permet de mieux se faire connaître et de favoriser les rencontres entre les porteurs de projets et des financeurs.

- la capacité d'adaptation ;

Le dynamisme de la Silicon Valley se traduit également sur plusieurs décennies par une modification substantielle des industries dominantes, le territoire s'adapte fortement à l'évolution des secteurs d'activités et l'on voit poindre à chaque décennie de nouvelles entreprises dans les secteurs porteurs.

- L'existence d'un risque permanent ;

La croissance économique au sein de la Silicon Valley qui repose essentiellement sur l'innovation connaît elle aussi un certain nombre de revers qui se traduit parfois par des fermetures d'usine, le modèle social n'est pas forcément celui auquel on aimerait voir se généraliser en Europe mais le modèle économique reste encore le point fort.

Si sa mentalité un peu particulière est l'une des conditions de la réussite de la Silicon Valley, un certain nombre de facteurs disparates pourraient s'appliquer à d'autres zones territoriales en Europe durant les 10 ou 20 prochaines années, AUCAME en liste un certain nombre :

- disposer d'un homme providentiel, visionnaire et qui crée des liens transversaux au sein d'un territoire ;

- avoir une géographie et une géologie favorables avec une histoire commune qui développe un esprit de pionnier facile à acquérir par les nouveaux-venus ;

- avoir un goût prononcé pour l'indépendance et l'esprit d'entreprise ;
- disposer au sein du territoire d'une université créatrice de synergies entre le monde académique et les chefs d'entreprise ;

- s'appuyer sur l'Etat comme élément de ressource en stimulant la recherche sur les secteurs porteurs ;

- se positionner dans les secteurs de pointe ;

- accepter la diversité, le droit à l'échec, favoriser le goût du risque et l'échange d'informations ;

- disposer d'un réseau de financeurs recherchant à la fois la rentabilité et la capacité à innover des porteurs de projets ;

- avoir des grandes entreprises favorisant la création de petites entités innovantes ;

- développer les relations entre les entreprises.

Même si le modèle de la Silicon Valley apparaît bien spécifique, les facteurs de réussite énoncés ci-dessus pourraient peut-être faire l'objet d'une transposition à des territoires en résilience. Les Districts Industriels italiens constituent une autre forme de réussite d'une zone territoriale.

## 2.2. Les Districts Industriels italiens

A l'instar de la Silicon Valley, l'expérience des Districts Industriels italiens ont donné lieu également à un certain nombre de travaux à la fois empiriques et académiques s'appuyant à l'origine sur les travaux de Marshall (1900) en économie industrielle. On peut citer sans être exhaustif, les contributions des auteurs italiens comme Brusco (1989), Beccatini (1990) et Bagnasco (1991), et en France, Benko et Lipietz (1992).

Pour bien comprendre l'intérêt du concept de District Industriel, il faut partir du postulat de Marshall qui considère que le marché ne fonctionne pas uniquement sur le principe de la concurrence mais peut s'enrichir d'éléments comme la coopération et la solidarité. Courault (2000) nous indique les fondements de ce qui a fait le succès des expériences initiées principalement dans le Nord de l'Italie. Ce dernier considère d'abord que le développement des Districts Industriels en Italie résulte de la volonté des PME du Nord et du Centre de l'Italie de s'organiser en réseaux locaux de donneurs d'ordres et de sous-traitants à la fin des années 60 et au début des années 70 lorsque le fonctionnement taylorien des grandes entreprises commençait à être remis en cause. Ce rejet en partie du modèle incita les industriels à confier une part de leur production aux ouvriers qualifiés et aux techniciens de leurs ateliers pour qu'ils créent à leur tour leur propre entreprise. Cette externalisation massive des taches incita les créateurs d'entreprises précédemment ouvriers ou techniciens à s'appuyer sur l'ensemble des ressources localement disponibles. Dans ces conditions, un grand nombre de PME et de TPE, concurrentes sur le marché mais par ailleurs complémentaires au niveau de la spécialisation productive ont émergé créant de fait les conditions favorables à l'expansion des Districts en s'appuyant sur la main d'œuvre disponible, nombreuse dans la région.

Toujours selon Courault, le développement et le succès des districts s'explique aussi pour plusieurs raisons :

- l'appartenance des salariés à des familles élargies et à des communautés villageoises comme on peut les retrouver massivement en Italie semblerait de nature à renforcer les liens entre les personnes ;

- l'appartenance sociale et territoriale en même temps que le rapprochement professionnel développe des solidarités d'autant plus fortes qu'elles sont stimulées par le mouvement syndical ;

- la proximité géographique des entreprises favorise les échanges rapides et permanents d'informations, essentiels aux relations marchandes et à la coopération ;
- les districts se sont consacrés à la production de biens de consommation dont la croissance rapide au cours des années 60 et 70 a été propice à leur développement ;

- la réussite du modèle s'appuie également sur les nombreuses aides et appuis multiples émanant des autorités locales, politiques, professionnelles et financières. La structure administrative de l'Italie reposant sur le poids important de ces instances à contribuer à rendre le système plus harmonieux et plus efficace.

La combinaison de ces multiples éléments nous permet de mieux comprendre la réussite de ces expériences d'aménagement territoriale des zones d'activités, toutefois, un dernier élément revêt également une grande importance : l'existence de deux réseaux distincts mais étroitement imbriqués maximisant l'efficacité de l'organisation productive, dans chaque district italien, on retrouve à chaque fois :

- un réseau économique dense, constitué d'entreprises qui appartiennent au même secteur d'activité et qui s'efforcent en se spécialisant de rechercher des avantages comparatifs. Tout cela se double par ailleurs au sein de chaque entreprise d'un mimétisme au regard des stratégies les plus performantes de leurs concurrentes ;

- un réseau social qui se compose de travailleurs qui s'efforcent de satisfaire les besoins du moment et qui sont capables de modifier leur position sur le marché local du travail, soit en changeant d'entreprises, soit en créant leur propre entreprise.

Le modèle du District Industriel serait-il transposable à d'autres régions européennes ? Il suppose à la fois des relations étroites entre certaines entreprises d'une part et une forte mobilité des travailleurs d'autre part. Si les conditions peuvent ne pas être réunies dans un futur proche pour certaines zones, il conviendrait de mettre en place le cas échéant, les conditions susceptibles d'y parvenir à moyen terme.

Une dernière expérience d'aménagement territorial d'une zone d'activités mérite d'être soulignée, celle reposant sur l'écologie industrielle et territoriale matérialisée par ce que l'on appelle aujourd'hui la symbiose de Kalundborg et qui s'apparente en fait à un SPL.

## 2.3. L'écologie industrielle appliquée à une zone : l'exemple de Kalundborg

L'écologie industrielle et territoriale a fait l'objet de nombreux articles et contributions scientifiques, on peut citer notamment Engberg (1993), Erkman (1998) et Sterr et Ott (2004). Erkman estime pour sa part qu'une société fondée sur l'écologie industrielle implique de passer d'un système industriel actuel qu'il considère comme juvénile à un système industriel qu'il nomme « mature », seul capable à l'instar des écosystèmes de permettre le bouclage des flux de matières et d'énergie, les quatre éléments permettant de parvenir à un écosystème sont les suivants :

- valoriser les déchets comme des ressources ;

- boucler les cycles de matière et minimiser les émissions dissipatives ;

- dématérialiser les produits et les activités économiques ;

- décarboniser l'énergie.

Si Erkman et les auteurs précités se sont attardés tout particulièrement sur l'exemple de Kalundborg en considérant ce qu'ils appellent la « symbiose » comme un produit des « forces du marché », un auteur a une tout autre vision mais qui nous paraît particulièrement intéressante. En
effet, Buclet (2011) dans ce qui constitue aujourd'hui l'un des ouvrages de référence sur l'écologie industrielle et territoriale met en lumière un certain nombre de faits donnant à la zone de Kalundborg, un caractère spécifique sur lequel il convient de se pencher un peu plus.

On ne peut comprendre l'expérience de Kalundborg, si l'on ne fait référence à la politique environnemental du Danemark dans lequel se situe cette zone. Le Danemark se caractérise en fait par la mise en place de réglementations environnementales contraignantes pour les entreprises qui doivent périodiquement rendre compte aux autorités locales de leurs efforts pour réduire les pollutions, ce qui a conduit ces mêmes autorités à rechercher par tous les moyens une coopération avec les entreprises dans le but à la fois de les sensibiliser et de les aider le cas échéant à trouver les solutions optimales. Cet aspect des choses est l'un des éléments fondamental pour comprendre la dynamique qui s'est mise en place à Kalundborg. En effet, c'est la volonté de la municipalité de réduire la pollution thermique du fjord, ainsi qu'un problème général de disponibilité d'eau, qui a conduit la centrale thermique à récupérer pour son propre usage l'eau de refroidissement de la raffinerie de pétrole. Par ailleurs, la régulation sur les eaux polluées a également incité la raffinerie à investir elle-même dans des infrastructures de traitement de l'eau usée afin de pourvoir la centrale thermique en eau suffisamment propre par rapport à ses besoins. Dans le même temps, la municipalité de Kalundborg a investi au milieu des années 70, dans un réseau de chaleur afin d'exploiter l'excès de chaleur provenant de la centrale thermique. Elle a également exigé que l'ensemble des résidents se connecte à ce réseau de chaleur afin d'en assurer la rentabilité. Les synergies entre les acteurs locaux se sont ainsi multipliées depuis plusieurs décennies, l'ensemble de ces synergies apparaît rentable économiquement en raison du poids de la réglementation environnementale et des contraintes fixées par la municipalité, sans ces contraintes, on peut estimer que ces synergies ne seraient pas rentables par ailleurs.

D'autres éléments ont également été mis en avant pour expliquer le succès avéré de Kalundborg. Ainsi, on peut citer la confiance qui existe entre les entreprises et qui les poussent à dévoiler une partie de leurs procédés de production leur permettant une compréhension mutuelle des échanges envisageables. Cette confiance se matérialise alors par une multitude de contacts rendus d'autant plus faciles que la zone de Kalundborg est aisément délimitée d'un point de vue géographique en même temps qu'elle demeure modeste en terme de population présente. Si l'on rajoute à cela le fait que les entreprises présentes sur le secteur ne sont pas concurrentes mais plutôt complémentaires, on comprend pourquoi ce que l'on nomme l'éco-park de Kalundborg apparaît efficace pour l'occasion.

Un tel modèle est-il transposable dans d'autres zones en Europe et notamment à l'échelle d'une commune ? Si l'on met en avant le fait que la législation environnementale puisse être encore plus contraignante à l'avenir afin de respecter les accords internationaux qui ont été signés à Paris en Décembre 2015, si l'on considère que certaines collectivités territoriales puissent en faire un cheval de bataille au niveau de leur politique de développement durable alors on peut penser qu'une telle expérience puisse être appliquée dans toute l'Europe. La condition nécessaire implique toutefois de disposer sur une zone géographique clairement délimitée d'industries distinctes capables de développer des synergies entre elles.

## CONCLUSION

Les formes de localisation des activités au sein d'une zone géographique apparaissent multiples à l'échelle planétaire mais l'on peut considérer que toutes contribuent au développement local en créant des emplois et en spécialisant une zone d'activités dans certains secteurs spécifiques. Les trois exemples que sont respectivement la Silicon Valley, les Districts Industriels et la zone de