To pose the question in terms of “Marxism-Leninism” in the strict sense of the term can be misleading, however, because the teaching, dissemination and appropriations of an ideology lend themselves to various registers of interpretation. It is at least necessary to distinguish between the great general principles (equality, freedom, etc.) and theory (historical materialism, dialectical materialism, etc.). While the theoretical lessons may have seemed decontextualised, this was not the case with the plays, which portrayed actual situations of exploitation experienced by many Ethiopians.

This is why it is difficult to assess the degree to which the ensemble of ideas, ways of seeing the world and thinking about society conveyed under the heading of Marxism-Leninism were accepted. It seems, however, that the egalitarian and emancipatory discourse was relatively well received. Is it necessary to be versed in Marxist-Leninist theory to aspire to escape from an exploited condition by accepting the idea of a more egalitarian society, especially where school was presented by the authorities as a tool for creating equality and was seen as such by students and families in many ways? Indeed, aspirations for social advancement should not be interpreted as mere strategies for individual promotion: they can simultaneously signify a desire on the part of a group for access to equality. This was undoubtedly the case with the Wolaita who had been marginalised under the Haile Selassie regime. The Derg, its Marxism-Leninism and its school policy trivialised the ideas of equality and justice through the promotion of peripheral groups within the nation. In this respect, the Derg government was a turning point: its ideas spread throughout society, regardless of the registers in which the governed appropriated them, and whether or not they formulated them in Marxist-Leninist terms.

**4. Education through work: school gardens**

How was the objective of “education for production,” which was intended to give birth to a socialist mode of production and instil a love and respect for work, translated?<fnref n="57" /> The school curricula emphasised the need to put an end to the disdain and contempt for manual labour. Pupils should develop a positive attitude towards practical activities.<fnref n="58" /> The ERGESE report, commissioned in 1983 by the Ministry of Education and completed in 1986, stated that youth associations should join with schools to lay the foundations for a new culture based on education for production (Tekeste 1990, 42). Education for production, and consequently education through work, lay at the heart of socialist pedagogical thinking. Intellectual work and productive activities were both to be part of an education aimed at the formation of a complete human

<footnote n="57">⁵⁷MOE, *Education in Socialist Ethiopia...* (1984), 20.</footnote>

<footnote n="58">⁵⁸MOE, *The Ethiopian School Syllabuses* (1984), 36.</footnote>
being: an integral education. An educational programme such as this should also put an end to the division of labour on which a class society was based. Finally, it was through work that humans acted on the world to transform it. This concept can be found in Marx—who himself inherited it from the utopian socialists—in Lenin, in the workers' movement and in the regimes that claimed to be Marxist in the 20th century. In addition, from the 1960s onwards, the idea of linking education to productive work became an important part of the international education policies advocated by UNESCO, on this occasion not to transform the world, but to increase productivity in “developing” countries. The Derg's goal of “education for production” drew from both sources. As the representative of the Ethiopian delegation to the UNESCO conference in Nairobi in 1976 put it:

> Indeed, when we look at the major planks in UNESCO platform we find that they are not very different from those in our Program of the National Democratic Revolution of Ethiopia. The expert group [...] recommended that certain aspects of UNESCO's work be strengthened [...] the linking of education with productive work [...] A greater development of the non-formal and informal components of our educational systems.<fnref n="59" />

The school system was no longer intended to train “office workers,” as had been the case under the Haile Selassie regime, but rather producers integrated into the rural economy, useful to their community and active in a socialist organisation of production.

> It is now possible [...] to move towards a system of learning which is relevant to the life and work of the society within the school is operating, and to lay the cultural and technical foundations for real change in the countryside. The new rural economy and its new forms of social and economic organization is now more able to absorb the products of the education system and to utilize skills and knowledge which can be developed in the schools and other educational activities.<fnref n="60" />

Schools were therefore to be at the heart of the transformations in the rural economy, in constant interaction with their social environment, through productive activities that inserted them into the economic life of the communities. They were to serve communities, and communities were to support the schools. According to the 1984–94 ten-year plan: “Participation has led the community organisations to actively assist their schools in developing practical programmes of work, by providing seed and land for agricultural projects and working with school students in the reafforestation of eroded

<footnote n="59">⁵⁹MOE, *Basic Information on Education in Ethiopia* (1977), 56.</footnote>

<footnote n="60">⁶⁰MOE, *Education in Socialist Ethiopia...* (1984), 11.</footnote>
hill sites.”<fnref n="61" /> Finally, productive activities were aimed at enabling schools to be partly self-financing. As a report by the Ministry of Education prepared for the International Conference on Education in Geneva in 1981 noted, the income generated by school gardens and production units in secondary schools was used for school operations.<fnref n="62" /> In the previous chapter, we showed how the goal of education for production was translated into the knowledge taught, especially in Amharic textbooks, but how was it translated into the daily life of schools?

Girma Bekele, a teacher in Gesuba, remembers with enthusiasm: “I started growing crops! I brought in 42 bags of maize [seed], planted *tef*, that’s it! The farmers came and ploughed.”<fnref n="63" /> Evidently, the teacher coordinated activities, the farmers took care of the tasks that required their specific skills and the students were in charge of regular maintenance. However, it does not appear that the farmers shared their skills with the students as the school policy developed by the Ministry of Education intended. They ploughed without them, and do not seem to have stayed behind once the work that required their presence had been completed. Production activities were organised collectively in “clubs”.

There are clubs: agriculture clubs, home economics clubs, handicrafts were producing there, gardens with different vegetables. Even the subject of agriculture was given at that time in the school level, from grade 1 up to high school. It was initiated at that time. [...] [The vegetables were] not eaten in the school, they was sold and the income is for the school.<fnref n="64" />

The interviews in Wolaita thus confirm that the schools had agricultural and craft production units. It was the same in Lalibela, in northern Ethiopia. As teacher Afework Ayalew recalls: “There were cultivated fields, we prepared them, we planted vegetables with the students, we grew them and then sold them for the community.”<fnref n="65" /> This was possible in the countryside or in small towns, where schools had sufficient space to grow crops. In the city, however, as Tekeste Negash has noted, there was a wide gap between theory and practice because of the lack of space in schools (Tekeste 1990, 32). Productive activities had to be adapted to the environment. In the city, the lack of space did not allow for agricultural activities, or even, as should in theory have been the case, craft or micro-industrial activities. There were already not

<footnote n="61">⁶¹PMGE, *Ten-Year Perspective Plan, 1984/85-1993-94* (1984), 136.</footnote>

<footnote n="62">⁶²MOE, *Report on Educational Developments in Ethiopia, 1978-1981* (prepared for the 38th session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva) (1981), 6.</footnote>

<footnote n="63">⁶³Germa Bekele, interview, December 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="64">⁶⁴Elias Damtew, interview, October 2009.</footnote>

<footnote n="65">⁶⁵Afework Ayalew, interview, February 2007.</footnote>
enough rooms to accommodate the students in good conditions: how, then,
could space be freed up for workshops?

Another problem was the lack of skills among the teachers, who were
neither farmers nor craftsmen or labourers, and who could not devote the
necessary days to cultivation, which would require sustained work. This did
not work for Girma Bekele. Monkeys were ravaging the fields and the other
activities at the school left no time to deal with them.<fnref n="66" /> The farmers, who knew
how to deal with problems such as these, were already too busy with their own
farming activities to give time to the school by working with the students,
which was of no benefit to them as the school would then sell the produce
itself. Furthermore, the school was not able to provide any kind of exchange
of knowledge to enable the farmers to improve their own crops. The schools
had neither the skills nor the means to be centres of agricultural expertise.
Afework Ayalew in Lalibela does not mention any farmers being involved in
production with students. In the end, the inclusion of schools in the productive
activities of communities, the establishment of dynamic relationships between
schools and farmers to increase the farmers' productivity and train future
producers of goods at schools barely worked at all. It is true, however, that
the experiment was conducted over a short period of time and in a difficult
economic context marked by a fall in the peasant economy. For this reason,
the productive activities consisted of vegetable crops which were simpler to
grow and could be more easily taken charge of by students and teachers.

Moreover, despite the desire to lay the “foundations of a new culture” based
on “love and respect for work,” productive activities remained disregarded
by the students: “[The students] were growing the vegetables and others but
not by their interest, forcibly, to obtain marks.”<fnref n="67" /> Education for production
was therefore a constraint for students, who worked unwillingly. Owing to a
lack of motivation and resources, productive activities were a marginal part of
daily school life. In the end, “Education was [always] for office work.”<fnref n="68" /> It did
not train producers who were adapted to the local economy and who would
transform society from below through collective work.

The quality of education, with no exaggeration, it would never bring a student
who can stand by himself. There is no such a technical school to develop his mind
with his abilities. Only theoretical. [...] When they leave the school, they couldn't
do anything, they are waiting for the government work. If they are not employed,
[...] they couldn't exist. They are not farmers, because they ignore farming [...].
Farming is not a good work. This is the mind of the students at that time. Being

<footnote n="66">⁶⁶Germa Bekele, interview, December 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="67">⁶⁷Elias Damtew, interview, October 2009.</footnote>

<footnote n="68">⁶⁸Afework Ayalew, interview, February 2007.</footnote>
carpenter is not a good work. [...] You see the workless who were moving there and here were the product of the Derg school policy.<fnref n="69" />

The wage economy was not able to absorb the products of the school system, who were not trained or willing to work in other types of jobs. This reveals a profound discrepancy between the project of education through work to create productive citizens and the hopes placed by the population in schooling. Why go to school to remain a peasant or a carpenter? Why sacrifice years of schooling for a job whose skills were best learned outside school, through practice? Education for production conflicted with the imagined success associated with schooling. For pupils and their families, completing their studies meant leaving agriculture and emancipating themselves from a life of subsistence thanks to access to salaried work, which was more remunerative, more socially valued and less demanding. Education for production seemed to take away schools' indispensable function of a rise in social status and economic security, a phenomenon that was also widely observed elsewhere (Gamble 2009; Deleigne 2010).

## Conclusion

The forms of power relations in the Derg schools reveal two movements in tension. With the broadening of the criteria for nationhood, schools opened up to sections of the population that had been marginalised by reducing cultural discrimination. The centralising function of the institution was strengthened, but by minimising the hierarchy of nationalities, its integrating function became more open. The reduction in discrimination allowing schools to be used more effectively, and made it possible for them to contribute to a stronger sense of collective belonging. Assimilation could then be experienced not just as a form of violence but also as an opportunity. However, the level of pedagogical violence intensified; it was no longer based on cultural criteria but was closely associated with the violence of state power. The social control of schools and the working conditions of teachers also contributed to this hardening of the pedagogical relationship. The Derg's rhetoric on the emancipation of women and the encouragement of schooling for girls was not followed by a transformation of gender relations in the school space. On the contrary: more than ever under the Derg, schools found themselves combining emancipatory and oppressive features.

Finally, a study of the process of transmitting the objectives of “education for socialist consciousness” and “education for production” reveals the limitations encountered by the project to transform individuals. The desire to inculcate Marxist-Leninist ideology came up against the weariness of students as well

<footnote n="69">⁶⁹Elias Damtew, interview, October 2009, Soddo.</footnote>
as the rest of society, because of the way it was communicated by incessant
repetition. It would be wrong to claim that it had no effect, however; students
just adopted it selectively. Even if they did not become Marxist-Leninists, the
ideas of social justice and equality spread widely during the period of the Derg
as a result of its investment in the political education of the governed.
Interlude 2

# School and the State in 1991:
## Identities Reconciled?

The famine of 1984–85 represented a break in the Derg's government, and ushered in a new period for it. The second decade of the 1980s was marked by severe economic, political and military convulsions that “overtook” the school movement. The famine, forced displacement and villagisation that followed, the regime's intransigence towards Eritrean independence, which led to a constant intensification of the war, and the armed struggle led in the north by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) had a profound effect on the population. In this context, education was no longer as much of a priority for the government as it had been a few years earlier. Moreover, famine, war and major state projects had cumulative effects that had a powerful impact on the population's living conditions, on its relationship with the state, and on the social dynamics of schooling. Because schools were so sensitive to their environments, daily school life was also particularly affected. What became of the movement of society towards schooling that had begun in the early 1980s?

A comparison between our analysis of school dynamics and that of the upheavals that took place from 1984 on will enable us to question the connections between the appropriation of school, the relationship with the state and the degree of sedimentation of the national imagination in Wolaita at the time of the fall of the Derg.

### 1. Dropouts: Famine, war and education (1984–91)

When Dessalegn Rahmato conducted his survey in 1984 in four cantons in Kaffa, Gojjam, Wellega and Wolaita, he noticed that the population's enthusiasm for organisational activities was beginning to wane. In the aftermath of the land reform, the rural population had shown great interest in the establishment of farmers' associations and collective work, and had actively participated in them. Eight years later, this participation had become less than lukewarm (Dessalegn 1984, 92). Promises were slow to be kept, and doubts about whether they would be fulfilled in the future grew. Over the previous decade, both the urban and rural populations had been bombarded with speeches on progress through education and collectivisation: during the land reform, during the literacy campaign, in mass associations, in schools, in the
media and on walls decorated with slogans. Contrary to what the government claimed about the peasants' gains, their incomes had fallen and their situation had become more fragile (Planel 2008, 176–77). In short, in 1984, the actual situation was far from living up to the hopes that had been raised and the discourse that had been disseminated by the regime's propaganda.

At the very moment when Dessalegn Rahmato was noticing a certain disenchantment among the peasantry and while the regime was celebrating the tenth anniversary of the revolution with great pomp, a drought broke out that was to cause the greatest famine experienced by Ethiopia in the 20th century. In 1984 and 1985, between 500,000 and a million people died (Dessalegn 2007, 292). Teacher Germa Bekele recalls that in Wolaita, the high mortality rate among humans and livestock was aggravated by a cholera epidemic. Under these conditions, most students left school to try to survive, while the better-off went to the city to flee the shortages and disease. For three months, the school was used as a hospital for cholera patients, and when it reopened, only a few children whose parents had salaries turned up.<fnref n="1" /> The famine precipitated the launch of the villagisation project that had been planned since the late 1970s (Clapham 1988, 175). This was the flagship project of the rural transformation programme, and consisted in grouping farmers who had hitherto been living in scattered settlements together in planned villages. The aim was to simplify access to infrastructure such as health centres, schools and mills, to facilitate access to water and roads and to collectivise agriculture. A 1985 UNESCO report illustrates how this project sought to establish restructured and self-sufficient communities after the ravages of the famine.<fnref n="2" /> Farmers had to leave their homes, often against their will, to settle in the new villages they themselves had built. By 1989, 14 million peasants (40% of the rural population) had been “villagised,” but the project was carried out in haste, without adequate preparation, and it does not seem that similar past experiences, such as that of Tanzania, were taken into account. At an agricultural level, the project was a failure: the farmers found themselves far from their fields, the inhabitants did not have enough room to grow vegetables around their houses, and there was a lack of pasture. Animal mortality increased due to contagious diseases, and the water supply, schools and clinics were delayed (Tadesse 2002, 117, 123–25). In a context in which the population had been forced to comply with a large project without seeing the compensation they had been promised, the political constraints seemed to be more burdensome and the government more alienated.

Generally speaking, in the second half of the 1980s, state policies lost the support of those who had supported land reform and the school policy a few

<footnote n="1">¹Germa Bekele, interview, December 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">²Unesco, *Ethiopia, Education and Training Projects for Self-Reliance* (1985).</footnote>
years earlier. As Germa Bekele testifies with regard to the Wolaita: “The Derg took, it couldn’t give, it was painful.”<fnref n="3" /> Similarly, in the Menz area in the north, Helen Pankhurst collected a proverb in the second half of the 1980s that expressed the idea that the aid provided by the Derg was drowned out by the costs it imposed: “The state has a good side and a cruel side; cruel side has become too hard for us” (ምንግስት ባንድ ፊት ደግ ባንድ ፊት ክፉነው ክፉነቱ በዛብን እንጂ; Pankhurst 1990, 78). Education was affected by this situation. Exhausted by famine and state policies that constantly solicited their participation in cash, kind or labour, communities were less and less able to provide the required schooling effort. Community participation in the management of schools became an additional constraint on the family economy. Schools were among the Derg’s multiple tax and labour levies. An extreme example of the way rural areas were used without restraint can be seen in the fact that between 1985 and 1987, farmers in Wolaita had to pay a drought tax, even though they themselves had suffered the consequences of famine (Planel 2008, 177).

Finally, the intensification of the civil war between the state and the guerrillas in the north, which was waged jointly by the Eritrean People's Liberation Front and the Tigray People's Liberation Front,<fnref n="4" /> definitively confirmed the split between the population and the Derg. In addition to the deprivation caused by the depletion of resources for the war effort, the brutality with which young people were used as a breeding ground for soldiers led to an irremediable aversion to the regime. Teacher Yaluse Mita remembers:

> It was war, so it was a time of pain, a time of tears. Some families, at an age when children were still dependent... many people went to Eritrea, [...] where the battlefield was. Under the Derg, the most frightening thing was the war. Many young people disappeared... many young people were taken away, loaded on to trucks. Those who were loaded on to trucks and sent from south to north numbered in the thousands. This was the most horrible period in Ethiopia. As a result, everyone hated the Derg. [...] For other things, for development, for education, for girls' education, the situation was good. [...] Once, at the end... the pupils who were at school... in the last moments... it was at the time of the feast... when the Feast of the Cross is celebrated in Wolaita... the pupils who were at school... they were waiting for them to come out... when they came out, they caught them. They came to the houses and took many young people. They came to the houses at night, they took them, it was horrible. After that it was enough, the Wolaita refused the Derg.<fnref n="5" />

<footnote n="3">³Germa Bekele, interview, December 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴The former now leads Eritrea and the latter dominates the EPRDF, which has ruled Ethiopia since the fall of the Derg.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵Yaluse Mita, interview, November 2009.</footnote>
When conscription was no longer sufficient, the methods used to “recruit” became particularly forceful. Young people were taken from their beds at night, when their presence was guaranteed and their capacity for resistance diminished. Yaluse Mita also testifies that in Wolaita, schools were targeted. In the north of the country, in Lalibela, a small town a few kilometres from the front, teachers were encouraged to carry out forced conscription directly in schools. Some lined up students and selected the strongest ones to be conscripted. The youngest were 13 or 14 years old.<fnref n="6" /> Teacher Mantagosh Eshete estimates that a quarter of teachers actually did this.<fnref n="7" /> This did not happen in Wolaita, however;<fnref n="8" /> instead, students were picked up after school.

As a result, young people chose to flee. Former student Habtamu Lemma recalls “hiding for two days to avoid going to war, [because] they would come at night to pick up recruits from the houses.”<fnref n="9" /> Zerihun Anebo says others fled for longer and were hunted down.

When the war became serious, they prepared and they selected people for the front. The children were not volunteers, the parents were not volunteers to go to the war front [...]. Because of this, they wanted to escape, they even changed their living place. [...] They left their parents and the place they were living and they went somewhere else. The military living there [...] suspected them, they arrested them [...]. When I was teaching, only girls were attending the classroom, no boys, no men, that was very very very... that makes [...] feeling, and we felt much. All were chased. [...] Even these girls learning in classrooms, there were... In their black clothes... which is a sign of what? Sorrow! Educationally, the impact at that time was that. We were not learning, that created hate upon the government by the people. Communities disliked it.<fnref n="10" />

This excerpt from an interview bears witness to stalking practices that demonstrate a regime that used its population without restraint, as a mere material resource.<fnref n="11" /> The sacrifices asked of young people in school songs was not simply rhetoric used to instil a sense of common belonging and a desire to work together: it was a reality. The only means available to boys was to desert their school benches and, for some of them, to flee their homes. Only girls dressed in mourning clothes showed up for class. Bearing in mind that

<footnote n="6">⁶Solomon Maereg, interview, February 2007; Allebachew Fantew (pupil under the Derg, teacher), interview, Lalibela, 14 February 2007.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">⁷Mantagosh Eshete, interview, Lalibela, 16 February 2008.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸Zerihun Anebo, interview, December 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹Habtamu Lemma, interview, December 2009.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰Zerihun Anebo, interview, December 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹In his film *Teza (The Dew)*, which was released in 2008, Ethiopian director Haile Gerima depicted members of a farmers’ association shooting on sight at teenagers fleeing forced conscription.</footnote>
the Derg forbade families of missing opponents from mourning, this gesture can be interpreted as a way for girls to show their disapproval.

In view of this violence, what remained of the reforms and school policy implemented by the Derg? A posteriori, the testimonies give a picture of a two-faced hydra, with the balance sometimes tipping towards progress and sometimes towards the unbearable, depending on the interlocutors, or even during the same interview. The point of view expressed by the peasant Mana Madibo, quoted previously on the subject of the literacy campaign, is worth recalling. Despite the loss of his son, who died at the front, he says that he appreciates the Derg because of the lasting nature of the reforms which, in his view, finally freed those who had been oppressed. By educating and liberating the peasants, the Derg made a break with the past that opened up a new era.<fnref n="12" /> Teacher Zerihun Anebo leans towards criticism: while he agrees that the Derg made beneficial changes, he argues that it should have done things differently: “Actually, in all aspects, academic, economic, social, and political, there was change. But the bad implementation made them collapse. With no negotiation, with no discussion, with no base on agreement.”<fnref n="13" />

Unlike Mana Madibo, Zerihun Anebo considers that the progress cannot compensate for the means that were employed. Like most of the teachers we interviewed, he agrees with the substance but criticises the form. Authoritarian practices and violence ruined a project that had been seen as being positive. This is also the opinion of Yaluse Mita: “The Derg came by two paths, working for development, opening roads, stimulating education. [...] But even though the Derg did a lot, its objectives were based on war.”<fnref n="14" />

## 2. The appropriated school?

In this particular historical context, how can school education, the national imagination, perceptions of “progress” and the relationship to the state be explained? Can a distinction be made between the appropriation of school on the one hand, and the conflictful relationship to the state on the other? This implies knowing whether in Wolaita, the spread of a sense of belonging to Ethiopia driven by land reform, the literacy campaign and the progress in schooling was eroded by the rejection of the Derg’s violence.

At first glance, education seems to fall on the “positive” side of the scales. Peasants and teachers alike believe that liberation from serfdom and education went hand in hand, and they all inseparably link education and emancipation. In their view, this emancipation cannot be separated from integration into the national political community. Through education, the state sought to promote

<footnote n="12">¹²Mana Madibo, interview, December 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³Zerihun Anebo, interview, December 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴Yaluse Mita, interview, November 2009.</footnote>
the marginalised in the nation, to provide opportunities for the greatest number and to work for collective progress. In short, the actors dissociate the government's authoritarian practices from its educational policy. The idea of a beneficial education is put forward independently from the structural obstacles (such as the lack of opportunities for graduates or the deterioration of the economy) and cyclical disasters (such as famine and war), which, whether provoked by the state or aggravated by it, did not allow schools to fulfil their promise. However, not everything about schooling was viewed as positive. It was not spared from the arbitrary and violent practices of power the population experienced outside its walls. At the end of the 1980s, there was a wide gap between the content of the textbooks and songs praising the revolution and promising a bright future on the one hand, and the school experience, which was that of a model dictatorship, on the other. As the decade progressed, school became a dangerous place that was best to keep away from. More than ever, schools were in a state of tension between emancipation and oppression. Families were not mistaken: they sent children to school as never before, but even in the early 1980s, they stayed away from its internal workings. School as an institution was a closed space governed by its own laws, a place of power that was impossible to discuss, let alone challenge. In this sense, local society did not appropriate the school.

After the famine, however, schools were gradually repopulated, and while boys were kept away from classes at the height of forced recruitment, the underlying trend towards schooling continued, beyond the aversion to the regime. In the early 1980s, taking literacy classes and sending children to school had been accepted, for better or for worse, because the regime enjoyed popular support for a time. A decade later, however, the Derg was rejected, but the social dynamics of schooling that had accompanied its education policy had lasting effects. In this sense, schooling had been appropriated this time. It was the school of society, not just the school of power, and it had begun to take root. Schooling was appropriated because of its promise of individual and collective advancement within the Ethiopian nation. By the end of the 1980s, despite the Derg's extractive policies, "Ethiopia" was no longer just seen as the predatory power it had been under Haile Selassie's regime, but as a political space and resource that was perceived to be accessible, which had been far from the case before the revolution.

It was not the particular education system of the Derg—"education for the construction of socialism"—that worked, but the school form in general that made advances in society. Actors took the knowledge and ways of being in schools inculcated outside their walls. Whereas until the end of Haile Selassie's regime it was normal not to have attended school, the situation had been reversed by the fall of the Derg. Mass literacy had entrenched the idea that one had to be able to read and write, and that one had to go to school. It was
no longer considered normal to reserve mastery of the written word to a body of specialists. Being illiterate was now a sign of ignorance and an inability to be a complete political being. On the basis of the Derg, is it possible to speak of a situation in which everyone, whether or not they have been to school, recognises, accepts and actively consents to the fact that going to school is the yardstick for measuring political ability and legitimate membership of the nation? It seems that it is. Marginalisation of the illiterate increases all the more as the school culture advances, as society becomes, to use Ivan Illich's expression, a "schooled society," a political community in which it seems to be self-evident that only school really educates (Illich 1971).

However, just as practices of “literacy delegation” (Fraenkel & Mbodj 2010, 20) exist, there are also practices of “delegation of school culture.” For example, whereas a peasant from Lasta asked me, “Why do you come to me, I who am only a donkey?” implying that his illiteracy and distance from a school culture did not make him a valid interlocutor for a researcher, Mana Madibo from Wolaita explained that as long as his group has enough “educated” people, the entire group is promoted within the nation. There are therefore collective and collaborative understandings of educational capital and the dignity it provides to the group.

This also calls for a re-evaluation of the supposed “alienation” of the products of an imported school system if one wants to think about the relations between the “educated” and the illiterate, in all their different types and transformations. The products of the Ethiopian school system were not only people who believed themselves to be the depositories of progress, and wanted to guide the ignorant masses in an authoritarian manner; the “infallible demigods” mentioned by Tekeste Negash (Tekeste 1990, 54); and the “uprooted” in a state of acute psychological crisis, potential dictators, described by Messay Kebede (Messay 2008). The Ethiopian philosopher studied a section of the student elite in the capital: the same elite that radicalised the Ethiopian student movement in the 1960s and 1970s (Messay 2003). We have shown previously that even in the 1970s, not all products of the school system shared these same characteristics. They were also minor local government officials or village teachers on the periphery, who were involved in the daily lives of their fellow citizens, and who could bring their language and writing skills, and knowledge of the codes governing the nationwide political arena, to the community. They had been a rare sight in rural areas before the revolution, but they became a familiar presence as a result of the Derg's mass education policy.

In short, the seven years between the Red Terror and 1985 were decisive. The years between 1985–91 slowed the school movement down, but did not stop it: the distance between the regime and the population increased, but schooling had become a matter of course. The step back from schools because
of famine and forced recruitment was merely temporary. The idea that school
was to be used by the vast majority and not just a small group of specialists
in the written word had spread throughout society, which had not been the
case before the early 1980s. Despite disaffection with the Derg, the war and
the unfulfilled promises of development, there remained the idea of justice
between the nationalities that made up the nation and, in Wolaita, the feeling
of being Ethiopian. Wolaita was already incorporated in the national space
through taxation and forced submission to the central government, but under
the Derg, the idea of nationhood made its way into the local imagination.
It was no longer only urban dwellers who could think of themselves as part
of the national space, and the role of education was a central factor of this
identification process.
General conclusion

This history of education in Ethiopia’s Wolaita province has attempted to hold
together the official purposes of government education as they were defined
by the state and its international supporters; the social dynamics of schooling;
the knowledge and conduct to be inculcated and the way in which they were
communicated; and finally, the effects of education on students and society.
We have looked at the changes in the school system in terms of their ties to the
transformations in social structures and means of exercising power. Finally, we
have approached the question of schools on the basis of the position of schools
at the confluence of national and local spaces, as a meeting point between the
state and local society. These approaches have been brought together from
the perspective of a history of the integration of a peripheral region into the
nation as a consequence of the ways in which the population adapted to school.
The forms of social appropriation of a state structure responsible for education
reveal the different ways in which individuals and groups think and feel in
the nation. The outcome is not a homogenous, linear history, but a series of
intertwined processes.

The integration of the Wolaita into Ethiopia began with its conquest in 1894
in the form of political control and taxation. Despite the central government's
dreams of a unified empire, the question of cultural assimilation did not
become an issue in the first third of the 20th century. The process began in 1941
with the government schools, but until the revolution in 1974 the government
school system was a purely urban phenomenon. These schools were located in
the small towns that were the administrative centres of the Wolaita *weredas*.
It was not the central government but the Protestantism brought in by the
missionaries from the Sudan Interior Mission that was the driving force behind
schooling in rural areas from the late 1950s. The 1940s and 1950s saw a massive
conversion of the Wolaita countryside. The local churches rapidly became
independent, and the Protestant schools that had initially been established in
the countryside for religious ends served as a springboard for rural young
people to attend government schools. This led to important transformations
in the sociology of schooling. In the 1940s and 1950s, most pupils attending
school were the children of notables: they were the offspring of settlers from
the north or of Wolaita with connections to the government. From the 1960s,
young people from rural areas who had converted to Protestantism began to
arrive in urban government schools from rural Protestant schools in increasing
numbers. On the other hand, while the sociology changed in terms of social
backgrounds, schooling remained an almost exclusively male phenomenon,
and girls did not go to school in significant numbers until after the revolution.

The period of the Derg was one of unprecedented progress in education
in the countryside. The literacy campaign created an unprecedented form
of contact between the state and farming communities, and the network
of schools intensified beyond the towns and cities. The Derg's educational
advances in the countryside took two directions: a takeover of the Protestant
church buildings and the construction of new schools through community
participation, through a mixture of voluntary cooperation, encouragement
and coercion. In the 1980s, school education became a part of everyday life
in the countryside. Although not all children went to school, it became a
commonplace phenomenon, and lost the image of strangeness it still retained
in the 1960s.

1. Young Protestant Wolaita: the conditional nation

School dynamics were driven in part by state education policies. Some pupils
were enrolled at school, willingly or unwillingly, as a result of various
incentives. In the 1940s, the “pupil police” tried to persuade young people
to go to school, before Bogale Wallelu and Wanna Wagesho went round to
people’s homes to convince parents. Others were coerced into school, like
Abraham Worku, who began his education at a basic education centre set up
by Governor Germame Neway. Officials knocked on his door one day in 1958
to tell his parents that from then on Abraham would spend several hours
a day learning to read, write and count, much to the chagrin of his family,
who deplored the daily absence of the young man who was in charge of the
family’s herd. Other families and students came to schooling by observing
the government’s educational policies, and seizing them as an opportunity.
Between the two poles of compliance and coercion there was a whole spectrum
of different attitudes. The literacy campaign is one good example of this. It
gave rise to various forms of state practice, from incitement and coercion,
and to a wide range of social attitudes towards education: observance or
disagreement, enthusiasm or reluctance and conviction or ambivalence, and
to reversals along the way.

Later, school dynamics developed out of strategies for adapting to the
transformations that affected the organisation of power and the way it
was exercised. An expansion of bureaucratisation gradually led to schools
becoming the route to positions of responsibility. The groups that held power
in Wolaita were the first to send their children to school. As early as 1941,
they were aware of the fact that if they wanted to maintain their position,
they would have to take over this new institution. It was with this in mind
that they opposed the education of peasant children so that they could reserve
schools for their own children for the purposes of social reproduction. On the
other side of the distribution of power, schooling was a tactic for escaping marginalisation by making a place for oneself in the nation through social ascension, which was represented by access to a salaried job. At school, rural people learned the codes and skills that legitimised membership of the political community. Here, the construction of the network of rural Protestant primary schools reveals a dynamic that is relatively independent of government policy. These schools developed outside state structures: they were an endogenous social dynamic, a resource for people who wanted a school education despite the lack of government schools. It was a roundabout route. From the end of the 1950s, the political dimension that had been expressed since the time of the earliest conversions to Protestantism in the 1930s began to be articulated through schooling. All of it involved a strategy of psychological, identity, political and material reconstruction within Ethiopia. The objective of these marginalised rural inhabitants was to find a place without bending completely to the mould imposed by the conquerors by exploiting an alternative religion to the official Christianity. The fact remains, however, that the movement of rural Protestant youth into schools in the 1960s was a clear sign of their desire for integration. It is of no small significance that the three heroes of the Wolaita “pantheon of dignity,” Bogale Wallelu, Germame Neway and Wolde-Samaet Gebre-Wold, were all great educators who worked in the name of integration. These figures, of whom Wolaita who were educated between the 1940s and the 1960s always speak with a mixture of pride, esteem and affection, wanted to make Wolaita Ethiopian.

The changes in the school culture had a major impact on pupils' experience and the formation of their identities. The problem of adaptation to the culture did not arise in the case of urban, Amharic-speaking and Tewahedo Church followers' children, but the same was not true of rural pupils, for whom school undoubtedly made it possible to cross the border between marginalisation and belonging to the nation, but also raised new obstacles. School assimilated and discriminated, levelled and ranked, standardised and distinguished. It provided the codes and skills necessary to develop within the national space, but it was also in itself the world of the “other”, especially under Haile Selassie's regime. School was a social space in which acquisition of the criteria for integration into the nation (through an Amharic name, the Amharic language and, if possible, the Tewahedo Christian religion) was achieved by debasing one's own identity. This was a less bitter experience for the generation of Wolaita students who attended school in the 1940s and 1950s than it was for those who went to school in the 1960s. The former were few in number and came from the city or its immediate surroundings, their fathers worked for the government and their families, most of whom had converted to the official religion of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church; they were already partially assimilated. The latter arrived from the countryside in their
thousands, their fathers did not work for an administration and they were
Protestant, but they still wanted to be fully Ethiopian.

In fact, while the state imposed strictly-defined criteria of nationhood in its
schools, the Wolaita youth who went to school in the 1960s did so on their own
terms. They wanted to enter the nation as they wanted to, and not necessarily
as the central government dictated. A study of school dynamics reveals a
link among the various identifications. Sabine Panel has shown how the “two
dynamics of spatial identification (individuality of nationalities and Ethiopian
unification) are not exclusive and act in concert to build territories” (Planel
2003, 44). Wolaita and Ethiopian identifications achieved the same thing to
build feelings of belonging. In many respects, the way in which the Derg
redefined the criteria of belonging to the nation by declaring that nationalities
were equal within a political community united by class solidarity was in
line with the Wolaita’s expectations. The school culture, which remained
assimilative, also became less discriminatory. School was still the world of the
other, but it was a world that was more easily appropriated. Under the Derg,
pedagogical relationships and discipline were stricter, and even extremely
violent, but cultural discrimination diminished. Imaginations and identities
were shaped in this web of tensions.

## 2. Girls, education and the nation

The arrival of rural youth in government schools in the 1960s marked
the first renewal of the sociology of the students in Wolaita. The second
renewal took place from the late 1970s, with the arrival of girls. Under Haile
Selassie's regime, the state had made little effort to enrol girls in school,
and it was not until 1974 that the first girls took the Grade 12 examination,
although there were only four of them out of 350 students, and they were
all teachers' daughters. Their fathers sent them to school—sometimes against
their mothers' wishes—without any particular type of encouragement from
the government. This schooling of girls was relatively independent of the
state's education policy, and these few girls entered a school space that was
difficult to conquer. They were very much in the minority, accused of not
conforming to the social norms of femininity, suspected of having loose morals,
subjected to sexual pressure, intellectually discredited by some teachers and
unrepresented in school textbooks: girls' school experiences were built out of
adversity.

If they moved towards “women’s jobs,” it was not so much because the
other paths were closed to them as it was because they themselves wished
to. Adolescent girls at school wanted to develop skills that they saw as being
specific to women, as their own qualities. They saw secretarial work, nursing
and teaching as opportunities, not as forced careers. These were ways in which
they could increase their space of freedom. One of their objectives was to
gain their independence through a salaried job so that they would be able to
have a balanced relationship with their future husband. This first generation
of girls who attended school under Haile Selassie found themselves caught
up in specific power relations that guided their concerns. Because they were
from Amhara or assimilated Wolaita families, they were faced with patriarchal
domination much more than with cultural discrimination. As a result, they
were less concerned with the promotion of Wolaita than the advancement of
girls and women in local society, and thus in the nation. Since the late 1970s,
this generation of women graduates has worked hard for the education of girls
and women.

It was under the Derg that the state really began to take an interest in
girls' education. Armed with the discourse of dual oppression of Ethiopian
women, feudal and patriarchal, the new regime declared that they would be
promoted in the nation, and that it wanted to end discrimination in access
to employment and positions of power. If this was to be achieved, women
needed to be provided with educational capital. While power remained in the
hands of men, the Derg encouraged the education of girls and women. Women
were more involved in the literacy campaign than men were and in the
1980s girls also gradually occupied school benches. Although they received far
more encouragement from the regime's rhetoric to attend classes, their school
experience was no easier than that of their elders had been. Prejudices around
their supposedly lesser intellectual abilities still persisted. Girls and women
barely figured in textbooks, or else they were presented in a stereotypical
manner. Gender violence also increased in schools. Girls were more numerous
and more anonymous, and they came from less privileged social backgrounds
than their elders, who were the daughters of notables. Therefore, they were
more vulnerable. In spite of these forms of violence, girls and women began to
move into a social space that had until then been almost exclusively reserved
for boys and men.

Fifty years of school education have contributed to continuous transforma-
tions in social structures, sometimes in conjunction with the general trans-
formations taking place at the national level, and sometimes by upsetting the
relationships with local authorities.

3. Language and the written word: the battleground of the fight for legitimacy

School education was the space where the Amharic language and the written
word, both of which were at the heart of serious power issues, were acquired.
For the state, language and the written word were two key tools for unifying
the nation. The network of schools was where written production was
distributed on a national scale, and at an unprecedented level. However, while
Haile Selassie's regime was hostile to any expression of a culture other than
that of the north, the Derg, in line with its "equality of nationalities" policies,
adopted a more open stance, including teaching in local languages during the
literacy campaign. However, the position of Amharic strengthened during
this period because the population took advantage of government education
to take up the national language. The Wolaita had developed an aversion to
Amharic—"the language that punishes you" and "makes you pay taxes"—
since the time of the conquest. Contact with Amharic was part of a relationship
of domination: with the tax collector, with the lord, and in official situations
marked by feelings of dispossession, submission and humiliation. The same
was true of writing. The conquerors had conquered with their weapons, but
then ruled with their pens. Here again, contact with writing represented a
drain on resources, or judicial acts or administrative documents that often
brought bad news. At the end of the 1940s, young Wolaita who were attending
school were accused by peasants of wanting to become tax collectors in the
future. In the late 1950s, Abeba Fola's father sent his son to school, telling
him that their teachers dominated them because they could write. In their
peripheries, empires provoke feelings of repulsion and attraction, but the two
phenomena are not always clearly discernible. They are also extremes between
which a multitude of positions emerge. In Wolaita, this tension manifested
itself in Amharic and writing. They were objects of aversion and mistrust,
but mastering them was tantamount to appropriating the instruments of
domination in order to make a place for oneself in the nation. The school was
at the heart of power issues because it was the place where these two tools were
acquired. From the year the government school first opened, the ruling classes
of Wolaita wanted to retain a monopoly over it. Thirty years later, in 1971,
the children of the great *melkegna* and landowners, who were descended from
settlers from the north, insulted their Wolaita classmates, telling them that they
did not belong at school because they were born to serve. On both sides of the
frontier that separated the world of the dominant from that of the dominated,
everyone was aware of the political stakes of schooling.

4. Margins redefine the nation?

With the advancing of a school culture and the capital it provided, the
margins helped redefine the nation. Even in the case of authoritarian systems,
movements take place behind the scenes. Gradually, and especially under
the Derg, people from southern Ethiopia who had gone to school moved
into different levels of government, or worked as teachers, in hospitals, in
commerce and so on. They pushed for a redefinition of the political community
simply by their presence, by their more complex way of viewing the nation
and acting within it. Wolaita is an example of a drive from below. This
bottom-up movement can be observed in schools from the 1960s onwards, and
it accelerated under the Derg, when graduates entered the world of work in
large numbers and took up positions of power. This was a different political
dynamic, one that is less well known than the student movement and the
armed struggles on the margins, which have been studied far more extensively.

The Derg did not adopt the notion of equality of nationalities simply
because it had been permeated by Stalin's theory of nationalities that had
been brought in by the student movement: it took note of a social reality
that was certainly not found in Wolaita alone—that of millions of Ethiopians
who aspired to a different definition of Ethiopia. The list drawn up by
Donald Donham, which we cited in the introduction, therefore needs to be
completed. To the “peasants, landlords and slaves created in the wake of
Menilek's expansion in the south” who “helped to make twentieth-century
Ethiopia” (Donham 2002, 3) must be added the multitude of graduates. Since
the time the first government schools were founded in the south in the 1940s,
people gradually emerged, members of marginalised groups or women, who
contributed, often silently, to redefining the Ethiopian nation.
<figure><img src="image_33.png" /></figure>
Sources

"EC" stands for the Ethiopian Calendar which is based on the Coptic and Julian calendars. Depending on the month of the year, the Gregorian calendar is seven to eight years longer than the Ethiopian calendar. The first month of the Ethiopian year corresponds to September in the Western year.

1. Archives

1.1. *National Archives and Library of Ethiopia (NALE)*

Merse-Hazen Wolde-Kirkos Fund 18.06 ተፈሪ መኮንን ትምህርት ቤት (Tefari Mekonnen School).

1.2. *Wolaita Zone Education Office (WZEO)*

በ1970 EC የትምህርት ዘመን በየአውራጃው በምንግስት በሚስዮን በሕዝብ በቤተክህነት አንደኛ ደረጃ ትምህርት ቤቶች የተማሪዎች ብዛት (Number of pupils in government primary schools, Missionary, Community and Ethiopian National Church primary schools in each awraja, school year 1977–78).

ከ1967 EC እስከ 1975 EC ድረስ በወላይታ አውራጃ የተማሪዎች ብዛት (Number of pupils in the Wolaita awraja from 1974–75 to 1982–83).

የትምህርት ተቋማት ዝርዝር ፣ መቼ እንደተሠሩ የሚግልጽ መረጃ 2003 EC
(Establishment list of schools and dates of their construction 2010).

1.3. *Ligaba Beyene School Archive*

ብሕራዊ ፈተና ሮስተር 8ኛ ክፍል 1971 EC (List of grade 8 national examinations, 1978–79).

ብሕራዊ ፈተና ሮስተር 8ኛ ክፍል 1978 EC (List of grade 8 national examinations, 1985–86).

1.4. *Administration of the canton of Soddo (Soddo Zurya Wäräda)*

የወላይታ አውራጃ የትምህርት ስታትስቲክስ ማጠቃላይ ጥራዝ 1982 EC (Wolaita awraja school statistics, 1989–90).

የግማሽ ዓመት ሪፖርት ከ01.11.73 EC-30.04.74 EC (Half-yearly report, 8 July 1981 to 8 January 1981).

1.5. *Catholic Vicariate of Soddo*

Details of Schools Under Soddo-Hosanna Catholic Church Diocese; http://www.cath-
olic-hierarchy.org/diocese/dsodd.html, accessed 13/07/2017.
## 2. Source works

ABRAHAM BABANTO. 1974 EC. ጥንታዊት ዎላይታ እና ዘመናዊት ዎላይታ (Ancient Wolaita and Contemporary Wolaita).

BOGALÄ WALÄLU. 1964. (1956 EC). የወላሞ ሕዝብ ታሪክና ባርነትም እንዴት እንደተወገደ (History of the Wolamo People and how Slavery was Eradicated). Addis Ababa: Berhanenna Selam Printing Press.

EMMANUEL ABRAHAM. 1995. Reminiscences of my Life. Oslo: Lunde forlag.

GEBRE HIWOT BAYKEDAGN. 1953 EC (1916 EC). ምንግስትና የሕዝብ አስተዳደር (The Administration of the State and the People). Addis Ababa: Berhannena Selam.

GERMACHAW TEKLE HAWARIAT. 1941 EC [1948]. አርአያ. Addis Ababa: Berhannenna Selam.

KEBEDE MIKAEL. 1946. ፮ፓን እንዴት ሰለጠነች (How Japan Modernized). Addis Ababa: Berhannenna Selam Printing Press.

KEBEDE MIKAEL. 2008 [1958]. የሥልጣኔ አየር (The Breath of Civilization). Addis Ababa: Aynalam Editor.

KEBEDE MIKAEL. 1999 EC [1st edition 1950]. ታላላቅ ሰዎች (Great Men). Addis Ababa: Mega Printing Press.

REBEAUD Henri. 1934. Chez le Roi des Rois d'Éthiopie. Paris: Victor Attinger.

TEKLE TSADIK MEKURIA. 1959 [1951 EC]. የሰው ጠባይና አብሮ የመኖር ዘዴ (Human Behaviour and the Art of Living Together). Addis Ababa: Berhannenna Selam.

VANDERHEYM J. G. 1896. Une expédition avec le Negous (vingt mois en Abyssinie). Paris: Librairie Hachette et Cie.

WANNA WAGESHO. 2003. የወላይታ ሕዝብ ታሪክ (History of the Wolaita People). Addis Ababa: Berhanenna Selam Printing Press

ZERVOS Adrien. 1935. L'Empire d'Éthiopie : le miroir de l'Éthiopie moderne 1906-1935. Addis Ababa: École professionnelle des frères.

## 3. Printed sources

### 3.1. Ministry of Education and Fine Arts (MOEFA), 1941–74

7th and 8th grade Curriculum. 1950 (1943 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

Ato Belleteu G. Tsadik, and William L. Wrinckle. 1955. *The Controlled Expansion of Ethiopian Education—A Special Report to the Long-Term Planning Committee.* Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Basic Recommendations for the Reorganisation and Development of Education in Ethiopia—The First Report of the Long-Term Planning Committee for Ethiopian Education*. 1954. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Book Order Estimate*. 1948 (1941 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Curriculum for Ethiopian Schools Years 1–8*. 1947. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.
*Curriculum Policies and Standards. Teachers Training Institutes.* 1965. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, Division of Secondary Education and Fine Arts.

*Elementary School Curriculum Years I-VI*, Third Edition. 1970. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, Division of Curriculum and Teaching Material.

*Elementary School Curriculum Years I-VIII*. 1958. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Elementary, Secondary and Teacher Education Projects Based on the Report of Unesco*. 1963. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Foreword to the Educational Plan for The third Five Year Planning Period*. 1963. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*General Information on Educational Policy, Legislation, and Administration*. 1968. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, Department of Programme, Planning, and Research.

*Government, Mission, Private, Community and Church Schools 1959–60*. 1961. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*List of Books and Equipments for Academic Secondary Schools*. 1960. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Report on Educational Developments in Ethiopia, 1973–74 and 1974–75* (Prepared for the 35th session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva). 1975. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Report on the Current Operation of the Education System in Ethiopia*. 1966. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Teach Corps Ethiopia 1971. Action Program for Secondary Teachers Summer Program for Primary School Directors and Supervisors*. 1971. Washington DC: USAID; Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Teacher Education in Ethiopia*. 1965. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, Department of Teacher Education.

*Textbooks Production Program, 1956–1960*. 1960. Addis Ababa: Cooperative Education Press.

*The General Secondary School Curriculum, Book I*, Second Edition. 1967. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, Division of Curriculum and Teaching Material.

*A Ten Year Plan for the Controlled Expansion of Education in Ethiopia*, suggestions prepared by the Long Range Planning Committee attached to the Imperial Government of Ethiopia. 1955. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

### 3.2. Ministry of Education (MOE), 1974–91

*An Outline of the Social Sciences Syllabi*. 1984. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education, Curriculum Department.
*Basic Information on Education in Ethiopia.* July 1977. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education, Planning Services.

*Every Ethiopian Will be Able to Read and Write Forever.* 1981. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education, Literacy Campaign Coordinating Committee.

Last, Geoffrey. 1984. *Education in Socialist Ethiopia: Origins, Reorientation, Strategy for Future Development*. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

*Evaluative Research of the General Education System in Ethiopia: A Quality Study (ERGESE).* 1986. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

*Gender Analysis of Primary School Textbooks*. 1989. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

*General Objectives for Ethiopian Education*. 1980. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

*Information Paper on the Education System in Ethiopia*. 1982. Addis Ababa: Planning Services.

*Report on Educational Developments in Ethiopia, 1978–81* (Prepared for the 38th session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva). 1981. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

*The Ethiopian School Syllabuses*. 1984. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education, Curriculum Department.

### 3.3. Ministry of Information (MOI)

*Education in Ethiopia*. 1964. Addis Ababa: Patterns of Progress.

ትምህርት በኢትዮጵያ (Education in Ethiopia). 1968 (1960 EC). Addis Ababa: Commercial Printing Press.

*Ethiopia in Revolution*. 1977. Addis Ababa: Ethiopian Revolution Information Center.

*Ethiopia Today: Education*. 1973. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Information.

### 3.4. Ministry of Culture (MOC)

*Songs of the Ethiopian Revolution*. 1979. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Culture.

### 3.5. Ministry of Justice (MOJ)

Case no. 1035/64,—Trial on appeal of those who took part in the “Campaign to eradicate thieves,” 3 May 1972.

### 3.6. *Provisional Military Government of Ethiopia (PMGE)*

የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ መዝሙር 1971 EC (National Anthem of Ethiopia 1977).

*Ten-Year Perspective Plan 1984/85–1993/94*. September 1984. Addis Ababa: Provisional Military Government of Ethiopia.

### 3.7. Popular Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE)

"Constitution of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia." *Negarit Gazeta*, Proclamation No. 1 of 1987, Addis Ababa, 12 September 1987. https://www.ethiopianembassy.be/wp-content/uploads/Constitution-of-the-FDRE.pdf [archive].
## 4. Textbooks and teaching aids

### 4.1. In Amharic

ታሪክ 7 ከ ክፍል (History, grade 7). 1979 (1972 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

ታሪክ 8 ከ ክፍል (History, grade 8). 1980 (1973 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

ኢትዮጵያ የታሪክ መነሻ (Historical Atlas of Ethiopia). 1990 (1983 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የጎብረተሰብትምህርት 4ኛ ክፍል (Humanities and Social Sciences, grade 4). 1979 (1972 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የጎብረተሰብትምህርት5ኛ ክፍል (Humanities and Social Sciences, grade 5). 1979 (1972 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የአማርኛ መማሪያ 11ኛ ክፍል (Amharic Manual, Grade 11). 1977 (1969 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የአማርኛ መማሪያ 6ኛ ክፍል (Amharic Manual, Grade 6). 1976 (1968 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የአማርኛ መማሪያ 8ኛ ክፍል (Amharic Manual, Grade 8). 1976 (1968 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የአማርኛ መማሪያ 6ኛ ክፍል (Amharic Grade 6 Manual). 1971 (1964 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

የኢትዮጵያ ጥንት ታሪክ ፣ ፬ኛ ክፍል (Ancient History of Ethiopia, grade 4). 1970. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

የፖሊቲካ ትምህርት 6ኛ ክፍል (Political education, grade 6). 1981 [1977]. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የፖሊቲካ ትምህርት 7ኛ ክፍል (Political education, grade 7). 1976. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

### 4.2. In English

A Modern History for Ethiopia, Grades 6–12. 1952. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

Geography Grade 10. 1981. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

Geography Grade 12. 1981. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

Geography Grade 7. 1980. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

Geography notes for Secondary Schools. 1966. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

History & Civics For Young Ethiopians, Book 2, Grade 8. 1974. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

History For Young Ethiopians, Book 4, Grade 10. 1974. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.
*History for Young Ethiopians, Grade 7.* 1970. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*History Grade 10*. 1979. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

*History Grade 11*. 1979. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

*History Grade 12*. 1979. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

HORNIBLOW, E. C. T., and J. J. SULLIVAN. 1953. *The March of Time, Book IV. Makers of Our Modern World*. London: The Grant Educational Co.

*Intelligent Exercises. History (World and Ethiopia) For Senior Secondary Schools, 8, MAS Cooperative Society*, Addis Ababa (date not given, may date from 1960s).

*Political Education Grade 12 (Part one)*. 1984. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

*Teaching notes: History for Young Ethiopians Grade 7 & Civics for Grade 8*. 1967. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*Teaching notes, History of Ethiopia, Grades 9–12*. 1967. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*The Oxford Secondary English Course, Ethiopia, Contact 1, Pupil's Book for Grade 9*. 1972 [1970]. Addis Ababa: Oxford University Press.

*The World of Man Part 1, Geography for Grade 9*. 1974 [1970]. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

*The World We Live In Book 3, First Series, The New World Wide Geographies*. 1960 [1948]. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

### 4.3. Literacy and adult education manuals

ሙያ ነክ ምንባብ ፣ ፫ ፣ የጎልማሶች ትምህርት ፣ መሠረተ ትምህርት (Skills Reading Book, Book 3. Adult Basic Education). 1983 (1975 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የኅብረት ሥራ ማኅበር ትምህርት ፣ ሁለተኛ መጽሐፍ ፣ የጎልማሶች ትምህርት ፣ መሠረተ ትምህርት (Worker Cooperatives, Book 2. Adult Basic Education). 1979. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

የኅብረት ሥራ ማኅበር ትምህርት ፣ ሁለተኛ መጽሐፍ (Worker cooperatives, book 2. Adult basic education). 1979. Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education.

### 4.4. Reading books/moral treatises/literary and historical works on the syllabus

EM DANIEL, ትምህርቴ የዓይኔ ብርሃን መስታወቴ (My school education: the light in my eyes). 1957 (1950 EC). Addis Ababa: Commercial Printing Press.

GERMACHAW TEKLE HAWARIYAT, እርእያ (Model<fnref n="1" />). 1948 (1941 EC). Addis Ababa: Berhannenna Selam.

<footnote n="1">¹This is the first name of the hero (Ethiopian first names have a meaning) who behaves in an exemplary manner: loyal to the emperor, patriotic and working for the progress of his country.</footnote>
KEBEDE MIKAÉL, **ጣላቅ ሰዎች** (Great Men). 2008 [1950]. Addis Ababa: Mega.

TEKLE TSADIK MEKURIYA, የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ከዐዴ ልብነ ድንግል እስከ ዐዴ ቴዎሮስ (History of Ethiopia from Emperor Lebnä Dengel to Emperor Téwodros) (4th edition). 1964: Addis Ababa.

TEKLE TSADIK MEKURIYA, የሰው ጠባይና አብሮ የመኖር ዘዴ (Human nature and the art of living together). 1959 (1951 EC). Addis Ababa: Berhannenna Selam.

ታሪከና ምሳሌ ፪ኛ መጽሐፍ (Tarikenna Messale [Stories and Fables], Book 1). 1941 (1934 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

ታሪከና ምሳሌ ፪ኛ መጽሐፍ (Stories and Fables [Tarikenna Messale], Book 3). 1942 (1935 EC). Addis Ababa: Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.

**5. Statistics**

**5.1. Central Statistical Office (CSO)**

*Basic Education Statistics*. 1988. Addis Ababa: Central Statistical Office.

*Ethiopia Statistical Abstract*. 1965, 1972, 1982, 1984, 1986, 1992. Addis Ababa: Central Statistical Office.

*Statistical Census on Schooling*. 1984. Addis Ababa: Central Statistical Office.

**5.2. Central Statistic Authority (CSA)**

*Statistical Report on Education and Economic Activity, The population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Results from the southern Nations,' Nationalities' and Peoples' Regional State*. 1995. Addis Ababa: Central Statistic Authority.

**5.3. Unesco**

*Ethiopia: Education and Training Projects for Self-reliance*. 1985. Paris: Unesco. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000089635.

*Ethiopia. Work-Oriented Adult Literacy Pilot Project*. 1975. Paris: Unesco. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000012764.

*The Use of Vernacular Languages in Education*. 1953. Paris: Unesco. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000002897.

**5.4. World Bank**

*Education in Ethiopia: Strengthening the Foundation For Sustainable Progress*. 2004. Washington, DC: The World Bank. http://hdl.handle.net/10986/7434.

**6. Press**

These press sources can be found at the *Institute of Ethiopian Studies* (IES), the *National Archives and Library of Ethiopia* (NALE) and the *Centre Français des Études Éthiopiennes* (CFEE) in Addis Ababa.

**6.1. Berhanenna Selam**

7 May 1925, “ልዑል የኢትዮጵያ ምንግሥት አልጋ ወራሽ ተፈሪ መኩንን ለኢትዮጵያ ይህን ተማሪ ቤት በገንዘባቸው ሠርተው በረከት ሲያቀርቡ ከዚህ ቀጥሎ ያለውን
በጉባኔ ተናገሩ” (“Speech delivered on 2 May 1925 by His Imperial Highness Teferi Makonnen, Heir of Ethiopia and Regent of the Empire, at the ceremony for the solemn handover to the Ethiopian Nation of the School which She had built at Her own expense”).

15 May 1925, “ልዑል የኢትዮጵያ ምንግሥት አልጋ ወራሽ ተፈሪ መኰንን ያቆሙት ተማሪ ቤት በተመረቀ ጊዜ ሐኪም ወርቅነህ የተማሪ ቤቱ ሹም የሚከተለውን ቃል ተናገሩ” (“Speech given by Doctor Workneh, Intendant of the school founded by His Highness the Regent Tefari Mekonnen, on the day of the graduation ceremony”).

26 May 1927, “ልዑል ጹክ ዲዝ አብሩዝ። የደግማዊ ምኒልክ ተማሪ ቤት እንደጐበኙ” (“Visit by His Majesty the Duke of Abruzzo to the Menilek II School”).

3 August 1933, “የዳግማዊ ምኒልክ ተማሪ ቤት ዲሬክተር ሙሴ ጆርጂም የሚከተለውን ዲስኩር አነበቡ” (“Speech read by Mr Georgi, headmaster of Menilek II School”).

## 6.2. Addis Zemen

31 May 1985, “ቦጋለ ዋለሉ 1902–1958” (“Bogale Wallelu, 1907–1965”).

## 6.3. Yezareitu Ethiopia

12 March 1989, “በደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ የትምህርት ጀግና” (“The hero of education in southern Ethiopia”).

## 6.4. Ethiopian Review

March 1945, vol. I, no. 8.

July/August 1945 vol. 2, no. 1.

December 1946/January/February 1947, vol. 3, no. 5.

## 6.5. Ethiopia Observer

Point IV Program, 1959, “Point IV: Its Concept and Development.” *Ethiopia Observer*, February 1959, p. 3–9.

## 6.6. Meskerem

No. 6, September 1981.

No. 35, September 1988.

## 6.7. YeMemehran Dems (The Voice of the Teachers)

Vol. 3, no. 2, August 1987.

Vol. 4, no. 1, July 1988.

# 7. Interviews

## 7.1. Wolaita

ABEBE FOLA, teacher. Soddo, 13 December 2009 and 2 November 2010. In English.

ABBA GINO, Capuchin missionary. Soddo, 12 December 2009. In English.
ABBA WOLDE-YESUS WOLDE-GIORGIS, Ethiopian Catholic priest. Soddo, 10 October 2009. In English.

ABRAHAM WORKU, teacher. Gesuba, 2 January 2011. In English and Amharic.

ALULA ANJIYO, retired teacher, father of Yemesrach Alula. Soddo, 2 January 2010. In Amharic.

ANJULO AGAGO, 94, farmer. Dubbo, 10 December 2010. In Wolaita. Translation: Asela Gujubo.

ARJO ANJULO, university graduate, unemployed at the time of the interview. Dubbo, 10 December 2010. In Amharic.

ASELA GUJUBO. Asela Gujubo accompanied me as a translator for the interviews in Wolaita language in rural areas. He didn't give me any interviews, but his many comments, suggestions and interpretations were highly valuable.

AYELECH TEKLE-MARIAM, teacher and civil servant in the Wolaita Zone. Soddo, 19 November 2010. In English.

BELAYNESH ANTONIOS, teacher, responsible for women's affairs at Soddo town. Soddo, 2 November 2009. In English.

BEZABEH MILKIAS, teacher, school headmaster, school administrator. Soddo, 10 October 2009. In English.

BOGALE GESAMO, retired teacher. Soddo, 3 December 2010. In English.

DEMISSIE MINAMO, teacher. Soddo, 5 December 2010. In English.

DESALEGN TANGA, agricultural engineer. Group interview with Gebre-Mikael Kuke. Soddo, November 2010. In Amharic.

ELIAS DAMTEW, teacher, school headmaster, official at the Wolaita Zone Culture Office. Soddo, 11 October 2009. In English.

FANCHO FANTA, lecturer in the Department of History and Heritage Management, Wolaita Sodo University. Soddo, 10 May 2016. In English.

GERMA BEKELE, 74, retired teacher. Bedesa, 9 December 2010. In Amharic.

GEBRE-MIKAÉL KUKE, retired teacher. Soddo, group interview with Dessalägn Tangaon 12 November; individual interview on 16 November 2010. In Amharic.

HABTAMU LEMMA, university teacher and researcher. Soddo, 17 December 2009. Amharic and English.

KASSECH MULUGETA, pupil from 1960 to 1974, teacher. Soddo, 31 December 2009. In Amharic.

LEMMA DIDANA, retired teacher. Soddo, 14 December 2009. In Amharic.

MANA MADIBO, 75, farmer. Gesuba, 6 December 2010. Wolaita. Translation: Asela Gujubo.

MERIGETA TESFAYE, a priest of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. Soddo, 20 October 2010. Amharic.
PAOLOS SORSA, civil servant at the Ministry of Justice. Addis Ababa, 14 and 21 December 2010. In English.

SAOL AKAMO, Tobacco Monopoly official. Boditi, 15 November 2010. In Amharic.

TALEMOS MANA, teacher and school administrator. Soddo, 9 November 2010. In English.

TSEHAI ZERIHUN, civil servant at the Ministry of Agriculture, school principal. Addis Ababa, 7 January 2011. In English.

WOLDE-SEMAET GEBRE-WOLD, governor of Wolaita from 1963 to 1973. Addis Ababa, 15 January 2011. In English.

WANNA WAGESHO, founder of the first government school in Wolaita, teacher, school headmaster, school administrator. Soddo, 15 December 2009 and 3 November 2010. In Amharic.

WANNA DEA, civil servant. Soddo, 11 December 2010. In Amharic.

YALUSE MITA, teacher. Soddo, 2 November 2009. In Amharic.

YEMESRACH ALULA, teacher. Soddo, 2 January and 22 October 2010. In Amharic.

ZEBDEWOS CHAMA, teacher, school headmaster, district governor. Soddo, 3 and 10 November 2010. In English.

ZERITU BUCHE, teacher. Soddo, 7 December 2010. In Amharic.

ZERIHUN ANEBO, teacher. Soddo, 5 December 2010. In English.

## 7.2. Lalibela, Lasta

ABEJE MAMO, employee of the NGO Plan International. Lalibela, 14 February 2008. In English.

AFEMEMEHER ALLEBACHEW, teacher at the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. Lalibela, 9 February 2007. In Amharic.

AFEWORK AYALEW, teacher. Lalibela, 10 February 2007. In English.

AFEWORK TADESSE, teacher. Lalibela, 10 February 2007.

ALLEBACHEW FANTEW, teacher. Lalibela, 14 February 2007. In English.

ASSEFA WOLDE-GIORGIS, public writer, miller, shopkeeper. Lalibela, 7 February 2007. In Amharic.

BAYE MAEREG, farmer. Lalibela, 14 February 2008. In Amharic.

DEMEKE MELESSE, teacher. Lalibela, 20 February 2008. In English.

MANTAGOSH ESHETE, teacher. Lalibela, 16 February 2008. In Amharic.

SOLOMON MAEREG, student under the Derg. Lalibela, 7 February 2007. In English.

TESFAW DEREBE, student under the Derg. Lalibela, 15 February 2007. In English.

TELAHUN AYELE, pupil under the Derg and EPRDF, teacher. Lalibela, July 2014. In English.

YITBAREK ABEBE, teacher and school administrator. Lalibela, 26 February 2008. In Amharic.

ZEWDE WOLDE-GIORGIS, teacher. Lalibela, 10 February 2007.
### 7.3. Addis Ababa

GETACHEW KASSA, pupil at Tefari Mekonnen School from 1967 to 1971, teacher. Addis Ababa, 8 August 2009.

MESFIN WOLDE-MARIAM, student at Tefari Mekonnen from 1945 to 1949, geographer, famous academic and influential public figure in Ethiopia. Addis Ababa, 11 August 2009. In English.

MINALE SISSAY, a student from the early 1980s, holds a higher diploma in commerce and is now a bank employee). Addis Ababa, 18 November 2010. Many informal discussions. In Amharic and English.

TESFAYE GESSESSE, student at the Tefari Mekonnen school from 1948 to 1955, novelist, poet and playwright. Addis Ababa, 18 August 2009. In English.
<figure><img src="image_34.png" /></figure>
Bibliography

1. Dictionary

KANE, Thomas L. 1990. *Amharic-English Dictionary*. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

2. General works

ABÉLÈS, Marc. 1990. "Mises en scènes et rituels politiques. Une approche critique." *Hermès*, no. 8-9: 241-59. https://www.cairn.info/revue-hermes-la-revue-1991-1-page-241.htm.

ANDERSON, Benedict. 2006 [1983]. *Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism*. London: Verso.

ARENDT, Hanna. 1973 [1951]. *The Origins of Totalitarianism*. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.

BAYLY, Christopher A. 2007. *La naissance du monde moderne (1780-1914)*. Paris: Le Monde Diplomatique & Éditions de l'Atelier.

BOURDIEU, Pierre. 2003 [1997]. *Méditations pascaliennes*. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.

CHATTERJEE, Partha. 1993. *The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories*. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

CHIVALLON, Christine. 2007. "Retour sur la 'communauté imaginée' d'Anderson. Essai de clarification théorique d'une notion restée floue." *Raisons politiques*, no. 27: 131-72. https://doi.org/10.3917/rai.027.0131.

COOPER, Barbara. 2006. *Evangelical Christians in the Muslim Sahel*. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

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DE CERTEAU, Michel. 1990. *L'invention du quotidien. 1. Arts de faire*. Paris: Gallimard.

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FRAENKEL, Béatrice, and Aïssatou MBODJ-POUYE. 2010. "Les *New Literacy Studies*, jalons historiques et perspectives." *Langage et société*, no. 133: 7-24. https://doi.org/10.3917/ls.133.0007.

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SCOTT, James. 1998. *Seeing Like a State. How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed*. New Haven & London: Yale University Press.

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WEBER, Max. 1971. *Économie et société. 1. Les catégories de la sociologie*. Paris: Plon.

### 3. About Education

BARTHÉLÉMY, Pascale. 2010. *Africaines et diplômées à l'époque coloniale (1918–1957)*. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pur.102305.

CHARTON, Hélène. 2002. "La genèse ambiguë de l'élite kényane: formation et intégration de 1945 à l'indépendance." Thèse de doctorat d'histoire sous la direction de Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch. Paris: Université de Paris VII-Denis Diderot. https://shs.hal.science/tel-01287654/.

CHERVEL, André. 1988. "L'histoire des disciplines scolaires. Réflexions sur un domaine de recherche." *Histoire de l'éducation*, no. 38: 59–119. https://doi.org/10.3406/hedu.1988.1593.

DE COCK, Laurence, and Emmanuelle PICARD, eds. 2009. *La fabrique scolaire de l'histoire*. Marseille: Agone.

DAMS Kristof, Marc DEPAEPE, and Frank SIMON. 1999. "Sneaking into School: Classroom History at Work." In *Silencies and Images—The Social History of the Classroom*, edited by Ian GROSVERNOR, Martin LAWN and Kate ROUSMANIERE, 15–46. New York: Peter Lang.

DELEIGNE, Marie-Christine. 2010. "Les jardins scolaires des écoles du premier degré à Madagascar (1916–1951)." *Histoire de l'éducation*, no. 128: 103–27. https://doi.org/10.4000/histoire-education.2274.

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DUSSEL, Inès. 2001. "School Uniforms and Disciplining the Appearances: Towards a History of the Regulations of Bodies in Modern Educational Systems." In *Cultural History and Education. Critical Essays on Knowledge and Schooling*, edited by Thomas POPKEWITZ, Barry FRANKLIN & Miquel PEREYRA, 207–33. London: Routledge Falmer.
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GÉRARD, Étienne. 1997. *La tentation du savoir en Afrique. Politiques, mythes et stratégies éducation au Mali*. Paris: Karthala & Orstom. https://www/documentation.ird.fr/hor/fdi:010010355.

GÉRARD, Étienne. 2002. "Trajets d'écriture en Afrique." *Communications*, no. 72: 195–217. https://doi.org/10.3406/comm.2002.2105.

ILLICH, Ivan. 1971. *Une société sans école*. Paris: Seuil.

JÉZÉQUEL, Jean-Hervé. 2003. "Histoire de bancs, parcours d'élèves. Pour une lecture 'configurationnelle' de la scolarisation à l'époque coloniale." *Cahiers d'études africaines*, no. 169-170: 409-33. https://doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.207.

JULIA, Dominique. 1995. "La culture scolaire comme objet historique." *Paedagogica Historica* 31 (sup1: The Colonial Experience in Education): 353-82. https://doi.org/10.1080/00309230.1995.11434853.

KAESTLE, Carl. 2000. "Theory in Educational History: A Middle Ground." In *History of Education*, vol. 1, edited by Roy Lowe, 114-21. London & New York: Routledge Falmer.

KITA KYANKENGE MASANDI, Pierre. 2003. "La chanson scolaire dans l'éducation coloniale au Congo belge : référentiel théorique." In *Manuels et chansons scolaires au Congo belge*, edited by Jan BRIFFAERTS, Marc DEPAEPE, Pierre KITA KYANKENGE MASANDI & Honoré VINCK, 197-226. Louvain: Presses universitaires de Louvain.

LANGE, Marie-France, and Jean-Yves MARTIN, eds. 1995. "Les stratégies éducatives en Afrique subsaharienne. Le face-à-face États/sociétés." *Cahiers des sciences humaines* 31, no. 3: 563-74. https://www/documentation.ird.fr/hor/fdi:42912.

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LANGE, Marie-France. 2003. "Vers de nouvelles recherches en éducation." *Cahiers d'études africaines*, no. 169-170 ("Enseignements"): 7-17. https://doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.6338.

NÓVOA, António. 2002. "La raison et la responsabilité: une science du "gouvernement des âmes" (1880-1920)." In *Sciences de l'éducation* xIXe-XXe. Entre champs professionnels et champs disciplinaires*, edited by Rita HOFSTETTER and Bernard SHEWLY, 243-63. Bern: Peter Lang.

PILON, Marc, and Yacouba YARO, eds. 2001. *La demande d'éducation en Afrique. État des connaissances et perspectives de recherche*. Dakar: UEPA/UAPS.

PROST, Antoine. 1992. "Lecture historique et lecture sociologique des politiques d'éducation." In *Permanences et renouvellements en sociologie de l'éducation*, edited by Eric PLAISANCE, 203-12. Paris: L'Harmattan.

ROGERS, Rebecca. 2007. *Les bourgeoises au pensionnat. L'éducation féminine au xIXe siècle*. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pur.6058.
## 4. About Ethiopia

ABBINK, John. 1998. "New Configurations of Ethiopian Ethnicity: The Challenge of the South." *Northeast African Studies* 5, no. 1: 59–81. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41931183.

ABBINK, John. 2000. "La violence, l'État et l'ethnicité dans la Corne de l'Afrique: au niveau local et mondial." *Autrepart*, no. 15: 149–66. https://hdl.handle.net/1887/9479.

ADDIS HIWOT. 1975. "Ethiopia: From Autocracy to Revolution." *Review of African Political Economy*, Occasional Publication no. 1.

AHMED HASSAN OMER. 2002. "Close yet Far: Northern Shewa under the Derg." In *Remapping Ethiopia: Socialism and After*, edited by Donald DONHAM, Wendy JAMES, Esei KURIMOTO, and Alessandro TRIULZI, 74–89. Oxford: James Currey. https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/remapping-ethiopia-socialism-and-after.pdf [archive].

ANCEL, Stéphane. 2015. "L'Église orthodoxe täwahedo d'Éthiopie et la révolution: assurer sa survie par la réforme (1974-1991)." *Cahiers d'études africaines*, no. 220: 687–710. https://doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.18269.

ANDARGACHEW TIRUNEH. 1993. *The Ethiopian Revolution (1974-1987)*. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

BAHRU ZEWDE. 2000. "A Century of Ethiopian Historiography." *Journal of Ethiopian Studies* 33, no. 2, pp. 1–26. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41966106.

BAHRU ZEWDE. 2001. *A History of Modern Ethiopia*. Oxford: James Currey.

BAHRU ZEWDE. 2002. *Pioneers of Change in Ethiopia. The Reformist Intellectuals of the Early Twentieth Century*. Athens: Ohio University Press.

BAHRU ZEWDE. 2007. "Les intellectuels et l'État au xxᵉ siècle." In *L'Éthiopie contemporaine*, edited by Gérard Prunier, 237–54. Addis Ababa: CFEE; Paris: Khartala.

BAHRU ZEWDE, 2008a, "The Changing Fortunes of the Amharic Language: *Lingua Franca* or Instrument of Domination?" In *Society, State and History: Selected Essays*, 77–95. Addis-Ababa: Addis Ababa University Press.

BAHRU ZEWDE, 2008b, "The 'Red Terror' in Ethiopia: Historical Context and Consequences." In *Society, State and History: Selected Essays*, 434–35. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University Press.

BAHRU ZEWDE. 2014. *The Quest for Socialist Utopia. The Ethiopian Student Movement, circa 1960–1974*. Oxford: James Currey.

BENDER, Lionel. 1985. "Ethiopian Language Policy (1974–1981)." *Anthropological Linguistics* 27, no. 3: 273–80. https://www.jstor.org/stable/30032240.

BUREAU, Jacques. 1976. *Note sur les églises du Gamo, Annales d'Éthiopie* 10: 295–303.

BUREAU, Jacques. 1987. *Éthiopie : un drame impérial et rouge*. Paris: Ramsay.

CAULK, Richard. 1978. "Dependency, Gebre Heywet Baykedagn and the Birth of Ethiopian Reformism." In *Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, edited by Robert HESS, 569–81. Chicago: University of Illinois.
CLAPHAM, Christopher. 1969. *Haile Sellasie's Government*. London: Longmans, Green & Co.

CLAPHAM, Christopher. 1988. *Transformation and Continuity in Revolutionary Ethiopia*. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

CLAPHAM, Cristopher. 2002a. "Rewriting Ethiopian History." *Annales d'Éthiopie* 18: 37-54. https://doi.org/10.3406/ethio.2002.1013.

CLAPHAM, Christopher. 2002b. "Controlling Space in Ethiopia." In *Remapping Ethiopia: Socialism and After*, edited by Donald DONHAM, Wendy JAMES, Esei KURIMOTO, and Alessandro TRIULZI, 9-32. Oxford: James Currey. https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/remapping-ethiopia-socialism-and-after.pdf [archive].

CLAPHAM, Christopher. 2007. "Haïlé Sélassié et son temps." In *L'Éthiopie contemporaine*, edited by Gérard PRUNIER, 109-32. Addis Ababa: CFEE; Paris: Khartala.

CRUMMEY, Donald. 1980. "Abyssinian Feudalism." *Past and Present*, no. 89: 115-38. https://www.jstor.org/stable/650660.

DEMISSÉ TSIGGÉ. 2004. "Livres, bouteilles et fusils." *Afrique & histoire* 2: 365-72. https://doi.org/10.3917/afhi.002.0365.

DERAT, Marie-Laure. 2002. "Les homélies du roi Zar'a Ya'eqob: la communication d'un souverain éthiopien du xve siècle." In *L'écriture publique du pouvoir*, edited by Alain BRESSON, Anne-Marie COCULA, and Christophe PÉBARTHE, 45-56. Bordeaux: Ausonius. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ausonius.9239.

DERESSE AYENACHEW. 2011. "The Southern Interest of the Royal Court of Ethiopia in the Light of Børbør Maryam's G'a'ez and Amharic Manuscripts." *Northeast African Studies* 11, no. 2: 43-58.

DESSALEGN RAHMATO. 1984. *Agrarian Reform in Ethiopia*. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. https://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn%3Anbn%3Ase%3Anai%3Adiva-415 [archive].

DESSALEGN RAHMATO. 2007. "La pauvreté et la recherche de la sécurité alimentaire." In *L'Éthiopie contemporaine*, edited by Gérard PRUNIER, 285-308. Addis Ababa: CFEE; Paris: Khartala.

DONHAM, Donald L. 1986. "Old Abyssinia and the New Ethiopian Empire: Themes in Social History." In *The Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia: Essays in History and Social Anthropology*, edited by Donald L. DONHAM and Wendy JAMES, 3-50. New York: Cambridge University Press.

DONHAM, Donald L. 1999. *Marxist Modern. An Ethnographic History of Ethiopian Revolution*. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press.

EIDE, Øyvind M. 2000. *Revolution and Religion in Ethiopia*. Oxford: James Currey.

FARGHER, Brian L. 1996. *The Origins of the New Churches Movement in Southern Ethiopia, 1927-1944*. Leiden: Brill. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004664654.

GEBRU TAREKE. 1991. *Ethiopia: Power and Protest. Peasants Revolts in the Twentieth Century*. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

GREENFIELD, Richard. 1965. *Ethiopia. A New Political History*. London: Pall Mall Press.
HOLCOMB, Bonnie K., and SISAI IBSSA. 1990. *The Invention of Ethiopia: The Making of a Dependent Colonial State in Northeast Africa*. Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press.

KIFLU TADESSE. 1998. *The Generation, Part II. Ethiopia: Transformation and Conflict*. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

LEFORT, René. 1981. *Éthiopie, la révolution hérétique*. Paris: Maspéro.

LIPSKY, Georges A. 1962. *Ethiopia. Its People, Its Society, Its Culture*. New Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press.

MARCUS, Harold G. 1995 [1983]. *The Politics of Empire, Ethiopia, Great Britain and the United States, 1941–1974*. Lawrenceville: The Red Sea Press.

MARKAKIS, John. 1974. *Ethiopia: Anatomy of a Traditional Policy*. Addis Ababa, Nairobi: Oxford University Press.

MARKAKIS, John & NEGA AYELE. 1978. *Class and Revolution in Ethiopia*. Nottingham: Spokesman.

MARKAKIS, John. 2011. *Ethiopia: The Last Two Frontiers*. London: James Currey. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7722/j.ctt81fnz.

MESSAY KEBEDE. 1999. *Survival and Modernization. Ethiopia's Enigmatic Present: A Philosophical Discourse*. Lawrenceville: The Red Sea Press.

MESSAY KEBEDE. 2003. "From Marxism-Leninism to Ethnicity: The Slideslips of Ethiopian Elitism." *Northeast African Studies* 10, no. 2: 163–86.

MESSAY KEBEDE. 2008. *Radicalism and Cultural Dislocation in Ethiopia, 1960–1974*. Rochester: University of Rochester Press.

MOLVAER, Rudolf K. 2008 [1980]. *Tradition and Change in Ethiopia. Social and Cultural Life as Reflected in Amharic Fictional Literature*. Hollywood: Tsehai Publishers.

NORBERG, Viveca Halldin. 1977. *Swedes in Haile Selassie's Ethiopia, 1924–1952*. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute for African Studies. https://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:%3Anbn%3Ase%3Anai%3Adiva-742 [archive].

PANKHURST, Alula. 1999. ""Caste" in Africa: The Evidence from south-Western Ethiopia Reconsidered." *Africa* 69, no. 4: 485–509. https://doi.org/10.2307/1160872.

PANKHURST, Helen. 1990. "Women, the Peasantry and the State in Ethiopia." PhD Thesis. University of Edinburgh.

PANKHURST, Sylvia. 1955. *A Cultural History of Ethiopia*. London: Lalibela House.

PRUNIER, Gérard. 2007. "La révolution éthiopienne et le régime du Derg." In *L'Éthiopie contemporaine*, edited by Gérard PRUNIER, 133–51. Addis Ababa: CFEE; Paris: Karthala.

SHERR, E. 1989. "The Spread of Marxism-leninism in Ethiopia." In *Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, edited by TADESSE BEYENE, 433–46. Addis Ababa University: Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

TADESSE BERISSO. 2002. "Modernist Dreams and Human Suffering: Villagisation among the Guji Oromo." In *Remapping Ethiopia. Socialism and After*, edited by Donald DONHAM, Wendy JAMES, Esei KURIMOTO, and Alessandro TRIULZI, 116–32. Oxford: James Currey.
TENSAY HAILU. 2019. “Wolaytta’s Quest for Statehood: A Historical Overview and Analysis of Contemporary Quests for Regional Statehood in Ethiopia’s Federation.” *Social Sciences* 8, no. 4: 198–205. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20190804.18.

TESHALE TIBEBU. 1995. *The Making of Modern Ethiopia 1896–1974*. Lawrenceville: The Red Sea Press.

TIBEBE ESHETE. 1999. “The Sudan Interior Mission (SIM) in Ethiopia (1928–1970).” *Northeast African Studies* 6, no. 3: 27–57. https://doi.org/10.1353/nas.2003.0002.

TIBEBE ESHETE. 2009. *The Evangelical Movement in Ethiopia*. Waco: Baylor University Press.

TRIMINGHAM, John Spencer. 1950. *The Christian Church and Missions in Ethiopia*. London: World Dominion Press.

TRIULZI, Allessandro. 2002. “Battling with the Past: New Frameworks for Ethiopian Historiography.” In *Remapping Ethiopia. Socialism and After*, edited by Donald DONHAM, Wendy JAMES, Esei KURIMOTO, and Alessandro TRIULZI, 276–288. Oxford: James Currey. https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/remapping-ethiopia-socialism-and-after.pdf [archive].

TSEHAI BERHANE SELASSIE. 1984. *In Search of Ethiopian Women*. London: CHANGE International Reports.

## 5. About Wolaita and the Ethiopian south

ALMAZ WUDNEH. 1984. *A History of Soddo Town 1894–1974*, BA thesis in history. Addis Ababa University.

ASafa JALATA. 1993. *Oromia & Ethiopia: State Formation and Ethnonational Conflict, 1868–1992*. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.

ASafa JALATA. 2007. *Oromummaa. Oromo Culture, Identity and Nationalism*. Atlanta: Oromia Publishing Company.

BALISKY, Paul E. 2009. *Wolaitta Evangelists. A Study of Religious Innovation in southern Ethiopia, 1937–1975*. Eugene: Pickwick Publications.

BOUANGA, Ayda. 2013. “Le Damot dans l’histoire de l’Éthiopie (xiiiᵉ–xxᵉ siècles): recompositions religieuses, politiques et historiographiques.” PhD Thesis in History. Director: Bertrand Hirsch. Paris: Université de Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne. https://theses.hal.science/tel-01011594.

BUREAU, Jacques. 1982. “Comment s’écrit l’histoire d’une province d’Éthiopie: le Wollaita.” *Abbay. Études éthiopiennes*, no. 11: 225–43.

DATA DE’A. 2000. “Clans, Kingdoms, and ‘Cultural Diversity’ in Southern Ethiopia.” *Northeast African Studies* 7, no. 3: 163–88. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41931260.

DATA DE’A. 2006. “nduring Issues in State-Society Relations in Ethiopia: A Case Study of the WoGaGoDa Conflict in Wolaita, Southern Ethiopia.” *International Journal of Ethiopian Studies* 2, no. 1–2: 141–59. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27828859.

DEMISSIE MOJJA FULLASSO. 2019. “The Country of Three Thousand Years of Civilization: Wolaita or Ethiopia?” *Asian Journal of Social Sciences, Arts and Humanities* 7, no. 1: 50–66. https://multidisciplinaryjournals.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Full-Paper-THE-COUNTRY-OF-THREE-T.pdf [archive].
DESSALEGN RAHMATO. 2007. *Development Interventions in Wollaita, 1960s-2000s: A Critical Review*. Addis Ababa: Forum for Social Studies.

ELIAS AWATO. 1987. "Sudan Interior Mission in Wolayta (1928-1974)." BA Thesis in History, Advisor: Daniel Ayana. Addis Ababa University.

GASCON, Alain. 1989. "Les 'bastides' d'Éthiopie : les villes fortes de Menilek dans le sud de l'Ethiopie et l'urbanisation contemporaine." In *Tropiques : lieux et liens*, edited by Benoît ANTHEAUME et al., 435-45. Paris: Orstom. https://www/documentation.ird.fr/hor/fdi:30661.

GUIDI, Pierre. 2012. "Les enfants du Wolaita n'apprendront pas en Wogagoda : enjeux politiques et linguistiques d'un conflit scolaire en Éthiopie, 1999-2000." *Cahiers de la recherche sur l'éducation et les savoirs*, no. 11: 129-48. https://doi.org/10.4000/cres.2263.

GUIDI, Pierre. 2013. "Wolaita Memories of Gärmame Nway Governorship (1958-1959): Radical Reforms and Political Consciousness." *Northeast African Studies* 13, no. 2: 1-24. https://doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.13.2.0001.

GUIDI, Pierre. 2015. "D'une à plusieurs langues légitimes: langues d'enseignements et stratégies linguistiques en Éthiopie." *Politiqueafricaine*, no. 139: 43-62. https://doi.org/10.3917/polaf.139.0043.

GUIDI, Pierre. 2016. "Independence and Influence: an Ethio-French Girls' School in 1930s Ethiopia" In *Empire and Education in Africa. The Shaping of a Comparative Perspective*, edited by Peter Kallaway and Rebecca Swartz, 299-20. New York: Peter Lang.

PLANEL, Sabine. 2003. "Du Wolaita à l'Éthiopie." *Annales d'Éthiopie* 19: 43-71.

PLANEL, Sabine. 2008. *La chute d'un Éden éthiopien: le Wolaita, une campagne en recomposition*. Paris: IRD. https://doi.org/10.3406/ethio.2003.1038.

TENSAY HAILU. 2019. "Wolaytta's Quest for Statehood: A Historical Overview and Analysis of Contemporary Quests for Regional Statehood in Ethiopia's Federation." *Social Sciences* 8, no. 4: 198-205. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20190804.18.

VAUGHAN, Sarah. 2006. "Responses to Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia's southern Region." In *Ethnic Federalism: The Ethiopian Experience in Comparative Perspective*, edited by David Turton, 181-207. Oxford: James Currey.

## 6. About Education in Ethiopia

ABEBE FISSEHA. 1992. "An Investigation of History Teaching In Ethiopian Senior Secondary Schools: Historical Perspective and Current Status." MA Thesis in Education. Advisor: Azeb Desta. Addis Ababa University. http://thesisbank.jhia.ac.ke/9510/.

ABEBE FISSEHA. 1998. "Education and the Formation of the Modern Ethiopian State." PhD Thesis in Philosophy. Director: Donald Crummey. University of Illinois at Urbana Campaign. http://hdl.handle.net/2142/80432.

ASFEW MELAKU. 1973. "A Survey of Textbooks for Teaching Amharic: grades 1-12." *The Ethiopian Journal of Education* 6, no. 1: 28-42.
ASSEFA BEQUELE. 1967. "The Educational Framework of Economic Development in Ethiopia." *Ethiopia Observer* 1, no. 1: 49-58.

AYELEW SHIBESHI. 1996. "School Discipline and Corporal Punishment in Ethiopian Schools." In *Research Papers on the Situation of Children and Adolescents in Ethiopia*, edited by WONDIMU HABTAMU, 199-216. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University Printing Press.

AYELEW SHIBESHI. 2000. *Educational Policy and the Management of Change*. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University, Educational Department.

BAHRU ZEWDE, ed. 2010. *Documenting the Ethiopian Student Movement: An Exercise in Oral History*. Addis Ababa: Forum for Social Studies.

BALSVIK, Randi Rønning. 1985. *HaileSellasie's Students: The Intellectual and Social Background to Revolution, 1952-1977*. East Lansing, MI: African Studies Center, Michigan State University.

BALSVIK, Randi Rønning. 2007. *The Quest for Expression. State and the University in Ethiopia under Three Regimes, 1952-2005*. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University Press.

DEMEKE ATNAFU. 1985. "The History of Ligaba School (1941-1974)." BA Thesis in History. Advisor: David Chapple. Addis Ababa University.

ÉLIAS DAMTEW. 2004. "History of Ligaba Primary and Junior Secondary School (1934-1995 EC)." BA of Education in History. Advisor: Asebe Regassa. Debub University, Dilla College of Teacher Education.

GENNET ZEWDIE. 1991. "Women in Primary and Secondary Education." In *Gender Issues in Ethiopia*, edited by TSEHAI BERHANE SELLASIE, 89-98. Addis Ababa University: Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

GIDAY DEGEFU. 1992. "Political Education in Ethiopia: Its Genesis and its Current Situation—Appraisal." *Workshop of Civic Education in Ethiopia* (Nazareth, Ethiopia): 88-117.

GIRMA AMARE. 1963. "Memorization in Ethiopian Schools." *Journal of Ethiopian Studies* 1, no. 1: 27-31. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41965686.

GIRMA AMARE, ABRAHAM DEMOZ, and ABUNA SAMUEL. 1974. "Educational Aims and Objectives." *Journal of Ethiopian Education* 6, no. 2: 1-26.

GIRMA AMARE. 1984. "Education and Society in Prerevolutionary Ethiopia." *Northeast African Studies* 6, no. 1-2: 61-79. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43663304.

GUDETA MAMMO. 1983. "Éthiopie : la campagne nationale d'alphabétisation." *Perspectives: revue trimestrielle de l'éducation* 12, no. 2: 205/stable/43663304-12. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000049388_fre.

GUDETA MAMMO. 1985. "Structures and Linkages for Involvement of Political Leadership in the Ethiopian Mass-literacy Campaign." In *Issues in Planning and Implementing National Literacy Programs*, edited by Gabriel CARRON et Anil BORDIA, 107-23. Paris: UNESCO. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000076594.
GUDETA MAMMO. 1990. "L'alphabétisation en Éthiopie: enseignants et l'évolution des comportements." *Alphabétiser ? Parlons-en!* Geneva: Bureau International de l'Éducation.

GUIDI, Pierre. 2012. "Les enfants du Wolaita n'apprendront pas en Wogagoda: enjeux politiques et linguistiques d'un conflit scolaire en Éthiopie, 1999-2000." *Cahiers de la recherche sur l'éducation et les savoirs*, no. 11: 129-48. https://doi.org/10.4000/cres.2263.

HAILE GABRIEL DAGNE. 1994. "Society and Education: The Case of Ethiopia." In *Proceedings of the Eleventh Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, edited by BAHRU ZEWDE, Richard PANKHURST, and TADDESSE BEYENE, 609-631. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University, Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

HAILE GABRIEL DAGNE. 2006. *The Commitment of the German Democratic Republic in Ethiopia. A Study Based on Ethiopian Sources*. Spectrum 93, Berlin Series on Society, Economics and Politics in Developing Countries. Berlin: LIT Verlag.

HOBEN, Susan J. 1994. "Literacy in Ethiopia—When Does a Campaign End?" In *Proceedings of the Eleventh Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, edited by BAHRU ZEWDE, Richard PANKHURST, and TADDESSE BEYENE, 633-641. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University, Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

HUSSEIN AHMED. 1986. "Traditional Muslim Education in Wallo." In *Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, vol. 4, 94-106. Moscow: Academy of Sciences, Institute of African Studies.

KORTEN, David C., and Frances F. KORTEN. 1966. "Ethiopia's Use of National University Students in a Year of Rural Service." *Comparative Education Review* 10, no. 3: 482-92. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1186569.

LEGESSE LEMMA. 1984. "Educational Transformation in Revolutionary Ethiopia." In *Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, edited by TADESSE BEYENE, 331-38. Addis Ababa University: Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

MAIMIRE MENNASEMAY. 2010. "Towards A Critical Ethiopian Theory of Education." In *Education, Politics and Social Change in Ethiopia*, edited by PAULOS MILKIAS and MESSAY KEBEBE, 67-97. Los Angeles: Tsehai Publishers.

MCNAB, Christine. 1990. "Language Policy and Language Practice: Implementing Multilingual Literacy Education in Ethiopia." *African Studies Review* 33, no. 3: 65-82. https://doi.org/10.2307/524187.

MESSAY KEBEBE. 2010. "Comparing Traditional and Modern Education: The Decentering of Ethiopia." In *Education, Politics and Social Change in Ethiopia*, edited by PAULOS MILKIAS and MESSAY KEBEBE, 25-37. Los Angeles: Tsehai Publishers.

MORDECHAI, Abir. 1970. "Education and National Unity in Ethiopia." *African Affairs* 69, no. 274: 44-59. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a095957.

PAULOS MILKIAS. 1976. "Traditional Institutions and Traditional Elites: The Role of Education in the Ethiopian Body-Politic." *African Studies Review* 19, no. 3: 70-93. https://doi.org/10.2307/523876.

PAULOS MILKIAS. 1980. "An Assessment of the Political and Social Foundations of Mass Education in Ethiopia." *Northeast African Studies* 2, no. 1: 19-30.
PAULOS MILKIAS. 2006. *Haile Selassie, Western Education and Political Revolution in Ethiopia*. New York: Cambria Press.

POLUHA, Eva. 2002. "Beyond the Silence of Women in Ethiopian Politics." In *Multi-Party Elections in Africa*, edited by Michael COWEN and Lisa LAAKSO, 60–74. Oxford: James Currey.

SEID MOHAMMED. 1983. "The History of Tafari Makonnen School (1924–1974)." BA Thesis of History. Advisor: Guluma Gemeda. Addis Ababa University.

SEYUM TEFERRA. 1986. "The Education of Women in Ethiopia. A Missing Piece in the Development Puzzle." *Ethiopian Journal of Education* 10, no. 1: 5–19. http://ejol.ethernet.edu.et/index.php/EJE/article/view/387.

WOLDE-SAMAET GEBRE-WOLD. 2013. የአውራጃና የጠቅላይ ግዛት አስተዳደር ሪፎርም (1955–1966 EC) የግል ትዝታዎች (“Provincial and Regional Administrative Re-forms: Personal Memories”). In ከድኅነት ወደ ልማት (From Poverty to Development), edited by SHIFERAW BEKELE, 413–73. Addis Ababa: Forum for Social Studies.

SJÖRSTRÖM, Margareta, and Rolf SJÖRSTRÖM. 1973. *YDLC, a Literacy Campaign in Ethiopia*. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies.

Sjörström Margareta, and Rolf Sjörström. 1983. *How Do You Spell Development? A Study of a Literacy Campaign in Ethiopia*. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A274475.

TEKESTE NEGASH. 1990. *The Crisis of Ethiopian Education*. Uppsala: Department of Education.

TEKESTE NEGASH. 1996. *Rethinking Education in Ethiopia*. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A277269.

TEKESTE NEGASH. 2006. *Education in Ethiopia: From Crises to the Brink of Collapse*. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A240545.

TEKLEHAYMANOT HAILESELLASSIE. 2001. "The Cultural Foundations of Education in Ethiopia." In *Education in Ethiopia*, edited by Wolfgang MAYROFER and Dieter WARTENBERG, 9–15. Hambourg: Kovač.

TESHOME WAGAW. 1979. *Education in Ethiopia: Prospects and Retrospects*. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan.

TESHOME WAGAW. 1986. "Education and Society in Contemporary Ethiopia." In *Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, vol. 4, 34–43. Moscow: Academy of Sciences, Institute of African Studies.

YALLEW MALLEDE. 1970. *Moral Instruction in Primary Schools of Ethiopia with Special Reference to Addis Ababa Schools*. Senior Paper in Education. Advisor: Miss Ivy Pearce. Haile Selassie I University.