MITTELLATEINISCHES
JAHRBUCH

Internationale Zeitschrift für Mediävistik und Humanismusforschung

Revue internationale des études du moyen âge et de l'humanisme

International Journal of Medieval and Humanistic Studies

Rivista internazionale di studi medievali e umanistici

Herausgegeben von

Walter Berschin · Brigitte Burrichter · Frank-Rutger Hausmann

Rainer Jakobi · Thomas Klein · Susanne Köbele

Udo Kühne und Clemens Zintzen

BAND 49

JAHRGANG 2014

Heft 3

<figure><img src="image_1.png" /></figure>

ANTON HIERSEMANN · VERLAG

STUTTGART 2014
Das Mittellateinische Jahrbuch wurde im Jahre 1964 von dem Kölner Mediävisten Karl Langosch begründet und von 1980 bis 2009 von seinem Schüler Fritz Wagner (Freie Universität Berlin) fortgeführt. Seit 2010 liegt die federführende Herausgeberschaft bei Thomas Klein.

Manuskripte für den Aufsatzteil sowie Rezensionsexemplare und deren Besprechungen werden erbeten an eine der folgenden Redaktionen:

Prof. Dr. Thomas Klein, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Seminar für Klassische Altertumswissenschaften, Universitätsplatz 12, D-06108 Halle/Saale.
Email: thomas.klein@altertum.uni-halle.de

Prof. Dr. Udo Kühne, Universität Kiel, Institut für Klassische Altertumskunde, Leibnizstraße 8, D-24118 Kiel. Email: ukuehne@email.uni-kiel.de

Ausführliche Hinweise zur Einrichtung von Manuskripten für das «Mittellateinische Jahrbuch» sind bei den Herausgebern oder beim Verlag abrufbar.

VORSCHAU AUF AUFSÄTZE IN DEN NÄCHSTEN HEFTEN:

Tom van de Loo, Mittelalterliche Gelehrsamkeit im Zürich des 13. Jahrhunderts: der Enzyklopädist und Mythograph Konrad von Mure im Lichte der neueren Forschung – Walther Ludwig, Synodus Oecumenica Theologorum Protestantium: die große dramatische antiprotestantische Satire des humanistischen Franziskaners Johannes Dominicus Hessus (1593) – Rainer Jakobi, Redaktion als Literarisierung und politisches Programm. Die Sammlung der «Epistulae Austrasicae»

Printed in Germany © 2014 Anton Hiersemann KG, Stuttgart

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ISSN 0076-9762; VOL. 49: ISBN 978-3-7772-1405-4; VOL. 49/3: ISBN 978-3-7772-1429-0
# INHALT

## AUFSÄTZE

<table><tbody><tr><td>Alexander Estis, Carmen protervum. Das sapphische Adespoton des Cod. Harl. 2724 – kritischer Forschungsrückblick, editorischer Kommentar, interpretatorische Würdigung</td><td>345</td></tr><tr><td>Marek Thue Kretschmer, Literary Appropriations of the Matter of Troy in Medieval Latin Poetry ca. 1070–1170 (Part 2)</td><td>383</td></tr><tr><td>Carsten Wollin, Die erste Poetik Galfrids von Vinsauf. Eine vorläufige Edition der «Summa de coloribus rethoricis»</td><td>393</td></tr><tr><td>Peter Stotz, Zum «Novus Grecismus» Konrads von Mure: ein Blick in die Werkstatt eines gelehrten Schulmannes</td><td>443</td></tr><tr><td>Gisela Kornrumpf, Mundus a cupidine saucius amoris. Das misogyne Lied eines Abbas de Dobrana in Uppsala und Augsburg</td><td>461</td></tr><tr><td>Anna Elissa Radke, Die Inschriften des Fischbecker Wandteppichs mit philologischer Kunststopferei wieder hergestellt</td><td>469</td></tr></tbody></table>

## BESPRECHUNGEN

<table><tbody><tr><td>Michael Bernhard und Elzbieta Witkowska-Zaremba (Hgg.), Traditio Iohannis Hollandrini, Band III: Die Traktate IV–VIII – Michael Bernhard und Elzbieta Witkowska-Zaremba (Hgg.), Traditio Iohannis Hollandrini, Band IV: Die Traktate IX–XIV – besprochen von Andreas Traub</td><td>479</td></tr><tr><td>Andrew of Saint Victor, Commentary on Samuel and the Kings followed by the remaining deeds of the Kings of Israel and Judah &amp; On the Concordance of the Reigns of the Kings of Israel and Judah. Introduction, Translation and Notes by Franciscus A. van Liere – besprochen Gereon Becht-Jördens</td><td>480</td></tr><tr><td>Michael Roberts, The Humblest Sparrow. The Poetry of Venantius Fortunatus, Ann Arbor 2009 – besprochen von Gereon Becht-Jördens</td><td>483</td></tr><tr><td>Harald Derschka, Die Viersäftelehre als Persönlichkeitstheorie. Zur Weiterentwicklung eines antiken Konzepts im 12. Jahrhundert – besprochen von Michael Callsen</td><td>495</td></tr><tr><td>Florian Hartmann, Ars dictaminis. Briefsteller und verbale Kommunikation in den italienischen Stadtkommunen des 11. bis 13. Jahrhunderts – besprochen von Andreas Bihrer</td><td>498</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tr><td>Horst Bredekamp, Der schwimmende Souverän. Karl der Große und die Bildpolitik des Körpers. Eine Studie zum schematischen Bildakt – besprochen von Udo Kühne</td><td>500</td></tr><tr><td>Jost Eickmeyer, Der jesuitische Heroidenbrief. Zur Christianisierung und Kontextualisierung einer antiken Gattung in der Frühen Neuzeit – besprochen von Veronika Lukas</td><td>503</td></tr><tr><td>Annelen Ottermann (Hg.), Das spätkarolingische Fragment eines illustrierten Apokalypse-Kommentars in der Mainzer Stadtbibliothek – besprochen von Walter Berschin</td><td>507</td></tr><tr><td>Matheus von Boulogne, Lamentationes Matheoli. Kritisch hg. und komm. von Thomas Klein. Mit Beiträgen von Thomas Rubel und Alfred Schmitt – besprochen von Frank-Rutger Hausmann</td><td>508</td></tr><tr><td>Prudentius, Das Gesamtwerk, eingeleitet, übersetzt und kommentiert von Wolfgang Fels – besprochen von Thomas Gärtner</td><td>511</td></tr><tr><td>Walter Berschin, Nachruf auf Franz Brunhölzl</td><td>517</td></tr><tr><td>Literaturbericht</td><td>519</td></tr><tr><td>Heike Endermann, Verzeichnis der zitierten Handschriften der Hefte 1–3 von Band 49 (2014)</td><td>527</td></tr><tr><td>Verzeichnis der Mitarbeiter dieses Heftes</td><td>530</td></tr></table>
MAREK THUE KRETSCHMER

Literary Appropriations of the Matter of Troy in Medieval
Latin Poetry ca. 1070–1170 (Part 2)

The present article is the sequel to my previous discussion on the play of fiction
and literary dialogue with the past in the «Epistolarum Liber» of Godfrey of Reims<fnref n="1" />.
In the following I will present my findings on a group of poems of a different kind.
They are «pure» mythological poems in the sense that the poet-narrator (as a rule)
does not step out of the mythological framework by creating «dialogues with the
past» which involve topoi of superiority such as Godfrey’s series of more or less
implicit querelles des anciens et des modernes. Rather, they are typically marked
by a rhetorical and moralistic tenor. The most famous is the anonymous<fnref n="2" /> «Pergama
flere volo» (CB 100) written in 45 unisoni leonine distichs around the year 1100.
Carsten Wollin suggests a date between 1100 and 1130³. In 1946, on the basis of
a series of parallelisms, André Boutemy demonstrated that the «Pergama flere volo»
has been the model for certain later poems written by Hugh Primas, Pierre de Sain-
tes (Petrus Sanctonensis), Peter Riga, and by the anonymous author of the «Alea
fortune»<fnref n="4" />. We will look at these poems’ nostalgic and moralistic representations of
the Trojan matter. The poems evoke the past of a Troy that is never to reappear.
This sentimental view is usually combined with an indignant moral, often in the
form of moral exempla or apostrophes where Helen is reproached as a femme fata-
le and Paris as a dissolute ladykiller.

The «Pergama flere volo» begins with an invocation of the Muse (1–4):

<footnote n="1">¹ Cf. Marek Thue Kretschmer, «Puer hic», ait, «equet Homerum ...» – Literary Appropriations of the Matter of Troy in Medieval Latin Poetry ca. 1070–1170 (Part 1), in: Mlat. Jb. 48 (in press).</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² In his elegiac poem «De laudibus divinae sapientiae», Alexander of Neckham mentions that Hildebert of Lavardin wrote the «Pegama flere volo». Modern scholars have rejected Hildebert's authorship; cf. André Boutemy, Le poème «Pergama flere volo» et ses imitateurs du XIIe siècle, in: Latomus 5 (1946) 233–244, here 234; Edmond Faral, Le manuscrit 511 du Huntarian Museum de Glasgow, in: Studi Medievali 9 (1936) 18–119, here 44–51; Barthelemy Hauréau, Les mélanges poétiques d’Hildebert de Lavardin (Paris 1882) 212; and Frederic James Edward Raby, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages, 2 vols. (Oxford 1934), vol. 2, 119.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Carsten Wollin, Die Troiagedichte des Petrus Riga in den «Carmina Burana» (CB 102 und CB 99a), in: Sacris Erudiri 43 (2004) 393–426, here 396.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Cf. Boutemy (note 2).</footnote>
Pergama flere volo, fato Danais data solo,
Solo capta dolo, capta redacta solo.
Ex Helicone sona, que prima tenes Helicona,
Et metra me dona promere posse bona!

A retrospective survey follows, beginning with the abduction of Helen. Paris is portrayed as an audacious seducer (5–10):

Est Paris absque pare; querit, videt, audet amare,
Audet temptare furta, pericla, mare.
Vadit et accedit, clam tollit clamque recedit;
Nauta solo cedit, fit fuga, predo redit.
Tuta libido maris dat tura libidinis aris,
Civibus ignaris, quod parat arma Paris.

After a rapid account of the siege and assault of Troy (11–24), one learns that Helen (27 *femina digna mori ...*) is reconciled with her husband (25–28). At this point the unfaithful Spartan is addressed in an apostrophe of five distichs (29–38):

Seva, quid evadis? non tradita cetera tradis!
Cur rea tu cladis non quoque clade cadis?
Si fueris lota, si vita sequens bona tota,
Non eris ignota, non eris absque nota.
Passa modo Paridem, Paridem modo, Thesea pridem,
Es factura fidem, ne redeas in idem?
Rumor de veteri faciet ventura timeri;
Cras poterunt fieri turpia sicut heri.
Femina victa mero quod inhereat ebria vero,
Nec fieri spero nec fideiussor ero.

The middle part of the poem is dedicated to Hecuba, who has survived the annihilation of Troy and is left to her own wailing (39–44). Her planctus, addressed to Juno, constitutes the next nine distichs (45–62), which are followed by a fourteen-distich-long lamentation over Troy’s immutable fate – partly expressed as an apostrophe (*Ve tibi ...*) – that concludes the poem (63–90, of which we quote the first three distichs, 63–68):

Urbs retro sublimis et abundans rebus opimis
Una fit e minimis, adnichilata nimis.
Urbs celebris dudum, dum terminat alea ludum,
Ecce solum nudum, pastus erit pecudum!
Ve tibi, Troia, peris! iam non michi Troia videris,
Iamiam bobus eris pascua, lustra feris ...

In the final distich Helen is hauled over the coals one last time (89–90):

Causa rei talis meretrix fuit exitialis,
Femina fatalis, femina feta malis.
The poetical production of Hugh Primas (ca. 1093–1160) can be dated to the 1130s and 1140s<fnref n="5" />. Of his 23 poems, most of which are satirical, three are dedicated to mythological topics: number 3 on Orpheus and Eurydice, number 9 on the fall of Troy, and number 10 on Ulysses and Tiresias. Wilhelm Meyer, Hugh’s first editor, was of the opinion that Ulysses also was the persona speaking in poem number 9, and that poems 9 and 10 were originally parts of an epic on Ulysses’ return to Ithaca<fnref n="6" />. Modern editors reject this conjecture and opt for an anonymous Greek as the speaker of poem 9⁷. The similarities between Hugh’s poem 9 and the «Pergama flere volo» are many. Consisting of 52 lines, Hugh’s poem is a little shorter, and the distichs are replaced with hexameters; yet, the rhyme of unisoni leoni-nes has been kept, occasionally extended from two to three lines (-onis in 27–29, -ede in 38–40, and -eri in 47–49). The final lament on Troy in the «Pergama flere volo» contains some five lines introduced by *Urbs*<fnref n="8" />. Evidently, the lines stuck in the mind of Hugh, who likewise had five lines introduced by *Urbs*<fnref n="9" /> (and also two by *Urbis*<fnref n="10" />, and one by *Urbem*)<fnref n="11" />. One striking instance clearly echoes the model<fnref n="12" /> – compare «Pergama flere volo» 63–64 and Hugh’s poem 9, 13–14:

*Urbs retro sublimis et abundans rebus optimis*
*Una fit e minimis, adnichilata nimis.*

*Urbs bene sublimis, ducibus predives optimis*
*Unaque de primis: modo fit minor et comes imis.*

<footnote n="5">⁵ Cf. Léopold Delisle, Le poète Primat, in: Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes 31 (1870) 303-311; Manitius, vol. 3, 973-978; Christopher James McDonough, Hugh Primas 18. A Poetic Glosula on Amiens, Reims, and Peter Abelard, in: Speculum 61 (1986) 806-835; Wilhelm Meyer, Die Oxforder Gedichte des Primas (des Magister Hugo von Orléans) no. 16-22, in: Nachrichten von der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften (philologisch-historische Klasse), 1907, 75-111; id., Die Oxforder Gedichte des Primas (des Magister Hugo von Orléans) no. 1-15 und no. 23, in: Nachrichten von der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften (philologisch-historische Klasse), 1907, 113-175; id., Zu dem Tiresias-Gedicht des Primas (no. 10), in: Nachrichten von der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften (philologisch-historische Klasse), 1907, 231-234; Arthur George Rigg, Golias and Other Pseudonyms, in: Studi Medievali 18 (1977) 65-109. Editions and translations by Fleur Adcock (ed.), Hugh Primas and the Archpoet (Cambridge Medieval Classics 2), Cambridge 1994; and Christopher James McDonough (ed.), The ArundelLyrics – The Poems of Hugh Primas (Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library 2), Cambridge, Massachusetts 2010. My quotations are taken from Adcock's edition.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Cf. Meyer (note 5), 138–144. See also Manitius, vol. 3, 974.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">⁷ Cf. Adcock (note 5), 63–64. McDonough (note 5), xxii. The only internal evidence is v. 41: *Nostris fracta dolis ...*</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ *Urbs retro sublimis ...* (63), *Urbs celebris dudum ...* (65), *Urbs fortunata ...* (69), *Urbs bona plena bono ...* (75), and *Urbs vetus et clara ...* (85).</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ *Urbs erat illustris ...* (1), *Urbs fecunda ducum ...* (3), *Urbs habitata viris ...* (7), *Urbs bene sublimis ...* (13), and *Urbs bene fecunda ...* (34).</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ *Urbis nunc misere ...* (21), and *Urbis preclare ...* (45).</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ *Urbem reginam ...* (9).</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² As André Boutemy has convincingly shown, this is not the only instance of lexical parallelism between the two poems; cf. Boutemy (note 2), 242–243.</footnote>
More interesting than these lexical echoes are the shared ideas. Hugh's poem, too, is packed with moral and nostalgia. The first two-thirds of Hugh's poem (1–33) correspond to the final <nostalgia> part of the <Pergama flere volo> (63–90). Hugh's elaboration undeniably smacks of an exercise in *amplificatio* where he adds details to the picture of an overgrown Troy (cf. <Pergama> 63–68 *supra*) turned into a pasture and dwelling place for animals (1–20):

Urbs erat illustris, quam belli clade bilustris
Nunc facit exustrix fecundam flamma ligustris.
Urbs fecunda ducum, caput inclinata caducum,
Nunc fecunda nucum stupet ex se surgere lucum.
Crescit flava seges, dictabat rex ubi leges;
Fedant tecta greges, ubi nutriit Hecuba reges.
Urbs habitata viris et odoribus inclita Syris
Nunc domus est tigris, serpentibus hospita diris.
Urbem reginam, mundi decus ante ruinam,
Terrarum dominam: videas humilem, resupinam.
Cerva facit saltus, ubi nobilior fuit altus
Et ludis aptus Ganimedes a Iove raptus.
Urbs bene sublimis, ducibus predives opimis
Unaque de primis: modo fit minor et comes imis.
Si muros veteres, si templa domosque videres,
Quam tenere fleres mala, que malus intulit heres.
Terra referta bonis, fulgens opibus Salomonis
Et regum donis: nunc est spelunca leonis.
Heu, quid agunt bella! preciosa iacent capitella
Et Iovis in cella cubat hinc ovis, inde capella.
Etc.

At verse 34 Hugh introduces the moral condemnation, and for him Troy fell not only because of the crime of adultery (cf. the above-mentioned rebuke of Paris and especially of Helen in <Pergama flere volo>), but also because of sodomy (34–40):

Urbs bene fecunda, nulli sub sole secunda,
Quod fuit immunda, luit et patitur gemebunda.
Quolibet in scelere sperans sibi cuncta licere
Sorduit in venere: sed dis ea displicuere.
Quod Paridi fede nubebat filia Lede
Et steriles tede nubente Iovi Ganimede:
Cum propria sede luit hoc datus incola prede.

In the final verses (41–52) the narrator recalls the actual fall and dwells on the slaughter of Priam.

Scholars have had difficulty in identifying the author of the <Viribus arte minis>, a poem of 62 unisoni leonine distichs written in the same period. In the *Patrologia Latina* it erroneously appears, under the name of Hildebert of Lavardin, only as part of (and not isolated from) another poem on Troy, which I will return to in the discussion below. But as Bernard Hauréau demonstrated already in 1882, these are two separate poems (fused into one in the *Patrologia* because of their coexistence
in a Leipzig manuscript) written respectively by Simon Chèvre d'Or and Pierre de Saintes<fnref n="13" />. In the 1140s Pierre de Saintes was the teacher of the Angevin prince Henry, the future Plantagenet king, and the «Viribus arte minis» may well have been part of the young prince's syllabus. Pierre's poem was beyond doubt a reworking of the «Pergama flere volo»<fnref n="14" />, but a close reading of his textual additions is required to clarify how he disposed his material. A couple of passages even suggest a connection between his poem and Hugh's, a remarkable detail that has escaped scholarly notice. Pierre's opening verses (1–4) have little in common with the initial invocation of the «Pergama flere volo» (1–4). Rather, it echoes the beginning of Hugh's poem (1–2). Just as Hugh, Pierre opens by stating that Troy is now consumed by fire after ten years of war:

Viribus, arte, minis, Danaum clara Troia ruinis,
Annis bis quinis fit rogus atque cinis.
Urbs bona, nunc dumi, vi flammae, turbine fumi,
Non ita consumi digna, resedit humi;

Instead of expatiating on the description of the ruins of the abandoned Troy, as Hugh did, Pierre elaborates on the siege and assault of the city (corresponding to «Pergama flere volo», 11–24), and these verses (33–94) constitute half of his poem. However, prior to this central piece comes Pierre's attack on the morals of Paris and Helen (9–32):

Flamma Paris patriae, formae quo iudice diae,
Troia caput Phrygiae, flosque iacet Asiae.
Iunonem laedit, Veneri cum pastor obedit,
Cum iudex sedit, tot tibi damna dedit.

Ne quis amet temere docet obruta Troia cavere,
Quae Paridis scelere fit nihil absque fere.
Priamidis lacerae regumque domus cecidere;
Turres innumerae nunc ubi? sub cinere.

<footnote n="13">¹³ Cf. PL 171, 1447–1453 (Divitiis, regno, specie … … ligneus egit equus = Simon Chèvre d’Or; Viribus, arte, minis … … surgit ab Hectorea = Pierre de Saintes). Cf. Boutemy (note 2); Edélestand Du Méril, Poésies populaires latines antérieures au douzième siècle (Paris 1843) 400–405; Hauréau (note 2), 159–65; Manitius (1931), vol. 3, 647: «Das mit dem ersten Buche von Simon Aurea capra fälschlich verbundene Gedicht «Viribus arte minis» in 62 leoninischen Distichen soll nach Hauréau von einem Petrus Sanctonensis gedichtet sein.» Meyer (note 5), 145; Raby (note 2), vol. 1, 325 and vol. 2, 70–71; and Wollin (note 3). The erroneous attribution has naturally caused much confusion in the research. It is symptomatic that the poems still appear under the name of Hildebert of Lavardin in, for instance, Alexandru N. Cizek, Die literarisch-rhetorischen Grundlagen der Nachahmung in Antike und Mittelalter (Tübingen 1994), 29. A proper edition of both poems is still needed. My quotations from Pierre de Saintes are taken from Du Méril.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ We do not intend to repeat the findings of Boutemy (note 2).</footnote>
Palladis armigerae quo templa domusque fuere,
Extendunt hederae brachia, lustra ferae.
Raptu Tyndaridis furor est accensus Atridis,
Bellaque Dardanidis movit amor Paridis.
Pellicis obscoenae commovit forma Lacenae
In scelus effrene pectora Troiugenae.
Sic facies Helenae fuit exitus urbis amoenae,
Crines, colla, genae, cunctaque comta bene.
Quam facit audaces amor in sua damna procaces!
Curas mordaces inhiat atque faces.
Dum male grata places Helenae nutusque loquaces,
Quamvis ipsa faces (taces), Ilion, inde iaces.
O res fatalis, fuit omnibus exitialis!
Talibus heu! talis femina causa malis.
Digna perire mari potius, flammisque cremari,
Qua(m) tot privari luce ferisque dari.

It will take too long to go through Pierre's elaboration on the siege and assault of Troy, but it is worth mentioning that Pierre demonstrates an erudite interest in mythological details, perceptible especially in his learned allusions. Verse 49 (*Quae cecidit staret, nisi Thracem mors superaret*), for instance, hints at the prophecy<fnref n="15" /> according to which Troy would not have fallen if the horses of the Thracian king Rhesus had drunk from the river Xanthos. (As is known, Diomedes and Ulysses killed him and took his horses). In this respect, verses 85–86 prove an interesting passage:

Ut res declarat, igitur (qui?) fundamenta locarat
Phoebus et captarat (aptarat), moenia vomer arat.

Here Pierre introduces another allusion that refers to the legendary foundation of Troy's city walls, which King Laomedon, assisted by Apollo and Poseidon, had erected<fnref n="16" />. What is more, these lines confirm our hypothesis that the poems of Pierre and Hugh are related not only because of their common model. In fact, there is no allusion whatsoever to the city walls in the «Pergama flere volo». In Hugh's poem however, the very same image of overgrown ruins being ploughed occurs in the verses 41–42 accompanied by the same allusion (*Solis* corresponding to *Phoebus*):

Nostris fracta dolis inmense fabrica molis
Scinditur agricolis, opus ammirabile Solis.

And, as we saw, according to Hugh, it was the Trojans' flagrant love affairs that caused the divine wrath (36–37):

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ Cf., for instance, Servius' commentary on <Aeneis> 1.469.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">¹⁶ Cf., for instance, the <Mythographus Vaticanus> 1.133.</footnote>
*Quolibet in scelere sperans sibi cuncta licere*
*Sorduit in venere: sed dis ea displicuere.*

Pierre expresses a similar idea (91–94):

*Ad vitium thalami, quod adaugent Cypridis hami,*
*Vepres et calami regna tenent Priami.*
*Culminis Idaei quod gloria perniciei*
*Sic datur, illud ei contulit ira Dei.*

Note also the striking parallel between Hugh’s v. 36 and Pierre’s v. 74¹⁷:

*Quolibet in scelere sperans sibi cuncta licere*
*Omne licet sceleri, quod licet est, fieri*

To conclude his poem Pierre included the deeds of Aeneas (95–124), the final four distichs of which (117–124) very much sound like an instruction for the young Prince Henry on the origins of Roman power:

*Hinc processerunt qui Romam constituerunt,*
*Qui, dum bella gerunt, fortia quaeque terunt,*
*Et sibi fecerunt nomen, quod in astra tulerunt,*
*Ut, qui scripserunt pristina gesta, ferunt.*
*Romaque turrigerum caput effert maxima rerum*
*Tam dono superum quam studiis procerum.*
*Sic ex Aenea crescunt Romana trophaea,*
*Sic gens Romulea surgit ab Hectorea.*

Another poem that includes the adventures of Aeneas is Peter Riga’s <Fer-
vet amore Paris> (CB 102)<fnref n="18" />. Carsten Wollin dates it to the 1150s and sees it as a
school exercise in *imitatio* modelled on both the <Pergama flere volo> and Pierre’s
<Viribus arte minis><fnref n="19" />. Peter Riga’s 28 unisoni leonine distichs are a run-through of
the abduction of Helen, the siege and fall of Troy, and of Aeneas’ flight, fights, and

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ Also, Pierre’s vv. 88–89 (*Lustra leaenarum, sylvaque tuta parum / Atria milvorum, locus et spelunca luporum*) echo Hugh’s v. 18 (*Et regum donis nunc est spelunca leonis*).</footnote>

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ The attribution has escaped Kordula Wolf, who still describes the poem as anonymous; cf. Kordula Wolf, Troja, Metamorphosen eines Mythos. Französische, englische und italienische Überlieferungen des 12. Jahrhunderts im Vergleich (Europa im Mittelalter 13), Berlin 2009, 145.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Wollin (note 3). See also Hauréau (note 2) 213–214; Wilhelm Wattenbach, Beschreibung einer Handschrift mittelalterlicher Gedichte, in: NA 17 (1892), 351–384 here 380–382; and Boutemy (note 2) 241–242.</footnote>
final federation with the Latins. Except for the metre and some lexical parallels, the poem has little in common with its models. There is no planctus or apostrophes nor any trace of moralising or depiction of ruins<fnref n="20" />. Rather, his main theme seems to be human skill – Troy is taken by skill, and it is by skill that Aeneas overcomes the twists of fate (19–28 and 39–44):

Ars nisi ditaret Danaos numenque iuvaret,
Murus adhuc staret, qui modo rege caret.
Queritur ars, fit equus, latet intra viscera Grecus,
Fit Priamus cecus, ducitur intro pecus.
Flendo Sinon orat, Ithacus fallendo laborat,
Urbem flamma vorat, machina claustra forat.
Credula fallaci, flamme subiecta voraci,
Passa dolos Ithaci Troia fit esca faci.
Ars urbem tradit, urbs in discrimina vadit,
Ignis edax radit Pergama, Troia cadit.
(...)
Flat Notus insanus, insurgit turbo profanus,
Navita Troianus utitur arte manus.
Huc quasi delira pelagi succingitur ira.
Stat prope mors dira, stat procul inde lyra.
Rebus sublatis, currentibus ordine fatis,
Regnis optatis utitur arte ratis.

Ernst Robert Curtius has rightly observed that these poems are marked by the stylistic ideal of *brevitas*<fnref n="21" />, but it must be said that Peter Riga’s poem stands out as an extraordinary example. As a matter of fact, the art of abbreviating the matter of Troy happens to be his cup of tea, and the so-called *Summa Virgilii* and CB 99a also come from his hand<fnref n="22" />.

The anonymous «Alea fortune», a rhymed version of the first 110 lines of the «Ilias» as Latina», has received relatively little scholarly attention. With his synoptic 1907 edition (from which I quote) Wilhelm Meyer demonstrated that of the 100 leonine hexameters that constitute this poem (which Meyer loosely dates to the twelfth century), 22–100 are a reworking of 13–110 of the «Ilias Latina», whereas 1–21 function as a historical proem replacing the first 12 verses of the «Ilias Latina»<fnref n="23" />. As

<footnote n="20">²⁰ Except for a hint in vv. 31–32:
*Argis exosa iacet Ilios, ante iocosa,
Inclita, formosa, nunc rubus, ante rosa.*</footnote>

<footnote n="21">²¹ Ernst Robert Curtius, Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern ²¹⁹⁵⁴) 479–485. For a discussion on *brevitas* in medieval Latin literature, see Paul Gerhard Schmidt, Die Kunst der Kürze, in Peter Stotz (ed.), Dichten als Stoff-Vermittlung – Formen, Ziele, Wirkungen. Beiträge zur Praxis der Versifikation lateinischer Texte im Mittelalter (Medienwandel – Medienwechsel – Medienwissen 5), Zurich 2008, 23–40.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">²² Cf. Wollin (note 3), 407–409.</footnote>

<footnote n="23">²³ Wilhelm Meyer, Eine gereimte Umarbeitung der Ilias Latina, in: Nachrichten von der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften (philologisch-historische Klasse), 1907, 235–245.</footnote>
we have touched upon earlier, André Boutemy has demonstrated that the anonymous poet of «Alea fortune» imitates certain lines from the «Pergama flere volo». Let us quote the lines in question (with Boutemy’s parallels from the «Pergama flere volo» in the right-hand column):

Alea fortune, semper vicina ruine
Ac inimica satis infidaque prosperitatis,
Tempore fit grata, facili levitate beata,
Tempore se mutat et que prius esse refutat.
Nominis ornatum sese non significatum
Tristis habere Paris dat thura Cupidinis aris, Tuta libido maris dat thura libidinis aris (9)
Ut, quantum nomen portendit, conferat omen.
Orans exorat donis orare decorat.
Quam sibi Tindaridem spondent oracula pridem,
Expetit, ardoris flammam causamque laboris.
Allicit, hortatur, promissis plura minatur:
Illa favet, sequitur. Decepto res aperitur;
Qui nimis iratus, quod amore suo viduatus, Exsuperare ratus viduatorem viduatus (13)
Persequitur mechum numeroso milite secum. Impetitur mechus et fabricatur equus (18)
Illius incestu, regis quoque supplice questu
In Teucros mota conspirat Grecia tota.
Graios ductores Graieque manus meliores
Incitat ultoris pietas et causa pudoris.
Omnibus una fides belli. quos alter Atrides
Efferat oratu, precibus, Paridemque relatu
Asperat incusans vicium pacemque recusans.

Now, if we juxtapose the «Alea fortune» with the «Fervet amore Paris» certain striking correspondences are to be found between the verses 9–12 of the «Alea fortune» and CB 102, 3–6, namely the versifying of how Paris chases Helen (Tindaridem ... expetit/ Temptat Tyndaridem), how she accepts and follows him (illa favet sequitur/favet illa ... prompta sequi), and how the affair is revealed (res aperitur/ se res declarat):

Quam sibi Tindaridem spondent oracula pridem,
Expetit, ardoris flammam causamque laboris.
Allicit, hortatur, promissis plura minatur:
Illa favet, sequitur. Decepto res aperitur;
Temptat Tyndaridem, favet illa, relinquit Atridem.
Prompta sequi Paridem, passa perire fidem
Equora raptor arat, tenet, affectu quod amarat,
Se res declarat, Grecia bella parat.

What is more, in the «Alea fortune» we do not find the typical descriptions of Troy in ruins or the moral apostrophes; in this respect too it resembles the «Fervet amore Paris».

Lastly, I will only mention the «Ylias» of Simon Chèvre d'Or (Simon Aurea
Capra)<fnref n="24" />. When serving Henry the Liberal, count of Champagne, in the 1150s, Simon wrote an initial short version of his Trojan poem, and after having become a canon at St. Victor in Paris in the 1160s, he composed the long version<fnref n="25" />. His poem is based on other sources than the «Pergama flere volo» (mainly Virgil, the «Ilias Latina», and the «Excidium Troie»), but we include him here for two reasons: like Pierre de Saintes and Peter Riga, Simon deals with the adventures of Aeneas (in addition to the fall of Troy), and most importantly, he offers a longer apostrophe of Paris<fnref n="26" />, which adds nicely to our misogynist representations of Helen, and his apostrophe of the *fou d'amour* is an interesting foil to the apostrophe of Helen quoted above (cf. «Pergama flere volo», 29–38)<fnref n="27" />.

In conclusion, beyond the mere lexical parallels between the poems identified by André Boutemy as imitations of the «Pergama flere volo», we find certain similarities on the level of subject matter: the nostalgic image of Troy in ruins and the apostrophes of the dissolute morals that caused its fall. Indeed, the so-called imitations do not always follow the model. In fact, the «Fervet amore Paris» and the «Alea fortune» only echo a few lines from the «Pergama flere volo» and do not contain the nostalgic and moralistic parts typical of the other poems; more than anything they are exercises in *brevitas*. A closer reading of all the poems reveals certain additional correspondences, unnoticed by earlier research, between the poems of Hugh Primas and Pierre de Saintes, and between Peter Riga's «Fervet amore Paris» (CB 102) and the «Alea fortune». Previous research suggests that the «Ylias» of Simon Chèvre d'Or does not belong to the category of imitations of the «Pergama flere volo», yet its original apostrophe of Paris must somehow be situated in the tradition of the poems we have commented upon here<fnref n="28" />. Surely, the final word on how the «Trojan» poems interrelate has not been said.

<footnote n="24">²⁴ Jürgen Stohlmann, Magister Simon Aurea Capra – Zu Person und Werk des späteren Kanonikers von St. Viktor, in: Collection Latomus 145 (1976) 343–366; Raymond J. Cormier, Simon Chèvre d’Or’s «Ylias» – Some Notes on a Mid-Twelfth-Century Troy Poem, in: Glyn S. Burgess, Robert A. Taylor (eds.), The Spirit of the Court – Selected Proceedings of the Fourth Congress of the International Courtly Literature Society (Toronto 1983), Woodbridge (Suffolk) 1985, 129–136.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">²⁵ The short version, consisting of 432 verses, was partly edited by André Boutemy, La Geste d’Enée par Simon Chèvre d’Or (d’après le ms. Rawlinson G. 109 de la Bibliothèque Bodéléenne), in: Le Moyen Age 52 (1946), 243–256. The long version amounts to 994 verses and was also edited by André Boutemy, La version parisienne du poème de Simon Chèvre d’Or sur la guerre de Troie (Ms. Lat. 8430), in: Scriptorium 1 (1946/47) 267–288. Boutemy’s editions have now been replaced by the critical edition of Sébastien Peyrard, L’«Ilias» de Simon Chèvre d’Or. Édition critique et commentaire (diss.), École nationale des chartes, Paris 2007. An abridgement of the short version, consisting of 140 verses, contains only the account of the fall of Troy. This is the version contained in the PL mentioned in footnote 13.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">²⁶ Verses 47–88 in PL (note 13); verses 45–98 (short version) and 53–98 (long version) in Peyrard 2007 (note 25).</footnote>

<footnote n="27">²⁷ Gerlinde Bretzigheimer has recently drawn attention to the function of exempla in Simon’s «Ylias»; cf. Gerlinde Bretzigheimer, Exempla vitii et exempla virtutis in der «Ylias» des Simon Aurea Capra, in: Mlat. Jb. 45 (2010) 187–215.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">²⁸ For the wider context of the moral aspect in «Trojan» poems, see Wolf (note 18) 139–146.</footnote>