# Children of Patanjala; Revisiting the problem of Baduy origins using Old Sundanese and Old Javanese sources

Aditia Gunawan

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Aditia Gunawan. Children of Patanjala; Revisiting the problem of Baduy origins using Old Sundanese and Old Javanese sources. Wacana, Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia, 2025, 26 (1), pp.252-270. 10.17510/wacana.v26i2.1801 . halshs-05104396

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# Children of Patanjala; Revisiting the problem of Baduy origins using Old Sundanese and Old Javanese sources

Aditia Gunawan

National Library of Indonesia, aditnaskah@gmail.com

Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarhub.ui.ac.id/wacana

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## Recommended Citation

Gunawan, Aditia (2025) "Children of Patanjala; Revisiting the problem of Baduy origins using Old Sundanese and Old Javanese sources," *Wacana, Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia*: Vol. 26: No. 2, Article 5.

DOI: 10.17510/wacana.v26i2.1801

Available at: https://scholarhub.ui.ac.id/wacana/vol26/iss2/5
# Children of Patanjala

## Revisiting the problem of Baduy origins using Old Sundanese and Old Javanese sources

ADITIA GUNAWAN

DOI: 10.17510/wacana.v26i2.1801

### ABSTRACT

Various theories regarding the origins of the Baduy people have been discussed by scholars. A recent contribution by Robert Wessing and Bart Barendregt (2005) approaches the problem from the broader context of the structure of kingdoms in Java and Pajajaran. The present paper assesses their theory in the light of documentary sources from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century, not only in the Sundanese language but also in Old Javanese. These sources indicate that the religious aspects of Baduy society reflect practices and ideas that seem to have been widespread in early Java and Bali. My approach is to investigate ethnographic and anthropological reports about the Baduy, especially those produced by Europeans at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and to compare them with Old Sundanese and Old Javanese texts from the pre-Islamic period. This study posits that the Baduy, during that specified period, were likely less isolated than they appear in contemporary contexts. Instead, they were integrated into expansive religious networks and state structures. Furthermore, it is argued that the Baduy exhibited a closer affiliation with *kar* beliefs rather than with the *hulun hyang* community. This alignment underscores a commitment to preserving the primordial fixed conditions and states of existence referred to in pre-Islamic sources as *purbatisti* and *purbajati*.

### KEYWORDS

Baduy, origins, textual sources, Old Sundanese, Old Javanese.

ADITIA GUNAWAN was born in Cianjur, 4 July 1983. Since 2008, he has worked as a curator of Sundanese manuscripts at the National Library of the Republic of Indonesia (Perpusnas). He completed his undergraduate studies in 2007 at Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, earned his master's degree from the Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO), Paris, in 2016, and completed his doctoral studies at the École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE-PSL), Paris, in 2023 with a dissertation entitled *Sundanese religion in the 15th century; A philological study on the Sikṣā Guru, the Sasana Mahaguru, and the Siksa Kandaṅ Karəsian*. Currently, he is serving as Coordinator of Indonesian Manuscripts Management at Perpusnas, Secretary of the Nusantara Manuscripts Society (Manassa), and Chair of the Kawi Society. Aditia Gunawan can be contacted at: aditnaskah@gmail.com.
INTRODUCTION<fnref n="1" />

The Baduy, one of the traditional communities in Indonesia that appeal most to the scholarly and public imagination, are a Sundanese-speaking indigenous people who adhere to religious rules and social practices based on ancestral beliefs. The Baduy inhabit the area around Mount Kendeng in the desa Kanékés, kecamatan Leuwidamar, kabupaten Lebak, Banten. They are divided into two groups: the Inner Baduy (Baduy Jero/Dalam) and the Outer Baduy (Baduy Panamping/Luar). The first group lives in three desa's or villages: Cibéo, Cikertawana, and Cikeusik; while the outer Baduy reside in surrounding villages.

The spiritual centre of the Baduy area is the Inner Baduy region, known as *tangtu*, that encompasses holy places such as the Sasaka Pusaka Buana, the Sasaka Parahiang, and the sacred forest. The Inner Baduy group occupies nearly half Kanékés, with much of it designated “forbidden land” (*taneuh larangan*), meaning that it is not available for agriculture (Wim van Zanten 2020). The Outer Baduy, residing to the west, north, and east of the Inner Baduy area, are often described as the guardians who protect the sanctuaries and the traditional way of life of the Inner Baduy from external influences. Ayah Mursid from Cibéo describes the Outer Baduy as a sort of “filter” (*penapis*), shielding the Inner Baduy from the temptations of the outside world (Erwinantu 2012: 36; Ade Jaya Suryani 2021).

Throughout recorded history, both under the Netherlands Indies and the Indonesian bureaucratic systems, the Baduy have enjoyed a significant degree of autonomy in organizing the village of Kanékés. The primary duties of the spiritual leaders include (1) safeguarding and protecting the Sasaka Pusaka Buana, the sacred site near Cikeusik; (2) safeguarding and protecting the Sasaka Parahiang, the sacred site near Cibéo; (3) providing secular rulers with advice on governance; and (4) leading an ascetic lifestyle (see Saleh Danasasmita and Anis Djatisunda 1986: 24-36; Judistira K. Garna 1988: 294). As of 2010, the number of outer Baduy villages stood at 58 and has continued to increase (Asep Kurnia and Ahmad Sihabudin 2010: 68). In 2018, the total Baduy population numbered 11,699 individuals or 3,413 families (BPS Lebak 2018: 7, 25; Suryani 2021: 3).

According to the Baduy themselves, they have resided in their current area since the time their ancestors first inhabited the Earth. Scholarly outsiders have put forward two main theories regarding their origins. The first suggests that they are descendants of refugees from the court of the West Javanese kingdom of Pajajaran, following its fall to Muslim forces from Banten in 1579 CE (C.L.

<footnote n="1">¹ This article could be written thanks to my employment for four years by the École française d'Extrême-Orient in Paris as member of the project DHARMA "The Domestication of 'Hindu' Asceticism and the Religious Making of South and Southeast Asia", funded from 2019 through 2025 by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (grant agreement no 809994). On the project, see https://dharma.hypotheses.org, I wish to thank Wayan Jarrah Sastrawan, Arlo Griffiths, and Andrea Acri who have given valuable input on this article. I wish to thank Bill Watson for inviting me to submit an article to this volume of *Wacana, Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia*.</footnote>
Blume 1845: 5; Cornelis Marinus Pleyte 1909: 500). Allegedly, the ruler of this
kingdom, Prabu Siliwangi, and his courtiers refused to convert to Islam and
transmogrifying vanished into a tiger (Robert Wessing 1993). Some sources even
claim that nobles of Pajajaran were buried at Arca Domas (Pleyte 1909: 500).
Louis von Ende (1889: 8) and Pleyte (1916: 537) refer to folklore that mentions
Prabu Siliwangi being turned to stone in the Baduy region. However, the Baduy
deny that this place is a graveyard (Robert Wessing and Bart Barendregt 2005: 9).

The second hypothesis posits that the Baduy community descends from
members of the people of Banten who sought refuge from the propagation of
Islam after the demise of Pajajaran (A.A. Pennings 1902: 371; W.C.B. Koolhoven
1932: 64). Initially, these refugees would have settled along the Cibaduy River,
the toponym from which their appellation is derived (Blume 1845: 9). While
C.A. Kruseman (1888: 1) and N.J.C. Geise (1952) suggest indigenous origins
within the Banten region for the Baduy, Kruseman entertains the notion that
they retreated deeper into the forest after 1579 CE. Notably, an intriguing
anecdote has been suggested by a Baduy leader, suggesting the existence of
a mystical incantation employed to repel Pajajaran – a term that also denotes
“malevolent spirit” (Garna 1987: 33-34).

The second hypothesis aligns with the *mandala* theory, that has
been predominantly supported by scholars such as B. van Tricht (1929),
Danasasmita and Djatisunda (1986), and Jet Bakels (1989). According to
Wessing and Barendregt (2005), proponents of the *mandala* theory base their
arguments on three key elements: (1) the relationship between the Baduy
and the surrounding traditional communities, (2) the mention of *tapa di
nagara* and *tapa di mandala* in old Sundanese manuscripts,<fnref n="2" /> and (3) Theodore
G.Th. Pigeaud’s analysis of the *Tantu Paṅgəlaran*<fnref n="3" /> and *Nāgarakṭagama* in the
Majapahit context.

Among these scholars, Bakels (1989) has provided the most detailed elaboration of this theory. She describes the Baduy as a *mandala* community (sacred circle), a concept also discussed by Pigeaud (1960) in the context of East Java. A *mandala* is characterized as a community with a strong religious orientation, often located in mountainous areas near natural springs. These communities integrate elements of Shaivism with indigenous Javanese beliefs that regard mountains as sacred spaces. Their primary responsibility is maintaining cosmic and environmental harmony. In conclusion, while some

<footnote n="2">² Scholars who propose the Baduy as a *mandala* based on evidence from Old Sundanese texts distinguishing *tapa di nagara* (penance in the country) and *tapa di mandala* (penance in the *mandala*) are Saleh Danasasmita and Anis Djatisunda (1986). In the *Siksa Kandañ Karəsian*, there is indeed a phrase *tapa di nagara*, referring to the servants devoted to serving the king. However, as far as I have traced, the phrase *tapa di mandala* does not appear in any Old Sundanese text.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ This article draws on sources in Old Javanese, Old Sundanese, and Modern Sundanese. The treatment of orthography for each language differs slightly, following the practice also adopted by Aditia Gunawan and Arlo Griffiths (2021). In this regard, readers will encounter the form Pātañjala in the context of Old Javanese, Patañjala in Old Sundanese, and Patanjala in Modern Sundanese; or, for example, Rəsisasana in Old Sundanese context and Rșiśāsana in Old Javanese.</footnote>
scholars view the Baduy as refugees fleeing the Islamic conversion of Pajajaran,
others argue that they are indigenous to Banten, forming an integral part of
the *mandala* community.

The most recent article proposing a theory about the origins of the Baduy
people is by Wessing and Barendregt (2005). Both scholars have presented
several intriguing hypotheses. Firstly, they explore the relationship between
the Baduy and Pajajaran. They argue that the Baduy might well originally
have been Banten folk in the service of the Pajajaran court, accounting for
their presentation of themselves as *urang daleum* ‘inner inhabitant’. Since their
task was to maintain relations with the tutelary spirit of the state, something
that continued into Muslim and modern times, the *status quo ante* had to be
preserved in order not to upset the balance that the ruler had maintained.
Secondly, drawing from evidence in Old Javanese literature proposed by
Pigeaud, they suggest that, instead of being a *mandala* community, the Baduy
might be better understood as a Sundanese example of the *Hulun Hyang*
communities,<fnref n="4" /> that are involved in a special service to the spirit lords of the
land. Thirdly, Wessing and Barendregt focus on the two most significant sites
for the Baduy community: the Sasaka Pusaka Buana, considered the origin
of the Earth, and the Sasaka Parahiang, believed to be the site where the first
humans descended into the world.

Drawing upon the seminal contributions of Wessing and Barendregt, my
aim here it to assess their hypotheses by drawing on a corpus of Old Sundanese
and Old Javanese sources, spanning the period from the fourteenth to the
sixteenth century. Departing from the framework employed by Wessing and
Barendregt, this study will aim towards an examination of the central figures
in Baduy cosmology. Particular attention will be paid to Patanjala, venerated
as the second son of the primordial god, Batara Tunggal, and as the earliest
progenitor of the Baduy community. Furthermore, I enquire into the intricate
position of the Baduy community within the broader state apparatus. Lastly,
I analyse significant facets pertaining to the conception of the afterlife. Given
the burgeoning advancements in Old Sundanese studies, it seems necessary
to systematically re-evaluate prevailing theories in the history of Sundanese
religious beliefs preceding the advent of European expansion. My contention
is that an examination of Old Sundanese and Old Javanese sources allows the
sketching of a cogent historical framework to elucidate the origins and socio-
cultural dynamics of the Baduy community.

<footnote n="4">⁴ The term appears in the *Nāgarakrtāgama* and in the Walandit inscription. In his commentary, Pigeaud (1960-1963, IV: 243) states, “as no clear description of a *hulun hyang* is available, by way of guess the name Divinity’s servant is taken to refer to the worship of Spirits”. This suggests that there were communities of *hulun hyang* (servants of the spirits) distinct from Hindu *mandala* communities. Pigeaud speculates that the mandala communities might have been “more cultured, serving as guardians of ancient religious lore”, while the *hulun hyang* were likely simpler communities devoted to the worship of local spirits. However, both seem to have shared a common foundation rooted in native Javanese beliefs (Pigeaud 1960-63, IV: 485; Wessing and Barendregt 2005: 15-16).</footnote>
THE CHILDREN OF PATANJALA

The crucial challenge, in my view, lies in comprehending how the Baduy collectively interpret their existence in the world. According to Baduy beliefs, their ancestors are the direct forebears of humanity. From the Baduy viewpoint, the world is dichotomized into two realms: the sacred domain of the Baduy community and the profane sphere inhabited by non-Baduy individuals. The Baduy people assert that at its genesis of the Earth was *ngenclong* or ‘thick and clear’. Over time, it solidified like mosquito wings. The initial solidifying element of the earth is termed the Sasaka Pusaka Buana, signifying “pillar of the world”, and marks the commencement of life. The genesis of Baduy life goes back to Batara Tunggal (The One Lord), or Nu Ngersakeun (The Ruler), who birthed seven lords (*Bataras*). The first one, Batara Cikal, did not have any progeny. Instead, it was the second, Patanjala, who was the progenitor to the Bagawan Sawidak Lima (‘Sixty-five Sages’), comprising the functionaries and commoners of the Baduy community. The subsequent five descendants of Batara Tunggal: Batara Wisawara, Wisnu, Brahma, Hyang Niskala, and Mahadéwa, inherited all the Salawé Nagara (Twenty-five Lands), or in other words the non-Baduy communities.

Batara Cikal and Patanjala are reminiscent of the Pañcakuśika or the Five Divine Hermits in the Javanese-Balinese Hindu tradition, comprising Kuśika, Garga, Maitri, Kuruṣya, and Patanjala. It is presumed that the figure of Batara Cikal might correspond to Kuśika, while Patanjala represents the youngest member of the pentad. Van Tricht (1929) has acknowledged that Patanjala is associated with the youngest figure of the Pañcakuśika, but has not delved deeper into how Patanjala became an important figure for the Baduy. The answer to this question requires a philological examination, specifically in the historical context of the Sundanese region, and, more broadly, in the context of the pre-Islamic Nusantaran culture.

Andrea Acri (2014) has demonstrated that the Pañcakuśika hold a significant place in the cultural history of Java, Bali, and beyond. They are mentioned in a Malay inscription from Lampung, Sumatra (Hasan Djafar 1995). In Java, this pentad appears in curse formulas, in the preambles to of Old Javanese charters dating from the ninth century onwards, and in Old Javanese literature up to the sixteenth century (Acri 2014).

The presence of Patanjala in the Sundanese region can be traced back to the eleventh century through an Old Javanese inscription known as Sang Hyang Tapak, discovered in Sukabumi, West Java. In the curse section of this inscription, the Pañcakuśika are mentioned as figures who bear witness to the curse against anyone who disturbs the sacred river of Sang Hyang Tapak. Similar motifs can be found in Old Javanese inscriptions from Java (dating from 860 to 1323), in which the Pañcakuśika are invoked as witnesses to curse formulas (Petrus Josephus Zoetmulder 1982).

The idea of Patanjala as a child of God is found in an important Old Javanese treatise, the *Dharma Pātañjala* (The Doctrine of Patanjala), only a single manuscript of which has survived. Interestingly, it originates from
the West Javanese region, and bears a colophon dated 1469 CE (Acri 2017). Like the Baduys, who regard Patanjala as the most important offspring of Batara Tunggal, the *Dharma Pātañjala* also positions Patanjala as the foremost incarnation within the pentad. In one scene, the Lord narrates his second reincarnation in the form of Pañcarasi. He states that he is the youngest of five brothers and bears the name Pātañjala.

But [we] were not born from sperm and blood: we were born from the yoga of our Lord, for we were five brothers. Our names, one by one: Kuśika was the eldest, then followed Garga with Maitri, [then] Kuruṣya. Me, Pātañjala is my name, the youngest son among the Five Sages. I remembered about the state of leader among yogins, that is the reason why I worshiped the Lord. (Acri 2017: 276-280).

The association between Patanjala and *dharma* ('(cosmic) law', as seen in the title of the book *Dharma Pātañjala*, is remarkably preserved in the Old Sundanese tradition in the *Tutur Bvana* narrative. This narrative is an Old Sundanese mythological account of the origin of the world. In it, each of the gods and divine seers (rśi) is endowed with a symbolic weapon by Batara Guru to defeat Kala, the antagonist who is attacking heaven. The weapon given to Patanjala is called *darma*.

*Dah saṅ patañjala, saṅ hyaṅ darma na pipakaraṇen, pinakarasana saṅ hyaṅ darma, buṇbaṇ bvana manaravaṇ, pakumpulanikaṇ rasa, sabda nu diṇaranan saṅ hyaṅ darma, pakumpulanikaṇ rasa, saukur nu karasa darma ṇaranna, patuṅgalan sabetiṇna iña, eta saṅ hyaṅ darma.*

Here, O Patanjala! The holy *dharma* shall be the weapon. What serves as the essence of the holy *dharma*, is the purity of the transparent world, the gathering place of the essence. The speech, that is called the holy *dharma*, is the gathering place of the essence. Everything that is essential is called *dharma*. The union place at which all of that (*bvana*, *sabda*, et cetera) merges there (in *rasa*), that is called the holy *dharma*.

Tutur Bvana 16.5

The Old Sundanese *Siksa Kandaṇ Karəsian* from the fifteenth century also features a similar scheme of five figures: (1) the Pañcadevata figures: Iswara, Brahma, Mahadéwa, Wisnu, and Siwa; (2) their incarnations: Kusika, Garga, Méstri, Purusa, Patanjala; and (3) their second incarnations: Mangukuhan, Karung Kalah, Katung Maralah, Sandang Grəba, and Wrəti Kandayun (Pañcaputra).

The figure of Patanjala, who reincarnates as the Pañcaputra, also appears in the *Carita Parahyaṇan*, an Old Sundanese chronicle from the sixteenth century. He is depicted as reincarnating as the figure of Wrəti Kandayun, who is regarded as the ancestor of the Sundanese kings. The author of the *Carita Parahyaṇan* also mentions Wrəti Kandayun as the creator of the *purbatisti* (from OJ *pūrvasthiti*), signifying the 'original condition'. This *purbatisti*, along with
purbajati, denoting the ‘original state of birth’, is considered the guideline to
which the group of rasi (hermits) must adhere.<fnref n="5" />

Patanjala is also attested in the travelogue of Bujangga Manik, a Sundanese
prince who decided to become a wandering ascetic in the fifteenth century.
After he visited Ujung Kulon, he decided to go south, perhaps to present-
day southern Banten or Sukabumi, where he found the headwaters of the
Cimarinjung River, that reminded him of the legend of Patanjala who failed
to become a king.<fnref n="6" />

The role of Patanjala as key to understanding Baduy cosmology can be
likened to the role of the same figure in the Hindu-Tengger community in East
Java.<fnref n="7" /> In both traditions, Patanjala is imbued with significant importance as a
pivotal figure in their cosmologies and spiritual narratives. Just as Patanjala
is revered as a central figure in the Baduy community, embodying ancestral
heritage and spiritual essence, the Hindu Tengger community in East Java also
regards Patanjala as a crucial figure in their religious and cultural traditions,
representing a connection to their past and spiritual identity. Through the
figure of Patanjala, both communities derive meaning, guidance, and a sense
of continuity in their respective cosmological frameworks.

The litany of *Purwo Bumi Kamulane*, known as “The origin of the world”,
holds immense significance for the Tengger priests, as it is considered their
most sacred and efficacious liturgy (Nancy J. Smith-Hefner 1990: 273). This
ritualistic narrative underscores the central role of Patanjala, known as
Prātanjala in the Tengger tradition, in the origin mythology of the world.
According to this narrative, the five Kusikas are depicted as the second
incarnation of the meditation of Batara Guru and Uma. Kosika (Kusika)
emerges from their skin, Garga from their flesh, Maitri from their veins,
Kurusya from their bones, and Prātanjala from their marrow.<fnref n="8" /> This portrayal
emphasizes the essential role of Prātanjala in the creation and structure of
the world according to Tengger cosmology. The narrative runs as follows
(Smith-Hefner 1990: 293):

<footnote n="5">⁵ Carita Parahyaṇan 22v-r: saṅ rasi enak ĩarəsisanana, ĩavakan na purbatisti purbajati ‘the ascetics are at ease performing the hermitical precepts, practising the original fixed condition and original state of existence’.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Bujaṅga Manik 1360-1365: avakiṅ ka hujuṅ kulan, ja rea ḫadañanana, lāmpaṅ aiṅ nyañkidulkən, ñahusir bukit Bulistir, eta hulu cimarinjuṅ, sakakala Patanjala, mantən buruṅ ñadəg ratu ‘I went to Hujung Kulan, as there were many things awaiting. I went southwards, heading for Mount Bulistir. That is the source of the river Ci-Marinjung, that keeps the memory of Patanjala, when he failed to become King.’ (J. Noorduyn and A. Teeuw 2006: 270).</footnote>

<footnote n="7">⁷ Van Tricht (1928: 68) has noted the similarities between the beliefs of the Baduy and those of the Gunung Segara and Tengger.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ It is noteworthy that this association between Pañcakuśika and the human body runs parallel to that found in the *Navaruci* (45.8), a Śaiva-Tantric text from the fifteenth century: *Kuśika riṅ kulit, Garga riṅ dagiṅ, Metri riṅ otot, Kurusya riṅ tahulan, Prātañjala riṅ sumsum*.</footnote>
Once upon a time, in the mystical realm of ancient legend, there emerged from the vast emptiness the radiant figure of Dewi Uma. She graced the celestial courts as the beloved consort of Batara Guru, and together they embarked on a profound journey of meditation. From the depths of their meditative trance, five wise sages were born: Kosika, Garga, Maitri, Kurusya, and Prātanjala. Each sage emerged from a different aspect of their divine essence – Kosika from their skin, Garga from their flesh, and Maitri from their veins. Kurusya, born from their bones, and Prātanjala, the most esteemed, emerged from their very marrow. As the upper realms took shape under the watchful gaze of the Gods and Goddesses, a divine decree was issued. The five sages were called upon to descend and commence the creation of the lower realms.

However, fate took a twist as four of the sages defied the divine command, earning themselves the wrath of the celestial beings. Kosika transformed into a fearsome beast and vanished into the eastern horizon. Garga, in serpent form, slithered off to the west, while Kurusya, now a mighty crocodile, ventured northward.

Yet, amidst the rebellion, Prātanjala stood firm, accepting his sacred duty. He became the sovereign ruler of the turtles, dwelling at the very heart of creation. With resolve in his heart, Prātanjala descended to commence the grand design.

In that primordial moment, the void awaited transformation, devoid of direction or perception. Dewi Uma, alongside Prātanjala, began the cosmic dance of creation. As her thoughts coalesced, beads of sweat cascaded from her form, each drop a testament to the burgeoning life force within. From these divine droplets emerged the sacred Ganges, flowing forth in majestic splendour. The very body of Dewi Uma birthed the fertile earth, while the sun, moon, and stars illuminated the vast expanse of the cosmos. With the emergence of the four elements – water, light, wind, and sky – the symphony of creation reached its crescendo. And thus, across the three realms, the grand tapestry of existence unfolded, a testament to the timeless power of divine will and cosmic harmony.

The text of the *Purwo Bumi Kamulane* appears to have been preserved not only among the Tengger community, but also in manuscripts from the Merapi-Merbabu region and in Bali. In Bali, this text is included in the repertoire of the Balinese *sengguhu* priests or *resi bujangga*, commonly referred to as “commoner priests” of *sengguhu* birth. The *sengguhu* priest are renowned for their role in exorcism rituals conducted during *nyepi*, the annual “day of silence” in Bali. During *nyepi*, the *sengguhu* priest perform purification rituals aimed to banish lower-order demons from the island for another year. Christiaan Hooykaas (1974) has published an edition of the text from Bali and its translation, shedding light on its significance in the Balinese religious context.

## PATANJALA AND THE RASI GROUP

The mythologies of Patanjala gleaned from the various sources above constitute a shared tradition asserting that this figure is the first human reincarnation of a god and also the first religious propagator in this world. The prominence of the Pañcakuśika aspect appears to have emerged when the *rasi* groups become prominent and began to establish a religion distinct from the Śaiva and Buddhist
traditions, most prominently during the Majapahit period.<fnref n="9" /> Within the *rasi* group, the five Kuśikas are revered as the highest deities, a concept vividly portrayed in the Buddhist *kakavin Kuñjarakarṇa Dharmakathana* by Mpu Dūsun (circa late fourteenth to early fifteenth century). This text reveals a notable parallelism, suggesting that the five highest deities in the Śaiva, Buddhist, and *rasi* traditions share a common conceptual framework. It is speculated that the deity occupying the highest position is the one mentioned last in the series of five deities: Śiva for Śaivism, Vairocana for Buddhism, and Patanjala for the *rasi* group. To elucidate this remarkable parallelism, an extensive excerpt from the *Kuñjarakarṇa Dharmakathana* text is provided below. My aim is to illuminate how the concept of these five deities interconnects and finds roots in diverse religious traditions.

"Come, come, my two sons, come here close by my feet and be seated!

There is an undifferentiated reality which is concealing itself from you – let me tell you about its nature.

So that is it, my sons, that is all that the denominations of the Buddhists, Śivaites and Rṣis contend for;

They refuse to agree as each one considers their highest god to be superior."

"So it is with those who take vows of asceticism – they are inclined to contend among themselves,

And that is why the monks of this world are led astray and fail to find release. They do not understand the oneness of good works: one, two and three turn into many,

Just as the pantheon of the Buddhists has five Buddhas, the Rṣis have five kuśikas and the Śaiva monks have their quintet."

"Now all of them are addressed as if they have a bodily existence, take note as follows:

Akṣobhya is an embodiment of the Great Kuśika, and Garga is clearly Ratnasambhava;

Metrī is Amitābha, and the sage Kuruṣya is called Amoghasiddhi, of course, And Patañjala am I and none else, I, the king of the Buddhist gods."

"As for the five Śaiva deities, they are linked with the five Buddhist deities, none other than the highest:

Akṣobhya is an embodiment of Īśvara, even though it is told that their characteristics differ.

Brahmā is Ratnasambhava, and Mahāmara is the divine Amitābha, And Amoghasiddhi is none other than Madhusūdana by name, with four arms."

"Such is the specification of the world – you should know it truly.

I am Vairocana, the manifestation of both the Buddha and Śiva, taken as teacher by the whole world;

<footnote n="9">⁹ The group of *rasi* (*rṣi*) as a distinct sect appears in Old Javanese literature, particularly from the fourteenth and fifteenth century. Zoetmulder (1982, s.v. *rṣi*) notes on the specific meaning of the term *rasi*: "a particular group of religious ('clerical') persons, distinct from the Śiwaite and Buddhist clergy, perhaps more indigenous and less India-influenced than the latter".</footnote>
That is why I am called Lord Teacher, renowned throughout the world.
But it is I who pervade the whole world, the most superior of gods."

*(Kuñjarakarṇa Dharmakathana 22.3-23.4, in: Andries Teeuw and Stuart Owen Robson 1981: 121-125)*

Within the cosmological framework of the Baduy, Batara Tunggal and Patanjala assume central positions, representing core cosmological principles, while the Pañcadevata are conceived as extrinsic authorities beyond the confines of the Baduy worldview. This juxtaposition contrasts with the narrative presented in the *Kuñjarakarna Dharmakathana* that elucidates parallelisms from a Buddhist vantage point.

Within Baduy belief, a parallelism also emerges. In this context, the
observation by Van Tricht (1932: 48) is particularly intriguing.

[...] His second son B[atara] Patanjala rules especially the people of the Baduy, while the next five sons are the rulers of the "Salawe nagara" or twenty-five countries. This probably refers to the ancient East Sunda empire, known as Galuh in the legendary history of the Pasundan. It was called "Pasir Batang beulah girang" and stretched between the Ci Haliwung (= that is, Ci Liwung) and the Ci Pamali, while the legendary homeland of the Baduy was located between the Ci Haliwung and the Sunda Strait and was called "Pasir Batang beulah kulon". It was under the divine administration of B[atara] Patanjala.

This parallelism in Sunda leaves only Patanjala as one of the most prominent
pentad within ṛṣi group associated with the (east) Sundanese state characterized
by Śaiva traditions (compare Figure 1).

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1. Patanjala lineage (reproduced by Aditia Gunawan from Judistira K. Garna 1987).</figcaption></figure>
This parallelism highlights the position of the Baduy in relation to the non-Baduy Śaiva practitioners, who were most likely adherents of the official religion of the Sundanese state. This dichotomy between the Inner and Outer Baduy seems to reflect the religious developments in the Sundanese region from the Baduy perspective. As the Indian religions began to permeate the indigenous territory of the Baduy, what Thomas Anton Reuter (1996: 4) terms the institutionalized duality of “indigenous” and “newcomer” authority became evident. This phenomenon represents a variation in a prevalent cultural theme in Austronesian-speaking societies, known as the “installing an outsider on the inside” (J.J. Fox 1994; V. Valeri 1991). This arrangement entails restricting access to political leadership to descendants of royal outsiders, while ritual leadership, to some extent, remains the prerogative of those descended from the original settlers of a domain. Such divisions of authority could have been institutionalized through a ritual process, or enshrined in an idealized dualistic social symbology. Nonetheless, in practice, the sharing of authority and power constituted a complex arrangement, shaped by specific political histories and perennially subject to contestation and change.

The correlation between “indigenous” and “newcomer” can be seen in the relationship between the Pañcadevata (Five Deities) in Baduy cosmology as the younger brothers of Patanjala – comprising Wisawara, Wisnu, Brahma, Hyang Niskala, and Mahadéwa – with the quintessential deities in Śaiva religious cosmology – Iśvara, Brahmā, Mahādeva, Viṣṇu, and Śiva. The latter association can be interpreted as a nuanced recollection of the Pañcadevata within the Baduy belief system. Notably, references found in Old Sundanese texts, in which the unmanifest aspect of Śiva is denoted as Batara Séda Niskala, substantiate the assertion that Hyang Niskala in the aforementioned series is indicative of Śiva. From this perspective, we can observe how the Baduy positioned themselves within the cosmic space and the Sundanese state: as a group of rasi distinct from the mainstream Śaiva religion that was popular in the Pajajaran kingdom.

## *The rasi group and Pajajaran*

There are some inscriptions that provide insight into the relationship between the Pajajaran state and religious communities. These include the Kebantenan inscriptions (no. 1-4), etched onto copper plates. Kebantenan 1 documents the directives of Sri Baduga Maharaja, instructing attention be paid to the inhabitants of Jayagiri and Sundasembawa, and exempting them from penalties and taxes because of their adherence to the code of conduct (kacaritaan) and steadfast observance of deva precepts (devasasana). Kebantenan 2 delineates the territorial boundaries of Sundasembawa, emphasizing their sanctity as the land of devasasana, deemed the sacred shrines of the monarch, including the designated forbidden land (lāmah laraṇan) reserved for the vikus. Additionally, Kebantenan 4 records a decree concerning the residents of Mount Samaya, underscoring the area's official status as the monarch's shrine. Of particular interest is Kebantenan 3, notable because it contains the
response of Sundasembawa leaders to the directives outlined in Kebantenan 1 and Kebantenan 2:

This is the decree of one who renders service (nu seba) to Pajajaran, issuing this decree from the sanctuary of Sundasambava. If there is anyone who provides livelihood [to it], may no one be impudent to him. May no one kill him [or] obstruct him. If anyone is aggressive to (palabahna) the domain of Sundasambava, he is commanded by me to be killed, for that is the domain of the hermits.<fnref n="10" />

The Kebantenan charters address the relationship between the Sundanese ruler and religious establishments. By these decrees, special privileges were conferred on the religious territories, that were likely situated in mountainous areas, as suggested by references to toponyms such as Mounts Samaya and Jayagiri. Known as a *lāmah devasasana*, a religious domain is also termed a “hermitage” (lurah *kavikvan*), as it is where the hermits (*viku*) were entrusted with observing all divine prescriptions.

If the terms used in these documents are also applicable in the Baduy case, we can ask whether the Baduy territory is a *kavikvan* (region of *vikus*) or rather a *karəsian* (region of *rəsi*), or whether the two terms designate the same thing. To find answers, the most important source into which to delve is the *Carita Parahyaṇan*. This narrative apparently distinguishes between the *viku* and *rəsi* classes. According to the author, the *vikus* are at ease practising the *devasasana* (*deva* precepts), that is consistent with what is mentioned in the Kebantenan inscriptions.

ña mana sañ rama enak mañan, sañ rəsi enak ñarəsisasana, ñava/kan na purbatisti purbajati, sañ disi enak masini, ñavakan na manusasana, ñaduuman alas pari alas, ku beet hamo diukih, ku gəde hamo diukih, ña mana sañ tarahan enak lalajaran, ñavakan manurajasasasana, «sañ hyaṅ apa<h>, teja, bayu, akasa,» sañ <pra>bu enak ñalu<n>guh di sañ hyaṅ jagatpalaka, ñavakan sañ hyaṅ rajasasana, añadəg di sañ hyaṅ liñ/ga vəsi, brata siya puja tan palum, sañ viku e<n>a>k ñadevasasana, ñavakan sañ hyaṅ vatañ agəñ, enak ñadəg<kən> manurajasunya. (Carita Parahyaṇan 22b-a).

'Therefore, the elders are at ease eating; the ascetics are at ease observing the ordinance of asceticism, practising the original rule and original state of existence; the *disi* is at ease deliberating, practising the ordinance of Manu, allotting all kinds of forest tracts: [he] cannot be vanquished by cunning [enemies], cannot be vanquished by the gross [enemies]. Therefore, the seamen are at ease sailing, practising the ordinance of the *rajasa* men. The king is at ease governing as the protector of the world, observing the holy ordinance of the king, standing on the holy *linga* of iron, he practises continence and worship without being discomposed. The *vikus* are at ease practising the *deva* precepts, adhering to the great book (*sañ hyaṅ vataṅ agəñ*), at ease to sustaining the *manurajasunya*.'

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Original: [Plate 1, recto] (1) Ini pitəkət( ) nu (s)eba di pajajaran · mi(t)ə(k)ə-(2)tan( ) ti kabuyutan · di su<n>·dasəmbava, aya ma nu ñaba(3)yuAn · mulaḥ A(ya) nu ñəkapan ya, mulaḥ aya(4) nu munaḥ-munaḥ Iña, nu ñahəryanan ; lamun aya nu [Plate 1, verso] (1) kədə pa<L>baḥna luraḥ su<n>·dasəmbava, ku ñaIm diititaḥ dipaEḥ-(2) han ; kena Eta luraḥ kavikvan . See Gunawan and Griffiths (2021).</footnote>
There is no trace of the manuscript *Devasasana* in the Sundanese region, but in the textual tradition of Bali we do find palm-leaf manuscripts bearing the title *Devasasana*. This book begins with the creation of the universe (*tattva bvana*) and regulates societal apparatuses, including the primary group, the *viku* class. The meaning of the term *devasasana* is explained in the *Rşişāsana*, a prescriptive handbook for the *rasi*, another text of which manuscripts survive in Bali:

> We call *Devaśāsana* the precepts of the Buddhists, the Māheśvaras, the Mahābrāhmaṇas, all the different kinds [of initiates], the *samayi*, “son-disciples”, yogic practitioners (*sādhaka*), the “grandfather” ascetics (*pitāmaha*), the Lord Parameśvaras, all kinds of priests (*dañ hyañ*) of Saliñsiñan, Vulusan, Tigañ Rāt, Raja, Jambi, Air Bulañ, Air Asih, Mañulihi, Taji, of the *kamūlan*, of the *parhyañans*. These are called the *deva* precepts (rules for initiates and their institutions).<fnref n="11" />

It is also interesting to note that, according to the *Carita Parahyañan*, those *vikus* practising the precepts of what is called “The Holy Great Book” (*Sañ Hyañ Vatañ Agəñ*) were those most likely refers to the *Sañ Hyañ Hayu*. The *Sañ Hyañ Hayu* is an Old Javanese speculative text of which most of the surviving manuscripts have been found in West Java. This work is very long, perhaps even one of the most extensive Old Javanese religious treatises. Twelve of the fifteen known manuscripts are from West Java, while the other two are from the Central Java region (Agung Kriswanto and Aditia Gunawan 2023), and one from Bali.<fnref n="12" /> The book begins with an explanation of cosmology and continues with detailed esoteric and speculative descriptions of the *tiga sādhana* (three instruments: *bāyu* ‘breath’, *śabda* ‘speech’, *hādap* ‘mind’), the *tiga rahasya* (three secrets: *hādap* ‘mind’, *tutur* ‘recollection’, *sañ manon* ‘The Witness’), and the *vuku lima* (five sections: *sandī* ‘esoteric knowledge’, *tapa* ‘penance’, *luṅguh* ‘posture’, *pratyaksa* ‘clear vision’, *kalāpasən* ‘final release’) (Gunawan 2023; compare Undang Ahmad Darsa 1998).

Another clue to the *viku* class is found in the *Siksa Kandañ Karasian*. According to this text, the various fields of knowledge mastered by *viku* were *sandī*, *tapa*, *luṅguh*, *pratyaksa*, *putus*, *taṅkəs*, *kalāpasən*, *tata hyaṅ*, *tata devata*, *rasacarita*, and *kalāpacarita*. The elements of *sandī* ‘esoteric knowledge’, *tapa* ‘penance’, *luṅguh* ‘posture’, *pratyaksa* ‘clear vision’, and *kalāpasən* ‘final release’, are the *vuku lima* or ‘five sections’. *Tata hyaṅ* and *tata devata* probably refer to the systematic arrangement of gods and ancestor spirits in the cosmological system. The terms *rasacarita* and *kalāpacarita* also seem to refer to cosmology. Much of this knowledge is indeed contained in the *Sañ Hyañ Vatañ Agəñ*, also known as the *Sañ Hyañ Hayu*.

It seems that the *viku* group refers to religious circles found within the boundaries of the religious orthodoxy of the Śaiva, Buddha, or Brahmanic

<footnote n="11">¹¹ *Rşişāsana* 3.4: *devaśāsana nāranya, śāśana sañ saugata, māheśvara, mahābrāhmaṇa, salvirniñ samayi, putraka, sādhaka, pitāmahā, bhatāra parameśvara, salvir dañ hyañ saliñsiñan, vulusan, tigañ rāt, raja, jambi, air bulañ, air asih, mañulihi, taji, kamūlan, parhyañan, devaśāsana nāranikā.*</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² The existence of a manuscript containing the *Sang Hyang Hayu* from Bali was brought to my attention by my colleague, Putu Eka Guna Yasa, to whom I am sincerely grateful.</footnote>
religious functionaries and their disciples and various types of priests. The existence of an official relationship between groups of *viku* and the Pajajaran state is evident from the Kebantenan inscriptions. However, we have seen that the Baduy cosmological point of view places Śaiva divinities as outsiders and, above, I have provisionally proposed that the Baduy are a *rasi* group who considers Patanjala its first ancestor.

Let us now turn to the *rasi* who, according to the *Carita Parahyaṇan*, were observing the precepts of the book of *Rasisasana*. There is no trace of the book of *Rasisasana* mentioned by the author of *Carita Parahyaṇan* in the Sundanese region; however, an Old Javanese book with the title *Rasisasana* is found in Bali. These rules for *rasi* actually show how *rasi* positioned themselves politically in society, especially in relation to the king.

We call *Rṛiśāsana* the precepts for the scholars (*paṇḍita*), the lords of yogins (*yogīśvara*), who are independent, whose property is exempt, not subject to royal tax, by force of this [collection of] decrees [issued by] the king, for the scholars have jurisdiction over the hermitages: they are autonomous in the forests [and] the mountain ranges. These are the territory of the scholars. The scholars cannot be disturbed by anyone, beginning with the king. They are absolutely not subject to the *Rājaśāsana*. This is called the precepts for ṛṣis (*rṣiśāsana*).<fnref n="13" />

Unlike the *Devasasana*, that deals with religious practitioners from the point of view of mainstream religions, the *Rasisasana* highlights superior religious circles, such as scholars (*paṇḍita*) and lords of yogins. They were a respected class of learned ascetics. Instead of describing the types of religious practitioners as in the *Devasasana*, the *Rasisasana* emphasises the political power of the *rasi*, especially in relation to the king. The *Carita Parahyaṇan* also mentions that the *rasis* practise the original fixed condition (*purbatisti*) and the original state of existence (*purbajati*). The element of *purba* 'origin, beginning, east' in both rules indicates that this group of *rasi* were honoured for their ascription as elders who knew how the world began.<fnref n="14" /> Both rules, the *purbatisti* and the *purbajati*, remind us of two shrines that are highly revered in Baduy: the Sasaki Pusaka Buana, that is considered the first place to have existed at the time of the world's creation, and the Sasaki Parahyang, where the first human descended. These two places are like symbolic manifestations of *purbatisti* and *purbajati*.

<footnote n="13">13 Rṣiśāsana 3.3: ṛṣiśāsana ṇaranya, śāsana saṅ paṇḍita, yogīśvara, svatantra, adrya lpas, tan kāna riṅ rājasva, deniṅ śāsana saṅ prabhu ikā, apan saṅ paṇḍita pramāṇa irikañ patapan, sira vaśavaśitva ry alasnya, gunuṅ kṇḍḍěṅnya, ṅkā ta deśa saṅ paṇḍita, tan ulah-ulahēn ta saṅ paṇḍita, deniṅ rāt kabel, karuhun saṅ prabhu, ya tatan kāneñ rājaśāsana ṇaranya.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ The *kiduṅ Surajaya*, composed in Middle Javanese in the religious domains on the slopes of Mounts Merapi and Merbabu, also indicates a distinction between the categories *viku* and *rasi*: *tameṇ saṅ sipta vruh sāmu / saṅ apaliṅgih mapan viti pañrasa, līnit īmut vruh tatvanira sandi, tlas akvehniḥ pravata kaṇḍa, madevaśāsana lyirni rajyaniti, kuṇḍāla vus katarima//rṣiśāsāna vinañun, tinata kala mulanipun [...] 'entering his thought, the one who sits firm (saṅ apaliṅgih) knows the appearance, because the original means of feeling is vague and scarcely visible. He masters the reality of esoteric method, practising deva precepts and heeding various royal policies, having received an earring. The precepts for the rasi are performed; primordial time has been well arranged'.</footnote>
## THE SASAKA PUSAKA BUANA AND THE JOURNEY OF THE SOUL

Another factor in the religion of the Baduy to be considered is their concept of the afterlife. The depiction of the journey of the soul is also symbolically represented on the terraces of Sasaka Pusaka Buana. While the entirety of this symbolic relationship cannot be fully comprehended, some aspects of it can be explored from Old Sundanese sources.

Based on ethnographic records of visitors who have had access to the Sasaka Pusaka Buana, this shrine consists of 13 terraces. Terrace no. 1, the highest, is considered the residence of Batara Tunggal. Meanwhile, the second tier from the top is called the *lemah bodas* (white earth), where the souls of the Kajeroan (Inner and Outer Baduy) people reside. The third terrace is an empty area whose function is unclear, while the fourth and fifth terraces serve for the elders (*kokolot*) as places of worship.

Of particular interest is the mention of *lāmah bodas* (white earth). In the text *Fragment of Carita Parahyaṇan*, we find the term *lāmah putih*, a synonym of *lāmah bodas*. The text explains that the accomplished world of the *rasi* is manifested in the *lāmah putih*, that is, the burial ground that cannot be reached by people who are overheated by sin.<fnref n="15" /> *Lemah bodas*, that is believed to be the place of the Baduy soul, is presumably none other than the place/abode of the *rasi* souls described in the *Fragment of Carita Parahyaṇan*. This striking similarity suggests that the Baduy are a relic of a *rasi* group.

What does draw attention because of its somewhat lengthy description is the sixth terrace:

> [...] there is a washing basin carved out of hard stone, rough-hewn, always filled with water. Beside it stands a stone pillar that is said to have appeared autonomously. It is not impossible that further investigation on-site will reveal that here we are dealing with a *lingga* and *yoni*. In the older Artja Domas on the slopes of Mount Pangrango were once similar stones, as can be clearly seen in the photo reproduced here, taken 15 years ago by the then-administrator of Tjikopo, Mr Von Egloffstein. (Van Tricht 1929: 54).

According to Van Tricht's notes, from this terrace up to number 12 are the huts for the caretakers of the Salawé Nagara (Twenty-Five Countries), namely the five youngest sons of Batara Tunggal.

Terrace 13, situated at the very bottom, serves as the gathering place for souls on their journey towards the *lemah bodas*. In this realm, the souls of both the Baduy Kaluaran and non-Baduy individuals must undergo a purification process *latak balagadama*, a form of purgatory characterized by fire and lava. This purification rite likely stems from ancient Hindu beliefs. Following this purification, these souls are reunited with Batara Tunggal, who continuously generates new souls to populate the world.

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ Compare *Fragmen Carita Parahyaṇan* 4b.12-5a.1: *na jagat krōta di saṅ rasi dijiōnan lāmah putih, lāmah pasar tan husirōn voñ kapanasan*.</footnote>
These terraces serve as symbolic representations of the soul's journey before attaining its ultimate unity with Batara Tunggal. For readers of Old Sundanese literature, this evokes parallels with poetic narratives that depict the post-mortem journey of the soul (*atma*), whether it faces adversity in Hell or embarks on a blissful ascent towards Heaven.

The purification site known as *latak balagadama* (Van Tricht 1929: 53), is also mentioned in Old Sundanese texts as a depiction of the underworld. For instance, in the *Svavar Cinta* (sixteenth century), following the separation of the soul from the body and the release of the three vital faculties (breath, speech, mind), the sinful soul is depicted journeying to the cauldron (*kavah*), encountering glowing stones and lava (*latak*) referred to as *Si Balagadama*. Elaborate descriptions of souls in the netherworld are recurrent in Old Sundanese literature, as evidenced by narratives such as the *Carita Purnavijaya*, a Hindu adaptation derived from the Buddhist tale of *Kuñjarakarṇa*.

sadatan siya ka diña
kasura ku jukut taji
220. jukut taji sula vōsi
katiṅgaṇ kalapa bajra
kōna ku sarva sañjata [f.18r]
avas betan cucuk lalad
pahehna salaksa pisan
225. rusak atma disaṇsara
dipagutkōn kapalana
disakuhkōn tutumbuna [f.18v]
tuluy / dataṅ ka diña
asup ka batu pacakup
230. nōbak di lōtak si balagadama
ñoraṅ ka ilat tōgal
tōgal kadi hinis
ñoraṅ na salaksa tōgal
tuluy ñoraṅ jukut taji
235. handapōn kalapa bajra
avor dōṅ gōni korava
tuluy dataṅ ka ci panas
diinum ku atma papa
pahehna sarīvu pisan

As he arrived there,
his feet were pierced by iron grass,
the spiny grass of iron spear,
crushed by steel coconuts,
struck by all types of weapons
sharp as the thorns of flies,
dying 10,000 deaths at once.
The soul was damaged by torture,
his head was bowed,
his joints were broken.
Then he came there,
entering the piled stones,
drowning in the lava called Balagadama,
looking at the grass of the field,
fields which are like a dagger,
seeing 10,000 fields,
then seeing spike grass,
below the steel coconut,
mixed with the fire of Korawa,
then arriving at the boiling river,
drunk by sinful souls,
dying a thousand times at once.

*Carita Purnavijaya* 218-239

## CONCLUSION

From this exposition, it appears that there is a significant degree of correspondence between Baduy cosmological doctrines and conceptions of the afterlife, on the one hand, and the textual sources of Javanese and Sundanese Śaiva-Buddhism from the fifteenth century, on the other. This substantiates the argument that, in the pre-Islamic period, the Baduy were not merely an isolated community adhering to local religious customs as we had believed,
but rather a group of religious ascetics endowed with ritual authority that remained autonomous of state intervention.

The notion of the Baduy community as descendants of refugees from Pajajaran lacks substantial historical support. Instead, evidence gleaned from sources spanning the fourteenth to the sixteenth century suggests a deeper connection between the Baduy and religious practices intertwined with the royal court. This analysis sharpens the *mandala* theory proposed by earlier researchers. However, studying the cosmological beliefs of the Baduy and their emphasis on their role as progenitors of creation and human ancestry unveils a distinct worldview diverging from the conventional classifications found in ancient Sundanese texts. It suggests a closer alignment with *karasian* beliefs instead of the *hulun hyang* community, emphasizing the preservation of the original fixed condition and original states of existence, or *purbatisti* and *purbajati* in pre-Islamic sources.

It is conceivable that the Baduy formed an indigenous religious group even before the advent of the pervasive influence of Śaiva-Buddhist traditions on the Sundanese region. However, their historical trajectory likely commenced through a parallel appropriation of these two religions, allowing them to position themselves as a separate group of *rasi*, with Patanjala revered as their primogenitor and direct descendant of the divine.

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