# Dealing with public transport dissatisfaction. Mobility challenges and adaptations in Dakar, Senegal

Gaele Lesteven, Momar Diongue, Pascal Pochet, Dramane Cissokho, Pape Sakho

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## ► To cite this version:

Gaele Lesteven, Momar Diongue, Pascal Pochet, Dramane Cissokho, Pape Sakho. Dealing with public transport dissatisfaction. Mobility challenges and adaptations in Dakar, Senegal. African Transport Studies, 2024, 3, pp.100014. 10.1016/j.aftran.2024.100014. halshs-04833915

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Submitted on 30 Jan 2026

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# Dealing with public transport dissatisfaction.
## Mobility challenges and adaptations in Dakar, Senegal

Gaële Lesteven<fnref n="1" /> Momar Diongue<fnref n="2" />, Pascal Pochet<fnref n="1" />, Dramane Cissokho<fnref n="2" />, Pape Sakho<fnref n="2" />

### Abstract:

West African cities are undergoing rapid demographic growth and spatial expansion. The satisfaction of essential needs depends on everyday mobility and the conditions under which it is performed. The majority of the population relies on walking and public transport (PT) services, whether formal or informal. Based on a study conducted in Dakar, Senegal, this paper investigates the difficulties urban dwellers encounter when using PT and how they adapt their travel behavior to overcome these difficulties and fulfill their mobility needs. A mixed method is employed, utilizing a Household Travel Survey carried out in 2015 and 38 semi-structured interviews with Dakar residents conducted in 2022-23. In a context where all PT services have major shortcomings, these deficiencies in the PT system reinforce the difficulties urban dwellers face in their daily travels. They must adjust their trips in real-time by changing mode, time or even destination, or plan their trips in advance in order to have enough money to cover travel expenses or to limit financial and temporal costs. Otherwise, they might be staying at home, which impacts their economic and social integration. Modal choice is thus not determined by the formality or informality of PT modes but by what the modes offer in terms of practical solutions access to the city. These findings emphasize the necessity of considering mobility needs of urban residents into transport public policies.

### Keywords:

Basic needs; mobility practices; public transport; perceived service quality; travel adaptation; mixed method survey; Dakar

<footnote n="1">¹ LAET, ENTPE, Université de Lyon, 69120 Vaulx-en-Velin, France</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² LaboGéHu, Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar, Dakar 10700, Senegal</footnote>
# 1. Introduction

Sub-Saharan African cities are undergoing rapid demographic growth and spatial expansion. More and more people live far away from job opportunities and urban amenities. This fast urbanization (Datta and Shaban, 2020) tends to exacerbate accessibility problems in major cities (Acheampong and Asabere, 2022). The satisfaction of essential needs such as work, food, health, education, and social relationships, depends on everyday mobility and the conditions under which it is performed (Venter et al., 2019). Access to the city and the required mobility remain major concerns for residents of sub-Saharan African metropolises. Daily travel for many of them proves to be expensive, complicated and physically demanding (Diaz Olvera et al., 2013). The combination of mobility and affordability problems contributes to transport poverty, which in turn increases the risk of social exclusion (Lucas et al., 2016; Titheridge et al., 2014). Consequently, this situation plays a part in deteriorating the daily lives of vulnerable populations, including low-income households, women, residents of underdeveloped peripheries, unemployed youth, the elderly, and people with disabilities (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen, 2017; Gough, 2008; Porter et al., 2020; Salon and Gulyani, 2010; Sietchiping et al., 2012).

In a context where household ownership of motorized vehicles remains low, the majority of the population relies on walking and public transport (PT) services. The limited range of walking does not provide real access to the city, despite it being the most common mode of travel in sub-Saharan African cities. Therefore, the use of motorized transport modes is often necessary. Given the limited choices in transport modes available (Diaz Olvera et al., 2013), people combine the use of motorized modes with walking, depending on the nature and frequency of their activities requiring travel. When they have to access central areas for work-related travel, they generally opt for the fastest and most expensive mode (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen, 2017; Salon and Gulyani, 2019). Specific occasions, such as going to the hospital or carrying goods, justify the use of a comfortable yet costly travel means, such as a taxi, or alternatively, a shared taxi (Lesteven et al., 2022).

Due to constrained mobility, PT plays a key role in gaining access to opportunities (Diaz Olvera et al., 2013; Esson et al., 2016; Lucas and Porter, 2016). PT services encompass various options, including buses, minibuses, taxis, shared taxis, motorcycle taxis, autorickshaws and more. Some of these options are formal, while a large part operates informally, or even illegally. Informal PT can be defined as "a flexible mode of passenger transportation that does not follow fixed schedules or service spans, and is provided by numerous small private businesses without contractual obligation to a regulatory authority" (Behrens et al., 2021), and it may sometimes compete with formal PT. However, in many cases, it serves areas with low accessibility and provide access to central areas or stops served by higher-capacity modes. To varying extents and for different reasons, all PT services, whether formal or informal, are characterized by low service quality (Lombard, 2006; Ndibataya and Booysen, 2020; Nkurunziza et al., 2012).

PT provision and organization are the main focus of research on urban transport in sub-Saharan Africa, whereas research on PT demand remains limited, due to a scarcity of survey data (Limi, 2022; Tembe et al., 2016), local researchers, financial resources and institutions (Schalekamp, 2021). The aim of this paper is to examine how urban dwellers deal with low PT quality of service to meet their everyday travel needs, by looking at (1) the difficulties they face when using PT; and (2) how they adapt their travel behavior to overcome these difficulties and fulfill their travel needs.

We conducted our study in Dakar, Senegal. Similar to other African metropolises, the Senegalese capital is undergoing rapid urban transformations (Diongue and Sakho, 2016) and experiencing simultaneous processes of PT formalization and informalization (Ndiaye, 2022; Lesteven et al., 2022; SSATP, 2023; Sakho and Diongue, 2024). The PT is diverse. It includes formal services such as the
suburban train and bus services, on one side, and informal PT services, such as minibuses, shared taxis, and the rapidly expanding motorcycle taxis, on the other. These various PT services lack integration into a coherent mobility system.

Our methodology combined two sets of original data - opinion questions on PT quality service in a Household Travel Survey (HTS) carried out in Dakar in 2015, along with a set of 38 semi-structured interviews with PT users conducted in Dakar in 2022 and 2023. Although the HTS does not give an up-to-date picture of the use and satisfaction of the PT system as the most recent PT modes were not included in the survey, its results point to structural problems that are still relevant today. This mixed method allows a better understanding of how low PT quality of service and high costs exacerbate everyday mobility problems, and highlights the adaptations Dakar residents develop to overcome these difficulties.

The remainder of the paper is organized as follows: Section 2 presents the context, data collection and method. Section 3 exposes PT modal share and users' dissatisfaction. Then, Section 4 studies difficulties people encounter when using PT and Section 5 looks at users' adaptations to fulfill their travel needs, followed by a conclusion in Section 6.

## 2. Context, data and methodology

First, we present the Dakar region and its PT system, the data we collected and the methodology we used.

### 2.1. The Dakar region and its PT system

The Dakar region is located on the Cape Verde Peninsula in the western part of Senegal, covering an area of 547 square kilometers from west to east. It is divided into four departments, with the central department of Dakar concentrating the majority of central functions and jobs. This central department, located at the tip of the peninsula, houses less than 40% of the region's 4 million inhabitants (ANSD, 2024) but still 58% of the jobs (SITRASS-CUREM, 2016). The remaining population resides in the nearby suburbs in the Guédiawaye department, in more distant suburbs, such as those in the Pikine and Keur Massar departments, as well as the outer suburbs located in the Rusfisque department. The dissociation between places of residence and work (Sakho, 2014) leads to long commutes and the necessity to rely on motorized PT services, considering the limited household ownership of private cars and motorcycles. This dissociation contributes to an unbalanced traffic flow between the center and the peripheries, resulting in daily traffic congestion.

Since the end of 1990s, the Senegalese government has pursued a proactive policy to improve the mobility system. A program was initiated with the support of the World Bank to renew the PT fleet and professionalize the activity (Barrett et al., 2016; Lombard, 2015; SSATP, 2023). The government also invested in major transport infrastructures in order to improve the connection between the center and new city centers in the peripheries, like the new city of Diamniadio. This includes a toll highway opened in the 2010s and a suburban train inaugurated in 2021, connecting Dakar to Diamniadio. A Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system has been operational since 2024 (Fig. 1).
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1 - Map of Dakar region Source: authors, 2024.</figcaption></figure>

Despite these evolutions, road-based PT modes remain varied (Fig. 2). Both vehicle types and sizes, as well as operator characteristics, are diverse. Formal transport provision consists of 80 and 40-seater buses operated by the Dakar Dem Dikk state-owned company, 40-seater buses operated by AFTU, and personal yellow and black taxis. Dakar Dem Dikk operates 42 routes of which 19 are suburban routes (Ingérop et al., 2020). The vehicle replacement program created the Association for the Financing and Professionalization of Transport Operators (AFTU), under which the operators run their buses. AFTU buses are locally named Tata buses, in reference to the first brand of vehicles used. These buses are expected to depart at scheduled times, rather than waiting to be full. Drivers must adhere to the scheduled stops, and ticket collectors have replaced apprentices who used to call out stops and drum up passengers (SSATP, 2023). The Tata route network consists of 10 urban routes and 54 suburban routes (Ingérop et al., 2020). Additionally, in 2015, a second but smaller vehicle replacement program was launched in the peripheries, known originally as RETAB (Réseau de Taxis de Banlieue – Suburban Taxi Network) and later renamed RETAP (Réseau de Transport de Proximité – Local Transport Network). The program replaced informal shared taxis with new green and white 14-seater vehicles on the road (Lesteven and Quillerier, 2021). By 2024 there were only a small number of green and white RETAP taxis and they were thus not included in the 2015 HTS.

Meanwhile, informal PT services continue to operate. Cars Rapides minibuses, Dakar's oldest public transport mode dating back to 1947, use Renault utility vehicles converted for passenger transport, providing about 20 seats. Ndiaga Ndiaye buses, originating in the 1980s and named after the operator who originally owned many of them, are Mercedes utility vehicles modified to carry passengers, providing 45 seats. There were 86 Cars Rapides routes and 52 Ndiaga Ndiaye routes identified by the end of the 2010s (Ingérop et al., 2020). Cars Rapides operate on short routes in Dakar and the inner suburbs, while Ndiaga Ndiaye services are concentrated on larger roads, covering greater distances
with relatively few intermediate stops. The vehicle replacement program primarily targeted Cars Rapides, including part of Ndiaga Ndiaye, but many of them continue to operate today. The fleet is aging and in poor condition. These services present the recurrent difficulties of informal operation, such as vehicles leaving when full and changing stops and terminus.

In addition to Cars Rapides and Ndiaga Ndiaye, informal shared taxis are on the rise. These 5 to 7-seater cars, which are often very old, operate openly without a license and are thus locally called Clandestine taxis or Clandos. They usually operate on fixed routes and serve about 300 routes across the Dakar region (Lesteven et al., 2022). Most of the times, Clandos leave when they are full. But, occasionally, they may function as personal taxis when demand is low or to meet specific travel requests from certain customers. Their operation is well-structured, even formalized in some cases: in general, Clandos join stands and pay taxes to the municipalities.

Finally, informal motorbike taxis, known locally as Tiak Tiak or Jakartas, were introduced in the late 2010s. Initially confined to the outskirts of the city, these motorbike taxis have spread throughout the city due to their speed in heavily congested streets, as well as their ability to travel on poorly conditioned roads, especially in the outskirts. Similar to the green-white taxis, motorbike taxis were also not included in the 2015 HTS.

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2 - The diversity of formal and informal PT modes in the Dakar region. Source: authors, 2024.</figcaption></figure>

## 2.2. Data collection and methodological framework

Our paper is based on two sets of surveys conducted in Dakar region. The first set consists of secondary analyses of the 2015 Dakar HTS in which two of the authors participated (SITRASS-CUREM, 2016). The original sample included 13,415 individuals aged 11 years and older from 3176 households. After weighting, the sample was representative of the population. The questionnaire comprised several sections aimed at gathering information on household and individual characteristics, transport means and trips made the day preceding the survey. One section contained six statements designed to investigate users' perceptions of PT modes. The statements assessed five dimensions of service quality: spatial coverage, speed, comfort in vehicle, service frequency, and road safety, plus an additional statement addressing fare affordability (Fig. 3). A substantial sample of users of each mode responded the statements. Of these responses, 1546 concerned Dakar Dem Dikk, 6010 pertained to Tatas, 1335 were about yellow and black taxis, 1508 on Ndiaga Ndiaye, 3175 relating to Cars Rapides, and 3212 on Clandos. The suburban train, BRT, green-white taxis and motorbike taxis were not included in the HTS
survey, as mentioned before. We therefore have no quantitative information on users' perceptions of these four modes.

<table><caption>Figure 3 - Survey instrument on PT service quality</caption><thead><tr><th colspan="2">* Question 1 - What are the two PT modes you use the most? (PT mode A / PT mode B)<br>* Question 2 - For each mode (PT mode A / PT mode B), do you agree or disagree with the following statements?</th></tr><tr><th>Quality service satisfaction item</th><th>Statement presented to PT users</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>(1) FARE AFFORDABILITY</td><td>It is cheap</td></tr><tr><td>(2) SPATIAL COVERAGE</td><td>It stops near my home</td></tr><tr><td>(3) SPEED</td><td>It is fast</td></tr><tr><td>(4) COMFORT IN VEHICLE</td><td>I have enough space in the vehicle</td></tr><tr><td>(5) SERVICE FREQUENCY</td><td>I don't have to wait long</td></tr><tr><td>(6) ROAD SAFETY</td><td>I don't perceive a risk of road accident</td></tr></tbody></table>

The second set comprises 38 semi-structured interviews conducted with Dakar residents in 2022 and 2023. These interviews were part of research on Clando shared taxis in Dakar and focused on daily activities of Dakar residents, their everyday mobility practices, PT use, the mobility difficulties they encountered and their coping strategies. The set consisted of 19 women and 19 men. The survey focuses on the adult population, as it is in charge of financing daily mobility. The youngest was aged 23 and the oldest 80; 14 were under 30 years old, 18 were aged 30 to 59, and 6 were 60 and over. They lived in various neighborhoods, from central Dakar to the inner and outer suburbs. The set included 4 students, 6 retired or inactive persons, and 14 women and 14 men engaged in various occupations. In Dakar, as in other West African cities, the vast majority of jobs are part of the informal economy (Rodriguez-Castelan and Vazquez, 2022). Informal workers were numerous, with 12 women, 9 of whom were engaged in petty trading or market gardening, and 9 men who were craftsmen, shopkeepers and those who were engaged in livestock rearing or market gardening.

The interviews were conducted in Wolof, which were later translated into French, or French. All interviews were transcribed in French. The interviews are used in the article to better understand the difficulties faced by urban dwellers in relation to the various components of PT, whether formal or informal, their poor quality of service and their costs. Since this survey was aimed at collecting qualitative data, it cannot claim to be statistically representative. However, the set highlights a variety of socio-demographic characteristics, occupations, residential areas and transport usage and thus describes a wide range of situations, difficulties and adaptations among city dwellers.

## 3. Users' PT dissatisfaction

The perceived quality in transport impacts the way people use PT and their mobility practices. This section presents PT modal share, duration and costs in the Dakar region before looking at users' perceptions of the different PT modes, considering that the capacity to fulfill their specific mobility needs at affordable fares constitutes an essential criterion for users.

### 3.1. PT modal share, duration and costs in the Dakar region

According to the 2015 HTS, 24% of daily trips in the Dakar region are made by PT, while 70% are made entirely on foot and 5% by private car or personal motorcycle. On average, Dakar residents make one
motorized trip a day. This relatively low figure is consistent with observations in other sub-Saharan African cities (Diaz Olvera et al., 2013). Regular PT users are those with motorized mobility needs, such as employees, university and high school students, as well as job seekers, whereas less active populations use PT less frequently. PT users dedicate a significant amount of daily time to their mobility, which represents an average time of 1 hour and 37 minutes.

The modal share for PT trips in the Dakar region is presented in Table 1. Formal services, such as Dakar Dem Dikk, Tatas, and yellow-black taxis, account for more than half of the trips, with Tatas being the most widely used mode. Informal PT operators, like Ndiaga Ndiaye, Cars Rapides and Clandos, provide over 35% of PT trips and are also used extensively for intermodal trips.

<table><caption>Table 1 - Share of different modes in PT trips (%) in the Dakar region (population aged 11 years and over)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PT Mode</th><th>Part (%)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="3">Formal services</td><td>Tata bus</td><td>35.5</td></tr><tr><td>Dakar Dem Dikk bus</td><td>6.2</td></tr><tr><td>Yellow-black taxi</td><td>11.4</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="4">Informal services</td><td>Ndiaga Ndiaye bus</td><td>4.2</td></tr><tr><td>Car Rapide minibus</td><td>19.6</td></tr><tr><td>Clando shared taxi</td><td>12.3</td></tr><tr><td>Intermodal*</td><td>10.8</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: 2015 HTS; calculations: authors.

As shown in Table 2, trips by Clandos are shorter and more expensive than those by larger vehicles. Users pay for the comfort Clandos offer. However, Clandos remain affordable for a large part of the population, unlike yellow-black taxis which are much more expensive.

Cars Rapides are the cheapest PT mode, typically used for short trips. Trips by Dakar Dem Dikk, Tatas and Ndiaga Ndiaye are longer and more expensive. The PT system lacks fare integration, meaning that if an individual has to take two buses to reach their destination, they will have to pay for each leg of the trip, resulting in doubling the fare. It also lacks modal integration, making it challenging for PT users to coordinate intermodal trips.

<table><caption>Table 2 - Duration and cost of a trip* according to the PT mode used in Dakar region</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PT Mode</th><th>Minutes</th><th>FCFA Francs (XOF)</th><th>Euros</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="3">Formal services</td><td>Dakar Dem Dikk bus</td><td>45</td><td>155</td><td>0.24</td></tr><tr><td>Tata bus</td><td>41</td><td>173</td><td>0.26</td></tr><tr><td>Yellow-black taxi</td><td>30</td><td>1253</td><td>1.90</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="3">Informal services</td><td>Ndiaga Ndiaye bus</td><td>50</td><td>157</td><td>0.24</td></tr><tr><td>Car Rapide minibus</td><td>29</td><td>88</td><td>0.13</td></tr><tr><td>Clando shared taxi</td><td>22</td><td>175</td><td>0.27</td></tr></tbody></table>

<footnote>*at least two different modes of PT used during the trip (e.g. a ride on Tata plus a ride on Clando).</footnote>

<footnote>*The trip involves a single ride on the mode in question. Source: 2015 HTS; calculations: authors.</footnote>
## 3.2. Users' perceptions of the different PT services

Users' perceptions differ from one PT mode to another. Figure 4 presents PT users' perceptions regarding fare affordability and the five dimensions of quality of service investigated in the HTS:

1. Fare affordability is a central issue. PT users declare to be relatively satisfied with the fares, except for those using yellow-black taxis. Dakar Dem Dikk fares are considered inexpensive by nearly 90% of its users. Users of Tatas are less positive, and rated the affordability of Tatas lower than for Ndiaga Ndiaye and Cars Rapides.

2. In terms of spatial coverage, Clandos are the most highly-praised PT mode, apart from yellow-black taxis. Ndiaga Ndiaye, which cover long distances with relatively few stops, are rated the lowest in this regard.

3. Opinions on speed are less positive with regards to Ndiaga Ndiaye and Cars Rapides when compared to Dakar Dem Dikk and Tatas, as formal buses do not wait to be full before departing. Clandos and yellow-black taxis are seen as the fastest modes nonetheless.

4. Comfort in vehicle receives a low rating, except for yellow-black taxis. Perceived service quality in this regard is higher for Ndiaga Ndiaye and Clandos, two modes where seating is guaranteed, than for Dakar Dem Dikk and Tatas.

5. Opinions are similar regarding service frequency. Waiting times are perceived as long for Dakar Dem Dikk and Tatas, and shorter for the other modes.

6. In terms of road safety, traveling with Dakar Dem Dikk and Clandos seems less risky than traveling with Tatas, Ndiaga Ndiaye and Cars Rapides.

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>Figure 4 - Percentage of PT users that agree with the following statements (see Fig. 3). Source: 2015 HTS; calculations: authors. For each dimension of service quality by PT mode, the closer the value is to 100%, the more positive the opinions are.</figcaption></figure>

As formal modes, Dakar Dem Dikk and Tatas are expected to adhere to governmentally predefined sets of service qualifications regarding routes, stops and frequencies. But they fail to significantly outperform informal PT services in terms of service quality (SSATP, 2023), as shown by users' dissatisfaction with specific criteria, such as comfort in vehicle, the guarantee of a seat, or waiting times (Orrico Filho et al., 2015).
A composite satisfaction score is calculated for each mode, considering fare affordability and the five dimensions of quality of service as equally important (Fig. 5). Yellow-black taxis, followed by Clandos, are the PT modes that present the highest satisfaction score (over 70%), whereas Tatas have the lowest satisfaction score (under 50%).

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Figure 5 – Composite satisfaction score (%) per mode. Source: 2015 HTS; calculations: authors.</figcaption></figure>

Bus and minibus services, whether formal or informal, present a lower quality of service, including overcrowding in vehicles, long waiting times or lack of road safety. This situation leads to travel difficulties for many users, who have to deal with these challenges to perform their travel and meet their essential needs.

## 4. Users' mobility challenges

This section examines the difficulties people encounter when using PT services, that are caused by various problems and limitations in their operation and in the environment.

### 4.1. Transport difficulties and low PT service quality

Urban dwellers face travel difficulties due to low PT service quality. In a context of long trips, which are common for Dakar Dem Dikk or Tatas (cf. Table 2), frequent overcrowding, especially during peak hours, makes travel conditions particularly difficult. In the qualitative survey, many PT users complain about formal buses and avoid using them at peak hours, as a 32-year-old daily laborer in Pikine points out in this regard: "If the bus is supposed to have 50 seats, it will be forced to take 60 seats, and this will eventually lead to safety problems because the overload will spill over". In comparison, opinions are more favorable towards informal PT modes, as a seat is guaranteed. A 25-year-old unemployed woman states that she avoids Tatas: "Especially when I'm tired, I don't want to be on my feet for more than an hour". She prefers to take Ndiaga Ndiaye instead.

These conditions in buses do not accommodate the transport of goods well, especially when considering that one in seven workers needs to transport heavy or bulky goods several days a week: "Getting off becomes a problem if the bus is full, especially if there are people who navigate with luggage" says a 30-year-old upholsterer in Keur Massar. This is commonly the case for small traders, artisans, construction workers, etc. In such situations, Clandos become a valuable, albeit costly, resource, which is often the only available solution, as long as the goods could fit in the trunk: "Clando
is much more expensive, especially when I have luggage to transport... but I have a lot of difficulty carrying my luggage" (35-year-old businesswoman and farmer in Guédiawaye).

The overcrowding of buses is associated with personal security problems, notably the risk of theft: "Tatas are narrow, uncomfortable, and there is a security issue, the same goes for Cars Rapides. I prefer taking Ndiaga Ndiaye over other modes because you can sit there. In buses, you tend to stand, and there is a risk of your phone and luggage being stolen" (27-year-old female journalist in Dakar).

Taking the bus also means long waiting times, eliciting negative comments, like this one: "Practically, you can stay at the stops for over an hour without seeing a Dakar Dem Dikk bus pass by, there is no regularity in their services, I can say" (50-year-old male resident of Dakar). In general, informal bus operators, and sometimes even formal bus operators, only leave terminals when their vehicles are full, increasing waiting times at subsequent stops.

To ensure or increase revenue, Cars Rapides and Ndiaga Ndiaye drivers may cut the route, forcing passengers to disembark and board another vehicle, or having to walk until their destination. This de facto intermodality increases the financial burden and the time users spend traveling. Users criticize this way of operation as it increases monetary and temporal costs, as well as travel fatigue. A 60-year-old independent merchant in Guédiawaye reports the situation: "During these times, Cars Rapides are scarce; they don't reach their destination because they serve short distances to maximize profit at the expense of users. In this situation, you may have to take three means of transport and pay three times to reach your destination". The problem is even more acute at certain times of the year, such as during flooding periods when supply diminishes and prices rise (Parvex, 2023).

Users frequently mention the risk of a road accident as a consequence of poor service quality. The age of Clando vehicles is the most frequently cited explanatory factor, as conveyed by a 24-year-old phone seller living in Rufisque: "In general, Clandos are very old. Sometimes you may think you've closed the door properly, but it's not the case, and it can open when the car goes around roundabouts. You know there is a lack of safety." Regarding buses, lack of safety is linked to the perceived accident-prone behavior of drivers and apprentices, because different users mentioned it, like a 42-year-old online merchant and farmer living in Keur Massar: "Ndiaga Ndiaye, it is insecurity because apprentices and drivers are too undisciplined and do whatever they want [on the road]. But we have no choice but to take them."

Some people stop using all types of buses. For example, this woman who suffers from health problems, no longer takes the bus, saying that: "With the overcrowding, you can be uncomfortable, especially when you have blood pressure problems, it's difficult" (43-year-old unemployed housewife in Rufisque). As a consequence, stopping to take buses makes access to the city even more difficult.

## 4.2. Transport difficulties and urban development

A limited road network and the encroachment of commercial activities on the roadway in highly frequented areas generate congestion. Users suffer from congestion, as it increases time and money spent for travel. In some peripheries, the lack of roads not only creates congestion but may also limit PT access. Only informal PT services, like Clandos or motorcycle taxis, can operate on narrow roads. In other settlements with no paved roads, travel is only possible by foot or horse carts. A 28-year-old farmer living in a remote part of Keur Massar department testifies: "There are no means of transport here, only [horse] carts [...] there's too much sand. To get anywhere, you have to go outside [the neighborhood] to find a vehicle". The situation is not exclusive to outer suburbs and some central
districts may also present access issues. They impact the cost of travel and may be challenging when people have to transport goods: “*Sometimes you have difficult baggage to carry, but you are forced to walk simply because where you live, there are no good roads, and it is not served by Clandos*” (24-year-old phone seller in Rufisque).

These difficulties reinforce and exacerbate individual challenges in terms of physical strain, time loss, and financial pressure on household budgets. Mobility is a physical practice that challenges the body, whether through walking, sometimes over long distances, or using PT services. The physical strain is exacerbated when users have goods to carry, which is a common situation for petty traders. A 50-year-old food seller in Pikine explains the compounded strain she experiences, where the need to both walk a long distance and carry goods actually has an adverse effect on her health: “*I have even been forbidden to carry heavy luggage, but my situation compels me. Q: Why are you compelled to carry them? A: Because the distance between the market and where the Clando passes is a bit far, so I am forced to do it.*” The food seller’s choice in PT therefore plays a role in regular periods of personal discomfort alongside the numerous other transport difficulties.

In a constrained economic context where a significant portion of the population lives with limited financial means, the cost of travel constitutes a major issue, even though its impact may vary depending on the individual's income. As a 69-year-old unemployed man in Dakar explains: “*Poor people like me take Cars Rapides. Even if it's hard, I have no choice. Sometimes it hurts to see a Clando without being able to take it*”. Users associate individual difficulties with PT use. A modal hierarchy emerges, highlighting social differences among users. Most often, yellow-black taxis rank highest in the preferences, ahead of Clandos. Despite its high cost, PT users aspire to use yellow-black taxi as it is the closest mode to the private car: “*I prefer the taxi, but it's too expensive, it's for people with a higher social status. Taxi rides are comfortable; you are alone, and you ride peacefully*” (38-year-old school teacher in Dakar). In contrast, the bus has the image of a means of transport for poorer people: “*When you get off a bus, people often think that you are not well-off, and I won't lie, often that's the case*” (25-year-old student in Keur Massar).

Transport difficulties are multiple, whether linked to poor quality of PT services, costs or constraints of urban development. Because they rely on PT, city dwellers have to develop various forms of adaptation to cope with these difficulties.

# 5. Users' adaptations to meet basic needs

This section explores how people overcome mobility challenges described in the previous section. In our interviews, respondents reported two main strategies they develop to meet their basic needs: either adapting trips in real-time by changing modes, routes or destinations, or pre-planning trips and seeking financial or practical support.

## 5.1. Travel adaptation in real-time

Travel adaptation in real-time is based on the knowledge people acquire through repeated travel experiences using PT. It is by far the most widespread form of adaptation and could be described as the default solution. When traveling, people may adjust the PT mode they use, the route, and sometimes even the destination. Expertise of the strengths and weaknesses of different PT options, both spatially and temporally localized, arises from the repeated travel experiences. In the absence of institutional information, data collection occurs through verbal exchanges with drivers, touts, apprentices, other passengers, or pedestrians.
Users practice an improvised multimodality. They adapt their modal choice, the boarding time and place of destination, depending on real-time availability of PT services, time of day or season, trip purpose, the outward or return direction, vehicle overcrowding, goods to carry, and the money they have in the moment.

Most of the time, trade-offs are made between travel time, the amount of money required to travel, and the capacity to spend this amount of money in that moment, as fares are known in advance. This 60-year-old independent merchant in Guédiawaye explains how much he spends for his travel and what modes he uses according to the money he has in his pocket: “Generally, for my travels, I take the Tata, Dakar Dem Dikk, and sometimes a taxi, and the fares are distributed as follows: 250 francs for Tata, 175 francs for Dakar Dem Dikk, and 1000 francs for a taxi. Sometimes, if times are tough, I have to take the Clando and then take the Ndiaga Ndiaye at 200 francs to reach the city center”. Conversely, if a person is in a hurry and has the money, they may opt for a motorcycle taxi or a yellow-black taxi.

In some cases, the decision is influenced not by travel needs but by the available PT supply. Informal PT services, particularly those using small vehicles, have demonstrated their proficiency in meeting such demands in real-time. Clandos accommodate luggage and parcels, adjust routes in case of flooding, at night or for going to the hospital. They may offer some discounts when a customer does not have enough money in their pocket to pay the full fare, or for special occasions: “I had to attend a funeral. Upon arriving and at the moment of payment, the driver offered me the ride [for free]” (41-year-old mint seller in Rufisque).

Ultimately, users may resort to walking if PT is lacking, if they do not have enough money to pay for transport, or if congestion is too heavy, as this young man from Guédiawaye testifies: “If I'm leaving my place of work [in Dakar downtown] and I see that there's a traffic jam, I'd rather walk than stand immobile in a bus”. Although the lack of urban infrastructure makes walking conditions challenging (SITRASS-CUREM, 2016), walking occasionally allows PT users to overcome some of the constraints associated with PT.

## 5.2. Travel adaptation in advance

In some cases, users prefer to modify their travel plans in advance. Travel planning involves the trade-off between necessary and discretionary trips that can be canceled or postponed.

Individuals develop skills in managing their travel in relation to the household's available money but also make decisions based on their earning capacity, like this 40-year-old street vendor of beverages and chilled water in Pikine: “If I have money, I take PT. If I don't have enough money, I sometimes use part of it to pay for PT and keep the other part to continue my activities because walking too much means working less”. In the context of recurrent trips, such as dropping children off at school, some users negotiate verbal subscriptions with drivers to reduce the cost of travel.

Porter (2015) states that the mobile phone is a versatile tool for mobility management: it facilitates money transfers, provides cancellation notifications, and sometimes substitutes travel by phone conversations. The data illustrate this view on the mobile phone: “[regarding visits to family/ceremonies] My sister often tells me, 'I don't have all that money. You can go. I'll call because it's too expensive'” (elderly retiree living in Rufisque). The mobile phone in the elderly retiree's case acts as a substitute for using PT, but it could also mediate the interaction between users and drivers: “When we need a Clando, we call them; we know almost all the drivers. If a driver is busy, he calls someone else to come and pick us up” says a 70-year-old retired accountant in Rufisque. Phones can
even be used to transfer the making of the trip onto someone else: *“There are times when I'm busy at home and I call the Tiak Tiak [motorcycle taxi] to pick up my children from their school”* (38-year-old school teacher in Dakar). The mobile phone serves as a useful tool in planning travel. However, it cannot replace physical travel when the activity at destination is considered as important. Physical presence therefore remains preferable to phone calls.

Some PT users seek assistance to carry out their trips. This assistance can be in kind. For example, this 50-year-old private sector executive in Dakar declares to occasionally use the company car for personal trips: *“When I go out for company activities, I take advantage to make a little detour”*. Alternatively, this 70-year-old retired police officer in Dakar doesn't drive a car but he often seeks help from motorized neighbors for travel: *“Every time I have to go downtown I just wait for a neighbor with a car, just ask, and they'll take me there”*.

Assistance can also be monetary. When a person has little, borrowing is sometimes the only way to obtain money. This 40-year-old street vendor of beverages and chilled water in Pikine says that *“sometimes [she] wakes up with no money at all and manages with other strategies, such as borrowing money from relatives”*. However, borrowing money is not always an easy solution and may meet with a lack of understanding from those around. This housewife from Dakar talks about the visits she makes to relatives, hoping for possible financial support: *“Yes, it's difficult, you have to walk there and back, or else the person you went to see has the sympathy to give you the transport. Q: the payment for transport? A: Yes, to get home. If they do not have that sympathy, you pretend you have the money for your transport, that's it”*.

Finally, some individuals are wary of potential difficulties in repayment and choose to forgo travel instead, as a 50-year-old food seller in Pikine states: *“If I can't do it with my own means, I prefer to stay [at home] to avoid taking on additional burdens”*.

To summarize, both available income and existing PT options limit travel solutions in a context of strong economic constraints. When it comes to understanding transport poverty and the widespread nature of mobility challenges in Dakar, the issues of poor service quality of PT options on the one hand, and their affordability on the other, are crucial. Mobility restrictions and complications stemming from the combination of low service quality and PT costs are common, whereas information about PT remains scattered and often transmitted orally.

Faced with numerous mobility challenges, urban residents therefore deploy multiple adaptations. Adaptation occurs through the accumulation of repeated travel experiences, using the insights gained from such experience, and improvising on multimodal and intermodal solutions based on the existing PT supply. Pre-planned adaptations appear as the best solutions by far. But, most of the time, users have to adapt their travel in the moment, as the difficulties are perpetually changing and numerous. Spatiotemporal flexibility and operational methods of informal PT modes offer solutions to users that formal modes might be unable to provide. These solutions are often costly but remain more affordable than yellow-black taxis. They serve as an important daily support for many PT users.

## 6. Conclusion

The study conducted in Dakar provides insights into how urban dwellers deal with poor PT service quality. It contributes to fill the knowledge gap between people's mobility needs in sub-Saharan African cities and their PT usage. Three key points can be drawn.
The first point is methodological. The data used in the article present two main limitations. First, the HTS conducted in 2015 does not give a completely up-to-date picture of the use and satisfaction of the PT system as the most recent PT modes, like the suburban train, BRT, green-and-white taxis and motorcycle taxis were included in the survey. Second, the semi-structured interviews conducted in 2022 and 2023 cannot provide a representative view of mobility and use of the various PT modes. However, the interviews show the main mobility challenges and the wide range of adaptations among users. In a context where the lack of data is a main issue (Jerven and Johnston, 2014), the quantitative-qualitative mixed method sheds light on the experiences and perceptions of PT usage in Dakar and the ways in which urban residents cope with a PT supply beset by numerous deficiencies. Managing dissatisfaction with the use of PT and the difficulties of everyday mobility are issues that are not specific to Dakar residents, but are of widespread concern to sub-Saharan African city dwellers (Diaz Olvera et al, 2013; Porter et al., 2020). From a comparative perspective, it would be interesting to look at these issues in other contexts in West Africa, and more broadly in other sub-regions of the African continent.

The second point concerns the relationship between people with their own preferences and their limited possibilities to manage their daily travel on one side, and PT services with technical and organizational characteristics along with constraints of their own on the other. Moving around in a large city where various PT modes coexist and position themselves relative to each other does not necessarily mean that mobility occurs smoothly by choosing the best available mode. On the contrary, different PT services all have their shortcomings, and modal choice is ultimately very limited, especially given the crucial issue of fare affordability. PT users must often make trade-offs between being willing to pay more, spending more time traveling, changing modes during the trip, or walking part of or all the way, just to be able to reach their destination.

The third point emphasizes the necessity of considering mobility needs of urban residents in transport policies. Urban dwellers choose between different PT modes based not on their formality or informality, but also, and mainly, on what these modes offer in terms of access to the city. Informal modes have operational methods and a spatiotemporal flexibility that could offer solutions, albeit often costly, that formal modes might be unable to provide. The Senegalese government has pursued a proactive policy to formalize PT services and improve the mobility system in Dakar since the end of the 1990s. It began with a fleet replacement program, and then invested in mass transit. The government is currently working on the hierarchization and integration of PT modes. As this paper highlights, there is a need to consider not only formal but also informal services, and among informal services, those relying on smaller vehicles, such as Clando shared taxis and motorcycle taxis, despite their lack of consideration from decision-makers. The question of their recognition and integration into the system should be addressed, considering how, with their strengths and limitations, they could be most beneficial to people. In this regard, Dakar could pave the way for other sub-Saharan African cities.

## Acknowledgements

The authors thank UCAD students who contributed to qualitative data collection.

## Funding

The research was funded by ENTPE with a partnership with UCAD.
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