A Language sample

<table><caption>Table A.4: Portion of language sample with Highly Complex syllable structure.</caption><thead><tr><th>ISO</th><th>Language</th><th>MA</th><th>Tlf</th><th>Subfamily</th><th>Pop</th><th>Date</th><th>Vit</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>shi</td><td>Tashlhiyt</td><td>A</td><td>Afro-Asiatic</td><td>Berber</td><td>3,896,000</td><td>2004</td><td>D</td></tr><tr><td>dow</td><td>Doyayo</td><td>A</td><td>Atlantic-Congo</td><td>Volta-Congo</td><td>18,000</td><td>1985</td><td>D</td></tr><tr><td>bcq</td><td>Bench</td><td>A</td><td>Ta-Ne-Omotic</td><td></td><td>348,000</td><td>2007</td><td>I</td></tr><tr><td>mcr</td><td>Menya</td><td>ANG</td><td>Angan</td><td>Nuclear Angan</td><td>20,000</td><td>1998</td><td>D</td></tr><tr><td>kjn</td><td>Kunjen</td><td>ANG</td><td>Pama-Nyungan</td><td>Paman</td><td>20</td><td>1991</td><td>†</td></tr><tr><td>amp</td><td>Alamblak</td><td>ANG</td><td>Sepik</td><td>Sepik Hill</td><td>1,530</td><td>2000</td><td>D</td></tr><tr><td>wut</td><td>Wutung</td><td>ANG</td><td>Sko</td><td>Nuclear Skou-Serra-Piore</td><td>900</td><td>2003</td><td>V</td></tr><tr><td>kbd</td><td>Kabardian</td><td>EA</td><td>Abkhaz-Adyge</td><td>Circassian</td><td>1,628,500</td><td>2010</td><td>D</td></tr><tr><td>itl</td><td>Itelmen</td><td>EA</td><td>Chukotko-Kamchatkan</td><td></td><td>80</td><td>2010</td><td>†</td></tr><tr><td>als</td><td>Albanian<sup>a</sup></td><td>EA</td><td>Indo-Europ.</td><td>Albanian</td><td>1,841,400</td><td>2012</td><td>I</td></tr><tr><td>pol</td><td>Polish</td><td>EA</td><td>Indo-Europ.</td><td>Balto-Slavic</td><td>40,248,740</td><td>2013</td><td>I</td></tr><tr><td>kat</td><td>Georgian</td><td>EA</td><td>Kartvelian</td><td>Georgian-Zan</td><td>4,347,320</td><td>1993</td><td>I</td></tr><tr><td>lez</td><td>Lezgian</td><td>EA</td><td>Nakh-Daghestanian</td><td>Daghestanian</td><td>616,760</td><td>2010</td><td>I</td></tr><tr><td>pqm</td><td>P.-Maliseet</td><td>NA</td><td>Algic</td><td>Algonquian</td><td>590</td><td>2011</td><td>T</td></tr><tr><td>coc</td><td>Cocopa</td><td>NA</td><td>Cochimi-Yuman</td><td>Yuman</td><td>350</td><td>1998</td><td>T</td></tr><tr><td>moh</td><td>Mohawk</td><td>NA</td><td>Iroquoian</td><td>Northern Iroquoian</td><td>3,540</td><td>1999</td><td>T</td></tr><tr><td>yak</td><td>Yakama Sahaptin</td><td>NA</td><td>Sahaptian</td><td>Sahaptin</td><td>5<sup>b</sup></td><td>2006</td><td>†</td></tr><tr><td>thp</td><td>Thompson</td><td>NA</td><td>Salishan</td><td>Interior Salish</td><td>130</td><td>2014</td><td>T</td></tr><tr><td>ood</td><td>Tohono O'odham</td><td>NA</td><td>Uto-Aztecan</td><td>Southern Uto-Aztecan</td><td>14,094</td><td>2007</td><td>T</td></tr><tr><td>nuk</td><td>Nuu-chahnulth</td><td>NA</td><td>Wakashan</td><td>Southern Wakashan</td><td>130</td><td>2014</td><td>†</td></tr><tr><td>kbh</td><td>Camsá</td><td>SA</td><td>(isolate)</td><td></td><td>4,000</td><td>2008</td><td>D</td></tr><tr><td>pib</td><td>Yine</td><td>SA</td><td>Arawakan</td><td>Southern Maipuran</td><td>4,000</td><td>2000</td><td>D</td></tr><tr><td>teh</td><td>Tehuelche</td><td>SA</td><td>Chonan</td><td>Continental Chonan</td><td>5<sup>c</sup></td><td>2012</td><td>†</td></tr><tr><td>alc</td><td>Qawasqar</td><td>SA</td><td>Kawesqar</td><td>North Central Alacalufan</td><td>12</td><td>2006</td><td>†</td></tr><tr><td>sea</td><td>Semai</td><td>SEA</td><td>Austroasiatic</td><td>Aslian</td><td>10,000</td><td>2007</td><td>I</td></tr></tbody></table>

<footnote><sup>a</sup>(Tosk dialect)</footnote>

<footnote><sup>b</sup>Population figure from Hargus & Beavert (2006).</footnote>

<footnote><sup>c</sup>Population figure from aoNEK FILMS (2012), includes semi-speakers.</footnote>
# Appendix B: Data

This appendix contains the coded data used for the various studies in the book. The languages are listed alphabetically by ISO 639-3 code.

<table><tr><td>A</td><td>335</td></tr><tr><td>[alc]</td><td>335</td></tr><tr><td>[als]</td><td>337</td></tr><tr><td>[aly]</td><td>339</td></tr><tr><td>[amp]</td><td>341</td></tr><tr><td>[aot]</td><td>344</td></tr><tr><td>[apn]</td><td>346</td></tr><tr><td>[apu]</td><td>348</td></tr><tr><td>[ayz]</td><td>350</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>B</td><td>352</td></tr><tr><td>[bak]</td><td>352</td></tr><tr><td>[bbo]</td><td>354</td></tr><tr><td>[bcj]</td><td>356</td></tr><tr><td>[bcq]</td><td>358</td></tr><tr><td>[bsk]</td><td>361</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>C</td><td>363</td></tr><tr><td>[cap]</td><td>363</td></tr><tr><td>[car]</td><td>366</td></tr><tr><td>[cav]</td><td>368</td></tr><tr><td>[cho]</td><td>370</td></tr><tr><td>[coc]</td><td>372</td></tr><tr><td>[cod]</td><td>374</td></tr><tr><td>[cub]</td><td>376</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>D</td><td>378</td></tr><tr><td>[dow]</td><td>379</td></tr><tr><td>[dru]</td><td>381</td></tr><tr><td>[dry]</td><td>383</td></tr><tr><td>[dyo]</td><td>385</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>E</td><td>386</td></tr><tr><td>[eus]</td><td>387</td></tr><tr><td>[ewe]</td><td>389</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>F</td><td>391</td></tr><tr><td>[fvr]</td><td>391</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>G</td><td>392</td></tr><tr><td>[grj]</td><td>392</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>H</td><td>394</td></tr><tr><td>[hts]</td><td>394</td></tr><tr><td>[huu]</td><td>396</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>I</td><td>398</td></tr><tr><td>[iii]</td><td>398</td></tr><tr><td>[itl]</td><td>400</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>K</td><td>402</td></tr><tr><td>[kal]</td><td>402</td></tr><tr><td>[kat]</td><td>404</td></tr><tr><td>[kbc]</td><td>407</td></tr><tr><td>[kbd]</td><td>409</td></tr><tr><td>[kbh]</td><td>411</td></tr><tr><td>[kbk]</td><td>414</td></tr><tr><td>[kca]</td><td>415</td></tr><tr><td>[ket]</td><td>418</td></tr><tr><td>[kew]</td><td>420</td></tr><tr><td>[khc]</td><td>422</td></tr><tr><td>[khr]</td><td>424</td></tr><tr><td>[kjn]</td><td>426</td></tr></table>
<table><tbody><tr><td>[kms]</td><td>428</td></tr><tr><td>[knc]</td><td>430</td></tr><tr><td>[kpm]</td><td>432</td></tr><tr><td>[ktb]</td><td>434</td></tr><tr><td>[kyh]</td><td>437</td></tr><tr><td>L</td><td>438</td></tr><tr><td>[lao]</td><td>439</td></tr><tr><td>[lep]</td><td>441</td></tr><tr><td>[lez]</td><td>443</td></tr><tr><td>[lkt]</td><td>445</td></tr><tr><td>[lpa]</td><td>447</td></tr><tr><td>[lun]</td><td>450</td></tr><tr><td>M</td><td>451</td></tr><tr><td>[mcr]</td><td>451</td></tr><tr><td>[mdx]</td><td>454</td></tr><tr><td>[mhi]</td><td>456</td></tr><tr><td>[mio]</td><td>457</td></tr><tr><td>[mjg]</td><td>460</td></tr><tr><td>[mji]</td><td>462</td></tr><tr><td>[moh]</td><td>463</td></tr><tr><td>[mpc]</td><td>466</td></tr><tr><td>[mpi]</td><td>467</td></tr><tr><td>[mri]</td><td>469</td></tr><tr><td>N</td><td>471</td></tr><tr><td>[nir]</td><td>471</td></tr><tr><td>[niv]</td><td>473</td></tr><tr><td>[nsm]</td><td>475</td></tr><tr><td>[nuk]</td><td>478</td></tr><tr><td>O</td><td>480</td></tr><tr><td>[ood]</td><td>480</td></tr><tr><td>[opm]</td><td>483</td></tr><tr><td>P</td><td>485</td></tr><tr><td>[pac]</td><td>485</td></tr><tr><td>[pay]</td><td>487</td></tr><tr><td>[pib]</td><td>489</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><tbody><tr><td>[pol]</td><td>492</td></tr><tr><td>[pqm]</td><td>494</td></tr><tr><td>[pwn]</td><td>496</td></tr><tr><td>Q</td><td>498</td></tr><tr><td>[qvi]</td><td>498</td></tr><tr><td>R</td><td>500</td></tr><tr><td>[roo]</td><td>500</td></tr><tr><td>S</td><td>502</td></tr><tr><td>[scs]</td><td>502</td></tr><tr><td>[sea]</td><td>504</td></tr><tr><td>[shi]</td><td>506</td></tr><tr><td>[spl]</td><td>509</td></tr><tr><td>[svs]</td><td>511</td></tr><tr><td>[sxr]</td><td>513</td></tr><tr><td>T</td><td>514</td></tr><tr><td>[tbi]</td><td>514</td></tr><tr><td>[teh]</td><td>516</td></tr><tr><td>[tel]</td><td>519</td></tr><tr><td>[thp]</td><td>521</td></tr><tr><td>[tow]</td><td>524</td></tr><tr><td>[tzh]</td><td>526</td></tr><tr><td>U</td><td>529</td></tr><tr><td>[ung]</td><td>529</td></tr><tr><td>[ura]</td><td>531</td></tr><tr><td>[ute]</td><td>533</td></tr><tr><td>W</td><td>535</td></tr><tr><td>[wba]</td><td>535</td></tr><tr><td>[wmd]</td><td>537</td></tr><tr><td>[wut]</td><td>539</td></tr><tr><td>Y</td><td>541</td></tr><tr><td>[yak]</td><td>541</td></tr><tr><td>[yor]</td><td>544</td></tr><tr><td>[yue]</td><td>545</td></tr></tbody></table>
[alc] Qawasqar

Kawesqar, *North Central Alacalufan* (Chile)

References consulted: Aguilera (2001), Clairis (1977), Clairis (1985), Viegas Barros (1990)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p pʰ pʼ t tʰ tʼ q qʰ qʼ til tsʼ s f x h m n l r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 21

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

Elaborations: Post-aspiration, Ejective, Uvular

N elaborations: 3

N elaborated consonants: 11

V phoneme inventory: /e a o/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /aw ow/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Clairis gives minimal pairs for /pʰ tʰ/, gives /qʰ qʰ/ but not /k k’/. /e o/ vary quite widely. /e/ is [ə] 65.9% of the time word-medially. Clairis and Viegas Barros both consider glides and high vowels to be in complementary distribution, but have chosen glides as lexical representation.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Clairis 1985: 391–401)

Size of maximal onset: 4

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A
Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset), Both patterns (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants except /r/ occur in simple onsets. In biconsonantal onsets, C₁ may be /f q q' s t/ and C₂ may be /tʃ s t t' j w q/. Triconsonantal onsets have same restrictions for C1; include /qsq, qst, sqw/. Example given of four-consonant onset is /qsqj/.

Coda restrictions: /f j l m n r s w/ do not appear in simple codas. In biconsonantal codas, C₁ is /f j l m n p q r t w s/ and C₂ is /s q/. Triconsonantal codas include /lqs, rqs, sqq/.

Notes: Clairis notes that large clusters are “unstable in rapid speech”, e.g. *qsqar*
> *sqar*, ‘urine’ but that rapid speech can also produce clusters, e.g. future marker
*seqwe* > *sqwe* (1985: 393).

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Disagreement (Clairis 1977 claims stress, Clairis 1985 claims not, that it varies across different tokens of same word or doesn't occur at all).

Vowel reduction processes

alc-R1: Low vowel /a/ and mid front vowel /e/, and to a lesser extent mid back vowel /o/, are frequently realized as [ə] (Clairis 1985: 382–384; conditioning environment not described).

alc-R2: A word-initial vowel is often syncopated in rapid speech (Clairis 1985: 393).

alc-R3: An interconsonantal vowel is often syncopated in rapid speech. Appar-
ently only some consonants condition this process, but particulars are not de-
scribed (Clairis 1985: 393).

Consonant allophony processes

alc-C1: Voiceless uvular stop [q] varies freely with affricated variant [qx] (Clairis 1985: 378).

alc-C2: Bilabial stop may be realized as a fricative (Aguilera 2001).

alc-C3: Voiceless alveolar fricative [s] may be realized as [h] word-finally (Clairis 1985: 372).
alc-C4: Aspirated uvular stop [qʰ] and velar fricative [x] vary freely with [h]
(Clairis 1985: 377–378).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [als] Albanian (Tosk dialect)

Indo-European, *Albanian* (Albania, Serbia and Montenegro)

References consulted: Bevington (1974), Klippenstein (2010), Newmark (1957), Newmark et al. (1982), Trommer (2013)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c ʃ k g ts ðz tʃ ðz f v θ ð s z ʃ z h m n p ʃ l ʃ r r j/

N consonant phonemes: 29

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Velarization

V phoneme inventory: /i y ɛ ə a ɔ u/

N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ie ua ye ue/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Vowel length and nasalization contrasts occur in Gheg dialect.

### Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Newmark 1957: 24–29, Klippenstein 2010)

Size of maximal onset: 4
Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Coda), Morphologically Complex (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Apparently no restrictions for simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets quite varied, include /tʃc tk zb fl tr pj zv mp rj/, with voicing mismatches typically avoided. Triconsonantal onsets include /ʃpr, skl, skt, pft, zvl, ndr, mbl/, Four-consonant onsets include /tʃmpl, zmbr/.

Coda restrictions: In simple codas, apparently /c h/ do not occur. Biconsonantal codas include /jt, rp, rf, mp, ls, fk, ps, tk, kθ, tsk, ʒd/. Triconsonantal codas always end in a voiceless sibilant plus /t/, include /pft, kst/.

Notes: Klippenstein (2010) shows that there are some onset clusters not listed by Newmark which occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: In words without inflection, stress is final if that syllable is closed or ends in non-mid vowel, while stress falls on penultimate if final syllable ends in mid vowel (even if penultimate ends in mid vowel) (Trommer 2013). While vowel quality factors into stress assignment, it appears that there is no difference in the vowel quality contrasts in stressed and unstressed syllables.

## Vowel reduction processes

als-R1: For many speakers in ordinary speech, unstressed /ə/ is not pronounced when word-final following a consonant (Newmark et al. 1982: 11; for older speak-
ers in southern Tosk region, vowel is retained but pronounced as [ɪ] in this
context).

als-R2: In rapid speech, mid central vowel /ə/ is optionally deleted when occur-
ring between two consonants, of which C₁ is not /s z z/. This deletion rarely
occurs when both C₁ and C₂ are voiced (Klippenstein 2010: 21–22).

Consonant allophony processes

als-C1: Fricatives /f θ v ð/ have occasional homorganic stop allophones pre-
juncture and preceding a consonant (Newmark 1957).

Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

[aly] Alyawarra

Pama-Nyungan, *Arandic-Thura-Yura* (Australia)

References consulted: Yallop (1977)

Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t t c k p̂ m t̂ n t̂ ĉ k̂ m n n ɲ n ɲ l l ɲ FFE r ɛ w j ɣ/

N consonant phonemes: 27

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Nasal release, Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i a u i: u:/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ai au/

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /ɣ/ doesn't occur in W. Arrernte, but is retained in Alyawarra (Yallop 1977: 12).
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Yallop 1977: 41–45)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Varies with VC sequence

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: C₁ may be a plosive, nasal-released plosive, or nasal. C₂ is always /w/.

Coda restrictions: Nasals, laterals, and trills most common; less commonly, plosives and nasal-released plosives may occur. There are no word-final codas.

Notes: The sequence /ŋkw/ seems to occur invariably as an onset cluster in the word ŋkwała ‘sugar, sweetness’; however this is only true phrase-initially. In connected speech when following another word, words without an initial vowel always occur with a linking vowel (quality determined by initial consonant), which alters the syllable structure (Yallop 1977: 28–30). Since the 3-C onset seems to be a very marginal pattern, I take the canonical syllable structure of the language to be consistent with the (C)(C)V(C) pattern reported by Yallop later in the text.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Duration is a correlate of stress for only some syllables.
N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e i ə a o u/

N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ai ii ui oi au/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: For affricates, SIL OPD gives only /d̥z/. /i/ included in Bruce (1984), but not Edmiston & Edmiston (2003).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Bruce 1984, Edmiston & Edmiston 2003)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset), Both patterns (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items

Onset restrictions: No restrictions on simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets include /sk tw gw ʃw kr pk/. Triconsonantal onsets include /tkm, tkb, prt, tkm, krp, brb, mxt/.

Coda restrictions: It seems there are some restrictions on simple codas, including /b g w j/. Biconsonantal codas include /nt, rt, sr, rs, gt/. Triconsonantal codas include /ŋŋtʃ ndt mbt/.

Notes: Edmiston & Edmiston (2003) list some larger onsets, e.g. /kmbr/, and vowelless words, e.g. /kpt/. Unclear whether forms have alternate forms with epenthetic vowel or if these are fully regular patterns. Syllabification in Bruce (1984) does give three-obstruent onset (*jak'tkbətkikibət* 'to get and mash', p. 60).
Analysis of syllable structure dependent on analysis/status of high central vo-
coid /i/. Bruce discusses possible history of this vowel and development of some
of these clusters (1984: 69–70).

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

Vowel reduction processes

amp-R1: Tense high front vowel /i/ is optionally realized as lax [ɪ] when occur-
ring after a palatal glide /j/ in an unstressed syllable (Bruce 1984: 37).

amp-R2: A tense mid front vowel /e/ may be realized as lax [ɛ] in unstressed syllables (Bruce 1984: 38).

amp-R3: Mid back rounded vowel /o/ is shortened when preceded by a velar consonant and followed by an alveolar consonant (Bruce 1984: 39).

amp-R4: Mid central vowel /ə/ may be realized as high central vowel [ɪ] preced-
ing a consonant-initial stressed syllable (Bruce 1984: 41).

Consonant allophony processes

amp-C1: Alveolars may be realized as palatal or palato-alveolar following a palatal consonant (including glides) (Bruce 1984: 29).

amp-C2: Fricatives are voiced when occurring after a voiced non-nasal and be-
fore a voiced consonant (Bruce 1984: 25).

amp-C3: A labiovelar approximant is realized as a vocalic offglide [°] following a mid or low vowel and preceding a peripheral consonant (Bruce 1984: 28).

Morphology

Text: “The spirit who turned into an animal” (Bruce 1984: 323–331)

Synthetic index: 2.5 morphemes/word (1264 morphemes, 502 words)
[aot] Atong

Sino-Tibetan, *Brahmaputran* (Bangladesh, India)

References consulted: Van Breugel (2008)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /pʰbʰtʰdʰkʰgʰt̂cʰd̂zʰcʰmʰnʰŋʰrlɔɪ/

N consonant phonemes: 20

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Alveolo-palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration

V phoneme inventory: /iəəaʊ/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /r/ has a trill variant. Van Breugel analyzes vowel-glides sequences as VC rather than diphthongs on the basis of distributional and perceptual evidence (2008: 48).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Van Breugel 2008: 43)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A
Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All but /ŋ j/ may occur as simple onsets. C+r onsets may occur word-internally.

Coda restrictions: Restricted to /p t k c m n ŋ l w j/.

Notes: In non-initial syllables, Cər~Cr variation may occur, e.g. /ha?bəri/ > [ha?bəri]~[ha?bri]. The variant with the schwa is most common, so Van Breugel analyzes this as a process of vowel reduction (2008: 43). However, comparative evidence from Boro-Garo, as well as language-internal examples given in the text, suggest that the /Cr/ clusters are original and have been variably resolved in the modern language through consonant deletion and schwa insertion (2008: 30–32). Thus I take non-initial C+r clusters to be canonical onsets.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Unpredictable/variable

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Stress, realized as a low pitch, is an “optional property” of the first syllable of a word. Otherwise, stress placement may vary by speaker and context (Van Breugel 2008: 72–74; unclear from description whether word-level or higher-level stress is being described).

## Vowel reduction processes

aot-R1: Vowels /i a o/ may be realized as [ɪ ɑ o] in closed syllables (Van Breugel 2008: 53).

aot-R2: The vowel /e/ has a free variant [ɛ], especially word-finally (Van Breugel 2008: 53).

aot-R3: The vowel /u/ has free variant [u] (Van Breugel 2008: 53).

aot-R4: Vowels may be devoiced between a voiceless stop or affricate and another voiceless stop or affricate which is intervocalic (Van Breugel 2008: 54).

aot-R5: Vowels may be deleted between a /ɛʰ/ or /tʃ/ and a voiceless stop or affricate which is intervocalic (Van Breugel 2008: 54).
## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [apn] Apinayé

Nuclear-Macro-Je, *Je* (Brazil)

References consulted: Burgess & Ham (1968), Ham (2009), Cunha de Oliveira (2005)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /pʰbʰtʰdʰkʰgʔtcoʰdʒvʰsʰmʰnʰŋirj/

N consonant phonemes: 17

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Prenasalization, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /iɛəaΛɔɣoʊmuĩeãΛɔŋũ/

N vowel qualities: 10

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ao uə/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Ham (2009) has /z/ instead of /j/. Cunha de Oliveira has /w/ instead of /v/. Because of the allophonic distribution observed, /j/ and /v/ are selected for inclusion in the phoneme inventory above. Burgess & Ham (1968) present a very different consonant inventory, considering prenasalized plosives to be predictable, and do not posit glides. /f/ occurs in loanwords. Discussion of typological unusualness of central vowel contrasts which are also attested in other Jê languages (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 61–62). Diphthongs are not frequent and few instances have been attested.
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C) (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 67–71)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Biconsonantal onsets limited to sequences of plosive or nasal + approximant or flap. In triconsonantal onsets, first consonant is a plosive, and others are limited to nasals, approximants, or flap. Each segment in a tautosyllabic sequence must be produced at a different place of articulation, and with a different manner of articulation.

Coda restrictions: Limited to voiceless plosives or sonorants. Prenasalized stops and /ɪ/ do not occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables, Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

apn-R1: Vowels of unstressed syllables preceding the nucleus of a stress group are very short (Burgess & Ham 1968: 12).
apn-R2: Vowels may be realized as devoiced utterance-finally, though nasalized vowels are devoiced less frequently than oral vowels (Ham 2009: 7).

## Consonant allophony processes

apn-C1: Palatal glide /j/ is realized as alveolo-palatal [z] in the simple onset of a stressed syllable (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 58).

apn-C2: /j/ is realized as [z] when occurring as the second consonant in a complex onset and directly preceding a vowel (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 58).

apn-C3: /j/ is realized as [dʒ] in syllable codas at word-final position, immediately followed by a vowel-initial morpheme (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 58–59).

apn-C4: /v/ is realized as [w] in syllable codas and in second position in complex syllable onsets (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 59).

apn-C5: Voiceless velar stop /k/ is palatalized preceding a front vowel (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 50).

apn-C6: Obstruents are optionally voiced in syllable codas (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 44).

apn-C7: Plosives are optionally voiced in the onset of unstressed syllables (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 44).

apn-C8: Voiceless bilabial stop /p/ is prenasalized when occurring word-finally after a nasalized vowel (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 46).

apn-C9: Voiceless alveolar stop /t/ is realized as a flap when occurring between two mid front vowels (Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 48).

## Morphology

Text: "Sun and Moon" (first 8 pages, Cunha de Oliveira 2005: 304–311)

Synthetic index: 1.1 morphemes/word (445 morphemes, 409 words)

## [apu] Apurinã

Arawakan, *Southern Maipuran* (Brazil)

References consulted: Facundes (2000)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k ts tʃ s ʃ h m n ɲ ŋ j ω/

N consonant phonemes: 14

Geminates: N/A
Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a o i: e: i: a: o: ï ë i ã õ ï: ë: i: ã: õ:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /io ei ai ao oi/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: All

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /h/ occurs only word-initially. /o/ varies between [o] and [u].

## Syllable structure

Category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Facundes 2000: 87–90)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Notes: It is possible to analyze diphthongs as coda glides.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)
## Vowel reduction processes

**apu-R1:** Vowels become devoiced in unstressed word-final position, especially in fast speech (Facundes 2000: 60–61). This process also causes aspiration of a preceding stop.

## Consonant allophony processes

**apu-C1:** The voiceless velar stop is palatalized preceding mid front vowels (Facundes 2000: 76).

**apu-C2:** Plosives are voiced following a nasalized vowel (Facundes 2000: 73).

## Morphology

Text: “Apurina text sample” (Facundes 2000: 625–642)

Synthetic index: 2.1 morphemes/word (714 morphemes, 347 words)

## [ayz] Maybrat

Maybrat-Karon (Indonesia)

References consulted: Dol (2007)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k f s x m n r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 11

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /i e a ə o u/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /ii ie ia io ea eo ai ae ao au oi
oa oo ua uo uu/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A
Notes: /o/ is described as lower than /e/. /ə/ occurs in some words as 'optional' phoneme, e.g. /te/~/əte/ 'below'. It can't take stress but is counted for syllabification, so I include it here as a phoneme (Dol 2007: 15-18).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Dol 2007: 34-38)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except /p w j/ occur.

Notes: Initial consonant sequences are posited in Dol's analysis as a result of morphology, but these are invariably broken up by an epenthetic schwa, such that phonetic onset clusters never occur. On the basis of both perceptual and acoustic evidence, Dol takes *phonetic* structure of syllable to be canonical (2007: 35-37).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic)

Notes: Duration a correlate in monosyllabic words that receive stress in connected speech.
## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

- ayz-C1: Plosives and /x/ vary with voiced variants freely (Dol 2007: 21–22).

- ayz-C2: Trill varies freely with flap in non-word-initial environments (Dol 2007: 24).

## Morphology

- Text: “Siwa and his brother Mafif” (Dol 2007: 284–291)

- Synthetic index: 1.5 morphemes/word (689 morphemes, 453 words)

## [bak] Bashkir

- Turkic, *Common Turkic* (Russia)

- References consulted: Berkson et al. (2016), Matthew Carter (p.c.), Poppe (1964)

## Sound inventory

- C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g q θ ð s ∫ χ ্ k h m n η l r w j/

- N consonant phonemes: 21

- Geminates: N/A

- Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

- Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-Alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

- Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

- N elaborations: 2

- Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar, Uvular

- V phoneme inventory: /i y i y æ a w u u/

- N vowel qualities: 9

- Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

- Contrastive length: None

- Contrastive nasalization: None

- Other contrasts: N/A

- Notes: /ʔts̃tʃfvsʒ/ occur only in loans. Vowel inventory is taken from Berkson et al. (2016) acoustic study. /u/ is the ‘canonical’ phoneme but quality is closer to [ʌ]. /e ɔ/ occur only in loanwords from Russian.
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C)(C) (Poppe 1964: 12–18)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants except /θ/.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except /b d g ɣ h/ may occur as simple codas. Biconsonantal codas apparently have /r l/ as C₁ and a stop as C₂ (patterns inferred from examples).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

bak-R1: High and mid vowels are lowered and centralized in pre-stressed position (Berkson et al. 2016).

## Consonant allophony processes

bak-C1: Velar fricative /x/ and nasal [ŋ] may be realized as uvulars adjacent to back vowels (Poppe 1964: 11).
bak-C2: Lateral approximant [l] is velarized adjacent to back vowels (Poppe 1964: 10).

bak-C3: Voiced bilabial stop [b] may be realized as a fricative in fast speech (Poppe 1964: 8).

bak-C4: A labiovelar approximant is realized as a vocalic offglide syllable-finally and word-finally (Poppe 1964: 9).

bak-C5: Labial semivowel /w/ is realized as [u] in syllable- and word-final position (Poppe 1964: 9)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [bbo] Southern Bobo Madaré

Mande, *Western Mande* (Burkina Faso)

References consulted: Morse (1976), Sanou (1978)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /kп gб p b t ḍ k g f v ṣ z h m n j ŋ l r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 21

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Labial-velar, Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Lateral approximant, Central Approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /i e ɛ ə a ɔ o u ĩ ɛ û ɔ û/

N vowel qualities: 8

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Phonetically long vowels analyzed as sequences (Morse 1976: 100–105). /ə/ is very reduced: in normal conversation, it sounds more like open transition than a vowel, but it does bear tone. Morse analyzes it as phoneme because in
most cases it is unclear which vowel might have been reduced to produce this
sound (Morse 1976: 42–45).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Morse 1976: 112–114)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Notes: Occasionally CCV syllables occur in loanwords. The only cases of closed syllables are in a few French loans in well-educated speech (Morse 1976: 113).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Other (tone)

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

bbo-R1: High front vowels /i i~ / are partially devoiced following /s/ (Morse 1976: 28–29).

## Consonant allophony processes

bbo-C1: Bilabial stops are affricated preceding a high front vowel (Morse 1976: 20).
bbo-C2: A flap [r] is realized with palato-alveolar fricative release [r^3] preceding a high front vowel (Morse 1976: 25).

bbo-C3: Voiced stops /b/ and /g/ are realized as fricatives in intervocalic environments (Morse 1976: 22).

bbo-C4: Alveolar and velar stops and fricatives, and /n/, are fronted preceding high and/or front vowels (Morse 1976: 20–23).

bbo-C5: Stops, fricatives, nasals, and laterals are labialized preceding back vowels (Morse 1976: 20).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [bcj] Bardi

Nyulnyulan, *Western Nyulnyulan* (Australia)

References consulted: Bowern (2012)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t t c g m n η n η l l ʌ r ˌ j w/

N consonant phonemes: 17

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Retroflex, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i a ɔ u i: a: u:/

N vowel qualities: 4

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /e/ is marginally phonemic.

### Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex
Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C)(C) (Bowern 2012: 94–104)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Both patterns (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Apparently none (though word-initially, /r/ and /ʌ/ do not occur).

Coda restrictions: Chart in Bowern (2012: 102) indicates that all consonants except /b/ may occur as a simple coda. Biconsonantal codas consist of /l/, /ɪ/ or /r/ followed by a nasal which is homorganic with the following stop.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Vowel length contrasts (see notes)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

Notes: Duration is a correlate of stress for short vowels, and is slight. There are cases where post-tonic vowels are not neutralized, and examples where intensity peak does not coincide with the pitch peak. Stress is always word-initial; because some consonant contrasts do not occur word-initially, stressed syllables are associated with fewer consonant contrasts: trill /r/ and palatal lateral /ʌ/ do not occur, while apico-dental and apico-alveolar (retroflex) consonants are neutralized in favor of retroflex series. Long vowels are rarely attested in unstressed positions. I take the consonant pattern to be reflective of general tendencies towards word-initial neutralization in Australian languages, but the vowel length pattern to be truly an effect of stress, since it is explicitly described in those terms.
## Vowel reduction processes

bcj-R1: Short vowels are reduced in quality in unstressed syllables (centralized and lowered or raised to [ə] or [3], Bowern 2012: 88).

bcj-R2: For some speakers, the vowel in an open medial syllable of a trisyllabic word is deleted, especially when it is /i/ and the third syllable is heavy (Bowern 2012: 91).

bcj-R3: High front vowels /i u/ are rhoticized and reduced between a stop and a glide (Bowern 2012: 91).

bcj-R4: Word-final vowels are often partially or fully devoiced (Bowern 2012: 92; in some dialects these vowels are omitted entirely).

bcj-R5: A vowel in a syllable following a stressed syllable is characterized by both shortening and centralization, particularly when that syllable is open (Bowern 2012: 111; some sources consistently note this as vowel loss).

## Consonant allophony processes

bcj-C1: Glide /j/ may be realized as [ʃ] following a trill and preceding a vowel, while also following a stressed syllable (Bowern 2012: 80–81).

bcj-C2: Stops are voiced intervocalically (Bowern 2012: 76).

bcj-C3: A trill is realized as a flap intervocalically (Bowern 2012: 81).

bcj-C4: Stops are realized with weak closure intervocalically (Bowern 2012: 78).

## Morphology

Text: “Goolamana,” “Story about Mirrdiidi people” (Bowern 2012: 704–710)

Synthetic index: 2.0 morphemes/word (307 morphemes, 151 words)

## [bcq] Bench

Ta-Ne-Omotic (Ethiopia)

References consulted: Rapold (2006)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g ʔ p' k' til ts til cɛ ts' tʃ' cɛ' s z ʃ ʒ c z h m n l r j/

N consonant phonemes: 28

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents
Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Alveolo-palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Ejective, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Rapold notes that diphthongs are a possible analysis of certain glide-vowel patterns (2006: 100–102).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)CV(C)(C)(C) (Rapold 2006: 91–112)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset), Morphologically Complex (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Both (Nasal)

Onset restrictions: All but /l r ts tf cʃ/ may occur as simple onsets word-initially. For CC onsets, C₁ may be any consonant except for /p’ h/, palato-alveolar and alveopalatal fricatives, or ejective affricates. C₂ is /j/.

Coda restrictions: Almost any C may occur as simple coda. In CC codas, first C may be labial stop, fricative, liquid, nasal, or /j/ and second C may be buccal stop, ejective affricate or fricative (but fricatives do not form clusters with affricates or other fricatives). CCC codas highly restricted: /jnt/ or /p m r j+/s+/t/. /pst/ only HC pattern.

Notes: Resyllabification of CCC codas is common in fluent speech when followed by vowel, but these codas do sometimes occur in speech. Note that C/j/
onsets are limited in their distribution, occurring only before /a/. Rapold dis-
cusses other possible phonological interpretations of this pattern (2006: 101–
103), including palatalized C and C+falling diphthong analyses.

Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Not reported

Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

Consonant allophony processes

bcq-C1: An alveolar sibilant is realized as palato-alveolar following a preceding palato-alveolar sibilant, with intervening phonological material (long distance sibilant harmony) (Rapold 2006: 67).

bcq-C2: A homorganic stop is inserted between a nasal and fricative, producing a nasal-affricate sequence (Rapold 2006: 69).

bcq-C3: A voiceless bilabial stop is optionally realized as a bilabial or labiodental fricative, possibly in all contexts (Rapold 2006: 73).

bcq-C4: Alveolar stops are realized as palato-alveolar preceding a palatal-alveolar sibilant (Rapold 2006: 74).

bcq-C5: A syllabic nasal is realized as a nasalized high central vowel following a palato-alveolar or alveolo-palatal consonant (Rapold 2006: 76).

Morphology

Text: “Bōbt-āgà bēt – The skins of the baboons” (Rapold 2006: 594–599)

Synthetic index: 2.28 morphemes/word (594 morphemes, 261 words)
[bsk] Burushaski

isolate (Pakistan)

References consulted: Anderson (1997), Yoshioka (2012)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d t d k q q pʰ kʰ tʰ kʰ qʰ tʰ s tʰ c dʰ z tʰ s dʰ z tʰ s tʰ c tʰ sʰ s z c s
ɣ h m n ŋ r l w ɣ̥ l j/

N consonant phonemes: 36

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Alveolo-palatal, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration, Retroflex, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i ɛ ʌ o u i: ɛ: ʌ: o: u:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ʌi ʌu/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /ψ/ is an advanced velar approximant.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C)(C) (Anderson 1997: 1024–1025; Yoshioka 2012: 18–24)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A
Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur as a simple onset, though /ŋ/ and /j/ do not occur word-initially. Biconsonantal onsets occur with /p b pʰ t d tʰ g/ as C₁ and /tʃ/ as C₂. Anderson also gives example of /gɣ/ onset in Standard Burushaski.

Coda restrictions: Any consonant except /w j/ can occur as simple coda, though voiced stops and affricates and some fricatives are not found word-finally. In biconsonantal codas, C₁ is a voiceless fricative and C₂ is /k/, or C₁ is a sonorant and C₂ is /t k s c til tcs/.

Notes: Yoshioka states that all word-initial Cr onsets are from loan words and onomatopoeia, but Anderson gives examples that appear to be native (e.g. *pra:q* 'completely').

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Vowel quality contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)

Notes: Stress is marked by pitch or pitch contour. Long vowels are only found in stressed syllables. Language is described as having pitch accent by Yoshioka. Vowel length is found only in stressed syllables in underived lexical items (Anderson 1997: 1028).

## Vowel reduction processes

bsk-R1: High vowels /i u/ are realized as lax in unstressed syllables (Anderson 1997: 1029).

bsk-R2: Mid front vowel /e/ fluctuates with [ɛ] in unstressed syllables (Anderson 1997: 1029).

Notes: In Yasin dialect, unstressed /o/ frequently raises to [u] (Anderson 1997: 1038).
Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /ʔ/ occurs in restricted sociolinguistic contexts in one morpheme (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 55).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C)(C) (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 63–66).

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Obstruent (Conflicting reports)

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset), Both patterns (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: No restrictions on simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets have /s ṣ ṣ/ as C₁. Only presently attested triconsonantal onset is /xṣṭh/, pronounced [hṣṭh].

Coda restrictions: No restrictions on simple codas. Biconsonantal codas end in /ṣ/.

Notes: Triconsonantal onsets used to be more common, as they are derived from a combination of prefixes and a stem-initial consonant; however, these forms are now completely unproductive and “almost obsolete”. Speakers passively accept /xṣṭh/ in two forms, xṣṭʰa: ‘give it to me!’ and xṣṭʰa:ṣlakṣa ‘give it to me, please!’. (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 66). Because this is explicitly described as a marginal and rapidly obsolescing pattern, I classify this language as having Complex syllable structure, while noting that it has recently shifted from having Highly Complex syllable structure.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed
Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

cap-R1: Low central vowel /a/ is realized as [ə] in unstressed open syllables (Ol-
son 1967: 301).

cap-R2: Short vowels /i e a o u/ are devoiced when preceded by an aspirated con-
sonant and followed by a voiceless consonant (usually a non-sibilant fricative)
(Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 62).

cap-R3: Short vowels are truncated (deleted) before a pause (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 67).

Notes: Vowel devoicing is one of the most salient phonetic properties of the language (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 62). Historical elision of pre-stress vowels is responsible for some of the onset sequences in Chipaya (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 65).

## Consonant allophony processes

cap-C1: Voiceless dental fricative is realized as a palato-alveolar when occurring between two high vowels (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 48–49).

cap-C2: Labiovelar approximant [w] may be realized as a fricative intervocalically, especially when the surrounding vowels are /i/ (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 55).

cap-C3: A trill is realized as a flap syllable-finally (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 54).

cap-C4: A palato-alveolar affricate is realized as a fricative word-finally (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 49).

cap-C5: Velar and uvular stops vary freely with fricative variants (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 38).

## Morphology

Text: “Tata Sabaya y el Sajama” (Cerrón-Palomino 2006: 286–291)

Synthetic index: 2.1 morphemes/word (342 morphemes, 161 words)
[car] Carib

Cariban, *Guianan* (Suriname)

References consulted: Courtz (2008), Hoff (1968), Peasgood (1972)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g ʔ s h m n ŋ ṭ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 15

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Retroflex, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Velar, Glottal

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a u o/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ei ui oi ii ai ou au/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Hoff shows phonemic length contrast in a very limited set of lexical items in 1968. Peasgood has vowel length distinction. Courtz and Yamada take vowel length to be prosodic.

## Syllable structure

Category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Courtz 2008: 22–27)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A
Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: Only nasals and plosives occur.

Notes: “Underlying” stop-C onsets are realized with epenthesized [i] or stop isn’t pronounced at all when occurring sentence-initially. Author interprets most word-initial instances of /i/ as “auxiliary vowels” needed to pronounce syllables that have lost their original vowel; e.g. /inta/ (Courtz 2008: 26).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

car-R1: A word-medial vowel is devoiced preceding syllable-initial /s/ (Peasgood 1972: 38).

car-R2: An unstressed word-initial high central vowel /i/ is deleted (Courtz 2008: 40).

car-R3: An unstressed word-initial high front vowel /i/ is deleted unless it precedes /t/. The high and front features of the deleted vowel perseverate into the following consonant (Courtz 2008: 41).

## Consonant allosophy processes

car-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as palato-alveolar adjacent to /i/ (Courtz 2008: 32).

car-C2: Voiceless stops are realized as voiced following an unstressed CV sequence or following a nasal (Courtz 2008: 31).

## Morphology

Text: “Kurupi’s haircut” (first 10 pages; Courtz 2008: 150–159)

Synthetic index: 1.8 morphemes/word (619 morphemes, 353 words)
[cav] Cavineña

Pano-Tacanan, *Tacanan* (Bolivia)

References consulted: Guillaume (2008)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c j k kʷ til ts̃ c̃ s̃ h m n ɲ l ɲ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 20

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Alveolo-palatal, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap, Central approximant, Lateral flap, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e a u/

N vowel qualities: 4

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Vowel sequences occur as distinct syllables, sometimes with intervening glottal stop insertion. (Guillaume 2008: 28–29).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Guillaume 2008: 30–32)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A
Onset restrictions: None.

Coda restrictions: /s/ or /n/

Notes: Codas occur word-medially in only five native words. In four of these cases it is clear that the coda has arisen from an “idiosyncratic process of vowel elision” (Guillaume 2008: 31). Codas may also occur in interjections and onomatopoeia.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Tonal contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

cav-R1: Vowels /eʊ/ occasionally have more open variants [ɛo] (Guillaume 2008: 29).

Notes: Historical “idiosyncratic process of vowel elision” has created codas in a small set of words (Guillaume 2008: 29).

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

Text: “When the Araonas became angry with each other” (first 6 pages), “The woman who was eaten up by giant mosquitoes” (Guillaume 2008: 773–778; 796–798)

Synthetic index: 1.73 morphemes/word (535 morphemes, 309 words)
[cho] Choctaw

Muskogean, *Western Muskogean* (United States)

References consulted: Broadwell (2006)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t k ʔ t̃ʃ s ʃ h m n l l̥ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 16

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral fricative, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i a u i: a: u: ï ã ũ/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Short vowels also have nasal counterparts.

## Syllable structure

Category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Broadwell 2006: 18–21).

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants except /ʔ/ occur.
Coda restrictions: All consonants except /b ʌ w j ð/ occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)

Notes: Language has a pitch accent system: final syllable of each word has high or rising pitch, while some stems have additional high pitch on penultimate or antepenultimate syllable. Pitch is very minimally contrastive in the language (Broadwell 2006: 17).

## Vowel reduction processes

cho-R1: A word-initial (and unstressed) high front vowel /i/ may be deleted before a sequence of /s/ or /ʃ/ and another consonant, in casual speech (Broadwell 2006: 19).

cho-R2: A long high front vowel /i:/ is often lowered to [e:] when occurring word-finally (Broadwell 2006: 30).

## Consonant allophony processes

cho-C1: A voiceless velar stop is voiced intervocalically. (Broadwell 2006: 15)

cho-C2: A voiceless velar stop may be realized as a voiced fricative intervocalically (Broadwell 2006: 15)

## Morphology

Text: “My first days in school,” “Life at the orphanage” (Broadwell 2006: 355–360)

Synthetic index: 2.1 morphemes/word (552 morphemes, 263 words)
[coc] Cocopa

Cochimi-Yuman, *Yuman* (Mexico, United States)

References consulted: Bendixen (1980), Crawford Jr (1966)

Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t t k kʷ q qʷ ? tʃ s č s ʃ č l̥ x xʷ m n n̥ l l̥ r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 24

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Retroflex, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral fricative, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 5

Elaborations: Palato-alveolar, Retroflex, Uvular, Palatalization, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i a u i: a: u:/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /iw uj aj aw i:w u:j a:j a:w/, Vowel sequences /ia i:a a:a ua u:a/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /e/ occurs only in loanwords from Spanish, English.

Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Crawford Jr 1966: 35–48; Bendixen 1980: 218–219)

Size of maximal onset: 4

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid, Obstruent

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: 5 (initial), 3 (final)
**Predictability of syllabic consonants:** Predictable from word/consonantal context

**Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin:** Morphologically Complex (Onset, Coda)

**Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants:** Grammatical items (Nasal, Obstruent), Both (Liquid)

**Onset restrictions:** Biconsonantal onsets include stop-fricative, fricative-fricative clusters. Triconsonantal onsets include /sxtil pskw xps/. Four-consonant onsets include /stjx? pstj? jxlm/. Only glottal stops may be contiguous with other stops.

**Coda restrictions:** Contiguous stops may not be identical in coda clusters. Biconsonantal codas include sonorant+obstruent, obstruent+obstruent, with no contiguous stops: /ʃk șx kp lp n̩x ms/. Triconsonantal codas include sonorant+obstruent+obstruent, or three obstruents: /qsk șsk rsk/.

**Notes:** Obstruent-sonorant and sonorant-obstruent onsets reported by Crawford, but Bendixen states these are predictably split by epenthesis (1980: 219–220). Crawford claims there are different combinatory patterns occurring in onsets of stressed and unstressed syllables (1966: 35–37), but the description is confusing and the examples don’t clarify. Both stressed and unstressed syllables have, e.g. /pskw/ onsets. Both Crawford and Bendixen propose that fricatives may occur as syllable nuclei, though Bendixen states this occurs only in fastest rates of speech (1980: 34).

## Suprasegmentals

**Tone:** No

**Word stress:** Yes

**Stress placement:** Morphologically or lexically conditioned

**Phonetic processes conditioned by stress:** Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables

**Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:** (none)

**Phonetic correlates of stress:** Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

**Notes:** Bendixen instrumentally confirms intensity/amplitude for standard word stress; Crawford reports (without instrumental evidence) duration and pitch as correlates. Bendixen reports these (instrumentally) for emphatic stress. Stress only targets syllables containing vowels (Crawford 28).
## Vowel reduction processes

coc-R1: Vowels in unstressed syllables are somewhat less tense than those of stressed syllables (Crawford Jr 1966: 22).

coc-R2: A stressed vowel is shortened when preceded by /w/ and a morpheme boundary (Bendixen 1980: 67).

Notes: Short /i/ is relatively rare in unstressed syllables (Crawford Jr 1966: 32). In formal oration, unstressed syllables are barely audible (Bendixen 1980: 332–333).

## Consonant allophony processes

coc-C1: A voiceless velar stop is fronted preceding /i/. (Crawford Jr 1966: 15)

coc-C2: Stops may be voiced following a long vowel word-finally when the following word begins with a nasal. (Bendixen 1980: 99–100)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [cod] Cocama-Cocamilla

Tupian, *Maweti-Guarani* (Peru)

References consulted: Vallejos Yopán (2010), Vallejos Yopán (p.c.)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k ts tʃ x m n r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 11

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None
Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

## Syllable structure

Category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 112–115)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur in simple onsets; in complex onsets $C_1$ is limited to /p t k r n/ and $C_2$ to glides /w/ and /j/.

Coda restrictions: Only /w j n/ occur.

Notes: (none)

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

cod-R1: The high back vowel /u/ is produced as lax or [o] word-finally (and following stressed syllable) (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 109).

cod-R2: The high front vowel /i/ is produced as lax or [e] word-finally (and following a stressed syllable) following an approximant segment (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 109).
cod-R3: The mid vowel /e/ is slightly centralized word-medially, especially in fast pronunciation (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 110).

cod-R4: In words of more than three syllables, the vowel of the antepenultimate syllable (preceding the stressed syllable) is deleted (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 110–111).

cod-R5: Unstressed high vowels /i u/ are deleted word-initially preceding homorganic approximant /j/ or /w/ when the following syllable is stressed (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 111–112).

## Consonant allophony processes

cod-C1: Alveolar affricate is realized as palato-alveolar preceding a high front vowel (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 101).

cod-C2: A palatal glide may be realized as [z] word-initially and intervocalically (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 99).

cod-C3: A labiovelar glide may be realized as a fricative intervocalically (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 99).

cod-C4: An alveolar nasal is realized as palatal preceding a palatal glide (Vallejos Yopán 2010).

cod-C5: Stops are voiced following a nasal (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 98).

cod-C6: An alveolar affricate may be realized as a fricative preceding a non-high vowel (Vallejos Yopán 2010: 100).

## Morphology

Text: “Bite of snake” (first 10 pages, Vallejos Yopán 2010: 883–892)

Synthetic index: 1.5 morphemes/word (489 morphemes, 329 words)

## [cub] Cubeo

Tucanoan, *Eastern Tucanoan* (Colombia)

References consulted: Chacon (2012), Morse & Maxwell (1999)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k tʃ h r w ð j/

N consonant phonemes: 11

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents
Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Flap/Tap, Central approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a o u ï ė i ã õ ũ/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /ea oa ue ao au ei ui/ and
many more

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: All

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Morse & Maxwell (1999) give /x/ instead of /h/, don't have /ð/. Chacon states [ð] often allophone of /j/, but does contrast with /j/ word-initially preceding /a/ in a highly frequent stem ('make'). However, Chacon also gives minimal pairs for /ð/, but the phoneme has very limited distribution. Morse & Maxwell give /ɛ/ instead of /e/.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: C(V) (Chacon 2012: 163–167)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Notes: The third vowel in a sequence, if /i/, is acoustically similar to [j] (Chacon 2012: 52).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes
Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables, Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

Notes: Duration is the most consistent correlate of stress, intensity is less clear. "Kubeo tones are best seen as word-level contours, since they impose a particular pitch contour on a large section of an entire word, not only on individual syllables" (Chacon 2012: 134). Tones only occur on primary stressed syllables and syllables to the right of that.

## Vowel reduction processes

cub-R1: Vowels in unstressed syllables are shorter, or may be deleted entirely (Chacon 2012: 109, 123; instrumental evidence pp. 155–159). Other segments in unstressed syllables can additionally be deleted.

Notes: In sequences of three vowels analyzed as tautosyllabic by author, third vowel, if /i/, may be realized as [j] (Chacon 2012: 52).

## Consonant allophony processes

cub-C1: A palatal glide may be realized as a palato-alveolar affricate, especially in word-initial stressed syllables, but also word-initially in unstressed syllables (Chacon 2012: 67).

cub-C2: A labiovelar glide may be realized as a fricative preceding non-front vowels (Chacon 2012: 63).

cub-C3: A voiced alveolar stop is realized as an alveolar flap intervocalically (Chacon 2012: 63).

cub-C4: A voiced alveolar stop is realized as a retroflex flap following any vowel and preceding a front vowel (Chacon 2012: 6).

cub-C5: Voiceless bilabial and velar stops are sometimes realized as a glottal fricative when occurring in a post-stress syllable (Chacon 2012: 123).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[dow] Doyayo

Atlantic-Congo, *Volta-Congo* (Cameroon)

References consulted: Wiering & Wiering (1994)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k k̂ p b ess ĝ b f v s z h m n ŋ l r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 22

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Labial-velar, Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Implosive, Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /i e ε a ɔ o u i: e: ε: a: ɔ: o: u: ɪ ɛ̃ ε ə̃ ɔ ɔ̃ ū ɪ: ε: ə̃ ɔ: ū:/

N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: There is a nasal contrast for all but /e e: o o:/.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C)(C)(C)(C) (Wiering & Wiering 1994: 21–23, 37–43)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 4

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Varies with CV sequence

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Coda)
Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants but /ŋ/ may occur in onset.

Coda restrictions: All consonants but /p b d k p g̃ b β h/ may occur as simple codas. Biconsonantal coda combinations are quite extensive, include /r k, p t, s k, β r/. Triconsonantal codas include /brt/ (phonetically [βrt]), /glt/ (phonetically [ɣlt]), and more. Four-consonant codas include /blts/, /gldz/, /mnts/, /ŋrdz/, and more. In largest clusters, C₁ is limited to /b g m ŋ/, C₂ to /l r n/, C₃ to /d t/, and C₄ to /s z/. C₃ and C₄ must match in voicing. /b g/ usually realized as fricatives in clusters.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Not reported

## Vowel reduction processes

dow-R1: A long vowel is optionally shortened preceding a coda of two or three consonants (Wiering & Wiering 1994: 22).

dow-R2: A long vowel is obligatorily shortened preceding a coda of four consonants (Wiering & Wiering 1994: 22).

dow-R3: Following any stop other than /b/, a sequence of vowel plus alveolar nasal consonant is realized as a syllabic nasal (Wiering & Wiering 1994: 24).

## Consonant allophony processes

dow-C1: Voiced bilabial and velar stops are spirantized initially in a voiced consonant cluster (Wiering & Wiering 1994: 31–32).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[dru] Rukai (Budai dialect)

Austronesian (Taiwan)

References consulted: Chen (2006)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d ʃ k g til v θ ð s m n ɲ r {l} w j/

N consonant phonemes: 20

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Velar

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental, Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i ə a u i: e: a: u:/

N vowel qualities: 4

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /au ai ia ua/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Long vowels are contrastive in monosyllabic words and first syllable of disyllabic words, but not in penultimate position.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Chen 2006: 211–218)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A
Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Notes: Most Formosan languages have canonical (C)V(C) structure; related lan-
guage Paiwan also has (C)V(C). In Budai Rukai, a small number of sonorant
codas such as nasals and laterals were attested in fast speech, but reconfirma-
tion by author revealed (C)V forms for these (Chen 2006: 213).

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental)

Notes: Pitch is a strong cue for stress in long and short vowels; duration a stronger cue for long vowels and is somewhat sensitive to word position of stress.

Vowel reduction processes

dru-R1: Long vowels are shortened when occurring in non-main stress position
(Chen 2006: 257).

Consonant allophony processes

dru-C1: Voiceless alveolar fricative and affricate are realized as palato-alveolar preceding a high front vowel (Chen 2006: 230).

dru-C2: A voiced labiodental fricative may be realized as a stop word-initially preceding schwa (Chen 2006: 227).

dru-C3: A voiced labiodental fricative may be realized as a glide word-initially preceding a non-schwa vowel (Chen 2006: 227).

Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[dry] Darai

Indo-European, *Indo-Iranian* (Nepal)

References consulted: Dhakal (2012), Kotapish & Kotapish (1973), Paudyal (2003), Netra P. Paudyal (p.c.)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d t d k g pʰ bʰ tʰ dʰ tʰ dʰ kʰ gʰ tʰ s h m n ŋ
r l β j/

N consonant phonemes: 29

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral ap-
proximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Breathy voice, Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration,
Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i e ə a o u ɪ ɛ ə ã õ ũ/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /iu eu au əu ou ei ai ui əi oi/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: All

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Kotapish & Kotapish (1973) also report /t/. Paudyal (2003) gives /ʌ/ in-
stead of /ə/. All six vowels are marginally contrastive for nasality (Dhakal 2012:
7).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Dhakal 2012: 17–20)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A
Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: $C_1$ may be any consonant except /ŋ/. $C_2$ is always a glide /β/ or /j/.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except for glides and glottal fricative /h/ are attested.

Nucleus:

Notes: Syllables lacking onsets are attested but very rare (Dhakal 2012: 19).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

dry-R1: High back vowel /u/ may be deleted preceding a sequence of /wa/ and another consonant (Kotapish & Kotapish 1973: 49).

## Consonant allophony processes

dry-C1: Alveolar affricates and voiceless alveolar fricative are realized as palato-alveolar preceding a front vowel (Kotapish & Kotapish 1973: 26).

dry-C2: A voiceless aspirated velar fricative is realized as affricate [kx] following a vowel and preceding a schwa (Kotapish & Kotapish 1973: 26).

dry-C3: An alveolar flap is realized with palato-alveolar fricative release word finally (Kotapish & Kotapish 1973: 24).

dry-C4: Bilabial stops are realized as palatalized word-initially preceding /e/ (Kotapish & Kotapish 1973: 27).

dry-C5: A voiced bilabial stop is realized as prenasalized intervocalically (Kotapish & Kotapish 1973: 27).
dry-C6: A voiceless bilabial stop is spirantized intervocalically (Kotapish & Kotapish 1973: 18).

dry-C7: A voiceless alveolar fricative varies with a glottal fricative preceding alveolar sonorants (Kotapish & Kotapish 1973: 28).

## Morphology

Text: “Jackal and Hen” (Dhakal 2012: 180–192)

Synthetic index: 1.6 morphemes/word (734 morphemes, 472 words)

## [dyo] Jola-Fonyi

Atlantic-Congo, *North-Central Atlantic* (Gambia, Senegal)

References consulted: Lavergne (1979), Sapir (1965)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c j k g f s h m n p ŋ l FFE w j/

N consonant phonemes: 19

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /i I e ɛ ə a ɔ ʊ u i: I: e: ɛ̃: ə: ɔ̃: ʊ̃: u:/

N vowel qualities: 10

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /eʊ i u ɪe ɔa eɪ/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Diphthongs are rare.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C)(C) (Sapir 1965: 6–9)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 2
Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Grammatical items

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: For simple codas, all consonants except /d/ may occur. For complex codas, C₁ is a nasal, C₂ a stop.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables, Consonant allosophy in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
None

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

dyo-R1: High-mid central vowel /ə/ is lowered to the quality of English [ə] when unstressed (Sapir 1965: 6).

## Consonant allosophy processes

dyo-C1: Velar stops are realized as post velar preceding /u/ (Sapir 1965: 5).

dyo-C2: A voiceless velar stop is realized as palatal preceding a front vowel (some speakers) (Sapir 1965).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[eus] Basque (Central dialect)

isolate (France, Spain)

References consulted: Hualde (2003), Saltarelli et al. (1988)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c j k g ɡ̃ s ʃ̃ ts ʃ̃ f ʃ̃ s ʃ∫ x m n ɲ l ʌ r/

N consonant phonemes: 23

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Trill, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /c j/ are recently phonemic; Saltarelli et al. (1988) give these as /tʃ dʃ/. /x/ may be very retracted. Zuberoan dialect also has /y/ and phonemic nasalized vowels.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C)(C) (Saltarelli et al. 1988: 277–281; Hualde 2003: 33–37)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A
Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants except for /r/ occur as simple onsets. Biconsonantal onset clusters in language are non-native.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except /b d g p m x/ occur as simple codas. Complex codas have /x s f/, a liquid, or a nasal as C₁ and a plosive, affricate, or fricative as C₂. Stops or affricates are not allowed in word-internal codas.

Notes: Saltarelli et al. (1988) state that complex codas occur utterance-finally only; however, Hualde (2003) gives examples of nasal+fricative and liquid+fricative codas occurring word-internally, and a wide range of coda clusters occurring word-finally.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (instrumental)

Notes: The Bizcaian dialects have pitch accent system. Saltarelli et al. (1988: 282–283) describe five different accentual systems for dialects of Basque.

## Vowel reduction processes

Notes: There are processes of unstressed vowel reduction and even deletion of post-tonic vowels in the High Navarrese dialects (Hualde 2003: 56–57).

## Consonant allophony processes

eus-C1: A palatal lateral approximant is realized as a palatal fricative by some speakers (Hualde 2003: 29).

eus-C2: Fricatives are realized as voiced preceding a voiced consonant (Hualde 2003: 24).

eus-C3: A voiced stop may be realized as a fricative or approximant intervocalically (Hualde 2003: 19).
## Morphology

Text: “Text 4” (Hualde 2003: 906–912)

Synthetic index: 1.6 morphemes/word (462 morphemes, 284 words)

## [ewe] Ewe

Atlantic-Congo, *Volta-Congo* (Ghana, Togo)

References consulted: Ameka (1991), Duthie (1996), Jalloh (2005), Stahlke (1971)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p̥t̥d̥kg̥k̥p̥g̥b̥ts̥dz̥φβfvszxhimnŋŋrlw/

N consonant phonemes: 24

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Labial-velar, Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /ieəəaɔouïëëəãɔõũ/

N vowel qualities: 8

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /uu aa ao oo/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: All

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Here I've selected the most common/generally distributed allophone as the phoneme name, but the following pairs are in complementary distribution (phoneme label listed first): [ŋ]~[ɣ], [m]~[b], [n]~[d], [ɲ]~[j], [l]~[l], [ts]~[tʃ], [dz]~[dʒ], and [w]~[ɣ]. Duthie (1996: 10–18) gives description of allophonic variation. /r/ occurs only as C₂ in an onset cluster. /e/ now merging with /ɛ/ (Duthie 1996: 19).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Ameka 1991: 38–39)

Size of maximal onset: 2
Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Both

Onset restrictions: C₁ may be any consonant except /r/. C₂ may be /l r w/ or [j],
allophone of palatal nasal.

Coda restrictions: Nasals only.

Notes: Sequences such as /ŋk/ in ŋkeke ‘day’ analyzed as belonging to different syllables, with [ŋ] being syllabic (Ameka 1991: 39).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Not reported

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

ewe-C1: Alveolar affricates and fricatives are realized as palato-alveolar preceding /i/ (Jalloh 2005: 9).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[fvr] Fur

Furan (Sudan)

References consulted: Jakobi (1990), Kutsch Lojenga & Waag (2004), Noel (2008)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d j k g f s m n ʃ l r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 16

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /i ɪ ə ə ʊ/ u/

N vowel qualities: 8

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /ii ɪ ə ə ʊ/ uu ɪa ɪə iə ai əu əʊ uə/ uə/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /h/ occurs in only two lexical items and is variable in one of them, so I have omitted it here. /f/ is classified by Jakobi as voiceless bilabial stop according to phonological criteria, but its actual realization is [f] in most contexts. [j] alternates with [z]. Noel gives /dʒ/ instead of /ʃ/. Vowel system is from Kutsch Lojenga & Waag (2004); Jakobi and Noel each give 5 vowels, /a ə i ɔ u/. Long vowels are analyzed as sequences by Jakobi.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Jakobi 1990: 53–58)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels
Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur. Onset [j] occurs only as allophone of /i/ (as analyzed by author).

Coda restrictions: All consonants except voiced obstruents /b d ʃ g/ and [z] (allophone of /j/) may occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Not reported

## Vowel reduction processes

fvr-R1: In 3-syllable words with the structure $(C_1)V_1C_2V_2C_3V_3$, where $C_2$ is /l/ or /r/, $C_3$ is /l/, /r/, or nasal /m n ɲ ŋ/, and $V_1$ and $V_2$ are identical, $V_2$ may optionally be deleted (Jakobi 1990: 60–61).

## Consonant allophony processes

fvr-C1: A palatal glide is realized as [z] word-initially (Jakobi 1990: 19).

## Morphology

Text: “A Fur text” (Jakobi 1990: 125–127)

Synthetic index: 1.2 morphemes/word (234 morphemes, 202 words)

## [grj] Southern Grebo

Atlantic-Congo, *Volta-Congo* (Liberia)

References consulted: Innes (1966), Innes (1981), Newman (1986)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c ʃ k g kim gb f s h m n n ŋ ŋ m l l w w j/

N consonant phonemes: 25
Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruent, Sonorants

Places: Labial-velar, Bilabial, Dental/Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Lateral approximant, Central approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Devoiced sonorants, Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /ie a o u ĩ ẽ ã õ ō̃/

N vowel qualities: 9

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Voiced nasal stops may be better analyzed as allophones of voiced stops
(Newman 1986: 176).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Innes 1981: 130; 1966: 15–16)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Notes: CCV shapes occur in loans; C₂ is always [l] or [w] (Innes 1981: 130; 1966: 15–16). Innes reports that some words of the form CVCV contract to CCV in rapid speech; this is when the medial consonant is /d/ or /n/, and it results in C+[l] clusters (e.g. *pone* > *plē* ‘rat’, 1981: 130). Newman reports that there are many such words for which *only* CLV forms occur and there are no corresponding CVCV forms, but he gives examples which Innes lists alternating forms for. Because Innes provides evidence, I adopt his analysis. Newman also reports that C₂ in such clusters is generally pronounced as an ‘r-like tap’ rather than a lateral (1986: 177).
## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Disagreement (Innes reports stress; Newman 1986 reports he could not verify this)

## Vowel reduction processes

grj-R1: In words of the form CVCV in rapid speech, $V_1$ is deleted if $C_1$ is a non-alveolar stop or /f, m, m, ŋ/ and $C_2$ is /d/ or /n/; $C_2$ is realized phonetically as [l] when this process occurs (Innes 1981: 130; 1966: 15–16).

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [hts] Hadza

isolate (Tanzania)

References consulted: Kirk Miller (p.c.), Sands (2013), Bonny Sands (p.c.), Sands et al. (1996), Tucker et al. (1977)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /pʰ p b t d kʰ k g kʰw kʷ kʷ gʷ? p’ k’ w k| k! k|| m n ŋ ŋʷ ŋ|’ ŋ| ŋ! ŋ||’ ŋ|| m pʰ m b n tʰ n d ŋ kʰ ŋ g n ts n d̃z n dʒ̃ ts d̃z tʃ̃ tX̃ dʒ̃ ts’ tʃ̃’ tX̃’ f s ¼ l j w ʃ/

N consonant phonemes: 55

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents, Sonorants

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral affricate, Lateral fricative, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 10
**Elaborations:** Voiced fricatives/affricates, Devoiced sonorants, Prenasalization, Post-aspiration, Lateral release, Ejective, Click, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Labialization

**V phoneme inventory:** /i e a o u ɪ ū/

**N vowel qualities:** 5

**Diphthongs or vowel sequences:** None

**Contrastive length:** None

**Contrastive nasalization:** Some

**Other contrasts:** N/A

**Notes:** All voiced obstruents borrowed except for /b/, medial prenasalized plosives, and nasals apart from /m/ and /n/; however, sources unknown (Kirk Miller, p.c.). If we take this analysis to be accurate, then language has 49 consonant phonemes instead of 55. Vowel nasalization is marginally contrastive (Sands 2013: 38).

## Syllable structure

**Complexity category:** Simple

**Canonical syllable structure:** (C)V (Tucker et al. 1977: 309; Sands et al. 1996; Sands 2013)

**Size of maximal onset:** 1

**Size of maximal coda:** N/A

**Onset obligatory:** Yes

**Coda obligatory:** N/A

**Vocalic nucleus patterns:** Short vowels

**Syllabic consonant patterns:** N/A

**Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents:** N/A

**Predictability of syllabic consonants:** N/A

**Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin:** N/A

**Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants:** N/A

**Onset restrictions:** All consonants occur.

**Notes:** Sands (2013) analyzes syllable structure as CV, where C includes prenasalized obstruents and V may be a nasal vowel. Kirk Miller (p.c.) analyzes syllable structure as CV(N), without nasal vowels. Miller also notes that onsets are obligatory, with predictable /h/ occurring in otherwise vowel-initial syllables.

## Suprasegmentals

**Tone:** Yes
Word stress: No

Notes: Prominence may shift syllables according to context. Thus this may be a pitch accent language, but there is not enough information to characterize the stress pattern.

## Vowel reduction processes

hts-R1: Final vowels frequently become voiceless, especially when preceded by /?/ or other voiceless stops. This devoicing can extend to penultimate vowels, such that the final two syllables of a word in utterance-final position can become whispered. (Sands et al. 1996: 177; Tucker et al. 1977: 309)

## Consonant allophony processes

hts-C1: An ejective velar stop is realized as an affricate [kx'] by some speakers (Sands 2013: 41).

hts-C2: An alveolar lateral approximant is realized as a flap intervocalically (Sands 2013: 41).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

# [huu] Murui Huitoto

Huitotoan, *Nuclear Witotoan* (Colombia, Peru)

References consulted: Wojtylak (2017), Katarzyna Wojtylak (p.c.)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g ʃ ʃ ʒ ʃ φ β θ h m n p r/

N consonant phonemes: 16

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i ε a o w u i: ε: a: o: w: u:/
N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ai εi ui au oʊ/ /ai ɛi ui au ɔɪ/ /ai ɛi ui au ʊ/ /ai ɛi ui au ɔɪ/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /p/ occurs only marginally. Wojtylak labels /f v/ as labiodental but gives their typical realizations as [φ β]. Approximants [w j  ] occur but are not con- trastive, occurring as allophones of vowels (2017: 75). /s/ occurs in speech of younger people bilingual in Spanish. Vowel sequences also occur, and may be realized as phonetic diphthongs, but they are transcribed as belonging to sepa- rate syllables and are described as being realized as such in slow/normal speech (2017: 90–93).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Wojtylak 2017: 93–95)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: None.

Coda restrictions: N/A

Notes: /?/ may occur as a coda in restricted contexts.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Vowel length contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)
## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

Text: "Jiyakino - The Murui Origin Myth" (first 8 pages, Wojtylak 2017: 578–585)

Synthetic index: 1.93 morphemes/word (729 morphemes, 377 words)

# [iii] Sichuan Yi

Sino-Tibetan, *Burmo-Qiangic* (China)

References consulted: Gerner (2013), Maoji (1997), Merrifield (2012)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p pʰ b m b tʰ d n d k kʰ g ŋ g til tsʰ dz n dż ts til tsʰ dż n dż tc
tcʰ dż n dż f v s z ʒ c z x γ h m n n ŋ ɣ  l l/

N consonant phonemes: 43

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents, Sonorants

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Alveolo-palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 6

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Devoiced sonorants, Prenasalization, Post-aspiration, Labiodental, Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /iɛ i o w u i u/

N vowel qualities: 8

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: Creaky voice (some)

Notes: /ɲ/ represents alveolo-palatal nasal. Pei-Shan dialect additionally has a series of palato-alveolars derived from velars: /tʃ til dʒ n dʒ ʃ ʒ/ (Maoji 1997: 68–69). /i u/ have contrastive creaky voice counterparts.
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Gerner 2013: 30–32)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Varies with CV sequence

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Not reported

## Vowel reduction processes

iii-R1: When nasals and lateral approximants co-occur with central vowel /i/, these sequences are in free variation with syllabic consonants (Gerner 2013: 31).

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

Text: “Why do men have their livestock stay close to home?” (Gerner 2013: 525–530)

Synthetic index: 1.0 morphemes/word (465 morphemes, 455 words)
[itl] Itelmen

Chukotko-Kamchatkan (Russia)

References consulted: Bobaljik (2006), Jonathan Bobaljik (p.c.), Georg & Volodin (1999), Volodin (1976), Volodin & Zhukova (1968)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k q ? p' t' k' q' ť ť' φ β s z ł x χ m n ŋ l j/

N consonant phonemes: 23

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral fricative, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Ejective, Palato-alveolar, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i e ə a o u/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /r ʃ ʌ/ occur in Russian, Koryak loans. Some sources have /?/ as a suprasegmental phenomenon, but Georg & Volodin (1999) consider it a segment.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C) (Georg & Volodin 1999: 38–44)

Size of maximal onset: 7

Size of maximal coda: 5

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A
**Predictability of syllabic consonants:** Predictable from word/consonantal context

**Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin:** Morphologically Complex (Onset, Coda)

**Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants:** Lexical items (Liquid), Both (Nasal)

**Onset restrictions:** Apparently all consonants may occur as simple onsets. It seems almost any biconsonantal onset may occur. In triconsonantal onsets, generally any consonant may be added to a permissible biconsonantal onset, so long as one of the consonants is a voiceless stop or sonorant, but consecutive sequences of three voiceless stops, fricatives, or sonants are not allowed within lexical morphemes. There are many examples of 4-consonant onsets, which are combinations of two permissible biconsonantal onsets. Examples include /ttxn, ksxw, ktxl/. Five-consonant onsets include /kpln, kskq/. Six-consonant onsets include /tksxq/. The one example of a seven-consonant onset given is /kstk'ln/.

**Coda restrictions:** There seem to be restrictions on simple codas; examples not given for /p' t' z j/ in this environment. Biconsonantal codas include /mx lq sx/. Triconsonantal codas include /plh mlx/. Four-consonant codas include /ntʃpx mpɛlx ɛlxtʃ/. Five-consonant codas include /nxlɛxtʃ mstxtʃ/.

**Notes:** Combinability of consonants within clusters is subject to few constraints. "Das häufige Auftreten komplexer Konsonantengruppen gehört zu den auffälligsten Zügen der itelmenischen Phonologie." ("The frequent occurrence of complex consonant clusters is one of the most notable traits of Itelmen phonology." Georg & Volodin 1999:38)

## Suprasegmentals

**Tone:** No

**Word stress:** Yes

**Stress placement:** Fixed

**Phonetic processes conditioned by stress:** (none)

**Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:**

Not described

**Phonetic correlates of stress:** Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

**itl-R1:** Vowels occurring in closed syllables 'cluttered with consonants' (nCVCn) are less clear and reduced in quality (Volodin 1976: 73).
itl-R2: Mid central vowel /ə/ may be realized as a high back unrounded vowel [w] or drop entirely in some contexts where the consonantal environment has no effect (Georg & Volodin 1999: 13).

## Consonant allophony processes

itl-C1: Some stops and affricates are labialized preceding a rounded vowel (Georg & Volodin 1999: 16).

itl-C2: A voiceless bilabial stop is spirantized intervocalically (Georg & Volodin 1999: 14–15).

itl-C3: A voiceless bilabial fricative is realized as an approximant preceding a consonant (Georg & Volodin 1999).

## Morphology

Text: “Süddialekt” (Georg & Volodin 1999: 250–262)

Synthetic index: 2.0 morphemes/word (876 morphemes, 438 words)

## [kal] Kalaallisut

Eskimo-Aleut, *Eskimo* (Greenland)

References consulted: Fortescue (1984), Hagerup (2011), Jacobsen (2000)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k q f: v s ł: j x: γ χ: k m n η n l/

N consonant phonemes: 18

Geminates: /N:/, many others in morphophonological contexts

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Uvular

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Lateral approximant, Lateral fricative

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricative/affricates, Labiodental, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i a u i: a: u:/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthong /ai/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A
Notes: Geminate versions of /vу к/ are also voiceless, so are treated as separate phonemes here. Similarly, geminate version of /l/ – /t:/ – differs in both voicing and manner of articulation, so it is included in the phoneme inventory here. /n/ usually occurs as a geminate except for in some morphophonological contexts; Jacobsen states that the geminate is only marginally contrastive. /s/ found only in central dialect region and is described as rapidly receding and merging with /s/, with merger complete in younger speakers. /f/ h/ occur in loanwords. /a:/ much more common than other long vowels. Other historical diphthongs have merged into long vowels.

## Syllable structure

Category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Fortescue 1984: 338–339)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: All(?) consonants occur.

Notes: Final geminates occur in syncopated exclamations.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: No

## Vowel reduction processes

kal-R1: Short high vowels /i u/ are produced as lax word-finally (Hagerup 2011: 56–63).

kal-R2: Short high vowels /i u/ tend to be devoiced between voiceless consonants in open syllables (Fortescue 1984: 335).
kal-R3: Long vowels are realized as shorter when preceding long consonants than they are preceding singleton consonants (Jacobsen 2000: 65).

## Consonant allophony processes

kal-C1: A voiceless alveolar stop is affricated preceding a high front vowel (Fortescue 1984: 333).

kal-C2: Some stops and fricatives are realized with secondary palatalization adjacent to a high front vowel (Fortescue 1984: 333).

kal-C3: A voiceless alveolar fricative is somewhat voiced intervocalically (Fortescue 1984: 334).

kal-C4: A uvular stop may be realized as a fricative intervocalically (Fortescue 1984: 333).

kal-C5: A voiced velar fricative is realized as a glide intervocalically (Fortescue 1984: 334).

kal-C6: A velar nasal may be realized as a nasalized vowel intervocalically (Fortescue 1984: 334).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [kat] Georgian

Kartvelian, *Georgian-Zan* (Georgia)

References consulted: Aronson (1990), Aronson (1991), Butskhrikidze (2002), Chitoran (1998), Hewitt (1995), Jun et al. (2006), Shosted & Chikovani (2006), Skopeteas & Féry (2010), Vicenek (2010), Vogt (1958)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b pʰ dtilg kʰ pʻ tʻ kʻ qʻ 丁tsʰ 丁ʒtʃʰ tsʻ tjʻ β z s ʒ ∫ κ χ h m n r l/

N consonant phonemes: 28

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 5
Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration, Ejective, Palato-alveolar, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: [β] alternates with [β]. Vicenik gives instrumental evidence that /b d g/
are voiced. Shosted & Chikovani have /v/ for the glide, as well as velars instead
of /к χ/.

## Syllable structure

Category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C)(C) (Hewitt
1995: 19–20; Vogt 1958; Butskhrikidze 2002: 197–205)

Size of maximal onset: 8

Size of maximal coda: 5

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically
Complex (Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur as simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets include stop+stop, stop+affricate, stop+fricative, stop+sonorant, affricate+stop, affricate+fricative, affricate+sonorant, fricative+stop, and so on. Triconsonantal onsets include stop+stop+stop, stop+stop+sonorant, stop+affricate+stop, stop+sonorant+stop, fricative+stop+sonorant etc. stem-initially, and more when prefixes are involved. All larger onsets include sonorants such that there are no obstruent strings of more than three; e.g. /pʻrtsʻkʻβ, tsʻqʻrt, brtsʻqʻ/. Seven-consonant onsets include /gβtsʻβrtn/. Eight-consonant onsets include /gβprtskβn/.

Coda restrictions: All(?) consonants but /h/ occur in simple codas. Biconsonantal codas include /rt bs nd ds ls bt mt pt/. Triconsonantal codas include /gns χls/.
Five-member codas include /ntʃxls, rts̥'q̥'βs, rt'k'ls/.

Notes: Vogt lists 740 onset clusters (of up to six members) and 244 stem-final clusters (of up to four members); however, he does not include morphologically complex clusters. True word-final clusters seem to be much more restricted than stem-final clusters, which are always followed by a vowel, which resyllabifies the cluster. However it does seem to be the case that sonorants are required in all onsets of more than three consonants and all codas of three consonant or more. A subset of clusters are known as 'harmonic' and consist of a non-velar stop or affricate followed by a homogeneous velar or uvular consonant. These have been analyzed as single segment, but Chitoran (1998) shows through instrumental analysis that they have phonetic and timing characteristics of sequences.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

kat-C1: The uvular ejective stop may vary with an ejective uvular affricate variant (Aronson 1991).

kat-C2: A uvular ejective stop may vary with an ejective uvular fricative (Shosted & Chikovani 2006).

## Morphology

Text: “The destiny of Kartli” (Hewitt 1995: 655–663)

Synthetic index: 2.4 morphemes/word (594 morphemes, 246 words)
[kbc] Kadiwéu

Guaicuruan (Brazil)

References consulted: Braggio (1981), Sandalo (1997)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g q tʃ dʒ FFE m n l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 15

Geminates: /b: d: g: m: n: l: w: j:/ (Some)

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Palato-Alveolar, Velar, Uvular

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o i: e: a: o:/

N vowel qualities: 4

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Sandalo gives geminate counterparts of /m n l w j/ in the phoneme inventory. Sandalo analyzes /k/ as a uvular stop phonologically, but since it is realized as a fricative in most positions, I use this symbol.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V (Sandalo 1997: 17–18)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A
Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur in simple onsets. In biconsonantal onets, C₂ is always /к/, C₁ may be stop or nasal (perhaps others too).

Notes: Sandalo's analysis has /к d:/ occurring as codas in clitics, but apparently these never surface as such phonetically, being deleted preceding consonants and resyllabified as onsets preceding vowels (1997: 16).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

kbc-R1: Long vowels are optionally reduced to short vowels preceding a voiceless stop onset of a following syllable. Example given shows that following stop is lengthened (Sandalo 1997: 17).

## Consonant allophony processes

kbc-C1: A voiced uvular fricative may be realized as a stop word-initially (Sandalo 1997: 16).

kbc-C2: A voiced alveolar stop is realized as a flap intervocalically (Sandalo 1997: 16).

kbc-C3: A voiced palato-alveolar affricate is realized as a fricative by some speakers (Sandalo 1997: 15–16).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[kbd] Kabardian

Abkhaz-Adyge, Circassian (Russia, Turkey)

References consulted: Applebaum (2013), Colarusso (2006), Gordon & Applebaum (2010), Kuipers (1960), Matasović (2010)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d kʷ gʷ q qʷ ? ?ʷ p’ t’ k’ʷ q’ q’ʷ til dẑ tʃ̂ dʒ̂ ts’ tʃ’ f v s z ł ʒ c z ʃ ʒ x xʷ γ χ ɔ χʷ ɔʷ ħ h f’ ł’ c’ m n r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 48

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Alveolo-palatal, Velar, Uvular, Pharyngeal, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral fricative, Ejective

N elaborations: 7

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Ejective, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Uvular, Pharyngeal, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /ə a a:/

N vowel qualities: 2

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /aw jə/

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /ħ/ is marginal; exists in the speech of older generations, mostly in Arabic loans (Matasović 2010: 10). Colarusso has /c j/ or /t̥ d/ for /tʃ̂ dʒ/, and doesn't have /ɣ/. Other accounts posit two short vowels (ə a) and five long vowels (a: e: i: o: u:). There is a length contrast for /a/: /a:/ is back open, /a/ is central open.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C) (Colarusso 2006: 4–20; Matasović 2010: 13; Applebaum 2013)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No
Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid, Obstruent

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context (Nasal, Liquid), Varies with VC sequence (Nasal, Liquid, Obstruent)

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Coda), Both patterns (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Unclear

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur as simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets consist mostly of stop+fricative, e.g. /th bɜː/ pc/, but also rarely include two stops, e.g. /pq/. These clusters tend to be regressive, and clusters with labial first element are especially frequent. Examples of triconsonantal onsets include /bzw zby pct/.

Coda restrictions: Unclear whether there are restrictions on simple codas. Biconsonantal codas include /bz wf p徃 rt/.

Notes: Colarusso analyzes initial sequence in zbyác 'I covered/thatched it' as z.byác, but gives no articulatory/perceptual evidence for this (2006: 17). This analysis seems to be influenced by formal models of syllable structure. Matasović describes such sequences as onset clusters (2010: 13). Applebaum (2013) gives examples of complex codas.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

Notes: Duration and intensity are correlates of stress for most speakers.

## Vowel reduction processes

kbd-R1: Low vowel /a/ is realized as higher [e] when unstressed (Applebaum 2013: 98–99).
kbd-R2: Frequently a sequence of a short high vowel and a consonant is re-
placed by a syllabic consonant (results in syllabic nasals, liquids, and obstruents;
Kuipers 1960: 24, 42–43).

kbd-R3: Word-final /ə/ is deleted after a stressed syllable (Kuipers 1960: 34, 42).

kbd-R4: Unstressed /ə/ preceding a stressed syllable is often deleted, so long as it
does not produce an initial consonant cluster (Gordon & Applebaum 2010: 42).

Consonant allophony processes

kbd-C1: Voiceless plosives may have affricated release preceding a vowel
(Kuipers 1960: 17).

kbd-C2: Labiovelar and palatal glides are realized with slight glottal friction
word-initially (Kuipers 1960: 22).

kbd-C3: Stops are voiced preceding a voiced stop or fricative (Matasović 2010: 11).

kbd-C4: Voiceless ejective palato-alveolar affricate and fricative are realized as
voiced word-medially (Kuipers 1960: 19).

Morphology

Text: “Nart story” (Applebaum 2013: 223–231)

Synthetic index: 2.5 morphemes/word (571 morphemes, 229 words)

[kbh] Camsá

isolate (Colombia)

References consulted: Fabre (2002), Howard (1967), Howard (1972), Juajibioy
Chindoy (1962), Mongui Sánchez (1981)

Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g til tʃi φ s ʃ ʃ x m n ɲ l r ʌ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 22

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Retroflex, Velar

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lat-
eral approximant

N elaborations: 2
Elaborations: Palato-alveolar, Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a o u/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ai oi ui ia io ie ua ue/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Mongui Sánchez give a very different consonant phoneme inventory than the others. Juajibioy Chindoy concurs with Howard and the others, but additionally lists affricate /pf/. Howard lists <ë> for what others list as /i/; Mongui Sánchez gives /ə/ for this vowel.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)V (Howard 1967: 81–85, Howard 1972: 84–89)

Size of maximal onset: 4

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Biconsonantal onsets are most commonly two voiceless consonants at different places of articulation, e.g. /xt st ʃts sb ʃtʃt, tk tm ʃl nj/. Many combinations occur, but liquids and glides are restricted to C₂ position. In triconsonantal onsets, C₁ is /b t s ʃn/ and apparently /φ/, C₂ is /d t k ʃtʃts x ʃs m j/, and C₃ is /b k j m n r/. Examples include /stx ndm φxn stʃb sʃts/. 4-consonant onsets include /φstx/.

Notes: “Consonant clusters are very common in Camså” (Howard 1967: 81). Howard (1967) gives canonical syllable structure as (C)(C)(C)V, but updates it to (C)(C)(C)(C)V in Howard (1972), saying onsets may consist of four consonants when subject is 1st person plural (/φ-/). Some biconsonantal onsets (stop+stop,
C+nasal sequences at different places of articulation) appear with brief transi-
tional vocoid [ɔ] between consonants; similarly there are affects on length of
fricatives in first versus second position of biconsonantal onsets, and sometimes
an associated vocoid or off glide with those (1967: 82).

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic)

Vowel reduction processes

kbh-R1: Word-final vowels occurring after a penultimate stress are optionally devoiced or deleted. This may occur in isolation but generally occurs in the middle of a clause (Howard 1967: 86).

kbh-R2: Word-medial vowels are ‘practically eliminated,’ with syllables between the first syllable and the stressed syllable being ‘squeezed together’ (Howard 1967: 86–87).

Notes: “Words are pronounced rapidly with vowels practically eliminated word medially. A degree of emphasis is placed on the vowel of the first syllable with the following syllables squeezed together before the stressed syllable.” (Howard 1967: 86–87).

Consonant allophony processes

kbh-C1: A palatal glide is realized as a voiced palato-alveolar affricate following an alveolar nasal (Howard 1967).

kbh-C2: An alveolar flap is realized as [z] word-initially (Howard 1967: 78).

kbh-C3: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as voiced adjacent to a voiced alveolar stop (Howard 1967: 78).

kbh-C4: A voiced bilabial stop may be spirantized in all environments (Howard 1967: 77).

Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[kbk] Grass Koiari

Koiarian, *Koiaric* (Papua New Guinea)

References consulted: Dutton (1996)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d k g φ β s h m n l j/

N consonant phonemes: 13

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Lateral approximant, Central approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: [β] alternates with [w], with [w] occurring before back vowels; perhaps it would be better analyzed as /w/.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Dutton 1996: 7)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.
## Suprasegmentals

- Tone: No

- Word stress: Yes

- Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

- Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

- Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
  (none)

- Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

- bkb-C1: A voiced bilabial fricative is realized as a glide preceding non-front vowels (Dutton 1996).

- bkb-C2: A voiceless bilabial fricative may be realized as [p] word-initially preceding a back vowel (Dutton 1996).

- bkb-C3: An alveolar lateral approximant is realized as a flap preceding front vowels (Dutton 1996).

## Morphology

- Text: “Maruba” (Dutton 1996: 72–76)

- Synthetic index: 1.5 morphemes/word (488 morphemes, 318 words)

## [kca] Eastern Khanty

- Uralic, *Khantyic* (Russia)

- References consulted: Filchenko (2007), Andrey Filchenko (p.c.)

## Sound inventory

- C phoneme inventory: /ptckqtsymηŋŋrlʌlwj/

- N consonant phonemes: 19
Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Uvular

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i y e ø œ æ i ə ə a ɔ o u/

N vowel qualities: 13

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /r/ is described as an ‘alveolar-palatal trill’. /k q y ŋ/ are described as ‘cacuminal’ (retroflex?). /tʃ/ occurs in Upper Yugan dialect only. /ə ə ø ɔ/ are ‘reduced’ vowels, produced as lax, weak, and short, commonly occurring in unstressed syllables.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C)(C) (Filchenko 2007: 53–57)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: C₁ may be any consonant except /ŋ/. C₂ is always a glide /β/ or /j/.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except for glides and glottal fricative /h/ are attested.

Notes: Canonical syllable structure includes coda clusters. These come about through derivation or inflection, and vowel epenthesis is employed “robustly”
and productively” such that most are not realized as coda clusters. However, derived coda clusters with a sonorant preceding a homorganic stop are more likely to be retained (e.g. *lol-t* ‘crack, dent’-PL). Description suggests that occurrence of clusters is a matter of probability, and there is an “extremely low probability of consonant clusters at the morphemic edges, word-initial, and word-final position” (Filchenko 2007: 55). I therefore analyze this language as having Moderately Complex syllable structure.

## Suprasegmentals

* Tone: No

* Word stress: Yes

* Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

* Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

* Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

* Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
  Vowel quality contrasts (see notes)

* Notes: /ə ə̃ ø ɔ/ commonly occur in unstressed syllables, and their occurrence in a word may complicate typical patterns of stress assignment (if initial syllable in bisyllabic word has reduced vowel, stress shifts to next syllable).

## Vowel reduction processes

* kca-R1: Word-final vowels, particularly /ə/ and /ø/, are under-articulated, reduced, devoiced, or deleted (Filchenko 2007: 56).

## Consonant allophony processes

* kca-C1: Voiceless velar stop and voiced velar fricative are realized as uvulars adjacent to back vowels (Filchenko 2007: 41).

* kca-C2: A labiovelar approximant may be realized as a bilabial stop following /m/ (Filchenko 2007: 44–45).

* kca-C3: A voiced velar fricative may be realized as a velar stop adjacent to /t k q̃ tf/ (Filchenko 2007: 45).

* kca-C4: A voiced velar fricative may be realized as a velar stop intervocalically (Filchenko 2007: 45).

* kca-C5: Labial and dorsal consonants are palatalized preceding front vowels (Filchenko 2007: 37).

* kca-C6: A voiced velar fricative is realized as a labiovelar approximant following /u/ (Filchenko 2007: 45–46).
## Morphology

Text: "A bear in the river" (Filchenko 2007: 582–588)

Synthetic index: 1.9 morphemes/word (649 morphemes, 342 words)

## [ket] Ket

Yeniseian, *Northern Yeniseian* (Russia)

References consulted: Georg (2007), Vajda (2000)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d k q s h m n ŋ l j/

N consonant phonemes: 12

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i e i ə a o u/

N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Georg 2007: 80–84)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A
Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Onset), or Both patterns (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Grammatical items

Onset restrictions: Apparently all consonants occur in simple onsets. Onset clusters have /b k d/ as C₁ and apparently any (?) consonant as C₂.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except /h/ occur as simple codas. Biconsonantal codas seem fairly unrestricted, though most end in /s/ (nominalizing suffix), /n/, or /ŋ/ (plural suffixes). Other biconsonantal codas such as /tl/, /ŋl/, /nt/, /kt/, and /qt/ may occur within roots. Triconsonantal codas always have a continuant as the second member and /s/ as the third member.

Notes: Canonical syllable structure differs here from Georg's reported patterns, which include two-consonant codas. In discussion on p. 84 he gives example of triconsonantal coda, which may occur when the nominalizer suffix -s is added to a coda ending in a continuant. All examples of biconsonantal onsets have stops as C₂ but it would seem based on patterns reported that any stem-initial C could occur in this position. What is written as /?/ in Georg's transcriptions marks Tone 2 and shouldn't be analyzed as a consonant.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: No

Notes: Falling tones are 'acoustically close to a dynamic stress'.

## Vowel reduction processes

ket-R1: An unstressed high front vowel /i/ in the sequence VCI CV is syncopated, if no non-permitted consonant cluster results (Georg 2007: 214; "stress" here refers to tonal contour).

ket-R2: Vowels with second tone lose their tone except in absolute final position in phrase (Vajda 2000: 15-16).

ket-R3: In post-tonal (non-initial) syllables and the second syllable of a disyllabic pitch contour, there is free variation between vowels and higher counterparts (Vajda 2000: 11).
## Consonant allophony processes

ket-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is sometimes realized as a palato-alveolar fricative or affricate preceding front vowels (Georg 2007: 78).

ket-C2: A voiceless velar stop is realized as a voiced velar fricative intervocalically (Georg 2007: 75).

ket-C3: A consonant is voiced preceding another consonant (Georg 2007: 75).

ket-C4: A voiced alveolar stop is realized as a flap intervocalically in some dialects (Georg 2007: 76).

ket-C5: Voiced bilabial stop, voiceless velar and uvular stops are spirantized intervocalically (Georg 2007: 75–78).

## Morphology

Text: “Two brothers” (Vajda 2004: 92–97)

Synthetic index: 2.3 morphemes/word (602 morphemes, 267 words)

## [kew] East Kewa

Nuclear Trans New Guinea, *Enga-Kewa-Huli* (Papua New Guinea)

References consulted: Franklin (1971), Franklin & Franklin (1962), Franklin & Franklin (1978)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /mgtdckφsxmnJrwj/

N consonant phonemes: 15

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Lateral Flap/Tap, Central Approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Prenasalization

V phoneme inventory: /ieao/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None
Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Palatal consonants are present in Eastern Kewa only, and do not occur before high vowels (Franklin & Franklin 1978: 21). /e/ reported in 1971, 1978 references, but not 1962 reference. /a/ produced slightly longer, but has no short counterpart.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Franklin 1971: 11–12)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Vowel quality contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic)

Notes: Pitch as a correlate of stress here indicates that perceptual or auditory height of a tone may be conditioned by stress placement.

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)
## Consonant allophony processes

kew-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as palato-alveolar preceding a high vowel (Franklin 1971: 24).

kew-C2: A voiceless bilabial or velar fricative may be realized as an affricate utterance-initially (Franklin 1971: 24).

kew-C3: Fricatives may be voiced in fast speech (Franklin 1971: 24).

## Morphology

Text: "East Kewa" (lines 1–13, 32–58, Franklin & Franklin 1978: 483–487)

Synthetic index: 1.4 morphemes/word (399 morphemes, 278 words)

## [khc] Tukang Besi North

Austronesian, *Malayo-Polynesian* (Indonesia)

References consulted: Donohue (1999)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p̥k gʔm̥p m̥b n̥t n̥d̥ŋk ɣ̥g b cβ s h nš m n̥ŋ r l/

N consonant phonemes: 22

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Lateral Approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Prenasalization, Implosive

V phoneme inventory: /iɛa o w/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: There are also palatal phonemes loaned from Indonesian/Trade Malay. Author presents distributional/reduplication/syllabification evidence for analyzing prenasalized stops as unitary rather than sequences in reduplication processes.
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Donohue 1999: 30–31)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)

Notes: Donohue speculates that Tukang Besi has an incipient pitch accent system that's developing through the regularization of phonetic properties of older non-contrastive stress system (1999: 34).

## Vowel reduction processes

khc-R1: In casual speech, any word-final vowel can delete or become voiceless after a voiceless consonant (Donohue 1999: 23).

## Consonant allophony processes

khc-C1: Non-implosive bilabial stops may be realized as affricates preceding /a o/ (Donohue 1999: 16).
khc-C2: Voiceless glottal fricative is realized as voiceless bilabial fricative preceding /u/ (Donohue 1999: 19).

khc-C3: A voiceless velar stop is realized as fronted preceding /i/ (Donohue 1999: 19).

khc-C4: An alveolar trill may be realized as an alveolar, lateral, or retroflex flap intervocalically in some dialects and in casual speech (Donohue 1999: 18).

khc-C5: An alveolar lateral approximant may be realized as a lateral or retroflex flap following a non-front vowel in some dialects and in casual speech (Donohue 1999: 18).

khc-C6: A voiced velar stop is spirantized in lax environments, including between two unstressed vowels (Donohue 1999: 27).

khc-C7: An implosive bilabial stop is realized as a fricative intervocalically (Donohue 1999: 16).

khc-C8: Non-implosive bilabial stops may be spirantized preceding non-high back vowels (Donohue 1999: 16).

## Morphology

Text: “The heron and the monkey” (Donohue 1999: 516–520)

Synthetic index: 1.5 morphemes/word (605 morphemes, 398 words)

## [khr] Kharia

Austroasiatic, *Mundaic* (India)

References consulted: Peterson (2011)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d t d c j k g ? bʰ tʰ dʰ tʰ dʰ cʰ jʰ kʰ gʰ f s h m n nj ŋ ɲ t̠l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 32

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Retroflex, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Breathy voice, Post-aspiration, Labiodental, Retroflex
V phoneme inventory: /iɛaɔu/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Palatal stops often realized as affricates. The retroflex consonants are most often realized as post-alveolars. /t/ is marginally phonemic, but there is a minimal pair distinguishing it from /d/. [?] is also described as extremely marginal, does not seem to contrast with anything and is predictable in its distribution. /eʊ/ raise to /eʊ/ when lengthened. Status of diphthongs /ae ao ou ui ui/ doubtful to Peterson, as they do not occur before codas in the native vocabulary. Therefore he analyzes these as V+glide. Other authors consider nasalization to be marginally phonemic, but Peterson does not (2011: 27).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Peterson 2011: 32–33)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items

Onset restrictions: C₁ may be any consonant except /t/ and /ɪ/.

Coda restrictions: /s/ and /h/ do not occur in native codas. Voicing, aspiration, and dental/retroflex contrasts neutralized in coda.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: No

Notes: Word-level rising prosodic pattern defines the phonological word, but any syllable may be more prominent with respect to intensity.
## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

khr-C1: A voiced velar stop is realized as a glottal stop syllable-finally (Peterson 2011: 29).

## Morphology

Text: “The nine totems” (first 8 pages, Peterson 2011: 439–446)

Synthetic index: 1.5 morphemes/word (604 morphemes, 399 words)

## [kjn] Kunjen (Oykangand dialect)

Pama-Nyungan, *Paman* (Australia)

References consulted: Dixon (1970), Sommer (1969), Sommer (1981)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t c k pʰ tʰ cʰ kʰ f ð γ m n p ŋ r ʃ l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 23

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Devoiced sonorants, Post-aspiration, Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /ɪ e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Prenasalized stops interpreted as a cluster on the basis of occurrence of reverse sequences and separate occurrence of component segments (1969: 34).
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)VC(C)(C)(C) (Sommer 1969: 33–35; Sommer 1981; Dixon 1970)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 4

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: Yes

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Unclear.

Coda restrictions: Simple codas unrestricted. Biconsonantal codas include nasal-nasal, lateral-stop, lateral-fricative, stop-nasal, rhotic-stop, rhotic-nasal, rhotic-glide, glide-glide. Triconsonantal codas have liquid as C₁ followed by stop-nasal or nasal-stop sequence, or stop-nasal-stop sequence in which first two members are homorganic. Four-consonant codas consist of /l x j/ followed by homorganic sequence of stop, nasal, and stop, e.g. /lbmb/.

Notes: This language is typologically unusual in that it is claimed to have no onsets. Sommer (1970; 1981) argues for this analysis using evidence from phonological processes in the language. Consonant-initial syllables are reported to occur in a few lexical items when these are sentence-initial: Sommer (1969: 16, 33) indicates that this is optional and limited to words which occur with high frequency in that environment, but Sommer (1981) suggests that this is an invariant pattern. Dixon (1970) disagrees with Sommer's analysis; in work with Olgolo he observed many invariant word-final vowels in the language. He analyzes the language as having V(C)(C) structure in initial syllables and CV(C)(C) syllables following that, with the limitation that a stem-final syllable can have at most one final consonant (1970: 274). Sommer criticizes Dixon for using data from the more distantly related Olgolo rather than from closely related Olgol to argue against patterns in Oykangand. Dixon also analyzes the language as having a series of pre-stopped nasals; this would affect the canonical syllable structure proposed by Sommer. Sommer argues for his sequential analysis of these structures in (1981: 242 f1)
## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Intensity (impres-
sionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

kjn-R1: In fast speech, vowels tend toward an indeterminate central position re-
sembling [ə] but maintain their rounding characteristics (Sommer 1969: 41).

kjn-R2: High front vowel is realized as lax in unstressed, non-word-initial posi-
tion (Sommer 1969: 41).

## Consonant allophony processes

kjn-C1: Unaspirated voiceless stops are voiced preceding a nasal (Sommer 1969: 39).

kjn-C2: Unaspirated voiceless stops are sometimes voiced following a liquid (Sommer 1969: 39).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [kms] Kamasau

Nuclear Torricelli, *Marienberg* (Papua New Guinea)

References consulted: Sanders & Sanders (1980)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d tʃ dʒ k g ʔ m b n d n dʒ ɲ g φ β s y m n n ɲ r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 23
Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Prenasalization, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a o u/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /iu ia ie io ui ua ue uo ai au ao ei eu ea eo oi ou/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Sanders & Sanders 1980: 116–121)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Varies with CV sequence

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Both patterns (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: C₁ may be a plosive, /mb/, /s/, /r/, or nasal. C₂ is always /j/, /w/, or /r/.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except /w j/ may occur. CCVVC syllables are always closed by /?/.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Unpredictable/variable

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction
Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

kms-R1: The vowel in a word-initial syllable preceding a stressed syllable has a tendency to be reduced, being deleted or overlapped with a preceding (nasal) consonant to produce a syllabic consonant (Sanders & Sanders 1980: 114–115).

kms-R2: A low central vowel /a/ occurs as mid in an unstressed syllable (Sanders & Sanders 1980: 122).

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

Text: “Amu2 Text” (Sanders & Sanders 1994: 85–94)

Synthetic index: 1.4 morphemes/word (639 morphemes, 455 words)

## [knc] Kanuri

Saharan, *Western Saharan* (Chad, Niger, Nigeria, Sudan)

References consulted: Cyffer (1998), Hutchison (1981)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d k g mg nd ng tf d3 fs z h m n r l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 21

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Prenasalization, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e ə a l o u/
N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: None

Notes: Vowel sequences /aa ii uu ai au ia iu oi/ appear to be variable realizations in predictable contexts in which an intervocalic /g/ may be weakened or entirely lost.

## Syllable structure

Category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Hutchison 1981: 15–17, Cyffer 1998)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items

Onset restrictions: None.

Coda restrictions: only sonorant consonants /l r m n/ occur (Hutchison 1981: 15)

Notes: Hutchison states that onsetless syllables occur only in borrowings (1981: 15), but both Hutchison and Cyffer (1998) give examples of V-initial nouns, verbs, and demonstratives which seem unlikely to be borrowed (e.g. verb paradigm for ‘come’, demonstratives *ádə* and *ánji*).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: No

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)
## Consonant allophony processes

knc-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as palato-alveolar preceding front vowels (Cyffer 1998: 20).

knc-C2: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as a palatal stop when occurring after a consonant and before a front vowel (Cyffer 1998: 21).

knc-C3: A voiceless labiodental fricative is realized as labial preceding a back rounded vowel (Cyffer 1998: 23).

knc-C4: Voiceless consonants are voiced when occurring after a sonorant and preceding a vowel (Cyffer 1998: 22).

knc-C5: A voiced velar stop is spirantized intervocalically (Cyffer 1998: 22).

knc-C6: A voiced bilabial stop may be realized as a labiovelar glide when occurring after a vowel or liquid (Cyffer 1998: 22).

knc-C7: A voiceless alveolar fricative may be realized as a palato-alveolar affricate when occurring after a sonorant and preceding a front vowel (Cyffer 1998: 21).

knc-C8: Velar stops are realized as corresponding glides when adjacent to front and back vowels, respectively (Cyffer 1998: 22).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [kpm] Koho (Sre dialect)

Austroasiatic, *Bahnaric* (Vietnam)

References consulted: Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996), Manley (1972), Olsen (2014)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c j k g ʔ pʰ tʰ cʰ kʰ ð ʃ s h m n ɲ ŋ mʰ nʰ ɲʰ r rʰ l lʰ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 30

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Post-aspiration, Implosive
V phoneme inventory: /i e ε i a a ɔ o y u i: e: ε: i: a: ɔ: y: o: u:/

N vowel qualities: 10

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996: 116) suspect the aspirated nasal are actually voiceless. Olsen argues that aspirated trill, lateral approximants are units, using morphological evidence. Manley doesn't list these, but does have /jʰ wʰ/ instead. Olsen shows VOT for aspirated sonorants is 2-3 times longer than for unaspirated stops, concluding that this indicates aspiration rather than voicelessness. [i] varies with [u]. /ɑ/ occurs in subdialects A & B, but not C. /e o a/ almost always occur long. Long vowels are associated with pitch fall or rise; Manley analyzes pitch, not length as the conditioned feature (Manley 1972: 15).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: C(C)(C)V(C)(C) (Olsen 2014: 30-40, Manley 1972: 23-27)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasals

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical

Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur in simple onsets, though presyllable onsets are limited to unaspirated, unimploded obstruents. Biconsonantal onsets have a liquid or glide as C₂. Triconsonantal onsets are limited to a stop or /s m/ as C₁, /r l/ as C₂, and /w j/ as C₃.

Coda restrictions: In presyllables, simple codas are limited to liquids and /n/. In main syllables, simple coda may be liquid, nasal, glide, or glottal. Biconsonantal codas are glide + /ʔ h/.

Notes: This language has presyllables/main syllable distinction.
## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Vowel quality contrasts, Vowel length contrasts, Consonant contrasts, Tonal contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Duration and pitch seem to be interdependent correlates of tone. Main syllable vowels have “attendant pitch length” (Olsen 2014: 32).

## Vowel reduction processes

kpm-R1: Long vowels decrease in duration if not occurring word-finally, particularly if unstressed (Olsen 2014: 33).

kpm-R2: Presyllables tend to weaken or disappear in many environments (Olsen 2014: 31).

## Consonant allophony processes

kpm-C1: An alveolar trill is realized as a flap when occurring as second consonant of onset and preceding a vowel (Olsen 2014: 24).

## Morphology

Text: “Traditional village work” (Olsen 2014: 106–107)

Synthetic index: 1.0 morphemes/word (90 morphemes, 89 words)

## [ktb] Kambaata

Afro-Asiatic, *Cushitic* (Ethiopia)

References consulted: Treis (2008)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d k g ʔ p' t' k' ðtʃ ðʒ tʃ' f s z ʃʒ h m n n̥: r rʔ l lʔ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 27
Geminates: /b: t: d: k: g: ?: p': t': k': ſ̃f̃: d̃z̃: ſ̃f̃: f: s: z:ʃ:ʒ: h: m: n: j: r: r̃? : l: l̃? : w: j:/
(All, including some that don't have singleton counterparts)

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 5

Elaborations: Creaky voice, Voiced fricatives/affricates, Ejective, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /ii ee aa oo uu/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: Voicing?

Notes: Singleton/geminate contrasts occur for all consonants intervocalically, except for /ʒ: j:/ which are always geminate. Glottalized liquids /r̂ l̂/ are rare and have ‘defective’ distribution. Treis analyzes phonetically long vowels as sequences of identical vowels. Phonemic status of voiceless vowels is not fully determined. These seem to be mostly predictable variants of voiced vowels, but there are exceptions to these patterns in a few grammatical contexts. There are no minimal pairs of words with the same stress pattern but with final vowels differing in voicing only (Treis 2008: 20–22). Nasalized vowels are marginally phonemic, occurring in very few lexical items, most of which are ideophonic. I do not count nasalization as a contrastive feature here.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: CV(C) (Treis 2008: 41)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A
Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: None.

Coda restrictions: Word-finally, no restrictions.

Notes: Many words end in ‘hardly audible final [ɪ]’ (p. 48). Phonetic diphthongs occur as a result of morphophonological processes.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

ktb-R1: In some closed syllables, short vowels tend to be slightly centralized (Treis 2008: 18).

ktb-R2: Unstressed word-final long vowels are at most half-long (Treis 2008: 19).

ktb-R3: Unstressed word-final short vowels /i e a o u/ are subject to extra shortening (Treis 2008: 20).

ktb-R4: Unstressed word-final short vowels /i a u/ are subject to devoicing (Treis 2008: 20).

ktb-R5: Unstressed word-final /i/ may be deleted in rapid speech (Treis 2008: 20).

Notes: There are two morphemes ending in /a/ which do not undergo the devoicing process in ktb-R4.

## Consonant allophony processes

ktb-C1: A voiced bilabial stop is realized as an approximant intervocalically (Treis 2008: 24).

ktb-C2: A nasal is realized as palato-alveolar preceding a palato-alveolar consonants (Treis 2008: 34).

ktb-C3: An alveolar trill is realized as a flap intervocalically (Treis 2008: 35).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[kyh] Karok

isolate (United States)

References consulted: De Angulo & Freeland (1931), Bright (1957), Sandy (2014)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k ? tʃ β f θ s ʃ x h m n r j/

N consonant phonemes: 16

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i a o u i: e: a: o: u:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthong /ui/, perhaps more

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /ʃ/ only marginally contrastive with /s/ (Bright 1957: 17). No length distinction in /e:/.

## Syllable structure

Category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: CV(C) (Bright 1957: 11)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: All consonants occur.
## Suprasegmentals

- Tone: Yes

- Word stress: Yes

- Stress placement: Other (tone and weight)

- Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables

- Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
  Not described

- Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

- Notes: Sandy argues that stress placement is predictable and phonologically conditioned by requirements of tone, which in turn is determined by syllable weight/structure. Stress coincides with tone-bearing mora (Sandy 2014: 40).

## Vowel reduction processes

- kyh-R1: An unstressed low central vowel /a/ without tone is realized as [ə] (Bright 1957: 11).

- kyh-R2: An unaccented word-initial short vowel preceding two consonants may be lost following a pause (Bright 1957: 53).

- kyh-R3: Long vowels in post-tonic syllables followed by a pause are realized with lower pitch and glottalization (Bright 1957: 13).

- kyh-R4: Syllables with short vowels may be realized with whispered voice in post-tonic position preceding a pause (Bright 1957: 13).

## Consonant allophony processes

- kyh-C1: A voiceless velar fricative is realized with uvular trill release when occurring before a front vowel (Bright 1957).

- kyh-C2: A voiceless velar fricative is realized as labialized when occurring after a back vowel (Bright 1957: 8)

## Morphology

- Text: “How salmon was given to mankind” (De Angulo & Freeland 1931: 202–204)

- Synthetic index: 2.4 morphemes/word (614 morphemes, 252 words)
[lao] Lao

Tai-Kadai, *Kam-Tai* (Laos, Thailand)

References consulted: Enfield (2004), Enfield (2007), Erickson (2001), Morev et al. (1979)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p pʰ b t tʰ d tʰ k kʰ kʷ kʷʰ? ʔʷ til̃ tɛ̃ʷ f s sʷ h m n ɲ ŋ ɲʷ l FFE̊ J/

N consonant phonemes: 28

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Alveolo-palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Post-aspiration, Labiodental, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e ɛ ə a ɔ o u u i: e: ɛ: ə: a: ɔ: o: u: u:/

N vowel qualities: 9

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ia ua u:/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /u/ varies between fricative and approximant, but approximant more common. Labialized consonants don't occur before rounded vowels. Because there are no Cj sequences in the language, the CG analysis is rejected for these (Erickson 2001: 138). Diphthong /au/ occurs in Northern varieties.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: CV(C) (Enfield 2007: 33–35; Morev et al. 1979: 20)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A
## B Data

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: Limited to /p t k ? m n ŋ w j/.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Vowel quality contrasts, Vowel length contrasts, Consonant contrasts, Tonal contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

Text: “A grammar of Lao” (Enfield 2007: 488–497)

Synthetic index: 1.1 morphemes/word (381 morphemes, 362 words)
[lep] Lepcha

Sino-Tibetan, *Himalayish* (Bhutan, India, Nepal)

References consulted: Plaisier (2007), Sprigg (1966)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /pʰbʰtʰdtildcʰkʰgʔtsʰfvszʃʒhmnŋŋr1βj/

N consonant phonemes: 32

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Retroflex, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 5

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i e ə a ɔ o ʊ u/

N vowel qualities: 8

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: [e] varies with [ɛ]. /ə/ approaches [ʌ] or [ʊ] in some contexts.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: C(C)(C)V(C) (Plaisier 2007: 30–32)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A
Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur in simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets have /j r l/ as C₂. Triconsonantal onsets have /k g p b f m l tʰ/ as C₁, /r l/ as C₂, and /j/ as C₃.

Coda restrictions: Limited to /p t k m n η r l/.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Duration a correlate of stress in open syllables. Pitch seems to be correlate not of stress but weak tonal system.

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

lep-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as palato-alveolar preceding a high front vowel (Plaisier 2007: 27).

lep-C2: Velar stops are realized as palatalized preceding a front vowel (Plaisier 2007: 21).

lep-C3: An alveolar trill varies (apparently?) freely with a flap (Plaisier 2007: 28).

## Morphology

Text: “The story of the jackal” (Plaisier 2007: 165–168)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (249 morphemes, 144 words)
[lez] Lezgian

Nakh-Daghestanian, *Daghestanian* (Azerbaijan, Russia)

References consulted: Chitoran & Babaliyeva (2007), Haspelmath (1993), Kodzasov (1990), Yu (2004)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p̥ pʰ b t tʰ d tʷ tʷʰ k kʰ g kʷ kʷʰ gʷ q qʰ qʷ qʷʰ ? pʼ tʼ tʷ kʼ k̃ʷ qʼ q̃ʷ ts̃ tsʰ tsʷ tsʷʰ tʃ̃ tʃʰ ts̃ ts̃̃ w̃ f s z sʷ zʷ ∫ ʒ x χ ɔ χ̃ χʷ ɔ̃ w̃ h m n l r j w/

N consonant phonemes: 54

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 7

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration, Ejective, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Uvular, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i y e æ a u æ: a/;

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Kodzasov has /β/ instead of /w/. /æ: a/ are rather marginally contrastive with other vowels. Some dialects have /u/.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C) (Haspelmath 1993: 40–46)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A
Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Biconsonantal onsets include sequences of voiceless obstruents or voiceless obstruent+sonorant. Triconsonantal onsets consist of three voiceless obstruents or two voiceless obstruents and an /r/ or /l/, include /krtʃ/, /tʰwɪrp/, /ʃtk/, /kk'l tʃ XR kst ktk/.

Coda restrictions: Biconsonantal codas have no restrictions, include /rd, st, mp, xt, lt, rk/.

Notes: Syllable structure has undergone changes recently and used to be canonically (C)V (Haspelmath 1993: 46).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental)

## Vowel reduction processes

lez-R1: High vowels /i y u/ are devoiced and shortened, or deleted when occurring pre-tonically between voiceless obstruents, if both are not fricatives. Process occurs even if there is an intervening /r/ before the second obstruent (Haspelmath 1993: 36–40; Chitoran & Babaliyeva 2007).

lez-R2: High vowels /i y u/ are optionally devoiced and shortened, or deleted when occurring between an obstruent and a sonorant followed by a stressed vowel (Haspelmath 1993: 36–40; Chitoran & Babaliyeva 2007).

lez-R3: Mid front vowel /e/ is produced with higher quality in pre-stress syllables, especially when followed by /i/ in the next syllable (Haspelmath 1993: 32).

## Consonant allophony processes

lez-C1: A labiovelar approximant varies freely with a labial fricative variant (Haspelmath 1993: 35).
lez-C2: An alveolar lateral approximant is velarized syllable-finally following a back vowel (Haspelmath 1993: 35).

## Morphology

Text: “Who is stealing the melons?”, “The magpie and the wolf” (Haspelmath 1993: 448–456)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (249 morphemes, 144 words)

## [lkt] Lakota

Siouan, *Core Siouan* (United States)

References consulted: Ingham (2003), Consortium (2008), Mirzayan (2010), Rood & Taylor (1996)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p pʰ b t tʰ k kʰʔ pʻ tʻ kʻ tʃ tʃʰ tʃʻ/ sz ʒ x γ h m l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 26

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration, Ejective, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u ington/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Rood & Taylor call /x γ/ velar; Mirzayan call these post-velar. /b/ has limited distribution but is unpredictable in some words. Nasal contrast of /i a u/. Only diphthong, /au/, used solely by men in greeting *hau*.
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Rood & Taylor 1996: 446–447, Mirza-
yan 2010: 39, Ingham 2003: 5)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Apparently any consonant may function as simple onset. Bi-
consonatal onsets include sequences of two plosives, plosive+fricative, frica-
tive+plosive, obstruent+voiced continuant sequences, and sequences of two
voiced continuants.

Coda restrictions: Limited to /s∫hlb g/ word-internally, and /n m/ word-finally.

Notes: Syllabification usually follows morpheme boundaries

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (impression-
istic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Duration is a significant correlate in certain segmental contexts. Inten-
sity reported by Consortium (2008) ('greater loudness'), but not instrumentally
confirmed.
## Vowel reduction processes

lkt-R1: In rapid speech any unstressed word-final vowel may be dropped. This process is very frequent but more common in certain morphosyntactic constructions (Mirzayan 2010: 155–156, Rood & Taylor 1996: 447).

## Consonant allophony processes

lkt-C1: Velar stops are realized as palato-alveolar affricates following a high front vowel (Ingham 2003: 6).

lkt-C2: A voiceless glottal fricative is sometimes realized as a palatal glide (Ingham 2003).

## Morphology

Text: “Hunting eggs in the spring” (Ingham 2003: 95–96)

Synthetic index: 1.3 morphemes/word (282 morphemes, 215 words)

## [lpa] Lelepa

Austronesian, *Malayo-Polynesian* (Vanuatu)

References consulted: Lacrampe (2014)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /kpʷ p t k f s ɲmʷ m n ɲ l r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 14

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Labial-velar, Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Labiodental, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u a:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ej aj aw ow/

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Length distinction for /a/ only.
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C) (Lacrampe 2014: 41–48)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items

Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur in simple onsets. In biconsonantal onsets, C₁ is a plosive, nasal, or fricative and C₂ is usually a liquid but an also be a fricative, stop, or glide. Triconsonantal onsets are /fsr, psr/).

Coda restrictions: Any consonant may occur in simple codas. The specific patterns for biconsonantal codas are unclear, but they include /lf, rk, r̥s nt r̥k lp/ and appear to be limited to sonorant+obstruent.

Notes: Syllable structure is in process of becoming more complex in this language, with rampant vowel reduction producing many codas and clusters, though many clusters are also invariant.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: These correlates of stress do not necessarily co-occur; length especially is reduced in rapid speech.
## Vowel reduction processes

lpa-R1: Mid front vowel /e/ is optionally reduced to [ə] when occurring in open unstressed syllables (Lacrampe 2014: 34).

lpa-R2: Low central vowel /a/ is reduced to [ə] in unstressed syllables (Lacrampe 2014: 34–35).

lpa-R3: After a consonant, word-final high vowels /i u/ and mid back vowel /o/ may be deleted or devoiced (Lacrampe 2014: 15, 64–65).

lpa-R4: After a consonant, word-final mid front vowel /e/ and low vowel /a/ are reduced in quality, devoiced, or deleted (Lacrampe 2014: 15, 64–65).

lpa-R5: A vowel filling the nucleus of a syllable preceding the syllable receiving primary stress is reduced in quality, when the word is three syllables or fewer and the stressed syllable has an onset (Lacrampe 2014: 66; process does not occur if it produces an unattested consonant cluster).

lpa-R6: A vowel filling the nucleus of a syllable preceding the syllable receiving primary stress is deleted, when the word is four or more syllables, the stressed syllable is CV, and the reduced syllable is CV or V (Lacrampe 2014: 66–67; process does not occur if it produces an unattested consonant cluster).

Notes: Processes R3-R6 are said to be more common in the speech of younger speakers.

## Consonant allophony processes

lpa-C1: A voiceless velar stop is realized as uvular following a back vowel or /a/ (Lacrampe 2014: 19).

lpa-C2: Stops and fricatives are optionally voiced intervocalically (Lacrampe 2014: 17).

lpa-C3: A voiceless velar fricative may be spirantized following a back vowel or /a/ (Lacrampe 2014: 20).

## Morphology

Text: “Text 1” (Lacrampe 2014: 495–500)

Synthetic index: 1.4 morphemes/word (586 morphemes, 406 words)
[lun] Lunda

Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo (Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, Zambia)

References consulted: Kawasha (2003)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g til d3 f v s z ʃ ʒ h m n ɲ ŋ l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 22

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u i: e: a: o: u:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Reasoning for not considering nasal+C sequences to be prenasalized stops given in Kawasha (2003: 24). Vowel length contrastive in just a few cases.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V (Kawasha 2003: 20–21)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Onset)
Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Simple onsets are apparently unrestricted. In biconsonantal onsets, any non-glide consonant may occur as C₁ if followed by a bilabial glide /w/ as C₂. Nasal + consonant sequences also occur as biconsonantal onsets. Tric consonantal onsets have a nasal as C₁, any non-nasal, non-glide consonant as C₂, and a glide (bilabial) as C₃.

Notes: Kawasha discusses onset restrictions in terms of glides, of which there are two (/w j/) in the language, but in examples only /w/ occurs in clusters.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Not reported

## Vowel reduction processes

lun-R1: A word-final high vowel /i/ is realized as “voiceless and muted” when following semi-vowels /w j/, glottal consonant /h/, or nasal /m/ in continuous speech. Examples show that this is syncope, not devoicing (Kawasha 2003: 37–38).

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [mcr] Menya

Angan, *Nuclear Angan* (Papua New Guinea)

References consulted: Whitehead (1992), Whitehead (2004)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k q m b n d ŋ g n G tʃ ʃ dʒ h m n j ŋ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 17

Geminates: N/A
Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Prenasalization, Palato-alveolar, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i e ə a o u/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /uə io ue uə ua ai uau/ ( perhaps more)

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /q/ most frequent consonant phoneme in this language.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C) (Whitehead 2004: 226, Whitehead 1992)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Both

Onset restrictions: No restrictions on simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets include /tq, pk, pq/, at least, with suggestions of nasals occurring as well (2004: 9). Triconsonantal onsets include /tpq, ptq/ (/q/ typically produced as [к] or [у] after a plosive in clusters).

Coda restrictions: Nasals /m n/ occur.

Notes: Non-homorganic consonants are separated by extremely short vocalic segments which are inconsistently produced and represented, "more and more
not being written” (Whitehead 2004: 226). Quality seems to be conditioned by
vowel harmony and/or surrounding consonants. When three plosives come to-
gether, there is a greater likelihood of one vowel being written but inconsis-
tency as to which one (2004: 9).

Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Not described

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

Notes: Tone and stress described as interdependent in language, with tone being
phonemic but having low functional load (Whitehead 2004: 226).

Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

Consonant allophony processes

mcr-C1: A voiceless dental stop is in free variation with a flap and a lateral ap-
proximant in intervocalic position (Whitehead 2004: 9).

mcr-C2: A voiceless uvular stop varies with voiced uvular or velar fricatives in intervocalic position (Whitehead 2004: 9).

Morphology

Text: “Hunting expedition” (first 20 pages, Whitehead 2004: 238–257)

Synthetic index: 2.5 morphemes/word (745 morphemes, 301 words)
[mdx] Dizin (Central dialect)

Dizoid (Ethiopia)

References consulted: Allan (1976), Beachy (2005), Breeze (1988)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g p' t' k' ðs ðʃ ðʒ ðs' ðʃ' ʃ s zʃʒ h m nŋ r l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 27

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Ejective, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i eɛ i α o u i: e: α: o: u:/

N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /?/ is posited to avoid underlying syllabic nasals, otherwise its occurrence is completely predictable. I do not include it. /tšš tšš' š z/ occur only in Western Dizin (Beachy 2005). Allan gives 24 consonant phonemes, lists an inventory that is quite divergent from those posited by Beachy and Breeze.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C)(C)(C) (Beachy 2005: 38–46)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic
Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Both

Onset restrictions: All consonants except /p/ may occur (though /p/ occurs as onset in loanwords).

Coda restrictions: For simple codas, all consonants except /ʔ, k', dʒ/ may occur. Biconsonantal coda combinations are fairly free, though not all possible combinations occur and most follow a rising sonority contour according to a standard six-point hierarchy. In tri-consonantal codas, C₁ is /j/, C₂ is /n/, and C₃ is /t, d, s,ʃ/.

Notes: Syllabic nasal nuclei occur only in syllables with predictable obligatory onset of [ʔ] and optional coda of /t/ (Beachy 2005: 41).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

mdx-R1: Short high vowels /i u/ are sometimes realized as voiceless when word-final (Beachy 2005: 35–36).

mdx-R2: The phoneme /ɛ/ is optionally realized as [ə], but no conditioning environment given (Beachy 2005: 37).

## Consonant allophony processes

mdx-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as voiced preceding /d/ (Beachy 2005: 26).

mdx-C2: Voiced bilabial and velar stops are realized as fricatives word-finally (Beachy 2005: 17).

mdx-C3: A voiceless bilabial stop varies with a bilabial fricative and a labiodental fricative word-internally and word-finally (Beachy 2005: 17).
## Morphology

Text: "A lion and a fox" (Beachy 2005: 154–158)

Synthetic index: 1.9 morphemes/word (485 morphemes, 251 words)

## [mhi] Ma'di

Central Sudanic, *Moru-Madi* (South Sudan, Uganda)

References consulted: Blackings & Fabb (2003)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d tʷ dʷ k g kʷ gʷ k̂p ĝb ? ?ʷ m b n d n dʷ ŋ g ŋ gʷ ŋm̃ ĝb
b d f ĝb t̂j t̂ʃ d̃z n d̃ʒ f v s z h m̃v m n ɲ ŋm r rʷ l lʷ j w/

N consonant phonemes: 44

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Labial-velar, Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 6

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Prenasalization, Implosive, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /ieou/

N vowel qualities: 9

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes:

### Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Blackings & Fabb 2003: 34–35)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No
Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: None. CC onsets may occur in loanwords in speech of educated people.

Coda restrictions: N/A

Notes: Codas may occur in ideophones and in educated variants.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: No

## Vowel reduction processes

(none)

## Consonant allophony processes

(none)

## Morphology

Text: “Hare, Caragule, and the water dance” (Blackings & Fabb 2003: 671–677)

Synthetic index: 1.09 morphemes/word (440 morphemes, 405 words)

## [mio] Pinotepa Mixteca

Otomanguean, *Eastern Otomanguean* (Mexico)

References consulted: Bradley (1970), Costello (2014)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t t̥ k kʷ ʔ m b n ʔ d̥ n d̥ n g ʔ tʃ s ʃ m n ʔ n ʔ l ʔ r ʔ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 20
Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Prenasalization, Palato-alveolar, Palatalization, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u ɪ̃ ə ɔ ʊ ɪ̃ ɛ a o ʊ ɪ̃ ɛ a o ʊ/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: All

Other contrasts: Glottalization (All)

Notes: Author calls /?/ a ‘semiconsonant’. /φ sʰ/ occur only in Spanish loans. /x/ occurs in diminutive speech style.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Bradley 1970: 14)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Notes: Bradley describes glottal stop as a semiconsonant which may attach to a vowel to form a complex nucleus and thus a ‘checked’ syllable (1970: 14). Costello analyzes syllable template as (C)V(C) with glottal stop as the only acceptable coda (2014: 24–25). Both authors note that checked syllables/glottal codas occur only in stressed/tonic syllables. Since the glottal stop has a very limited distribution and does not behave like a prototypical coda, I consider this language to have Simple syllable structure. The analysis of the glottal stop
as a laryngeal feature of the syllable has been proposed for other Mixtecan lan-
guages as well (e.g. Juchitán Zapotec, Marlett & Pickett 1987).

Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant al-
lophony in unstressed syllables, Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Intensity (im-
pressionistic)

Vowel reduction processes

mio-R1: A final unstressed vowel decays at the end of a terminal contour, follow-
ing a pause (Bradley 1970: 13).

Consonant allophony processes

mio-C1: Prenasalized dental stop may be realized as palato-alveolar in a post-
tonic syllable immediately following the tonic syllable (Bradley 1970: 6).

mio-C2: Labiovelar and palatal glides are fricated in tonic syllables (Bradley 1970: 8).

mio-C3: /tʃ kʷ/ may be realized as voiced in post-tonic syllables (Bradley 1970: 5).

mio-C4: /kʷ/ is occasionally voiced in pretonic syllables (Bradley 1970: 5).

Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[mjg] Tu

Mongolic, *Southern Periphery Mongolic* (China)

References consulted: Slater (2003)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /pʰ p tʰ t kʰ k qʰ q til tsʰ ts til tɛʰ tɛ tsh tsh f s c s χ m n ŋ l . w j/

N consonant phonemes: 26

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Alveolo-palatal, Velar, Uvular

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Post-aspiration, Labiodental, Retroflex, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /tɛʰ tɛ c/ are described as being post-alveolar most often, but symbols indicate alveolo-palatal. Absence of contrastive vowel length is unusual for a Mongolic language.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Slater 2003: 54–72)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Liquid

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic
Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items

Onset restrictions: C₁ may be any consonant except /ŋ/, but may not be identical
to C₂. C₂ must be glide /j/ or /w/.

Coda restrictions: Restricted to /tʃiŋ nj w/.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables, Consonant allosophy in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Different outcomes for /i/ and /e/. /i/ generally realized as somewhat central, but may move towards quality [i], especially in stressed syllables. /e/ is [ɛ]~[ə] in most contexts, but [ə] generally appears in stressed syllables without onset clusters or codas. I'm not coding this as vowel reduction because it seems there is free variation even within stressed syllables.

## Vowel reduction processes

mjg-R1: High vowels /i u/ are realized as lax in unstressed syllables (Slater 2003: 35).

mjg-R2: High vowels /i u/ and mid front vowel /e/ are often devoiced following a voiceless consonant. This typically occurs in medial unstressed syllables and is most regular following a voiceless fricative (Slater 2003: 36).

## Consonant allosophy processes

mjg-C1: A palatal glide is realized as a fricative in the onset of a stressed syllable (Slater 2003: 31–32).

mjg-C2: A retroflex approximant is realized as fricative [z] in the onset of a stressed syllable (Slater 2003: 30).

mjg-C3: A retroflex approximant is realized as an alveolar flap intervocalically before an unstressed vowel (Slater 2003: 31).
## Morphology

Text: "Rabbit's trick" (Slater 2003: 343–350)

Synthetic index: 1.5 morphemes/word (547 morphemes, 377 words)

## [mji] Kim Mun (Vietnam dialect)

Hmong-Mien, *Mienic* (Vietnam)

References consulted: Clark (2008)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c j k g f v θ s h m n ɲ ŋ l ʌ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 21

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /i e ε ɛ a ɔ o u a /

N vowel qualities: 8

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Length contrastive for /a/ only.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Clark 2008: 123–127)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A
Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Simple onsets unrestricted. For complex onsets, C₁ must be
/p b t k g/, and C₂ must be /l w j/.

Coda restrictions: Restricted to nasals, glides, and /p t/.

Notes: It is possible Vietnam Kim Mun is in the process of losing onset clusters, as vowel epenthesis sometimes occurs in /kl/ sequences (Clark 2008: 127).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Not reported

## Vowel reduction processes

mji-R1: Long vowels are shortened and produced with level tone in non-word-final syllables (Clark 2008: 117).

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [moh] Mohawk

Iroquoian, *Northern Iroquoian* (Canada, United States)

References consulted: Bonvillain (1973), Michelson (1981), Michelson (1988)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /t k ? d̃ʒ s h n l j w/

N consonant phonemes: 10

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None
Places: Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /ie^a^o^u^/

N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: None

Notes: /ʌu/ are nasalized. Peripheral phonemic vowel /ɪ/ occurs in two basic words (Bonvillain 1973: 43). Bonvillain states vowel length is predictable.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Bonvillain 1973: 21–23; Michelson 1981; 1988: 12)

Size of maximal onset: 4

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur in simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets are /nj tj kj kw ts ks st kt sk tk sh th kh/. Triconsonantal onsets always have /j s w h/ as a member, e.g. /tsj, ksk, kts, shw, shr, khn/. Four-consonant onsets are /shnj khnj/.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except /dʒ/ may occur in simple codas. Biconsonantal codas include /ks ?s ts/. Triconsonantal codas are rare and highly restricted, include /?ks ?ts kst/.

Notes: Michelson writes that vowel epenthesis predictably breaks up triconsonantal onsets (1981), but lists many surface word-initial onsets in 1988 (p. 12).
## Suprasegmentals

- Tone: Yes

- Word stress: Yes

- Stress placement: Fixed

- Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

- Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
  (none)

- Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)

- Notes: Some co-occurrence of length with stress: all long vowels stressed, but not all stressed vowels long; lengthening is thus dependent on accent.

## Vowel reduction processes

- moh-R1: The length of a long vowel may be somewhat diminished in keeping with phrasal and sentence contours (Bonvillain 1973: 46).

## Consonant allophony processes

- moh-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as palato-alveolar preceding /i/, by some speakers (Bonvillain 1973: 31).

- moh-C2: A labiovelar glide is realized as a labiodental fricative preceding /h/ (Bonvillain 1973: 34).

- moh-C3: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as voiced intervocalically (Bonvillain 1973).

- moh-C4: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as voiced word-initially preceding a vowel (Bonvillain 1973).

- moh-C5: Voiceless stops /t k/ are realized as voiced preceding a vowel with an optional intervening glide (Bonvillain 1973: 28).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)