[mpc] Mangarrayi

Mangarrayi-Maran (Australia)

References consulted: Merlan (1989)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b d d̥f g ʔ m n ŋ ɲ ŋ l l̥ x ɲ̥ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 17

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Retroflex, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Voiced stop symbols used for single stop series.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: CV(C)(C) (Merlan 1989: 186–196)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Both patterns (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants except for rhotics /x̥l/ may occur.
**Coda restrictions:** Any consonant may occur as simple coda. Biconsonantal codas consist of a non-nasal sonorant /l̥ / followed by a stop or nasal, or nasal followed by glottal stop (e.g. /ɲʔ/, p. 182).

**Notes:** V syllables result from the reduction of irrealis prefix forms *wa-* and *ja-* to *a-* (p. 196).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

# [mpi] Mpade (Makari dialect)

Afro-Asiatic, *Chadic* (Cameroon)

References consulted: Allison (2012), Mahamat (2005)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g mg nd ng b d k' tj dʒ ts' tj' fs zʃ h m n r l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 27

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents
Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 6

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Prenasalization, Ejective, Implosive, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a o u/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Mahamat (2005) does not give /m b n d ŋ g/. Allison gives reasoning for different analysis in (2012: 17–20).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C) (Allison 2012: 23–24)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items

Onset restrictions: Apparently no restrictions on simple onsets. In biconsonantal onsets, the most common pattern is for C₁ to be a stop or fricative, and C₂ to be /r l w j/. /sk sk' ft/ onsets also occur. The only triconsonantal onset is /skw/.

Coda restrictions: Only sonorants /m n l r w j/ occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Not reported
## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [mri] Maori

Austronesian, *Malayo-Polynesian* (New Zealand)

References consulted: Bauer (1999)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k φ h m n ŋ r w/

N consonant phonemes: 10

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap, Central approximant

N elaborations: 0

Elaborations: N/A

V phoneme inventory: /i ε a ɔ u a:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /ii ε̥ ɔ̥ uu aɛ ai aɔ au ɔa ɔɛ ɔi
ɔɔ ɔu εa εi εɔ εu ua uɛ ui uɔ ia iɛ iɔ iu/.

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /φ/ is variable in realization, was likely /f/ in past.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple
Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Bauer 1999: 533–538)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in unstressed syllables, Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Intensity is optionally a correlate of stress. Pitch here is a pitch fall. Secondary stress marked only by length.

## Vowel reduction processes

mri-R1: The final vowel of a word spoken in isolation is frequently devoiced
(Bauer 1999: 546).

## Consonant allophony processes

mri-C1: Stops may vary freely with affricates in stressed syllables (Bauer 1999: 545).

mri-C2: A voiceless alveolar stop may be affricated preceding an unstressed, devoiced vowel; sometimes this process involves palatalization of the stop too
(Bauer 1999).
mri-C3: In stressed syllables, /w/ may be produced with closer approximation (Bauer 1999: 545).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [nir] Nimboran

Nimboranic (Indonesia)

References consulted: Anceaux (1965), May (1997), May & May (1981)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /ptkbmbdndŋgshmnŋlwj/

N consonant phonemes: 16

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Retroflex, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral flap

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Prenasalization, Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /iehaou/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /ii ee uh aa oo uu ai au ei ao ou/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /l/ is used for retroflexed lateral flap. Prenasalized stops given by May with distributional justification. Extrasystematical phonemes /β/ and /x/ occur in one lexical item each (Anceaux 1965: 9). Anceaux gives /i/ instead of /u/. Long vowels are analyzed as vowel clusters.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C) (Anceaux 1965: 31–36; May 1997: 12–19; May & May 1981: 12)
## B Data

* Size of maximal onset: 3

* Size of maximal coda: 1

* Onset obligatory: No

* Coda obligatory: No

* Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

* Syllabic consonant patterns: Obstruent (Conflicting reports)

* Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

* Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

* Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset)

* Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

* Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur as simple onsets. In biconsonantal onsets, all consonants except for /w j/ may occur as C₁. If C₁ is nasal or stop, then C₂ is /l j w/. Biconsonantal onsets /nt sp sw sk hm hn/ additionally occur. Triconsonantal onset patterns are limited to /skw skl sk ṛglw blw/.

* Coda restrictions: Limited to /m n ṛ p/. For a few speakers, a word-final vowel sequence /ii/ may be realized as [ik].

* Notes: May notes that triconsonantal onsets with /w j/ as third member could be alternatively interpreted as biconsonantal onsets followed by a vowel sequence starting with /u/ or /i/; however he adopts the former analysis due to syllable peak patterns observed in the language (May 1997: 17–18). May & May note that the initial fricative in /skl/ onsets may be syllabic ([ṣ.kl]), based on speaker reaction to syllable division in words with this cluster (1981: 29); however, re-consideration of this data in May (1997) leads to the triconsonantal analysis.

## Suprasegmentals

* Tone: No

* Word stress: Yes

* Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

* Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant al-lophony in unstressed syllables

* Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: Not described

* Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

* Notes: Vowel quality correlate for /u/, /a/ may vary in very complex combina-tions of word, syllable, stress, and vowel contexts.
## Vowel reduction processes

nir-R1: High front vowel /i/ is lowered when unaccented and preceding a word-final /ŋ/ (Anceaux 1965: 10).

nir-R2: The low central vowel /a/ is in free variation with a higher variant if it precedes a consonant and an accented vowel (Anceaux 1965: 13).

nir-R3: Mid back rounded vowel /o/ is realized as higher and unrounded when occurring word-finally and without accent (Anceaux 1965: 14).

## Consonant allophony processes

nir-C1: Sequences of alveolar stops, fricative, and nasal and /i/ vary with palatalized variants of the consonants when /i/ is unstressed (May & May 1981: 18).

nir-C2: A voiceless bilabial stop is voiced preceding a voiced consonant (May 1997: 30).

nir-C3: A voiceless bilabial stop varies with a fricative syllable-initially (May & May 1981: 16).

nir-C4: A voiceless bilabial stop is spirantized intervocalically (May & May 1981: 16).

## Morphology

Text: “Sample text” (May 1997: 172–177)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (334 morphemes, 198 words)

## [niv] Nivkh (West Sakhalin dialect)

isolate (Russia)

References consulted: Gruzdeva (1998), Kreinovich (1979), Shiraishi (2006)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p pʰ t tʰ c cʰ k kʰ q qʰ φ β s z x γ χ κ h m n p ŋ l r r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 28

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents, Sonorants

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Palatal, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4
## B Data

**Elaborations:** Voiced fricatives/affricates, Devoiced sonorants, Post-aspiration, Uvular

**V phoneme inventory:** /i e i a o u/

**N vowel qualities:** 6

**Diphthongs or vowel sequences:** None

**Contrastive length:** None

**Contrastive nasalization:** None

**Other contrasts:** N/A

**Notes:** The uvular/velar distinction is 'nearly allophonic'. Gruzdeva posits a 3-way stop contrast between voiced, voiceless, and aspirated stops. I take Shiraishi's analysis here.

## Syllable structure

**Complexity category:** Complex

**Canonical syllable structure:** (C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Shiraishi 2006: 29–30)

**Size of maximal onset:** 2

**Size of maximal coda:** 3

**Onset obligatory:** No

**Coda obligatory:** No

**Vocalic nucleus patterns:** Short vowels

**Syllabic consonant patterns:** N/A

**Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents:** N/A

**Predictability of syllabic consonants:** N/A

**Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin:** Both patterns (Onset, Coda)

**Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants:** N/A

**Onset restrictions:** Apparently no restrictions on simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets may not have plosive or /j/ as C₂.

**Coda restrictions:** Simple codas apparently unrestricted. Biconsonantal codas include /sk γs wk ηφ/. Examples of triconsonantal codas include /ntq/ and /ntχ/.

**Notes:** Gruzdeva (1998, for Amur and E. Sakhalin dialects) also lists /lms/, /lmr/, and /vdr/ codas.

## Suprasegmentals

**Tone:** No

**Word stress:** Yes

**Stress placement:** Fixed
Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

Notes: in related Amur dialect, stress shift from 2nd to 1st syllable contributed to loss and reduction of vowels and distinct phonological character of this dialect.

## Consonant allophony processes

niv-C1: A voiceless alveolar trill may be produced with palato-alveolar fricative release or vary with a voiceless palato-alveolar fricative (Shiraishi 2006: 26).

niv-C2: Consonants become palatalized preceding front vowels, especially when stressed (Shiraishi 2006: 23).

niv-C3: Non-aspirated plosives are realized as voiced following sonorants (Shiraishi 2006: 25).

## Morphology

Text: “A frog and a rat” (Gruzdeva 1998: 58–61)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (408 morphemes, 240 words)

## [nsm] Sumi Naga

Sino-Tibetan, *Kuki-Chin-Naga* (India)

References consulted: Sreedhar (1980), Teo (2009), Teo (2012)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p pʰ b t tʰ d k kʰ g q qʰ tʃ tʃʰ f vʃ∫ʒ x γ h m mʰ n nʰ ŋ l lʰ j/

N consonant phonemes: 28

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents, Sonorants

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal
Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 6

Elaborations: Breathy voice, Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a o u/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /iu ia ua uo oo ai oi/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Sreedhar (1980) has [ʃ ʒ] not as contrastive but as allophones of /s z/. /ɪ/, which occurs in some recent loans, is argued by Teo to be nativized but marginal (2009: 36; 2012: 366). The language does not have phonologically contrastive vowel length, but phonetic long vowels and diphthongs result from phonological vowel sequences arising through morphological concatenation (Teo 2009: 58–59). In at least some of these cases (perhaps all in the case of long vowels?), the long vowel/diphthong is one variant, where another might have an intervening glottal stop. In some cases long vowels may additionally occur through the variable deletion of an intervocalic glide. The list of vowel sequences given by the author does not distinguish the invariant forms from the variable forms, and may not be an exhaustive list for the language.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Teo 2009: 57–64)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items.
Onset restrictions: None in main syllables, only /p t k m/ occur in sesquisyllables.

Coda restrictions: N/A.

Notes: CC onsets occur in variation with sesquisyllabic cvC sequences. Simple codas occur in natural speech when a prefix precedes a sesquisyllable; this is likely the result of recent/ongoing vowel deletion (Teo 2009: 62–64). Diphthongs are often the result of morphological concatenation.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: No

Notes: Some parts of speech (monomorphemic verbs, numerals in isolation, some noun roots) have sesquisyllabic patterns (minor syllable with restricted set of consonants, vowels, and tones followed by a full syllable). However, this pattern is not pervasive throughout the language (other disyllabic verb and noun roots do not show sesquisyllabic patterns). Teo notes that minor syllables in sesquisyllabic structures could be argued to receive less prominence than full syllables, but that stress is “not phonemic” (2012: 371–372).

## Vowel reduction processes

nsm-R1: Mid vowels /e o/ have free variants [ɛ ɔ] (Teo 2009: 45–46, Teo 2012: 369).

nsm-R2: High central vowel /i/ is sometimes realized as [ə] word-medially (Teo 2009: 45).

nsm-R3: Word-medial and word-final high vowels /i i u/ are prone to deletion following a fricative or /qʰ/ (Teo 2009: 66).

nsm-R4: Word-final high vowels are prone to deletion following a nasal (Teo 2012: 369).

nsm-R5: Vowels in minor syllables may be altogether deleted between a stop and a lateral approximant (Teo 2012: 370).

## Consonant allophony processes

nsm-C1: An aspirated voiceless uvular stop /qʰ/ often has an affricated release [qX] (Teo 2009: 39).

nsm-C2: Labiodental fricative /v/ is realized as approximant [w] preceding back vowels /u o/ (Teo 2009: 39).
nsm-C3: Labiodental fricative, alveolar nasals, and lateral approximant /v n nʰ
lʰ/ are realized as palatalized preceding front vowels /i e/ (Teo 2009: 40, 42).

nsm-C4: The voiced palato-alveolar fricative has a free affricated variant [dʒ] (Teo 2009: 40).

nsm-C5: Velar obstruents are realized as palatal preceding front vowels /i e/ (Teo 2012: 368).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [nuk] Nuu-chah-nulth

Wakashan, *Southern Wakashan* (Canada)

References consulted: Carlson et al. (2001), Davidson (2002), Kim (2003), Rose (1981), Stonham (1999)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k kʷ q qʷ ʔ ʔ p’ t’ k’ k’ʷ til ts̃ tʃ tʃ̃ ts̃ tʃ’ tʃ̃’ s ʔ ʃ x χʷ χʷ
h m n m’ n’ j w j’ w’/

N consonant phonemes: 35

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Pharyngeal, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral affricate,
Lateral fricative

N elaborations: 7

Elaborations: Creaky voice, Lateral release, Ejective, Palato-alveolar, Uvular,
Pharyngeal, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i a u i: a: u:/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Stonham reports 39 consonants, including /q’ q’ʷ ḫʷ ʌʷ/. Davidson has /q’
q’ʷ/ but Kim shows these have merged with /ʃ/ in present language. /o e/ appear
phonemically only in loanwords, vocative constructions, and expressions for speech act.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: CV(C)(C)(C)(C) (Kim 2003: 161–166; Stonham 1999: 47–55)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 4

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur as simple onsets.

Coda restrictions: Glottal(ized) and pharyngeal consonants do not occur as simple codas. Biconsonantal codas include /tsk, ks, tq, mts/. Triconsonantal codas include /tsftq thts mχs pfts qfts/. Four-consonant codas are rare; C₁ must be a nasal, or the sequence /qh/ must occur: /mtqf ḫsqh nkqh thqh/. Sonorants do not follow obstruents in coda clusters, but there seem to be few manner/place restrictions on obstruent sequences.

Notes: Kim and Stonham both report canonical CV(C)(C)(C) structure, but Stonham lists a few cases of 4-consonant codas (1999: 48). Sequences of identical consonants occur only across morpheme boundaries.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)
Notes: Pitch may vary independently of the correlates of stress.

## Vowel reduction processes

nuk-R1: Word-final short vowels are deleted (Rose 1981: 25).

nuk-R2: Preceding a word-final coda, the rightmost vowel may be deleted if it is in a third or later syllable, is not obligatorily long, and is not already flanked by consonant clusters. If the rightmost vowel does not fit these conditions, then the rightmost vowel which is capable of deleting will do so, given that it is in third or later syllable (Rose 1981: 25).

nuk-R3: A vowel two syllables leftward of a deleted vowel is optionally deleted, if it is not in an inflectional suffix and is in a third or later syllable of the word (Rose 1981: 25).

nuk-R4: Word-final long vowels are shortened (Rose 1981: 27).

Notes: Interaction of processes in noo-R1, noo-R2, and noo-R3 may produce long consonant sequences, but only when fricatives are present between any occurring stops (Rose 1981: 26).

## Consonant allophony processes

nuk-C1: A consonant is labialized following /u/ and preceding another vowel (Stonham 1999: 27).

## Morphology

Text: “What mosquitoes are made of” (Stonham 1999: 133–143)

Synthetic index: 2.6 morphemes/word (545 morphemes, 212 words)

## [ood] Tohono O'odham

Uto-Aztecan, *Southern Uto-Aztecan* (Mexico, United States)

References consulted: Dolores & Mathiot (1991), Fitzgerald (1994), Hale (1959), Hill & Zepeda (1992), Saxton (1963), Saxton (1982), Albert Alvarez Gonzalez (p.c.)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g ʔ tʃ 丁 ʒ s ʃ h m n ʃ n ʃ l β j/

N consonant phonemes: 20

Geminates: N/A
Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Retroflex, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral flap

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar, Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i i a o u i: i: a: o: u: i/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ii iu io ia ii iu io ia ui ui uo ua oi oi ou oa ai ai au oa/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: Voicing (Some)

Notes: /l/ is a retroflex lateral flap. /o/ is often realized as [ɔ]. 'Extra-short' (voiceless) vowels sometimes represented in the orthography with a breve ˇ, but it is unclear whether these are the same vowels predicted by the rules below, or other vowels altogether. Dolores & Mathiot (1991: 236) state that /i/ is phonemic.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: C(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Saxton 1982: 100–102, Hale 1959: 24–30, Hill & Zepeda 1992)

Size of maximal onset: 4

Size of maximal coda: 4

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: Obstruents

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A (grammatical particles are independent, not phonologically bound to adjacent word)

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Unpredictable

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Grammatical

Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur as simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets are varied and governed by several complex patterns, but include all stop+spirant, spirant+unvoiced stop, nasal+homorganic nonnasal sequences, in addition to others, e.g. /şk stʃ bp mp dt dʒtʃ kk ng/. Triconsonantal onsets include complex combination of biconsonantal patterns such as /şŋk/. 4-
consonant onsets also include complex combination of biconsonantal patterns,
include /nd/.

Coda restrictions: Biconsonantal codas include /gs dk ms/. Triconsonantal codas include /kpn gsp tpk bstʃ/. 4-consonant codas include /ʃtʃktʃ tʃspk/.

Notes: Saxton gives maximal onset of three consonants; however, Hale gives example of 4-consonant onset. Hale gives specific rules for consonant combinations, but these are difficult to interpret and include medial clusters. Description of phonetic characteristics is for clusters, not vowels that undergo predictable devoicing in certain environments. "Except in the case of a few words that drop an initial /v/ or /h/ [...] there are no words that possess an initial vowel in O'odham" (Dolores & Mathiot 1991: 238).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Vowel quality contrasts, Vowel length contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Dolores & Mathiot (1991) report that there is no stress, but others report it does occur.

## Vowel reduction processes

ood-R1: Word-final unstressed short vowels /i i/ are devoiced when occurring between a non-laryngeal consonant and a pause (Saxton 1963: 31).

ood-R2: Unstressed short vowels /i i/ are devoiced when occurring between a stop and a voiceless stop (Saxton 1963: 31).

ood-R3: Word-final unstressed short vowels /a o u/ are devoiced following a stressed vowel (Saxton 1963: 31).

ood-R4: Vowels have a voiceless off glide when preceding voiceless or devoiced consonants (Saxton 1963: 31).

ood-R5: Vowels optionally have a voiceless off glide preceding a pause (Saxton 1963: 31).

ood-R6: An unstressed vowel is deleted when flanked by consonants that form a permitted consonant cluster (Saxton 1982: 103).
ood-R7: Unstressed vowels are reduced to [ə], except for noncentral vowels following consonants that are not /t̃ʃ/ (Saxton 1982: 104).

## Consonant allophony processes

ood-C1: Labial glide /β/ is realized as a fricative [β] or [φ] before /i/ or /a/ (Saxton 1963: 31).

## Morphology

Text: “The coyote and the jackrabbit” (Saxton 1982: 263–266)

Synthetic index: 1.4 morphemes/word (353 morphemes, 250 words)

## [opm] Oksapmin

Nuclear Trans New Guinea, Asman-Awyu-Ok (Papua New Guinea)

References consulted: Loughnane (2009)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /t k kʷ m b n d n̥ g n̥ gʷ φ s x xʷ m n l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 16

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruent

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Prenasalization, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e ə a o u/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C) (Loughnane 2009: 63–73)
Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Varies with VC sequence (Nasal)

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Both patterns (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Any consonant may occur as a simple onset. In biconsonantal onsets, C₁ may be any consonant except for a glide /w j/ or labialized stop or fricative /kʷ ŋgʷ xʷ/, and C₂ may be /j w l x/. /sk/ onsets also occur.

Coda restrictions: All consonants occur except for prenasalized stops.

Notes: The biconsonantal onset patterns described above include what Loughnane considers to be ‘marginal’ clusters: those that are realized for some speakers as clusters and for other speakers with a very short or full schwa vowel between the consonants (Loughnane 2009: 64–65). Since these are regular patterns for some speakers I include them here.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: No

## Vowel reduction processes

opm-R1: Nasals may become syllabic in the fast speech of some speakers; example given (məmyan > ʔmyan) involves either deletion of initial CV or deletion of interconsonantal V and syllabification of nasal (Loughnane 2009: 64).

## Consonant allophony processes

opm-C1: A voiceless bilabial fricative is realized as a bilabial stop preceding a syllable boundary followed by a consonant (Loughnane 2009: 33).

opm-C2: A voiceless bilabial fricative is realized as a stop word-finally (Loughnane 2009: 33).

opm-C3: A voiceless velar fricative is realized as voiceless palatal fricative syllable-initially preceding a high front vowel or syllable-finally following a high front vowel (Loughnane 2009: 42).
opm-C4: A voiceless velar fricative is realized as a voiced palatal fricative following /i/ and preceding another vowel (Loughnane 2009: 42).

opm-C5: Voiceless fricatives are voiced intervocalically (Loughnane 2009: 42).

## Morphology

Text: “Echidna, laxjan bird, and bat” (Loughnane 2009: 493–502)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (843 morphemes, 482 words)

## [pac] Pacoh

Austroasiatic, *Katuic* (Vietnam)

References consulted: Alves (2000), Alves (2006), Watson (1980)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c ʃ k ؟ pʰ tʰ kʰ m n ɲ ŋ c h r l w j w? j?/

N consonant phonemes: 23

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Creaky voice, Post-aspiration

V phoneme inventory: /i ɛ ɛ æ iə ə a Dɔ ɔ u i: ɛ: ɛ: æ: i: ə: ə: a: Dɔ: ɔ: u:/

N vowel qualities: 12

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /iə iə uə iə iə uə/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: Glottalization (some)

Notes: /ç/ ranges from alveolar to palatal fricative. The vowels transcribed as creaky voice differ in [RTR] value ( [+RTR]), which manifests as both lower vowel quality and glottalic or ‘slight degree of raspiness’. This distinction is common in Mon-Khmer language and generally has phonation effects such as “breathiness, creakiness, or raspiness” (Alves 2006: 14).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex
Canonical syllable structure: C(C)V(C) (Alves 2006: 17–21)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items

Onset restrictions: Simple onsets unrestricted. For complex onsets, C₁ must be
a stop, and C₂ must be /l r/.

Coda restrictions: In main syllables, apparently all consonants occur. In presyllables, only sonorants occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Vowel quality contrasts, Vowel length contrasts, Consonant contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

Notes: Alves notes that only [ə] occurs as a vocalic nucleus in closed presyllables; however, this does not appear to be a currently productive process. Likewise syllabic nasals and liquids can only occur in presyllables with glottal-stop onsets. “Clearly, some kind of phonetic reduction is resulting in the loss of vowel distinctions in closed presyllables and in the complete loss of vowels in presyllables with nasals as the sonorant peaks ...” (2000: 22)
## Consonant allophony processes

pac-C1: A labiovelar approximant is realized as a labiodental fricative word-initially (Alves 2006: 11).

pac-C2: Velar consonants are labialized following /u/ or /o/ (Alves 2006: 12).

## Morphology

Text: “The Old Days” and “Pacoh Fellows and Girls” (Watson 1980: 86–87, 182–184)

Synthetic index: 1.1 morphemes/word (557 morphemes, 520 words)

## [pay] Pech

Chibchan (Honduras)

References consulted: Holt (1986), Holt (1999)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t k kʷ? s ʃ h m n r l j w/

N consonant phonemes: 16

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Palato-alveolar, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u i: e: a: o: u: ï ë ã õ û ï: ë: ã: õ: û: /

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /aj aw ej/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: All

Other contrasts: N/A

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C)(C) (Holt 1999: 20–21)
Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Coda), Both patterns (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Apparently none for simple onsets. C₂ is /r/ in biconsonantal onsets.

Coda restrictions: In simple codas, all consonants except /p t kʷ b l m/ occur.
Biconsonantal codas have /r/ as the first member, and only occur medially.

Notes: /pr, tr, kr, br/ onsets appear to be a recent development as a result of syncope of historical or underlying vowels. These vowels "often reappear in extremely slow, careful speech" (Holt 1999: 20).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

Notes: Pitch only hinted to be a correlate of stress (Holt 1986: 238). Stress is apparently predictable on the basis of underlying tone (1999: 19). Holt describes tone system as being relatively simple, with tones associated with certain marked syllables and distributed to unmarked syllables through assimilation or prosodic patterns (so patterns somewhat predictable?).

## Vowel reduction processes

pay-R1: In closed syllables, long vowels are realized as relatively short (Holt 1999: 18).
pay-R2: Short vowels are usually open and lax in closed syllables and when unstressed (Holt 1999: 18).

pay-R3: In rapid speech, unstressed high front vowel /i/ is sometimes realized as [ə] (Holt 1999: 18).

pay-R4: In rapid speech, vowels in unstressed syllables are sometimes voiceless between voiceless consonants (Holt 1999: 18).

pay-R5: Unstressed vowels are usually deleted between any consonant and a following /r/ (Holt 1999: 23).

pay-R6: An unstressed interconsonantal vowel is often lost between two stressed syllables (Holt 1999: 23).

pay-R7: The length of a long vowel can metathesize with that of a following consonant (usually /ʃ/ or /k/), shortening the vowel and lengthening the following consonant (unclear if following C is in same syllable) (Holt 1999: 24–25).

## Consonant allophony processes

pay-C1: A voiceless palato-alveolar fricative may be realized as an affricate preceding a vowel (Holt 1999: 16).

pay-C2: Glides may be realized as pre-stopped [d̥j ʔw] when occurring word-initially (Holt 1999: 16).

pay-C3: A voiceless velar stop is realized as voiced following a long vowel (Holt 1999: 15–16).

pay-C4: A voiced bilabial stop is spirantized intervocalically (Holt 1999: 16).

## Morphology

Text: “Sample text” (Holt 1999: 79–80)

Synthetic index: 2.8 morphemes/word (196 morphemes, 69 words)

## [pib] Yine

Arawakan, *Southern Maipuran* (Peru)

References consulted: Hanson (2010), Lin (1993), Lin (1997), Matteson (1965), Parker (1989), Urquía Sebastián & Marlett (2008)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t c k til tʃ s ʃ  h m n l r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 16
Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e i a o/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Urquía Sebastián & Marlett (2008) report /cç/ instead of /c/; Hanson notes these vary freely. /h/ has very wide range of variation (Hanson 2010: 20–23). Matteson gives /u/ for Hanson’s /i/. Urquía Sebastián & Marlett, Matteson report vowel length distinctions for all vowel qualities but Lin, Hanson report no contrastive vowel length.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: C(C)(C)V (Hanson 2010: 25; Matteson 1965: 22–32; Matteson & Pike 1958; Lin 1997: 404–406; Lin 1993)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal (Conflicting), Liquid (Conflicting), Obstruent (Conflicting)

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur as simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets have no sonority constraints, though most identical clusters do not occur, and
combinations of obstruents with similar place/manner rare. Examples of occurring biconsonantal onsets include /pt mw çp jw ks tm mt sm ms nn kn tl/. Triconsonantal onsets include /pcr nkn wîfj k ntsp ntîfj k mtn/.

Notes: Hanson notes that word-internal nasals are often (but inconsistently) treated as ambisyllabic, but never treated as only codas (2010: 25). No other explicit examples of 3-obstruent clusters, but all triconsonantal clusters are morphologically complex and have consonantal prefix as first constituent (including pronominal prefixes /n-/, /t-/, /p-/, /r-/, /w-/). Matteson states that C₁ may not be a fricative or affricate, but that there are no general restrictions on C₂ and C₃ (1965: 29–30). Combinatory restrictions on place/manner would still seem to allow three-obstruent codas. Additionally, Matteson states that the frequency of triconsonantal onsets was lower in 1965 than a count made a decade before. Therefore it could be that syllable structure in the language is simplifying. I classify it as having Highly Complex syllable structure, while acknowledging that such patterns may be marginal in the language.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

pib-R1: A vowel in an (unstressed) utterance-final syllable may be wholly or partly voiceless (Matteson 1965: 23).

pib-R2: Short low vowel /a/ may be realized as a neutral vowel in an (unstressed) utterance-final syllable (Matteson 1965: 23).

pib-R3: Unstressed vowels are ‘somewhat more centralized but without any significant reduction’ (Hanson 2010: 16).

## Consonant allophony processes

pib-C1: A voiceless palatal stop varies freely with affricated variant [cç] (Hanson 2010: 17).
pib-C2: An alveolar lateral approximant may be realized as a stop following a nasal consonant (Hanson 2010: 24).

pib-C3: Stops are realized as voiced intervocalically (Hanson 2010: 17).

pib-C4: An alveolar lateral approximant is realized as an alveolar flap following a front or high central vowel (Hanson 2010: 24).

## Morphology

Text: “The anteater and the jaguars” (Hanson 2010: 379–386)

Synthetic index: 2.1 morphemes/word (539 morphemes, 257 words)

[pol] Polish

Indo-European, *Balto-Slavic* (Poland)

References consulted: Bargielłowna (1950), Gussmann (2007), Jassem (2003), Newlin-Łukowicz (2012), Nowak (2006), Rocławski (1976), Rubach (1974), Zydorowicz (2010)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b p̪ b̪ t̪ d̪ k g k̪ g̪ til d̪ z̪ tf d̪ʒ tʃ c d̪z̪ f v f̪ v̪ s̪ z̪∫ ʒ c̪ z̪ x m m̪ n̪ r l j w/

N consonant phonemes: 35

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Alveolo-palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Palatalization

V phoneme inventory: /iɛ i aɔ uɛɔ/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A
Notes: Jassem and Gussmann differ quite a bit in their C inventories. Palatalized labials are often realized a sequences of C^j before vowels that are not /i/. Some of the consonants Gussmann listed have been omitted here because they are predictable (/ṣ̥i z̥i x̥i/) or occur only in loanwords (/ʃ̥i z̥i/, etc.). /ɛ ɔ/ have nasalized counterparts, which may be perhaps better analyzed as diphthongs: /ɛʷ ɔʷ/.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C) (Gussmann 2007: 200–224; Jassem 2003: 103; Zydorowicz 2010; Bargiełowna 1950)

Size of maximal onset: 5

Size of maximal coda: 5

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Varies with CV sequence

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Biconsonantal onsets quite varied, include /kt ṯṣ tʃ nd jm gḍz pʃ dv dr pl gw sm mn wd/. Triconsonantal onsets include /sxl ʃkw pʃt bʒm̥i xʃt tk-ʃ̥i/. Four-consonant onsets include /pstr pstʃ fstr drgn fksʃ vzgl/. Five-consonant onsets like /spstr/ may occur in phonological words.

Coda restrictions: Biconsonantal codas include /c̥c st kt st rf wn nts lk wk/. Triconsonantal codas include /nʃt lcn jsk psk stf rtf xtr/. Four-consonant codas include /pstʃ tstʃ rstʃ/, have strict limitations on final three consonants.

Notes: The examples presented in Bargiełowna (1950: 21) suggest that 5-C codas may occur in rare cases when phonemic nasalized vowel precedes 4-C cluster, e.g. *przestępstw* [pʃestempstʃ].

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction
Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

Notes: The pitch correlate here is a pitch slope.

## Vowel reduction processes

pol-R1: Non-high vowels /ɛ ɔ a/ are more reduced in F1 and F2 domains in non-stressable positions (Nowak 2006: 378–379).

pol-R2: In rapid speech, syllabic nasals and liquids may occur as optional variants of vowel-consonant sequences (occurs more often in grammatical elements; Rubach 1974).

## Consonant allophony processes

pol-C1: An alveolar trill is realized as a flap in rapid speech (Rocławski 1976: 132).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

# [pqm] Passamaquoddy-Maliseet

Algic, *Algonquian* (Canada, United States)

References consulted: Leavitt (1996), LeSourd (1993), Sherwood (1986)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k kʷ tʃ s h m n l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 12

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i ɛ ə a o o:/
N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Aspirated stops /pʰ tʰ kʰ/ occur word-initially as a result of some mor-
phophonemic contrasts and contrast with stop+/h/ (Sherwood 1986). LeSourd
argues that preaspirated stops are clusters (1996: 38–41). /o/ here is intermedi-
ate between [o] and [u]. /ə/ is never lengthened under stress, but is contrastive
word-initially. According to LeSourd, vowel length is predictable in both di-
alects, except for /o/ and /o:/ before /w/.

Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (LeSourd 1993: 58–61, 121–160)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur as simple onsets. Biconsonantal onset combinations are fairly unrestricted and include /pt tp ptʃ skʷ hs/. Triconsonantal onsets are usually of the form CsC: /psk pskʷ ksp kskʷ/, though /nkh/, /nsp/ occur in some stems.

Coda restrictions: All(?) consonants occur as simple codas (/h/ does not occur word-finally). Biconsonantal codas similar in form to onsets and are fairly unrestricted: /ptʃ tkʷ tʃk kp skʷ ts st hkʷ/. Triconsonantal codas usually of form CsC, include /pskʷ kskʷ nsk wsk/.

Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes
## B Data

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic)

Notes: Duration a correlate of stress in open syllables. Language described as having pitch accent: a stressed syllable may bear high or low pitch/contour (LeSourd 1993: 62).

## Vowel reduction processes

pqm-R1: Unstressed/unstressable /ə/ is omitted more often than not after sequences of /h/C, /ss/, or between non-syllabic sonorants, except in slow or deliberate speech (LeSourd 1993: 36).

pqm-R2: Unstressable vowels which are not eliminated by phonological syncope are often subject to phonetic reduction or deletion (LeSourd 1993: 104).

## Consonant allophony processes

pqm-C1: Voiceless stops may be voiced intervocalically (LeSourd 1993: 37).

pqm-C2: Velar stops may be spirantized intervocalically (LeSourd 1993: 37).

## Morphology

Text: “A sample text” (Leavitt 1996: 55–58)

Synthetic index: 2.1 morphemes/word (262 morphemes, 125 words)

## [pwn] Paiwan (Saichia dialect)

Austronesian (Taiwan)

References consulted: Chang (2006)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d tʃ dʃ k g ʔ ts vs z m n ɲ r ɲ ʌ β ʃ/

N consonant phonemes: 22

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents
Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental, Retroflex, Palatalization

V phoneme inventory: /i ə a u/

N vowel qualities: 4

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Palatalized alveolars occur only in Saichia dialect. In Santimen, /r/ have merged. /h/ occurs in loans from Japanese in Saichia dialect.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Chang 2006: 31–34)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Obstruent

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: 2

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Varies with CV sequence

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items

Onset restrictions: None?

Coda restrictions: None?

Notes: Syllabic nasals and [ʃ ʒ til] occur as result of variation with Cə sequences.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)
Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

## Vowel reduction processes

pwn-R1: In rapid speech, /ə/ may be dropped following sibilants /s z tʃs/, often resulting in a syllabic consonant (Chang 2006: 40–41).

pwn-R2: In rapid speech, /ə/ may be dropped following nasals /m n η/ (Chang 2006: 41).

pwn-R3: In rapid speech, /ə/ may be dropped preceding nasals /m n η/ resulting in a syllabic nasal (occurs with schwa preceding nasal coda produced by pwn-R2; Chang 2006: 41–42).

## Consonant allophony processes

pwn-C1: Velar stops are fronted preceding high front vowel /i/ (Chang 2006: 22).

pwn-C2: Labiovelar approximant /w/ is realized as a labiodental fricative [v] word-finally preceding a vowel (Chang 2006: 40).

## Morphology

Text: “tjuvak – Sea shells” (first 8 pages, Chang 2006: 431–438)

Synthetic index: 1.26 morphemes/word (544 morphemes, 433 words)

## [qvi] Imbabura Highland Quichua

Quechuan, *Quechua II* (Ecuador)

References consulted: Carpenter (1982), Cole (1982), Jake (1983)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g rops tʃʃ φ β s z ʃʒ ʒ x m n j l r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 22

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar
V phoneme inventory: /i a u/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Carpenter gives series of aspirated stops, but Cole shows these have fricat-ivized in Imbabura Quechua. /b d g β z/ are not indigenous but are now fully integrated/nativized (e.g. occur in suffixes). /r/ contrasts with flap in some di-alect areas.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Cole 1982: 203–205)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: In native words, restricted to voiceless fricatives, liquids, and semivowels.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)
## Vowel reduction processes

qvi-R1: Vowels /i a u/ appear in lax form when unstressed (Jake 1983: 17; Cole 1982: 203 reports this for word-final unstressed vowels only).

## Consonant allophony processes

qvi-C1: A voiced alveolar flap is realized as retroflex fricative [z] word-initially (Cole 1982: 202).

qvi-C2: A voiceless velar fricative may be realized as [g] preceding a voiced consonant (Cole 1982: 201).

qvi-C3: Voiceless stops and affricates are voiced following a nasal (Cole 1982: 200).

## Morphology

Text: "Minkaymanta" (Carpenter 1982: 442–455) (*Note*: this is for Ecuadorian dialect)

Synthetic index: 2.1 morphemes/word (206 morphemes, 97 words)

## [roo] Rotokas

North Bougainville, *Rotokas-Askopan* (Papua New Guinea)

References consulted: Firchow & Firchow (1969), Firchow et al. (1973), Robinson (2006), Robinson (2011)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k g β r/

N consonant phonemes: 6

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Flap/Tap

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u i: e: a: o: u:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None
Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Consonant phoneme representations are given as most characteristic al-
lophonic realization. The contrast between voiceless, voiced, and nasal stops
appears to have collapsed in Central Rotokas, producing this system, but these
contrasts can still be found in Aita Rotokas (Robinson 2006).

Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Robinson 2011: 28–29)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

Notes: Firchow & Firchow (1969: 271) hint at interrelationship between length and stress, but do not elaborate.

Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)
## Consonant allophony processes

roo-C1: A voiceless alveolar stop may be realized as an affricate preceding /i/
(Robinson 2011: 28).

roo-C2: A voiced alveolar flap varies freely with [n], [l], [d] (Firchow & Firchow
1969: 274).

roo-C3: A voiced bilabial fricative varies freely with a voiced bilabial stop (Firchow & Firchow 1969: 274).

roo-C4: A voiceless alveolar stop may be realized as a fricative preceding /i/
(Robinson 2011: 28).

roo-C5: A voiced velar stop may be spirantized medially (Firchow & Firchow
1969: 274).

## Morphology

Text: “Matevu (version 2)” (Robinson 2011: 293–304)

Synthetic index: 2.2 morphemes/word (642 morphemes, 293 words)

## [scs] North Slavey (Hare dialect)

Athabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit, *Athabaskan-Eyak* (Canada)

References consulted: Rice (1989), Rice (2005)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t tʰ k kʰ kʷ ʔ t' k' til tʃ tʃ' t tʃ' f s z ʔ ʃ ʒ x γ h m n
r j w ʔ w /

N consonant phonemes: 31

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral affricate, Lateral fricative

N elaborations: 8

Elaborations: Creaky voice, Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration, Lateral release, Ejective, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e ε a o u ɪ ε õ /

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None
Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: The distinction between /e/ and /ɛ/ is contrastive in Hare. Nasal vowels are said to be derived by rules in Rice (1989), but Rice (2005) lists them as phonemic.

## Syllable structure

Category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Rice 1989: 143–153)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: Only [ʔ h j] occur, though others occur ‘underlyingly’.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

Notes: Predictable stress-like properties occur, falling on V immediately preceding stem of verb or stem vowel of noun. A high tone on a vowel already bearing a high tone for some other reason gives the syllable extra prominence by increasing the pitch (Rice 2005: 362).
## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

scs-C1: Velar fricatives are labialized preceding a rounded vowel (Rice 1989: 31).

scs-C2: Plain velar stops and the voiceless velar fricative are realized as palatal preceding a front vowel (Rice 1989: 31).

scs-C3: Ejectives and plain consonants may be voiced intervocalically (Rice 1989: 31).

scs-C4: Voiceless palato-alveolar affricate may vary freely with [ʃ] (Rice 1989: 35).

scs-C5: A voiceless velar fricative varies freely with a glottal fricative (Rice 1989: 32).

scs-C6: A voiced velar fricative may be realized as a labiovelar approximant preceding a round vowel (Rice 1989: 32).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [sea] Semai

Austroasiatic, *Aslian* (Malaysia)

References consulted: Dentan (2003), Diffloth (1976a), Diffloth (1976b), Philips (2007), Sloan (1988), Sylvia Tufvesson (p.c.)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c ʃ k g ʔ m n ɲ ŋ c h r l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 19

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 0

Elaborations: N/A
V phoneme inventory: /iɛəɑɔuɪ: e: ɛ: iː ɑː ɔː oː uː ɪ̃ ɛəɑɔũ ɪ̃: ɛ: iː ɑː ɔː ũː/

N vowel qualities: 9

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /eː iː oː/ occur only long; there is contrastive nasalization for all but these.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: C(C)V(C) (Diffloth 1976a,b; Sloan 1988; Philips 2007)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid, Obstruent

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: 4 (initial)

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Grammatical items

Onset restrictions: All consonants may occur in simple onsets. Examples of bi-consonantal onsets include /dn gh cr/.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except voiced stops may occur.

Notes: Philips (2007) reports CVC maximum for both major and minor syllables, with optional elision of /ə/ in minor syllable. However, both Diffloth and Sloan report that some roots have two initial consonants before the main vowel. Sloan's data (from Diffloth) includes reduplicated (expressive) forms, in which $C_1(V)C_2VC_3 > C_1C_3C_1C_2VC_3$, e.g. dɔŋh > dhdɔŋh. Sloan takes canonical major syllable to be C(C)V(V)(C), with minor syllables being of the shape C or CC, where obstruents such as /p/ or /c/, as well as more sonorous consonants, may occur (1988: 320–321). This results in word-initial sequences such as /sts/, /krk/, /pnpr/, and larger strings as in *kckmrʔɛc* 'short, fat arms', syllabified /kc.km.r.ʔɛc/. In the Kampar dialect, long sequences of up to five consonants may occur in intensification constructions formed through reduplication, and
some roots have word-initial sequences of three consonants (Sylvia Tufves-
son, p.c.). It appears that the longest string of obstruents word-initially is 4:
/gpgh/. Much like syllables without vowels in Tashlhiyt, Semai minor syllables
“are clearly heard and perceived as distinct syllables” (1988: 320). Because the
unusual syllable patterns of this language produce strings of 3 obstruents or
greater word-initially, I classify this language as Highly Complex.

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Vowel quality contrasts, Vowel length contrasts

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

Vowel reduction processes

sea-R1: Preceding glottal consonants, some long vowels (/e: i: o:/) are produced as short (Philips 2007: 10–11).

Consonant allophony processes

sea-C1: Palatal stops have affricated release syllable initially (Philips 2007: 5).

Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

[shi] Tashlhiyt

Afro-Asiatic, *Berber* (Morocco)

References consulted: Coleman (2001), Dell & Elmedlaoui (2002), Gordon & Nafi (2012), Puech & Louali (1999), Ridouane (2002), Ridouane (2007), Ridouane (2008), Ridouane (2014), Roettger et al. (2015)
## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d t̂ d̂ k g kʷ gʷ f s ŝ∫χχʷ h ẑẑ ʒkʷ ʃ m n w l l̂ r r̂ j/

N consonant phonemes: 34

Geminates: /b: t: d: t̂: d̂: k: g: kʷ: gʷ: q: qʷ: f: s: ŝ:∫: χ: χʷ: h: h: z: ẑ: ʒ: ʒ̂ k: kʷ: ʃ: m: n: w: l: l̂: r: r̂: j:/ (All, including some that don't have singleton counterparts)

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Pharyngeal, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 7

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Uvular, Pharyngeal, Labialization, Pharyngealization

V phoneme inventory: /i a u/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: All consonants have short/long counterparts except for /q: qʷ: ʒ: ʒ̂/, which are analyzed by Ridouane as long. /n̂∫/ are extremely marginal, according to Ridouane.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Dell & Elmedlaoui 2002, Ridouane 2008)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid, Obstruent

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: ? (words without vowels)

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A
Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Both

Onset restrictions: None for simple onsets.

Coda restrictions: Unclear.

Notes: Dell & Elmedlaoui (2002) propose (C)V(C) structure with consonantal nu-
clei allowed. Puech & Louali (1999) present experimental acoustic and percep-
tual data which suggest biconsonantal onsets, at least; Ridouane (2008) argues
against this using a variety of phonetic experiments and phonological processes.
Regardless of the analysis of syllable structure, the phonetic patterns have long
sequences of consonants (including obstruents) word-initially, medially, and fi-
nally, and therefore fits our definition of Highly Complex.

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: No

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Intensity (instru-
mental)

Notes: Gordon & Nafi (2012) argue for word-level stress, but Roettger et al. (2015) present evidence that it is rather a phrase-level phenomenon.

Vowel reduction processes

shi-R1: Vowels are shortened preceding a geminate consonant (Dell & Elmedlaoui 2002).

Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

Morphology

Text: “The north wind and the sun” (Ridouane 2014: 219)

Synthetic index: 1.9 morphemes/word (144 morphemes, 76 words)
[spl] Selepet

Nuclear Trans New Guinea, *Finisterre-Huon* (Papua New Guinea)

References consulted: McElhanon (1970)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /pʰbʰtʰdʰkʰŋgshmɲŋlwarej/

N consonant phonemes: 15

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stops, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Prenasalization

V phoneme inventory: /iɛaɔoʊ/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ii ie ia iɔ io iu ei eu ai ae ao au ɔi ɔe ɔo ɔu oi oe ou ui ue ua uɔ uo uu/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Prenasalization in voiced stops is weak in initial position, but always pre-nasalized intervocalically, so I take this variant to be phoneme label. No significant difference in length between simple and complex nuclei.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (McElhanon 1970: 14–18)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A
Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: Only voiceless stops and nasals occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Not reported

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

spl-R1: Unstressed syllables or vowels in postnuclear slope (in phrases) tend to elision nearer the nucleus (McElhanon 1970: 6).

spl-R2: Length of syllables or vowels decreases nearer the nucleus in the prenu-clear slope (in phrases) (McElhanon 1970: 6).

## Consonant allophony processes

spl-C1: A palatal glide may be realized as a palatal alveolar fricative [z̪]~[s̪] word-initially preceding /i/ (McElhanon 1970).

spl-C2: A palatal glide may be realized as a palatal alveolar fricative [z̪]~[s̪] when following a consonant (McElhanon 1970).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
[svs] Savosavo

isolate (Solomon Islands)

References consulted: Wegener (2008)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /pʰbʰtʰdʰʃkʰŋgʰmʰŋŋsʰzʰrʰlʰβʰwʰ/

N consonant phonemes: 17

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruent

Places: Bilabials, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central Approximant, Lateral Approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Prenasalization

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthong /ai/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: None

Notes: Prenasalized stops have both plain voiced and prenasalized allophones, but latter much more frequent. /ai/ combination is diphthong in some cases, disyllabic vowel sequence in others (Wegener 2008: 22).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Wegener 2008: 23–24)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A
Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

Notes: Only pitch and intensity instrumentally confirmed as correlates of stress, and then only qualitatively in Praat. Pitch only sometimes a correlate of stress
Wegener (2008: 24).

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

svs-C1: An alveolar trill may be realized as a flap in rapid speech (Wegener 2008: 17).

## Morphology

Text: “Koi polupolu” (lines 1–46, Wegener 2008: 331–336)

Synthetic index: 1.6 morphemes/word (630 morphemes, 396 words)
# [sxr] Saaroa

Austronesian, *Tsouic* (Taiwan)

References consulted: Pan (2012)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k ʔ tš v s m n ŋ r r 寸/

N consonant phonemes: 13

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap, Trill, Lateral fricative

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /i i a u i: i: a: u:/

N vowel qualities: 4

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /b tco d̥z g/ occur in Japanese loans, /pʰ tʰsʰ/ in Mandarin loans, /kʰ/ in Southern Min loans, and /h/ in Bunun loans.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Pan 2012: 32–33)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: None
Coda restrictions: /m n/

Notes: There are only two native words which have invariant codas, one word-final and one word-medial (Pan 2012: 32f).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

sxr-R1: Unstressed high vowels /i i u/ are typically deleted in normal and rapid speech word-finally following /ŋ/ (Pan 2012: 38).

sxr-R2: Unstressed high central vowel /i/ is typically deleted word-finally fol-
lowing /m/ (Pan 2012: 39).

## Consonant allophony processes

sxr-C1: Alveolar fricative and affricate /s ts/ are realized as palato-alveolar pre-ceding high front vowel /i/ (Pan 2012: 28).

## Morphology

Text: "Extract from text 1: Introducing myself and my children," "Extract from text 2: Daily life of the past," "Extract from text 3: How to make a mat," "Extract from text 4: How to make sticky rice cakes" (Pan 2012: 365–372)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (493 morphemes, 288 words)

[tbi] Gaam

Eastern Jebel (Sudan)

References consulted: Bender (1983), Crewe (1975), Stirtz (2011)
## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t ț d t c j k g f s m n ʃ ŋ l r w ð j/

N consonant phonemes: 21

Geminates: /f: s: m: n: ʃ: ŋ: l: r:/ (Some)

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental, Alveolar, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Labiodental

V phoneme inventory: /i ɛ ə a ɔ u i: ɛ: ə: a: ɔ: u:/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Vowel sequences /ɛɔ aɛ aɔ ɔɛ ɔa iə iu əi əu ui uə/

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Geminate /f s n ʃ ŋ l r (trill)/ occur in intervocalic position.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C)(C) (Stirtz 2011: 36–43)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Vowel sequences

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Both patterns (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Apparently none.

Coda restrictions: For simple codas, all consonants except /ʔ, k', dʒ/ may occur. Biconsonantal codas occur only word-finally. C₁ is /r, l/, or nasal. C₂ is an obstruent.
## Suprasegmentals

- Tone: Yes

- Word stress: Yes

- Stress placement: Unpredictable/variable

- Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

- Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)

- Phonetic correlates of stress: Intensity (impressionistic)

- Notes: In connected speech, stress patterns subject to 'largely unpredictable rhythmic variation' (Crewe 1975: 12–13).

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

- tbi-C1: Voiced bilabial and palatal stops are realized as approximants intervocalically (Stirtz 2011: 25).

- tbi-C2: Voiced bilabial and palatal stops and glides are realized as the corresponding vowel when occurring word-finally (Stirtz 2011).

## Morphology

- Text: “The goat and the fox,” “The Nyeerma and the fox” (Stirtz 2011: 319–326)

- Synthetic index: 1.5 morphemes/word (503 morphemes, 339 words)

## [teh] Tehuelche

- Chonan, *Continental Chonan* (Argentina)

- References consulted: Fernández Garay (1998), Fernández Garay & Hernández (2006)

## Sound inventory

- C phoneme inventory: /p b t d k g q g ? p’ t’ k’ q’ t∫ t∫’ s ∫ x χ m n l r w j/

- N consonant phonemes: 25

- Geminates: N/A
Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Ejective, Palato-alveolar, Uvular

V phoneme inventory: /e a o e: a: o:/

N vowel qualities: 3

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C)(C)(C) (Fernández Garay 1998: 93–103; Fernández Garay & Hernández 2006: 13–14)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 3

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Obstruent

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: 3 (initial), >3 (final)

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic, Predictable from word/consonantal context, or Varies with CV sequence

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Both patterns (Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Grammatical items

Onset restrictions: Biconsonantal onsets include /pl/, /k, q/+obstruent, and /m/+consonant.

Coda restrictions: There are no apparent restrictions for biconsonantal codas, which include /m∫ p∫ t∫ ?r lk' rt∫ rn/. Triconsonantal clusters include at least /?∫p mnk rnk ?nk/.

Notes: Canonical patterns listed above are for the root morpheme and word levels (Fernández Garay & Hernández explicitly state that triconsonantal clusters
occur word-finally, but don't include this shape in their list). In addition to clusters, Fernández Garay (1998) and Fernández Garay & Hernández (2006) posit syllables of the shape C and CC, which may consist of obstruents (and some other Cs) and correspond to grammatical morphemes. These can be added at word margins to the canonical clusters to form larger sequences of consonants at the “phrase” level, an example being k-tʃaʔʃp-ʃ-kn > /ktʃaʔʃpʃk’n/ ‘it is being washed’ (2006: 13). Examples throughout the description show maxima of three consonants word/phrase-initially and six consonants word/phrase-finally resulting from affixation processes. The authors state that “this accumulation of consonants is made possible by the development of epenthetic vowels.” These *supporting vowels* play the role of “lubricator” in sequences of consonants and are described as having a neutral vowel quality corresponding to the neutralization of all other vowels (2006: 13). However, in the 1998 reference they are transcribed alternately as [ə] and [ʊ], seemingly as a response to the consonantal environment.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:

Not described

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

teh-R1: Mid front vowel /e/ is realized as [ə] when unstressed (Fernández Garay 1998: 82).

teh-R2: Vowels may be elided in word-internal and word-final (unstressed) syllables. Entire unstressed syllables may delete as well (Fernández Garay 1998: 104–105).

## Consonant allophony processes

teh-C1: A palatal glide may be realized as a voiced palato-alveolar fricative by some speakers (Fernández Garay 1998: 73).

teh-C2: Uvular stops and fricatives are fronted preceding a front vowel (Fernández Garay 1998: 77–78).
Notes: There is a great deal of unpredictable allophonic variation due to the obsolescence of the language.

## Morphology

Text: “Monologo 2,” “Monologo 4” (Fernández Garay & Hernández 2006: 269–286)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (412 morphemes, 249 words)

## [tel] Telugu

Dravidian, *South Dravidian* (India)

References consulted: Bhaskararao & Ray (2017), Kelley (1963), Kostić et al. (1977), Krishnamurti (1998), Sailaja (1999)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b ṭ ḍ ṭ ḍ k g pʰ bʰ ḍʰ ṭʰ ḍʰ kʰ gʰ ṭc ṭcʰ ḍz ḍzʰ f s s c x m n
η r l l̥ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 32

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Alveolo-palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 5

Elaborations: Breathy voice, Voiced fricatives/affricates, Post-aspiration, Labiodental, Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u i: e: æ: a: o: u:/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ai au/

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Vowel length distinction for all but /æ:/, which is always long. Place distinctions in consonant inventory from Kostić et al. (1977: 191).
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Kostić et al. 1977: 199)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: None? Speaker judgment data suggests that word-medial geminate clusters (e.g. *pennu*) are typically syllabified as onset of syllable, while other word-medial CC clusters (e.g. *gampa*) are split across syllables (Sailaja 1999).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables, Consonant allosophy in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Not described

## Vowel reduction processes

tel-R1: A short vowel is lost between two consonants which have the same place of articulation, or of which C₁ is an apical and C₂ is an apical or laminal, or between dentals and affricates (Kostić et al. 1977: 9).

tel-R2: Long vowels /i: a: o: u:/ in word-final (and unstressed) position may be reduced to the length of a short vowel (Kostić et al. 1977: 11–52).

tel-R3: [ə] is reported to be an allophone or perhaps free variant of /a, e/ but no further description is given as to its distribution (Kostić et al. 1977).
## Consonant allophony processes

tel-C1: A voiceless aspirated stop may be realized as an affricate [kx] in a stressed syllable (Kostić et al. 1977: 105).

tel-C2: Stops are partially fricated in unstressed position (Kostić et al. 1977: 89).

tel-C3: Stops are realized as fricatives intervocalically (Krishnamurti 1998: 207).

tel-C4: A bilabial stop or nasal varies with a (nasalized) labial glide intervocalically (Krishnamurti 1998: 207, Bhaskararao & Ray 2017: 234).

tel-C5: A bilabial stop or nasal is realized as a (nasalized) labial glide word-finally (Krishnamurti 1998: 207, Bhaskararao & Ray 2017: 234).

tel-C6: A bilabial stop is realized as a labial glide preceding /w s h/ (Krishnamurti 1998: 207).

tel-C7: In intervocalic position /r/ and /ŋ/ are realized as taps/flaps (Bhaskararao & Ray 2017: 235).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [thp] Thompson

Salishan, *Interior Salish* (Canada)

References consulted: Koch (2008), Thompson & Thompson (1992), Thompson & Thompson (1996), Thompson et al. (1996)

### Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p̥ k kʷ q qʷ ? p̥ k̥ k'q' q'w til̥ tʃtil̥ ts' s∫x xʷ χ χʷ h l̥ m n̥ m̥ n̥ l l̥ ð j ψ w ς ςʷ ð̥ j̥ ψ' w' ς' ς'w/

N consonant phonemes: 42

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral affricate, Lateral fricative, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 7

Elaborations: Creaky voice, Lateral release, Ejective, Palato-alveolar, Uvular, Pharyngeal, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i I ɛ əΛ a ə u/
N vowel qualities: 8

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /u̯ u̯'/' are exceedingly rare. /t̪/' occurs rarely and in apparent loanwords. [t] varies with [ə], but this phoneme is generally very rare.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: C(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C)(C) (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 25–43; Thompson & Thompson 1996; Thompson et al. 1996)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 6

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal, Liquid

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Predictable from word/consonantal context

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morphologically Complex (Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Lexical items (Liquid), Both (Nasal)

Onset restrictions: Apparently all Cs may occur initially. Biconsonantal onsets include /k͡l, qʷn, sxʷ, st͡l, t͡skʷ/. Triconsonantal onsets include /nsʔ, sχð, spt, st͡s’k/.

Coda restrictions: Unclear if all Cs occur in codas. Biconsonantal codas quite varied, include /mxʷftqʷmʔt/. Triconsonantal codas include /xʷktxʷst͡spst͡kst t͡sms/. Six-consonant codas include obstruent-only sequences such as /lqsxtxʷ/.

Notes: Canonical syllable patterns not explicitly stated, but based on examples given. Authors state that sequences of six obstruents “not uncommon” (1992: 25). Authors analyze some clusters as having underlying vowels intervening between consonants. As far as I can tell from the description, unstressed underlying vowels do not occur in actual production unless explicitly transcribed in the surface form. Coda clusters larger than six have been observed, however, example is transcribed with optional intervening schwa (ník’kstkptt͡l’(ə)l ‘you
people already got your hands cut', 1992: 25). "Study of the grammatical system shows that such words [with long obstruent sequences] are made up of strings of meaningful subparts, morphemes, many of which have vowels when they fall under stress. But each word has just a single main stress, and vowels mostly drop out of the unstressed morphemes." (Thompson et al. 1996: 612)

## Suprasegmentals

* Tone: No

* Word stress: Yes

* Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

* Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables, Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

* Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
  * Vowel quality contrasts

* Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

## Vowel reduction processes

* thp-R1: High vowels /i u/ are nearly always realized as [ə] when preceding the main stress, except for when /u/ occurs between two velar consonants (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 32).

* thp-R2: In allegro speech, unstressed /i i ε a o u/ tend to be realized as [ə] (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 45).

* thp-R3: In allegro speech, unstressed /ə/ is deleted between obstruents (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 45).

* thp-R4: Unstressed /ʌ/ is reduced to [ə] (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 45).

* thp-R5: In allegro speech, stressed /a, o/ and sometimes /ɛ/ are frequently replaced by [ʌ] (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 46).

The processes below have quite a few phonological and some morphological complications, and their productivity is unclear. I have not included them as phonetically- or phonologically-conditioned vowel reduction in my analysis, but they should be noted:

* thp-R6: Most post-tonic vowels are deleted (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 23, 33–34).

* thp-R7: In successive syllables preceding main stress, /ə/ is deleted (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 31–32).
thp-R8: In successive syllables preceding main stress, vowels /i ɪ ɛ a o u/ are deleted when adjacent to a laryngeal, pharyngeal, or homorganic semivowel and preceding the main stress (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 31–32).

## Consonant allophony processes

thp-C1: Velars are rounded following /u/ in a stressed or closed syllable (Thompson & Thompson 1992: 36).

## Morphology

Text: “The man who went to the moon” (lines 1–65; Thompson & Thompson 1992: 200–205)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (506 morphemes, 297 words)

## [tow] Towa

Kiowa-Tanoan (United States)

References consulted: Bell (1993), Logan Sutton (p.c.), Yumitani (1998)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d c kʰʰ gʰ kʰ g kʷʔ pʼ tʼ kʰʼ kʼ til f v s z ʃ h ʃ m n r l
j w/

N consonant phonemes: 30

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-Alveolar, Palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central Approximant, Lateral Approximant

N elaborations: 6

Elaborations: Voiced fricative/affricate, Ejective, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar, Palatalization, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e æ i α o i: e: æ: i: o: α: i~ æ: i α õ i~ : æ: i: α: õ:/

N vowel qualities: 6

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: None
Notes: Yumitani lists voiceless velar stops as aspirated, but it aspiration is not contrastive. Nasalization contrast for all but /e e:/.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Yumitani 1998: 21–22)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: /l/, /ʃ/ in limited environments.

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental)

Notes: The issue of whether Towa has true vowel-initial syllables is still up for debate; a voiced glottal fricative is often heard before the vowel (Yumitani 1998: 22–23). Though the canonical syllable structure has an optional coda, in speech there is a tendency toward a CV template. Closed syllables do not occur word-internally, and when occurring word-finally are often resyllabified. See discussion in Chapter 3.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental)

Notes: Pitch is not as strong an indicator as length for stress.
## Vowel reduction processes

tow-R1: Long vowels become glottalized (V?V) word-finally before a pause (Yumitani 1998: 20; vowels not specified).

tow-R2: Some long vowels have short variants word-finally (Yumitani 1998: 20; vowels not specified).

tow-R3: Non-initial (unstressed) vowels are more central and harder to identify than corresponding initial (stressed) vowels (Yumitani 1998: 31, Bell 1993: 29).

## Consonant allophony processes

tow-C1: Palatal stops are realized as palato-alveolar affricates preceding a high front vowel (Yumitani 1998: 13).

tow-C2: A palato-alveolar fricative is realized as a voiced palato-alveolar affricate preceding a high front vowel (Yumitani 1998: 13).

tow-C3: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as a glottal fricative syllable-initially in a syllable carrying low tone, especially among younger speakers (Yumitani 1998: 13).

## Morphology

Text: “About my childhood” (Yumitani 1998: 248–250)

Synthetic index: 1.7 morphemes/word (408 morphemes, 244 words)

## [tzh] Tzeltal (Aguacatenango dialect)

Mayan, *Core Mayan* (Mexico)

References consulted: Kaufman (1971), Polian (2006), Smith (2007)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t k ? p’ t’ k’ tš s tʃ tš’ tʃ’ s ʃ h m n l c w j/

N consonant phonemes: 21

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 2
Elaborations: Ejective, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u e:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Yes

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /f r/ occur only in loanwords in speech of ‘acculturated’ speakers (Kaufman 1971: 13). Kaufman also gives /d g/. Smith calls /j/ a fricative. The few cases of apparent long vowels are often morphologically complex; however, /e:/ is contrastive in one monomorphemic word.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C)(C) (Kaufman 1971: 9–15)

Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Coda), Morphologically Complex (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Apparently no restrictions on simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets consist of /s∫h/ plus any (?) consonant.

Coda restrictions: Apparently no restrictions on simple codas. Biconsonantal codas limited to sequence of /h/ + voiceless stop or affricate.

Notes: Initial clusters in Spanish loans may be prefixed with /s∫h/, resulting in triconsonantal onset.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed
Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic)

Notes: Length is a correlate of stress in some dialects (Polian 2006: 23).

## Vowel reduction processes

tzh-R1: Vowels are realized as extra short when unstressed before a consonant following a stressed vowel (Kaufman 1971: 12).

tzh-R2: Vowels are short when unstressed before a phrasal (? ‘caret’) juncture (Kaufman 1971: 12).

tzh-R3: In casual speech, reducible vowels (=post-tonic, if also followed by at least one more vowel and not more than two consonants before a juncture in-tervenes) are replaced by /a/ or /e/ (Kaufman 1971: 26–27).

Notes: There are also several productive vowel reduction processes taking place in particular speech styles. In Assimilative Speech, used by unmarried children who are living at home or not yet economically dependent, reducible vowels as well as some other vowels are replaced by echo vowels. In Clipped Speech, used by men between the ages of 18 and 40 who are married or economically independent of their parents, reducible vowels are ‘zeroed’ wherever possible, or otherwise replaced by [ə] (Kaufman 1971: 26–27).

## Consonant allophony processes

tzh-C1: Voiced stops are spirantized following a vowel. (Kaufman 1971: 11)

## Morphology

Text: “Le voyage à la finca” (first 5 pages, Polian 2006: 235–239) (Note: this is for Central dialect)

Synthetic index: 1.5 morphemes/word (446 morphemes, 299 words)
[ung] Ngarinyin

Worrorran (Australia)

References consulted: Coate & Oates (1970), Rumsey (1978)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t t c k m n η n η l l ʌ r ʌ w j/

N consonant phonemes: 17

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Retroflex, Palatal, Velar

Manners: Stop, Nasal, Trill, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Retroflex

V phoneme inventory: /ɪ e a oʊ a:/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Vowel length generally not phonemic.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C) (Rumsey 1978: 23–26)

Size of maximal onset: 3

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A
Onset restrictions: All consonants except for /r ʌ/ may occur in simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets are /pʌ/, /tʌ/, /mʌ/, /kʌ/, and /pr/. Triconsonantal onset limited to /prʌ/.

Coda restrictions: All consonants except for /p m ʌ . / may occur as simple codas. Biconsonantal codas have lateral /l / as C₁ and nasal / η n η m/ as C₂. These codas are always followed by an onset which is /k/ or /p/ in the following syllable.

Notes: Apparently /a/ is the only V syllable.

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: see below

Notes: Here it's *reduced* duration that is a correlate of stress, and for /a/ only.
When carrying primary stress in polysyllabic words, /a/ is higher and shorter
than long low back vowel, by a degree which depends on which consonant
follows it.

Vowel reduction processes

ung-R1: Lax high vowels /ɪʊ/ are produced as tense in word-final position or
before a loose juncture (Rumsey 1978: 13–16).

ung-R2: Low central vowel /a/ is realized as [ə] when unstressed (Rumsey 1978: 17–18).

Consonant allophony processes

ung-C1: An alveolar lateral approximant is velarized adjacent to back vowels (Rumsey 1978: 11).

ung-C2: A voiced bilabial stop is labialized preceding /u/ (Rumsey 1978: 9–10).

ung-C3: Velars are fronted preceding front vowels (Rumsey 1978: 11).

ung-C4: Stops are voiced following a nasal and preceding any sound (Rumsey 1978: 9).

ung-C5: A trill may be realized as a flap intervocalically (Rumsey 1978: 12).

ung-C6: A trill may be realized as a flap word-finally (Rumsey 1978: 12).
## Morphology

Text: “Ngunbangguwe ‘Mt. Trafalgar’” (Coate & Oates 1970: 104–110)

Synthetic index: 2.0 morphemes/word (1142 morphemes, 573 words)

## [ura] Urarina

isolate (Peru)

References consulted: Olawsky (2006)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d k kʷ tɛ fʷ s ʃ h h̯ m n ɲ l c/

N consonant phonemes: 16

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Retroflex, Alveolo-palatal, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/tap, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 4

Elaborations: Labiodental, Retroflex, Palatalization, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e u a u ɪ ɛ u ã ũ/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ae aj ej au au/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: All

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /fʷ/ has merged with former /hʷ/ for most younger speakers; most common pronunciation of the latter is now [fʷ]. Distribution of /h̯/ is mostly restricted to word-initial position preceding /a u u/. Most occurrences of /ɲ/ are predictable, but minimal pairs occur word-initially. Author considers [dʒ] to be predictable, but there are a few near-minimal pairs with ‘complex conditioning’ (Olawsky 2006: 30–49). Vowel length distinction exists at grammatical level, but minimal pairs do not exist except for loans and morphologically complex forms; also vowel length in these contexts may be variable (Olawsky 2006: 56–57). /u/ varies with [o].

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple
Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Olawsky 2006: 75–76)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: N/A

Notes: CCV syllables sometimes occur in Spanish loanwords in the speech of bilinguals, but these are usually split up by epenthesis (Olawsky 2006: 76).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Weight-sensitive

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

ura-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as palato-alveolar following /i/
in some dialects (Olawsky 2006: 38).

ura-C2: An alveolo-palatal affricate [t̥c] is realized as a palato-alveolar affricate [dʒ] word-initially preceding /a/ or /u/ (Olawsky 2006: 39).

ura-C3: A sequence of /t̥i/ may vary freely with palatalized retroflex flap [t̥ʃ] or palato-alveolar affricate [dʒ] (Olawsky 2006: 71).

ura-C4: A sequence of /ku/ may vary with [kʷ] (Olawsky 2006: 37).
ura-C5: Voiceless glottal fricative and alveolar nasal may be realized as palatal-
ized following /i/ (Olawsky 2006: 47).

Morphology

Text: “Text 8,” “Text 10 (Olawsky 2006: 902–905)

Synthetic index: 1.6 morphemes/word (270 morphemes, 169 words)

[ute] Ute

Uto-Aztecan, *Northern Uto-Aztecan* (United States)

References consulted: Givón (2011), Givón (2013), Harms (1966), Oberly (2013)

Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /п т к ? тʃ β s γ m n r w j/

N consonant phonemes: 13

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Palato-Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Central approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i œ a w u i: œ: a: w: u: i œ ə w i u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: All

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: Voicing

Notes: Uvulars are allophones (at least historically) of /k/ or /ɣ/ (Givón 2011: 26).
The voiced/voiceless distinction in vowels is a recent development, which does
seem to be distinctive in certain grammatical contexts.

Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: CV(C) (Givón 2011: 27–28)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1
Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: Optional coda may be /j/ or result from the recent deletion of a word-final vowel.

Notes: Givón argues that all apparent vowel-initial words are actually glottal stop-initial (2011: 28). See discussion of syllable patterns in Chapter 3.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Pitch (instrumental)

Notes: Duration is a correlate of stress for short vowels only.

## Vowel reduction processes

ute-R1: Unstressed and de-stressed vowels are devoiced word-finally (Givón 2011: 20–23; environments both phonological and grammatical).

ute-R2: Unstressed and de-stressed vowels are sometimes devoiced word-initially (Givón 2011: 20–23; environments both phonological and grammatical).

ute-R3: Vowels may become devoiced in unstressed syllables beginning with a voiceless consonant /k p t s tʃ/, a nasal /n m/, or a glide /w/ (Givón 2011: 21).

## Consonant allophony processes

ute-C1: Velar stops are labialized following back rounded vowels (Givón 2011: 29).
ute-C2: Velar stops are palatalized following high vowels (Givón 2011: 29).

ute-C3: A voiceless bilabial stop is realized as a voiced labiodental fricative intervocalically (Givón 2011: 24; process rapidly phonemicizing).

ute-C4: A voiceless alveolar stop is realized as a flap intervocalically (Givón 2011: 25; process rapidly phonemicizing).

ute-C5: Velar stops are spirantized intervocalically (Givón 2011: 26–27).

ute-C6: Velar stop /k/ has variant [q] and velar fricative /ɣ/ has variant [k], between two low vowels and adjacent to mid back vowels.

ute-C7: Velar stop /k/ has variant [χ] between two low vowels and adjacent to mid back vowels.

## Morphology

Text: “Porcupine tricks Coyote” (first 5 pages, Givón 2013: 107–111)

Synthetic index: 2.3 morphemes/word (593 morphemes, 255 words)

## [wba] Warao

isolate (Venezuela)

References consulted: Arinterol (2000), Osborn (1966), Romero-Figeroa (1997)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k kʷ s h m n I w j/

N consonant phonemes: 11

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral flap

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A
Notes: /I/ has [r] and [d] variants. Osborn reports phonemic nasal contrasts for each vowel, but Romero-Figueroa states these are phonologically conditioned (1997: 108).

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Romero-Figeroa 1997: 109–112)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Fixed

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: (none)

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Intensity (impressionistic)

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

wba-C1: Voiced alveolar stop and voiceless alveolar fricative are realized as voiced palato-alveolar affricate, and voiceless palato-alveolar fricative, respectively, following /i/ (Arinterol 2000: 121).
wba-C2: Labial and palatal glides may vary freely with corresponding fricatives
(Arinterol 2000: 122).

wba-C3: Stops may become voiced preceding a vowel (Romero-Figeroa 1997: 107).

wba-C4: Voiced alveolar stops are realized as flaps intervocalically (Romero-Figeroa 1997: 107).

## Morphology

Text: (fragments of texts, Romero-Figeroa 1997: 118–123)

Synthetic index: 1.6 morphemes/word (182 morphemes, 116 words)

## [wmd] Mamaindê

Nambiquaran, *Nambikwara Complex* (Brazil)

References consulted: Eberhard (2009)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k ? pʰ tʰ kʰ s h m n l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 14

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 1

Elaborations: Post-aspiration

V phoneme inventory: /i e a o u ɪ̃ ĕ ã õ ũ i ɛ̃ a ɔ ʊ ɪ̃ ã ʊ̃/

N vowel qualities: 5

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /iu ɪʊ ei ɛi eu ai aɪ au ɑʊ ɪũ ɪũ ɛi ɛũ
ãɪ ãɪ ãũ ãʊ/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: Creaky (Some)

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)V(C)(C) (Eberhard 2009: 124–134)
Size of maximal onset: 2

Size of maximal coda: 2

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Varies with CV sequence

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal
(Onset, Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: Any consonant may occur as simple onset. Biconsonantal onsets are /kʰʰ kʰʰ h+/w/, or /hʔ+/l n j w s/ or /ʔm/.

Coda restrictions: Simple codas are stops and nasals. Biconsonantal codas consist of stop or nasal + /ʔ/.

Notes: Complex onsets and codas (besides C+w onsets) always involve glottal, so this language doesn't have 'prototypically' Complex syllable structure.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction, Consonant allosophy in unstressed syllables, Consonant allophony in stressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

## Vowel reduction processes

wmd-R1: Unstressed syllables may optionally lose their vowel. This can result in syllabic consonants (Eberhard 2009: 262–263; only illustrated for nasals).

wmd-R2: Non-front vowels /a o u/ are usually weakened in unstressed syllables (Eberhard 2009: 271; there is one morphological exception).
## Consonant allophony processes

wmd-C1: A palatal glide is realized as a voiceless palato-alveolar affricate following a syllable-initial plosive (Eberhard 2009: 94).

wmd-C2: An alveolar lateral approximant is realized as a voiceless alveolar stop following a syllable-initial oral obstruent (Eberhard 2009: 92).

wmd-C3: Voiceless stops may become voiced adjacent to voiced sounds, especially word-initally preceding an unstressed vowel (Eberhard 2009).

wmd-C4: Voiceless stops are voiced in a stressed onset (Eberhard 2009: 55).

wmd-C5: Voiceless alveolar stop is realized as a voiced implosive when occurring preceding a stressed back vowel and occurring word-initially or following a glottal stop (Eberhard 2009: 58).

wmd-C6: A voiceless alveolar stop is realized as a flap intervocalically preceding an unstressed vowel (Eberhard 2009: 55).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

## [wut] Wutung

Sko, *Nuclear Skou-Serra-Piore* (Papua New Guinea)

References consulted: Marmion (2010), Doug Marmion (p.c.)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p b t d ? tʃ dʒ f s h m nʃ l w/

N consonant phonemes: 15

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-alveolar, Palatal, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Voiced fricatives/affricates, Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e ε θ ε ο υ ï ε ε θ ε õ υ/

N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None
Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /k/ occurs in one (possibly recent) borrowing. Contrastive nasalization for /iɛɛoʊ/.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)(C)(C)(C)V(C) (Marmion 2010: 68–76)

Size of maximal onset: 4

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur as simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets include /h?/ + voiced consonant, or labial consonant + /l/. Triconsonantal onsets are /h?/ + /b m/ + /l/, also /hndʒ, hmb/. Only known example of four-consonant onset is /hmbl/.

Coda restrictions: Codas occur in rare circumstances and are always nasals /m n/.

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Unpredictable/variable

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Consonant allophony in unstressed syllables

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables: (none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Vowel duration (impressionistic), Intensity (impressionistic)
## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

- wut-C1: A labiovelar glide may be realized as a bilabial fricative word-initially preceding a vowel (Marmion 2010: 57–58).

- wut-C2: A labiovelar glide may be realized as a bilabial fricative intervocalically (Marmion 2010: 57–58).

- wut-C3: A voiced palato-alveolar affricate may be realized as a glide intervocalically (Marmion 2010: 55).

## Morphology

- Text: “Crow and white cockatoo,” “Womia the mermaid” (Marmion 2010: 378–382)

- Synthetic index: 1.1 morphemes/word (340 morphemes, 313 words)

## [yak] Yakima Sahaptin

Sahaptian, *Sahaptin* (United States)

References consulted: Hargus & Beavert (2002), Hargus & Beavert (2005), Hargus & Beavert (2006), Jansen (2010), Minthorn (2005), Rigsby & Rude (1996), Rude (2009), Rude & Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation (2014)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /p t k kʷ q qʷʔ p’ t’ k’ k’ʷ q’ q’ʷ čłts čłts čł’ts’ čłt’s’ čłt̪ łs∫x xʷ
χ χʷ h m n l w j/

N consonant phonemes: 32

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Dental, Palato-alveolar, Velar, Uvular, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral affricate, Lateral fricative, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 5

Elaborations: Lateral release, Ejective, Palato-alveolar, Uvular, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i i a u i: a: u:/
N vowel qualities: 4

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: Some

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: Vowel length contrast for /i a u/. Note that Jansen and Rigsby & Rude posit diphthongs; Hargus & Beavert (2006) argue against this with evidence from phonological processes.

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Highly Complex

Canonical syllable structure: C(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C) (Hargus & Beavert 2006; 2002; Rigsby & Rude 1996: 671)

Size of maximal onset: 4

Size of maximal coda: 4

Onset obligatory: Yes

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: N/A

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: N/A

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: Morpheme-internal (Onset), Both patterns (Coda)

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: N/A

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur as simple onsets. Biconsonantal onsets may be obstruent+sonorant, obstruent+obstruent, sonorant+sonorant, sonorant+obstruent and include /χn pt ṛt̪ mj tw qn lt ṭfṭʃ/. Triconsonantal onsets are quite numerous and include sequences of three obstruents, e.g. /pʃχ, tkʷs/, as well as combinations with sonorants, e.g. /tmt, tχn/. Onsets of four consonants occurring morpheme-internally include /ʃtχn, kskṣ/, with perhaps more when morphologically complex forms are considered (but there are few candidate prefixes).

Coda restrictions: /hʔ/ do not occur in simple codas. Biconsonantal codas are apparently unrestricted, include /tk tʔk qʷk ms wn/. Triconsonantal codas include /tks stk pt̪t̪k/. Hargus & Beavert (2006) list /wtkʷʃ wq’χʃ jlps/ as four-consonant codas.

Notes: Clusters of glottalized or labialized obstruents do not occur (in reduplication contexts, their plain forms appear), but clusters of identical rearticulated
plain consonants, e.g. /pp/, /qq/, do appear and are common. There seem to be
place restrictions on initial obstruent sequences: except for identical rearticu-
lated clusters, sequences of homorganic consonants generally don't occur, and
dorsal+labial sequences are common but labial+dorsal sequences occur in one
item (Hargus & Beavert 2002: 237). Meanwhile, there are no coherent place re-
strictions on YS final clusters (2002: 239). Rigsby & Rude (1996) state that initial
clusters are maximally three members, but Hargus & Beavert (2006) give ev-
idence from phonological processes that glide is a consonant and not part of
previous vowel (diphthong). Minimal words in Yakima Sahaptin are CCV or
CVC (Hargus & Beavert 2006). Hargus & Beavert reject syllabic obstruents for
Yakima Sahaptin but Minthorn (2005) posits syllabic obstruents for related di-
alect Umatilla based on instrumental evidence and speaker judgments.

Suprasegmentals

Tone: No

Word stress: Yes

Stress placement: Morphologically or lexically conditioned

Phonetic processes conditioned by stress: Vowel reduction

Differences in phonological properties of stressed and unstressed syllables:
(none)

Phonetic correlates of stress: Pitch (instrumental), Intensity (instrumental)

Notes: Hargus & Beavert (2005) describe language as having pitch accent.

Vowel reduction processes

yak-R1: Short vowels may be realized as lax when unstressed (Jansen 2010: 40).

yak-R2: Short vowels may be realized as lax in rapid speech (Jansen 2010: 40).

Consonant allophony processes

yak-C1: An ejective dental stop varies with affricate variant [tθ'] in all environ-
ments (Rigsby & Rude 1996: 669).

yak-C2: Voiceless velar stops are fronted preceding high front vowels and palatal glides (Rigsby & Rude 1996: 667).

Morphology

Text: “Coyote and Prairie Chicken” (first 15 pages, Jansen 2010: 444–458)

Synthetic index: 1.8 morphemes/word (575 morphemes, 324 words)
[yor] Yoruba

Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo (Benin, Nigeria)

References consulted: Bamgbose (1966), Rowlands (1969), Seidl (2000), Siertsema (1959)

## Sound inventory

C phoneme inventory: /b t d ʃ k g k̂p ɡ̂b f s ʃ h m l ʃ j w/

N consonant phonemes: 17

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: Obstruents

Places: Labial-velar, Bilabial, Labiodental, Alveolar, Palato-Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Fricative, Nasal, Flap/Tap, Lateral approximant, Central approximant

N elaborations: 2

Elaborations: Labiodental, Palato-alveolar

V phoneme inventory: /i e ε a ɔ o ʊ ɪ ε ɔ ù/

N vowel qualities: 7

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: None

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: Some

Other contrasts: None

## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Simple

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V (Bamgbose 1966: 6)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: N/A

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: N/A

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Grammatical items

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.
## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: No

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

(none reported)

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)

# [yue] Cantonese

Sino-Tibetan, *Sinitic* (China)

References consulted: Bauer & Benedict (1997), Matthews & Yip (1994)

## Sound inventory

N consonant phonemes: /p t k kʷ pʰ tʰ kʰ kʷʰ til tsʰ f s h m n ŋ l j w/

Geminates: N/A

Voicing contrasts: None

Places: Bilabial, Labiodental, Dental/Alveolar, Velar, Glottal

Manners: Stop, Affricate, Fricative, Nasal, Central approximant, Lateral approximant

N elaborations: 3

Elaborations: Post-aspiration, Labiodental, Labialization

V phoneme inventory: /i y e ø a ɔ ʊ/

N vowel qualities: 8

Diphthongs or vowel sequences: Diphthongs /ai ai au au ei ði iu ui oi ou/

Contrastive length: None

Contrastive nasalization: None

Other contrasts: N/A

Notes: /a/ longer than /a/ but there is also a quality distinction. Bauer & Benedict disagree with this vowel system and propose a 14-vowel system with length distinctions (1997: 45–48).
## Syllable structure

Complexity category: Moderately Complex

Canonical syllable structure: (C)V(C) (Matthews & Yip 1994: 16–20, Bauer & Benedict 1997)

Size of maximal onset: 1

Size of maximal coda: 1

Onset obligatory: No

Coda obligatory: No

Vocalic nucleus patterns: Short vowels, Long vowels, Diphthongs

Syllabic consonant patterns: Nasal

Size of maximal word-marginal sequences with syllabic obstruents: N/A

Predictability of syllabic consonants: Phonemic

Morphological constituency of maximal syllable margin: N/A

Morphological pattern of syllabic consonants: Both

Onset restrictions: All consonants occur.

Coda restrictions: Limited to /m n ŋ p t k/ (Matthews & Yip) and semi-vowels (Bauer & Benedict).

## Suprasegmentals

Tone: Yes

Word stress: No

## Vowel reduction processes

(none reported)

## Consonant allophony processes

yue-C1: A voiceless alveolar fricative is realized as a palatal or palato-alveolar fricative preceding /y/ (also preceding /i:/ in Guangzhou dialect) (Bauer & Benedict 1997: 28–29).

yue-C2: Alveolar affricates are realized as palato-alveolar preceding front vowels, front and central rounded vowels /i: y: œ: ə/ (Bauer & Benedict 1997: 29–30).

## Morphology

(adequate texts unavailable)
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