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# Approches socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire

Olivia Guillon, Susan Pickford

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Olivia Guillon, Susan Pickford. Approches socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire. Parallèles, 2023, 10.17462/para.2023.02.04. hal-04560757

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# Approches socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire

Olivia Guillon, Susan Pickford

► To cite this version:

Olivia Guillon, Susan Pickford. Approches socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire. Parallèles, 2023, 10.17462/para.2023.02.04. hal-04560757

HAL Id: hal-04560757

https://hal.science/hal-04560757v1

Submitted on 29 Apr 2024

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access
archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci-
entific research documents, whether they are pub-
lished or not. The documents may come from
teaching and research institutions in France or
abroad, or from public or private research centers.

L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est
destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents
scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non,
émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de
recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires
publics ou privés.

<figure><img src="image_1.png" /></figure>

Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
35(2)

October 2023

Parallèle

FACULTÉ DE TRADUCTION
ET D'INTERPRÉTATION

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>

UNIVERSITÉ
DE GENÈVE
35(2)

October 2023

Parallèle

FACULTÉ DE TRADUCTION
ET D'INTERPRÉTATION

<figure><img src="image_2.png" /></figure>

UNIVERSITÉ
DE GENÈVE
Sommaire – Contents

Thematic Section “Socio-economic approaches to literary translation”

Introduction : Approches socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire 3

Olivia Guillon & Susan Pickford (Guest Editors)

How precarious are the working conditions of literary translators?
A sociology of translation perspective from Türkiye 9

Burcu Kanıdinç Kılınçarslan & Emine Bogenç Demirel

Working for peanuts. The economic situation of Hungarian literary translators 25

Anikó Sohár

La signature sur la couverture, mais à qui le crédit ?
Aperçu du statut social du traducteur dans la Chine moderne et contemporaine 44

Yuhua Xia & Linhan Fan

Comment rompre le cercle vicieux : reconnaissance symbolique et économique
dans les revendications des traducteurs français et allemands 57

Solange Arber & Victor Collard

What readers talk about when they talk about translations 70

Ruth Urbom

L'algorithme sert-il les traducteurs ?
Conditions et contexte de travail avec les outils de traduction neuronale 90

Claire Larsonneur

Non-thematic Section

Le théâtre comme outil de formation à l'interprétation de dialogue.
Comment sensibiliser les apprenants-interprètes au dispositif théâtral 104

Béatrice Costa

Audio description translation from Spanish into Chinese as an alternative to creating audio description:
A reception study 119

Yuchen Liu

La « traduction » et le pouvoir de l'autoreprésentation. *Assommons les pauvres, de Shina Shumona et Vengeance du traducteur*, de Brice Matthieussent 139

Dominique Faria

Book Reviews

Albl-Mikasa, M. & Tiselius, E. (dir.). (2022). *The Routledge Handbook of Conference Interpreting*. Routledge. 152

Ivana Čeňková

Fournier-Guillemette, R. (2022). *Traductions et métraductions de Jane Austen : effacement et survivance de la voix auctoriale*. Les Presses de l'Université d'Ottawa. 158

Klara Boestad
Sommaire – Contents

Thematic Section “Socio-economic approaches to literary translation”

<table><tr><td>Introduction : Approches socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire<br>Olivia Guillon & Susan Pickford (Guest Editors)</td><td>3</td></tr><tr><td>How precarious are the working conditions of literary translators?<br>A sociology of translation perspective from Türkiye<br>Burcu Kanıdinç Kılınçarslan & Emine Bogenç Demirel</td><td>9</td></tr><tr><td>Working for peanuts. The economic situation of Hungarian literary translators<br>Anikó Sohár</td><td>25</td></tr><tr><td>La signature sur la couverture, mais à qui le crédit ?<br>Aperçu du statut social du traducteur dans la Chine moderne et contemporaine<br>Yuhua Xia & Linhan Fan</td><td>44</td></tr><tr><td>Comment rompre le cercle vicieux : reconnaissance symbolique et économique<br>dans les revendications des traducteurs français et allemands<br>Solange Arber & Victor Collard</td><td>57</td></tr><tr><td>What readers talk about when they talk about translations<br>Ruth Urbom</td><td>70</td></tr><tr><td>L'algorithme sert-il les traducteurs ?<br>Conditions et contexte de travail avec les outils de traduction neuronale<br>Claire Larsonneur</td><td>90</td></tr></table>

Non-thematic Section

<table><tr><td>Le théâtre comme outil de formation à l'interprétation de dialogue.<br>Comment sensibiliser les apprenants-interprètes au dispositif théâtral<br>Béatrice Costa</td><td>104</td></tr><tr><td>Audio description translation from Spanish into Chinese as an alternative to creating audio description:<br>A reception study<br>Yuchen Liu</td><td>119</td></tr><tr><td>La « traduction » et le pouvoir de l'autoreprésentation. <i>Assommons les pauvres, de Shina Shumona et Vengeance du traducteur, de Brice Matthieussent</i><br>Dominique Faria</td><td>139</td></tr></table>

Book Reviews

<table><tr><td>Albl-Mikasa, M. & Tiselius, E. (dir.). (2022). <i>The Routledge Handbook of Conference Interpreting. Routledge.</i><br>Ivana Čeňková</td><td>152</td></tr><tr><td>Fournier-Guillemette, R. (2022). <i>Traductions et métraductions de Jane Austen : effacement et survivance de la voix auctoriale. Les Presses de l'Université d'Ottawa.</i><br>Klara Boestad</td><td>158</td></tr></table>
Introduction :
Approches socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire

Olivia Guillon

Université Sorbonne Paris Nord

Susan Pickford

Université de Genève

Éditrices invitées

Introduction: Socio-economic approaches to literary translation – Abstract

While literary translation has often been examined from a sociological perspective, its economic dimensions have been less widely studied. However, translators themselves have regularly engaged in activism relating to the issues at stake in terms of income, particularly those aiming to work in the field full time; working conditions and market power in relation to other stakeholders in the book trade have also been matter for debate within translator circles, including professional associations and cultural institutions, which have regularly published on such issues. The introduction to the special issue contributes to structuring the field of the socio-economics of literary translation by combining different methods of analysis and international observations. It explores some of the driving forces behind the general lack of financial and symbolic recognition granted to translators as well as the levers at their disposal to consolidate their market power and the economic structures that often deprive them of it. It concludes by pointing out the parallels between the trends observed in the literary translation sector and broader changes in the relationship to work in today's economies.

Keywords

literary translators, cultural sociology, cultural economics, translator studies, translation profession
## Introduction :
## Approches socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire

Olivia Guillon

Université Sorbonne Paris Nord

Susan Pickford

Université de Genève

### Éditrices invitées

## Introduction: Socio-economic approaches to literary translation – Abstract

While literary translation has often been examined from a sociological perspective, its economic dimensions have been less widely studied. However, translators themselves have regularly engaged in activism relating to the issues at stake in terms of income, particularly those aiming to work in the field full time; working conditions and market power in relation to other stakeholders in the book trade have also been matter for debate within translator circles, including professional associations and cultural institutions, which have regularly published on such issues. The introduction to the special issue contributes to structuring the field of the socio-economics of literary translation by combining different methods of analysis and international observations. It explores some of the driving forces behind the general lack of financial and symbolic recognition granted to translators as well as the levers at their disposal to consolidate their market power and the economic structures that often deprive them of it. It concludes by pointing out the parallels between the trends observed in the literary translation sector and broader changes in the relationship to work in today's economies.

## Keywords

literary translators, cultural sociology, cultural economics, translator studies, translation profession
# 1. Introduction

Le 10 septembre 2021, la traductrice littéraire américaine Jennifer Croft, lauréate de plusieurs prix prestigieux, publiait dans le Guardian un article intitulé « Why translators should be named on book covers » et lançait simultanément une campagne sur Twitter pour interpeller les éditeurs sur la nécessité de mentionner le nom des traducteurs sur la couverture des œuvres publiées. La lettre ouverte de la Society of Authors a recueilli plus de 2700 signatures, ce qui témoigne de l'intérêt des traducteurs pour cette démarche collective revendiquant leur reconnaissance en tant que créateurs de contenu. À la suite de cette campagne, Pan Macmillan a été le premier grand éditeur à déclarer qu'il créditerait désormais systématiquement les traducteurs en couverture ; il semblerait, d'après l'article de Ruth Urbom dans ce numéro spécial, que cette annonce ne soit que partiellement suivie d'effet.

Quelques semaines plus tard, Croft a partagé sur Twitter une demande de travail qu'elle avait reçue d'un grand éditeur. Le correspondant anonyme de Croft s'excusait de ne pas proposer de budget de traduction mais avançait qu'il serait « génial » qu'elle travaille « gratuitement ». Partagé plus de 300 fois, liké plus de 4300 fois, le tweet de Croft a suscité de nombreuses réponses de soutien comparant la position économique des traducteurs littéraires à des professions allant de la neurochirurgie au droit en passant par la boulangerie et la plomberie (Croft, 2021). Dans ces secteurs, les travailleurs non seulement jugent normal d'être payés pour leurs prestations – que ce soit sous la forme du salariat ou du rapport marchand – mais perçoivent même, dans certains cas, d'importantes primes basées sur leurs performances ou rémunérations calculées très rigoureusement sur leur temps de travail effectif, par contraste avec les industries culturelles et créatives dans lesquelles le travail non rémunéré est endémique (Brook, 2020).

Cela fait écho aux récents appels lancés par des traducteurs pragmatiques de premier plan, tels que Chris Durban, Judy Jenner et Michael Schubert (2021), en vue d'assimiler la traduction à un service de conseil professionnel haut de gamme, en passant du modèle de la facturation au mot à des paiements horaires ou forfaitaires.

Les revendications mises en lumière par Croft pointent la complexité de la traduction littéraire en tant que pratique créative, économique et professionnelle, à la croisée des chemins entre la création littéraire et le secteur des prestations de services linguistiques. Les tensions qui en résultent ne sont pas nouvelles : en 1984, rendant compte d'une enquête menée sur les adhérents à l'Association des Traducteurs Littéraires de France (ATLF), Heinich exposait l'extrême pluralité voire l'antagonisme des situations socio-économiques des traducteurs littéraires et de leurs revendications : entre ceux qui exerçaient à « temps plein » et les « occasionnels », entre l'attachement au statut d'auteur et l'aspiration à des parcours professionnels plus sécurisés et encadrés, s'exprimaient alors des acceptations divergentes et parfois incompatibles de la reconnaissance et de la professionnalisation. Quarante ans plus tard, et alors que beaucoup des tendances qui affectent la situation socio-économique des traducteurs sont aujourd'hui partagées avec l'ensemble des auteurs de l'écrit, quel regard porter sur ce qui apparaissait alors comme une « crise de la professionnalisation » ?

Pour répondre à cette question, si des travaux portent sur l'identité du traducteur littéraire d'un point de vue sociologique (Sela-Sheffy & Schlesinger, 2011), l'aspect économique reste peu étudié. Des approches interdisciplinaires novatrices mobilisant l'ergonomie (Ehrensberger-Dow & Hunziker-Heeb, 2016) ou encore l'étude des environnements de travail (Risku et al., 2019) ont été appliquées à la traduction technique et spécialisée, mais peu à la traduction littéraire. Des chercheurs tels que Kolb (2019) ou Borg (2023) ont appliqué les méthodes de recherche sur l'organisation du travail à l'étude de la traduction littéraire. Pourtant, ces travaux ont tendance à se focaliser sur les traducteurs littéraires en tant qu'acteurs isolés travaillant sur
# 1. Introduction

Le 10 septembre 2021, la traductrice littéraire américaine Jennifer Croft, lauréate de plusieurs prix prestigieux, publiait dans le Guardian un article intitulé « Why translators should be named on book covers » et lançait simultanément une campagne sur Twitter pour interpeller les éditeurs sur la nécessité de mentionner le nom des traducteurs sur la couverture des œuvres publiées. La lettre ouverte de la Society of Authors a recueilli plus de 2700 signatures, ce qui témoigne de l'intérêt des traducteurs pour cette démarche collective revendiquant leur reconnaissance en tant que créateurs de contenu. À la suite de cette campagne, Pan Macmillan a été le premier grand éditeur à déclarer qu'il créditerait désormais systématiquement les traducteurs en couverture ; il semblerait, d'après l'article de Ruth Urbom dans ce numéro spécial, que cette annonce ne soit que partiellement suivie d'effet.

Quelques semaines plus tard, Croft a partagé sur Twitter une demande de travail qu'elle avait reçue d'un grand éditeur. Le correspondant anonyme de Croft s'excusait de ne pas proposer de budget de traduction mais avançait qu'il serait « génial » qu'elle travaille « gratuitement ». Partagé plus de 300 fois, liké plus de 4300 fois, le tweet de Croft a suscité de nombreuses réponses de soutien comparant la position économique des traducteurs littéraires à des professions allant de la neurochirurgie au droit en passant par la boulangerie et la plomberie (Croft, 2021). Dans ces secteurs, les travailleurs non seulement jugent normal d'être payés pour leurs prestations – que ce soit sous la forme du salariat ou du rapport marchand – mais perçoivent même, dans certains cas, d'importantes primes basées sur leurs performances ou rémunérations calculées très rigoureusement sur leur temps de travail effectif, par contraste avec les industries culturelles et créatives dans lesquelles le travail non rémunéré est endémique (Brook, 2020).

Cela fait écho aux récents appels lancés par des traducteurs pragmatiques de premier plan, tels que Chris Durban, Judy Jenner et Michael Schubert (2021), en vue d'assimiler la traduction à un service de conseil professionnel haut de gamme, en passant du modèle de la facturation au mot à des paiements horaires ou forfaitaires.

Les revendications mises en lumière par Croft pointent la complexité de la traduction littéraire en tant que pratique créative, économique et professionnelle, à la croisée des chemins entre la création littéraire et le secteur des prestations de services linguistiques. Les tensions qui en résultent ne sont pas nouvelles : en 1984, rendant compte d'une enquête menée sur les adhérents à l'Association des Traducteurs Littéraires de France (ATLF), Heinich exposait l'extrême pluralité voire l'antagonisme des situations socio-économiques des traducteurs littéraires et de leurs revendications : entre ceux qui exerçaient à « temps plein » et les « occasionnels », entre l'attachement au statut d'auteur et l'aspiration à des parcours professionnels plus sécurisés et encadrés, s'exprimaient alors des acceptations divergentes et parfois incompatibles de la reconnaissance et de la professionnalisation. Quarante ans plus tard, et alors que beaucoup des tendances qui affectent la situation socio-économique des traducteurs sont aujourd'hui partagées avec l'ensemble des auteurs de l'écrit, quel regard porter sur ce qui apparaissait alors comme une « crise de la professionnalisation » ?

Pour répondre à cette question, si des travaux portent sur l'identité du traducteur littéraire d'un point de vue sociologique (Sela-Sheffy & Schlesinger, 2011), l'aspect économique reste peu étudié. Des approches interdisciplinaires novatrices mobilisant l'ergonomie (Ehrensberger-Dow & Hunziker-Heeb, 2016) ou encore l'étude des environnements de travail (Risku et al., 2019) ont été appliquées à la traduction technique et spécialisée, mais peu à la traduction littéraire. Des chercheurs tels que Kolb (2019) ou Borg (2023) ont appliqué les méthodes de recherche sur l'organisation du travail à l'étude de la traduction littéraire. Pourtant, ces travaux ont tendance à se focaliser sur les traducteurs littéraires en tant qu'acteurs isolés travaillant sur
des projets autonomes et non en tant que maillons de la chaîne du livre. Seules de rares études (Ginsburgh et al., 2011, et Mirsafian et al., 2021) portent sur les aspects socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire.

Notre intention est de contribuer à la structuration d'une approche socio-économique de la traduction littéraire. Réunissant six articles et analysant la situation des traducteurs littéraires dans différents pays, ce dossier spécial apporte des éléments de réponse à deux grandes questions : quels sont, d'une part, les ressorts du manque de reconnaissance éprouvé par de nombreux traducteurs et, d'autre part, les leviers dont ceux-ci disposent pour asseoir leurs revendications ?

## 2. Une profession en marge ?

La position socio-économique de la traduction littéraire dans l'ensemble de la filière du livre fait régulièrement l'objet de travaux qui convergent vers un constat : celui du contraste entre les exigences élevées de l'activité en termes de qualifications et sa faible reconnaissance financière, statutaire et, souvent, symbolique (Assouline, 2011 ; Chan, 2008). Cela peut donner le sentiment d'une profession marginalisée au propre comme au figuré : l'une des manifestations concrètes en est la tendance à la relégation du nom du traducteur à la marge de l'objet livre (CEATL, 2022). Notre dossier examine les formes actuelles que prend cette réalité déjà ancienne et internationale (Fock et al., 2008).

Les facteurs de fragilité sont régulièrement documentés par des enquêtes menées auprès des traducteurs : à la baisse des revenus en termes constants s'ajoute l'érosion du pouvoir de négociation avec les éditeurs, l'incertitude sur le calendrier des commandes et, souvent, l'irrégularité des délais de paiement. Mais la précarisation des situations est surtout ressentie par ceux qui exercent ou tentent d'exercer la traduction littéraire comme activité professionnelle principale voire exclusive. Plusieurs articles de ce dossier thématique détaillent les causes, manifestations et conséquences de cette précarité en fonction des contextes nationaux.

Emine Bogenç Demirel et Burcu Kanıdinç font un focus sur la Turquie. En utilisant le cadre d'analyse de Bourdieu et en s'appuyant sur des entretiens individuels, les autrices étudient les réactions des traducteurs aux difficultés économiques auxquelles ils font face : faibles salaires, manque de solidarité, insécurité des parcours professionnels. Les résistances qu'ils mettent en œuvre passent par des formes variées allant de la négociation avec les autres acteurs de la filière à la résignation à n'exercer la traduction « que » comme un hobby, en passant par l'acceptation d'un autre travail, plus rémunérateur, en parallèle.

L'enquête d'Anikó Sohár sur l'évolution des revenus des traducteurs littéraires en Hongrie depuis la chute de l'URSS indique que la marginalisation et la précarisation s'accroissent. Autrefois relativement privilégiés dans le régime communiste qui leur attribuait une valeur stratégique tout en les contrôlant étroitement via le statut public des maisons d'édition, les traducteurs littéraires hongrois, aujourd'hui en économie capitaliste, subissent une perte de statut symbolique et une certaine déprofessionnalisation. L'autrice conclut elle aussi qu'une conséquence importante de cette tendance est la difficulté, pour la traduction littéraire, à se maintenir comme activité professionnelle.

Yuhua Xia et Linhan Fan montrent qu'en Chine la situation est différente mais pas plus favorable en termes économiques : si les traducteurs sont bien « reconnus » d'un point de vue symbolique et mentionnés sur la couverture de leurs œuvres, cela n'induit pas qu'ils jouissent de revenus plus stables et élevés qu'ailleurs. Cela s'explique par des raisons culturelles et historiques qui contribuent à attribuer, encore de nos jours, une valeur symbolique à la traduction littéraire bien plus élevée que dans d'autres pays, en même temps que par les effets d'un statut administratif qui fragilise la possibilité d'en retirer un revenu certain et suffisant.
des projets autonomes et non en tant que maillons de la chaîne du livre. Seules de rares études (Ginsburgh et al., 2011, et Mirsafian et al., 2021) portent sur les aspects socio-économiques de la traduction littéraire.

Notre intention est de contribuer à la structuration d'une approche socio-économique de la traduction littéraire. Réunissant six articles et analysant la situation des traducteurs littéraires dans différents pays, ce dossier spécial apporte des éléments de réponse à deux grandes questions : quels sont, d'une part, les ressorts du manque de reconnaissance éprouvé par de nombreux traducteurs et, d'autre part, les leviers dont ceux-ci disposent pour asseoir leurs revendications ?

## 2. Une profession en marge ?

La position socio-économique de la traduction littéraire dans l'ensemble de la filière du livre fait régulièrement l'objet de travaux qui convergent vers un constat : celui du contraste entre les exigences élevées de l'activité en termes de qualifications et sa faible reconnaissance financière, statutaire et, souvent, symbolique (Assouline, 2011 ; Chan, 2008). Cela peut donner le sentiment d'une profession marginalisée au propre comme au figuré : l'une des manifestations concrètes en est la tendance à la relégation du nom du traducteur à la marge de l'objet livre (CEATL, 2022). Notre dossier examine les formes actuelles que prend cette réalité déjà ancienne et internationale (Fock et al., 2008).

Les facteurs de fragilité sont régulièrement documentés par des enquêtes menées auprès des traducteurs : à la baisse des revenus en termes constants s'ajoute l'érosion du pouvoir de négociation avec les éditeurs, l'incertitude sur le calendrier des commandes et, souvent, l'irrégularité des délais de paiement. Mais la précarisation des situations est surtout ressentie par ceux qui exercent ou tentent d'exercer la traduction littéraire comme activité professionnelle principale voire exclusive. Plusieurs articles de ce dossier thématique détaillent les causes, manifestations et conséquences de cette précarité en fonction des contextes nationaux.

Emine Bogenç Demirel et Burcu Kanıdinç font un focus sur la Turquie. En utilisant le cadre d'analyse de Bourdieu et en s'appuyant sur des entretiens individuels, les autrices étudient les réactions des traducteurs aux difficultés économiques auxquelles ils font face : faibles salaires, manque de solidarité, insécurité des parcours professionnels. Les résistances qu'ils mettent en œuvre passent par des formes variées allant de la négociation avec les autres acteurs de la filière à la résignation à n'exercer la traduction « que » comme un hobby, en passant par l'acceptation d'un autre travail, plus rémunérateur, en parallèle.

L'enquête d'Anikó Sohár sur l'évolution des revenus des traducteurs littéraires en Hongrie depuis la chute de l'URSS indique que la marginalisation et la précarisation s'accroissent. Autrefois relativement privilégiés dans le régime communiste qui leur attribuait une valeur stratégique tout en les contrôlant étroitement via le statut public des maisons d'édition, les traducteurs littéraires hongrois, aujourd'hui en économie capitaliste, subissent une perte de statut symbolique et une certaine déprofessionnalisation. L'autrice conclut elle aussi qu'une conséquence importante de cette tendance est la difficulté, pour la traduction littéraire, à se maintenir comme activité professionnelle.

Yuhua Xia et Linhan Fan montrent qu'en Chine la situation est différente mais pas plus favorable en termes économiques : si les traducteurs sont bien « reconnus » d'un point de vue symbolique et mentionnés sur la couverture de leurs œuvres, cela n'induit pas qu'ils jouissent de revenus plus stables et élevés qu'ailleurs. Cela s'explique par des raisons culturelles et historiques qui contribuent à attribuer, encore de nos jours, une valeur symbolique à la traduction littéraire bien plus élevée que dans d'autres pays, en même temps que par les effets d'un statut administratif qui fragilise la possibilité d'en retirer un revenu certain et suffisant.
### 3. Quels leviers ?

Face à ces constats partagés, quelles stratégies les acteurs peuvent-ils mettre en place pour restaurer leur pouvoir de marché ? Sans prétendre qu'il existe une réponse simple à cette question, trois articles dans ce dossier explorent les pistes de « solutions » – et leurs limites – qui s'offrent aux traducteurs et à leurs associations professionnelles.

En analysant la situation des traducteurs français et allemands, Solange Arber et Victor Collard parlent de « cercle vicieux » : leurs faibles rémunérations ne leur permettent pas de travailler dans de bonnes conditions, ce qui peut altérer la qualité de leurs traductions, conduisant à dévaloriser leur statut donc à légitimer aux yeux des autres acteurs de la filière le maintien de rétributions peu élevées. En s'appuyant sur l'exemple du traducteur allemand Elmar Tophoven, Solange Arber et Victor Collard interrogent les ressorts et les limites de la stratégie, qui passe notamment par la voie associative, consistant à revaloriser la profession en commençant par œuvrer à sa reconnaissance symbolique par les éditeurs.

**Ruth Urbom** attire l'attention sur le rôle d'une autre catégorie d'acteurs : les lecteurs. Quelle est, de leur point de vue, l'importance de la qualité de la traduction dans la qualité des œuvres qu'ils lisent ? L'exploitation de commentaires recueillis sur Amazon nous éclaire sur les perceptions que les lecteurs d'œuvres « grand public » ont de la place de la traduction, avec des résultats éloignés de l'aspiration des traducteurs à une plus grande reconnaissance de leurs compétences : la traduction est rarement mentionnée comme critère d'appréciation d'un livre ; quand un lecteur évoque la qualité d'une traduction, c'est en général pour la critiquer. Ruth Urbom en tire la conclusion que la stratégie consistant à revendiquer plus de reconnaissance n'est sans doute pas la plus « payante » à court terme pour améliorer le pouvoir de marché des traducteurs.

Quant aux solutions technologiques, notamment liées aux progrès des outils numériques aujourd'hui à la disposition des traducteurs, elles pourraient n'améliorer leur situation qu'en trompe-l'œil. C'est ce que montre l'article de **Claire Larsonneur** sur les outils de traduction neuronale : ceux-ci non seulement impactent – pas toujours positivement – tous les aspects ergonomiques de la traduction littéraire mais aussi contribuent à importer dans ce champ les grandes problématiques de l'économie numérique : acquisition de positions dominantes par certains acteurs, exploitation de données, emprise culturelle des algorithmes.

### 4. Une évolution plus globale du rapport de nos économies au travail

L'analyse socio-économique de la traduction littéraire permet également de relativiser la singularité de cette activité. Les tendances mises en évidence par notre dossier et par les enquêtes institutionnelles nationales et internationales convergent par bien des aspects avec les caractéristiques majeures de l'évolution de la place dévolue au travail dans les sociétés contemporaines. Qu'il s'agisse du profil socio-démographique des traducteurs (féminisation, élévation du niveau de diplôme), de la valeur attribuée au travail (flexibilité et précarité étant souvent les deux revers d'une même médaille inégalement prise en compte par les systèmes de protection sociale, selon les pays), de la pluriactivité, de la porosité des sphères professionnelle et personnelles, de l'importance accordée à la créativité ou de l'impact des transformations numériques, la traduction littéraire est depuis une trentaine d'années non seulement un témoin mais même pour certains aspects un laboratoire des transformations à l'œuvre dans nos économies.

Aussi, plutôt que d'interpréter les tensions pesant sur les traducteurs comme des éléments de « crise » – ce qui correspondrait à des difficultés exceptionnelles débouchant sur des évolutions plus ou moins brutales, par contraste avec un cours plus stable des relations
### 3. Quels leviers ?

Face à ces constats partagés, quelles stratégies les acteurs peuvent-ils mettre en place pour restaurer leur pouvoir de marché ? Sans prétendre qu'il existe une réponse simple à cette question, trois articles dans ce dossier explorent les pistes de « solutions » – et leurs limites – qui s'offrent aux traducteurs et à leurs associations professionnelles.

En analysant la situation des traducteurs français et allemands, Solange Arber et Victor Collard parlent de « cercle vicieux » : leurs faibles rémunérations ne leur permettent pas de travailler dans de bonnes conditions, ce qui peut altérer la qualité de leurs traductions, conduisant à dévaloriser leur statut donc à légitimer aux yeux des autres acteurs de la filière le maintien de rétributions peu élevées. En s'appuyant sur l'exemple du traducteur allemand Elmar Tophoven, Solange Arber et Victor Collard interrogent les ressorts et les limites de la stratégie, qui passe notamment par la voie associative, consistant à revaloriser la profession en commençant par œuvrer à sa reconnaissance symbolique par les éditeurs.

**Ruth Urbom** attire l'attention sur le rôle d'une autre catégorie d'acteurs : les lecteurs. Quelle est, de leur point de vue, l'importance de la qualité de la traduction dans la qualité des œuvres qu'ils lisent ? L'exploitation de commentaires recueillis sur Amazon nous éclaire sur les perceptions que les lecteurs d'œuvres « grand public » ont de la place de la traduction, avec des résultats éloignés de l'aspiration des traducteurs à une plus grande reconnaissance de leurs compétences : la traduction est rarement mentionnée comme critère d'appréciation d'un livre ; quand un lecteur évoque la qualité d'une traduction, c'est en général pour la critiquer. Ruth Urbom en tire la conclusion que la stratégie consistant à revendiquer plus de reconnaissance n'est sans doute pas la plus « payante » à court terme pour améliorer le pouvoir de marché des traducteurs.

Quant aux solutions technologiques, notamment liées aux progrès des outils numériques aujourd'hui à la disposition des traducteurs, elles pourraient n'améliorer leur situation qu'en trompe-l'œil. C'est ce que montre l'article de **Claire Larsonneur** sur les outils de traduction neuronale : ceux-ci non seulement impactent – pas toujours positivement – tous les aspects ergonomiques de la traduction littéraire mais aussi contribuent à importer dans ce champ les grandes problématiques de l'économie numérique : acquisition de positions dominantes par certains acteurs, exploitation de données, emprise culturelle des algorithmes.

### 4. Une évolution plus globale du rapport de nos économies au travail

L'analyse socio-économique de la traduction littéraire permet également de relativiser la singularité de cette activité. Les tendances mises en évidence par notre dossier et par les enquêtes institutionnelles nationales et internationales convergent par bien des aspects avec les caractéristiques majeures de l'évolution de la place dévolue au travail dans les sociétés contemporaines. Qu'il s'agisse du profil socio-démographique des traducteurs (féminisation, élévation du niveau de diplôme), de la valeur attribuée au travail (flexibilité et précarité étant souvent les deux revers d'une même médaille inégalement prise en compte par les systèmes de protection sociale, selon les pays), de la pluriactivité, de la porosité des sphères professionnelle et personnelles, de l'importance accordée à la créativité ou de l'impact des transformations numériques, la traduction littéraire est depuis une trentaine d'années non seulement un témoin mais même pour certains aspects un laboratoire des transformations à l'œuvre dans nos économies.

Aussi, plutôt que d'interpréter les tensions pesant sur les traducteurs comme des éléments de « crise » – ce qui correspondrait à des difficultés exceptionnelles débouchant sur des évolutions plus ou moins brutales, par contraste avec un cours plus stable des relations
professionnelles – et plutôt que de voir la traduction littéraire comme étant « en marge » de
la filière du livre (faiblesse de la rémunération du traducteur, fragilité des carrières, manque
de considération...), nous pourrions considérer qu'il s'agit d'une profession particulièrement
révélatrice voire préfiguratrice de tendances socio-économiques de fond.

5. References

Assouline, P. (2011). *La condition du traducteur*. Centre national du Livre.

Borg, C. (2023). *A literary translation in the making: A process-oriented perspective*. Routledge.

Brook, O. (2020). 'There's No Way That You Get Paid to Do the Arts': Unpaid Labour Across the Cultural and Creative Life Course. *Sociological Research Online*, 25(1), 571-588.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1360780419895291

Chan, A. (2008). *Information economics, the translation profession and translator certification* (Doctoral dissertation). Tarragona: Intercultural Studies Group.

CEATL (Conseil Européen des Associations de Traducteurs Littéraires) (2022). *Enquête juridique du CEATL : une cartographie de la situation des traducteurs littéraires européens*. https://www.ceatl.eu/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CEATL-Legal-survey-FR.pdf

Croft, J. (2021, October 7). *Translation budgets*. https://twitter.com/jennifercroft/status/1446089657759027206

Croft, J. (2021, September 10). *Why translators should be named on book covers*. The Guardian.
https://www.theguardian.com/books/2021/sep/10/why-translators-should-be-named-on-book-covers

Ehrensberger-Dow, M. & Hunziker-Heeb, A. (2016). Investigating the ergonomics of a technologized translation workplace. In R. Muñoz Martín (Ed.), *Reembedding translation process research* (pp. 69-88). Benjamins.

Fock, H., de Haan, M. & Lhotová, A. (2008). *Compared Income of Literary Translators in Europe*. Conseil Européen des Associations de Traducteurs Littéraires.

Ginsburgh, V., Weber, S. & Weyers, S. (2011). *Economics of Literary Translation*. A Simple Theory and Evidence.
https://ageconsearch.umn.edu/record/6379

Heinich, N. (1984). Les traducteurs littéraires : l'art et la profession. *Revue française de sociologie*, 25(2), 264-280.

Kolb, W. (2019). 'It was on my mind all day'. Literary translators working from home – some implications of workplace dynamics. In H. Risku, R. Rogl & J. Milosevic (Eds.), *Translation practice in the field: Current research on socio-cognitive processes* (pp. 27-43). Benjamins.

Mirsfian, L, Pirnajmuddin, H. & Nejadansari, D. (2021). Estimating literary translators' earnings penalty. A cultural economics approach to translator studies. *Target*, 33(3), 436-463.

Risku, H., Rogl, R. & Milosevic, J. (Eds.). (2019). *Translation practice in the field: Current research on socio-cognitive processes*. Benjamins.

Schubert, M. (2021, October 5). *Word pricing*. https://twitter.com/Degermanizer/status/1445177732422201345

Sela-Sheffy, R. (2006). The pursuit of symbolic capital by a semi-professional group: The case of literary translators in Israel. In M. Wolf (Ed.), *Übersetzen – Translating – Traduire: Towards a “social” turn?* (pp. 243-252). LIT.
professionnelles – et plutôt que de voir la traduction littéraire comme étant « en marge » de
la filière du livre (faiblesse de la rémunération du traducteur, fragilité des carrières, manque
de considération...), nous pourrions considérer qu'il s'agit d'une profession particulièrement
révélatrice voire préfiguratrice de tendances socio-économiques de fond.

5. References

Assouline, P. (2011). *La condition du traducteur*. Centre national du Livre.

Borg, C. (2023). *A literary translation in the making: A process-oriented perspective*. Routledge.

Brook, O. (2020). 'There's No Way That You Get Paid to Do the Arts': Unpaid Labour Across the Cultural and Creative Life Course. *Sociological Research Online*, 25(1), 571-588.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1360780419895291

Chan, A. (2008). *Information economics, the translation profession and translator certification* (Doctoral dissertation). Tarragona: Intercultural Studies Group.

CEATL (Conseil Européen des Associations de Traducteurs Littéraires) (2022). *Enquête juridique du CEATL : une cartographie de la situation des traducteurs littéraires européens*. https://www.ceatl.eu/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CEATL-Legal-survey-FR.pdf

Croft, J. (2021, October 7). *Translation budgets*. https://twitter.com/jennifercroft/status/1446089657759027206

Croft, J. (2021, September 10). *Why translators should be named on book covers*. The Guardian.
https://www.theguardian.com/books/2021/sep/10/why-translators-should-be-named-on-book-covers

Ehrensberger-Dow, M. & Hunziker-Heeb, A. (2016). Investigating the ergonomics of a technologized translation workplace. In R. Muñoz Martín (Ed.), *Reembedding translation process research* (pp. 69-88). Benjamins.

Fock, H., de Haan, M. & Lhotová, A. (2008). *Compared Income of Literary Translators in Europe*. Conseil Européen des Associations de Traducteurs Littéraires.

Ginsburgh, V., Weber, S. & Weyers, S. (2011). *Economics of Literary Translation*. A Simple Theory and Evidence.
https://ageconsearch.umn.edu/record/6379

Heinich, N. (1984). Les traducteurs littéraires : l'art et la profession. *Revue française de sociologie*, 25(2), 264-280.

Kolb, W. (2019). 'It was on my mind all day'. Literary translators working from home – some implications of workplace dynamics. In H. Risku, R. Rogl & J. Milosevic (Eds.), *Translation practice in the field: Current research on socio-cognitive processes* (pp. 27-43). Benjamins.

Mirsfian, L, Pirnajmuddin, H. & Nejadansari, D. (2021). Estimating literary translators' earnings penalty. A cultural economics approach to translator studies. *Target*, 33(3), 436-463.

Risku, H., Rogl, R. & Milosevic, J. (Eds.). (2019). *Translation practice in the field: Current research on socio-cognitive processes*. Benjamins.

Schubert, M. (2021, October 5). *Word pricing*. https://twitter.com/Degermanizer/status/1445177732422201345

Sela-Sheffy, R. (2006). The pursuit of symbolic capital by a semi-professional group: The case of literary translators in Israel. In M. Wolf (Ed.), *Übersetzen – Translating – Traduire: Towards a “social” turn?* (pp. 243-252). LIT.
<figure><img src="image_4.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>Olivia Guillon</figcaption></figure>

Université Sorbonne Paris Nord
99 avenue Jean-Baptiste Clément
93 430 Villetaneuse
France
[olivia.guillon@univ-paris13.fr](mailto:olivia.guillon@univ-paris13.fr)

**Biographie** : Olivia Guillon est maîtresse de conférences en économie à l'Université Sorbonne Paris Nord. Ses recherches portent sur l'organisation des échanges et des relations professionnelles dans les secteurs de la culture et de la formation. Dans plusieurs de ses projets, elle analyse le travail et la situation des auteurs dans la filière du livre. Elle a notamment réalisé l'enquête socio-économique publiée par l'Association des Traducteurs Littéraires de France en 2020.

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>Susan Pickford</figcaption></figure>

Faculté de traduction et d'interprétation
Université de Genève
Boulevard du Pont d'Arve 40
1211 Genève
Suisse
[susan.pickford@unige.ch](mailto:susan.pickford@unige.ch)

**Biographie** : Susan Pickford est professeure assistante à la Faculté de traduction et d'interprétation à l'Université de Genève, où ses recherches portent sur l'histoire et la sociologie professionnelle des traducteurs. Sa monographie *Professional Translators in Nineteenth-Century France* sortira chez Routledge en 2024. Elle est par ailleurs traductrice professionnelle depuis plus de vingt ans, travaillant sur les secteurs culturel et muséal.

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /></figure>

This work is licensed under a Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Olivia Guillon</figcaption></figure>

Université Sorbonne Paris Nord
99 avenue Jean-Baptiste Clément
93 430 Villetaneuse
France
[olivia.guillon@univ-paris13.fr](mailto:olivia.guillon@univ-paris13.fr)

**Biographie** : Olivia Guillon est maîtresse de conférences en économie à l'Université Sorbonne Paris Nord. Ses recherches portent sur l'organisation des échanges et des relations professionnelles dans les secteurs de la culture et de la formation. Dans plusieurs de ses projets, elle analyse le travail et la situation des auteurs dans la filière du livre. Elle a notamment réalisé l'enquête socio-économique publiée par l'Association des Traducteurs Littéraires de France en 2020.

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Susan Pickford</figcaption></figure>

Faculté de traduction et d'interprétation
Université de Genève
Boulevard du Pont d'Arve 40
1211 Genève
Suisse
[susan.pickford@unige.ch](mailto:susan.pickford@unige.ch)

**Biographie** : Susan Pickford est professeure assistante à la Faculté de traduction et d'interprétation à l'Université de Genève, où ses recherches portent sur l'histoire et la sociologie professionnelle des traducteurs. Sa monographie *Professional Translators in Nineteenth-Century France* sortira chez Routledge en 2024. Elle est par ailleurs traductrice professionnelle depuis plus de vingt ans, travaillant sur les secteurs culturel et muséal.

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /></figure>

This work is licensed under a Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
How precarious are the working conditions of literary translators?
A sociology of translation perspective from Türkiye<fnref n="1" />

Burcu Kanıdinç Kılınçarslan & Emine Bogenç Demirel

Adana Alparslan Türkeş Science and Technology University & Yıldız Technical University

**Abstract**

Studies on the working conditions of literary translators to date reveal that literary translators frequently complain about their working conditions. The present article investigates how Turkish literary translators are affected by precarious working conditions, based on interviews with agents from the publishing industry, including literary translators, editors, and publishers. The research involved semi-structured interviews with 28 participants. The results show that literary translators face five types of precarity: a lack of legal control mechanisms, job insecurity, lack of social security, uncertainty about the future, and income insecurity. However, literary translators' desire to translate literary works broadly takes precedence over their intention to leave the profession. Most of the participants offered solutions to these problematic working conditions, such as solidarity, bargaining, royalties, doing side jobs or translating as a hobby. The study suggests a new avenue for future research to analyse literary translation as a form of labour and encourages sustainable solutions for literary translators in Türkiye and around the world.

**Keywords**

literary translators, sociology of translation, precarious working conditions, job satisfaction, thematic analysis

<footnote n="1">¹ This paper is based on part of the doctoral thesis of the first author, which is currently being written under the supervision of the second author.</footnote>
# How precarious are the working conditions of literary translators?
## A sociology of translation perspective from Türkiye<fnref n="1" />

Burcu Kanıdinç Kılınçarslan & Emine Bogenç Demirel

Adana Alparslan Türkeş Science and Technology University & Yıldız Technical University

### Abstract

Studies on the working conditions of literary translators to date reveal that literary translators frequently complain about their working conditions. The present article investigates how Turkish literary translators are affected by precarious working conditions, based on interviews with agents from the publishing industry, including literary translators, editors, and publishers. The research involved semi-structured interviews with 28 participants. The results show that literary translators face five types of precarity: a lack of legal control mechanisms, job insecurity, lack of social security, uncertainty about the future, and income insecurity. However, literary translators' desire to translate literary works broadly takes precedence over their intention to leave the profession. Most of the participants offered solutions to these problematic working conditions, such as solidarity, bargaining, royalties, doing side jobs or translating as a hobby. The study suggests a new avenue for future research to analyse literary translation as a form of labour and encourages sustainable solutions for literary translators in Türkiye and around the world.

### Keywords

literary translators, sociology of translation, precarious working conditions, job satisfaction, thematic analysis

<footnote n="1">¹ This paper is based on part of the doctoral thesis of the first author, which is currently being written under the supervision of the second author.</footnote>
# 1. Introduction

Viewed through rose-tinted glasses, the task of literary translators is to convey the aesthetic concerns in the source text to the target text or create similar effects in the target text in some way (Delabastita, 2011). We know that literary translators, like their colleagues in other sub-genres of translation, complain about the lack of standardized working conditions (Sela-Sheffy, 2006). What distinguishes literary translators from their colleagues in non-literary subgenres is the emphasis on “individual-centeredness, intellectual stature and creative skills” (Sela-Sheffy & Shlesinger, 2008, p. 85). Yet literary translators also lay claim to professional status, performing their task with equipment, a network, contracts, social and personal rights, payments, publications etc. This places them in a challenging position within the literary field. Many questions come to mind in terms of defining literary translation as a profession in its own right. For instance, do literary translators have the means to purchase the necessary technological equipment? Do they create their own contracts, or do they accept contracts imposed on them? How do they get paid? How do literary translators build a business network? Where do they stand in matters of social insurance and rights?

Literary translators are rooted in a competition that takes place in a production network of multiple agents. We can therefore apply a sociology of translation with a relational approach to understand the working conditions of literary translators.

Contrary to a limited literary perspective focusing solely on the text, the sociological approach considers translation as a practice, positioning translation as a place where production, change, transformation, and circulation work together. It widely uses the tools of Pierre Bourdieu's sociological approach, in which the focus is on the field rather than social and cultural groups (Bogenç Demirel & Kurmel, 2020; Seçkin, 2021; Sapiro, 2022). A field takes its source from the dynamic and plural tendencies of agents in the past, present, and future, defined as *habitus* – a “structuring structure which organises practices and the perception of practices” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 170). Agents become visible in society and increase or decrease their reputation with *symbolic capital*, which is the sum and reflection of their *social, economic, and cultural capital*. Capital is the function of social relations in competition with local and global power relations, which depend in turn on the types of capital. Symbolic capital is an indicator of the dignity and prestige of the agent. Social capital is a property of a relationship network “which provides each of its members with [...] a ‘credential’” (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 249). Similarly, economic capital involves material assets that are “immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the form of property rights” (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 242). Cultural capital is defined as instruments for the “appropriation of symbolic wealth socially designated as worthy of being sought and possessed” (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 488). Investigating a field requires understanding the relations between the agents and the nature of their capital. From this point of view, literary translators, as a professional group, are positioned in the field of struggle with their habitus shaped by the social context and the capital they have acquired. It is not possible to consider the translation product separately from the social status and socio-economic conditions of the literary translator. The literary field is an inseparable whole, with its agents such as the translator, author, publisher, editor and copy editor, and reader as the receptor in a certain context; the text and translation are products circulating within a typical network.

Leading translation scholars have previously emphasized the lack of research on the socio-economic dimension of the translation profession and on translators as professionals (Pym, 2006; Chesterman, 2009; Gambier, 2012; Kaindl et al., 2021). Studies on the socio-economic dimension of the translation profession are quite limited (Moorkens, 2017; Bednárová-Gibova & Majherová, 2021). In fact, due to the semi-professional characteristics of literary
# 1. Introduction

Viewed through rose-tinted glasses, the task of literary translators is to convey the aesthetic concerns in the source text to the target text or create similar effects in the target text in some way (Delabastita, 2011). We know that literary translators, like their colleagues in other sub-genres of translation, complain about the lack of standardized working conditions (Sela-Sheffy, 2006). What distinguishes literary translators from their colleagues in non-literary subgenres is the emphasis on “individual-centeredness, intellectual stature and creative skills” (Sela-Sheffy & Shlesinger, 2008, p. 85). Yet literary translators also lay claim to professional status, performing their task with equipment, a network, contracts, social and personal rights, payments, publications etc. This places them in a challenging position within the literary field. Many questions come to mind in terms of defining literary translation as a profession in its own right. For instance, do literary translators have the means to purchase the necessary technological equipment? Do they create their own contracts, or do they accept contracts imposed on them? How do they get paid? How do literary translators build a business network? Where do they stand in matters of social insurance and rights?

Literary translators are rooted in a competition that takes place in a production network of multiple agents. We can therefore apply a sociology of translation with a relational approach to understand the working conditions of literary translators.

Contrary to a limited literary perspective focusing solely on the text, the sociological approach considers translation as a practice, positioning translation as a place where production, change, transformation, and circulation work together. It widely uses the tools of Pierre Bourdieu's sociological approach, in which the focus is on the field rather than social and cultural groups (Bogenç Demirel & Kurmel, 2020; Seçkin, 2021; Sapiro, 2022). A field takes its source from the dynamic and plural tendencies of agents in the past, present, and future, defined as *habitus* – a “structuring structure which organises practices and the perception of practices” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 170). Agents become visible in society and increase or decrease their reputation with *symbolic capital*, which is the sum and reflection of their *social, economic, and cultural capital*. Capital is the function of social relations in competition with local and global power relations, which depend in turn on the types of capital. Symbolic capital is an indicator of the dignity and prestige of the agent. Social capital is a property of a relationship network “which provides each of its members with [...] a ‘credential’” (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 249). Similarly, economic capital involves material assets that are “immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the form of property rights” (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 242). Cultural capital is defined as instruments for the “appropriation of symbolic wealth socially designated as worthy of being sought and possessed” (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 488). Investigating a field requires understanding the relations between the agents and the nature of their capital. From this point of view, literary translators, as a professional group, are positioned in the field of struggle with their habitus shaped by the social context and the capital they have acquired. It is not possible to consider the translation product separately from the social status and socio-economic conditions of the literary translator. The literary field is an inseparable whole, with its agents such as the translator, author, publisher, editor and copy editor, and reader as the receptor in a certain context; the text and translation are products circulating within a typical network.

Leading translation scholars have previously emphasized the lack of research on the socio-economic dimension of the translation profession and on translators as professionals (Pym, 2006; Chesterman, 2009; Gambier, 2012; Kaindl et al., 2021). Studies on the socio-economic dimension of the translation profession are quite limited (Moorkens, 2017; Bednárová-Gibova & Majherová, 2021). In fact, due to the semi-professional characteristics of literary
translators, there is less interest in research on literary translators than on other subgenre
translators (Bednárová-Gibová & Majherová, 2021, p. 2). Some studies emphasize the low
professional status of literary translators (Tekgül, 2017, p. 56). Previous research on Finnish
and Israeli literary translators has noted the independence of status (based on reputation) and
income (Ruokonen & Mäkisalo, 2018, p. 14; Sela-Sheffy, 2010, p. 136). This study draws on
the concept of “insecure work” (Famira-Muehlberger, 2014) together with job (dis)satisfaction
and working conditions of literary translators in Türkiye as a case study of issues that affect
many literary translators.

The aim of our research is to make visible the invisibles of literary translators by focusing on their precarious working conditions and job satisfaction with their own words. Its starting point is the stress of precarity that literary translators often experience due to signing individual contracts. We concentrate on the following research questions:

* How can we evaluate the working conditions of literary translators?

* What are the consequences of precarious working conditions for literary translators, the publishing industry, and other stakeholders?

* What are the possible consequences of job dissatisfaction for literary translators, publishing industry, and other stakeholders?

* How can we develop proposals to improve the working conditions of literary translators?

In the following, we first define precarious work and job (dis)satisfaction. After introducing practices regarding the working conditions of literary translators, we analyse our interview data. Then we conclude with suggestions for future directions and sustainable solutions for literary translators.

## 2. Precarious work and job (dis)satisfaction

The word “precariat” is a portmanteau of “precarious” and “proletariat”. The concept of the
precariat, which has become more common in recent years as a result of globalization (Banki,
2013; Frase, 2013; Standing, 2011, 2014), mostly consists of a white-collar group which tries
to exist in the labour market with project-based, limited-term contracts, deeply affecting the
individual and society both in the work and non-work environment (Dejours, 1998; Standing,
2011, 2014). The precariat has broader meaning than experiencing insecure and part-time
and/or fixed-term jobs (Bourdieu, 1997; Bauman, 2001). Problems such as an insecure lifestyle
and uncertain future are part of the definition and life of the precariat (Vosko, 2006; Standing,
2011, 2014). Although studies on insecurity and precarious work have emerged separately
and come to the fore with different concepts, each complements the other (Kalleberg, 2009).
Bourdieu was the first to associate the concept of “précarité” [precarity] with working life
to distinguish regular and irregular workers in his presentation “La précarité est aujourd’hui
partout” [precarity is everywhere today] (Bourdieu, 1997). Concerns about short-term
contracts, limited or non-existent social protection, excessive workload and low wages could
be the outcome(s) of precarious work. Society sees employment as a guarantee of stability.
But when employment presents insecure and uncertain opportunities, job satisfaction may
decrease. Previous studies on the relationship between precarious work and job satisfaction
show that job satisfaction decreases as exposure to precarity increases (Hult et al., 2021;
Bryceson, 2010). Job satisfaction can be defined simply as the positive feelings associated with
a job (Judge et al., 2017). Many different factors such as appreciation, full and regular pay,
appropriate working hours, self-actualisation, job security, a good working environment, career
opportunities, etc. may affect job satisfaction. Conversely, precarious working conditions come
with negative consequences such as temporary contracts, discontinuity of work, nonstandard
translators, there is less interest in research on literary translators than on other subgenre
translators (Bednárová-Gibová & Majherová, 2021, p. 2). Some studies emphasize the low
professional status of literary translators (Tekgül, 2017, p. 56). Previous research on Finnish
and Israeli literary translators has noted the independence of status (based on reputation) and
income (Ruokonen & Mäkisalo, 2018, p. 14; Sela-Sheffy, 2010, p. 136). This study draws on
the concept of “insecure work” (Famira-Muehlberger, 2014) together with job (dis)satisfaction
and working conditions of literary translators in Türkiye as a case study of issues that affect
many literary translators.

The aim of our research is to make visible the invisibles of literary translators by focusing on their precarious working conditions and job satisfaction with their own words. Its starting point is the stress of precarity that literary translators often experience due to signing individual contracts. We concentrate on the following research questions:

* How can we evaluate the working conditions of literary translators?

* What are the consequences of precarious working conditions for literary translators, the publishing industry, and other stakeholders?

* What are the possible consequences of job dissatisfaction for literary translators, publishing industry, and other stakeholders?

* How can we develop proposals to improve the working conditions of literary translators?

In the following, we first define precarious work and job (dis)satisfaction. After introducing practices regarding the working conditions of literary translators, we analyse our interview data. Then we conclude with suggestions for future directions and sustainable solutions for literary translators.

## 2. Precarious work and job (dis)satisfaction

The word “precariat” is a portmanteau of “precarious” and “proletariat”. The concept of the
precariat, which has become more common in recent years as a result of globalization (Banki,
2013; Frase, 2013; Standing, 2011, 2014), mostly consists of a white-collar group which tries
to exist in the labour market with project-based, limited-term contracts, deeply affecting the
individual and society both in the work and non-work environment (Dejours, 1998; Standing,
2011, 2014). The precariat has broader meaning than experiencing insecure and part-time
and/or fixed-term jobs (Bourdieu, 1997; Bauman, 2001). Problems such as an insecure lifestyle
and uncertain future are part of the definition and life of the precariat (Vosko, 2006; Standing,
2011, 2014). Although studies on insecurity and precarious work have emerged separately
and come to the fore with different concepts, each complements the other (Kalleberg, 2009).
Bourdieu was the first to associate the concept of “précarité” [precarity] with working life
to distinguish regular and irregular workers in his presentation “La précarité est aujourd’hui
partout” [precarity is everywhere today] (Bourdieu, 1997). Concerns about short-term
contracts, limited or non-existent social protection, excessive workload and low wages could
be the outcome(s) of precarious work. Society sees employment as a guarantee of stability.
But when employment presents insecure and uncertain opportunities, job satisfaction may
decrease. Previous studies on the relationship between precarious work and job satisfaction
show that job satisfaction decreases as exposure to precarity increases (Hult et al., 2021;
Bryceson, 2010). Job satisfaction can be defined simply as the positive feelings associated with
a job (Judge et al., 2017). Many different factors such as appreciation, full and regular pay,
appropriate working hours, self-actualisation, job security, a good working environment, career
opportunities, etc. may affect job satisfaction. Conversely, precarious working conditions come
with negative consequences such as temporary contracts, discontinuity of work, nonstandard
workloads, economic insecurity, and a lack of organized social rights such as retirement and health care. Moreover, individual contracts isolate the individual, eliminating the possibility of collective bargaining for rights.

Literary concerns such as understanding a literary work and finding solutions to difficult word play and culture-specific expressions/idioms are challenges arising from the artistic nature of literary translation work. However, literary translators as workers trying to make a living may find themselves struggling with “flexibility, precariousness, stress, job dissatisfaction” (Gambier, 2012, p. 62). The management of multiple tasks related to the production of translated work itself and self-control due to time constraints gives literary translators flexibility in terms of professional conditions and puts pressure on them at the same time. The main difficulties that a literary translator faces in her/his professional life include low wages, late payments, deprivation of socio-economic rights such as social insurance, retirement, and annual leave, affording items such as a computer and internet, and acquiring an ergonomic workspace and tools to prevent occupational diseases due to a sedentary lifestyle. Literary translators may have to deal with all these difficulties alone in the temporary translation jobs that they acquire through individual contracts.

### 3. Working conditions of literary translators

Working conditions are liable to have an impact on literary translations. Literary works are a cultural good; books are the products of the publishing industry (Gouadec, 2007). Professional literary translators try to produce outstanding work while earning a living from this production. However, the artistic motivations of literary translators often precede their financial motivations (Heinich, 1984; Kalinowski, 2002; Sela-Sheffy, 2016; Tekgül, 2017). The fact that literary translators engage in part-time and freelance work can be considered a primary factor in their status as precarious intellectuals (Kalinowski, 2002; Sela-Sheffy, 2016, p. 55). Given that one of the major motivations of publishers is to maximise their profit, competition may result in undesirable consequences for the market and translators, such as “price dumping, poor quality translations and loss of image for the translators” (Prunč, 2007, p. 48). Therefore, the habitus of literary translators is based on “the competition with translations of other publishing houses” (Gouanvic & Schultz, 2010, p. 125). Looking at the socio-economic dimension, including contractual terms, remuneration (royalties, flat rates, advances, basic fees etc.), average incomes, taxes, social insurances, and pension plans could present interesting data on the current situation.

Pym et al. (2013) published a comprehensive European Commission Directorate-General for Translation-funded report on the status of the translation profession in Europe. The report indicates that literary translators in Europe often earn below the minimum wage (Fock et al., 2008). However, literary translators, despite their low financial status, strive to gain a foothold in the profession for “cultural, symbolic and social” status, to achieve a position in a neighbouring field such as the publishing industry, in addition to their current status (Pym et al., 2013, p. 3). The report also includes data on certain social rights. Literary translators can enjoy tax benefits in some countries because they are copyright holders. For instance, in Austria, low-earning literary translators can receive health insurance support and one-time benefits such as retirement, emergency assistance and disability support through a special fund run by the professional association (Literar mechana, n.d.). The report also provides data on literary translator earnings by sharing the “average price per word” analysis in FIT [Fédération Internationale des Traducteurs] Europe 2010. According to the FIT report, “in 20 out of our 23 countries, literary translators’ average purchasing power is less than 60% of PPS [Purchasing Power Standard]” (2010, p. 70). Only Ireland and the United Kingdom exceed
workloads, economic insecurity, and a lack of organized social rights such as retirement and health care. Moreover, individual contracts isolate the individual, eliminating the possibility of collective bargaining for rights.

Literary concerns such as understanding a literary work and finding solutions to difficult word play and culture-specific expressions/idioms are challenges arising from the artistic nature of literary translation work. However, literary translators as workers trying to make a living may find themselves struggling with “flexibility, precariousness, stress, job dissatisfaction” (Gambier, 2012, p. 62). The management of multiple tasks related to the production of translated work itself and self-control due to time constraints gives literary translators flexibility in terms of professional conditions and puts pressure on them at the same time. The main difficulties that a literary translator faces in her/his professional life include low wages, late payments, deprivation of socio-economic rights such as social insurance, retirement, and annual leave, affording items such as a computer and internet, and acquiring an ergonomic workspace and tools to prevent occupational diseases due to a sedentary lifestyle. Literary translators may have to deal with all these difficulties alone in the temporary translation jobs that they acquire through individual contracts.

### 3. Working conditions of literary translators

Working conditions are liable to have an impact on literary translations. Literary works are a cultural good; books are the products of the publishing industry (Gouadec, 2007). Professional literary translators try to produce outstanding work while earning a living from this production. However, the artistic motivations of literary translators often precede their financial motivations (Heinich, 1984; Kalinowski, 2002; Sela-Sheffy, 2016; Tekgül, 2017). The fact that literary translators engage in part-time and freelance work can be considered a primary factor in their status as precarious intellectuals (Kalinowski, 2002; Sela-Sheffy, 2016, p. 55). Given that one of the major motivations of publishers is to maximise their profit, competition may result in undesirable consequences for the market and translators, such as “price dumping, poor quality translations and loss of image for the translators” (Prunč, 2007, p. 48). Therefore, the habitus of literary translators is based on “the competition with translations of other publishing houses” (Gouanvic & Schultz, 2010, p. 125). Looking at the socio-economic dimension, including contractual terms, remuneration (royalties, flat rates, advances, basic fees etc.), average incomes, taxes, social insurances, and pension plans could present interesting data on the current situation.

Pym et al. (2013) published a comprehensive European Commission Directorate-General for Translation-funded report on the status of the translation profession in Europe. The report indicates that literary translators in Europe often earn below the minimum wage (Fock et al., 2008). However, literary translators, despite their low financial status, strive to gain a foothold in the profession for “cultural, symbolic and social” status, to achieve a position in a neighbouring field such as the publishing industry, in addition to their current status (Pym et al., 2013, p. 3). The report also includes data on certain social rights. Literary translators can enjoy tax benefits in some countries because they are copyright holders. For instance, in Austria, low-earning literary translators can receive health insurance support and one-time benefits such as retirement, emergency assistance and disability support through a special fund run by the professional association (Literar mechana, n.d.). The report also provides data on literary translator earnings by sharing the “average price per word” analysis in FIT [Fédération Internationale des Traducteurs] Europe 2010. According to the FIT report, “in 20 out of our 23 countries, literary translators’ average purchasing power is less than 60% of PPS [Purchasing Power Standard]” (2010, p. 70). Only Ireland and the United Kingdom exceed
the PPS. However, since different income sources, including conferences and seminars, book publishing, etc., are considered when calculating the income of literary translators in these countries, the report does not reflect earnings from literary translation alone (Pym et al., 2013, p. 90). If we consider literary translation as the sole source of income, it is clear that literary translators do not earn well, and where they do, they are able to earn additional income from their literary translation practice.

CEATL (European Council of Literary Translators' Associations) recently published the results of its most up-to-date survey on the legal situation of literary translators in Europe (CEATL, 2022), conducted between May and July 2021 in 27 countries. The results show that the vast majority of countries surveyed do not offer a typical or standard literary translation contract, including Türkiye (p. 8). In Türkiye, ÇEVBİR (the only professional association for book translators in Türkiye) offers a model contract that is advisory, rather than a legally binding standard contract (Tip Sözleşme, n.d.). One striking result in the survey is that the main discussion topic in all countries is “economic gain” (p. 11). Rights which could make literary translators feel secure in case of conflicts such as “reversion rights” (p. 16) and/or “conciliatory procedures” (p. 20) are not granted in most countries, again including Türkiye. According to the results, literary translators in almost half of the 27 countries never receive exploitation reports, and this is rarely possible in Türkiye (p. 31). Most countries do not have any “legal framework regarding transparency”, including Türkiye (p. 32). A lack of transparency makes bargaining on remuneration linked to sales figures difficult and inhibits the solidarity of literary translators.

Literary translators in Türkiye “suffer from a general lack of visibility and a low professional image” and they try to take advantage of business networks when faced with “adverse market forces” due to the lack of standard regulations (Tekgül, 2017, p. 57). Unfortunately, there is no direct legal framework or legislation regarding literary translators in Türkiye. Literary translators are subject to legal regulations regarding their rights and responsibilities as the owner of the “intellectual and artistic product bearing the characteristic of the adaptor, which is created by benefiting from another work, but which is not independent of such work” [i.e., adaptations] in the Intellectual Property Law (Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, 1951/2001, p. 5). According to the law, as the owner of the adaptation, the translator is authorized to deal with moral rights relating to the publication time and form of the translation, whether her/his name will feature on the translation, and the edits that can be made to the translation. Moral rights cannot be transferred, but they can be authorised for use. In practice, this may correspond to translator rights being assigned to the publishing house in poor contracts. The right to adapt, reproduce, distribute, and perform the translation belongs entirely to the translator as per the standard international economic rights based on the Convention (Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, 1951/2001, pp. 13-14; Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, 1979). However, according to the law, there are two authors in the case of a translated work: the author of the original work and the translator (Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, 1951/2001). Each author may exercise financial rights limited to her/his own work. For instance, the publishing house usually obtains the adaptation right on behalf of the translator with written authorisation from the author. The comprehensiveness of the law in terms of content is debatable. By definition, it only covers translation as an adapted work; the translator is not even included in the law as a subject. Since translation is not regulated separately from other types of adapted works, poor contracts may result in violations of translators' rights. This shows that there is a need for a legal framework for translation contracts that defines translation as a profession and includes definitions and guarantees for translation contracts.

When it comes to the source of income for professional literary translators in Türkiye, the
the PPS. However, since different income sources, including conferences and seminars, book publishing, etc., are considered when calculating the income of literary translators in these countries, the report does not reflect earnings from literary translation alone (Pym et al., 2013, p. 90). If we consider literary translation as the sole source of income, it is clear that literary translators do not earn well, and where they do, they are able to earn additional income from their literary translation practice.

CEATL (European Council of Literary Translators' Associations) recently published the results of its most up-to-date survey on the legal situation of literary translators in Europe (CEATL, 2022), conducted between May and July 2021 in 27 countries. The results show that the vast majority of countries surveyed do not offer a typical or standard literary translation contract, including Türkiye (p. 8). In Türkiye, ÇEVBİR (the only professional association for book translators in Türkiye) offers a model contract that is advisory, rather than a legally binding standard contract (Tip Sözleşme, n.d.). One striking result in the survey is that the main discussion topic in all countries is “economic gain” (p. 11). Rights which could make literary translators feel secure in case of conflicts such as “reversion rights” (p. 16) and/or “conciliatory procedures” (p. 20) are not granted in most countries, again including Türkiye. According to the results, literary translators in almost half of the 27 countries never receive exploitation reports, and this is rarely possible in Türkiye (p. 31). Most countries do not have any “legal framework regarding transparency”, including Türkiye (p. 32). A lack of transparency makes bargaining on remuneration linked to sales figures difficult and inhibits the solidarity of literary translators.

Literary translators in Türkiye “suffer from a general lack of visibility and a low professional image” and they try to take advantage of business networks when faced with “adverse market forces” due to the lack of standard regulations (Tekgül, 2017, p. 57). Unfortunately, there is no direct legal framework or legislation regarding literary translators in Türkiye. Literary translators are subject to legal regulations regarding their rights and responsibilities as the owner of the “intellectual and artistic product bearing the characteristic of the adaptor, which is created by benefiting from another work, but which is not independent of such work” [i.e., adaptations] in the Intellectual Property Law (Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, 1951/2001, p. 5). According to the law, as the owner of the adaptation, the translator is authorized to deal with moral rights relating to the publication time and form of the translation, whether her/his name will feature on the translation, and the edits that can be made to the translation. Moral rights cannot be transferred, but they can be authorised for use. In practice, this may correspond to translator rights being assigned to the publishing house in poor contracts. The right to adapt, reproduce, distribute, and perform the translation belongs entirely to the translator as per the standard international economic rights based on the Convention (Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, 1951/2001, pp. 13-14; Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, 1979). However, according to the law, there are two authors in the case of a translated work: the author of the original work and the translator (Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, 1951/2001). Each author may exercise financial rights limited to her/his own work. For instance, the publishing house usually obtains the adaptation right on behalf of the translator with written authorisation from the author. The comprehensiveness of the law in terms of content is debatable. By definition, it only covers translation as an adapted work; the translator is not even included in the law as a subject. Since translation is not regulated separately from other types of adapted works, poor contracts may result in violations of translators' rights. This shows that there is a need for a legal framework for translation contracts that defines translation as a profession and includes definitions and guarantees for translation contracts.

When it comes to the source of income for professional literary translators in Türkiye, the
situation is more complicated. In Europe, “the primary source of income for a professional literary translator is the basic fee”, while other payments such as royalties and public lending rights fees differ by country and contract (European Commission, 2022, p. 40). In Türkiye, literary translators usually receive either a basic fee “calculated by page, number of keystrokes or number of words of the finished translated work” (European Commission, 2022, p. 40) or royalties. ÇEVBİR recommends that translators should be paid royalties instead of a basic fee, to prevent loss of rights in future editions of books. If a basic per-page fee is charged, it should be as high as possible, considering that no fee will be charged in future editions (ÇEVBİR FAQ, n.d.). Türkiye does not yet have a public lending right scheme that could be considered a source of income for literary translators (Public Lending Right International, n.d.; European Commission, 2022, p. 40).

ÇEVBİR was established in 2006 and became a member of CEATL in 2009. Since then, the association's aim has been to improve working conditions for literary translators (ÇEVBİR, n.d.). The association recommends a contract for book translations with a minimum 7 % royalty rate and 2000 copies per edition published (Tip Sözleşme, n.d.). However, there is a need for control mechanisms to enforce the proposals. In addition, the association organizes workshops and seminars for literary translators, contributing to the creation of a social network. It announces newly released and out-of-print translations on its website to attract interest from publishers and thus circulates the symbolic capital of literary translators (Translations seeking a publisher, n.d.). Although social networks may be effective in shaping public opinion, the association still has a long way to go to implement the necessary legal arrangements or establish a legal contract to improve the working conditions of literary translators.

## 4. Method

Our research involved semi-structured Zoom interviews with literary translators to gain an impression of their subjective experiences, perspectives, and perceptions. The translators were interviewed at their own desks, giving us the opportunity to witness the gestures and attitudes of participants as well as their working environments, material, and equipment. We contacted literary translators via e-mail, phone, and social media. Our research included 28 participants who have at least three published literary book-length translations. The interviews were held in September, October, and November 2021.

Using the snowball data collection method, we asked the initial participants whether they knew any other literary translators that they thought could contribute to the research. The process was completed naturally, with each participant suggesting others (Naderifar et al., 2017). We also contacted ÇEVBİR and requested support in finding participants. After ÇEVBİR sent the announcement to its members, some participants volunteered. When the responses of the participants began to show similarity and repetition, we did not need to conduct further interviews (Saunders et al., 2018). During the interviews, we kept a reflective diary and recorded the details of each interview. In addition, we kept audio recordings of each interview to prevent data loss with the informed consent of participants. We asked each participant for her/his feedback on the interview questions to develop a reflexive research path. We transcribed all the audio recording data – 32 hours, 28 minutes in total – and started the coding process. First, we coded the names of the participants (T1, T2, ...). To analyse the data, we drew on qualitative content analysis, which provides an in-depth understanding of events, facts, and participant perspectives (Mayring, 2004). We transferred the verbatim 325-page-long audio recording transcripts into MAXQDA software and assigned codes to independently recurring themes by repeatedly reading the data in the light of Bourdieu's sociological approach.
situation is more complicated. In Europe, “the primary source of income for a professional literary translator is the basic fee”, while other payments such as royalties and public lending rights fees differ by country and contract (European Commission, 2022, p. 40). In Türkiye, literary translators usually receive either a basic fee “calculated by page, number of keystrokes or number of words of the finished translated work” (European Commission, 2022, p. 40) or royalties. ÇEVBİR recommends that translators should be paid royalties instead of a basic fee, to prevent loss of rights in future editions of books. If a basic per-page fee is charged, it should be as high as possible, considering that no fee will be charged in future editions (ÇEVBİR FAQ, n.d.). Türkiye does not yet have a public lending right scheme that could be considered a source of income for literary translators (Public Lending Right International, n.d.; European Commission, 2022, p. 40).

ÇEVBİR was established in 2006 and became a member of CEATL in 2009. Since then, the association's aim has been to improve working conditions for literary translators (ÇEVBİR, n.d.). The association recommends a contract for book translations with a minimum 7 % royalty rate and 2000 copies per edition published (Tip Sözleşme, n.d.). However, there is a need for control mechanisms to enforce the proposals. In addition, the association organizes workshops and seminars for literary translators, contributing to the creation of a social network. It announces newly released and out-of-print translations on its website to attract interest from publishers and thus circulates the symbolic capital of literary translators (Translations seeking a publisher, n.d.). Although social networks may be effective in shaping public opinion, the association still has a long way to go to implement the necessary legal arrangements or establish a legal contract to improve the working conditions of literary translators.

**4. Method**

Our research involved semi-structured Zoom interviews with literary translators to gain an impression of their subjective experiences, perspectives, and perceptions. The translators were interviewed at their own desks, giving us the opportunity to witness the gestures and attitudes of participants as well as their working environments, material, and equipment. We contacted literary translators via e-mail, phone, and social media. Our research included 28 participants who have at least three published literary book-length translations. The interviews were held in September, October, and November 2021.

Using the snowball data collection method, we asked the initial participants whether they knew any other literary translators that they thought could contribute to the research. The process was completed naturally, with each participant suggesting others (Naderifar et al., 2017). We also contacted ÇEVBİR and requested support in finding participants. After ÇEVBİR sent the announcement to its members, some participants volunteered. When the responses of the participants began to show similarity and repetition, we did not need to conduct further interviews (Saunders et al., 2018). During the interviews, we kept a reflective diary and recorded the details of each interview. In addition, we kept audio recordings of each interview to prevent data loss with the informed consent of participants. We asked each participant for her/his feedback on the interview questions to develop a reflexive research path. We transcribed all the audio recording data – 32 hours, 28 minutes in total – and started the coding process. First, we coded the names of the participants (T1, T2, ...). To analyse the data, we drew on qualitative content analysis, which provides an in-depth understanding of events, facts, and participant perspectives (Mayring, 2004). We transferred the verbatim 325-page-long audio recording transcripts into MAXQDA software and assigned codes to independently recurring themes by repeatedly reading the data in the light of Bourdieu's sociological approach.
# 5. Results

## 5.1. Participants

The actions aimed at understanding the object and the structure and dynamics of the field are of great importance in identifying, positioning and shaping field data. To construct the object and grasp the structure and dynamics of the field in its most up-to-date form, we preferred data obtained from the participants' own words and frames of mind.

Basic participant and interview characteristics are indicated in Table 1 below.

<table><caption>**Table 1.** Basic participant and interview characteristics</caption><thead><tr><td>Code</td><td>Gender</td><td>Age</td><td>Interview Duration (min)</td><td>Number of Words Per Interview</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>T1</td><td>Male</td><td>61</td><td>-</td><td>2374</td></tr><tr><td>T2</td><td>Female</td><td>44</td><td>51</td><td>4129</td></tr><tr><td>T3</td><td>Female</td><td>48</td><td>80</td><td>8474</td></tr><tr><td>T4</td><td>Female</td><td>43</td><td>110</td><td>8983</td></tr><tr><td>T5</td><td>Male</td><td>50</td><td>120</td><td>13161</td></tr><tr><td>T6</td><td>Male</td><td>44</td><td>45</td><td>4226</td></tr><tr><td>T7</td><td>Female</td><td>49</td><td>60</td><td>6693</td></tr><tr><td>T8</td><td>Male</td><td>49</td><td>85</td><td>10353</td></tr><tr><td>T9</td><td>Female</td><td>45</td><td>70</td><td>6965</td></tr><tr><td>T10</td><td>Female</td><td>40</td><td>60</td><td>5623</td></tr><tr><td>T11</td><td>Female</td><td>35</td><td>75</td><td>8632</td></tr><tr><td>T12</td><td>Female</td><td>34</td><td>100</td><td>8865</td></tr><tr><td>T13</td><td>Female</td><td>30</td><td>70</td><td>4979</td></tr><tr><td>T14</td><td>Male</td><td>69</td><td>68</td><td>5200</td></tr><tr><td>T15</td><td>Male</td><td>65</td><td>-</td><td>1443</td></tr><tr><td>T16</td><td>Male</td><td>46</td><td>-</td><td>1150</td></tr><tr><td>T17</td><td>Female</td><td>50</td><td>75</td><td>6826</td></tr><tr><td>T18</td><td>Female</td><td>42</td><td>55</td><td>5919</td></tr><tr><td>T19</td><td>Female</td><td>51</td><td>100</td><td>10013</td></tr><tr><td>T20</td><td>Female</td><td>66</td><td>120</td><td>12957</td></tr><tr><td>T21</td><td>Female</td><td>52</td><td>75</td><td>9394</td></tr><tr><td>T22</td><td>Female</td><td>24</td><td>60</td><td>7094</td></tr><tr><td>T23</td><td>Male</td><td>63</td><td>60</td><td>7576</td></tr><tr><td>T24</td><td>Female</td><td>42</td><td>100</td><td>11873</td></tr><tr><td>T25</td><td>Female</td><td>55</td><td>60</td><td>5108</td></tr><tr><td>T26</td><td>Female</td><td>49</td><td>65</td><td>8423</td></tr><tr><td>T27</td><td>Female</td><td>28</td><td>60</td><td>3915</td></tr><tr><td>T28</td><td>Female</td><td>40</td><td>95</td><td>9159</td></tr></tbody></table>
# 5. Results

## 5.1. Participants

The actions aimed at understanding the object and the structure and dynamics of the field are of great importance in identifying, positioning and shaping field data. To construct the object and grasp the structure and dynamics of the field in its most up-to-date form, we preferred data obtained from the participants' own words and frames of mind.

Basic participant and interview characteristics are indicated in Table 1 below.

<table><caption>**Table 1.** Basic participant and interview characteristics</caption><thead><tr><td>Code</td><td>Gender</td><td>Age</td><td>Interview Duration (min)</td><td>Number of Words Per Interview</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>T1</td><td>Male</td><td>61</td><td>-</td><td>2374</td></tr><tr><td>T2</td><td>Female</td><td>44</td><td>51</td><td>4129</td></tr><tr><td>T3</td><td>Female</td><td>48</td><td>80</td><td>8474</td></tr><tr><td>T4</td><td>Female</td><td>43</td><td>110</td><td>8983</td></tr><tr><td>T5</td><td>Male</td><td>50</td><td>120</td><td>13161</td></tr><tr><td>T6</td><td>Male</td><td>44</td><td>45</td><td>4226</td></tr><tr><td>T7</td><td>Female</td><td>49</td><td>60</td><td>6693</td></tr><tr><td>T8</td><td>Male</td><td>49</td><td>85</td><td>10353</td></tr><tr><td>T9</td><td>Female</td><td>45</td><td>70</td><td>6965</td></tr><tr><td>T10</td><td>Female</td><td>40</td><td>60</td><td>5623</td></tr><tr><td>T11</td><td>Female</td><td>35</td><td>75</td><td>8632</td></tr><tr><td>T12</td><td>Female</td><td>34</td><td>100</td><td>8865</td></tr><tr><td>T13</td><td>Female</td><td>30</td><td>70</td><td>4979</td></tr><tr><td>T14</td><td>Male</td><td>69</td><td>68</td><td>5200</td></tr><tr><td>T15</td><td>Male</td><td>65</td><td>-</td><td>1443</td></tr><tr><td>T16</td><td>Male</td><td>46</td><td>-</td><td>1150</td></tr><tr><td>T17</td><td>Female</td><td>50</td><td>75</td><td>6826</td></tr><tr><td>T18</td><td>Female</td><td>42</td><td>55</td><td>5919</td></tr><tr><td>T19</td><td>Female</td><td>51</td><td>100</td><td>10013</td></tr><tr><td>T20</td><td>Female</td><td>66</td><td>120</td><td>12957</td></tr><tr><td>T21</td><td>Female</td><td>52</td><td>75</td><td>9394</td></tr><tr><td>T22</td><td>Female</td><td>24</td><td>60</td><td>7094</td></tr><tr><td>T23</td><td>Male</td><td>63</td><td>60</td><td>7576</td></tr><tr><td>T24</td><td>Female</td><td>42</td><td>100</td><td>11873</td></tr><tr><td>T25</td><td>Female</td><td>55</td><td>60</td><td>5108</td></tr><tr><td>T26</td><td>Female</td><td>49</td><td>65</td><td>8423</td></tr><tr><td>T27</td><td>Female</td><td>28</td><td>60</td><td>3915</td></tr><tr><td>T28</td><td>Female</td><td>40</td><td>95</td><td>9159</td></tr></tbody></table>
As can be seen from the table, the project involved interviews with 28 literary translators. Three participants requested a written interview for reasons such as health and internet access problems. The online interviews with the other 25 participants took a semi-structured format. The average interview time was a little under 77 minutes. This was longer than expected: the participants were generous with their time. The average age was 46 years, 11 months. The participants consider a mature age to be appropriate for literary translation. For instance, one of the participants mentions that age is an advantage for her/him: “I consider myself lucky to have started this job full-time at the age of 55 after securing my retirement at another job and choosing a more secluded life” (T20). Similarly, another participant mentions his/her lifestyle as one of the reasons for preferring literary translation: “If I were in my mid-twenties right now, I would prefer a much more active job, now I prefer a less active life because of my age” (T25). 20 of the 28 participants (71.42 %) are female, 8 (28.57 %) are male. The gender characteristics of the participants reflect the broader ÇEVBİR membership, 60% of whom are women (T9).

## 5.2. Themes

The five kinds of precarity that emerged from our interviews are a lack of legal control mechanisms (disorganisation, violation of contracts, transparency and accountability), job insecurity (inconsistent workflow, individual contracts, unfair competition), lack of social security (lack of health insurance, lack of retirement/pension, lack of solidarity), uncertainty about the future (loss of focus and/or motivation, stress, anxiety, burnout), and income insecurity (side job status, low and/or irregular wages). Figure 1 shows the themes that emerged as a result of the interviews and the relationship between them.

<figure><img src="image_9.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1.** Types of precarity affecting literary translators</figcaption></figure>

### 5.2.1. Lack of control mechanisms

Participants frequently stated that translation publishing is “*a very broad field*” (T5) whose rules are determined by contracts (T1, T3-T5, T18, T21). Contracts are the rules that build the structure of the field. They could be the product of negotiations (T1), or an agreement submitted by the publisher with a uniform contract procedure (T4): “*It is not a jointly drawn up contract. The publisher says I have only one contract. Here I apply the same contract to everyone. Here*”
As can be seen from the table, the project involved interviews with 28 literary translators. Three participants requested a written interview for reasons such as health and internet access problems. The online interviews with the other 25 participants took a semi-structured format. The average interview time was a little under 77 minutes. This was longer than expected: the participants were generous with their time. The average age was 46 years, 11 months. The participants consider a mature age to be appropriate for literary translation. For instance, one of the participants mentions that age is an advantage for her/him: “I consider myself lucky to have started this job full-time at the age of 55 after securing my retirement at another job and choosing a more secluded life” (T20). Similarly, another participant mentions his/her lifestyle as one of the reasons for preferring literary translation: “If I were in my mid-twenties right now, I would prefer a much more active job, now I prefer a less active life because of my age” (T25). 20 of the 28 participants (71.42 %) are female, 8 (28.57 %) are male. The gender characteristics of the participants reflect the broader ÇEVBİR membership, 60% of whom are women (T9).

## 5.2. Themes

The five kinds of precarity that emerged from our interviews are a lack of legal control mechanisms (disorganisation, violation of contracts, transparency and accountability), job insecurity (inconsistent workflow, individual contracts, unfair competition), lack of social security (lack of health insurance, lack of retirement/pension, lack of solidarity), uncertainty about the future (loss of focus and/or motivation, stress, anxiety, burnout), and income insecurity (side job status, low and/or irregular wages). Figure 1 shows the themes that emerged as a result of the interviews and the relationship between them.

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1.** Types of precarity affecting literary translators</figcaption></figure>

### 5.2.1. Lack of control mechanisms

Participants frequently stated that translation publishing is “*a very broad field*” (T5) whose rules are determined by contracts (T1, T3-T5, T18, T21). Contracts are the rules that build the structure of the field. They could be the product of negotiations (T1), or an agreement submitted by the publisher with a uniform contract procedure (T4): “*It is not a jointly drawn up contract. The publisher says I have only one contract. Here I apply the same contract to everyone. Here*”
you go, sign it. You can't even say anything in that contract". The dominator shapes the field by imposing her/his own rules. Power is asymmetrically distributed and concentrated in the hands of publishers. Except for a handful of experienced professionals who have proven themselves in the field or have achieved a certain status thanks to their symbolic capital, literary translators remain powerless due to legal gaps, compared to other actors in the field who hold power, such as publishers with institutional capital. These statements, which reflect the disorganisation of the field, are supported by other participants: "What exactly is our job description? What can we do and what can't we do? How well are we represented in contracts? What are our rights? All these issues are unclear in our contracts. Everyone is still groping in this field after all these years" (T21). In Bourdieu's terms, the field is built with flexible and permeable rules, especially for those who dominate, and the agents take up positions accordingly. The domination of the publisher over the translator is legitimised by book translation contracts, paving the way for contract violations and preventing transparency and accountability.

The field is the arena of struggle where the practices of those who participate in it and the social and economic conditions around it act together. Literary translation can hardly be described as an autonomous field: literary translators, at the intersection of the translation publishing and literary fields, form a multidimensional structure in which many dynamics come together. At the intersection where two flexible and mostly unwritten practices shape the rules of the field, the consensus-based agreements that each literary translator signs with the publisher are translation contracts, the literary translator's employment contract. However, it would be wrong to claim that translation contracts are signed for each book translation or that translation book contracts are always based on consensus. According to our field data, 3 out of 28 translators (slightly over 10%) stated that they had previously worked without a contract.

### 5.2.2. Job insecurity

Book translation contracts do not consist of strict and immutable rules. Each publisher (an institutional capital with dominance over individuals) or a proven literary translator (for instance with distinguished symbolic capital) may have a preferred translation contract or clauses they want in the contract, triggering job insecurity for the rest. One participant stated that when the contracts are not found sufficient in terms of content and scope, practices outside the contract differ: "Unwritten, unpublished rules are still very dominant and widely applicable in this field. There are contracts, but everything proceeds by consensus in a much more dominant way" (T3). Although efforts have been made to regulate the field through contractual conditions, it is not regulated by standard written rules, leading to job insecurity arising from individual contracts. One of the factors causing this is explained by a participant: "We can't tell each other our royalties. We need to fix royalties now and say, 'We only work in this way, don't work in any other way'. We've got to say, 'Go find someone else then'" (T11). As a way of preventing unfair competition, participants suggest establishing set royalty payments, or at least sharing and discussing the payment terms to open the way to bargaining and solidarity. However, the individuality of translation contracts and fierce competition between literary translators make solidarity difficult and weaken the position of translators vis-à-vis the publisher. Since book translation contracts can change according to the conditions of the translator and the publisher in terms of language, experience, economic condition, approach to translation, etc., it makes it difficult for literary translators to settle on a stable and strong position. The field has a flexible and variable dynamic, where the hand of the publisher is stronger, especially in terms of economic, social, and institutional capital. Another participant associates the dynamic nature of the field with the behaviours of literary translators:
you go, sign it. You can't even say anything in that contract". The dominator shapes the field by imposing her/his own rules. Power is asymmetrically distributed and concentrated in the hands of publishers. Except for a handful of experienced professionals who have proven themselves in the field or have achieved a certain status thanks to their symbolic capital, literary translators remain powerless due to legal gaps, compared to other actors in the field who hold power, such as publishers with institutional capital. These statements, which reflect the disorganisation of the field, are supported by other participants: "What exactly is our job description? What can we do and what can't we do? How well are we represented in contracts? What are our rights? All these issues are unclear in our contracts. Everyone is still groping in this field after all these years" (T21). In Bourdieu's terms, the field is built with flexible and permeable rules, especially for those who dominate, and the agents take up positions accordingly. The domination of the publisher over the translator is legitimised by book translation contracts, paving the way for contract violations and preventing transparency and accountability.

The field is the arena of struggle where the practices of those who participate in it and the social and economic conditions around it act together. Literary translation can hardly be described as an autonomous field: literary translators, at the intersection of the translation publishing and literary fields, form a multidimensional structure in which many dynamics come together. At the intersection where two flexible and mostly unwritten practices shape the rules of the field, the consensus-based agreements that each literary translator signs with the publisher are translation contracts, the literary translator's employment contract. However, it would be wrong to claim that translation contracts are signed for each book translation or that translation book contracts are always based on consensus. According to our field data, 3 out of 28 translators (slightly over 10%) stated that they had previously worked without a contract.

### 5.2.2. Job insecurity

Book translation contracts do not consist of strict and immutable rules. Each publisher (an institutional capital with dominance over individuals) or a proven literary translator (for instance with distinguished symbolic capital) may have a preferred translation contract or clauses they want in the contract, triggering job insecurity for the rest. One participant stated that when the contracts are not found sufficient in terms of content and scope, practices outside the contract differ: "Unwritten, unpublished rules are still very dominant and widely applicable in this field. There are contracts, but everything proceeds by consensus in a much more dominant way" (T3). Although efforts have been made to regulate the field through contractual conditions, it is not regulated by standard written rules, leading to job insecurity arising from individual contracts. One of the factors causing this is explained by a participant: "We can't tell each other our royalties. We need to fix royalties now and say, 'We only work in this way, don't work in any other way'. We've got to say, 'Go find someone else then'" (T11). As a way of preventing unfair competition, participants suggest establishing set royalty payments, or at least sharing and discussing the payment terms to open the way to bargaining and solidarity. However, the individuality of translation contracts and fierce competition between literary translators make solidarity difficult and weaken the position of translators vis-à-vis the publisher. Since book translation contracts can change according to the conditions of the translator and the publisher in terms of language, experience, economic condition, approach to translation, etc., it makes it difficult for literary translators to settle on a stable and strong position. The field has a flexible and variable dynamic, where the hand of the publisher is stronger, especially in terms of economic, social, and institutional capital. Another participant associates the dynamic nature of the field with the behaviours of literary translators:
There are translator behaviours that shape this field. My insistence on getting a seven percent royalty doesn't shape this field. If I insist on seven or eight percent, no one will give me a translation. Some accept four percent (T5).

Tough competitive conditions eliminate the bargaining chips held by translators, making it impossible to act boldly while developing their own strategies. The unstable conditions in the field clearly indicate an unbalanced scale in remuneration and inconsistency in workflow. However, this can also provide flexible terms for both literary translators and publishers. Accordingly, the translator may not be subject to penalties for missing deadlines, nor is the publisher subject to penalties for delayed payment (T1, T12). In such a power struggle, agents may have to resort to various tactics and strategies to enter the field. Literary translators may choose to become a member of a professional organization to increase their capital and gain an advantageous position.

### 5.2.3. Lack of social security

Social insecurity was mentioned to a greater or lesser extent by all participants. One participant stated, "I have no such thing as professional security in any respect. I don't know whether I will have a job tomorrow or not. I have no insurance, no pension. In that sense, literary translation is a complete precariat" (T19). The participant points out that social insecurity is accompanied by job insecurity, income insecurity and future uncertainty, impacting participant's experiences.
57 % of the interviewees are ÇEVBİR members, 20 % are members of other professional organisations and 23 % are not members of any professional organisation. The rate of ÇEVBİR membership among the participants in our study is quite high. One of the foremost reasons is likely the support we received from the association in contacting participants. Participants signed up to professional organisations to receive advantages such as solidarity, legal advice, bargaining power, and networking. Forms of social capital such as establishing relationships and access to social networks are important in maintaining or improving social position (T1-T13, T18-T21 and T24). However, many participants stated they have created their own standards over the years due to the lack of solidarity and signed contracts with publishers in line with them (T5-T7, T11, T12, T21, T25, T27 and T28). Although the social capital of individual agents has a great impact on their position in the field, the power of symbolic capital may also strengthen their position.

### 5.2.4. Uncertainty about the future

The participants frequently talked about their passion for translation: "I love translating and I particularly enjoy working in the field of literature" (T10). One participant describes the value of literary translation for herself/himself: "You learn a lot. In terms of world knowledge, translation is definitely a very valuable field" (T13). Another participant states that translating a book properly is the greatest source of pleasure: "All I can think of is giving the translation its due. When I start translating, I always say, 'God, let me finish this with dignity'" (T3). The participant expresses the view that literary translation requires serious focus and attaches great importance to the artistic quality of the work. When the participants evaluate literary translation from an emotional point of view, they give very positive reactions. The terms they choose complement their positive body language. Perspectives on literary translation may change when participants see themselves as professionals doing a job and earning a living. One participant expresses her/his feelings for literary translation as "a profession to be done with love" and continues, "it should be in a much better place after all this hard work. Literary translators are not yet in the place they deserve" (T3). The participant interprets the profession from an emotional point of view and finds the position of the profession inadequate. Similarly,
There are translator behaviours that shape this field. My insistence on getting a seven percent royalty doesn't shape this field. If I insist on seven or eight percent, no one will give me a translation. Some accept four percent (T5).

Tough competitive conditions eliminate the bargaining chips held by translators, making it impossible to act boldly while developing their own strategies. The unstable conditions in the field clearly indicate an unbalanced scale in remuneration and inconsistency in workflow. However, this can also provide flexible terms for both literary translators and publishers. Accordingly, the translator may not be subject to penalties for missing deadlines, nor is the publisher subject to penalties for delayed payment (T1, T12). In such a power struggle, agents may have to resort to various tactics and strategies to enter the field. Literary translators may choose to become a member of a professional organization to increase their capital and gain an advantageous position.

### 5.2.3. Lack of social security

Social insecurity was mentioned to a greater or lesser extent by all participants. One participant stated, "I have no such thing as professional security in any respect. I don't know whether I will have a job tomorrow or not. I have no insurance, no pension. In that sense, literary translation is a complete precariat" (T19). The participant points out that social insecurity is accompanied by job insecurity, income insecurity and future uncertainty, impacting participant's experiences.
57 % of the interviewees are ÇEVBİR members, 20 % are members of other professional organisations and 23 % are not members of any professional organisation. The rate of ÇEVBİR membership among the participants in our study is quite high. One of the foremost reasons is likely the support we received from the association in contacting participants. Participants signed up to professional organisations to receive advantages such as solidarity, legal advice, bargaining power, and networking. Forms of social capital such as establishing relationships and access to social networks are important in maintaining or improving social position (T1-T13, T18-T21 and T24). However, many participants stated they have created their own standards over the years due to the lack of solidarity and signed contracts with publishers in line with them (T5-T7, T11, T12, T21, T25, T27 and T28). Although the social capital of individual agents has a great impact on their position in the field, the power of symbolic capital may also strengthen their position.

### 5.2.4. Uncertainty about the future

The participants frequently talked about their passion for translation: "I love translating and I particularly enjoy working in the field of literature" (T10). One participant describes the value of literary translation for herself/himself: "You learn a lot. In terms of world knowledge, translation is definitely a very valuable field" (T13). Another participant states that translating a book properly is the greatest source of pleasure: "All I can think of is giving the translation its due. When I start translating, I always say, 'God, let me finish this with dignity'" (T3). The participant expresses the view that literary translation requires serious focus and attaches great importance to the artistic quality of the work. When the participants evaluate literary translation from an emotional point of view, they give very positive reactions. The terms they choose complement their positive body language. Perspectives on literary translation may change when participants see themselves as professionals doing a job and earning a living. One participant expresses her/his feelings for literary translation as "a profession to be done with love" and continues, "it should be in a much better place after all this hard work. Literary translators are not yet in the place they deserve" (T3). The participant interprets the profession from an emotional point of view and finds the position of the profession inadequate. Similarly,
another participant's evaluation of the literary translator habitus reflects a degree of stress
and anxiety about the future:

Everyone my age does this for pleasure, for their own enjoyment, for the love of literature. So, if you say would you do it as a profession? No, I wouldn't. But I would do it for pleasure. There is no way to be a literary translator. In other words, you can't say, 'I am a translator, and I can pay the rent with my book translation. I can take care of a child. I can earn a living' (T17).

The reactions when a participant considers literary translation as a hobby and when s/he considers it as a means of living are diametrically opposite. The interviews demonstrated that literary translators are concerned about their future as they are unable to earn a sustainable income.

Interviews often revealed the progressive impact of job insecurity on participants' professional perceptions: "I don't recommend anyone becoming a literary translator anymore" (T1), "I don't have the excitement of five years ago. Recently, I have been saying that I need to find an alternative" (T11), and

> If publishers support us financially very little, they may miss us. Because it's a very demanding job. But I'm afraid that if people don't have any moral or material motivation to do it, literary translation will fall into the hands of unprofessional people who don't know how to do it. For example, I can't do it anymore (T4).

Precarious working conditions become a challenge; agents develop multiple solutions to struggle on or leave the field. Job insecurity negatively affects job satisfaction, reduces job quality, wears out employees, and may even result in burnout, forcing translators to leave the field altogether.

### 5.2.5. Income insecurity

Factors such as job insecurity, low wages for excessive workload, financial difficulties and an uncertain future reduce the job satisfaction of individual agents. They may even result in the intention to leave the profession. Perhaps one of the most prominent strategies developed by literary translators is to do side jobs to make a living. According to our interviews, 93 % of participants work a side job. This is a clear indication of the precarious working conditions of literary translators. Side jobs may become a haven for literary translators to strengthen their capital, both in terms of economic and social security. However, it may risk both the time and effort that translators can devote to literary translation (T4, T5, T8, T14, T15, T19, T20, T27) and the time they allocate for themselves (T10, T22, T23). Taking on a side job is a defence mechanism that participants develop to allay insecurities relating to income insecurity and lack of social security:

> No social security, no pension. However, there are people in this profession who are actually dealing with full-time jobs, such as editors, academics, teaching or jobs that would never come to mind. Of course, they can have health insurance or retirement. Apart from that, if you just look at it as a book translator, you have to pay all these out of your own pocket (T9).

Income insecurity may lead literary translators to do side jobs or pursue literary translation as a side job, which could have negative consequences in terms of decreasing job satisfaction and lead to precarization.
another participant's evaluation of the literary translator habitus reflects a degree of stress
and anxiety about the future:

Everyone my age does this for pleasure, for their own enjoyment, for the love of literature. So, if you say would you do it as a profession? No, I wouldn't. But I would do it for pleasure. There is no way to be a literary translator. In other words, you can't say, 'I am a translator, and I can pay the rent with my book translation. I can take care of a child. I can earn a living' (T17).

The reactions when a participant considers literary translation as a hobby and when s/he considers it as a means of living are diametrically opposite. The interviews demonstrated that literary translators are concerned about their future as they are unable to earn a sustainable income.

Interviews often revealed the progressive impact of job insecurity on participants' professional perceptions: "I don't recommend anyone becoming a literary translator anymore" (T1), "I don't have the excitement of five years ago. Recently, I have been saying that I need to find an alternative" (T11), and

> If publishers support us financially very little, they may miss us. Because it's a very demanding job. But I'm afraid that if people don't have any moral or material motivation to do it, literary translation will fall into the hands of unprofessional people who don't know how to do it. For example, I can't do it anymore (T4).

Precarious working conditions become a challenge; agents develop multiple solutions to
struggle on or leave the field. Job insecurity negatively affects job satisfaction, reduces job
quality, wears out employees, and may even result in burnout, forcing translators to leave the
field altogether.

5.2.5. **Income insecurity**

Factors such as job insecurity, low wages for excessive workload, financial difficulties and an uncertain future reduce the job satisfaction of individual agents. They may even result in the intention to leave the profession. Perhaps one of the most prominent strategies developed by literary translators is to do side jobs to make a living. According to our interviews, 93 % of participants work a side job. This is a clear indication of the precarious working conditions of literary translators. Side jobs may become a haven for literary translators to strengthen their capital, both in terms of economic and social security. However, it may risk both the time and effort that translators can devote to literary translation (T4, T5, T8, T14, T15, T19, T20, T27) and the time they allocate for themselves (T10, T22, T23). Taking on a side job is a defence mechanism that participants develop to allay insecurities relating to income insecurity and lack of social security:

No social security, no pension. However, there are people in this profession who are actually dealing with full-time jobs, such as editors, academics, teaching or jobs that would never come to mind. Of course, they can have health insurance or retirement. Apart from that, if you just look at it as a book translator, you have to pay all these out of your own pocket (T9).

Income insecurity may lead literary translators to do side jobs or pursue literary translation as a side job, which could have negative consequences in terms of decreasing job satisfaction and lead to precarization.
**6. Discussion and conclusion**

Much time has been devoted over the years to discussing whether literary translation is an art or a craft, or whether literary translation is a profession, job, occupation, or something else. But little attention has been paid to what happens to literary translators at the workface: How do they earn a living? How do they survive financially? Can they cope with the difficulties they face, and if so, how?

The payment for the first edition of a literary work translated in Türkiye is usually below the monthly minimum wage "that is less than one third of the monthly poverty threshold" (Turkish Trade Unions, 2023). Since a literary translator must devote at least a few months to a book, s/ he cannot cover the most basic living expenses. The vast majority of literary translators cannot earn a living solely from their profession. They must do side jobs to obtain income security and/ or health insurance. Along with literary translation, doing side jobs just to earn a living or doing literary translation as a side job may cause limitations in terms of time that reduce translation efficiency. It also creates a very favourable environment for the spread of precarious working conditions and the reduction of solidarity.

The precarious working conditions of literary translators may result in job dissatisfaction. Not being able to earn a living from literary translation may lead to burnout and leaving the profession. However, literary translators' professional passion and desire for prestige add to their motivation. It is therefore important to investigate the relationship between job insecurity and satisfaction to improve the working environment of literary translators. Improving the working conditions and increasing job satisfaction of literary translators could also result in better work, therefore increasing the job satisfaction of other agents and leading to a sustainable improvement in the translation publishing industry.

The starting point to minimize the negative aspects of working conditions could be cultural policies. A social security/health insurance model could be developed for literary translators: successful implementation in some European countries can be taken as an example in this regard (cf. CEATL, 2008, pp. 44-48). A support program for literary translation could be brought into effect. Professional organisations could be encouraged for solidarity, raising the possibility of collective bargaining. A minimum payment schedule could be agreed with publishers and professional translator organisations. Such an agreement could decrease job dissatisfaction by facilitating standardisation in the field and prevent conflicts between translators and publishers. Both publishers and literary translation organisations could increase their efforts to ensure that the industry complies with ethical principles to avoid precarious working environments sourced from unethical behaviour (disproportionate fee reductions, failure to inform translators about reprints, plagiarism, etc.). In this regard, control mechanisms in line with the principles of transparency and accountability could prevent unethical practices. In addition, in-service training for literary translators could be encouraged. It may be necessary to strive for a legally binding standard contract: the royalty rate and the minimum number of published books in a single print run could be set to prevent unfair competition. Following successful implementations around the world, a fund could be created to support social rights and insurance for literary translators. Communication and cooperation between professional organisations, industry and academia should be increased. Collaborations covering the whole field are vital in implementing sustainable mechanisms.

Factors such as the language being translated, the type of text to be translated, the translator's habitus, the author, the publisher of the translation, its reception in both source and the target culture market affect the bargaining position and earnings of literary translators. But what is certain is that those literary translators who make a living solely through literary translation suffer from precarity. Precarious working and living conditions negatively affect
**6. Discussion and conclusion**

Much time has been devoted over the years to discussing whether literary translation is an art or a craft, or whether literary translation is a profession, job, occupation, or something else. But little attention has been paid to what happens to literary translators at the workface: How do they earn a living? How do they survive financially? Can they cope with the difficulties they face, and if so, how?

The payment for the first edition of a literary work translated in Türkiye is usually below the monthly minimum wage "that is less than one third of the monthly poverty threshold" (Turkish Trade Unions, 2023). Since a literary translator must devote at least a few months to a book, s/ he cannot cover the most basic living expenses. The vast majority of literary translators cannot earn a living solely from their profession. They must do side jobs to obtain income security and/ or health insurance. Along with literary translation, doing side jobs just to earn a living or doing literary translation as a side job may cause limitations in terms of time that reduce translation efficiency. It also creates a very favourable environment for the spread of precarious working conditions and the reduction of solidarity.

The precarious working conditions of literary translators may result in job dissatisfaction. Not being able to earn a living from literary translation may lead to burnout and leaving the profession. However, literary translators' professional passion and desire for prestige add to their motivation. It is therefore important to investigate the relationship between job insecurity and satisfaction to improve the working environment of literary translators. Improving the working conditions and increasing job satisfaction of literary translators could also result in better work, therefore increasing the job satisfaction of other agents and leading to a sustainable improvement in the translation publishing industry.

The starting point to minimize the negative aspects of working conditions could be cultural policies. A social security/health insurance model could be developed for literary translators: successful implementation in some European countries can be taken as an example in this regard (cf. CEATL, 2008, pp. 44-48). A support program for literary translation could be brought into effect. Professional organisations could be encouraged for solidarity, raising the possibility of collective bargaining. A minimum payment schedule could be agreed with publishers and professional translator organisations. Such an agreement could decrease job dissatisfaction by facilitating standardisation in the field and prevent conflicts between translators and publishers. Both publishers and literary translation organisations could increase their efforts to ensure that the industry complies with ethical principles to avoid precarious working environments sourced from unethical behaviour (disproportionate fee reductions, failure to inform translators about reprints, plagiarism, etc.). In this regard, control mechanisms in line with the principles of transparency and accountability could prevent unethical practices. In addition, in-service training for literary translators could be encouraged. It may be necessary to strive for a legally binding standard contract: the royalty rate and the minimum number of published books in a single print run could be set to prevent unfair competition. Following successful implementations around the world, a fund could be created to support social rights and insurance for literary translators. Communication and cooperation between professional organisations, industry and academia should be increased. Collaborations covering the whole field are vital in implementing sustainable mechanisms.

Factors such as the language being translated, the type of text to be translated, the translator's habitus, the author, the publisher of the translation, its reception in both source and the target culture market affect the bargaining position and earnings of literary translators. But what is certain is that those literary translators who make a living solely through literary translation suffer from precarity. Precarious working and living conditions negatively affect
literary translators' job satisfaction and pave the way for them to pursue this profession as a hobby and/or a sideline. Our research could promote constructive solutions for the future of the literary translation profession. Growing interest in socio-economic approaches to literary translators encourages new research, which is a promising start. We hope that it will be possible to produce sustainable solutions for literary translators in Türkiye and around the world.

## 7. References

Banki, S. (2013). Precarity of place: A complement to the growing precariat literature. *Global Discourse, 3*(3-4), 450-463.

Bauman, Z. (2001). *The Individualized Society*. Polity Press.

Bednárová-Gibová, K. & Majherová, M. (2021). Academic literary translators: a happy ‘elite’ or not? *The Translator*, 27(2), 167-189. https://doi.org/10.1080/13556509.2021.1872921

Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works. (1979, September 28). https://www.wipo.int/wipolex/en/text/283693

Bogenç Demirel, E. & Kurmel, D. (2020). De la sociolinguistique de la traduction à la sociologie de la traduction. In Y. Polat (Ed.), *Traduction et linguistique. Les sciences du langage et la traductologie* (pp. 187-207). L'Harmattan.

Bourdieu, P. (1977). Cultural reproduction and social reproduction. In J. Karabel & A. H. Halsey (Eds.), *Power and ideology in education* (pp. 487-511). Oxford University Press.

Bourdieu P. (1984). *Distinction: a social critique of the judgement of taste*. Routledge.

Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), *Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education* (pp. 241–258). Greenwood.

Bourdieu, P. (1997, December 12-13). La précarité est aujourd'hui partout. Intervention lors des Rencontres européennes contre la précarité. https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_dialogue/@actrav/documents/meetingdocument/wcms_161352.pdf

Bryceson, D. B. (Ed.). (2010). *How Africa Works: Occupational Change, Identity and Morality*. Practical Action Publishing.

Chesterman, A. (2009). The Name and Nature of Translator Studies. *HERMES – Journal of Language and Communication in Business*, 42, 13-22. https://doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v22i42.96844

CEATL (2022, May). *CEATL legal survey: mapping the legal situation of literary translators in Europe*. https://www.ceatl.eu/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CEATL-Legal-survey-ENG.pdf

CEATL (2008, December 5). *Comparative income of literary translators in Europe*. https://www.ceatl.eu/docs/surveyuk.pdf

ÇEVİRİR (n.d.). ÇEVİRİR Çevirmenler Meslek Birliği. Retrieved September 20, 2022, from https://cevir.org.tr/

ÇEVİRİR FAQ (n.d.). ÇEVİRİR Çevirmenler Meslek Birliği Sıkça Sorulan Sorular [Frequently Asked Questions]. Retrieved March 22, 2023 from https://cevir.org.tr/sskisisel-gelisim-kitaplarina-veya-cok-satan-eserlere-telif-ucreti-odenmemesi-bir-kosul-mudur

Dejours, C. (1998). *Souffrance en France: la banalisation de l'injustice sociale*. Seuil.

Delabastita, D. (2011). Literary translation. In Y. Gambier & L. van Doorslaer (Eds.), *Handbook of translation studies online* (pp. 69-78). Benjamins.

European Commission (2022). *Translators on the Cover: Multilingualism & Translation: Report of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) Working Group of EU Member State Experts*, Publications Office of the European Union. https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/a4059b86-8317-11ec-8c40-01aa75ed71a1/language-en

Famira-Muehlberger, U. (2014). Precarious Work. In A. C. Michalos (Eds.), *Encyclopedia of Quality of Life and Well-Being Research*. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0753-5_2237

FIT Europe (Fédération Internationale des Traducteurs). (2010). *Enquête européenne sur les conditions d'exercice des traducteurs*. https://docplayer.fr/1837927-Enquete-europeenne-sur-les-conditions-d-exercice-des-traducteurs.html

Fock, H., De Haan M., & Lhotová A. (2008). *Comparative Income of Literary Translators in Europe*. Conseil Européen des Associations de Traducteurs Littéraires. https://www.ceatl.eu/wp-content/uploads/2010/09/surveyuk.pdf

Frase, P. (2013). The Precariat. *New Labor Forum*, 22(2), 11–14. http://doi.org/10.1177/1095796013482888

Gambier, Y. (2012). Une traductologie pour quelles pratiques traductionnelles? *Target: International Journal of Translation Studies*, 24(1), 61-82. https://doi.org/10.1075/target.24.1.05gam

Gouadec, D. (2007). *Translation as a Profession*. Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/btl.73
literary translators' job satisfaction and pave the way for them to pursue this profession as a hobby and/or a sideline. Our research could promote constructive solutions for the future of the literary translation profession. Growing interest in socio-economic approaches to literary translators encourages new research, which is a promising start. We hope that it will be possible to produce sustainable solutions for literary translators in Türkiye and around the world.

## 7. References

Banki, S. (2013). Precarity of place: A complement to the growing precariat literature. *Global Discourse, 3*(3-4), 450-463.

Bauman, Z. (2001). *The Individualized Society*. Polity Press.

Bednárová-Gibová, K. & Majherová, M. (2021). Academic literary translators: a happy ‘elite’ or not? *The Translator*, 27(2), 167-189. https://doi.org/10.1080/13556509.2021.1872921

Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works. (1979, September 28). https://www.wipo.int/wipolex/en/text/283693

Bogenç Demirel, E. & Kurmel, D. (2020). De la sociolinguistique de la traduction à la sociologie de la traduction. In Y. Polat (Ed.), *Traduction et linguistique. Les sciences du langage et la traductologie* (pp. 187-207). L'Harmattan.

Bourdieu, P. (1977). Cultural reproduction and social reproduction. In J. Karabel & A. H. Halsey (Eds.), *Power and ideology in education* (pp. 487-511). Oxford University Press.

Bourdieu P. (1984). *Distinction: a social critique of the judgement of taste*. Routledge.

Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. Richardson (Ed.), *Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education* (pp. 241–258). Greenwood.

Bourdieu, P. (1997, December 12-13). La précarité est aujourd'hui partout. Intervention lors des Rencontres européennes contre la précarité. https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_dialogue/@actrav/documents/meetingdocument/wcms_161352.pdf

Bryceson, D. B. (Ed.). (2010). *How Africa Works: Occupational Change, Identity and Morality*. Practical Action Publishing.

Chesterman, A. (2009). The Name and Nature of Translator Studies. *HERMES – Journal of Language and Communication in Business*, 42, 13-22. https://doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v22i42.96844

CEATL (2022, May). *CEATL legal survey: mapping the legal situation of literary translators in Europe*. https://www.ceatl.eu/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CEATL-Legal-survey-ENG.pdf

CEATL (2008, December 5). *Comparative income of literary translators in Europe*. https://www.ceatl.eu/docs/surveyuk.pdf

ÇEVİRİR (n.d.). ÇEVİRİR Çevirmenler Meslek Birliği. Retrieved September 20, 2022, from https://cevir.org.tr/

ÇEVİRİR FAQ (n.d.). ÇEVİRİR Çevirmenler Meslek Birliği Sıkça Sorulan Sorular [Frequently Asked Questions]. Retrieved March 22, 2023 from https://cevir.org.tr/sskisisel-gelisim-kitaplarina-veya-cok-satan-eserlere-telif-ucreti-odenmemesi-bir-kosul-mudur

Dejours, C. (1998). *Souffrance en France: la banalisation de l'injustice sociale*. Seuil.

Delabastita, D. (2011). Literary translation. In Y. Gambier & L. van Doorslaer (Eds.), *Handbook of translation studies online* (pp. 69-78). Benjamins.

European Commission (2022). *Translators on the Cover: Multilingualism & Translation: Report of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) Working Group of EU Member State Experts*, Publications Office of the European Union. https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/a4059b86-8317-11ec-8c40-01aa75ed71a1/language-en

Famira-Muehlberger, U. (2014). Precarious Work. In A. C. Michalos (Eds.), *Encyclopedia of Quality of Life and Well-Being Research*. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0753-5_2237

FIT Europe (Fédération Internationale des Traducteurs). (2010). *Enquête européenne sur les conditions d'exercice des traducteurs*. https://docplayer.fr/1837927-Enquete-europeenne-sur-les-conditions-d-exercice-des-traducteurs.html

Fock, H., De Haan M., & Lhotová A. (2008). *Comparative Income of Literary Translators in Europe*. Conseil Européen des Associations de Traducteurs Littéraires. https://www.ceatl.eu/wp-content/uploads/2010/09/surveyuk.pdf

Frase, P. (2013). The Precariat. *New Labor Forum*, 22(2), 11–14. http://doi.org/10.1177/1095796013482888

Gambier, Y. (2012). Une traductologie pour quelles pratiques traductionnelles? *Target: International Journal of Translation Studies*, 24(1), 61-82. https://doi.org/10.1075/target.24.1.05gam

Gouadec, D. (2007). *Translation as a Profession*. Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/btl.73
Gouanvic, J., & Schultz, L. L. (2010). Outline of a sociology of translation informed by the ideas of Pierre Bourdieu. *MonTI - Monografías de Traducción e Interpretación, 2*, 119-129. https://doi.org/10.6035/MonTI.2010.2.6

Heinich, N. (1984). Les traducteurs littéraires: l'art et la profession. *Revue française de sociologie, 25*(2), 264-280.

Hult M., Lappalainen K., & Kangasniemi M. (2021). Living a calling in precarious employment: An integrative review of consequences on professional and personal lives. *European Journal of Occupational Health Nursing, 2*(1), 39-53. https://doi.org/10.9999/ejohn.2020.19.10

Judge T. A., Locke, E. A., & Durham, C. C. (1997). The dispositional causes of job satisfaction: A core evaluations approach. *Research in Organizational Behavior, 19*, 151-188.

Literar mechana. (n.d.). Literar Mechana. Sozialfonds. Retrieved September 12, 2022, from https://literar.at/mitglieder/sozialfonds

Kaindl, K., Kolb, W., & Schlager, D. (2021). *Literary Translator Studies*. Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/btl.156.

Kalinowski, I. (2002). La vocation au travail de traduction. *Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 144*(4), 47-54.

Kalleberg, A. (2009). Precarious Work, Insecure Workers: Employment Relations in Transition. *American Sociological Review, 74*(1), 1-22. https://doi.org/10.1177/000312240907400101

Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, Pub. L. No. 5486. (1951 § rev. 2001). (G. O. Nilsson & F. H. Ş. Çelik, Trans.). Retrieved October 2, 2023, from https://telifhaklari.ktb.gov.tr/Eklenti/106878,law-on-intellectual-and-artistic-works-no5846pdf.pdf?0

Mayring, P. (2004). Qualitative Content Analysis. *A companion to qualitative research, 1*(2), 159-176.

Moorkens, J. (2017). Under pressure: translation in times of austerity, *Perspectives, 25*(3), 464-477, https://doi.org/10.1080/0907676X.2017.1285331

Naderifar, M., Goli, H. & Ghaljaie, F. (2017). Snowball Sampling: A Purposeful Method of Sampling in Qualitative Research. *Strides in Development of Medical Education, 14*(3), 1-4. https://doi.org/10.5812/sdme.67670

Public Lending Right International. (n.d.). *Established Schemes*. Retrieved March 23, 2023, from https://plrinternational.com/established

Prunč, E. (2007). Priests, princes and pariahs. In M. Wolf & A. Fukari (Eds.), *Constructing a sociology of translation* (pp. 39-56). Benjamins.

Pym, A. (2006). On the Social and the Cultural in Translation Studies. In A. Pym, M. Schlesinger and Z. Jettmarová (Eds.), *Sociocultural Aspects of Translating and Interpreting* (pp. 1-26). Benjamins.

Pym, A., Grin, F., Sfreddo, C., & Chan, A. L. (2013). *The status of the translation profession in the European Union*. Anthem Press.

Ruokonen, M., & Makisalo, J. (2018). Middling-status profession, high-status work: Finnish translators' status perceptions in the light of their backgrounds, working conditions and job satisfaction. *The International Journal of Translation and Interpreting Research, 10*(1), 1-17. http://doi.org/10.12807/ti.110201.2018.a01

Sapiro G. (2022). Literature festivals: A new authority in the transnational literary field. *Journal of World Literature, 7*(3), 303-331. https://doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00703002

Saunders, B., Sim, J., Kingstone, T., Baker, S., Waterfield, J., Bartlam, B., Burroughs, H., & Jinks, C., (2018). Saturation in qualitative research: exploring its conceptualization and operationalization. *Quality & Quantity, 52*(4), 1893-1907. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-017-0574-8

Seçkin, S. (2021). The constraints in the field of institutional translation in Turkey: A perspective from sociology of translation. *Babel, 67*(6), 758-790. https://doi.org/10.1075/babel.00247.sec

Sela-Sheffy, R. (2006). The Pursuit of Symbolic Capital by a Semi-Professional Group: The Case of Literary Translators in Israel. In M. Wolf (Ed.), *Übersetzen – Translating – Traduire: Towards a “Social Turn”?* (pp. 243-252). LIT Verlag.

Sela-Sheffy, R. & Shlesinger, M. (2008). Strategies of image-making and status advancement of translators and interpreters as a marginal occupational group. In A. Pym, M. Shlesinger & D. Simeoni (Eds.), *Beyond Descriptive Translation Studies: Investigations in Homage to Gideon Toury* (pp.79-90). Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/btl.75.07sel

Sela-Sheffy, R. (2010). 'Stars' or 'professionals': The imagined vocation and exclusive knowledge of translators in Israel. *MonTI 2: Applied Sociology in Translation Studies, 131-152*. https://doi.org/10.6035/MonTI.2010.2.7

Sela-Sheffy, R. (2016). Elite and non-elite translator manpower: The non-professionalised culture in the translation field in Israel. *The Journal of Specialised Translation, 25*, 54-73. https://www.jostrans.org/issue25/art_sela.pdf

Standing, G. (2011). *The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class*. Bloomsbury Academic.

Standing, G. (2014). *A precariat charter: From denizens to citizens*. A&C Black.

Tekgül, D. (2017). Competition and co-operation for recognition and professional esteem in the literary translation industry. *Translation Studies, 10*(1), 54-68. https://doi.org/10.1080/14781700.2016.1234971
Gouanvic, J., & Schultz, L. L. (2010). Outline of a sociology of translation informed by the ideas of Pierre Bourdieu. *MonTI - Monografías de Traducción e Interpretación, 2*, 119-129. https://doi.org/10.6035/MonTI.2010.2.6

Heinich, N. (1984). Les traducteurs littéraires: l'art et la profession. *Revue française de sociologie, 25*(2), 264-280.

Hult M., Lappalainen K., & Kangasniemi M. (2021). Living a calling in precarious employment: An integrative review of consequences on professional and personal lives. *European Journal of Occupational Health Nursing, 2*(1), 39-53. https://doi.org/10.9999/ejohn.2020.19.10

Judge T. A., Locke, E. A., & Durham, C. C. (1997). The dispositional causes of job satisfaction: A core evaluations approach. *Research in Organizational Behavior, 19*, 151-188.

Literar mechana. (n.d.). Literar Mechana. Sozialfonds. Retrieved September 12, 2022, from https://literar.at/mitglieder/sozialfonds

Kaindl, K., Kolb, W., & Schlager, D. (2021). *Literary Translator Studies*. Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/btl.156.

Kalinowski, I. (2002). La vocation au travail de traduction. *Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 144*(4), 47-54.

Kalleberg, A. (2009). Precarious Work, Insecure Workers: Employment Relations in Transition. *American Sociological Review, 74*(1), 1-22. https://doi.org/10.1177/000312240907400101

Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, Pub. L. No. 5486. (1951 § rev. 2001). (G. O. Nilsson & F. H. Ş. Çelik, Trans.). Retrieved October 2, 2023, from https://telifhaklari.ktb.gov.tr/Eklenti/106878,law-on-intellectual-and-artistic-works-no5846pdf.pdf?0

Mayring, P. (2004). Qualitative Content Analysis. *A companion to qualitative research, 1*(2), 159-176.

Moorkens, J. (2017). Under pressure: translation in times of austerity, *Perspectives, 25*(3), 464-477, https://doi.org/10.1080/0907676X.2017.1285331

Naderifar, M., Goli, H. & Ghaljaie, F. (2017). Snowball Sampling: A Purposeful Method of Sampling in Qualitative Research. *Strides in Development of Medical Education, 14*(3), 1-4. https://doi.org/10.5812/sdme.67670

Public Lending Right International. (n.d.). *Established Schemes*. Retrieved March 23, 2023, from https://plrinternational.com/established

Prunč, E. (2007). Priests, princes and pariahs. In M. Wolf & A. Fukari (Eds.), *Constructing a sociology of translation* (pp. 39-56). Benjamins.

Pym, A. (2006). On the Social and the Cultural in Translation Studies. In A. Pym, M. Schlesinger and Z. Jettmarová (Eds.), *Sociocultural Aspects of Translating and Interpreting* (pp. 1-26). Benjamins.

Pym, A., Grin, F., Sfreddo, C., & Chan, A. L. (2013). *The status of the translation profession in the European Union*. Anthem Press.

Ruokonen, M., & Makisalo, J. (2018). Middling-status profession, high-status work: Finnish translators’ status perceptions in the light of their backgrounds, working conditions and job satisfaction. *The International Journal of Translation and Interpreting Research, 10*(1), 1-17. http://doi.org/10.12807/ti.110201.2018.a01

Sapiro G. (2022). Literature festivals: A new authority in the transnational literary field. *Journal of World Literature, 7*(3), 303-331. https://doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00703002

Saunders, B., Sim, J., Kingstone, T., Baker, S., Waterfield, J., Bartlam, B., Burroughs, H., & Jinks, C., (2018). Saturation in qualitative research: exploring its conceptualization and operationalization. *Quality & Quantity, 52*(4), 1893-1907. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-017-0574-8

Seçkin, S. (2021). The constraints in the field of institutional translation in Turkey: A perspective from sociology of translation. *Babel, 67*(6), 758-790. https://doi.org/10.1075/babel.00247.sec

Sela-Sheffy, R. (2006). The Pursuit of Symbolic Capital by a Semi-Professional Group: The Case of Literary Translators in Israel. In M. Wolf (Ed.), *Übersetzen – Translating – Traduire: Towards a “Social Turn”?* (pp. 243-252). LIT Verlag.

Sela-Sheffy, R. & Shlesinger, M. (2008). Strategies of image-making and status advancement of translators and interpreters as a marginal occupational group. In A. Pym, M. Shlesinger & D. Simeoni (Eds.), *Beyond Descriptive Translation Studies: Investigations in Homage to Gideon Toury* (pp.79-90). Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/btl.75.07sel

Sela-Sheffy, R. (2010). 'Stars' or 'professionals': The imagined vocation and exclusive knowledge of translators in Israel. *MonTI 2: Applied Sociology in Translation Studies, 131-152*. https://doi.org/10.6035/MonTI.2010.2.7

Sela-Sheffy, R. (2016). Elite and non-elite translator manpower: The non-professionalised culture in the translation field in Israel. *The Journal of Specialised Translation, 25*, 54-73. https://www.jostrans.org/issue25/art_sela.pdf

Standing, G. (2011). *The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class*. Bloomsbury Academic.

Standing, G. (2014). *A precariat charter: From denizens to citizens*. A&C Black.

Tekgül, D. (2017). Competition and co-operation for recognition and professional esteem in the literary translation industry. *Translation Studies, 10*(1), 54-68. https://doi.org/10.1080/14781700.2016.1234971
Tip Sözleşme. (n.d.). ÇEVBİR Kitap Çeviri Tip Sözleşme [Book Translation Model Contract]. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from http://cevbir.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/KitapCevirisiTipSozlesme.pdf

Translations Looking for the Publishing Houses (n.d.). ÇEVBİR Yayınevini Arayan Çeviriler [Translations Looking for the Publishing Houses]. Retrieved March 2, 2022, from https://cevbir.org.tr/yayinevi-aranan-ceviriler

Turkish Trade Unions (2023, February 28). TÜRK-İŞ Haber Bülteni, Türkiye İşçi Sendikaları Konfederasyonu [TTU News Bulletin, Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions]. https://www.turkis.org.tr/storage/2023/02/Aclik-Yoksulluk-%E2%80%93-Subat-2023.pdf

Vosko, L. F. (Ed.). (2006). Precarious Employment: Understanding Labour Market Insecurity in Canada. McGill-Queen's University Press.

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>Burcu Kanıdinç Kılınçarslan</figcaption></figure>

Adana Alparslan Türkeş Science and Technology University
Department of Translation and Interpreting
01250 Sarıçam/Adana
Türkiye
burcu.kanidinc@gmail.com

**Biography:** Burcu Kanıdinç Kılınçarslan is a Research Assistant at the Department of Translation and Interpreting at Adana Alparslan Türkeş Science and Technology University. She is a doctoral candidate in Interlingual and Intercultural Translation Studies at Yıldız Technical University. She holds a BA in Translation and Interpreting from Hacettepe University and MA in Translation and Cultural Studies from Gazi University. She is a CETRA alumnus of 2023. Her research interests are the sociology of translation, the translation profession, translator studies, and literary translators.
Tip Sözleşme. (n.d.). ÇEVBİR Kitap Çeviri Tip Sözleşme [Book Translation Model Contract]. Retrieved October 8, 2022, from http://cevbir.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/KitapCevirisiTipSozlesme.pdf

Translations Looking for the Publishing Houses (n.d.). ÇEVBİR Yayınevini Arayan Çeviriler [Translations Looking for the Publishing Houses]. Retrieved March 2, 2022, from https://cevbir.org.tr/yayinevi-aranan-ceviriler

Turkish Trade Unions (2023, February 28). TÜRK-İŞ Haber Bülteni, Türkiye İşçi Sendikaları Konfederasyonu [TTU News Bulletin, Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions]. https://www.turkis.org.tr/storage/2023/02/Aclik-Yoksulluk-%E2%80%93-Subat-2023.pdf

Vosko, L. F. (Ed.). (2006). Precarious Employment: Understanding Labour Market Insecurity in Canada. McGill-Queen's University Press.

<figure><img src="image_9.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /><figcaption>Burcu Kanıdinç Kılınçarslan</figcaption></figure>

Adana Alparslan Türkeş Science and Technology University
Department of Translation and Interpreting
01250 Sarıçam/Adana
Türkiye
burcu.kanidinc@gmail.com

**Biography:** Burcu Kanıdinç Kılınçarslan is a Research Assistant at the Department of Translation and Interpreting at Adana Alparslan Türkeş Science and Technology University. She is a doctoral candidate in Interlingual and Intercultural Translation Studies at Yıldız Technical University. She holds a BA in Translation and Interpreting from Hacettepe University and MA in Translation and Cultural Studies from Gazi University. She is a CETRA alumnus of 2023. Her research interests are the sociology of translation, the translation profession, translator studies, and literary translators.
<figure><img src="image_12.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_13.png" /></figure>

Emine Bogenç Demirel

Yıldız Technical University
Department of Translation and Interpreting, Davutpaşa Caddesi
34220 Esenler, Istanbul
Türkiye
emine.bodem@gmail.com

**Biography:** Professor Emine Bogenç Demirel obtained her doctorate at ULB and completed a postdoc at the EHESS in Paris. She has taught at the University of Hacettepe, Yıldız Technical University, and most recently at the University of Bilkent. She has written a number of works and coordinated projects including the translation of the Lexis-Larousse French-Turkish dictionary. Her research currently focuses on technical translation, translation products in the digital era, the image of the body in contemporary art, translation sociology from a Bourdieusian perspective and new inter-and transdisciplinary approaches. She was appointed *Chevalière dans l'Ordre des Palmes Académiques* in 2019.

<figure><img src="image_14.png" /></figure>

This work is licensed under a Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
<figure><img src="image_11.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_12.png" /></figure>

Emine Bogenç Demirel

Yıldız Technical University
Department of Translation and Interpreting, Davutpaşa Caddesi
34220 Esenler, Istanbul
Türkiye
emine.bodem@gmail.com

**Biography:** Professor Emine Bogenç Demirel obtained her doctorate at ULB and completed a postdoc at the EHESS in Paris. She has taught at the University of Hacettepe, Yıldız Technical University, and most recently at the University of Bilkent. She has written a number of works and coordinated projects including the translation of the Lexis-Larousse French-Turkish dictionary. Her research currently focuses on technical translation, translation products in the digital era, the image of the body in contemporary art, translation sociology from a Bourdieusian perspective and new inter-and transdisciplinary approaches. She was appointed *Chevalière dans l'Ordre des Palmes Académiques* in 2019.

<figure><img src="image_13.png" /></figure>

This work is licensed under a Creative
Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
# Working for peanuts. The economic situation of Hungarian literary translators

Anikó Sohár

Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Hungary

## Abstract

Within the framework of Literary Translator Studies, this paper will examine the social status and working conditions of literary translators working into Hungarian. The invisibility of literary translators affects their remuneration, hence their production and circumstances. CEATL and the Hungarian Association of Literary Translators surveyed the working conditions of Hungarian literary translators in 2008, 2012, and 2020. I conducted an interim survey in 2018, which was followed by a smaller-scale investigation limited to Italian-speaking literary translators. A few reports about the current situation were published by literary translators and journalists whose statements were confirmed by interviews with literary translators, and by research findings. The latter reveal that the general perception of the societal role and importance of literary translators arises from limited and often biased information available to the public about the profession. The worsening economic position of translators has led to increasing amateurism, as a full-time job barely provides subsistence, which probably lessens professional pride and possibly capabilities. It also means an increasing number of career changes, leading to fewer literary translations by professionals and/or experts.

## Keywords

literary translators, perception of literary translation, working conditions, remuneration, translator invisibility
# Working for peanuts. The economic situation of Hungarian literary translators

Anikó Sohár

Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Hungary

## Abstract

Within the framework of Literary Translator Studies, this paper will examine the social status and working conditions of literary translators working into Hungarian. The invisibility of literary translators affects their remuneration, hence their production and circumstances. CEATL and the Hungarian Association of Literary Translators surveyed the working conditions of Hungarian literary translators in 2008, 2012, and 2020. I conducted an interim survey in 2018, which was followed by a smaller-scale investigation limited to Italian-speaking literary translators. A few reports about the current situation were published by literary translators and journalists whose statements were confirmed by interviews with literary translators, and by research findings. The latter reveal that the general perception of the societal role and importance of literary translators arises from limited and often biased information available to the public about the profession. The worsening economic position of translators has led to increasing amateurism, as a full-time job barely provides subsistence, which probably lessens professional pride and possibly capabilities. It also means an increasing number of career changes, leading to fewer literary translations by professionals and/or experts.

## Keywords

literary translators, perception of literary translation, working conditions, remuneration, translator invisibility
1. Growing interest in literary translation & literary translators

Within the framework of Literary Translator Studies (Chesterman, 2009; Kaindl et al., 2021), this paper will examine the social status and working conditions of Hungarian literary translators who translate into their mother tongue, demonstrating how the well-known invisibility of literary translators affects their remuneration, hence their production and circumstances (Klaudy, 2012).

The project uses mixed methods, analysing quantitative data from surveys and qualitative data from interviews and situation reports. The European Council of Literary Translators' Associations (Conseil Européen des Associations de Traducteurs Littéraires, CEATL) together with the Hungarian Association of Literary Translators (MEGY) surveyed working conditions for Hungarian literary translators in 2011, 2013 and 2020.<fnref n="1" /> I also conducted an interim survey in 2018 (Sohár, 2019, 2021, 2023), which was followed by a smaller-scale investigation limited to Italian-speaking literary translators in Hungary (Burkus, forthcoming). A few situation reports on the current state of literary translation in Hungary have also been published by literary translators and journalists (Halasi, 2003; Papolczy, 2015; R. Kiss, 2015; Bozai, 2021; Bödök, 2022), whose findings are borne out by interviews with literary translators (e.g., Baróthy, 2011; Németh, 2021; Szekeres, 2021), and the present article.

Being a Finno-Ugric language on the periphery of the European cultural polysystem, Hungarian has always relied on translation to a great extent, because the majority of the population lack foreign language skills.<fnref n="2" /> Like in many other cultures, the oldest surviving texts are all literary translations. The neologist movement in the 18th-19th centuries aiming to turn Hungarian into a modern national language fit for intellectuals and the upper classes mainly built its language reform on literary—and to some extent scholarly—translations (e.g., Czigány, 1984; Sohár, 1995; Laakso, 2014). Literary translation became particularly important during the Communist era when the relevant authorities tightly controlled the selection and production of texts; language skills and the ability to translate from/into foreign languages were considered suspicious yet were also sought after. As a result, those who were allowed to do literary translations were well paid (e.g., Géher, 1989; Sohár, 2022). However, with the political transformation in 1990, literary translators lost their relatively privileged place. Their social status and economic situation changed radically in a very short time—for the worse. This paper aims to describe the present state of affairs and its foreseeable consequences together with efforts by Hungarian literary translators to remedy their circumstances. Since there is no reliable data about the number of practising literary translators, and membership in organisations which include literary translators (MEGY: 142,<fnref n="3" /> Society of Hungarian Authors approx. 122,<fnref n="4" /> Hungarian Writers' Association Literary Translators' Division: 82,<fnref n="5" /> Hungarian PEN Club: approx. 65⁶) often overlaps, the findings based on the aforementioned online surveys may prove to be somewhat unrepresentative, but they certainly indicate trends.

The emergence of Literary Translator Studies has brought literary translators into focus, particularly their agency, their cultural influence, their working methods, and their lives (see e.g., Kaindl et al., 2021). Some studies concentrate on the contradiction between their rather poor—and declining—living and working conditions versus job satisfaction. It is generally

<footnote n="1">¹ For an analysis of the Hungarian data in the 2020 survey findings see Galambos, 2021.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Foreign_language-skills_statistics.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Email from the president of MEGY on January 17, 2023. MEGY had 170 members in 2013, and 135 in 2018.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ My calculation based on the online CVs of all members.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Email from the division president on January 18, 2023. The division had 101 members in 2018.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ My calculation based on the online CVs of all members.</footnote>
1. Growing interest in literary translation & literary translators

Within the framework of Literary Translator Studies (Chesterman, 2009; Kaindl et al., 2021), this paper will examine the social status and working conditions of Hungarian literary translators who translate into their mother tongue, demonstrating how the well-known invisibility of literary translators affects their remuneration, hence their production and circumstances (Klaudy, 2012).

The project uses mixed methods, analysing quantitative data from surveys and qualitative data from interviews and situation reports. The European Council of Literary Translators' Associations (Conseil Européen des Associations de Traducteurs Littéraires, CEATL) together with the Hungarian Association of Literary Translators (MEGY) surveyed working conditions for Hungarian literary translators in 2011, 2013 and 2020.<fnref n="1" /> I also conducted an interim survey in 2018 (Sohár, 2019, 2021, 2023), which was followed by a smaller-scale investigation limited to Italian-speaking literary translators in Hungary (Burkus, forthcoming). A few situation reports on the current state of literary translation in Hungary have also been published by literary translators and journalists (Halasi, 2003; Papolczy, 2015; R. Kiss, 2015; Bozai, 2021; Bödök, 2022), whose findings are borne out by interviews with literary translators (e.g., Baróthy, 2011; Németh, 2021; Szekeres, 2021), and the present article.

Being a Finno-Ugric language on the periphery of the European cultural polysystem, Hungarian has always relied on translation to a great extent, because the majority of the population lack foreign language skills.<fnref n="2" /> Like in many other cultures, the oldest surviving texts are all literary translations. The neologist movement in the 18th-19th centuries aiming to turn Hungarian into a modern national language fit for intellectuals and the upper classes mainly built its language reform on literary—and to some extent scholarly—translations (e.g., Czigány, 1984; Sohár, 1995; Laakso, 2014). Literary translation became particularly important during the Communist era when the relevant authorities tightly controlled the selection and production of texts; language skills and the ability to translate from/into foreign languages were considered suspicious yet were also sought after. As a result, those who were allowed to do literary translations were well paid (e.g., Géher, 1989; Sohár, 2022). However, with the political transformation in 1990, literary translators lost their relatively privileged place. Their social status and economic situation changed radically in a very short time—for the worse. This paper aims to describe the present state of affairs and its foreseeable consequences together with efforts by Hungarian literary translators to remedy their circumstances. Since there is no reliable data about the number of practising literary translators, and membership in organisations which include literary translators (MEGY: 142,<fnref n="3" /> Society of Hungarian Authors approx. 122,<fnref n="4" /> Hungarian Writers' Association Literary Translators' Division: 82,<fnref n="5" /> Hungarian PEN Club: approx. 65⁶) often overlaps, the findings based on the aforementioned online surveys may prove to be somewhat unrepresentative, but they certainly indicate trends.

The emergence of Literary Translator Studies has brought literary translators into focus, particularly their agency, their cultural influence, their working methods, and their lives (see e.g., Kaindl et al., 2021). Some studies concentrate on the contradiction between their rather poor—and declining—living and working conditions versus job satisfaction. It is generally

<footnote n="1">¹ For an analysis of the Hungarian data in the 2020 survey findings see Galambos, 2021.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Foreign_language-skills_statistics.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Email from the president of MEGY on January 17, 2023. MEGY had 170 members in 2013, and 135 in 2018.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ My calculation based on the online CVs of all members.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Email from the division president on January 18, 2023. The division had 101 members in 2018.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ My calculation based on the online CVs of all members.</footnote>
agreed (e.g., Sela-Sheffy, 2005, 2008; Liu, 2013; Dam & Korning Zethsen, 2016; Heino, 2017; Bednárová-Gibová & Madoš, 2019; Svahn, 2020; Mirsafian et al., 2021) that translator job satisfaction is outstanding: translators love their work, which may and indeed very often does counterbalance low wages and uncertain career prospects, “[t]hat is to say, professional literary translators gain a sort of satisfaction from their job which is manifested in their willingness to work for low incomes” (Mirsafian et al., 2021, p. 455). In Hungary, comparatively few researchers have taken an interest in translator status, self-image and working conditions so far, as shown by the only Hungarian-language Translation Studies journal:<fnref n="7" /> not a single publication discusses the sociological aspects of (literary) translation. I know of only two relevant doctoral research projects: Galambos (2021) focuses on the relationship between the perception of literary translation and the situation of literary translators in literary journals, while Burkus (forthcoming) compares the socio-economic circumstances of literary translators in France and Hungary in the 21st century.

The same holds true for the economic aspects of literature. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences Institute for Literary Studies at the Research Center for the Humanities has had a research group called MTA–BTK Momentum Political Economy of Hungarian Literature since 2019, which “examines the intersections of literature and economy in their joint embeddedness in two parallel social and political processes: those of *nation-building* and *capitalist transformation*. By the former we mean the urge to promote the awareness of idiosyncratic cultural forms, by the latter the tendency of turning all kinds of assets and goods into marketable items of exchange”.<fnref n="8" /> It seems saddening—and unfortunately typical—that literary translation has not been mentioned in this project to date.

However, it seems that literary translators who used to meekly accept their lot are increasingly trying to win back their dwindling prestige, influence and social standing.<fnref n="9" /> Professionalization appears to be a possible remedy to all these problems, together with proper institutions, training programmes, degrees, standardisation (cf. the PETRA-E framework) and official recognition. This turn is still happening and the outcome is unforeseeable as yet, particularly if we take into account the as yet unknown impact of machine translation and artificial intelligence on translation (see e.g., Toral & Way, 2015; Peng, 2018; Webster et al., 2020).

## 2. Literary translation in Hungary

In peripheral cultures such as Hungary, where literary translation used to have a more prominent cultural role than in central cultures, translators were traditionally perceived as important cultural actors. Their agency in shaping the culture was conspicuous to the discerning eye, yet unnoticed by the man in the street. Only those literary translators who were also involved in other creative activities such as writing or the arts tended to be known to the general public, since as a rule, the best poets translated world literature. Interestingly, up to the 1960s, the

<footnote n="7">⁷ The journal *Fordítástudomány* (Translation Studies, est. 1999) so far has published one paper dealing with the oeuvre of a particular literary translator (2011), and one interview with a practising literary translator (2003), but neither mentions any socio-economic aspect or the profession at all.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ https://polecolit.abtk.hu/en/about-us/</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ See for instance, the *#namethetranslator* movement initiated by Helen Wang (Society of Authors) on Twitter in December 2013, The Quebec Declaration on Literary Translation and Translators (2015, https://wa1.fit-ift.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Quebec-Manifesto-ENGLISH-Print.pdf), the translators on the cover EU report (2022).</footnote>
agreed (e.g., Sela-Sheffy, 2005, 2008; Liu, 2013; Dam & Korning Zethsen, 2016; Heino, 2017; Bednárová-Gibová & Madoš, 2019; Svahn, 2020; Mirsafian et al., 2021) that translator job satisfaction is outstanding: translators love their work, which may and indeed very often does counterbalance low wages and uncertain career prospects, “[t]hat is to say, professional literary translators gain a sort of satisfaction from their job which is manifested in their willingness to work for low incomes” (Mirsafian et al., 2021, p. 455). In Hungary, comparatively few researchers have taken an interest in translator status, self-image and working conditions so far, as shown by the only Hungarian-language Translation Studies journal:<fnref n="7" /> not a single publication discusses the sociological aspects of (literary) translation. I know of only two relevant doctoral research projects: Galambos (2021) focuses on the relationship between the perception of literary translation and the situation of literary translators in literary journals, while Burkus (forthcoming) compares the socio-economic circumstances of literary translators in France and Hungary in the 21st century.

The same holds true for the economic aspects of literature. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences Institute for Literary Studies at the Research Center for the Humanities has had a research group called MTA–BTK Momentum Political Economy of Hungarian Literature since 2019, which “examines the intersections of literature and economy in their joint embeddedness in two parallel social and political processes: those of *nation-building* and *capitalist transformation*. By the former we mean the urge to promote the awareness of idiosyncratic cultural forms, by the latter the tendency of turning all kinds of assets and goods into marketable items of exchange”.<fnref n="8" /> It seems saddening—and unfortunately typical—that literary translation has not been mentioned in this project to date.

However, it seems that literary translators who used to meekly accept their lot are increasingly trying to win back their dwindling prestige, influence and social standing.<fnref n="9" /> Professionalization appears to be a possible remedy to all these problems, together with proper institutions, training programmes, degrees, standardisation (cf. the PETRA-E framework) and official recognition. This turn is still happening and the outcome is unforeseeable as yet, particularly if we take into account the as yet unknown impact of machine translation and artificial intelligence on translation (see e.g., Toral & Way, 2015; Peng, 2018; Webster et al., 2020).

## 2. Literary translation in Hungary

In peripheral cultures such as Hungary, where literary translation used to have a more prominent cultural role than in central cultures, translators were traditionally perceived as important cultural actors. Their agency in shaping the culture was conspicuous to the discerning eye, yet unnoticed by the man in the street. Only those literary translators who were also involved in other creative activities such as writing or the arts tended to be known to the general public, since as a rule, the best poets translated world literature. Interestingly, up to the 1960s, the

<footnote n="7">⁷ The journal *Fordítástudomány* (Translation Studies, est. 1999) so far has published one paper dealing with the oeuvre of a particular literary translator (2011), and one interview with a practising literary translator (2003), but neither mentions any socio-economic aspect or the profession at all.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ https://polecolit.abtk.hu/en/about-us/</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ See for instance, the *#namethetranslator* movement initiated by Helen Wang (Society of Authors) on Twitter in December 2013, The Quebec Declaration on Literary Translation and Translators (2015, https://wa1.fit-ift.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Quebec-Manifesto-ENGLISH-Print.pdf), the translators on the cover EU report (2022).</footnote>
Hungarian word for literary translator, műfordító<fnref n="10" /> exclusively referred to those who translated poetry: translating plays or prose was regarded as inferior (Bart, 2002, p. 140). Actors within the literary scene disdained translators of novels and dramas on two grounds: writers of original works, including literary critics, looked down on them, as did ‘real’ literary translators who turned poetry into Hungarian. Nevertheless, before the political transformation in 1990, the state-owned publishing houses remunerated Hungarian literary translators relatively well for their work (e.g., Tandori, 2000;<fnref n="11" /> 2003; Sohár, 2019). The situation changed radically when many new actors, publishing houses, editors and translators entered the scene. Strict control over literary translations came to an end and they became profit-oriented market products. All these changes led to tighter deadlines, only nominally increasing fees and therefore decreasing real wages (purchasing power), and fewer collaborators across the translating and publishing process which resulted in published texts of lower quality—at least according to the readers who often complain about the fluency of texts and translation blunders on specialised social media—such as Goodreads.com or moly.hu—and in general.<fnref n="12" /> The coronavirus pandemic, the Russian war against Ukraine, the resultant high inflation and deep energy crisis have not bettered the working conditions of Hungarian literary translators.

### 3. The survey respondents

The following section draws on data from the 2011, 2013 and 2020 CEATL-MEGY surveys as well as my own in 2018. I do not use Burkus’s 2021 survey since it was limited to Italian-speaking literary translators. Unfortunately, the surveys did not use the same questionnaire or methodology and their foci also differ. For example, they used dissimilar age categories and reached different subdivisions of the target group depending on the survey method (2011 and 2013 were done by correspondence, 2018 and 2020 online). However, all surveys gathered data on the age pyramid, gender distribution, working hours, and translation rates. These data appear to be comparable and point in the same direction.

All the surveys had a relatively small number of respondents (2011: 26; 2013: 41; 2018: 84; 2020: 52/84; 2021: 15). Table 1 shows the proportion of respondents per age group. Translators of all ages took an interest in the surveys. It is unsurprising that the literary translators aged between 30 and 45 appear to be the most active, and as they are getting older, the proportion of the next age group increases. I cannot offer an explanation for the irregularity observed in the 2013 survey, when 27% of the respondents were over 66 years old while in other surveys their proportion remained under 20%. The 2020 survey attracted the highest rate of career-starters: although the professional organisations always state that young literary translators are scarce, for example, the president of the Hungarian Writers’ Association Literary Translators’ Division mentioned in his email on January 18, 2023 that none of their members was under 35. This

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Literally artistic translator. However, the first part, mű-, an abbreviation of művészi [artistic], also means [artificial; false; feigned; manmade; synthetic; imitation; faux], hence Tandori’s wordplay in the title of his 2000 essay: *Műfordító mint mű* which could be translated as *Literary translator as literary work*, or as *Literary translator as imitation* (see References).</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Dezső Tandori (1938–2019), a poet, writer and literary translator, wrote in his reminiscences of the Communist era: “Műfordítóként olyan rendesen kerestem, hogy mindent megengedhettem magamnak, ami csak szerény fantáziámba fért” [As literary translator, I earned so much that I could afford anything within my modest imagination].</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² For instance, on January 31, 2023, the publisher MMA Kiadó withdrew the Hungarian version of *Music as an Art* by Roger Scruton due to the faulty, publicly criticised translation, and promised to make amends. The translation criticism: https://www.prae.hu/article/13273-hangosztaly-vigyazz/. The announcement: https://www.prae.hu/news/42340-visszavonja-es-felulvizsgalja-az-mma-kiado-a-scruton-a-zenerol-cimu-konyvet/.</footnote>
Hungarian word for literary translator, műfordító<fnref n="10" /> exclusively referred to those who translated poetry: translating plays or prose was regarded as inferior (Bart, 2002, p. 140). Actors within the literary scene disdained translators of novels and dramas on two grounds: writers of original works, including literary critics, looked down on them, as did ‘real’ literary translators who turned poetry into Hungarian. Nevertheless, before the political transformation in 1990, the state-owned publishing houses remunerated Hungarian literary translators relatively well for their work (e.g., Tandori, 2000;<fnref n="11" /> 2003; Sohár, 2019). The situation changed radically when many new actors, publishing houses, editors and translators entered the scene. Strict control over literary translations came to an end and they became profit-oriented market products. All these changes led to tighter deadlines, only nominally increasing fees and therefore decreasing real wages (purchasing power), and fewer collaborators across the translating and publishing process which resulted in published texts of lower quality—at least according to the readers who often complain about the fluency of texts and translation blunders on specialised social media—such as Goodreads.com or moly.hu—and in general.<fnref n="12" /> The coronavirus pandemic, the Russian war against Ukraine, the resultant high inflation and deep energy crisis have not bettered the working conditions of Hungarian literary translators.

### 3. The survey respondents

The following section draws on data from the 2011, 2013 and 2020 CEATL-MEGY surveys as well as my own in 2018. I do not use Burkus’s 2021 survey since it was limited to Italian-speaking literary translators. Unfortunately, the surveys did not use the same questionnaire or methodology and their foci also differ. For example, they used dissimilar age categories and reached different subdivisions of the target group depending on the survey method (2011 and 2013 were done by correspondence, 2018 and 2020 online). However, all surveys gathered data on the age pyramid, gender distribution, working hours, and translation rates. These data appear to be comparable and point in the same direction.

All the surveys had a relatively small number of respondents (2011: 26; 2013: 41; 2018: 84; 2020: 52/84; 2021: 15). Table 1 shows the proportion of respondents per age group. Translators of all ages took an interest in the surveys. It is unsurprising that the literary translators aged between 30 and 45 appear to be the most active, and as they are getting older, the proportion of the next age group increases. I cannot offer an explanation for the irregularity observed in the 2013 survey, when 27% of the respondents were over 66 years old while in other surveys their proportion remained under 20%. The 2020 survey attracted the highest rate of career-starters: although the professional organisations always state that young literary translators are scarce, for example, the president of the Hungarian Writers’ Association Literary Translators’ Division mentioned in his email on January 18, 2023 that none of their members was under 35. This

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Literally artistic translator. However, the first part, mű-, an abbreviation of művészi [artistic], also means [artificial; false; feigned; manmade; synthetic; imitation; faux], hence Tandori’s wordplay in the title of his 2000 essay: *Műfordító mint mű* which could be translated as *Literary translator as literary work*, or as *Literary translator as imitation* (see References).</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Dezső Tandori (1938–2019), a poet, writer and literary translator, wrote in his reminiscences of the Communist era: “Műfordítóként olyan rendesen kerestem, hogy mindent megengedhettem magamnak, ami csak szerény fantáziámba fért” [As literary translator, I earned so much that I could afford anything within my modest imagination].</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² For instance, on January 31, 2023, the publisher MMA Kiadó withdrew the Hungarian version of *Music as an Art* by Roger Scruton due to the faulty, publicly criticised translation, and promised to make amends. The translation criticism: https://www.prae.hu/article/13273-hangosztaly-vigyazz/. The announcement: https://www.prae.hu/news/42340-visszavonja-es-felulvizsgalja-az-mma-kiado-a-scruton-a-zenerol-cimu-konyvet/.</footnote>
could be explained by the conditions of membership in such associations: they usually require
two or three already published books from those who wish to join them.

<table><caption>**Table 1.** Age of respondents
Note: the highest proportions against a black background, the lowest in bold</caption><thead><tr><th rowspan="2">Survey</th><th colspan="5">Age groups and their proportion</th></tr><tr><th>25-35</th><th>35-45</th><th>45-55</th><th>55-65</th><th>&gt; 65</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2011</td><td>11%</td><td><strong>50%</strong></td><td><strong>4%</strong></td><td>15%</td><td>19%</td></tr><tr><td>2013</td><td>&lt; 35</td><td>36-45</td><td>46-55</td><td>56-65</td><td>&gt; 66</td></tr><tr><td>2013</td><td>12%</td><td><strong>34%</strong></td><td>17%</td><td><strong>10%</strong></td><td>27%</td></tr><tr><td>2018</td><td>&lt; 30</td><td>30-39</td><td>40-49</td><td>50-59</td><td>&gt; 60</td></tr><tr><td>2018</td><td><strong>10%</strong></td><td><strong>30%</strong></td><td><strong>30%</strong></td><td>15%</td><td>15%</td></tr><tr><td>2020</td><td>&lt; 35</td><td>36-45</td><td>46-55</td><td>56-65</td><td>&gt; 65</td></tr><tr><td>2020</td><td>17%</td><td><strong>31%</strong></td><td>18%</td><td><strong>15%</strong></td><td>19%</td></tr></tbody></table>

Figure 1 attests that literary translation is a feminised occupation, though the proportion of those who identify as male or non-binary has grown by 9 per cent in a decade. Usually feminised occupations have relatively high social prestige, but low wages (cf. teachers, nurses); they are of vital importance, yet financially unappealing. If more men opt for literary translation, does it mean that we can expect better remuneration in the future? It is also possible that the proportion has not changed at all, men just have become more active in their professional capacities, or they may be more willing to participate in online surveys than offline ones. This tendency needs further investigation in order to establish its causes.

<figure><img src="image_15.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1.** Number and gender of respondents</figcaption></figure>

Table 2 shows how much time respondents spend on literary translation-related activities. It has been simplified into three categories, although these categories vary in each survey: for instance, the Authors' Guild's definition of full-time translators are those who spend more than 50% of their work time on literary translation, while the CEATL survey expects at least 80% of working hours from a full-time practitioner. Nevertheless, the tendency is clear: the number of hobby translators has been increasing, the number of full-time translators seems dwindling, while the number of half-time translators has stagnated since 2011. This tendency goes against
could be explained by the conditions of membership in such associations: they usually require
two or three already published books from those who wish to join them.

<table><caption>**Table 1.** Age of respondents
Note: the highest proportions against a black background, the lowest in bold</caption><thead><tr><th rowspan="2">Survey</th><th colspan="5">Age groups and their proportion</th></tr><tr><th>25-35</th><th>35-45</th><th>45-55</th><th>55-65</th><th>&gt; 65</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2011</td><td>11%</td><td><strong>50%</strong></td><td><strong>4%</strong></td><td>15%</td><td>19%</td></tr><tr><td>2013</td><td>&lt; 35</td><td>36-45</td><td>46-55</td><td>56-65</td><td>&gt; 66</td></tr><tr><td>2013</td><td>12%</td><td><strong>34%</strong></td><td>17%</td><td><strong>10%</strong></td><td>27%</td></tr><tr><td>2018</td><td>&lt; 30</td><td>30-39</td><td>40-49</td><td>50-59</td><td>&gt; 60</td></tr><tr><td>2018</td><td><strong>10%</strong></td><td><strong>30%</strong></td><td><strong>30%</strong></td><td>15%</td><td>15%</td></tr><tr><td>2020</td><td>&lt; 35</td><td>36-45</td><td>46-55</td><td>56-65</td><td>&gt; 65</td></tr><tr><td>2020</td><td>17%</td><td><strong>31%</strong></td><td>18%</td><td><strong>15%</strong></td><td>19%</td></tr></tbody></table>

Figure 1 attests that literary translation is a feminised occupation, though the proportion of those who identify as male or non-binary has grown by 9 per cent in a decade. Usually feminised occupations have relatively high social prestige, but low wages (cf. teachers, nurses); they are of vital importance, yet financially unappealing. If more men opt for literary translation, does it mean that we can expect better remuneration in the future? It is also possible that the proportion has not changed at all, men just have become more active in their professional capacities, or they may be more willing to participate in online surveys than offline ones. This tendency needs further investigation in order to establish its causes.

<figure><img src="image_14.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1.** Number and gender of respondents</figcaption></figure>

Table 2 shows how much time respondents spend on literary translation-related activities. It has been simplified into three categories, although these categories vary in each survey: for instance, the Authors' Guild's definition of full-time translators are those who spend more than 50% of their work time on literary translation, while the CEATL survey expects at least 80% of working hours from a full-time practitioner. Nevertheless, the tendency is clear: the number of hobby translators has been increasing, the number of full-time translators seems dwindling, while the number of half-time translators has stagnated since 2011. This tendency goes against
the professionalization hypothesis: if translators need other sources of income to make ends meet and do not translate every day, it takes longer to gain knowledge about the translation process, strategies, transfer operations, to learn the necessary routines and expertise, to build a peer network, professional image, and so on. Hobby translators are probably less inclined to invest in continuing professional development. They may not know the legal niceties, join professional organisations (if they are eligible), and are generally more defenceless than full-time translators, though even the latter are not well protected (see e.g., the case of Amanda Gorman's Catalan translator).

<table><caption>**Table 2.** Professional status of respondents</caption><thead><tr><td>Year</td><td>Full-time</td><td>Half-time</td><td>Hobby</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2011</td><td>&lt; 75%</td><td>33-50%</td><td>&lt; 33%</td></tr><tr><td>2011</td><td><strong>35%</strong></td><td><strong>40%</strong></td><td><strong>25%</strong></td></tr><tr><td>2013</td><td>&lt; 75%</td><td>33-66%</td><td>&lt; 33%</td></tr><tr><td>2013</td><td><strong>29.5%</strong></td><td><strong>43.5%</strong></td><td><strong>27%</strong></td></tr><tr><td>2018</td><td>&lt; 75%</td><td>25-74%</td><td>&lt; 25%</td></tr><tr><td>2018</td><td><strong>26%</strong></td><td><strong>40%</strong></td><td><strong>34%</strong></td></tr><tr><td>2020</td><td>&lt; 80%</td><td>25-79%</td><td>&lt; 25%</td></tr><tr><td>2020</td><td><strong>27%</strong></td><td><strong>42%</strong></td><td><strong>31%</strong></td></tr></tbody></table>

Assuredly, the growing proportion of hobby translators is due to the fact that literary translators barely earn a living, as the next figure will demonstrate.

## Gross rates for translating 1,800 n / 40,000 n

The surveys tried to establish the income earned by literary translation, how much publishers pay on average, how much translators would like to take home a month, and what payment they find excellent, acceptable, or poor.<fnref n="13" /> The questionnaires again used different classifications, so I converted the available data into the unit of measurement used in the 2020 CEATL survey with fees based on a page of 1,800 n, that is, keystroke. In Hungary, the customary basis for calculating the length of a literary translation is the *szerző ív* [author's sheet], and the Hungarian surveys used this measurement to assess the translators' annual workload and income generated.

It also has to be taken into consideration that in Hungary, literary translators, together with other creative workers producing copyrightable material, are regarded just like any other self-employed business(wo)men, sole traders, or individual contractors, irrespective of their unique economic status. This means that no minimal fee is agreed upon and price fixing is forbidden.

The 2018 survey did not ask how much translators earn; rather it tried to establish the amounts which were considered extremely bad, bad, good, or extremely good rates per decade after 1990, and what translators think of their fees (Sohár, 2019). The answers reveal that 92 % think their remuneration was bad/extremely bad after 1990, which is interesting in comparison with the fees shown in Figure 2, indicating what rates seem good or extremely good to some—or most—literary translators in Hungary. When literary translator Lídia Nádori, now president of

<footnote n="13">¹³ The next step in this research project will be working out the “[f]orgone income, or ‘opportunity cost,’ [...] the difference between the low income earned by an artist (in this article, a literary translator) and what could be earned from the best-paid alternative occupation (matched in terms of skills and abilities)” (Mirsafian et al., 2021, 436).</footnote>
the professionalization hypothesis: if translators need other sources of income to make ends meet and do not translate every day, it takes longer to gain knowledge about the translation process, strategies, transfer operations, to learn the necessary routines and expertise, to build a peer network, professional image, and so on. Hobby translators are probably less inclined to invest in continuing professional development. They may not know the legal niceties, join professional organisations (if they are eligible), and are generally more defenceless than full-time translators, though even the latter are not well protected (see e.g., the case of Amanda Gorman's Catalan translator).

<table><caption>**Table 2.** Professional status of respondents</caption><thead><tr><td>Year</td><td>Full-time</td><td>Half-time</td><td>Hobby</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2011</td><td>&lt; 75%</td><td>33-50%</td><td>&lt; 33%</td></tr><tr><td>2011</td><td><strong>35%</strong></td><td><strong>40%</strong></td><td><strong>25%</strong></td></tr><tr><td>2013</td><td>&lt; 75%</td><td>33-66%</td><td>&lt; 33%</td></tr><tr><td>2013</td><td><strong>29.5%</strong></td><td><strong>43.5%</strong></td><td><strong>27%</strong></td></tr><tr><td>2018</td><td>&lt; 75%</td><td>25-74%</td><td>&lt; 25%</td></tr><tr><td>2018</td><td><strong>26%</strong></td><td><strong>40%</strong></td><td><strong>34%</strong></td></tr><tr><td>2020</td><td>&lt; 80%</td><td>25-79%</td><td>&lt; 25%</td></tr><tr><td>2020</td><td><strong>27%</strong></td><td><strong>42%</strong></td><td><strong>31%</strong></td></tr></tbody></table>

Assuredly, the growing proportion of hobby translators is due to the fact that literary translators barely earn a living, as the next figure will demonstrate.

## Gross rates for translating 1,800 n / 40,000 n

The surveys tried to establish the income earned by literary translation, how much publishers pay on average, how much translators would like to take home a month, and what payment they find excellent, acceptable, or poor.<fnref n="13" /> The questionnaires again used different classifications, so I converted the available data into the unit of measurement used in the 2020 CEATL survey with fees based on a page of 1,800 n, that is, keystroke. In Hungary, the customary basis for calculating the length of a literary translation is the *szerző ív* [author's sheet], and the Hungarian surveys used this measurement to assess the translators' annual workload and income generated.

It also has to be taken into consideration that in Hungary, literary translators, together with other creative workers producing copyrightable material, are regarded just like any other self-employed business(wo)men, sole traders, or individual contractors, irrespective of their unique economic status. This means that no minimal fee is agreed upon and price fixing is forbidden.

The 2018 survey did not ask how much translators earn; rather it tried to establish the amounts which were considered extremely bad, bad, good, or extremely good rates per decade after 1990, and what translators think of their fees (Sohár, 2019). The answers reveal that 92 % think their remuneration was bad/extremely bad after 1990, which is interesting in comparison with the fees shown in Figure 2, indicating what rates seem good or extremely good to some—or most—literary translators in Hungary. When literary translator Lídia Nádori, now president of

<footnote n="13">¹³ The next step in this research project will be working out the “[f]orgone income, or ‘opportunity cost,’ [...] the difference between the low income earned by an artist (in this article, a literary translator) and what could be earned from the best-paid alternative occupation (matched in terms of skills and abilities)” (Mirsafian et al., 2021, 436).</footnote>