August 8 1990 Address Iraqs Invasion Kuwait

### About this speech George H. W. Bush August 08, 1990 Source George Bush Presidential Library [Presidential Speeches](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches) | George H. W. Bush Presidency ## August 8, 1990: Address on Iraq's Invasion of Kuwait [Play Video](https://d4q9blt8qjhv3.cloudfront.net/video/mp4/1Mb/spe_1990_0808_bush.mp4)   Fast-forward 10 seconds 0:00 [ Download audio ](https://d4q9blt8qjhv3.cloudfront.net/audio/spe_1990_0808_bush.mp3 "\(opens in a new window\)") Embed Your browser does not support the video tag. [Miller Center: August 8, 1990: Address on Iraq's Invasion of Kuwait](https://uvamiller.prod.acquia-sites.com/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/august-8-1990-address-iraqs-invasion-kuwait) Download media * [Download Full Video](https://d4q9blt8qjhv3.cloudfront.net/video/mp4/512K/spe_1990_0808_bush.mp4?download=1) * [Download Audio](https://d4q9blt8qjhv3.cloudfront.net/audio/spe_1990_0808_bush.mp3?download=1) View Transcript ### Transcript In the life of a nation, we're called upon to define who we are and what we believe. Sometimes these choices are not easy. But today as President, I ask for your support in a decision I've made to stand up for what's right and condemn what's wrong, all in the cause of peace. At my direction, elements of the 82d Airborne Division as well as key units of the United States Air Force are arriving today to take up defensive positions in Saudi Arabia. I took this action to assist the Saudi Arabian 
Government in the defense of its homeland. No one commits America's Armed Forces to a dangerous mission lightly, but after perhaps unparalleled international consultation and exhausting every alternative, it became necessary to take this action. Let me tell you why. Less than a week ago, in the early morning hours of August 2d, Iraqi Armed Forces, without provocation or warning, invaded a peaceful Kuwait. Facing negligible resistance from its much smaller neighbor, Iraq's tanks stormed in blitzkrieg fashion through Kuwait in a few short hours. With more than 100,000 troops, along with tanks, artillery, and surface-to-surface missiles, Iraq now occupies Kuwait. This aggression came just hours after Saddam Hussein specifically assured numerous countries in the area that there would be no invasion. There is no justification whatsoever for this outrageous and brutal act of aggression. A puppet regime imposed from the outside is unacceptable. The acquisition of territory by force is unacceptable. No one, friend or foe, should doubt our desire for peace; and no one should underestimate our determination to confront aggression. Four simple principles guide our policy. First, we seek the immediate, unconditional, and complete withdrawal of all Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Second, Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored to replace the puppet regime. And third, my administration, as has been the case with every President from President Roosevelt to President Reagan, is committed t
o the security and stability of the Persian Gulf. And fourth, I am determined to protect the lives of American citizens abroad. Immediately after the Iraqi invasion, I ordered an embargo of all trade with Iraq and, together with many other nations, announced sanctions that both freeze all Iraqi assets in this country and protected Kuwait's assets. The stakes are high. Iraq is already a rich and powerful country that possesses the world's second largest reserves of oil and over a million men under arms. It's the fourth largest military in the world. Our country now imports nearly half the oil it consumes and could face a major threat to its economic independence. Much of the world is even more dependent upon imported oil and is even more vulnerable to Iraqi threats. We succeeded in the struggle for freedom in Europe because we and our allies remain stalwart. Keeping the peace in the Middle East will require no less. We're beginning a new era. This new era can be full of promise, an age of freedom, a time of peace for all peoples. But if history teaches us anything, it is that we must resist aggression or it will destroy our freedoms. Appeasement does not work. As was the case in the 1930's, we see in Saddam Hussein an aggressive dictator threatening his neighbors. Only 14 days ago, Saddam Hussein promised his friends he would not invade Kuwait. And 4 days ago, he promised the world he would withdraw. And twice we have seen what his promises mean: His promises mean nothing. In 
the last few days, I've spoken with political leaders from the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and the Americas; and I've met with Prime Minister Thatcher, Prime Minister Mulroney, and NATO Secretary General Woerner. And all agree that Iraq cannot be allowed to benefit from its invasion of Kuwait. We agree that this is not an American problem or a European problem or a Middle East problem: It is the world's problem. And that's why, soon after the Iraqi invasion, the United Nations Security Council, without dissent, condemned Iraq, calling for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of its troops from Kuwait. The Arab world, through both the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council, courageously announced its opposition to Iraqi aggression. Japan, the United Kingdom, and France, and other governments around the world have imposed severe sanctions. The Soviet Union and China ended all arms sales to Iraq. And this past Monday, the United Nations Security Council approved for the first time in 23 years mandatory sanctions under chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. These sanctions, now enshrined in international law, have the potential to deny Iraq the fruits of aggression while sharply limiting its ability to either import or export anything of value, especially oil. I pledge here today that the United States will do its part to see that these sanctions are effective and to induce Iraq to withdraw without delay from Kuwait. But we must recognize that Iraq may not stop usi
ng force to advance its ambitions. Iraq has massed an enormous war machine on the Saudi border capable of initiating hostilities with little or no additional preparation. Given the Iraqi government's history of aggression against its own citizens as well as its neighbors, to assume Iraq will not attack again would be unwise and unrealistic. And therefore, after consulting with King Fahd, I sent Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney to discuss cooperative measures we could take. Following those meetings, the Saudi Government requested our help, and I responded to that request by ordering U.S. air and ground forces to deploy to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Let me be clear: The sovereign independence of Saudi Arabia is of vital interest to the United States. This decision, which I shared with the congressional leadership, grows out of the longstanding friendship and security relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia. U.S. forces will work together with those of Saudi Arabia and other nations to preserve the integrity of Saudi Arabia and to deter further Iraqi aggression. Through their presence, as well as through training and exercises, these multinational forces will enhance the overall capability of Saudi Armed Forces to defend the Kingdom. I want to be clear about what we are doing and why. America does not seek conflict, nor do we seek to chart the destiny of other nations. But America will stand by her friends. The mission of our troops is wholly defensive. Hopeful
ly, they will not be needed long. They will not initiate hostilities, but they will defend themselves, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and other friends in the Persian Gulf. We are working around the clock to deter Iraqi aggression and to enforce U.N. sanctions. I'm continuing my conversations with world leaders. Secretary of Defense Cheney has just returned from valuable consultations with President Mubarak of Egypt and King Hassan of Morocco. Secretary of State Baker has consulted with his counterparts in many nations, including the Soviet Union, and today he heads for Europe to consult with President Ozal of Turkey, a staunch friend of the United States. And he'll then consult with the NATO Foreign Ministers. I will ask oil-producing nations to do what they can to increase production in order to minimize any impact that oil flow reductions will have on the world economy. And I will explore whether we and our allies should draw down our strategic petroleum reserves. Conservation measures can also help; Americans everywhere must do their part. And one more thing: I'm asking the oil companies to do their fair share. They should show restraint and not abuse today's uncertainties to raise prices. Standing up for our principles will not come easy. It may take time and possibly cost a great deal. But we are asking no more of anyone than of the brave young men and women of our Armed Forces and their families. And I ask that in the churches around the country prayers be said for those
 who are committed to protect and defend America's interests. Standing up for our principle is an American tradition. As it has so many times before, it may take time and tremendous effort, but most of all, it will take unity of purpose. As I've witnessed throughout my life in both war and peace, America has never wavered when her purpose is driven by principle. And in this August day, at home and abroad, I know she will do no less. Thank you, and God bless the United States of America. View Transcript Previous [July 26, 1990: Remarks on the Signing of the Americans with Disabilities Act](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/july-26-1990-remarks-signing-americans-disabilities-act) Next [September 11, 1990: Address Before a Joint Session of Congress](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/september-11-1990-address-joint-session-congress) ### More George H. W. Bush speeches [View all George H. W. Bush speeches](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches?field_president_target_id\[40\]=40) [September 11, 1990: Address Before a Joint Session of Congress](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/september-11-1990-address-joint-session-congress) video icon audio icon transcript icon [October 1, 1990: Address to the United Nations](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/october-1-1990-address-united-nations) audio icon transcript icon [October 2, 1990: Address to the Nation on the Budget](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/october-2-1990-address-nation-budget) audio icon transcript icon [
January 16, 1991: Address to the Nation on the Invasion of Iraq](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/january-16-1991-address-nation-invasion-iraq) audio icon transcript icon [January 29, 1991: State of the Union Address](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/january-29-1991-state-union-address) video icon audio icon transcript icon [February 27, 1991: Address on the End of the Gulf War](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/february-27-1991-address-end-gulf-war) video icon audio icon transcript icon [March 6, 1991: Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the End of the Gulf War](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/march-6-1991-address-joint-session-congress-end-gulf-war) video icon audio icon transcript icon [July 31, 1991: Press Conference with Mikhail Gorbachev](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/july-31-1991-press-conference-mikhail-gorbachev) video icon audio icon transcript icon [January 28, 1992: State of the Union Address](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/january-28-1992-state-union-address) video icon audio icon transcript icon [August 20, 1992: Republican National Convention](/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/august-20-1992-republican-national-convention) video icon audio icon transcript icon