# The Bamberg Introduction to the History of Islam (BIHI) 02

1 <<< — >>> 3

# 2. The Beginnings of the New Religion: Muḥammad in Mecca

This session explores Muḥammad's religious development within the Ḥanīfic milieu, his followers, and his confrontations with opponents in Mecca up to 622. His early religious message is then reconstructed on the basis of Qur'anic statements. Finally, the new forms of worship that defined the emerging religious community are discussed.

## 2.1. Muḥammad, His Early Followers, and Opponents According to Arabic Sources
### 2.1.1. The Nature of the Sources

Muḥammad's life is illuminated by a large number of Arabic sources. The most prominent and earliest extant biographical work dedicated solely to his person is known as the Sīrah of Ibn Hishām (d. 834). In addition to this, there are several other biographical and historiographical works, such as the universal chronicle by Abū Jaʿfar Ibn Jarīr al-Ṭabarī (d. 923). These works primarily consist of individual reports (akhbār, sing. khabar), each focusing on specific individuals, groups, or events. A formal feature of these reports is that each contains two parts: the main text concerning the event and the preceding chain of transmission (isnād). These chains of transmission reveal that the authors of these works drew their information from a wealth of earlier sources, which have not been preserved independently. The Sīrah of Ibn Hishām and al-Ṭabarī’s reports on the life of the Prophet, for example, are based on a no longer extant work by the scholar Ibn Isḥāq (d. 767), who served at the court of the Abbasid caliph al-Manṣūr. He and other authors who did not rely on Ibn Isḥāq obtained much of their information from Ibn Shihāb al-Zuhrī (d. 742), a scholar at the Umayyad court. Al-Zuhrī, in turn, drew on earlier authorities. The written tradition was therefore preceded by a longer tradition that was largely oral.
In addition to the individual accounts, the previously mentioned works include genealogies, poems, documents, and several lists of names of individuals who participated in specific events. This material is often presented without the inclusion of an isnād, but this does not necessarily make it less authentic. However, some of the reports found in the Arabic sources have a legendary character. They primarily served to demonstrate Muḥammad's elevated religious rank. Setting aside such accounts containing miraculous elements, it is possible to reconstruct Muḥammad's life and the events surrounding him with reasonable accuracy based on the aforementioned sources.

### 2.1.2. Muḥammad and His Religious Development

Al-Ṭabarī quotes the historian and genealogist Ibn al-Kalbī (d. 819), who states that Muḥammad was born in the 42nd year following the accession of the Sasanian ruler Khosrow I Anushirvan, thus dating his birth to 573 CE. Muḥammad's father, ʿAbdallāh, from the Banū Hāshim clan, died shortly before his son's birth while on a business trip. Muḥammad lived for a time with his mother, Āmina, and her family, who belonged to the Banū Zuhrah clan. At the age of six, Muḥammad lost his mother as well, leading him to come under the care of his paternal grandfather ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib, who at that time was the ḥakam of the Banū Hāshim and held the office of siqāyah, responsible for providing water to pilgrims. He is also credited with the restoration of the Zamzam well at the Kaaba, from which the pilgrims were supplied with water. Following the death of ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib two years later, Muḥammad was taken into the household of his paternal uncle Abū Ṭālib, who inherited the leadership of the clan from his father and worked as a merchant.
When Muḥammad was about 25 years old, a wealthy widow named Khadījah asked him to act as her representative on a trip to Syria. Khadījah was pleased by the manner in which Muḥammad executed her commission and proposed marriage to him. This marriage marked a significant turning point in Muḥammad's life. According to Arab custom, as a minor, Muḥammad had not inherited anything from his mother or grandfather. However, his marriage to Khadījah, which likely followed an uxorilocal arrangement, provided him with the necessary capital to establish himself as a merchant. This “ascent” is referenced in the following Qur'anic verses according to Islamic tradition:
Through his marriage to Khadījah, Muḥammad was wealthy enough to relieve his uncle Abū Ṭālib, who had fallen into debt, by taking his still young son ʿAlī into his household.
At a certain point, Muḥammad seems to have come into contact with the Ḥanīfs. Several traditions report that it was the Ḥanīf Zayd ibn ʿAmr who influenced him to refrain from consuming meat from animals sacrificed to idols. At some point, he also seems to have begun engaging in particular religious practices. The following words are transmitted from ʿĀ'isha bint Abī Bakr, Muḥammad's later wife:
The tahannuth was a form of pious exercise practiced primarily by the Ḥanīfs during Muḥammad's time. It was dedicated to the veneration of the sacred precinct of Mecca and was performed during the summer. In addition to weeks of seclusion on Jabal al-Nūr (Mountain of Light), it involved giving alms. It is also known that Muḥammad observed a several-day fast during the summer month of Shaʿbān at that time.
According to Arabic tradition, during one of his devotional retreats in Cave of Ḥirā' on Jabal al-Nūr, Muḥammad had a religious experience that deeply unsettled him. The precise nature of this experience is challenging to reconstruct. In Surah 53:3-18 of the Qur'an, we find a striking account of a vision that may possibly describe this initial experience. According to this, Muḥammad saw a figure that “grew clear to view when he was on the uppermost horizon,” then approached and descended “till he was (distant) two bows' length or even nearer.” This figure, characterized by “mighty powers and vigor,” communicated with him through revelation (waḥy) and taught him something. The figure that Muḥammad saw is not specified in the Qur'anic account.
Muḥammad himself appears to have been uncertain about the identity of the figure he had seen during his experience. According to Arabic sources, he, or rather his wife Khadījah, consulted a man named Waraqah ibn Nawfal regarding the experience. Waraqah is also associated with the Ḥanīfs but is said to have converted to Christianity and to have been knowledgeable about the “holy scriptures.” He reportedly interpreted Muḥammad's experience to mean that the “great law” (an-nāmūs al-akbar), which had previously been revealed to Moses, was now revealed to him. If this account reflects a real incident, it provides further evidence of the significant influence of the Ḥanīfs in the milieu in which Islam emerged. Waraqah's words likely reinforced Muḥammad's belief that he had received a religious message during his experience in the Cave of Ḥirā'.

### 2.1.3. The New Community

According to Arab sources, Khadījah helped her husband come to terms with his alarming experiences within a religious context and continued to support him whenever he encountered rejection from his surroundings. It is widely accepted that she was the first person to believe in his religious message. However, there is disagreement concerning who the first man to believe in Muḥammad's proclamation was. Some sources suggest it was his young cousin ʿAlī, who was about nine years old at the time, while others propose it was Zayd ibn Ḥārithah, a freed slave living with Muḥammad. Due to his young age, ʿAlī’s effectiveness was certainly limited. Another individual mentioned in this context is the cloth merchant Abū Bakr ibn Abī Quḥāfa. He had connections to the Ḥanīf Umayya ibn Abī Al-Ṣalt, who had been anticipating the arrival of a prophet. Abū Bakr appears to have played a pivotal role in spreading Muḥammad’s message. In his biography of the Prophet, Ibn Hishām names five individuals who joined Muḥammad due to his persuasion. Abū Bakr evidently held considerable influence in Meccan society at the time.
Muḥammad himself seems to have been initially reserved in disseminating his message. Arabic reports state that for roughly three years after his prophetic calling, he shared the revelations he received only with his family and a few chosen friends. It was only later, around 613 CE, that he began to preach publicly. When the Prophet had gathered nearly 40 followers, he reportedly made the house of a certain al-Arqam the center of his preaching activities. Al-Arqam was a young man belonging to the influential Makhzūm clan. His father had likely already passed away, and he himself appears to have been quite wealthy. His house was evidently large enough to accommodate Muḥammad's followers and was located near the center of Mecca. For a time, it became the center of the new religious movement. Although Muḥammad did not reside in this house, he gathered there with his followers for worship.
In his biography of the Prophet, Ibn Hishām provides a list titled al-Sābiqūn al-Awwalūn (“the earliest forerunners”), naming 53 individuals who were among Muḥammad’s earliest followers. The fact that some of these individuals later played no significant role suggests that the list contains authentic early records. Thus, conclusions can be drawn about the types of people who were among the first to support the new religious movement. A notable aspect of the composition of Muḥammad’s earliest followers is that young people clearly dominated. Almost all were under the age of 30 when they joined Muḥammad, with only a few being older than 35. Among the early followers were also several young women and girls, such as Asmāʾ and ʿĀʾisha, the daughters of Abū Bakr.
Another notable feature is the wide distribution of followers across the various clans of the Quraysh. Among them were members of the two powerful clans of ʿAbd Shams and Makhzūm, rivals for the leadership of the city of Mecca, as well as members of the less influential clans of Zuhrah, Taym, and ʿAdī. However, it was typically only individual members of these clans who joined Muḥammad. Additionally, a number of men were only indirectly connected to these clans. They were slaves or freedmen of clan members and were thus in a disadvantaged position. Finally, there were also men from other parts of Arabia who joined Muḥammad. One example is Abū Dharr from the Ghifār clan, which was settled far to the north of Mecca. Even before his contact with Muḥammad, he is said to have worshipped Allāh as the monotheistic God and rejected idol worship. After coming to Mecca and joining Muḥammad, he returned to the Ghifār clan, reportedly converting half of them to Muḥammad's teachings.
A considerable number of Muḥammad’s followers, like Muḥammad himself, were active as merchants. Examples include Abū Bakr, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ibn ʿAwf, and ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān, the latter of whom was a cloth merchant and would later play a crucial political role after the Prophet’s death. Thus, early Islam was predominantly a religion of merchants. Numerous reports attest to the great willingness among Muḥammad's wealthier followers to dedicate their personal wealth to the community and to support its poorer members: Khālid ibn Saʿīd of the ʿAbd Shams clan gifted Muḥammad several slaves he had inherited from his father after joining him; Abū Bakr is said to have given Abū Dharr two garments to improve his material condition when he came to Mecca and joined the community. This solidarity among Muḥammad’s early followers may have been one of the reasons for the strong appeal of his new religion. Moreover, the relationships among Muḥammad’s followers were further strengthened through marital ties. For instance, the Prophet married his own daughter Ruqayya to ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān.
Some of Muḥammad's early followers brought their own religious convictions, thereby exerting influence on the development of Islam. Particular mention should be made of ʿUthmān ibn Maẓʿūn of the Jumah clan, who is reported to have had ascetic tendencies even before Muḥammad’s emergence and to have abstained from intoxicating beverages (khamr). This stance greatly set him apart from the other companions of the Prophet, who, at that time, continued to have drinking feasts and would thus frequently arrive at prayer intoxicated (cf. Q 4:43). Several years later, however, a general prohibition on intoxicating beverages was imposed on the Prophet's followers (cf. Q 5:90). In other respects, however, ʿUthmān ibn Maẓʿūn’s ascetic ideas were evidently rejected. It is reported that in response to Muḥammad’s sermons on the Day of Judgment, he refrained from eating meat and abstained from sexual activity, and even considered self-castration. When other companions of the Prophet sought to follow his example, the Prophet forbade such forms of asceticism. The Qur’anic verse, “O ye who believe! Forbid not the good things which Allah hath made lawful for you” (Q 5:87), was revealed in this context, according to Islamic tradition. Some of Muḥammad's earliest followers also had ties to the Ḥanīfic milieu. For example, his follower Saʿīd ibn Zayd was the son of the Ḥanīf Zayd ibn ʿAmr.

### 2.1.4. Muḥammad’s Opponents in Mecca

Muḥammad's public preaching in Mecca, including at the markets held in the lead-up to the Ḥajj, attracted considerable attention, with many men and women embracing his message. However, over time, opposition to his movement gradually emerged from within the Quraysh. A key factor was that Muḥammad, in the name of Allāh, criticized the deities worshipped by the Quraysh alongside Allāh and spoke of the eternal damnation of their forefathers, having died in a state of disbelief. This is said to have provoked a faction within the Quraysh to actively oppose him, leading to Muḥammad losing a substantial number of his early followers. Historical sources recount that a delegation of the Quraysh approached Muḥammad’s uncle, Abū Ṭālib, to voice their grievances concerning Muḥammad’s actions. Among them was al-Walīd ibn al-Mughīra, the Ḥakam of the Makhzūm clan. Another figure was Al-Naḍr ibn al-Ḥārith, a wealthy merchant from the ʿAbd al-Dār clan, who maintained trade relations with Persia and was well-acquainted with Persian epic traditions. Al-Nadr openly ridiculed the accounts Muḥammad recited, dismissing them as nothing more than “legends of the ancients” (asāṭīr al-awwalīn), and through his more entertaining narratives, he drew away some of Muḥammad’s listeners—a dynamic likely reflected in the Qur'an (Q 68:15; 83:13).
Initially, opposition to the new religious proclamation remained verbal. However, the tone of the polemics against Muḥammad grew increasingly hostile over time. Abū Jahl from the Makhzūm clan was particularly prominent in this regard. Upon learning that someone had joined Muḥammad, he would confront them aggressively. If the person was a merchant, he would add: “By God, we will make sure that your goods do not sell, and we will destroy your property.” Other companions of Muḥammad, such as Khabbāb ibn al-Aratt, who lacked tribal protection in Mecca, were subjected to torture in an attempt to force them to renounce their faith. Other companions of Muḥammad, such as Khabbāb ibn al-Aratt, who lacked protection in Mecca, were subjected to torture in an effort to coerce them into renouncing their faith. Amid increasing oppression by their Meccan opponents, around 615, approximately 70 of Muḥammad's followers emigrated to the Ethiopian Kingdom of Aksum, seeking the protection of its ruling Christian king, which was no longer guaranteed to them in Mecca. Sympathies toward Christianity may have also played a role in this emigration, as it is reported that the ascetic ʿUthmān ibn Maẓʿūn led the group of emigrants. Some of them later converted to Christianity, thereby severing their ties with the Muslim community. However, a decisive factor in choosing Ethiopia as a place of refuge may have been the close trade relations between the Quraysh and the Kingdom of Aksum. Consequently, this migration established a second Muslim community in exile in Ethiopia, in addition to the original community in Mecca.
According to Ibn Isḥāq, as reported by al-Ṭabarī, after many of his followers emigrated, Muḥammad expressed a desire to reconcile with his tribe. It was in this context that he reportedly received a revelation, the first two verses of which stated: “Have y[ou] thought upon Al-Lāt and al-ʿUzzā and Manāt, the third, the other?” These two verses are found in the Qur’an (Q 53:19f). They were followed, according to Ibn Ishaq, by two others that Muḥammad proclaimed but that were not included in the Qur’an: “These are the exalted gharānīq whose intercession is accepted (by Allāh).” The term gharānīq (literally “cranes”), as noted in Ibn al-Kalbī’s Book of Idols, was used by the Quraysh to invoke the deities al-Lāt, al-ʿUzzā, and Manāt during the circumambulation of the Kaaba, hoping for their intercession with Allāh. Ibn Isḥāq further recounts that the Quraysh merchants understood Muḥammad's pronouncement as an acknowledgment of the three deities. When he prostrated out of fear of God, they are said to have followed his example. However, later—according to some accounts, that same evening—Muḥammad realized that these final verses did not originate from Allāh; rather, they had been given to him by Satan. If this account reflects a real event, it suggests that Muḥammad initially regarded the gharānīq verses, later known as the Satanic Verses, as divine revelation, only to subsequently declare them not to be part of the revelation. Al-Ṭabarī cites this account in his commentary on the Qur’an as an explanation for the following Qur’anic verse:
The incident of the whispering of the “satanic verses” appears to be attested in the Qur’an itself, as no other event aligns as precisely with this text. It is reported that some of the Muslim exiles in Ethiopia returned to Mecca after rumors spread that the Quraysh had accepted Islam, following this incident. This indicates that Muḥammad maintained his henotheistic compromise for longer than just one day. For a time, he was apparently willing to tolerate belief in the intercession of lesser deities as a compromise. The fact that the aforementioned verses were declared invalid, according to W. Montgomery Watt, "indicates that the compromise ultimately proved unsatisfactory."
Following the end of this episode, the Quraysh intensified their measures against Muḥammad. Around 616, Abū Jahl persuaded most of the Meccan clans to sever business and marriage ties with Banū Hāshim. The boycott reportedly lasted over two years, though it may not have been strictly enforced, as the Banū Hāshim do not seem to have suffered greatly from it. Eventually, around 619, it was completely lifted when various clans grew weary of it. Muḥammad’s ability to continue propagating his religion despite the boycott can be attributed to the concept of collective responsibility, which encompassed the principle of blood feud. Although the clan did not approve of his religious activities, they were more willing to submit to the boycott imposed by the other clans rather than deny Muḥammad their support. In particular, Abū Ṭālib, who was still the head of the Hāshim clan at that time, proved to be a steadfast protector of Muḥammad, despite likely never having converted to Islam himself.

### 2.1.5. The Search for External Allies

In 619, Muḥammad suffered a severe blow with the deaths of his uncle Abū Ṭālib and his wife Khadījah in quick succession. Abū Lahab, another of Muḥammad’s uncles, succeeded Abū Ṭālib as the head of the Hāshim clan. He was evidently responsible for the significant decline in Muḥammad's position in Mecca. During the boycott, Abū Lahab had left the Banū Hāshim and married one of Abū Sufyān’s sisters from the ʿAbd Shams clan, which was as influential in Mecca’s commercial sphere as Abū Jahl and equally opposed to Muḥammad. Upon assuming leadership of the Banū Hāshim, Abū Lahab initially promised to protect Muḥammad as Abū Ṭālib had done. However, shortly after, when Muḥammad claimed that his grandfather ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib was in hell —a statement that insulted the entire clan— Abū Lahab used it as a pretext to withdraw his protection without any loss of honor. As a result, Muḥammad, who was prohibited by Abū Lahab from preaching, no longer had the opportunity to publicly propagate his religion. His exasperation is reflected in Surah 111, where both Abū Lahab and his wife are reproached.
During this time, Khawlah bint al-Ḥakīm, a loyal follower of Muḥammad, arranged a new marriage for him with Sawdah bint Zamʿah, the widow of an emigrant who had died during the exile in Abyssinia. Muḥammad also married ʿĀ'isha, the daughter of his companion Abū Bakr; however, due to her tender age, she initially remained in her father's household. With the aim of securing new allies, Muḥammad engaged with several nomadic tribes that frequented the markets surrounding Mecca. He also traveled to the neighboring city of al-Ṭā'if to negotiate with its inhabitants. However, his efforts proved unsuccessful. The precariousness of his situation becomes evident as, upon his return to Mecca, he had to seek the protection guarantee from the leader of another clan before he could enter the city. Only the third person he approached, Muṭʿim ibn ʿAdī, agreed to offer him protection, albeit under certain conditions.
Among the individuals Muḥammad likely encountered around 620 at the markets surrounding Mecca was a group of six men from the city of Yathrib. They were captivated by the way Muḥammad presented his new monotheistic religion and decided to follow him. After returning to Yathrib, they began spreading his teachings there. During the pilgrimage of 621, five of these men returned, bringing seven other men with them. At that time, tensions existed between the Aws and Khazraj tribes living in Yathrib, which were also linked to the unsettled status of the Jewish tribes residing in the oasis. Around 617, a major battle had taken place at Buʿāth, in the southeastern part of the oasis, involving most of Yathrib’s inhabitants. Since a formal peace agreement had not been concluded after the battle, the threat of renewed blood feuds persisted. Through the new community with Muḥammad and by joining his religion, the envoys from Yathrib likely hoped to mend the rift that divided their society. While the six men Muḥammad had met in 620 all belonged to the Khazraj tribe, members of the Aws tribe also participated in the 621 meeting.
At a remote location called ʿAqabah, the twelve men pledged to receive Muḥammad and his followers and to protect them as they would their own wives and children (hence bayʿat al-nisāʾ “Pledge of the Women”). On this occasion, Muḥammad's followers from Yathrib likely received the title Anṣār (“Helpers”). Islamic tradition associates this event with Qur'anic verse 61:14, in which believers are called to be “Helpers of God” (anṣār Allāh), akin to how the disciples of Jesus were Helpers of God, as referenced in the same verse. According to Ibn Isḥāq, Muḥammad sent one of his Meccan followers, Muṣʿab ibn ʿUmayr, to Yathrib along with the twelve men and instructed him “to recite the Qurʾān to them, teach them Islam, and instruct them in the religion.” Muṣʿab ibn ʿUmayr, was to serve them as an Imām, acting as a role model and an example. In this way, a third community of Muḥammad's followers was established in Yathrib, alongside those in Mecca and Ethiopia.
During the Hajj of the following year (June 622), a second meeting took place at al-ʿAqabah, this time attended by 73 men from Yathrib. They swore an oath of loyalty to Muḥammad, not only pledging obedience but also vowing to fight for him. This oath thus became known as the bayʿat al-ḥarb (“Pledge of War”). From that point on, Muslims began traveling to Medina in groups. In September 622, Muḥammad and his companion Abū Bakr secretly left Mecca and journeyed to Yathrib. This migration of the Prophet from Mecca is known as the Hijrah (literally “severance”) and marked the beginning of a new chapter in the history of the new religion.

## 2.2. The Key Themes of Muḥammad's Early Message
### 2.2.1. The Qur’an as a Source for the Development of Muḥammad’s Message

If we seek to understand the message with which Muḥammad came forward in Mecca, the best answer is to be found in the Qur'an, particularly in the sections attributed to the Meccan period. The distinction between the “Meccan” and “Medinan” parts of the Qur’an originates from premodern Muslim scholars, who developed a chronology of the Qur’an. Broadly speaking, this chronology can be summarized as follows: the earliest surahs are placed at the end, while many of those at the beginning are from the later stages of Muḥammad's prophetic mission. Consequently, to approach the historical order of the surahs, one must read the Qur’an from back to front.
Building on the material developed by Muslim scholars, the German Orientalist Theodor Nöldeke compiled a “History of the Qur’an” in 1860, which he published as a book. In this work, he introduced further refinements to the Meccan surahs, distinguishing them into three successive periods (early, middle, and late Meccan) based on stylistic and thematic characteristics. The early Meccan surahs are characterized by their highly poetic form, bold imagery, and short, rhythmic verses, often commencing with a series of oaths. In the middle Meccan period, the verses gradually increase in length, and the name of God, al-Raḥmān, becomes predominant. In the late Meccan period, the verses become even longer, and the style more prosaic, resembling that of the Medinan period. Although Nöldeke’s chronology of the Qur’an has been challenged in certain respects, it remains largely accepted as a working hypothesis in Western Islamic scholarship. It is important to note that, in this chronology, the surahs do not have a uniform origin. The chronological classification applies solely to the main body of each surah, as individual passages may be interpolations from earlier or later periods. Based on Nöldeke’s chronology, additional literary features of the individual Qur’anic periods have been identified. For instance, Angelika Neuwirth has demonstrated that similitudes and parables, which emerge as new elements of preaching in the middle Meccan period, are later explicitly referenced in the Qur'an itself during the late Meccan period under the term mathal (e.g., in Q 2:26).
In recent years, Nicolai Sinai has developed a more refined chronology for the early Meccan surahs. Based on Nöldeke's chronology and Sinai's subsequent improvements, the chronological order of the Qur'anic surahs is as follows:
| Early Meccan Period | I 105, 106, 95, 102, 103, 104, 107, 99, 100, 101, 111, 93, 94, 108, 97 – II 73, 81-82, 84-96 – IIIa 53, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80 – IIIb 51, 52, 55, 56, 68, 69, 70, 83 − Not categorized by Sinai: 112, 109, 113, 114, 1 |
| Middle Meccan Period | 54, 37, 71, 76, 44, 50, 20, 26, 15, 19, 38, 36, 43, 72, 67, 23, 21, 25, 17, 27, 18 |
| Late Meccan Period | 32, 41, 45, 16, 30, 11, 14, 12, 40, 28, 39, 29, 31, 42, 10, 34, 35, 7, 46, 6, 13 |
| Medinan Period | 2, 98, 64, 62, 8, 47, 3, 61, 57, 4, 65, 59, 33, 63, 24, 58, 22, 48, 66, 60, 110, 49, 9, 5 |
In the following sections, I will use this chronological framework as the basis for describing the development of Muḥammad’s message. As an exception, Qur’anic quotations will appear without the customary prefix “Q”.

### 2.2.2. Statements about God

To correctly understand the Qur’anic statements, it is crucial to grasp the communicative structure outlined here: God directly addresses Muḥammad and humanity, often using the first person (“I” or “we”) throughout these texts. In a number of passages of the Qur’an, God reminds people of His blessings in this form. He demonstrates to them that He has provided a dwelling place, created them in pairs, established day and night, and brings forth rain so that nature may renew itself (78:6-16).
Even though God speaks directly according to the communication structure outlined in the Qur'an, He is also addressed and referred to by various names within it. In the earliest parts of the Qur'an, the name Rabb, meaning “Lord,” is used almost exclusively. This term originally derives from the legal context of slavery and signifies dependence. In one of the earliest surahs, Muḥammad is reminded that his Lord found him as a poor orphan and enriched him (93:6-8). The term Rabb also appears with additional qualifiers in several passages, such as “Lord of the House” (106:3), undoubtedly referring to the Kaaba, and in other instances as “Lord of the East and the West” (73:9) or “Lord of Sirius” (53:49). The latter expression implicitly asserts a claim to sole authority, as Yaghūth was considered the “Lord of Sirius” in pagan times (see above, 1.3.3.).
Even in the early Meccan period, God is occasionally referred to by the name Allāh. For instance, 95:8 asks, “Is not Allah the most conclusive of all judges?” And in 85:8-9, Allāh is described as the Mighty (al-ʿazīz) and Praiseworthy (al-ḥamīd), to Whom the Sovereignty of the heavens and the earth belongs. From the Middle Meccan period onward, Raḥmān, another name for God, already found in ancient South Arabian inscriptions, becomes predominant. During this period, it is said that Raḥmān created humans from clay and jinn from smokeless fire (55:14f) and placed a lamp and a luminous moon in the heavens (25:61). Both divine names, Allāh and Raḥmān, also appear in the invocation formula, which is encountered for the first time at the beginning of a letter attributed to Solomon in 27:30: Bi-smi l-Lāhi r-Raḥmāni r-raḥīm, “In the name of Allāh, ar-Raḥmān, the Merciful.” This phrase, known as the Basmala, was later placed at the beginning of nearly every surah in the Qur’an and continues to play an essential role in both Muslim worship and daily life to this day. For example, it is intended to be placed at the beginning of every text. The attribute raḥīm may have been added to emphasize the aspect of compassion (raḥma) in the divine name. Divine compassion and mercy became central themes of the Qur'anic message during the Middle Meccan period. The sending of Muḥammad to humanity is also described as an act of divine mercy during this time (21:107).
The use of different names for God may have been confusing for some contemporaries. This is countered in 17:110 with a clear statement: “Cry unto Allah, or cry unto Raḥmān, unto whichsoever y[ou] cry. His are the most beautiful names.” This clarified that both names refer to the one God and that the use of different names for God is permissible, even desired. God is ascribed numerous other attributes in the Qur’an, which were also understood as such divine names. Reflection on these Beautiful Names of God (asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā) later became an essential aspect of Islamic theology and spirituality.
Over time, Muḥammad's monotheism took on increasingly strict forms. As early as verse 73:9, which originates from the early Meccan period, the phrase “There is no god but Him” (lā ilāha illā huwa) appears. Toward the end of the early Meccan period, it was said the other gods were merely names that people and their forefathers had invented (53:23). Verse 37:35, which originates from the Middle Meccan period, suggests that Muḥammad was now using the formula 'There is no god but Allah' (lā ilāha illā Llāh) in his preaching, a phrase that would later become part of the Islamic creed. Alongside the repeated emphasis on God's oneness, the opposing belief in “partners of God” who could limit His power was sharply condemned. By the late Meccan period, the term mushrikūn (“associators”) became commonly used for those who held such beliefs. Shirk, the act of “associating partners with God,” is described in a passage from the Medinan period as the only sin that God does not forgive (4:48).

### 2.2.3. The Judgment, the Hellfire, and the Garden

One of Muḥammad's most significant messages was the impending Judgment of humankind, which the Qur’an also refers to as Dīn (see 107:1). In vivid imagery, the Day of Judgment (yawm al-dīn) is depicted as a cataclysm of cosmic proportions. The seas are poured forth (82:3); the mountains become as carded wool (101:5). The earth quakes (79:6f) and is ground to atoms (89:21), casting out all that was in her (84:4). The sun is overthrown (81:1); the stars are put out (77:8); the heaven is cleft asunder (82:1), opening as gates (78:19). The event is preceded by the trumpet blast (74:8f). Mankind is as thickly-scattered moths (101:4), isolated and with family bonds severed (80:34-37). Only God knows when the “Hour” (sāʿa) will come, at which this apocalyptic scenario will unfold (79:42-44). The disaster that will befall humanity on the Day of Judgment is illustrated multiple times through the fate of ancient Arab tribes, such as ʿĀd and Thamūd (69:4-10).
The Day of Judgment is also a Day of Resurrection (yawm al-qiyāmah; see 75:1). The graves are overturned (82:4), and crumbled bones are restored to their first state (79:10f). One single shout is enough, and the people are awakened (79:13f). Even down to the fingers, their bones are restored (75:3f). At the Judgment itself, angels will come rank upon rank (89:22). God will be on His throne for Judgment, and all people will be exposed before Him (69:17f). Their good and bad deeds will be weighed to distinguish between them (99:7-8), and even hidden thoughts (sarāʾir) will also be searched out (86:9). Those whose scales are heavy will be rewarded, and those whose scales are light will be punished (101:6-10). During this “reckoning” (ḥisāb), each person will be shown what was recorded in a book (kitāb) throughout their life. Whoever is given his account in his right hand, will receive an easy reckoning, but whoever is given his account behind their back, will face misfortune (84:7-11). Thus, on that day, there will be faces bright as dawn and rejoicing, and others with dust and veiled in darkness (80:38-42).
Those condemned in the Judgment can expect hellfire (jaḥīm) (102:6). This hellfire will first be visible on the Day of Judgment (79:36). The condemned shall burn in this Fire of God (nār Allāh), with its flames closing in on them in outstretched columns (104:6-9). Those who burn in this Great Fire remain in a state between life and death (87:12f). No one can escape this fire (82:16) that shrivels the man (scorching the skin) and leaves nothing (74:28f). Those condemned to this place, also called Jahannam, for ages, have nothing to taste but boiling water and a paralyzing cold (also translated as pus) (78:21-26). Their food is bitter thorn-fruit that satisfies no hunger (88:6f) and only causes choking (73:13).
Only those who believe and do good are exempt from this punishment (103:3). They are granted an unfailing reward (95:6). They return to their Lord content in His good pleasure, and enter His Garden (Jannah; 89:27-30). This place of delight (naʿīm), which the righteous shall enter (82:13), is described ever more resplendently over time. It comprises multiple gardens with vineyards (78:32), date-palm, pomegranate trees (55:68), and abundant springs (55:66). The inhabitants of these gardens are provided with fruits and meat as they desire, a drink that does not lead to vanity or sin, and menservants, beautiful like hidden pearls, who move around them (52:22-24). Couches, cushions, and spread-out carpets are ready for them (88:12-16). There, they will be wedded to lovely, wide-eyed houris (ḥūr ʿīn) (52:20), who are female beings untouched by both humans and jinn (55:70-74).

### 2.2.4. The Duties of Humankind

The Qur’an initially directs its call to the Quraysh, urging them to worship the "Lord of the House"—the God of the Kaaba—who has protected them from hunger and kept them safe from fear (106). The human being should consider their food, plants, and livestock, recognizing how God provides for them (80:24-32). At the same time, they are reminded of their humble origins and are urged to thank God for their creation: “Man is (self-)destroyed: how ungrateful! From what thing do[es] He create him? From a drop of seed (nuṭfa). He create[s] him” (80:17-19). Many passages address those who do not believe, who fail to prostrate when the recitation is delivered, who are ungrateful, and who accuse Muḥammad of falsehood (cf. 84:21f). Kufr, the Arabic term for "ingratitude," is frequently used in the later surahs as the antithesis of faith (īmān), acquiring the additional meaning of "disbelief" within Muḥammad’s message. The derived adjective kāfir ("ungrateful, disbeliever") becomes one of the most important Islamic terms for those who do not accept Muḥammad’s message.
Among the earliest messages of the Qur’an are calls to share one’s wealth (92:5-11) and to give a portion of one’s possessions to the beggars and the destitute (70:24f). Those who give their wealth have the opportunity to grow in goodness (also translated as purify themselves) through this act (92:18). This "purifying charity" (zakāt) later became the standard term for this type of almsgiving. Those who prioritize the life of this world (al-ḥayāt al-dunyā) over the Hereafter (al-ākhirah) and thereby neglect zakāt are reproached, for the Hereafter is better and more lasting (87:14-17). Other virtues demanded of humanity, even in the early Meccan period, include being dutiful (toward Allah) (taqwā) and belief in the divine promise (92:5-6).
Surah 25, dating to the Middle Meccan Period, provides a comprehensive catalog of behaviors that identify the “(faithful) slaves of ar-Raḥmān.” These are people, who when the foolish ones address them, answer with Peace, who prostrate and spend the night before their Lord, fear the punishment of Hell, give in moderation, do not cry unto any other god along with Allah, do not take the life which Allah has forbidden, do not commit adultery, do not witness vanity (do not bear false witness), and are not deaf to the revelations of their Lord, among other qualities (25:63-74).
Humanity must remain steadfast, as they are repeatedly tempted and led astray by Satan, also known as Iblis. Iblis (whose name is etymologically related to the ancient Greek term “diabolos”, and thus to the German word for devil, Teufel) is humanity’s actual adversary, accompanying humanity since the era of their forefather Adam (cf. 20:115–127). In numerous edifying stories from the late Meccan period, the significance of ṣabr, patience and endurance, is emphasized (cf. 7:137). The most extensive and significant of these uplifting narratives is the story of Joseph (Yūsuf) in Egypt, which comprises almost the entirety of Surah 12. It is praised in the Qur’an itself as “the best of narratives” (cf. 12:3).

### 2.2.5. The Bearer of the Message

The Qur'an frequently addresses the accusations leveled against Muḥammad. For instance, his message was derided as nothing more than magic (siḥr) from the old and merely the speech of a mortal man (74:24–25). Another accusation claimed that he was an impostor, stating, “this [message] is [nothing] but a lie that he ha[s] invented, and other folk have helped him with it” (25:4). Very early on, Muḥammad was also accused of being a mad poet or a soothsayer (see 81:22; 37:36). In relation to the accusation of poetic inspiration directed at him, the Qur'an distances itself from poets, reproaching them for leading people astray and failing to act in accordance with their own words (26:224–26). At the same time, Muhammad's contemporaries are challenged to produce something equal to the Qur'an (52:33f), with the assertion that they would be incapable of doing so, even if they were to join forces with the jinn (17:88). Building upon these verses of "challenge" (taḥaddī), Islamic theologians later developed the doctrine of the inimitability (iʿjāz) of the Qur'an.
The Qur'an responds to the accusations of Muḥammad’s opponents by affirming that Muḥammad did not speak arbitrarily, but rather on the basis of divine inspiration (waḥy) (53:2–4). Muhammad's opponents are confronted with the assertion that his words are a revelation (tanzīl) from the Lord of the Worlds (69:40–43). Muḥammad himself is described in the Qur'an as a noble “Messenger” (Rasūl) (69:40–43). Another term used for Muḥammad is mundhir, meaning “warner.” For instance, in one surah, it is emphasized that each individual bears responsibility for their own salvation, while Muḥammad is only a warner (27:92). As a warner, Muḥammad has many predecessors, as highlighted in the middle Meccan period through a new type of narrative focusing on such figures. These narratives typically follow a consistent pattern: a warner is sent to a people or tribe, yet they do not believe the message he brings. While the people are destroyed in a striking manner, the warner and his followers are saved. One of the most extensive narratives conforming to this pattern is the story of Noah and the Flood (11:25–49). These accounts, collectively referred to in Western Qur'anic studies as "punishment legends," were intended to encourage Muslims in times of hardship by illustrating that those who follow the true religion ultimately prevail. At the same time, these narratives served as a warning to those who labeled Muḥammad a liar, indicating that they would face a fate similar to that of the past communities that were destroyed (22:42). Furthermore, these narratives emphasized that Muḥammad was not an innovator but rather belonged to a long tradition of earlier Men of God. This is further underscored by the statement in Qur'an 41:43: “[Nothing] is said unto [you] save what was said unto the messengers before [you].”
Although Muḥammad has a special connection with God through revelations, he is nothing more than His servant and slave (ʿAbd; see 53:10). Servitude (ʿUbūdīyya) to God connects Muḥammad with the other messengers and, indeed, with all of humanity, as “there is none in the heavens and the earth but come[s] unto al-Raḥmān as a slave” (19:93). This theme of servitude to God, encompassing both Muḥammad’s relationship and that of humanity in general, would later become a cornerstone in Islamic theology. Since Muḥammad is repeatedly referred to as a servant during the Meccan period, the Qur'anic verse in Surah 17:1 certainly also refers to him. This verse recounts a night journey that God caused His servant to undertake from the “Inviolable (Sacred) Place of Worship” (al-Masjid al-Ḥarām) in Mecca to the blessed “Far-distant (Farthest) Place of Worship” (al-Masjid al-Aqṣā), to show him some of His signs. In traditional Qur'anic exegesis, this passage is interpreted as referring to a miraculous event in which Muḥammad was transported to Jerusalem in a single night. Whether Muḥammad himself envisioned the sanctuary in Jerusalem in connection with these words remains uncertain. Nevertheless, this Qur'anic verse from the late Meccan period demonstrates how he had already mentally distanced himself from the Meccan sanctuary by this time and shifted his gaze toward distant horizons.

## 2.3. The New Worship Practices
### 2.3.1. Recitation, Prayer, and Remembrance of God

The foundation of the new religion was accompanied by the introduction or reform of certain ritual practices. Among the most significant rituals for the new community was the recitation of texts imparted to Muḥammad. Muḥammad himself is instructed in the Qur’an to conduct such recitations “in the name of his Lord” (Q 96:1). The recitation was to take place during nightly vigils in a measured manner (Q 73:2-4), and the listeners were instructed to prostrate themselves (worship) during the recitation (Q 84:21). The term used for the act of reciting Muḥammad’s inspirations was qurʾān. It was only later that this word came to denote the name of the Book in which these revelations were recorded in writing (eventually adapted into German as Koran). During the mid-Meccan period, the recitation was shifted to the early morning hours. This dawn recitation (qurʾān al-fajr) was a communal act, whereas the nighttime recitation was retained as a supererogatory practice (nāfila), observed by Muḥammad himself and perhaps a few individual believers (cf. Q 17:78f). During the recitation of the Qur'an, Muḥammad was instructed to seek refuge from the accursed (outcasted) Satan (Q 16:98), and others were required to maintain silence during it (Q 7:204).
A second key element of Islamic worship was the ritual prayer (ṣalāt). Those who are heedless of their prayers are warned of calamity, as stated in an early Meccan passage (Q 107:4-5), and are to be cast into Hell (Q 74:42f). The prayer included certain formulas that were to be recited neither too loudly nor too silently (Q 17:110). According to post-Qur'anic Arabic reports, Muḥammad initially participated in the bright-morning prayer (ḍuḥā), which was customary in Mecca. Later, however, he introduced a second prayer, held in the afternoon (ʿaṣr). This is likely referenced in Q 17:78, which states: “Establish the Ṣalāt at the going down of the sun until the dark of night.” Through the afternoon prayer, the community led by Muḥammad had its own distinct prayer time. This afternoon prayer, however, was disapproved of by the pagan Meccans, leading the believers to retreat to hidden areas. The Qur'an refers to attempts to prevent the believers from praying (Q 96:9f). Muḥammad and his people are urged to worship (perform prayer) and remain constant therein despite these hindrances (Q 20:132). Muḥammad’s followers in Yathrib oriented themselves toward Jerusalem during their Ṣalāt. It is probable that Muḥammad himself adopted this practice while still in Mecca.
Moreover, during the late Meccan period, the Remembrance of God gained particular significance. Regarding this, Surah 29:45 states: “Worship (ṣalāt) preserve[s] from lewdness and iniquity, but verily remembrance of Allah is more important.” Surah 7:205 offers the following instruction on how this remembrance of God is to be practiced: “Remember [your] Lord within [your]self humbly and with awe, [quietly], at morn[ing] and evening. And [do not be among] the neglectful.”

### 2.3.2. The Beginnings of the Friday Congregational Prayer

Arabic accounts from the early Islamic period reveal that Muḥammad’s followers in Mecca did not observe a specific weekly worship service. However, as early as the year preceding the Hijrah, a distinct Friday congregational prayer was introduced among his followers in Yathrib. It is reported that Muṣʿab ibn ʿUmayr, whom Muḥammad had sent with the envoys from Yathrib as an imam following the first ʿAqabah meeting (see above, 2.1.5), wrote to Muḥammad seeking permission to hold a weekly gathering with the people of Yathrib. In response, Muḥammad is said to have instructed the Muslims of Yathrib to hold their public worship on Friday, the day before the Jewish Sabbath.
Some early sources indicate that Friday was selected to establish a weekly holy day for Muslims, distinct from the sacred days of Jews and Christians. However, S.D. Goitein demonstrated that the selection of Friday did not reflect a polemical tendency. Rather, it was chosen because the Jews of Yathrib traditionally purchased supplies for the Sabbath on that day. Friday, referred to in Arabic as yawm al-jumuʿah (“day of gathering”), was the weekly market-day in the oasis of Yathrib. “Everybody was present, and it was, thus, a natural occasion for bringing people together for the purpose of prayer and admonition.” According to Goitein, the Friday Congregational Prayer was scheduled for midday because markets concluded shortly after noon in Arabia, thereby ensuring that those traveling from distant areas could return home before nightfall. This interpretation is supported by the only Qur'anic reference to the Friday Congregational Prayer (Q 62:9), which instructs Muslims to suspend trade during the prayer and then disperse throughout the land. The Friday Congregational Prayer, which originated in the diaspora community of Yathrib, later became and has remained a defining characteristic of Islamic religious life to this day.

### 2.3.3. Changes to the Circumambulation of the Kaaba

It is highly likely that Muḥammad also introduced changes to the circumambulation (Ṭawāf) of the Kaaba. In connection with the Qur'anic directive “O Children of Adam! Look to your adornment (dress properly) at every place of worship” (Q 7:31) Islamic tradition reports that he forbade his followers to perform the circumambulation naked. Since this Surah dates to the late Meccan period, it can be assumed that this reform took place during the same time. In the same passage, the Qur'an describes nudity as a satanic condition and linking it to Satan’s temptation of Adam in Paradise: “O Children of Adam! We have revealed unto you raiment to conceal your sawʾa (“shame or wickedness”) [...] O Children of Adam! Let not Satan seduce you as he caused your (first) parents to go forth from the Garden and tore off from them their robe (of innocence) that he might manifest their shame to them.” (Q 7:20-27). This admonition has played a decisive role in shaping Islamic relationship to nudity.

## 2.4. Further Reading

* Hartmut Bobzin: Der Koran. Eine Einführung. 4. Aufl. München 2001.
* Shlomo Dov Goitein: “The Origin and Nature of the Muslim Friday Worship” in The Muslim World 49 (1959) 183–195.
* M.J. Kister: „Al-Taḥannuth: an enquiry into the meaning of a term“ in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 31 (1968) 223–236.
* M. J. Kister: „'A Bag of Meat': A Study of an Early Ḥadīth“ in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 33 (1970) 267-75. Digitalisat
* M.J. Kister: "'Shaʿbān is my month'. A study of an early tradition." in J. Blau a.o. (ed.): Studia orientalia memoriae D.H. Baneth dedicata. Jerusalem 1979. S. 15–37.
* Angelika Neuwirth: Frühmekkanische Suren. Poetische Prophetie. Insel, Berlin 2011.
* Theodor Nöldeke: Geschichte des Qorāns. Erster Teil: Über den Ursprung des Qorāns. 2. Aufl, bearbeitet von Friedrich Schwally. Leipzig 1909. Digitalisat
* Neal Robinson: Discovering the Qurʾan. A contemporary approach to a veiled text. 2nd edition. SCM Press, London, 1996.
* Uri Rubin: „Morning and Evening Prayers in Early Islam“ in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 10 (1987), 40–67. Digitalisat
* Nicolai Sinai: "The Qur'an as process" in Angelika Neuwirth, Nicolai Sinai, Michael Marx (Hrsg.): The Qur'ān in Context. Historical and Literary Investigations into the Qur'ānic Milieu. Leiden 2011. S. 407–439.
* Aloys Sprenger: Das Leben und die Lehre des Moḥammad, nach bisher grösstentheils ungenutzten Quellen. 3 Bde. 2. Ausg. Nicolaische Verlagsbuchhandlung, Berlin, 1869.
* W. Montgomery Watt: Muhammad at Mecca. Oxford 1953.
* W. Montgomery Watt, Alford T. Welch: Der Islam I: Mohammed und die Frühzeit, Islamisches Recht, Religiöses Leben (= Die Religionen der Menschheit. Band 25,1). Stuttgart 1980.

## 2.5 Questions & Tasks

1. To use the Qur'an as a source for reconstructing Muḥammad's early message, it is essential to determine the chronological order of its individual parts. Provide an overview of its chronology.
2. Describe the development of the concept of God in the Meccan sections of the Qur'an.
3. What were the circumstances that compelled Muḥammad to emigrate from his hometown of Mecca?
4. What are the key themes of the early Qur'anic message?
5. Through which distinctive forms of worship did the early Muslims in Mecca set themselves apart from their surroundings?
6. Describe Muḥammad’s earliest followers. To which social milieus did they belong?
7. What is the Basmala, and in what ways does it relate to pre-Islamic concepts?
8. Which expressions are already used for Muḥammad in the Meccan surahs, and what concepts are associated with them?