# Home rule through federal devolution/Preface

PREFACE
THIS pamphlet is the outcome of much consideration of the condition of Ireland, and the many well-intentioned attempts to devise a remedy for her grievances. It was intended for publication early in the spring, but illness compelled me to lay it aside for more than three months; so that it was barely complete when The Times' scheme for the settlement of Ireland appeared.
The schemes for Home Rule for Ireland hitherto propounded seem mostly to have been evolved by conceiving the "Idea" of a perfect constitution, after the manner of Plato's Republic, and endeavouring to reconcile it with the facts, by a system of checks and counterchecks as complicated as the cycles and epicycles of the Ptolemaic Astronomy. The Times approaches the question by the common-sense, if prosaic, method of first ascertaining the real facts—always a matter of extreme difficulty in Ireland—and thereon founding a plan, adapted, as far as possible, to the actual conditions of the problem.
Nevertheless, there are many points in the scheme which are certain to evoke strongly contentious debate, both as regards the construction of the legislative and executive machinery and as to the distribution of power between the several authorities. This is not the place for an analysis of the scheme; but amongst these contentious points may be mentioned the extremely dangerous suggestion for conferring on the Irish Parliament power, not only to levy customs' duties, but to negotiate commercial treaties with foreign Powers, as well as, also the proposals for equal representation in the Irish Parliament of the two secondary States and for a veto of each ​State on legislation affecting it. Artificial protective devices such as these are always to be deprecated, and, if possible, avoided. Equal representation, which in itself constitutes a veto, was tried in Canada with the very same object, that of reconciling different races and religions. The result was confusion, and ultimately a deadlock, under which the constitution of 1840 broke down.
I have not had the hardihood to put forward any plan of my own for the future government of Ireland, but have contented myself with the less ambitious task of stating what seem to me to be the most salient and characteristic features of the puzzle, directing special attention to some points which do not seem to have been sufficiently considered by those who have hitherto been engaged in the endeavour to solve it. It will be seen that there is, on many of these points, considerable similarity between the views I have tried to present in the following pages and those of the writers of the instructive series of "special articles" on which The Times' scheme is based.
Both in the "special articles" and in the scheme, The Times foreshadows as not far off, a system of federal devolution for the United Kingdom; and the provisions of the scheme are adapted to the intention ot its being fitted in hereafter in such a general reconstruction. No doubt to the influence of this prevision is due the seeming complexity of some parts of the framework of the scheme as well as a general air of temporary expedience.
As a part of a scheme of general federalisation, a constitution for Irish self-government might be constructed which, whilst it would not satisfy the visionary desires of extremists, would yet go so far towards meeting the legitimate aspirations of Irishmen, that it could not be refused. On the other hand, it will be extremely difficult to "impose on Ireland"—as The Times itself recognises to be a necessity—on no stronger ground than the expectation of such a reconstruction in an undefined future (however sanguine we may be of its nearness), a scheme which, in its essential features, differs ​widely from anything that prevails in any other part of the United Kingdom, and which will not command the adhesion of any considerable party in Ireland.
If, however, Parliament is not yet prepared to take up the vital question of general devolution, and it is decided that a settlement for Ireland is so urgent that it cannot be,any longer postponed, and must therefore, at any risk, be dealt with separately; then The Times' scheme, though not free from blemish, seems to offer the most statesmanlike basis that has yet been propounded on which a just and safe edifice may be erected.
F. W. Pim.