# Historic Landmarks of the Deccan/Chapter 11

CHAPTER XI.
GOLCONDA.
The Story of a Siege and a Gallant Defence.
THE citadel of Golconda stands on a rocky hill rising abruptly from the plain, on the north bank of the river Musi, about seven miles from the city of Haidarabad, the capital of the Nizam's dominions. The citadel itself, strongly fortified, is surrounded by stone walls enclosing a large area, within which the city of Golconda, once the capital of the Qutb Shahi kings, formerly stood. The city has long since been deserted, and the interior of the fort is a now a cantonment where some of the Nizam's regular troops are quartered with their followers. It also contains the state treasury and some other buildings still in use, but the citadel is deserted.
When the hill on which the citadel now stands was first fortified we do not know, but we are told that it was formerly the site of a mud fort built by one of the earlier Rajas of Warangal, or of Vijayanagar, the great Hindu empire of the Peninsula. Of its early history practically nothing is known, and it was probably a place of very little importance until the Qutb Shahi kings made it their capital. In the reign of Muhammad Shah Lashkari, the thirteenth king of the great Bahmani dynasty, which reigned in the Deccan for nearly two hundred years, troubles arose in Telingana, and a Baharlu Turk of Hamadan, Sultan Quli by name, who had been a slave in the household, was, after some hesitation, appointed to pacify the country and to clear the land of the robbers who overran it. He had formerly been employed as accountant-general to the imperial harem, to the ladies of which lands had been assigned in Telingana, and his faithful discharge of his duties in this post stood him in good stead, for, when Telingana was overrun by robbers so that the rents were never regularly remitted, and for long periods together were never received at all, those who suffered most from the anarchy prevailing in that province used their powerful influence to obtain for their faithful servant the post of pacificator. The young Turk's performance of the task thus entrusted to him surpassed the expectations of all, The con​dition of the kingdom at this time was such that an appeal to arms would probably have hastened its downfall, and the young man was consequently compelled to rely on his diplomatic tact and personal charm of manner. Notwithstanding the disadvantages under which he laboured, he soon succeeded in restoring order, thus securing the confidence placed in him by the ladies of the harem and winning useful friends among those amirs of the empire who had lands in Telingana.
In the reign of Mahmud Shah, the son and successor of Muhammad Lashkari, Sultan Quli became an amir of the empire, with the title of Qutb-ul-Mulk, receiving as his jagir Golconda with the surrounding country. Shortly after receiving this grant he was appointed commander-in-chief in Telingana, a position which strengthened his hands considerably. In 1512 Qutb-ul-Mulk, who had for some time been practically independent, followed the example which had been set by Yusuf Adil Khan, Ahmad Nizam-ul-Mulk, and Fath-ullah Imad-ul-Mulk, the governors of Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, and Berar, and, throwing off his allegiance to the now feeble house of Bahman, had himself proclaimed independent sovereign of the territory which he had hitherto ruled in the king's name, under the style of Sultan Quli Qutb Shah, and made Golconda his capital. Sultan Quli had already replaced the old Hindu mud fort with a substantial fortress of stone which the surrounding country yielded in large quantities. His fort received many and substantial additions at the hands of his descendants and successors. The Qutb Shahi kings of Golconda did not, like their neighbours, the Adil Shahi kings of Bijapur, run mad on architecture, but they built, and built well, in spite of a depraved preference for stucco for buildings other than fortifications. Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, the fourth king of the dynasty, made extensive additions to the fort built by his ancestor, and also founded, as his residential capital, the city of Haidarabad, which he at first named Bhagnagar, after his favourite mistress, a Hindu girl named Bhagmati. Abdullah Qutb Shah, the successor of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, also devoted much care to the improvement of the fortress and constructed a spacious ambar-khana or store-house within the citadel. An inscription on black basalt, recording the erection of this ambar-khana, is still in an excellent state of preservation. It relates that the ambar-khana was completed, by the efforts of Khairat Khan, ​the faithful servant of the glorious King Abdullah Qutb Shah, in the month of Rajab, A. H. 1252 (A. D. 1642). Just within the gate of the citadel is an extensive armoury of three stories. The summit of the steep rocky hill on which the inner citadel is situated is crowned by a large hall with a flat roof, whence a magnificent view of the surrounding country may be obtained. Here, we may imagine, the successors of the resourceful and accomplished Turk were wont to sit in the cool of the evening, enjoying the fresh breeze and surveying the fair landscape spread out around them, and from this point of vantage Abul Hasan, the last of that kingly line, doubtless watched, with mingled apprehension and amusement, the efforts of the great host of the emperor of Delhi to wrest from him his fortress capital, the last possession that remained to him of all his dominions.
We now come to the most stirring and interesting event in the history of Golconda — its siege and capture by the Emperor Aurangzib, and the extinction of the Qutb Shahi dynasty. Aurangzib had, in his younger days, been viceroy of the Deccan in the reign of his father, Shah Jahan, and had made Aurangabad his capital. He had even then formed the resolve of overthrowing the two remaining independent kingdoms of the Deccan, Bijapur and Golconda, and in the case of the latter very nearly carried his purpose into execution. In 1665-6 Mir Jumla, the most powerful subject of Abdullah Qutb Shah, had by his arrogance deeply offended his master, to whom his great power and wealth rendered him an object of fear and envy. Abdullah Qutb Shah, on being informed that an improper intimacy existed between Mir Jumla and the queen-mother, lost control of his passion and declared that he would revenge himself on his presumptuous subject. Mir Jumla who was absent from Court, hearing of his master's anger, at once wrote a letter to Aurangzib, claiming his protection and offering to assist him in capturing Golconda, an enterprise which, he declared, would present no difificulties. Abdullah Qutb Shah's next move was to throw Mir Jumla's son, Mir Muhammad Amin, into prison. Repeated letters from Aurangzib, directing the release of the young man, produced no result, and the prince accordingly, with the consent of his father the emperor, who ordered the governor of Malwa and the neighbouring feudatories to render all the assistance they could, prepared to march ​against Golconda. The prince sent his eldest son, Sultan Muhammad, with a large following, in the direction of Golconda, cloaking his design by the pretext that he was sending him to Bengal in order that he might there wed his cousin, the daughter of Sultan Shuja. He followed his son with a larger force. Abdullah Qutb Shah, alarmed at the approach of Sultan Muhammad, who had now advanced to within six miles of Haidarabad, and disturbed by the news that the imperial army was following in his wake, collected what valuables he could and fled from Haidarabad to Golconda. The young prince encamped by the Husain Sagar tank, and Haidarabad, deserted by the king, was plundered. An encounter took place between the Mughal troops and a detached body of the Golconda army, in which the latter was worsted. Abdullah Qutb Shah then endeavoured to temporise, and sent presents to Sultan Muhammad who, however, refused to make any terms until the whole of Mir Jumla's property was given up. In the meantime Aurangzib was approaching with the main body of the army, and on his arrival preparations were made for laying siege to Golconda in regular form. As the siege progressed Shayista Khan, the governor of Malwa, and other chiefs joined Aurangzib's army. Golconda was reduced to serious straits when a message suddenly arrived from the old emperor at Delhi commanding Aurangzib to desist, and conveying an assurance of forgiveness to Abdullah Qutb Shah. Shah Jahan was at this time under the influence of his eldest son, Dara Shikuh, who was jealous of Aurangzib's success, and probably had no difficulty in persuading his father that the conqueror of the wealthy city of Golconda would lose no time in becoming the emperor of Delhi. He could cite a precedent by retailing the story of Ala-ud-din Muhammad Khalji and his too trusting uncle Jalal-ud-din Firuz Khalji. Aurangzib obeyed the command without a murmur, though the terms which he was able to enforce are sufficient to prove that Golconda could not have held out much longer. An indemnity which covered the cost of the expedition was recovered from the king, who also gave his daughter in marriage to Aurangzib's son, Sultan Muhammad, and designated his newly-made son-in-law heir-apparent to the throne of Golconda. All Mir Jumla's property and family were surrendered, and Abdullah gave as dowry to his daughter the district of Ramgir, which adjoined the southern dominions of the ​emperor of Delhi, and by this surrender became incorporated in them. He also agreed to insert the emperor's name in the inscription on his silver coinage, thus proclaiming himself, according to oriental custom, a vassal of Delhi. Mir Jumla entered the service of Aurangzib, and the Mughal troops were withdrawn from Golconda. Meanwhile Aurangzib bided his time. He had, as he thought, secured the reversion of Golconda, but he meant to have Delhi and Bijapur to boot. He must have seen by this time that Delhi should be his first objective, and the prompt obedience which he rendered to his father's order was, in all likelihood, merely a blind. Two years later he ascended the throne, having incarcerated or exiled his brothers and imprisoned his father. Circumstances prevented him from attending to the affairs of Golconda for many years after his accession, but the great object of his reign was to stamp out the independence of the two kingdoms yet remaining in the south and to establish an empire from Kabul to Cape Comorin.
The turn of Bijapur came first, and in 1686 Sultan Sikandar Adil Shah was besieged in his capital by the emperor. In the meantime Abdullah Qutb Shah had died, and had been succeeded by his son-in-law Abul Hasan. This king, presaging what his fate would be if the independence of Bijapur were destroyed, gave his neighbour what help he could afford. But it was all to no purpose — Bijapur fell and Sikandar Adil Shah was taken captive.
The siege of Bijapur interfered very little with Aurangzib's plans for the conquest of Golconda, and he had already, in 1684, before marching against Bijapur, commenced operations in the eastern kingdom. Troops were sent, first under Khan-i-Jahan Kukaltash, and then under prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, the emperor's second son, to wrest from Abul Hasan, the king of Golconda, some tracts of Telingana which he claimed as part of his dominions. An envoy, Mirza Muhammad, was also sent by Aurangzib to Abul Hasan, ostensibly for the purpose of demanding from him two large diamonds, the price of which, the emperor promised, should be taken into account in calculating the tribute due from Golconda, but really for the purpose of reporting upon Abul Hasan's administration, and, according to private instructions received from the emperor himself, with the object of goading the unfortunate king, by insolence, into some overt act or declaration of hostility against the ​emperor, and thus furnishing an excuse for an attack on Haidarabad. His mission was not unsuccessful. Abul Hasan protested that he had no such diamonds as those described by the emperor, and Mirza Muhammad's behaviour goaded him one day into saying, "I, too, am called a king in my own country." The envoy insultingly replied that the title was a misnomer, whereupon the cautious monarch replied, "It is you who are mistaken, for if I be not called a king, how can Alamgir be called the king of kings?" The envoy afterwards confessed that on this one occasion Abul Hasan got the better of him in controversy.
Meanwhile Muhammad Mu'azzam and the Khan-i-Jahan had advanced into the Golconda territories, and the troops of Abul Hasan went out to meet them. Mu'azzam, who had little taste for his mission, was anxious, if possible, to avoid bloodshed, but the only terms which he could offer were so humiliating, being no less than the surrender of all for which he had come to fight, the payment of all arrears of tribute, and a humble apology from Abul Hasan, that the king could not accept them. In the hostilities which followed the failure of the negotiations, the imperial forces were everywhere triumphant, and the parganas which had formed the subject of the dispute remained in their possession. But Mu'azzam, who was far from being convinced of the justice of bis father's cause, and was personally well disposed towards Abul Hasan, deliberately failed to follow up the successes of the troops under his command, and in consequence of their supineness both he and the Khan-i-Jahan were severely rebuked by the emperor. The Deccanis, though they no longer dared to face the Mughals in the open field, harassed them with continual night attacks, and during a period of four or five months, throughout which Mu'azzam and the Khan-i-Jahan, who were disgusted with the emperor's severity, neither ordered nor permitted any action that might have been decisive. The Mughal troops scarcely knew what it was to get a good night's rest. The news of their inactivity only served to inflame still further the wrath of Aurangzib, who now wrote with his own hand a letter in which he severely upbraided his son, adding to it a note for the benefit of the Khan-i-Jahan, the substance of which was that the emperor well knew that his son's misconduct was the effect of the Khan's evil counsels. ​ The prince, reduced to tears by his father^s letter, was at length stung into action. He called a council, but the result of its deliberations only increased his perplexity. The Khan-i-Jahan and the more influential officers, prompted partly by sloth and partly by cowardice, but chiefly by gratifications received from Abul Hasan and his officers, advised a continuance of the policy of inaction. Sayyid Abdullah Khan of Barh, however, warned the prince that it would be dangerous to hesitate any longer in carrying out the emperor's wishes, and counselled immediate action. Mu'azzam, who will henceforth be designated by his title. Shah Alam, followed a middle course, and sent a most undignified message to Muhammad Ibrahim, the commander of the Golconda forces, to whom he condescended to explain the dilemma in which he found himself, representing that his unwillingness to pursue hostilities had drawn upon him the wrath of his father, and that the time had come when it was no longer possible for him to remain inactive. He then proceeded in a more dignified strain to explain that he personally had no wish to proceed to extremities, and advised Muhammad Ibrahim to evacuate the districts occupied by the imperial forces. If this were done, he said, he would have grounds on which he could address his father, with a view to dissuading him from the design of destroying such independence as the kingdom of Golconda still possessed. With this message Shah Alam sent a valuable emerald as a present for Muhammad Ibrahim, an action which cannot but have been interpreted as that of a suppliant for peace. Consequently, although Muhammad Ibrahim himself was disposed to accept the prince's terms, the opinion of his officers, and especially of the Hindus among them, who were aware that Aurangzib would never rest while a state in which idolators enjoyed the indulgences allowed to them in Golconda remained independent, was too strong for him. Moreover, the Deccanis were inspirited by the arrival of a reinforcement from Golconda. A reply, the terms of which resemble the famous piece of French bombast, "Not a stone of our fortresses, not a foot of our territory," was sent to Shah Alam's pacific message, and the guns of the Deccanis opened a vigorous fire on his camp. Some damage was done and Shah Alam's spirit was at length aroused. He drew up his forces and advanced to the attack. The Deccanis were prepared, resisted most stubbornly, but were at length beaten back. In the course ​of the pursuit Shaikh Minhaj, one of Abul Hasan's generals, sent a message to Mu'izz-ud-din, Shah Alam's eldest son, imploring him as a fellow-Muslim to stay his hand until the wives and families of the defeated army could be conveyed to a place of safety. The young prince, after consulting his father, consented to a brief truce. The Deccanis, of course, utilized the time thus gained in re-forming for a fresh stand, and a second battle, more determined than the first, followed. The Deccanis were at length again put to flight, but, even while fleeing, had the incredible impudence to send a message to Mu'izz-ud-din deprecating the wholesale slaughter of Muslims on both sides, and proposing that the dispute should be settled by a combat between a few chosen champions selected from each army, an old device in southern India. The proposal was submitted to Shah Alam, who in reply proposed that the Deccanis who, having been put to flight in the open field now sought an opportunity of displaying the admittedly superior dexterity of their champions in sword-play, should engage the champions of the imperial army on elephants. This did not suit the Southerners, and they declined the challenge. Shah Alam received news the next morning that the officers of the Golconda army were in full flight towards Haidarabad, and, having caused the great drums to be beaten to celebrate his victory, he started in pursuit.
Meanwhile the Brahman advisers of Abul Hasan contrived to poison his mind against Muhammad Ibrahim, whom they accused of temporising with Shah Alam, and the conspiracy was so successful that it was resolved to throw its victim into prison and presently to put him to death on his return to Haidarabad. But Muhammad Ibrahim, before reaching the city, received information of the designs of his enemies, and immediately made his submission to Shah Alam, by whom he was received with every mark of favour.
Shah Alam had by this time arrived within striking distance of Haidarabad, and the news of his approach and of the defection of Muhammad Ibrahim struck dismay into the hearts of Abul Hasan and his advisers. It was now that Abul Hasan committed the only unkingly act recorded of him in the dark days which were beginning to fall upon him, the last of a kingly race. Smitten with sudden panic, he fled suddenly by night, with such of his valuables as could be transported by ​the slaves of his harem, from Haidarabad to the old fortress capital, leaving the bulk of his treasure and most of his harem behind. His flight was a signal for a rising of the mob in Haidarabad, who plundered the wealthy and respectable inhabitants indiscriminately, and for some time Haidarabad suffered as a city taken by storm. The mercantile community was plundered, according to Khafi Khan, to the extent of four or five millions sterling, while respectable citizens thought themselves fortunate if they could escape on foot, leading their unveiled wives and daughters by the hand to the fortress. Before the mob had well finished their work, the army of Shah Alam arrived, and gutted even the palace of the king. The prince did all he could to restore quiet. The provost-marshal of his army and the minister of Abul Hasan co-operated, and endeavoured, by patrolling the town with a body of five hundred horse, to check the plunderers, but neither the foreign army nor the native mob was to be restrained. The unfortunate king sent a message from the fort imploring that the hand of the spoilers might be stayed, and at length they were to some extent brought under control.
Shah Alam had next to consider the terms of peace with Abul Hasan Shah. He stipulated for the payment of an indemnity of ten crores and twenty lakhs of rupees, over and above the fixed annual tribute, and the exclusion of the two Brahman advisers of the king, Madanna and Yenkanna, from the councils of the kingdom. The districts of which the conquest had been the ostensible object of the war were to be ceded to the emperor. On these terms, which were perforce agreed to, Shah Alam consented to intercede with the emperor and to endeavour to dissuade him from the further prosecution of hostilities. Madanna and Yenkanna were not only excluded from the councils of the kingdom; two of the widows of Abdullah Shah, Abul Hasan's uncle and predecessor, were so enraged with the two Hindus, whom they held accountable for all the troubles that had befallen the state, that without consulting the king they caused them to be assassinated and had their heads sent to Shah Alam.
The news of the treaty with Abul Hasan was conveyed to the emperor, who was at Sholapur exercising a general supervision over the operations against Bijapur and Golconda. Openly he expressed himself satisfied, but in private he made no secret of his displeasure with ​what he considered the lame conclusion of a successful expedition. He recalled the Khan-i-Jahan from the field, and appointed Sa'adat Khan special envoy to recover the tribute and indemnity which Abul Hasan had agreed to pay. The Khan-i-Jahan, when he appeared before the emperor, was so bitterly upbraided that in disgust at the treatment which he had received he entered into treasonable correspondence with the Maratha Sambhaji, son and successor of Shivaji, who was aiding the Sultans of Bijapur and Golconda, and instigated him to fall upon the troops of I'tiqad Khan, Khaja Abu-1-Makarim, and Tahavvur Khan, who were conveying grain to the imperial forces.
Meanwhile Shah Alam was still encamped at Haidarabad. Some of the amirs of Golconda had joined his army, the presence of which was a menace to the fortress. Accordingly the troops of Abul Hasan, under the command of Sharza Khan and Abdur Razzaq Khan Lari, attacked the prince's army, inflicting upon it considerable loss. Shah Alam, still unwilling to make the attempt to reduce Golconda, and, deeming the forces under his command insufficient for the purpose, as indeed they were, withdrew, on the pretext that he could not obtain supplies, to Khir, where he encamped. Here he received a reinforcement under the command of Qilij Khan, who was the bearer of a message recalling him to the imperial camp.
Things were not going well with the imperial troops in the Deccan. The siege of Bijapur under Muhammad A'zam, the third son of the emperor, made but little progress, and his troops suffered severely from the want of suppUes, and from the vigorous attacks of the besieged, and of their allies the Marathas. Sa'adat Khan was sent, as we have seen with an army to collect the tribute and indemnity due from Abul Hasan but the emperor wisely determined not to divide his forces by besieging Bijapur and Golconda simultaneously. He therefore advanced in person against Bijapur, taking with him Shah Alam, and arrived before the place on Sha'ban 21, A.H. 1097. (A.D. 1685). Shah Alam was unable to restrain his friendly feelings for the Sultans of the Deccan and lost very little time in entering into correspondence with the nobles of Bijapur. The emperor, hearing reports of Shah Alam's treachery had his attendants watched, and one of them was detected. He was put to the question and implicated others, including Shah Alam, who ​was sent for and interrogated in private. Although he was guilty of the almost incredible meanness of disowning his agent, his protestations were not believed, and he was treated virtually as a state prisoner.
The siege was vigorously pressed, and late in the year 1686 Bijapur fell. The king, Sikandar Adil Shah, the last of his race, was brought in silver chains before Aurangzib, and was then sent to Daulatabad, where he ended his days in honourable captivity.
Aurangzib was now in a position to give his undivided attention to Golconda, the last of the independent Muhammadan kingdoms of the Deccan. He did not march immediately against the fortress, for on his way thither lay a noted shrine, which his piety could not afford to neglect. This was the shrine of Gisu Daraz Banda Nawaz, the patron saint of Ahmad Shah Wali Bahmani, at Gulbarga, the ancient capital of the Bahmani empire. The emperor duly performed his pilgrimage, but he was by no means so engrossed in the state of his soul as to be unable to find time to attend to wordly matters. Sa'adat Khan has already been mentioned as the special envoy who was sent to Haidarabad with the object of recovering the tribute and indemnity due from Abul Hasan. The emperor sent letters from Gulbarga both to his accredited agent and to Abul Hasan Shah. The latter was dishonestly led to believe that prompt payment of the dues would not only ensure the safety of his dominions, but would secure for him the emperor's special favour. The former received full and concise instructions. He was informed that the emperor was marching on Golconda with the intention of reducing it, but was instructed at the same time to spare no pains in collecting the tribute. Sa'adat Khan faitlifully obeyed his master's order and led Abul Hasan to believe that the settlement of his cash account with the emperor would relieve him from all apprehensions. The unfortunate king found it impossible to raise the money necessary for the satisfaction of the emperor's demand, but in order to show that he was doing all that he could, he asked Sa'adat Khan to send a eunuch who could inspect the royal seraglio and remove the jewels of the women in part payment of the demand. Sa'adat Khan replied that he could not comply with this request, and in the course of the next few days Abul Hasan received the disquieting news that the emperor intended to advance from Gulbarga. He was now thoroughly alarmed, and ​collected from his harem sufficient jewellery to fill nine trays. These he sent, with a list of their contents, but without any valuation, to Sa'adat Khan, stipulating that they were only to be retained as a guarantee of good faith. With the trays was sent a quantity of gold on the same terms, which were that the valuables were to be returned in case the emperor's determination to besiege Golconda was found to be unalterable. At this time Abul Hasan took the opportunity of the emperor's presence at Gulbarga to send him a complimentary present of fruit. Sa'adat Khan, hearing of the despatch of this present, sent for the bearers, and despatched together with Abul Hasan's present the jewellery and gold which had been delivered to him in trust, thus making it appear that these valuables, as well as the fruit, were a gratuitous present from Abul Hasan. Immediately after the despatch of the jewels Abul Hasan heard that Aurangzib was marching towards Golconda with the avowed intention of reducing it. On receipt of this news he demanded from Sa'adat Khan the return of the property which had been entrusted to him, plaintively explaining that he had, by pledging the jewels of the ladies of his harem, sacrificed his honour in the vain hope of saving his country. Sa'adat Khan was forced to admit that he had sent the jewels to the emperor, and endeavoured to excuse his action on the ground that he had no certain news that Aurangzib was marching on Golconda. The defence would have been weak, even had it been true, for by the terms of the pact the envoy was bound to satisfy himself that his master would not attack Golconda before he sent the jewels to him. But there can be no doubt that Sa'adat Khan acted throughout on detailed instructions received from Aurangzib, and it is not easy to understand how some latter-day historians, who represent Aurangzib, as a simple-minded bigot, in whom was no guile, can palliate the baseness of his conduct on this occasion towards a sovereign who was, at least, with all his faults, a brother Muslim. It is not surprising to learn that Sa'adat Khan's breach of faith excited the deepest indignation in Haidarabad and Golconda. His house was surrounded by the troops of Abul Hasan, and he lived for two days in a state of siege. At the end of that time he contrived to send a message to the king, in which he admitted that he had misconstrued the terms of the agreement and repeated his false and frivolous excuse. He added that he knew that Aurangzib ​had long been desiring a pretext for attacking Golconda, that no better pretext than the murder of the imperial envoy could possibly be supplied, and that he was quite ready to die in order to provide that pretext. At the same time he hinted that if his life was spared Abul Hasan need never despair of obtaining all that his good offices could procure from Aurangzib. This message had the desired effect, and the wily envoy was henceforth not only immune from personal danger, but was treated by the deluded king as an honoured guest.
Aurangzib, having finished his devotions at Gulbarga, and having made a short halt at Ahmadabad Bidar, which he had re-named Zafarabad, or the city of victory, marched towards Golconda. Abul Hasan now became seriously alarmed, but still hoped, by timely submission, to secure some measure of independence, and in this hope sent a message to the emperor, humbly asking pardon for past faults and promising amendment for the future. With the message were sent valuable presents. All the satisfaction that he obtained was an imperial farman, setting forth his misconduct in severe terms. His base actions, he was informed, were too numerous to be recorded, but it was still possible to mention one in a hundred of them. The commission of all power in the state to infidels, to whom holy Shaikhs and learned men were made subject, the open encouragement of vice, the Sultan's own love for wine, his employment of the infidel Marathas in war, against the holy law of Islam, and the payment of subsidies to "the accursed Sambhaji" were enumerated as offences for which no forgiveness could be expected either in this world or the next.
Abul Hasan, seeing that his submission availed him nothing, now set himself in earnest to prepare to meet his powerful foe. He sent a force under the command of some of his principal nobles, Shaikh Minhaj, Sharza Khan, and Mustafa Khan Lari,* to oppose the advance of the Mughals, and in bidding them farewell ordered them in the event of victory to use every endeavour to capture the emperor alive, and having captured him to treat him with all honour. The amirs replied that they would endeavour to capture him, but could not promise that they would treat him with honour, as they could not trust their feelings. They then marched out to meet the invaders with an army of forty or fifty thousand horse. The ​imperial army was within two marches of Golconda when the Deccanis appeared in the distance. The latter did not venture to attack, and scarcely offered any serious opposition to the advance of the emperor, but hung on the flanks of the Mughals and committed themselves to nothing more than petty skirmishes. The emperor pressed on, and on the 24th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, A.H. 1098 (A.D. 1687) arrived within gunshot of Golconda. Preparations for the siege were immediately pushed on. The necessary material was collected and work was commenced on the batteries and trenches. The Mughals had to deal not only with the besieged within the fortress, but also with the field army of Abul Hasan Shah, under the command of the nobles already mentioned, which took up a position in rear of the besieging force and co-operated with Sambhaji's Marathas in cutting off supplies. At this time a famine, due to the failure of the rains, prevailed in the Deccan, and it would have been difficult for the Mughals to obtain sufficient supplies even had their convoys been unmolested. As it was the imperial army endured terrible privations throughout the siege, while the besieged, who had ample stores of grain in Golconda, lived in the midst of plenty.
The siege now began in earnest. The Mughals were harassed in the rear by the field army of Abul Hasan. A heavy and incessant fire was kept up from the fort, and the besieged made almost daily sallies. Firuz Jang was appointed to the command of the besieging army, and to him were entrusted all the dispositions for the siege. In the early days of the investment both the emperor and Firuz Jang suffered a serious loss. Qilij Khan, the general's father, and one of the most faithful and able servants of the emperor, was slain by a shot from the fortress. Shah Alam, though still in disgrace on account of his treasonable correspondence with the enemy at Bijapur, was mindful of his former sympathy with Abul Hasan, and now most imprudently entered into correspondence with the defenders of the fortress. Informers discovered to the emperor his negotiations with Abul Hasan, and even accused him of having formed the design of joining the besieged king, alleging that Nur-un-nisa Begam, his chief wife, an accomplished and virtuous lady, had visited Golconda in disguise in pursuance of her husband's treasonable designs. Some of Shah Alam's officers, who were believed to be true to the emperor's interests, were questioned as to their master's ​conduct, but replied that they had no reason to suspect his loyalty. At the most he intended, they said, to request the emperor to pardon Abul Hasan and abandon the siege, and to represent himself to Abul Hasan as the most influential of the emperor's advisers. They were not believed, and Shah Alam and his son Muhammad Azim were summoned to the imperial presence and disarmed. Shah Alam was then deprived of his title, rank, mansabs, and jagirs. Nur-un-nisa was imprisoned and insulted, and measures were taken to induce both her and her husband to confess that they had been guilty of treason; but these failed of their object. Aurangzib even had Nur-un-nisa's uncle and some of her principal eunuchs put to the torture, with a view to extracting confessions from them, but nothing was elicited. The prince, however, remained in disgrace, and Abul Hasan lost his best friend in the imperial camp.
Meanwhile the siege progressed, and the trenches were pushed forward daily. One day, as Firuz Jang was supervising the working parties in person, the besieged, led by Shaikh Nizam and Abdur Razzaq Lari, made a determined sortie. The slaughter on both sides was great, the Rajputs being the principal sufferers among the besiegers. After a most determined struggle the sortie was repulsed, and shortly afterwards Shaikh Minhaj, Shaikh Nizam, Muhammad Ibrahim, and most of the principal amirs of Golconda, realizing that their master was doomed, deserted to the Mughals, and were rewarded by the emperor with honours, titles, and important commands. Abdur Razzaq Khan Lari, who bore the title of Mustafa Khan, was the only one of the principal amirs who remained faithful to his master to the last, resisting all attempts to shake his loyalty.
These defections had no immediate effect on the duration of the siege, which continued to drag its slow length along, for the fortress was so well found both in guns and ammunition that the besieged were able to maintain an almost unceasing fire of artillery and rockets, so that, as the historian says, "so heavy was the smoke that it was impossible to distinguish day from night, and scarcely a day passed on which there were not numerous casualties in the trenches. Nevertheless the imperial troops, prominent among whom were the deserters from Abul Hasan's army, displayed the greatest valour and determination, and ​succeeded in pushing on the parallels to the edge of the ditch." As soon as they had obtained a foothold in this position batteries were thrown up close to the wall, and attempts were made to fill the ditch with large sandbags. A constant cannonade was kept up by the advanced batteries, and at length the wall was breached. But meanwhile the Marathas and the field army of Abul Hasan, some of whom still remained faithful, had done their work so well that there was a famine in the imperial camp. The satirist Ni'mat Khan-i-Ali gives an amusing description of the wretched plight of the besieging army. The rains again failed and the Deccan produced no crops. In addition to this calamity a pestilence, probably cholera, broke out in the imperial camp, and numbers died daily from famine and disease.
The tide of desertion now ebbed. Many deserted to Abul Hasan, and many more who had not the courage openly to desert, but who heartily wished for an end to the apparently interminable siege, rendered the besieged what assistance they could. We do not read that any of the deserters from the fortress returned to their former allegiance. It would rather seem that Abul Hasan was the loser in this exchange of deserters, for, whereas he was forsaken by his principal nobles, no leaders of the first rank, and probably no one of any importance, left the emperor. The truth probably was that the superior officers knew that whatever hardships they might be called upon to suffer, the result of the campaign was certain. Those inferior to them in rank and intelligence were not so assured of this, and were less patient of hardships which pressed more heavily upon them than upon their superiors.
As the termination of the siege seemed no nearer than when it had first commenced, the emperor recalled his third son, Muhammad A'zam, who had been sent to Ujjain and Agra to regulate Shah Alam's jagirs when that prince fell into disgrace, and had by this time reached Burhanpur. Ruhullah Khan, to whom had been entrusted the administration of Bijapur, was also summoned to the imperial presence. The difficulty of obtaining supplies had in the meantime increased to such an extent that Mirza Yar Ali, an experienced and faithful officer who was appointed chief of the commissariat, declined the appointment in despair of being able to carry out its duties to the emperor's satisfaction. ​Muhammad A'zam, who was an old enemy of Mirza Yar Ali, on his arrival in the imperial camp, represented that Mirza Yar All's refusal of the appointment was in fact an act of disobedience to the emperor, and so worked on his father's feelings that the unfortunate officer was beheaded. In his place one Sharif Khan, who had earned an unenviable notoriety in the collection of the jizya, or poll-tax on Hindus, was appointed chief of the commissariat.
Heavy rain and the flooding of the river Musi now added a fresh obstacle to the prosecution of the siege and reduced the besiegers to a plight far worse than that of the besieged. In the month of Rajab, as the third month of the siege was drawing to a close, Firuz Jang made an attempt to carry the place by escalade at night. Ladders were prepared and were placed in position, and the escalading party began to ascend them. Before they had reached the parapet, a dog, which was wandering round the rampart in search of corpses on which to feed, began to bark. The besieged were instantly on the alert, and ran with torches to the spot whence the sound proceeded. The ropes which fastened the ladders to the wall were cut, and the ladders were overturned, the escalading party being hurled into the ditch and overwhelmed with a shower of hand-grenades. But so sure of success had the Mughals been that a messenger, one Haji Mihrab, had been posted in order that at the moment at which the escalading party was expected to reach the parapet he might ride off to the emperor's tent with the news that the fortress had fallen. He carried out his instructions to the letter, and, without waiting to see whether the escalade had been successful, galloped off to the emperor and offered him respectful congratulations on the fall of the place. The satirist Ni'mat Khan-i-Ali has a most amusing poem on the reception of the news by the army. He describes their extravagant delight at the tardy termination of the long and arduous campaign in the Deccan, and the prospect of a speedy return to Hindustan, and then revels in the details of their disappointment when, in the morning, the rejoicing was found to be premature. The dejection of the imperial army on hearing the news of the utter failure of the attempt from which so much had been hoped was, indeed, extreme, and a less determined general than Aurangzib would certainly have abandoned the siege and awaited a more convenient opportunity for its prose​cution. But the determined bigot had set his hand to the plough and would not look back. He recked little that his troops were dying like flies from disease, famine and exposure. His resources were practically limitless, and he would not admit that he was defeated. The attempt to capture the fortress by escalade had failed, but the extravagant gratitude displayed by Abul Hasan towards the dog, the saviour of his capital, sufficed to show how narrow had been the line which divided failure from success. The dog received a collar of gold, a jewelled chain, and a coat of cloth-of-gold, and was kept always in the royal presence. But to the emperor the failure of the escalade merely suggested a fresh method of attack. Mining was now commenced, and in a short time three mines were carried as far as the wall, and nothing remained but to charge them.
At this period of the siege Abdullah, the chief qazi of the empire and the recognised authority on all questions of ecclesiastical law, ventured to represent to Aurangzib that it was unlawful to continue the siege. He might have known that the open expression of his scruples would have no other effect than to bring about his own disgrace. His predecessor had ventured to express a similar opinion with regard to the siege of Bijapur, and the treatment which he had received had compelled him to resign his post and retire to Mecca. But Abdullah did not allow this consideration to deter him from doing what he believed to be his duty. He fearlessly contended that as Abul Hasan was a Muslim who had agreed to submit to the emperor's authority and that as the continuance of hostilities involved the daily destruction of a large number of Muslims in either army, the siege was unlawful. He was unceremoniously dismissed from the imperial presence and was ordered to busy himself with the settlement of disputes, and to refrain from expressing opinions as to the lawfulness of that which the emperor chose to do.
In the middle of the month of Sha'ban, the siege having then lasted for about five months, a deluge of rain fell. The tents of the besieging army were beaten down, and the massive batteries, which had been constructed with infinite labour and at infinite risk in the fierce heat and under the guns of the fortress, were washed away. The troops had no other shelter than ^' that tent of cloud which is ​supported by ropes of rain." While they were in this plight the garrison made a most determined sortie. The spirit of the imperial army was now thoroughly broken, and many of its leaders displayed the most contemptible cowardice. Salim Khan, the African, after attempting for a short time to withstand the attack of the Deccanis, fled and hid himself in a cave. Saff Shikan Khan, whose reputation for valour was great, and who had hitherto displayed unflagging energy throughout the siege, was in command of that portion of the trenches on which the attack was led by the valiant Abdur Razzaq Khan Lari, He lay down in the mud and feigned to be wounded. Jamshid and Ghairat Khan, the commander of the imperial artillery, fled disgracefully, and though the latter attempted to hide himself he was recognized and captured. Sarbarah Khan and twelve other mansabdars were also captured. That portion of the besiegers' position which was attacked was cut off* from the camp of the main body of the imperial armxy by a nala^ swollen by the recent rain. Endeavours were made to convey reinforcements to the combatants by means of elephants, but the water was deep, and the supports were unable to reach their hard-pressed comrades.
Meanwhile the Deccanis returned to the fortress with their prisoners, who were led before Abul Hasan. Ghairat Khan was so overcome with terror that he appeared as one dead, and showed no signs of life until a match was applied to his breast, a somewhat rude method of diagnosing his complaint. Abul Hasan treated the captives not only courteously, but generously. The principal mansabdars received each a horse, as a present, and all received robes of honour and were permitted to return to the imperial camp. Sarbarah Khan, before he was dismissed, was taken round the store-houses and magazines, when he saw great store both of grain and powder piled up to the roof. It is impossible not to admire Abul Hasan's policy on this occasion. He must have known that the captives had endured and would endure in the famine-stricken camp of the besiegers hardships which would make the lot of a prisoner of war in Golconda appear enviable in their eyes. He must also have guessed that they would be severely called to account by their master for their gross misconduct in the field, and, in fact, his apparently gracious dismissal of them was as ingenious a punishment as could have been devised. His display of his resources ​in the eyes of Sarbarah Khan was a hint that the emperor need not hope to reduce the place by mere persistence.
With the returned prisoners Abul Hasan sent to Aurangzib two messages, one written and the other verbal. The terms which he offered were extravagantly liberal, and gave Aurangzib the best possible opportunity of making peace with honour. Abul Hasan began by acknowledging that he was the emperor's vassal, or, in oriental phraseology, his slave. He besought forgiveness for any fault that he might have committed, and pointed out that he had already been severely punished. He then agreed to surrender the fortress on condition that he was appointed viceroy for the territories over which he and his ancestors had ruled as independent kings. He sought this favour, he said, on the ground that his people had already suffered much misery on account of the war, and he feared that an unsympathetic stranger would grievously oppress them by demanding imposts which they could not possibly pay. He desired, in short, to satisfy the emperor's demands from his own treasury, and save his people from the exactions of an imperial officer who would undoubtedly regard the conquered province as his special spoil, and would, after satisfying his master's demands, bleed the people to the utmost in order to satisfy his own. He then agreed to pay to the emperor a crore of rupees for every assault that the imperial troops had made on Golconda, and a like sum for every halt that they made within the territory of Golconda, on their return to Hindustan. He also offered to relieve the immediate needs of the besieging army with an offering of five or six hundred maunds of corn. These were terms which the emperor might well have accepted without disgrace, but with a ruthless disregard of the misery of his troops and a persistent determination to conquer what he affected to consider the pride of Abul Hasan, and to reduce Golconda by force of arms, he declined to listen to any message that might be sent. "If," he said, "Abul Hasan is, as he pretends to be, my vassal, the only course open to him is to come before me bound. Only thus can I listen to him." Henceforth there could be no question of peace, and the imperial army renewed their preparations for continuing the siege. Fifty thousand sacks, which were to be filled with earth and thrown into the ditch, were ordered from Berar. The refusal of the generous terms offered by Abul Hasan and the orders for the continu​ance of the siege, caused the liveliest discontent among the imperial troops, who, longing for rest and retirement after their prolonged and arduous campaigning, gave vent to their disappointment in complaints both loud and bitter.
On the nineteenth of Sha'ban the miners reported that the mines were ready to be exploded. It was accordingly ordered that the besiegers should man the trenches, advancing as close as possible to the walls, and should then utter loud shouts, in order to attract the garrison to the walls. The shouts had the desired effect, but Abdur Razzaq Lari guessed their object. He accordingly ordered countermines to be sunk as rapidly as possible. His operations were successful, and his miners abstracted from one mine both match and powder, and damaged the charges of the other two mines with water. Ignorant of the damage that had been done the besiegers fired one of the mines in preparation for an attempt to take the place by storm. But the powder in the direction of the fort was wet, and the mine consequently exploded in the wrong direction, killing over a thousand of the imperial troops, among whom were many officers of high rank. A scene of indescribable consternation and confusion ensued, and the garrison, seizing their opportunity, sallied forth and attacked the besiegers, capturing the trenches. After an obstinate fight the trenches were recaptured with much loss, but they were barely re-occupied when a second mine was fired, the effects of which were even more disastrous than those of the first. By the explosion itself and the stones which it threw up about two thousand of the imperial army were killed and wounded, and the explosion was followed up by the besieged with a second sortie, even more determined than the first. They were met by the Mughal commander, Ghazi-ud-din Khan, Firuz Jang, who was driven back with a loss of nearly three hundred and fifty men. So critical was the position of the imperial troops at this juncture that the emperor himself found it necessary to come to their relief with the reserves. As he advanced to the attack a heavy storm came on, the nalas filled rapidly, and the rain fell with such violence that it was impossible for the troops to manoeuvre, and Aurangzib himself was repulsed. The principal battery was completely washed away, and the Deccanis, seeing the demoralisation of their assailants, poured forth from the ​fortress in ever increasing numbers. They again entered the trenches and rushed upon the siege batteries, capturing and carrying off several of the guns, and spilling those which they could not carry away. Having effected so much, they turned their attention to their own defences, and utilised the huge sandbags with which the ditch had for the second time been filled in repairing the breaches in the wall, thus, as Khafi Khan says, using the equivalent Persian proverb, killing two birds with one stone.
In the meantime, the imperial army, floundering in the heavy mud and impeded by the swollen nalas, were endeavouring to attack the fortress. They knew that one of the bastions had been battered to pieces. They did not know that the besieged had taken advantage of their successful attack on the trenches to repair the ruined bastion. When the attacking column advanced in the morning under a heavy fire, which carried destruction among their ranks, and neared their objective, the morning light disclosed no breach in the fortifications. Both Ni'mat Khan-i-Ali and Khafi Khan give an amusing account of the argument which ensued as to which bastion was the object of the attack. The argument so facetiously described by both authors was doubtless an accusation of treachery brought by the men against their leaders, met by them and their henchmen with an indignant denial. Many of the storming party believed that they had been betrayed, and led against the wrong bastion, and accused their leaders and those who were in the confidence of their leaders of having led them into a trap. The argument ended in a free fight, which was encouraged by the plaudits and delighted shouts of the garrison, who lined the walls and enjoyed the spectacle. This ridiculous conflict continued till nightfall, when the officers with much difficulty brought it to an end.
There still remained one mine to be fired, and the emperor, having directed that it should be fired the next morning, rode out to witness the spectacle, which was a miserable fiasco. This was the mine from which the besieged had removed the powder. A match was ignited, but the mine would not explode, and the miners were afraid to inspect the mine so closely as to discover what was wrong, but at last a spy brought information of what the besieged had done. The match had been cut, but sufficient was left to lead the miners to believe that the ​mine had not been tampered with. The emperor, bitterly disappointed, announced that the assault had been postponed to the next day, and returned to his tents.
The failure of the third mine was not the only important event of this eventful day. Firuz Jang, the commander-in-chief of the besieging force, was wounded in two places, and, as it thus became necessary to fill his place, the emperor's third son, Muhammad A'zam, was appointed to the command. At the same time Aurangzib issued a proclamation formally annexing to the empire the kingdom of Golconda. Its issue may seem to have been premature, seeing that the capital had not yet fallen, and that Abul Hasan still had troops of his own in the field besides his allies, the Marathas, but it was not in fact so, for the ultimate fate both of the fortress and of the kingdom was assured, and it was by no means too early for arrangements for the better administration of districts in which anarchy prevailed, all semblance of civil administration being of necessity wanting. The latest addition to the empire was styled Daru-l-jihad-i-Haidarabad, or Haidarabad, the seat of war. Mughal officers were appointed to collect the revenue and administer justice. The consideration which Hinduism had enjoyed in the Deccan for more than three centuries was changed to persecution, and Hindu temples in Haidarabad, now the headquarters of the Mughal administrators, were overthrown, a rigid system of police being inaugurated for the prevention of unlawful rites and unlawful amusements.
About this time Saff Shikan Khan was accused of collusion with the besieged and was thrown into prison, his property being confiscated. It was, however, very soon discovered that the accusation was entirely false, his accusers being some of his fellow-countrymen and co-religion- ists (he was a Persian and a Shiah) whose religious susceptibilities he had offended by an unguarded expression intended to convey to them his conviction that the siege ought to be prosecuted at all costs. Aurangzib had little regard for Shiah susceptibilities, and much for an officer whose opinions coincided with his own on the great question of the moment. Saff Shikan Khan was accordingly released from prison, and was placed in command of the artillery.
Those of Abul Hasan's amirs who still remained faithful to him now began to weary of the apparently interminable siege. They ​understood, too, by this time, that Auraiigzib's determination was unalterable and must sooner or later attain its object. They began to forsake their master and join the emperor, and the deserters were, as on the former occasion, honoured with titles and commands. Abul Hasan was seriously alarmed at the extent of the defection, and in his panic was foolish enough to arrest and imprison Shaikh Minhaj, who was said to be wavering, and to confiscate his property. The action alienated the affection of the remnant that was left, and in a short time the only officers of any importance remaining in Golconda were Abdur Razzaq Lari and Abdullah Khan Pani, the Afghan. The loyalty of the latter was not proof against temptation, as will be seen, but Abdur Razzaq rose superior to all temptation. He was offered the command of six thousand horse, with high rank in the imperial army, but treated the offer with contempt. He produced the emperor's letter in which it was contained before the troops under his immediate command, and, after acquainting them with its contents, tore it up before them with gestures so contemptuous that the historian shrinks from describing them. Aurangzib, on hearing of the manner in which his message had been received, openly abused "the accursed Lari" for an obstinate fool, but nevertheless expressed in private the greatest admiration for his loyalty; as well he might, for of all who were engaged on either side in this siege Abdur Razzaq commands the most respect, whether for his incorruptible loyalty or for his indomitable valour.
By this time the ditch had again been filled up with sandbags and with the corpses of men and beasts, and assaults, none of which was successful, were frequent. But Aurangzib had now a surer means of effecting his purpose. Abdullah Khan Pani had already been won over, and all that remained to be done was to concoct a plan in the execution of which his assistance would be of service. Towards the end of the month Zi-Qa'dah, A. H. 1098 (October A. D. 1687), the siege having lasted for eight months, Ruhu-'llah Khan, employing as his agent a fellow-tribesman, possibly a kinsman, of Abdullah Khan, arranged with Abdullah that his post at the wicket gate should be insufficiently guarded on the night chosen for the assault, and that the alarm should not be given until the escalading party had effected an entry. The escalade was successfully carried out by Ruhu-llah Khan, ​Mukhtar Khan, Ranmast Khan, Saflf Shikan Khan, and Jan Nisar Khan guided by Abdullah Khan in person. Muhammad A'zam, the commander-in-chief of the besieging army, was waiting, with the main body of his forces, at the gate nearest to the wicket gate, which was to be opened from within by the escalading party. But by the time that the latter had reached the main gate Abdur Razzaq Khan Lari, to whom the news that the Mughals were entering the fort had been conveyed, arrived on the scene. Aroused suddenly from his sleep the gallant soldier had no time to arm himself or to assemble his men. Seizing a naked sword in one hand and a shield in the other, he-mounted a bare-backed horse, and, calling on all who were true to their salt to follow him, threw himself headlong upon the Mughals. His followers numbered no more than twelve, and with these he attacked all the force that the besiegers could bring into the field. The small but gallant band were soon separated one from another, but Abdur Razzaq threw himself into the midst of the emperor's troops and fought until he fell, covered with wounds from head to foot. The description of his valour given by the historian Khafi Khan, then serving in the Mughal army, will bear quotation : — "Like a drop of water flowing into the sea, or like a mote of the sunbeam pressing onward to assail the sun, he rushed upon the army, and with valour and bravery beyond mortal comprehension, fought with all the power of valiant manhood, shouting the while, 'My life, while it lasts, is an offering to my master, Abul Hasan.' At each moment he advanced a step farther forward amongst thousands who struck at him with their swords, until it might be said, so severe were his wounds, that he was fighting with his own blood. From the crown of his head to the sole of his foot he was covered with countless wounds, each one of which appeared to be mortal. But, since his hour had not arrived, he fell not until the gate of the citadel was reached, but gave way slowly, still fighting. He received twelve wounds in the face, so that the skin of his forehead fell as a veil over his eyes and nose, and when it was afterwards raised it was found that one of his eyes had been destroyed by a sword-cut, while the wounds on his body were in number like the stars of heaven. His horse, too, smitten with countless wounds, at last stood trembling, when Abdur Razzaq, his strength being now spent, dropped the reins and allowed it to bear him whither it would. It wandered to a ​garden near the citadel, known as Nagina Bagh, and there stood under a cocoanut palm, where Razzaq threw himself down. On the morning of the next day some of Husaini Beg's men, who chanced to be passing, saw him and identified him. Moved with generous pity for so valiant a foe they raised him, half-dead, on to a bed, and conveyed him with his horse and arms to his house, and his family and servants busied themselves in attending to his wounds. I have placed on record this account of a fraction of his valour. What more I have to say regarding the loyalty of this most valiant hero will, please God, be related hereafter."
In the behaviour of Abul Hasan, when he received the news that the Mughals had at length effected an entrance into the fortress, there was nothing to recall the craven flight from Haidarabad to Golconda. He first betook himself to his harem, where he was assiduous in calming the fears aroused by the news that the rule of the Qutb Shahi kings was over. Then, having bidden farewell to the ladies, he arrayed himself in his robes of state and repaired to his throne-room, the diwan-i-khass, where he took his seat, for the last time, upon his throne, and awaited the arrival of his unbidden guests. When his usual meal-time arrived, he commanded food to be brought. The meal had no sooner been ordered than Ruhu-'llah Khan, Mukhtar Khan, and their companions arrived. They saluted the last Qutb Shah in the usual form, and he, "abating not one jot of his kingly dignity," replied "wa'alaikum as-salam." The king and the Mughal officers remained in converse till the morning, discoursing principally, it appears, on indifferent matters. The Mughal historian has nothing but praise for the carriage, behaviour, and dignified stoicism of the defeated monarch. When the meal which had been ordered was laid, the king invited the imperial officers to join him, an invitation which some accepted while others held aloof. Among the latter was Ruhu-'llah Khan, who was unable to contain his astonishment at the king's possessing any appetite for food at such a time. To him the king replied with quiet dignity that he trusted in God who had given him day by day his daily bread, that he was accustomed to eat at the hour at which this meal was served and that he saw no reason to forgo the enjoyment of the gifts of his Creator. ​ After his meal Abul Hasan arrayed himself in his jewels and mounted his horse, and was then conducted to the gate where Muhammad A'zam was waiting, in a small pavilion prepared for the purpose, to receive him. The king, removing his necklace of pearls, presented it to the prince who, after accepting it, received him kindly and did his best to console him in his affliction. He then conducted Abul Hasan to the emperor, who received him graciously, and treated him with due honour. The fallen king was shortly afterwards sent to Daulatabad, where he remained as a state prisoner, and was allowed every indulgence till his death.
The discovery of the wounded hero of the defence, Abdur Razzaq Khan Lari, by some of Husaini Beg's men, has already been mentioned. From his house, whither he had first been taken, he was carried to Ruhu-'llah Khan, with whom Saff Shikan Khan happened to be at the time. The brutal Saff Shikan Khan proposed that "the accursed Lari" should at once be beheaded, and that his head should be exposed over one of the gates of the fortress. Ruhu-'llah Khan had the grace to rebuke his ungenerous colleague, and saved the life of the captive, reporting the capture to the emperor, by whose orders two surgeons, a European and a Hindu, were appointed to have charge of him. The faithful servant's loyalty to his master moved the unwilling admiration of the conqueror, who remarked, with good reason, that if Abul Hasan had had one more servant like Abdur Razzaq, the capture of Golconda would have been a more difficult undertaking than it had proved to be. The remark was evidently levelled at the traitor Abdullah Khan Pani, but it is far from improbable that Aurangzib wished it to be laid to heart by his own officers, for there were few, if any, among them who merited the trust that Abul Hasan had been able to repose in Abdur Razzaq.
The two surgeons examined their patient and counted in his body nearly seventy wounds, besides which, they said, there were wounds over other wounds, which could not be counted. One of his eyes was destroyed, and though the other had not actually been injured it was feared that it would be impossible to save its sight. After thirteen days the wounded man was able to utter a few indistinct words. As soon as the emperor heard that he was able to speak he sent him a message to say that he was forgiven, and that if he would send for his eldest son, ​Abdul Qadir, and such other of his sons as might be fit for service, they would be honoured with commands. The message also conveyed to Abdur Razzaq himself the offer of a command, which the wounded man respectfully declined. He had, he said, little hope of life, and even if he lived his shattered body could be of little service to the emperor, apart from the consideration that he regarded the short span of life still remaining to him as due to his master, Abul Hasan, for whom he would cheerfully undergo again all that he had suffered. Aurangzib, on receiving Abdur Razzaq's reply, displayed some petulance, but his displeasure was of short duration, and gave way to sincere admiration of the sufferer's inflexible devotion. Abdur Razzaq's scruples were at length overcome, and after his recovery, which, considering the condition of the healing art in those days, was little less than miraculous, he entered the emperor's service, having first obtained his old master's permission to do so, and all his personal property, except a small portion of it which had fallen into the hands of plunderers, was restored to him.
The spoils of Golconda were enormous, and the imperial treasury was enriched to the extent of 61,51,000 golden huns, Rs.2,00,53,000, a large quantity of jewels and plate and 1,15,13,00,000 copper dams.
Thus, after eight months' duration, ended the siege of Golconda, and thus Aurangzib at length plucked the fruit for the ripening of which he had so long waited. Making his religion a pretext for his designs, he had, in contravention of that religion, sent into captivity two fellow-Muslim sovereigns, destroying the last vestige of rivalry to his authority. The Mughal empire had now well nigh reached its utmost extent, and though as yet perhaps the signs of that fearfully rapid decay which led to its disintegration in the course of the next century were barely apparent, they were none the less present. The Marathas were as yet far from the zenith of their power, but were already a thorn in the side of the emperor, whose bigotry fanned their patriotism and whose ceaseless warfare inured them to arms and hardship. The forerunners of those ambitious and turbulent amirs who became virtually independent rulers of the provinces which Aurangzib's enfeebled successors dared not withhold from them, and in whose bands the great Mughal himself, before another century had passed, became a puppet. ​were, indeed, serving the old padishah with indifferent loyalty and moderated zeal, but the end was not far off, and when in 1707 the last of the house of Timur who commands our respect, died, worn out with warfare, the vast empire which he ruled was already in danger of falling to pieces with its own weight. Whether the integrity of the empire could have been maintained despite the degeneracy of the later descendents of the house of Timur is very doubtful, but there is no doubt that the maintenance of the kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda as states in subordinate alliance with the empire would have been the most effective check to its enemies, the Marathas.