# Protestant Exiles from France/Book Second - Chapter 1 - Section II

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II. Charles, Second Duke of Schomberg.
“Who hath also been slaine in our service.” — King William III.
Count Charles de Schomberg, youngest son of the Marshal, was born about 1645. Having entered the army, he is found serving with his father in Portugal. After the victory of Montesclaros, the Confederates made an irruption into Spain, and the Fort de la Garda was besieged. On the sixth day of the siege the covered way was attacked, when the Marquis of Ruvigny and Count Charles de Schomberg were the first that entered, being accompanied by a Portuguese sergeant who was immediately killed. Miners were then sent to work, and the town surrendered on the 22d November 1665.
In 1663 a regiment, nominally in Portuguese pay, had been formed of “Germans of the old Imperial forces,” who as Spanish auxiliaries had become Schomberg’s prisoners at Evora. It was called Cleran’s Regiment, after a French Colonel to whom Schomberg gave it. At the peace in 1668 Charles de Schomberg was Lieutenant-Colonel of Cleran’s, and, like the rest of the officers and men, was incorporated with the regiment of Alsace in the army of France. During the next sixteen years he must have earned considerable advancement in the service; and at the date of his arriving in Prussia as a refugee, his eminent qualities and reputation may be inferred from the facts that the Elector made him a major-general in his army, and gave him the governorship of Magdeburg.
Count Charles accompanied the Prince of Orange in his descent upon England. He was the first of his father’s descendants to become a British subject. Accordingly, when the Marshal was enrolled in the peerage of England in acknowledgment of the “hazardous attempt to redeem this kingdom from Popery and arbitrary power,” we find Charles, his third surviving son, declared to be his heir.
Having been enrolled in the English army, probably as a Major-General, Charles was sent to Ireland to assist in the relief of Londonderry. Rosen in his despatch to King James, dated 5th July 1689, speaks of Kirke as “waiting the arrival of three regiments of cavalry and two of infantry which are to join him under the command of Count Charles Schomberg.” He threw himself into the city, and by his genius and vigour gave great assistance to the citizens. When no longer required there, he joined his father at Dundalk. He was a witness to a proof of the assertion of the General “that the Irish regiments will always throw themselves upon the first ​plunder.” Mr. Harbord took his fowling-piece one night and went on a party with Count Schomberg. Harbord fell from his horse. Five or six Enniskillen troopers began to strip and rob him, though he cried that he was the paymaster, and would give them money to carry him to the camp. A French officer, who happened to pass, recognised him, and on his testimony the troopers carried Harbord back. In December, Charles Schomberg went to England to give a report to the king of the state of the army. He seems now to have been lent to the Elector of Brandenburg. He is said to have commanded the Prussians at the battle of Fleurus. Professor Weiss says, “The Prussians, commanded by Charles de Schomberg, prevented Marshal Luxemburg from profiting by the bloody victory of Fleurus.” This was on the 30th of June 1690.
On the very next day, his noble father fell at the Battle of the Boyne. Charles thus became Duke of Schomberg; he also got the first instalment of the annuity of £4000 a-year from the English Treasury. He was in England this winter, according to Dumont de Bostaquet, who drove with him to court in the Marquis De Ruvigny’s carriage.
In February 1691 our King William paid his first royal visit to his native country and dominions. The Dutch gave him a most magnificent welcome. All the splendour and honours of fetes, firing of cannon by day and fireworks by night, triumphal arches, court-dresses, equipages and processions have been kept in memory by fifteen large engravings in the goodly folio volume published at the time by Arnout Leers of the Hague, entitled:— “Relation du Voyage de Sa Majesté Britannique en Hollande et de la Reception qui lui a été faite.” In the lists of distinguished courtiers are included Dukes and Earls of England, one of whom is Le Duc Charles De Schomberg (page 87).
The grand living justification of the war with France was the ancient church of the Vaudois, or Waldenses. Louis XIV. considered it his mission to exterminate these primitive Christians. His persecution of his Huguenot subjects was held up as an example to the ruler of Piedmont, the Duke of Savoy, whose subjects the Waldenses were. The House of Savoy was not only exhorted but also compelled to persecute. Being one of the lesser powers, it could not withstand the tremendous dictation of France. The young Duke Victor Amedeo II. had succeeded his father in 1675 when he was only nine years of age. His mother, on whom the regency devolved, was a French lady of the blood royal, Francoise, daughter of Gaston, Duke of Orleans, the king’s uncle. The Vaudois, cruelly banished from their valleys, succeeded in fighting their way back to them. They were aided by the money and sympathy of the Elector of Brandenburg and the Prince of Orange. The Emperor of Germany having sided with the confederacy, the Duke of Savoy had to decide whether he would have that Emperor, or the Grand Monarque as his enemy. France had no time to meditate any active projects against the poor Waldenses, who had long foreseen that such a war was the only real peace for them. Victor Amedeo sided with the Emperor. The allied powers succoured him. Having a genius for military affairs, he was supplied with reinforcements.
But the French, under Marshal Catinat, were on the spot to punish his defection, before the arrival of his succours from abroad. Some of the Piedmontese troops were successful against the French at Carignan and Lucerne. The enemy had difficulty in subsisting their troops, and might have had to decamp, if defensive measures had been relied on. The young Duke, however, would fight the battle of Salusses (18th Aug. 1690), in which the French gained a complete victory. Loss after loss followed, Suza being the last and most serious; that fortress surrendered to the French in November.
While the armies were in winter-quarters, President de la Tour obtained King William’s substantial aid for the unhappy Duke, namely, a pecuniary subsidy of £100,000 a-year, the joint contribution of England and Holland. And in December, Charles, Duke of Schomberg, was ordered to prepare to go to Savoy in spring, at the head of a contingent of 12,000 men, to be accompanied by several Protestant chaplains, such as Arnaud, Dubourdieu, and others. He was also to raise recruits in Holland. His rank in our army at this date was Lieutenant-General.
The subjects of the Duke of Savoy were alarmingly dispirited. On the 26th of March 1691, Nice surrendered to Marshal Catinat, the citizens having taken the French side, from the very first, against their own garrison. The French took Carmagnola on the 8th June. Schomberg arrived at Turin on the 18th, and found the whole country in the greatest consternation and despondency. French money, which was always in circulation to introduce treacherous counsels and foul play, was now ​used to increase the fears of the faint-hearted. It was now the cry that His Royal Highness was abandoned by his continental allies, who had never anything better than fair words to give him, and that the King of England, who was his last resource, had sent him the Duke of Schomberg, with a magnificent retinue; but what was that without an effective army? The suggestion was evident that if Victor Amedeo did not wish to be extinguished, he should throw himself at the feet of His Most Christian Majesty, the King of France.
Schomberg began his duties by studying the country, and the habits and manners of the court, where everything was new to him. When he had collected his thoughts, his first advice was that His Royal Highness’s army should show no symptoms of despondency, and that the troops should be encouraged to display some animation, and to move about. The Duke of Savoy was doing nothing; watching the enemy from the hill of Montcallier, and looking on, while towns were surrendering, and his palace of Rivoli was being destroyed. Turin having been threatened, he had removed the court from that city, and left the citizens in dismay. By Schomberg’s advice, the infantry descended to the foot of the hill, the cavalry were extended to the right, and parties were sent hither and thither. The French, in open defiance, had been in the habit of foraging in the view of the Duke’s grand guard. “You should advance and insult them the very next time,” said Schomberg. Accordingly, on the 22nd of June, His Royal Highness, with the general officers, and about 3000 horse, advanced towards the enemy’s forage, and the French precipitately retired, Catinat being unwilling to sustain his foragers, and to bring on a general engagement. An anecdote is told as to that very day. The Duke of Savoy overheard Schomberg speaking in German, and said, “I tried once to learn that language, but was discouraged by its difficulty.” Schomberg offered to teach him. “No, my Lord,” replied His Royal Highness, “it is the trade of war that I intend to learn from you.”
In the meantime the garrison of Coni continued to hold out against the French. The French Protestant Refugees got the credit of the vigorous defence. At headquarters a council of war was held as to the most effectual and striking manner of raising the siege. The French were both at Coni prosecuting the siege, and also in the valley of Aosta, where an army of observation, commanded by La Hoguette, lay within sight of the confederate army. A third French force under Catinat was near Carignan. Schomberg’s advice was to march against Catinat and force him to fight, while La Hoguette, supposing that they had gone to relieve Coni, would leave the country. The Duke of Savoy and Prince Eugene approved of the plan. But the Spanish generals pressed the relieving of Coni, which was agreed to. The army moved and La Hoguette decamped. On the 27th of July, the enemy made an assault upon Coni, and were repulsed with great loss. The allies under Prince Eugene came up next day, and the French besiegers moved off. But Catinat, being untouched, threw reinforcements into Casale, a step which Schomberg’s counsel might have prevented. It was so far well that Coni was relieved. The Duke of Savoy presented the French Protestant Colonel Julien with a diamond ring in admiration of his successful defence of the place.
The many disappointments in the confederate warfare, in the reigns both of William and Anne, arose partly from the jealous rivalry among generals of different nations, which produced suicidal divisions and deliberate mismanagement — partly also from the enmity of Roman Catholics against their Protestant comrades. These evils began to be felt in the Piedmontese campaigns. The Duke of Schomberg found that King William’s money, intended principally for Vaudois and Huguenot regiments, had been often withheld from them and grossly misapplied. This he set to work to rectify. He also applied himself to improve the discipline of the troops under his special command. Matters at last improved. Although the duchy of Savoy was entirely lost at the end of this year’s campaign, yet much of the Piedmontese territory was recovered. This arose from the arrival on the 19th August of 18,000 Germans commanded by the Elector of Bavaria. Marshal Catinat, in the midst of some disappointments, relieved his chagrin by sending 3,000 men to lay waste the Waldensian Valleys. He missed his revenge; for his detachment was routed by the Vaudois, assisted by the French refugees. The Duke of Schomberg undertook to relieve Montmelian, which was the last place in Savoy that fell into the hands of the French. But the Imperialists (says Burnet) and even the Court of Turin, “seemed to be more afraid of the strength of heresy than of the power of France, and chose to let that important place fall into the enemy’s hands rather than suffer it to be relieved by those they did not like.” Schomberg’s services were ​acknowledged by his own sovereign in a gratifying manner; he obtained the colonelcy of the first Foot Guards on the 27th December 1691.
In the year 1692, the French seem to have begun to meditate their scheme of detaching the Duke of Savoy from his allies by bribery. They had intended to make him feel their resentment. The necessity of approaching him with a different tone showed that his affairs were in a reputable posture. And this he owed mainly to Britain. With but slight deductions we may adopt Burnet’s statement:— “The Imperialists and the Spaniards made him great promises, in which they are never wanting when their affairs require it; yet they failed so totally in the performance, that if the king and the Dutch, who had promised him nothing, had not performed everything effectually, he must have become at once a prey to the French.” It is uncertain whether definite overtures were made by the French government this year; but forbearance was shown, and Catinat was left with a force sufficient only for the defence of former acquisitions. Luttrell informs iis that in July the Confederates declined the siege of Pignerol, and their army was divided into three parts, the major portion accompanying Schomberg in an irruption into Dauphiny.
This was, in fact, the main army, which was accompanied by the Duke of Savoy. The object was to carry the war into France itself, and to cause a rising of the French Protestants, who, though they were called New Converts or New Catholics in public documents, were still Protestant at heart. On the 29th of August 1692, the Duke of Schomberg issued a manifesto to this effect:— “His Britannic Majesty, in causing his troops to enter France, has no other aim but to restore the nobility and gentry to their ancient splendour, the parliaments to their pristine authority, and the people to their just privileges, the Established Clergy being also protected. The Kings of England being guarantees of the Edict of Nantes by the peace of Montpellier, and by several other treaties, the King, my master, thinks himself obliged to maintain the guaranty, and cause that edict to be revived.” (Issued at Embrun.)
All such irruptions must, according to ordinary probability, be failures. The people, however well affected to the invaders, cannot join the invading army until its success ensures protection to revolters from the existing government; and, at the same time, the people’s neutrality prevents the desired success. The mere withholding of friendship, on the part of the natives, is real opposition; and the visitors, whose friendship is visibly unappreciated, have to act very much like enemies. As to this invasion of France, there were many instances of success, and some government money and stores were taken. But an attack of small-pox upon the Duke of Savoy, which made his army bring him home, barely saved the exit from an appearance of defeat or disappointment, which the barren results of the entrance seemed to indicate. The best feature in the case was, that 200 French Protestants left France under the shelter of this army, because they had been convinced that it was wrong to conform to Romish worship, and that it was better “to expose themselves to beggary and contempt in foreign nations than to live in plenty and honour in their native land” on such terms.
On the army going into winter quarters, the Duke of Schomberg paid his last visit to his adopted country, and took his seat as a hereditary legislator in the House of Lords.
The campaign of 1693 was for a long time favourable to the Duke of Savoy. But unhappily he allowed himself to be drawn into a battle in the plains of Marsiglia, in October. This was contrary to the advice of the generals. The French by reinforcements had become superior in numbers, and it was their interest to fight in the plain. The Allies were progressing in the recapture of the fortresses of the kingdom. But in a pitched battle Duke Victor Amedeo was completely beaten. The only apparent apology was his love for fighting at the head of a large army. It has been supposed that he hoped, by a victory, to extort a better bargain from France in a secret treaty.
The Duke of Schomberg’s share in the narrative is a mournful one. Disapproving of the resolution for a battle, and also being passed over in the distribution of the chief posts of command, he resolved to fight simply as the Colonel of a regiment. The British forces, which were in the centre, particularly distinguished themselves, but were at last left exposed, their supports being routed. The Count de las Torres rode up to their leader, the Duke of Schomberg, and asked him to take command of the retreat. But Schomberg, who had been offended that the Count had been put over him in command, replied, “I must have His Royal Highness’s orders, and until I receive them I will bear the enemy’s fire. My opinion is, things have gone so far that we must either vanquish or die.” The brave remnant of the centre stood their ground with extraordinary resolution, but at last had to abandon the field. ​Schomberg was severely wounded in the thigh, and was carried by his comrades to Turin.
Believing his wound to be mortal, he dictated his will on the 14th of October. Having lingered for sixteen days altogether, he died on the 16th October, aged about forty-eight. Defoe, lamenting the degeneracy of some inheritors of old English titles, characterizes them as
“Such peers as History must blush to name, When future records to the world relate Marsaglia’s field and gallant Schomberg’s fate.”
Without pretending to be a historian, I have now given a record of Duke Charles’ Life and of his last battle, and I conclude it with a comprehensive quotation from Oldmixon’s History:— “The Duke of Schomberg, having fought with unparalleled valour, received a mortal wound in the thigh, of which he died not many days after, to the great regret of all good and gallant men, for he was of that number in an eminent degree.”
*⁎* Luttrell notes, on the 3rd October 1696, “Monsieur Du Bourdieu, Minister of the French Church in the Savoy, having brought the late Duke Schomberg’s heart from Piedmont, has interred it in the Savoy Church, with a monument over it.” I now give a copy of Duke Charles’ will, “translated out of French.”
In the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. The Will of the High and Mighty Lord Charles Duke de Schonberg, Lieutenant-Generall of the armies of his Majesty of Great Britaine in the year one thousand six hundred ninety-three (first indiction) and the fourteenth of October, at Turin in the palace of the Count Duquene in the parish of St. Cusebines, the lodging of the after-named Lord Duke the testator, before me Notary Ducall Royall and Collegiate Proctor of the Sovereayne Senate of Piemont, and in presence of the Lord Cornelius Count de Nassau D’averquerque, a Hollander, Mr John Du Bordieu, minister of the said Lord Duke de Schonberg, Abraham Beneset Du Teron, secretary of the same lord, Phillip Loyd, physitian, Paul Artaud, chyrurgion, Paul Sancerre, allso chyrurgion, David Castres, chief of the kitchen to the said lord, and John Jaubert, witnesses called, holding each in his hand a lighted wax candle, it being late at night.
Whereas there is nothing in the world more certain than death, nor anything more uncertain than the hour of its coming, and that therefore every prudent person ought to dispose of the estate which it hath pleased God to give him in this world, whilst he hath the full disposition of his sences, for to avoid all manner of contestation amongst his heires — which the High and Mighty Lord Charles Duke de Schonberg, Marquis of Harwich, Earl of Brentford and Baron de Teys, Count of the Holy Empire, Lieutenant-Generall of His Majesty of Great Brittaine, Collonell of the first regiment of the English Guards, and Chief Generall of his troops in Piemont, prudently considering, now in this city, sound (through the grace of God) of his sences, sight, memory, and understanding, nevertheless seized with infirmity by reason of his wounds received in the army, hath resolved to make his last and valid Testament and disposition of last will, nuncupative without being write through, reduced in manner following.
And in the first place he hath most humbly begged pardon to the Soveraiyne God his Creator for all his sinns and trespasses, most humbly beseeching Him to grant him remission thereof by the meritts of the death and passion of our Lord Jesus Christ his Saviour. He hath bequeathed and doth bequeath to the Poor of the Reformed Religion which are now in this city the summe of Five hundred livers (money of France) for to be distributed to them presently after his death by the persons to whom such pious Legacyes doth belong. Moreover he hath bequeathed and doth bequeath to the poor of the said Religion of the City of London the like sum of Five hundred livres (French money), payable three months after his decease, and which shall be distributed unto the said poor by the Committy of the said City. Moreover he hath bequeathed and doth bequeath to the High and Mighty Lord Frederick Count de Schonberg, his Brother, the summe of a thousand Crowns, which he will to be paid unto him by his Heire, hereafter named, within six months after his decease, and that in consideration of that summe he shall not, nor may not, pretend or demand any other thing upon his goods and estate by him left. Being askt by me underwitten Notary if he will bequeath any thing to the Poor of the Hospitall of the Lords Knights of St. Maurice and Lazarus, and to the Poor Orphan Maidens of this City, he answered that he doth bequeath to each of the said bodyes tenn Crowns for each, payable after his decease; reserving to himself, if he hath time, by way of Codicill, to make such other bequests as he shall think fitt. In all and every other his estate, actions, names, or titles, rights, and pretensions, in whatsoever they doe or may consist, my said Lord Duke de Schonberg, testator, hath named, and doth name, with his own mouth, for his heire universall, the High and Mighty Lord Menard De Schonberg, Duke of Leinster, Grandee of Portingall, and General of the Forces of England and Scotland, his brother, by whom he will that what he hath above ordered be fully executed. And what is above my said Lord Duke de Schonberg hath declared to be, and that he doth will the same to be, his last Testament and Disposition of last Will nuncupative without writing, which he willeth shall ​availe by way of testament, codicill, gift by reason of death, and by all other the best means [by] which it may or can be valid and subsist— revoking, annulling, and making void all other Testaments and Dispositions of Last Will which he might have heretofore made, willing that this present shall take place of all others, ordering me Notary underwritten to draw this present in the manner as above done, and pronounced in the place as above, and in the presence of the above said witnesses who after my said Lord have signed.Schonberg.
| John De Bordieu, Witnesse. Du Teron, Witnesse. Loyd, Witnesse. Paul Artaud, Witnesse. | Cornelius De Nassau D'averquerque, Witnesse. Paul Sancerre, Witnesse. David Castres, Witnesse. John Jaubert, Witnesse. |
The above said Will was by me James Paschalis, Notary Ducall Royall and Proctor Collegiate of the Soveraign Senate of Piemont, faithfully passed, caused to be extracted of its Originall, with which I have duly compared the same, and entred it in the tenth book of this present year, in folio, and paid the fees of the entring as by acquittance of the said Register to me. In Testimony whereof I have here notarially subscribed (Paschalis, Not.). Substantialiter translatum per me Joh$^{em}$ Jacobum Benard No $^{rium}$ Pub$^{cum.}$
Proved by Menard, Duke of Schonberg and Leinster, at London, 13th November 1693.
Note.
The proclamation issued in France by the Duke was written for him by his chaplain, Rev. John Du Bourdieu, who gave a copy of it to Boyer, the author of the history of King Willian III., in three volumes. It is printed in that history, vol. ii., appendix, page 71. It is interesting, as showing the political sentiments of Huguenot refugees with reference to the country of their birth, and therefore I present my readers with a copy of it.
La Declaration du Due de Schomberg aux Habitans du Dauphiné au nom du Roi de la Grande Brétagne, Guillaume III.
Comme les Violences, que la France a exeréces sur tous ses voisins, doivent faire craindre à ses Sujets que, si les Alliés entrent dans ses Etats, ils n’en tirent une vengeance proportionnée à ce qu’ils en ont souffert, Nous croyons les devoir informer des intentions du Roi notre Maitre.
Toute la terre sait qu’on l’a forcé à prendre les armes. Ses Etats de la Bourgogne étoient injustement saisis. Sa Principauté d’Orange etoit saccagée, et tous ses Sujets opprimés. Les injustices qu'on lui faisoit étoient accompagnées de manières lâches et indignes; et ses ennemis, portant leur fureur jusques dans l’avenir, travailloient à lui ôter ce que la naissance et la succession devoient un jour lui donner. Ce n’est donc que pour conserver son bien et ses droits qu’il a été constraint de recourir à la voie des armes, et aussi ne pretend-il les employer que pour conserver tout le monde dans ses biens et dans ses droits.
C’est pourquoi, s’il me fait entrer en France, son intention est de retablir la Noblesse, les Parlemens, et le Peuple dans leur ancien lustre, et les Provinces dans leurs privileges. Il sait que la Noblesse est foulée aux pieds, que les Parlemens sont sans autorité, et que le Peuple est accablé par les impots. Mais si aujourd’hui la Noblesse, les Parlemens, et le Peuple n’abandonnent pas leurs interêts et ne negligent pas une occasion (qu’ils ne retrouveront pas peutêtre jamais), ils verront leurs Etâts Generaux qui conserveront les Gentilshommes dans les privileges de leur naissance, qui renderont aux Parlemens leur eclat et leur autorité, et qui deliveront le Peuple des taxes qui les devorent.
Le Roi mon Maitre n’ayant donc pris les armes que pour maintenir les droits d’autrui et les siens, c’est sans fondement que les ennemis veulent faire passer cette guerre pour une Guerre de Religion. C’est un artifice pour allumer le faux zêle des peuples, et un piége tendu à leur credulité, afin qu’ils se laissent saigner jusques à la dernière goute. Messiers du Clergé sont trop habiles pour donner dans un piége si grossier, les causes et les véritables auteurs de cette guerre ne leur étant pas inconnus. Quoi qu’il en soit, je Déclare a tous les Ecclesiastiques, en quelque dignité qu’ils soient, que le Roi mon Maitre les prend tous en sa protection, que leurs immunités, leurs privileges et leurs biens leur seront exactement conservés, que l’on chatiera exemplairement ceux qui leur feront le moindre outrage, et qu’il ne sera apporte aucun changement à l’égard de la Religion Romaine.
Cependant, les Rois d’Angleterre étant Guarans de l’Edit de Nantes par la Paix de Montpellier et plusieurs autres traités, le Roi mon Maitre croit être obligé de maintenir cette guarantie et de faire retablir l’Edit. Tous les bons François le doivent aider, puisque cet Edit est le grand ouvrage de la sagesse de Henri IV., dont la memoire leur est si chère. Les Catholiques Romains, qui ont eu la generosité de voir avec compassion les souffrances des Reformés, verront sans doute avec plaisir leur rétablissement. On espère meme que Messieurs du Clergé, ayant fait la-dessus de plus serieuses reflections, seront bien aises de temoigner aujourd’hui, par une conduite sage et Chréetienne, qu’ils n’ont eu aucune part à la Violation de l’edit et à toutes les cruautes qui l’ont suivie.
D’ailleurs, ceux qui nous viendront joindre auront les recompenses et les marques de ​distinction que leurs services meriteront et que nous serons en etat de leur donner. Mais, au contraire, ceux, qui bien loin de nous aider se joindront aux oppresseurs de leur patrie, doivent s’ attendre à toute la rigueur des executions militaires. Et nous Declarons à ceux qui voudront vivre en repos chez eux, qu’il ne leur sera fait aucun mal, ni en leurs biens ni en leurs personnes.
A Ambrun, le 29 d’ Aoust 1692.
From the date it appears that this declaration was issued from the fortified town of Embrun, celebrated for its antiquity and lofty site.