# American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 20

CHAPTER XX — THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR
122. The Question of Colonial Independence (1748)
BY PROFESSOR PETER KALM
This is one of many contemporary suggestions that there was danger of independence. — On Kalm, see No. 1 12 above. Bibliography of independence : Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 145-157; George Bancroft, United States (10 vol. ed.), IV, ch. i; Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century, III, ch. xii; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, ch. iii.
. . . IT is to be observed that each English colony in North America is independent of the other, and that each has its proper laws and coin, and may be looked upon in several lights, as a state by itself. From hence it happens, that in time of war, things go on very slowly and irregularly here : for not only the sense of one province is sometimes directly opposite to that of another ; but frequently the views of the governor, and those of the assembly of the same province, are quite different : so that it is easy to see, that, while the people are quarrelling about the best and cheapest manner of carrying on the war, an enemy has it in his power to take one place after another. It has commonly happened that whilst some provinces have been suffering from their enemies, the neighbouring ones were quiet and inactive, and as if it did not in the least concern them. They have frequently taken up two or three years in considering whether they should give assistance to an oppressed sister colony, and sometimes they have expresly declared themselves against it. There are instances of provinces who were not only neuter in these circumstances, but who even carried on a great trade with the power which at that very time was attacking and laying waste some other provinces.
The French in Canada, who are but an inconsiderable body, in comparison with the English in America, have by this position of affairs ​been able to obtain great Advantages in times of war ; for if we judge from the number and power of the English, it would seem very easy for them to get the better of the French in America.
It is however of great advantage to the crown of England, that the North American colonies are near a country, under the government of the French, like Canada. There is reason to believe that the king never was earnest in his attempts to expel the French from their possessions there ; though it might have been done with little difficulty. For the English colonies in this part of the world have encreased so much in their number of inhabitants, and in their riches, that they almost vie with Old England. Now in order to keep up the authority and trade of their mother country, and to answer several other purposes, they are forbid to establish new manufactures, which would turn to the disadvantage of the British commerce : they are not allowed to dig for any gold or silver, unless they send them to England immediately : they have not the liberty of trading to any parts that do not belong to the British dominions, excepting some settled places, and foreign traders are not allowed to send their ships to them. These and some other restrictions, occasion the inhabitants of the English colonies to grow less tender for their mother country. This coldness is kept up by the many foreigners such as Germans, Dutch and French settled here, and living among the English, who commonly have no particular attachment to Old England ; add to this likewise that many people can never be contented with their possessions, though they be ever so great, and will always be desirous of getting more, and of enjoying the pleasure which arises from changing ; and their over great liberty, and their luxury often lead them to licentiousness.
I have been told by Englishmen, and not only by such as were born in America, but even by such as came from Europe, that the English colonies in North-America, in the space of thirty or fifty years, would be able to form a state by themselves, entirely independent on [of] Old England. But as the whole country which lies along the sea shore, is unguarded, and on the land side is harassed by the French, in times of war these dangerous neighbours are sufficient to prevent the connection of the colonies with their mother country from being quite broken off. The English government has therefore sufficient reason to consider the French in North-America, as the best means of keeping the colonies in their due submission. . . .
Peter Kalm, Travels into North America (Warrington, 1770), I, 262-265.
123. The French Title to the Beautiful River (1752)
FROM ROYAL MINISTERIAL MINUTES
The Ohio, or "la Belle Riviére," was the tributary of the Mississippi having branches nearest to the English settlements, and thus became the centre of the conflict for the possessions of the West. — Bibliography of the French and Indian War : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, ch. viii, notes; Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, ch. v; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 132.
IT appears from a letter of the Marquis de la Jonquiére, that the efforts the English are making, and the expenses they incur, to gain over the Indians, are not without success among several Nations. Information has been received last year of the progress they had already made among the Indians in the environs of the River Ohio, where they have undertaken, since the peace, to form some establishments.
The Marquis de la Jonquiére had rendered an account of a plan he had prepared both to drive the English from that river and to chastise the Indians who allowed themselves to be gained over. . . But all the consequent operations reduce themselves to the seizure of some English traders with their goods, and to the murder of two Indians of the Miamis Nation.
The seizure of the English traders whose effects have been confiscated and even plundered by our Indians, cannot but produce a good effect, by disgusting the other traders of that Nation. . . .
The English may pretend that we are bound by the Treaty of Utrecht to permit the Indians to trade with them. But it is certain that nothing can oblige us to suffer this trade on our territory.
Accordingly in all the alliances or quasi treaties or propositions we have had with the Far Indians, we have never obliged them expressly to renounce going to the English to trade ; we have merely exhorted them to that effect, and never did we oppose that treaty by force.
The River Ohio, otherwise called the Beautiful river, and its tributaries belong indisputably to France, by virtue of its discovery by Sieur de la Salle ; of the trading posts the French have had there since, and of possession which is so much the more unquestionable as it constitutes the most frequent communication from Canada to Louisiana. It is only within a few years that the English have undertaken to trade there ; and now they pretend to exclude us from it. ​They have not, up to the present time, however, maintained that these rivers belong to them ; they pretend only that the Iroquois are masters of them and being the Sovereigns of these Indians, that they can exercise their rights. But 'tis certain that these Indians have none, and that, besides, the pretended sovereignty of the English over them is a chimera.
Meanwhile 'tis of the greatest importance to arrest the progress of the pretensions and expeditions of the English in that quarter. Should they succeed there, they would cut off the communication between the two Colonies of Canada and Louisiana, and would be in a position to trouble them, and to ruin both the one and the other, independent of the advantages they would at once experience in their trade to the prejudice of ours.
Any complaints that may be presented to the Court of England against the English Governors would be altogether futile. On the one hand it would be very difficult to obtain proofs of the most serious facts ; and on the other, no matter what proofs may be produced, that Court would find means to elude all satisfaction, especially as long as the boundaries are not settled.
It is necessary then to act on the spot, and the question to be determined is, what means are the most proper. . . .
Therefore, without undertaking, as the Marquis de la Jonquiére appears to have proposed, to drive from the River Ohio the Indians who are looked upon as rebels or suspected, and without wishing even to destroy the liberty of their trade, it is thought best to adhere to two principal points.
1st To make every possible effort to drive the English from our territory, and to prevent them coming there to trade.
2$^d$ To give the Indians to understand at the same time that no harm is intended them, that they will have liberty to go as much as they please to the English to trade, but will not be allowed to receive these on our territory.
There is reason to believe that by this course of conduct ; by providing our posts with plenty of goods and preventing our traders dictating to the Indians, our trade will soon recover the superiority over that of the English in those parts ; for tis certain the Indians do not like to go into their towns, nor forts. . . .
However that be, 'tis considered proper to direct M$^r$ Duquesne to lay down henceforward in Canada a different system from that always ​followed hitherto in regard to wars among the Indians. With a view to occupy and weaken them, the principle has been to excite and foment these sorts of wars. That was of advantage in the infancy of the settlement of Canada. But in the condition to which these Nations are now reduced, and in their present dispositions generally, it is in every respect more useful that the French perform between them the part of protectors and pacificators. They will, thereby, entertain more consideration and attachment for us ; the Colony will be more tranquil in consequence, and we shall save considerable expense. Cases, however, may occur in which it will be proper to excite war against certain Nations attached to the English ; but even such cases call for two observations ; one, to endeavor, first, to gain over these same Nations by reconciling them with ours ; and the other, to be as sure as possible that our Indians will not suffer too much from these wars.
E. B. O'Callaghan, editor, Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York (Albany, 1858), X, 242-244 passim.
124. Royal Orders to Resist the French (1753)
BY SECRETARY THE EARL OF HOLDERNESSE
Holdernesse was secretary of state for the northern department, and hence mouthpiece of the decision of the ministry. — Bibliography: Stanhope, William Pitt; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 452.
HIS Majesty having received Information of the March of a considerable number of Indians not in alliance with the King, supported by some regular European Troops, intending as it is apprehended, to commit some hostilities on parts of his Majesty's dominions in America, I have the King's commands to send you this intelligence, and to direct you to use your utmost diligence, to learn, how far the same may be well grounded, and to put you upon your guard, that you may, at all events, be in a condition to resist any hostile attempts that may be made upon any parts of His Majesty's Dominions within your Government ; and to direct you in the King's Name, that in case the subjects of any Foreign Prince or State, should presume to make any incroachment on the limits of His Maj$^{ty's}$ dominions, or to erect Forts on His Majesty's Land, or comit any other act of hostility, you are immediately, to represent the injustice of such proceeding, and to require them forthwith to desist from any such unlawful undertaking; ​but if notwithstanding your requisition, they should still persist, you are then to draw forth the armed Force of the Province, and to use your best endeavours, to repell force by force. But as it is His Majesty's determination not to be the agressor, I have the King's commands, most strictly to enjoin you, not to make use of the armed force under your direction, excepting within the undoubted limits of his Majesty's dominions.
And whereas it may be greatly conducive to His Majesty's service, that all his Provinces in America should be aiding and assisting each other, in case of any invasion, I have it particularly in charge from his Majesty, to acquaint you, that it is his Royal will and pleasure, that you should keep up an exact correspondence with all His Majesty's Governors on the Continent ; and in case you shall be informed by any of them, of any hostile attempts, you are immediately to assemble the general assembly within your Government, and lay before them, the necessity of a mutual assistance, and engage them to grant such supplies as the exigency of affairs may require. — I have wrote by this conveyance to all his Majesty's Gov$^{rs}$ to the same purpose.
E. B. O'Callaghan, editor, Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York (Albany, 1855), VI, 794-795.
125. The Albany Plan of Union (1754)
BY CHIEF JUSTICE STEPHEN HOPKINS
Hopkins was one of the first to see the need of unity of action among the colonies. He was governor of Rhode Island at intervals from 1755 to about 1770, and later became a member of the Continental Congress. The plan submitted at Albany failed of acceptance by either the colonies or the mother country. — Bibliography: Rider, Rhode Island Historical Tracts, No. 9, ix-xx; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 65-66; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 132.
THUS having seen Abstracts of the Authorities given the Commissioners who were at Albany, and of those Letters from the Crown, which occasioned such Authorities to be given ; together with the State of the British and French Colonies in America, and the proposed Plan of Union, formed in Consequence of the whole : From an impartial View thereof, let every Man judge, Whether it was not the Intent of all the Colonies who sent Commissioners, that they should form some General Scheme or Plan, for the Safety and Defence of the English ​colonies, and the Indians in their Alliance? Look into the Commission from Governor Greene ; and after full Powers are given to do every Thing relative to the Indians in Alliance with us, What mean these following Words? "And also, what else may be necessary to prohibit the French, and their Allies the Indians, from encroaching on the Lands within the Dominions of His Majesty. And in general, as far as the Abilities of this Government will permit, to act in Conjunction with the said Commissioners, in every Thing necessary for the Good of His Majesty's Subjects in these Parts. And to answer as far as we can, the Designs of His Majesty's Instructions to this Colony, communicated to us by the Earl of Holdernesse." Surely such Words as these, have some Meaning ; and if the Commissioners were so unhappy as quite to mistake their Meaning, let those penetrating Wits who think so, shew to the World, how they are to be understood. But if those Authorities were too extensive, let them be blamed who gave such Authorities, and not those who executed them in the most sparing Manner possible. And will any Man believe, such exact Likeness in Substance, should be in the Authorities given by every Government to to their Commissioners, without having any Conference together about it, if the Directions from the Crown had not pointed it out to them in so plain a Manner, that they all understood them alike? And is it not as plain, from the Letters since received from the Secretaries of State, that they all understood them in the Sense the King intended them?
Altho' all this were allowed, yet some may say, If you had Powers given you to enter into some such General Scheme, you ought not to have consented to one so hurtful and destructive of our Liberties as this is ! Whether the Plan formed at Albany, be a good one, or a bad one, I shall not undertake to determin ; yet let it be considered, that the Rhode-Island Commissioners were but two of the whole Number, and therefore were far from being able to govern or form Things as they might think best ; neither did they ever pretend they could not be mistaken ; and Errors of Judgment will always be forgiven by Men of Candor.
And now let us examin what the Commissioners did relating to this Plan, and we shall find, they did no more than form it, and agree to lay it before the General Assemblies of the Colonies from whence they came, for their Consideration. They did not, as is falsly asserted, order it to be sent home. They did not establish it as an Act or Ordinance of the Board of Commissioners, as they all might have done, by the ​Authorities given them. They did not leave it in the Power of any one to obtain a Copy of it, and send it Home ; but strictly forbid their Secretary to give any Copy, except to the Colonies. Nor did they ever agree to any Thing more, than to carry it to their respective Governments, and lay it before their Constituents. And agreeable to the Resolve of the Board of Commissioners, those from Rhode-Island, did lay this Plan, with all other their Proceedings at Albany, before the General Assembly, at their Session in August last, for their Consideration. Was this criminal ! Was this betraying their Trust ! Or was there any Thing more in this, than their Duty ! Even Envy and Ignorance joined together, cannot say there was ! And those who have been bold enough to assert, That any Thing more relating to this Plan of Union, was done, suffered to be done, or connived at, by the Commissioners, are hereby publicly called upon, to prove their Assertions, or confess their Falshood.
Once more, let us hold up this so much talked of Plan of Union, and view it in another Light : And here, to do my Adversaries all the Justice they can possibly desire, I will, for Argument-sake, confess it to be as bad as they represent it to be. Viewing it in this Light, it must be found contrary to, and subversive of our happy Constitution, and all those valuable Privileges we enjoy under it. This destructive Plan was laid before the General Assembly, for their Consideration, in the Month of August last : This gave an Opportunity to those Patriots belonging to the Council, who now say so much against this Plan, to have exerted themselves in Defence of our Liberties, so much in Danger, and prevented the Dismal Effects so much feared. Well ! What have these Champions for Liberty, done in this Matter? Have they not let it lie before the Assembly between six and seven Months, without taking it once under Consideration? Or, Have they ever rejected it? or so much as once in all this Time, moved to have one Word wrote Home, to prevent its taking Place ? Was it bad, as they say tis, then certainly 'twas their Duty to have done all in their Power to prevent its taking Effect. All Men must confess, the Plan was either good or bad ; if 'twas good, Why do they blame it ? if twas bad, Why have they done Nothing about it? . . .
What could the Commissioners for Rhode-Island have done more? or what could they have done less than they did, relative to this Plan? It was not in their Power to procure a better ; and whether it was good or bad, it was equally their Duty to lay it before the Assembly who sent ​them : They did so, and did no more ; and every Member of both Houses of Assembly can bear Witness, I have never used the least Endeavour to induce them to accede to it. If it is bad, as some are pleas'd to represent it, Must not every Man say, They who have suffered it to lie thus long, are the very Men who have betrayed their Trust, and the Interest of the Colony?
Real want of Merit occasions these Men's Endeavour to rise upon the Ruin of their Neighbour s Reputation. But can the Faults of my Neigh bour, make me fit for an Office? And can the valuable Privileges of this Colony be safe in those Hands, where every Thing else seems to be neglected, but what will serve their private Purposes? As I am a Candidate for an Office, I sincerely desire all Men may put their Country's Interest in the first Place, and give their Votes only where they think 'tis most safe ; and assure themselves, such a Conduct will perfectly please the Colony's, and their Friend,
Stephen Hopkins.
Stephen Hopkins, A True Representation of the Plan formed at Albany, in 1754, for Uniting all the British Northern Colonies (Rhode Island Historical Tracts, No. 9, Providence, 1880), 40-46 passim.
126. Deportation of the Acadians (1755)
Winslow was a Massachusetts officer, to whom was assigned the painful duty of removing the resident French population of Nova Scotia at the beginning of the war. The question of the necessity of this removal has been much disputed; Park-man thinks it was inevitable. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 452; Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I, 234; Channing and Hart, Guide, §131.
August 30th.
LAST Evening Capt. Murray Arived and Brought with him the afore resights Commissions & Instructions & Letters and with whome I Consulted Methods for removing the whole Inhabitants of the Villages of Grand Pre, Mines, Rivers Cannard, Habbertong and Gaspereau, and agreed that it would be Most Convenient to Sight all the Male Inhabitants of sd Villages to assemble at the Church in this Place on the 5th of September next to hear the King's Orders, and that at the Same time Capt. Murray to Collect the Inhabitants of Piziquid, and Villages adjatent to Forte Edward for ​the Same Purpose, and wrote Colo Lawrance this Day our Determination, and after Capt. Murray's Departure Convened the Captains, vizt, Adams, Hobbs & Osgood togather and after Taking an Oath of Secressy from them Lade before them my Instructions & Papers and also of the Proposd agreement made between Capt. Murray and my Self, of which they unanimously approved. . . .
1755 Augt 31. Sunday. Dispatched Leivt Crocker in the Large whale Boat with the Halifax Letters together with mine to Colo Monckton in the afternoon Took a Touer with Doctr Whitworth & Mr. Gay & 50 men Two Third parts round Grand Pre. Finde abundance of wheat &c on the Ground, returned in the Evening. . . .
September 1st, 1755 Detached Lievt Buckley with the Party ordered yesterday for Piziquid having before agreed with Captain Murray an officer & So many Men as we have No People acquainted with the Countrey the Party I am to Receive to Serve us as Pilotes, and in the Evening Lievt Mercer and his party arived who I incampt by them Selves on the West Side of the Church, an Took the officer to my Quarters.
2nd. Sett out Early in the Morning in a whale Boat for Fort Edward having with me Doctr Whitworth and adjutant Kennedy to Consult with Capt. Murray in this Crittical Conjuncter. Confirmed our Proposd Plan and Determined three of the Clock in the afternoon to be the time. Made out a Citation to the Inhabitants to Convene them, vizt. : those in my Districk att the Church in Grand Pre, those of Capt. Murray at Forte Edward at Piziquid. Got it put into French by Mr. Beauchamp, a Merchant. . . .
Septr. 3rd. This Morning Capt Adams and Party returned from their March to the River Cannard &c and reported it was a Fine Country and Full of Inhabitants, a Butifull Church & abundance of ye Goods of the world. Provisions of all Kinds in great Plenty.
Capt Hobbs ordered with one Sub 2 Serjants 2 Corporals and 50 Private men to Visset the Village Melanson on the River Gaspereau, and Capt Osgood with the Like Number of officers and men to Reconuiter the Country In the Front or to the Southward of our Incampment. Both of which Party s returned in the Evening and Gave Each accoumts that it was a Fine Countrey.
This Day had a Consultation with the Captains the Result of which was that I Should Give out my Citation to the Inhabitants tomorrow Morning. . . . ​1755, September the 4th. This Morning Sent for Docter Rodion and Delivd him a Citation to the Inhabitants with a Strict Charge to See it Executed, which he Promist Should be Faithfully Done.
A Fine Day and the Inhabitants Very Busy about their Harvest, &c.
September 5th. This Morning had returns of the Horns of the Several Companys and ordered Such as had them to Deliver up what Cartherages they had to Compleat those who had No Horns which near about Did it & then Ddd out to those who had Homes Powder at half a Pound Each to the amount of Half a Barrell and Twelve Balls to Each half Pound of Powder, ordered the whole Camp to Lye upon their arms this Day.
Att Three in the afternoon The French Inhabitants appeard agreable to their Citation at the Church in Grand Pre amounting To 418 of Their Best Men upon which I ordered a Table to be Sett in the Center of the Church and being attended with those of my officers who were off Gaurd Delivered them by Interpreters the King s orders In the Following woords :
Gentlemen,
I have Received from his Excellency Govenor Lawrance. The Kings Commission which I have in my hand and by whose orders you are Convened togather to Manifest to you his Majesty's Final resolution to the French Inhabitants of this his Province of Nova Scotia, who for almost half a Centry have had more Indulgence Granted them, then any of his Subjects in any part of his Dominions, what use you have made of them, you your Self Best Know.
The Part of Duty I am now upon is what thoh Necessary is Very Disagreable to my natural make & Temper as I Know it Must be Grevious to you who are of the Same Specia.
But it is not my Buisness to annimedvert, but to obey Such orders as I receive and therefore without Hessitation Shall Deliver you his Majesty's orders and Instructions vizt.
That your Lands & Tennements, Cattle of all Kinds and Live Stock of all Sortes are Forfitted to the Crown with all other your Effects Saving your money and Household Goods and you your Selves to be removed from this his Province.
Thus it is Preremtorily his Majesty's orders That the whole French Inhabitants of these Districts, be removed, and I am Throh his Majesty's Goodness Directed to allow you Liberty to Carry of your money and Household Goods as Many as you Can without Discomemoading the ​Vessels you Go in. I Shall do Every thing in my Power that all Those Goods be Secured to you and that you are Not Molested in Carrying of them of and also that whole Familys Shall go in the Same Vessel, and make this remove which I am Sensable must give you a great Deal of Trouble as Easey as his Majesty s Service will admit and hope that in what Ever part of the world you may Fall you may be Faithfull Subjects, a Peasable & happy People.
I Must also Inform you That it is his Majesty's Pleasure that you remain in Security under the Inspection & Direction of the Troops that I have the Honr. to Command, and then Declared them the Kings Prisoners. . . .
After Delivering These Things I returned to my Quarters and they the French Inhabitants Soon Moved by their Elders that it was a Great Greif to them, that they had Incurd his Majty's Displeasure and that they were Fearfull that the Suprise of their Detention here would Quite over Come their Familys whome they had No Means to apprise of these their Maloncolly Circumstances and Prayd that parte of them might be returned as Hostages for the appearance of the rest and the Biger number admitted to Go home to their Families, and that as some of their Men were absent they would be obliged to Bring them in. I Informed them I would Consider of their Motion, and reporte.
And Immediatly Convened my officers, to advise, who with Me all agreed that it would be well that they them Selves Should Chuse Twenty of their Number for whome they would be answerable vizt Ten of the Inhabitants of Grand Pre & Village & other Ten of the River Cannard and Habitant nd they to acquaint the Families of their Districts how Maters where and to assure them that the women & children Should be in Safety in their absence in their Habitations and that it was Exspected the Party Indulged Should take Care to Bring in an Exact Account of their absent Bretheren & their Circumstances on the Morrow. . . .
Septr 5th. The French People not having any Provissions with them and Pleading Hunger Begd for Bread on which I Ddd them and ordered that for the Future they be Supplyd from their respective Familys. Thus Ended the Memerable fifth of September, a Day of Great Fatigue & Treble. . . .
1755 Septr 7. Proved a Very Buissy Day, advice arived from Every Quarter which I Answered as well as I Could in the Foregoing Letters, the French remd in Quiate. We mounted Gaurd with half our Party Capt Adams & Osgood Doing Duty by Turns. Capt Hobbs Sick, we ​all Lay on our Arms Since Detaining the French hear. Kept a Good Look Out & I not wanting in Turning out at all Times when I waked So that I was on Both watches. . . .
Septr 10. The French this Morning Discovered Some Uncommon Motions among them Selves which I did Not Like. Called my officers togather and Communicated to them what I had observed, and after Debating Matters it was Determined Neme Contra Dissent, that it would be best to Divide the Prisoners, and that as there was Five Transporte Idle which Came from Boston, it would be for ye Good of his Majestys Service and that it Tended to the Better Security of the whole, That Fifty men of the French Inhabitants be Embarkd on Board Each of the five Vessels, taking First all their young men, and that Capt Adams in the Warren be Desierd and Directed as he was a Vessel of Force & in his Majestys Service to Take the Transportes under his Directions and when the Prisoners were Embarked to Give Such Orders to the Masters of the Transportes as would be best for his Majesty's Service, and also Determind that Six Non Commission officers or Private men be put on Board Each Transporte as a Gaurd and that Capt Adams and the Masters be Immediately Ordered to Get things in readiness for that Service after which I Sent for Father Landrey Their Principal Speaker who Talks English and Told him the Time was Come for part of the Inhabitants to Embarke and that the Number Concluded for this Day was 250 and that we Should begin with the young men and Desierd he would Inform his bretherin of it. he was greatly Surprised. I Told him it must be Done and that I Shoud order the whole Prisoners to be Drawn up Six Deep, their young men on the Left, and as the Tide in a Very Little time Favoured my Design Could not Give them above an Houer to Prepare for going on Board, and ordered our whole Party to be under Arms and Post them Selves between the Two Gates & the Church in the rear of my Quarters, which was obeyed, and agreable to my Directions The whole of the French Inhabitants where Drawn together In one Body their young men as Directed on the Left. I then orderd Capt Adams with a Lievt 80 Non Commission officers and Private Men to Draw of from the main Body to Gaurd the young men of the French amounting to 141 Men to the Transports and order ye Prisoners to March, they all answered they would No go without their Fathers. I Told them that was a word I did not understand for that the Kings Command was to me absolute & Should be absolutely obeyed & That I Did not Love to use Harsh Means but that the time Did not ​admit of Parlies or Delays and Then ordered the whole Troops to Fix their Bayonets and advance Towards the French, and Bid the 4 right hand Files of the Prisoners Consisting of 24 men wch I told of my Self to Divied from the rest, one of whome I Took hold on (who oposed the Marching) and bid March, he obeyed & the rest followed. thoh Slowly, and went of Praying, Singing & Crying being Met by the women & Children all the way (which is 112 mile) with Great Lamentations upon their Knees praying &c.
I then ordered the remaining French to Chuse out 109 of Their marryed men to follow their young People (the Ice being Broke) they readily Complyed and Drew up in a Body as said the number who upon Capt Adams return I ordered of under a Gaurd Commanded by Capt Osgood one Subaltern 80 non Commission officers and Private men. who marched of them, but when he Came to put them on board the Vessels Found them but 89 Instead of 109. So that the Number Embarqued was but 230 and Thus Ended this Troblesome Jobb, which was Scheen of Sorrow. After this Capt Adams with the Transports Fell Down from Gaspereau and anchored in the Mouth of that river and Piziquid. . . .
Journal of Colonel John Winslow, in Nova Scotia Historical Society, Report and Collections, 1882-1883 (Halifax, 1883), III, 87-110 passim.
127. A French Account of Braddock's Defeat (1755)
ANONYMOUS (Translated by E.B. O'Callagahan,1843
This brief account from the victor s side, found in the archives at Paris, shows how nearly the fortunes of war had gone the other way. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 577-579; Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I, ch. vii; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 132.
M.DE Contrecœur, Captain of Infantry, Commandant of Fort Duquesne, on the Ohio, having been informed that the English were taking up arms in Virginia for the purpose of coming to attack him, was advised, shortly afterwards, that they were on the march. He dispatched scouts, who reported to him faithfully their progress. On the 17th instant he was advised that their army, consisting of 3000 regulars ​from Old England, were within six leagues of this fort. That officer employed the next day in making his arrangements ; and on the ninth detached M. de Beaujeu, seconded by Mess$^{rs}$ Dumas and de Lignery, all three Captains, together with four Lieutenants, 6 Ensigns, 20 Cadets, 100 Soldiers, 100 Canadians and 600 Indians, with orders to lie in ambush at a favorable spot, which he had reconnoitred the previous evening. The detachment, before it could reach its place of destination, found itself in presence of the enemy within three leagues of that fort. M$^r$ de Beaujeu, finding his ambush had failed, decided on an attack. This he made with so much vigor as to astonish the enemy, who were waiting for us in the best possible order ; but their artillery, loaded with grape (à cartouche), having opened its fire, our men gave way in turn. The Indians, also, frightened by the report of the cannon rather than by any damage it could inflict, began to yield, when M. de Beaujeu was killed. M. Dumas began to encourage his detachment. He ordered the officers in command of the Indians to spread themselves along the wings so as to take the enemy in flank, whilst he, M. de Lignery and the other officers who led the French, were attacking them in front. This order was executed so promptly that the enemy, who were already shouting their "Long live the King," thought now only of defending themselves. The fight was obstinate on both sides and success long doubtful ; but the enemy at last gave way. Efforts were made, in vain, to introduce some sort of order in their retreat. The whoop of the Indians, which echoed through the forest, struck terror into the hearts of the entire enemy. The rout was complete. We remained in possession of the field with six brass twelves and sixes, four howitz-carriages of 50, 11 small royal grenade mortars, all their ammunition, and, generally, their entire baggage. Some deserters, who have come in since, have told us that we had been engaged with only 2000 men, the remainder of the army being four leagues further off. These same deserters have informed us that the enemy were retreating to Virginia, and some scouts, sent as far as the height of land, have confirmed this by reporting that the thousand men who were not engaged, had been equally panic-stricken and abandoned both provisions and ammunition on the way. On this intelligence, a detachment was dispatched after them, which destroyed and burnt everything that could be found. The enemy have left more than 1000 men on the field of battle. They have lost a great portion of the artillery and ammunition, provisions, as also their General, whose name was M$^r$ Braddock, and almost all their officers. ​We have had 3 officers killed ; 2 officers and 2 cadets wounded. Such a victory, so entirely unexpected, seeing the inequality of the forces, is the fruit of M$^r$ Dumas' experience, and of the activity and valor of the officers under his command.
E. B. O'Callaghan, editor, Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York (Albany, 1858), X, 303-304.
The coming forward of Pitt (later Lord Chatham) as head of the administration was the turning-point in the war, and made possible the brilliant campaigns in America. This piece brings out the fact that the American conflict led to the general European "Seven Years War," which lasted till 1763. It is addressed to the British ambassador in Spain, and shows the apprehensions of England s most courageous statesman. — Bibliography : Lecky, England, II, ch. viii; Mahon, England, ch. xxxiv.
Whitehall, August 23, 1757. . . .
IT is judged the most compendious and sure method of opening and conveying to your excellency with due clearness and precision, the scope and end of the measure in question, to refer you to the minute itself, in extenso, unanimously approved by all his Majesty's servants consulted in his most secret affairs, and containing the sum and substance, as well as the grounds, of the King s royal intention in this violent and dangerous crisis, which minute is conceived in the following words, viz. —
"Their lordships, having taken into consideration the formidable progress of the arms of France, and the danger to Great Britain and her allies resulting from a total subversion of the system of Europe, and more especially from the most pernicious extension of the influence of France, by the fatal admission of French garrisons into Ostend and Nieuport, their lordships are most humbly of opinion, that nothing can so effectually tend, in the present unhappy circumstances, to the restoration of Europe in general, and in particular to the successful prosecution of the present just and necessary war, until a peace can be made on safe and honourable terms, as a more intimate union with the crown of Spain. In this necessary view their lordships most humbly submit their opinion to your Majesty's great wisdom — that overtures of a negociation should be set on foot with that court, in order to engage Spain, if possible, to join their arms to those of your Majesty, for the obtaining a lust and honourable peace, and mainly for recovering and restoring to ​the crown of England the most important island of Minorca, with all the ports and fortresses of the same, as well as for re-establishing some solid system in Europe ; and inasmuch as it shall be found necessary for the attaining these great and essential ends, to treat with the crown of Spain, as an effectual condition thereunto, concerning an exchange of Gibraltar for the island of Minorca, with the ports and fortresses thereof, their lordships are most humbly of an unanimous opinion, that the court of Spain should without loss of time be sounded with respect to their dispositions thereupon ; and if the same shall be found favourable, that the said negociation should be carried forward and ripened for execution, with all possible dispatch and secrecy. Their lordships are farther of opinion, that satisfaction should be given to Spain on the complaints touching the establishment made by the subjects of England on the Mosquito shore, and in the bay of Honduras, since the treaty concluded at Aix la Chapelle, in October, 1748, in order that all establishments so made be evacuated."
. . . it is impossible for me to pass in silence that affecting and calamitous part of the subversions of Europe, namely, the French conquests and desolations in Lower Saxony, which afford the afflicting spectacle of his Majesty's ancient patrimonial dominions, transmitted down with glory in his most illustrious house through a long series of centuries, now lying a prey to France ; and still farther, the fatality of his Majesty's army of observation, now retiring under the orders of his Royal Highness to Stade, exposed to the most alarming uncertainties, whether even the royal magnanimity of his Majesty, seconded by the valour and ability of his Royal Highness, can find means to surmount the cruel necessity of receiving the law of the conqueror.
As it would be needless to lead your excellency farther on in this gloomy track of mortifying reflections, I will only observe, before I pass to the execution of the plan now opened, that the day is come when the very inadequate benefits of the treaty of Utrecht, the indelible reproach of the last generation, are become the necessary, but almost unattainable wish of the present, when the empire is no more, the ports of the Netherlands betrayed, the Dutch Barrier treaty an empty sound, Minorca, and with it, the Mediterranean lost, and America itself precarious.
From this state of things, calamitous as it is, your excellency has a fresh proof that nothing can ever shake his Majesty's firmness, or abate one moment his royal concern for the glory of his crown, and the rights of his kingdoms ; nor can any events withdraw the necessary attention ​of his Majesty's consummate wisdom from the proper interests of Europe, or divert his generous cares from endeavouring to prevent the final overthrow of all Europe, and independency amongst the powers of the continent. In this salutary view it is that the King has, in his great prudence, come to a resolution of ordering the dispositions of the court of Madrid, in this alarming conjuncture, to be sounded ; and, as the same shall be found favourable, a negociation to be, without loss of time, opened on the grounds and to the ends contained in the minute above recited. . . .
William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, Correspondence (edited by W. S. Taylor and J. H. Pringle, London, 1840), I, 247-251 passim.
Knox was an officer in the English navy, a trustworthy eye-witness of the events which he describes. This is the best of several contemporary narratives. — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 603-606; Lecky, England, II, 494-496; Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, II, chs. xxv, xxviii; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 132.
. . .GREAT preparations are making, throughout the fleet and army, co surprise the enemy, and compel them to decide the fate of Quebec by a battle : all the long-boats below the town are to be filled with seamen, marines, and such detachments as can be spared from Points Levi and Orleans, in order to make a feint off Beauport and the Point de Lest, and endeavour to engross the attention of the Sieur de Montcalm, while the army are to force a descent on this side of the town. The Officer of our regiment, who commanded the escort yesterday on the reconnoitring party, being asked, in the General's hearing, after the health of one of the gentlemen who was reported to be ill, replied, — 'he was in a very low indifferent state ;' which the other lamented, saying, 'he has but a puny, delicate constitution.' — This struck his Excellency, it being his own case, who interrupted, 'Don t tell me of constitution, that Officer has good spirits, and good spirits will carry a man through every thing.' . . .
The Brigadiers Monckton and Murray, with the troops under their command, reimbarked this day, from the parish of St. Nicholas, and returned to their ships. This evening all the boats of the fleet below the town were filled with marines, &c. &c. covered by frigates and ​sloops of war, worked up, and lay half-channel over, opposite to Beauport, as if intending to land in the morning, and thereby fix the enemy's whole attention to that quarter ; the ships attending them are to edge over, at break of day, as near as possible without grounding, and cannonade the French intrenchments. At nine o'clock this night, our army in high spirits, the first division of them put into the flat-bottomed boats, and, in a short time after, the whole squadron moved up the river with the tide of flood, and, about an hour before day-light next morning, we fell down with the ebb. Weather favourable, a star-light night.
Thursday, September 13, 1759.
Before day-break this morning we made a descent upon the north shore, about half a quarter of a mile to the eastward of Sillery ; and the light troops were fortunately, by the rapidity of the current, carried lower down, between us and Cape Diamond ; we had, in this debarkation, thirty flat-bottomed boats, containing about sixteen hundred men. This was a great surprise on the enemy, who, from the natural strength of the place, did not suspect, and consequently were not prepared against, so bold an attempt. The chain of Gentries, which they had posted along the summit of the heights, galled us a little, and picked off several men, and some Officers, before our light infantry got up to dislodge them. This grand enterprise was conducted, and executed with great good order and discretion ; as fast as we landed, the boats put off for reinforcements, and the troops formed with much regularity : the General, with Brigadiers Monckton and Murray, were a-shore with the first division. We lost no time here, but clambered up one of the steepest precipices that can be conceived, being almost a perpendicular, and of an incredible height. As soon as we gained the summit, all was quiet, and not a shot was heard, owing to the excellent conduct of the light infantry under Colonel Howe ; it was by this time clear day-light. Here we formed again, the river and the south country in our rear, our right extending to the town, our left to Sillery, and halted a few minutes. The General then detached the light troops to our left to route the enemy from their battery, and to disable their guns, except they could be rendered serviceable to the party who were to remain there ; and this service was soon performed. We then faced to the right, and marched towards the town by files, till we came to the plains of Abraham ; an even piece of ground which Mr. Wolfe had made choice of, while we stood forming upon the hill. Weather showerv : about six ​o'clock the enemy first made their appearance upon the heights, between us and the town ; whereupon we halted, and wheeled to the right, thereby forming the line of battle. . . . The enemy had now likewise formed the line of battle, and got some cannon to play on us, with round and canister-shot ; but what galled us most was a body of Indians and other marksmen they had concealed in the corn opposite to the front of our right wing, and a coppice that stood opposite to our center, inclining towards our left ; but the Colonel Hale, by Brigadier Monckton s orders, advanced some platoons, alternately, from the forty-seventh regiment, which, after a few rounds, obliged these sculkers to retire : we were now ordered to lie down, and remained some time in this position. About eight o'clock we had two pieces of short brass six-pounders playing on the enemy, which threw them into some confusion, and obliged them to alter their disposition, and Montcalm formed them into three large columns ; about nine the two armies moved a little nearer each other. The light cavalry made a faint attempt upon our parties at the battery of Sillery, but were soon beat off, and Monsieur de Bougainville, with his troops from Cape Rouge, came down to attack the flank of our second line, hoping to penetrate there ; but, by a masterly disposition of Brigadier Townshend, they were forced to desist, and the third battalion of Royal Americans was then detached to the first ground we had formed on after we gained the heights, to preserve the communication with the beach and our boats. About ten o'clock the enemy began to advance briskly in three columns, with loud shouts and recovered arms, two of them inclining to the left of our army, and the third towards our right, firing obliquely at the two extremities of our line, from the distance of one hundred and thirty —, until they came within forty yards ; which our troops withstood with the greatest intrepidity and firmness, still reserving their fire, and paying the strictest obedience to their Officers : this uncommon steadiness, together with the havoc which the grape-shot from our field-pieces made among them, threw them into some disorder, and was most critically maintained by a well-timed, regular, and heavy discharge of our small arms, such as they could no longer oppose ; hereupon they gave way, and fled with precipitation, so that, by the time the cloud of smoke was vanished, our men were again loaded, and, profiting by the advantage we had over them, pursued them almost to the gates of the town, and the bridge over the little river, redoubling our fire with great eagerness, making many Officers and men prisoners. The weather cleared up, with a ​comfortably warm sun-shine : the Highlanders chaced them vigorously towards Charles s river, and the fifty-eighth to the suburb close to John's gate, until they were checked by the cannon from the two hulks ; at the same time a gun, which the town had brought to bear upon us with grape-shot, galled the progress of the regiments to the right, who were likewise pursuing with equal ardour, while Colonel Hunt Walsh, by a very judicious movement, wheeled the battalions of Bragg and Kennedy to the left, and flanked the coppice where a body of the enemy made a stand, as if willing to renew the action ; but a few platoons from these corps completed our victory. Then it was that Brigadier Townshend came up, called off the pursuers, ordered the whole line to dress, and recover their former ground. Our joy at this success is inexpressibly damped by the loss we sustained of one of the greatest heroes which this or any other age can boast of, — General JAMES WOLFE, who received his mortal wound, as he was exerting himself at the head of the grenadiers of Louisbourg. . . .
. . . The Sieur de Montcalm died late last night ; when his wound was dressed, and he settled in bed, the Surgeons who attended him were desired to acquaint him ingenuously with their sentiments of him, and, being answered that his wound was mortal, 'he calmly replied, he was glad of it :' his Excellency then demanded, — 'whether he could survive it long, and how long?' He was told, 'about a dozen hours, perhaps more, peradventure less.' So much the better, rejoined this eminent warrior ; 'I am happy I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec.' . . .
After our late worthy General, of renowned memory, was carried off wounded, to the rear of the front line, he desired those who were about him to lay him down ; being asked if he would have a Surgeon? he replied, 'it is needless ; it is all over with me.' One of them then cried out, 'they run, see how they run.' 'Who runs !' demanded our hero, with great earnestness, like a person roused from sleep? The Officer answered, 'The enemy, Sir; Egad they give way every-where.' There upon the General rejoined, ' Go one of you, my lads, to Colonel Burton — ; tell him to march Webb s regiment with all speed down to Charles's river, to cut off the retreat of the fugitives from the bridge! 'Then, turning on his side, he added, ' Now, God be praised, I will die in peace : ' and thus expired.
Captain John Knox, An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North-America [1757-1760], (London, 1769), II, 65-79 passim.