# The Lincoln–Douglas debates of 1858/Chapter 3

CHAPTER III
THE CHALLENGE
After conferring with the Democratic Committee at Springfield, Douglas gave out a list of his appointments covering July and a large part of August, ending with Ottawa, August 21. Lincoln's friends also prepared a list of Republican meetings, in some cases coinciding with the Democratic dates but generally following them a day later. In his Springfield speech, Lincoln distinctly stated that he was not present when Douglas made his speech in the grove during the afternoon and had no intention of making his remarks a reply. The previous day at Bloomington he refused to heed the calls of the crowd for a reply at the close of a Douglas meeting. Nevertheless, soon after the appointed meetings began, the Douglas papers made complaint that Lincoln was transgressing the ethics of campaigning by following their candidate and taking advantage of his crowds.
[Illinois State Journal, Springfield, July 23, 1858]
The Chicago Times launches out into a personal attack upon Mr. Lincoln for presuming to be present when Mr. Douglas speaks. One would think from this that Mr. Douglas has a patent right to audiences in Illinois. We hope that Mr. Lincoln will continue to follow up Senator Douglas with a sharp stick, even if it does make his organ howl with rage.
[Journal and Courier, Lowell, Mass., August 24, 1858]
Geneseo, Ill., August 15, 1858
X.
[Chicago Times, July 30, 1858]
AN AUDIENCE WANTED
It was Japhet, we believe, whose adventures in search of his father, furnished the novelist with the plot of a popular romance. There are but few of our readers who have not known, or at least heard of physicians unable, even in the midst of sickness, to obtain patients, lawyers unable to obtain clients, and actors unable to draw houses. But we venture to say that never before was there heard of in any political canvass in Illinois, of a candidate unable to obtain an audience to hear him! But such is the fact. Abe Lincoln, the candidate of all the Republicans, wants an audience. He came up to Chicago, and, taking advantage of the enthusiasm of Douglas' reception, made a speech here; he went to Bloomington, and, at the Douglas meeting, advertised himself for a future occasion; at Springfield he distributed handbills at the Douglas meeting imploring the people to hear him. The Springfield attempt was a failure. He came to Chicago, and declared it impossible for him to get the people to turn out to hear him, and then it was resolved to try and get him a chance to speak to the crowds drawn out to meet and welcome Douglas. That proposition was partially declined and another substituted; but yet the cringing, crawling creature is hanging at the outskirts of Douglas' meetings, begging the people to come and hear him. At Clinton he rose up at the Democratic meeting, and announced his intention to speak at night, but only 250 persons could be induced to attend his meeting.
He went yesterday to Monticello in Douglas' train; poor, desperate creature, he wants an audience; poor unhappy mortal, the people won't turn out to hear him, and he must do something, even if that something is mean, sneaking and disreputable!
We have a suggestion to make to Mr. Judd—the next friend of Lincoln. There are two very good circuses and menageries traveling through the State; these exhibitions always draw good crowds at country towns. Mr. Judd, in behalf of his candidate, at a reasonable expense, might make arrangements with the managers of these exhibitions to include a speech from Lincoln in their performances. In this way Lincoln could get good audiences, and his friends be relieved from the mortification they all feel at his present humiliating position.
[Chicago Journal, July 30, 1858]
DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN
The Times growls because Mr. Lincoln made a speech at Clinton, at night, in reply to that of Senator Douglas, delivered in the afternoon, and that he "went to Monticello in Douglas' train".
​We suppose Douglas owns neither the railroad trains he travels on, nor the people whom he addresses. We hope Mr. Lincoln will answer Senator Douglas at every point. If he will not invite him to address the same audiences, Lincoln will have the "closing argument" to meetings of his own.
According to authority quoted in the Senator's Springfield speech, "there is no law against it."
[Peoria, Illinois, correspondence to the Philadelphia Press, August 4, 1858]
Lincoln, unable to gather a crowd himself, follows up Douglas and attempts to reply ; but they are mere attempts. His hearers soon become satisfied and by the time he is done begging for a seat in the Senate he finds himself minus an audience.
[Illinois State Register, September 25, 1858]
"WHO FURNISHES THE AUDIENCES?"
Under this caption the Chicago Press and Tribune, of the 23d inst., proceeds to argue that at the joint discussions between Douglas and Lincoln thus far, the friends of the latter have been largely in the ascendant—hence Mr. Lincoln draws the greatest crowds. This conclusion is characteristic of the logical proclivities of that paper, and only lacks one feature—truth.
If this assertion is true, why then does Mr. Lincoln persist in following up Judge Douglas for the ostensible purpose of taking advantage of the large audiences assembled to hear him? For instance look at his last demonstration at Sullivan, where, through his uncourteous behavior, a riot was almost precipitated.
The fact is, Mr. Lincoln can't draw large crowds—the sympathy of the people is not with him—consequently he resorts to this highly disreputable course to make a show. The Chicago organ cannot palm off such logic upon the people of Illinois.
[New York Herald, August 3, 1858]
DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN ON THE STUMP
The Chicago Times states that Douglas and Lincoln met on the 27 ult. at Clinton. The former spoke for three hours, and the latter replied at an evening meeting. The Times indulges in a tirade against Mr. Lincoln, an extract from which will serve to indicate the bitterness of feeling that enters into this contest:
Lincoln was present during the delivery of the speech, sitting immediately in front of Senator Douglas, but rendered invisible from the stand by a gentle​man in green goggles, whom he used as a shield and cover. After Senator Douglas had concluded, and the cheers which greeted him ceased, green goggles rose and proposed three cheers for Lincoln, which were given by about ten men who stood immediately around him. Mr. Lincoln then gradually lengthened out his long, lank proportions until he stood upon his feet, and with a desperate attempt at looking pleasant, said that he would not take advantage of Judge Douglas' crowd, but would address "sich" as liked to hear him in the evening at the Court House. Having made this announcement in a tone and with an air of a perfect "Uriah Heep," pleading his humility, and asking for forgiveness of Heaven for his enemies, he stood washing his hands with invisible soap in imperceptible water, until his friends, seeing that his mind was wandering, took him in charge, and bundled him off the ground. . . . . .
Mr. Lincoln's course in following Senator Douglas is condemned here even by his friends. He explains it by saying that he challenged Judge Douglas to meet the people and address them together, which challenge had not been accepted. The unfairness and untruth of this statement made in Chicago you who have seen the correspondence know.
Douglas was devoting a large share of attention in these speeches to his fellow-senator, Trumbull, who had charged Douglas with a corrupt bargain in espousing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise measure. Strong language was used by each and rumors of a personal encounter likely to follow between the two men were common. Trumbull's speeches were widely quoted in the eastern press as "representative Republican doctrines." The Boston Daily Traveler headed its campaign letter, "Illinois, Trumbull and Douglas." Lincoln saw that he was likely to be ignored if Trumbull were permitted to monopolize the attention of Douglas and in that case his political chances would be jeopardized. Manifestly his only course was to challenge Douglas to a series of set debates in which the political issues of the day would replace the personal matters at stake between Douglas and Trumbull. After consulting with representative Republicans of the State, Lincoln sent the following letter to Douglas:
Chicago, Ill., July 24, 1858
Hon. S. A. Douglas.
My dear Sir: Will it be agreeable to you to make an arrangement for you and myself to divide time, and address the same audiences the present canvass? Mr. Judd, who will hand you this, is authorized to receive your answer; and, if agreeable to you, to enter into the terms of such agreement. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln
The same day Douglas replied to Lincoln:
Chicago, July 24, 1858
Hon. A. Lincoln.
Dear Sir: Your note of this date, in which you inquire if it would be agreeable to me to make an arrangement to divide the time and address the same audiences during the present canvass, was handed to me by Mr. Judd. Recent events have interposed difficulties in the way of such an arrangement.
I went to Springfield last week for the purpose of conferring with the Democratic State Central Committee upon the mode of conducting the canvass, and with them, and under their advice, made a list of appointments covering the entire period until late in October. The people of the several localities have been notified of the times and places of the meetings. Those appointments have all been made for Democratic meetings, and arrangements have been made by which the Democratic candidates for Congress, for the Legislature, and other offices, will be present and address the people. It is evident, therefore, that these various candidates, in connection with myself, will occupy the whole time of the day and evening, and leave no opportunity for other speeches.
Besides, there is another consideration which should be kept in mind. It has been suggested recently that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition to me, with no other purpose than to insure my defeat, by dividing the Democratic party for your benefit. If I should make this arrangement with you, it is more than probable that this other candidate, who has a common object with you, would desire to become a party to it, and claim the right to speak from the same stand; so that he and you, in concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case.
​I cannot refrain from expressing my surprise, if it was your original intention to invite such an arrangement, that you should have waited until after I had made my appointments, inasmuch as we were both here in Chicago together for several days after my arrival, and again at Bloomington, Atlanta, Lincoln, and Springfield, where it was well known I went for the purpose of consulting with State Central Committee, and agreeing upon the plan of the campaign.
While, under these circumstances, I do not feel at liberty to make any arrangement which would deprive the Democratic candidates for Congress, State offices, and the Legislature, from participating in the discussion at the various meetings designated by the Democratic State Central Committee, I will, in order to accommodate you as far as it is in my power to do so, take the responsibility of making an arrangement with you for a discussion between us at one prominent point in each Congressional District in the State, except the second and sixth districts, where we have both spoken, and in each of which cases you had the concluding speech. If agreeable to you, I will indicate the following places as those most suitable in the several Congressional Districts at which we should speak, to wit : Freeport, Ottawa, Galesburg, Quincy, Alton, Jonesboro, and Charleston. I will confer with you at the earliest convenient opportunity in regard to the mode of conducting the debate, the times of meeting at the several places, subject to the condition that where appointments have already been made by the Democratic State Central Committee at any of those places, I must insist upon you meeting me at the times specified.
Very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
S. A. Douglas
This correspondence was at once given to the press and excited a variety of comment.
[Chicago Daily Journal, July 27, 1858]
LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE TO DOUGLAS
Below will be found the challenge of Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Douglas, and the reply of the latter.
We do not think it argues very well for the courage of the Senator that he evades the challenge in the manner he does, nor much for his courtesy when asked to confer with the Chairman of the Republican ​State Central Committee in regard to the times and places, that he should himself proceed to designate seven places where Mr. Lincoln must meet him, if at all.
The friends of Senator Douglas claim that Mr. Lincoln is no match for him, before the people. Every canvass for the last twenty years has found these two champions of their respective parties side by side with each other, and often addressing the same audience, and Mr. Lincoln never asked any favor of his adversary. He does not now. If Mr. Douglas really felt his superiority, those who know him will be slow to believe that he would not take advantage of it. He, however, shows the white feather, and, like a trembling Felix skulks behind the appointments of the emasculate Democratic State Central Committee!
The challenge should properly have proceeded from Senator Douglas, but it having become apparent that he did not intend to meet Mr. Lincoln, it was thought proper by Mr. Lincoln's friends that the challenge should come from our side. The delay was a matter of courtesy toward Mr. Douglas, and not for the reasons the Senator intimates in his reply. In courteous demeanor, as well as in the honorable conduct of an argument before the people Mr. Douglas will ever find, as in many campaigns he has heretofore found, Mr. Lincoln to be at least his equal.
We much regret that the two candidates cannot canvass the whole State, by speaking together at every county, and in every town of any size or importance. We desire the people to have a fair hearing and a full understanding of the positions, sentiments and argumentative ability of the two men. But the seven meetings proposed, will be better than none. They will give the people of the several Congressional districts an opportunity to get together on the days appointed, in great mass meetings, to hear the great political topics of the day discussed, (fairly and ably we trust) and to "reason together" in the spirit of candor, and with the desire to get at the truth.—Let Congressional Mass Meetings be the order of the day.
[Illinois State Register, July 29, 1858]
From the Chicago Times
LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE.—DOUGLAS' REPLY
On the 9th of July Judge Douglas made his speech in Chicago, and the next evening Mr. Lincoln replied to it. Both gentlemen remained in Chicago for several days thereafter. Subsequently, Judge Douglas ​proceeded to Springfield to be present at a meeting of the democratic state committee—held for the purpose of making appointments for public meetings from that period until the election. On his way to Springfield he stopped at Bloomington, Atlanta and Lincoln, and at all these places met Mr. Lincoln and conversed with him. When Mr. Douglas reached Springfield, there were hand-bills conspicuously posted all over the city announcing that Mr. Lincoln would speak that evening. Judge Douglas remained at Springfield two or three days, and then returned to this city. In the meantime the state committee had made out their programme for democratic meetings all over the state, commencing at Clinton, July 27, and ending, we believe, at Atlanta, on the last of October. On Saturday evening last, July 24, Mr. Lincoln, having read in the papers the announcement of Judge Douglas' appointments for August, came up to Chicago, and sent him a note proposing a joint discussion, which note, as well as the reply, we publish below.
Mr. Lincoln evidently has been consulting his own fears and the result likely to follow a separate canvass. He dreaded personally the consequence of a joint discussion, yet he knew that his only chance to obtain respectable audiences, was to make an arrangement to speak at the same meetings with Douglas; between the two causes of dread he has been shivering for nearly a month, and at last, believing that Douglas, having announced his meetings would not change his programme, has allowed his friends to persuade him to make a challenge for a joint discussion. The reply of Judge Douglas, while it explains fully the reasons why he cannot now agree to a joint discussion at all his meetings, tenders Mr. Lincoln a meeting at seven different points in the state. The points designated are important ones; one in each congressional district, and while it disturbs the arrangements heretofore made by the democracy, and communicated to all parts of the state, the proposition of Judge Douglas, if accepted by Mr. Lincoln, will in all probability afford the latter about as much of a joint debate as he will fancy. We doubt very much even if Mr. Lincoln's friends can screw his courage up sufficiently to enable him to accept this offer, whether he will even go through with the seven appointments. We think one, or at all events two of such meetings, will be sufficient to gratify Mr. Lincoln's ambition.
We will see, however, whether he will accept Douglas' offer.
LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS
In today's paper we copy from the Chicago Times a correspondence between Messrs. Lincoln and Douglas, in which the former suggests an arrangement by which the two senatorial candidates will canvass the state together. After Mr. Douglas had issued notice of his appointments to meet the people, prior to which Mr. Lincoln had ample time and opportunity to make and receive a response to such a proposition, it will surprise the public that he has made such an offer. Upon this the Times pointedly comments, and to which Mr. Douglas refers in his reply. He however, offers Mr. Lincoln ample opportunity to discuss the issues between them before the people. Mr. Douglas proposes to meet Mr. Lincoln at one point in each of the congressional districts of the state, except in this and in the 2d district, where they have already spoken. Mr. Lincoln cannot expect his opponent to break his appointments already made, preparations for which the people at the several points are already making; but we have no doubt in the seven encounters proposed by Mr. Douglas, if Mr. Lincoln will accept, he will get enough of debate and discomfiture to last him the balance of his life. Will he accept?
[Peoria, Ill, Daily Transcript, July 29, 1858]
LINCOLN CHALLENGES DOUGLAS TO STUMP THE STATE WITH HIM
After waiting several weeks hoping that Judge Douglas would, according to the western custom, challenge him to stump the state, Honorable Abram Lincoln sent a note to Judge D. the other day inviting him to make an arrangement to divide time and address the same audiences. The Judge has returned a lengthy reply, excusing himself from accepting such a challenge. His excuse is that he has placed his time at the disposal of the Democratic State Committee, who have made appointments for him which will consume his time until about the middle of October. The excuse will hardly relieve Mr. Douglas from the suspicion that he fears to meet so powerful opponent as Mr. Lincoln in argument before the people. He intimates, in his note, that it was well known that his recent journey to Springfield was made for the purpose of consulting with the state committee, and that if Mr. Lincoln desired to canvass the state with him he should have made the fact known before that consultation was had. How the fact should be well known that Judge Douglas' journey to Springfield was ​for the purpose of such a consultation as he describes, or any other kind of consultation, is certainly beyond our comprehension. It was not made public through the press and we are not aware that it was announced outside of his immediate circle of friends, if indeed it was announced there. It may be relied upon, at all events, that if Mr. Lincoln had known that his opponent was about to make engagements that would preclude the possibility of arranging a canvass of the state with him, a challenge would have been forthcoming immediately. It was properly Mr. Douglas' duty to challenge Mr. Lincoln, without waiting to receive one.
Mr. Douglas announces, towards the close of his reply, that it is probable that he can meet Mr. Lincoln before the people once in each Congressional district. We hope he will be able to; and in the meantime, if he is disposed to be an honest man, let him desist from such gross misrepresentations of Mr. Lincoln's position as he has thus far indulged in.
[Free-port, Ill., Journal, July 29, 1858]
AT FREEPORT
Mr. Lincoln having challenged Senator Douglas to meet him on the stump all over the state, the latter declines the general invitation, but agrees to meet him at seven places, as follows: Freeport, Ottawa, Galesburg, Quincy, Alton, Jonesboro, and Charleston, provided Lincoln will come at the times that Douglas' friends may have chosen, if any. Though this is a half way evasion of the challenge, we are glad that we, in Freeport at least, will have an opportunity to hear these two champions from the same stand. We bespeak for them the largest gathering ever known here, and are willing to let the people judge for themselves as to who shall be their choice, after a fair hearing of them both in person.
[Illinois Slate Register, July 31, 1858]
LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE
The republican organs make a most clumsy effort to have it appear that Senator Douglas declines a general canvass with Mr. Lincoln, because the former dreads the combat! The very tone of these organs, in their silly assertions on this point, denies their sincerity. The idea that a man who has crossed blades in the senate with the strongest intellects of the country, who has as the champion of democratic principles in the senatorial arena, routed all opposition— ​that such a man dreads encounter with Mr. A. Lincoln is an absurdity that can be uttered by his organs only with a ghastly phiz. Mr. Lincoln, if he desired what his organs claim, had ample opportunity to make his proposition. He could have made such an arrangement as would have, had he held out, shown him in withering contrast in every county seat in the state. He was not anxious for the fray! or he would have made his proposition at Chicago, or here, where he had ample opportunity; but he waits until Mr. Douglas makes other arrangements, and advertises them, in a manner that they must, with propriety, be fulfilled, when he banters for battle, knowing his proposition cannot be accepted.
Mr. Douglas' reply to his note affords him fray enough. He has opportunity, at seven different points in the state, to show his metal. If he was good for fifty or a hundred encounters, he certainly ought to be for seven. Will he accept? The joint efforts of the two parties certainly will insure large turn-outs of the people, and we have no doubt the railroads, which have latterly become a nightmare to the republican candidate, will assist, and make, in a "business" way, a "good thing" of it.
Let us have a grand turn-out of the people at one point in each congressional district. The democracy of Illinois will submit the whole case to such popular jurors, called together by the joint effort of the two parties.
[Burlington, Iowa, Gazette, July 31, 1858]
DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN
So perverse in their nature are some black republican editors that it seems an impossibility for them to tell the truth. Our home contemporary [Hawkeye] is of this class. Mark what he says in the following lines:
Lincoln has challenged Douglas to canvass Illinois together, addressing the people from the same stump. Judges Douglas dodges.
Judge Douglas dodges, eh? Well, let us see if he dodges. Here is the correspondence entire between Lincoln and Douglas relating to the matter. No sir, Douglas will meet Lincoln if Lincoln dare to meet Douglas; and the only dodging there will be on the part of the "Little Giant" will take place when the people of Illinois, through their representatives elect, dodge him into the Senatorship again, as they most assuredly will.
[Daily Herald, Quincy, Ill., July 29, 1858]
DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN ON THE STUMP
We copy below, from the Chicago Times, a correspondence that recently took place between Judge Douglas and Mr. Lincoln, in regard to the plan of the present campaign. Lincoln, having thus far failed to attract a respectable audience, seems to be entirely willing to avail himself of Judge Douglas' great fame and popularity to get up crowds for him to speak to. Nobody seems to care about hearing anything from Lincoln—but the masses of all parties, wherever he goes, turn out to see and hear Douglas. Hence, Lincoln asks him if he won't let him follow along after him and permit him to speak to the crowds that turn out, not to hear him, but to hear Douglas.
In response to the suggestion of Douglas for seven meetings, Lincoln framed a reply. Before it was delivered, he met Douglas by accident near Monticello in the course of the campaign and tendered him the paper. Douglas' reporters took advantage of the incident to ridicule Lincoln.
[Chicago Times, August 1, 1858]
THE CAMPAIGN
Douglas at Monticello.—Great Enthusiasm Everywhere
Monticello, July 29, 1858
. . . . The meeting then adjourned, and Senator Douglas, who was to fill an appointment at Paris on Saturday next, was escorted to the railway station at Bement by the delegation from Okaw, Bement and that vicinity. About two miles out of the town the procession met Mr. Lincoln, who was on his way to Monticello. As he passed, Senator Douglas called to him to stop, that he wanted to see him. Lincoln jumped out of his carriage and shook hands with the Senator, who said to him, "Come, Lincoln, return to Bement. You see we have only a mile or two of people here. I will promise you a much larger meeting there than you will have at Monticello". "No, Judge," replied Lincoln, "I can't. The fact is I did not come over here to make a speech. I don't intend to follow you any more; I don't call this following you. I have come down here from Springfield to see you and give you my reply to your letter. I have it in ​my pocket, but I have not compared it with the copy yet. We can compare the two now, can't we?" Senator Douglas told him that he had better compare the two at Monticello, and, when he had his answer ready, send it to him at Bement, where he intended to remain until the one o'clock p. m. train for the East. This Lincoln promised to do, and after again assuring the Senator that he must not consider his visit to Monticello "following" him—that such a "conclusion" would be erroneous—the two separated, after shaking hands. . . .
[Missouri Republican, St. Louis, August 1, 1858]
THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS
An Account of Piatt County.—Speeches, etc.
Monticello, Piatt Co , Ills., July 30
When he [Douglas] had finished he was escorted to the railroad depot by a large procession. Col. W. N. Coler, the Democratic nominee for the Legislature in this district, was present during the speech. At its conclusion he was announced to reply to Mr. Lincoln on Friday.
On the way to the railway track the procession of the Judge was met by Abe, who in a kind of nervous-excited manner tumbled out of his carriage, his legs appearing sadly in the way or out of place. Lincoln is looking quite worn out, his face looks even more haggard than when he said it was lean, lank and gaunt. He got to the Judge's carriage with a kind of hop, skip and jump, and then, with a considerable of bowing and scraping, he notified Mr. Douglas that he had an answer to his letter, of which we have spoken heretofore; that it was long, that he had not compared the original and the copy, and could the Judge just wait, that the comparsion might be made by the roadside. Just think of staying out in the middle of a vast prairie, surrounded by hundreds of followers, to compare notes. Douglas of course declined, requesting Mr. L. to compare to his own satisfaction, and then forward the communication.
Lincoln proceeded on his way to Monticello, some of us bearing him company, the Judge returning on his proper route. A meeting was at once organized to hear him speak. He mounted in the Court House Square and thus spoke for about half an hour. He would not speak then, he would, however, read the correspondence with the ​Judge, together with the reply he was going to send the Judge, all of which he did.
B. B.
[Illinois State Register, August 2, 1858]
Monticello, July 29
I returned to Monticello to hear Lincoln. He spoke in the grove where Senator Douglas had spoken an hour or two before and promised the people that before the canvass was over he would visit them again in company with Judge Trumbull, who would reply to Douglas. It was expected that he would remain here for a day or two, or follow Senator Douglas to Paris, but he left suddenly on the midnight train for Springfield and one of his friends told me that he did not intend to follow Judge Douglas any more, but was going immediately to Chicago to consult with Cook, Bross, and other friends, and make out a list of his own appointments
Piatt
Lincoln's reply to the suggestion of Douglas was as follows:
Springfield, July 29, 1858
Hon S. A. Douglas.
Dear Sir: Yours of the 24th in relation to an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audiences, is received; and, in apology for not sooner replying, allow me to say, that when I sat by you at dinner yesterday, I was not aware that you had answered my note, nor, certainly that my own note had been presented to you. An hour after, I saw a copy of your answer in the Chicago Times, and reaching home, I found the original awaiting me. Protesting that your insinuations of attempted unfairness on my part are unjust, and with the hope that you did not very considerately make them, I proceed to reply. To your statement that "It has been suggested, recently, that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition to me," etc., I can only say, that such suggestion must have been made by yourself, for certainly none such has been made by or to me, or otherwise, to my knowledge. Surely you did not deliberately conclude, as you insinuate, that I was expecting to draw you into an arrangement of terms, to be agreed on by yourself, by which a third candidate and myself, "in concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case."
​As to your surprise that I did not sooner make the proposal to divide time with you, I can only say, I made it as soon as I resolved to make it. I did not know but that such proposal would come from you; I waited, respectfully to see. It may have been well known to you that you went to Springfield for the purpose of agreeing on the plan of campaign; but it was not so known to me. When your appointments were announced in the papers, extending only to the 21st of August, I, for the first time considered it certain that you would make no proposal to me, and then resolved that, if my friends concurred, I would make one to you. As soon thereafter as I could see and consult with friends satisfactorily, I did make the proposal. It did not occur to me that the proposed arrangement could derange your plans after the latest of your appointments already made. After that, there was, before the election, largely over two months of clear time.
For you to say that we have already spoken at Chicago and Springfield, and that on both occasions I had the concluding speech, is hardly a fair statement. The truth rather is this: At Chicago, July 9th, you made a carefully prepared conclusion on my speech of June 16th. Twenty-four hours after, I made a hasty conclusion on yours of the 9th. You had six days to prepare, and concluded on me again at Bloomington on the 16th. Twenty-four hours after, I concluded again on you at Springfield. In the mean time, you had made another conclusion on me at Springfield, which I did not hear, and of the contents of which I knew nothing when I spoke; so that your speech made in daylight, and mine at night, of the 17th, at Springfield, were both made in perfect independence of each other. The dates of making all these speeches will show, I think, that in the matter of time for preparation, the advantage has all been on your side, and that none of the external circumstances have stood to my advantage.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln
A. L.
Bement, Piatt Co., Ill., July 30, 1858
Dear Sir: Your letter dated yesterday, accepting my proposition for a joint discussion at one prominent point in each Congressional District, as stated in my previous letter, was received this morning.
The times and places designated are as follows:
| Ottawa, LaSalle County, | August 21, 1858 |
| Freeport, Stephenson County, | August„ 27, 1858„ |
| Jonesboro, Union County, | September 15, 1858„ |
| Charleston, Coles County, | September„ 18, 1858„ |
| Galesburg, Knox County, | October 7, 1858„ |
| Quincy, Adams County, | October„ 13, 1858„ |
| Alton, Madison County, | October„ 15, 1858„ |
I agree to your suggestion that we shall alternately open and close the discussion. I will speak at Ottawa one hour, you can reply, occupying an hour and a half, and I will then follow for half an hour. At Freeport, you shall open the discussion and speak one hour; I will follow for an hour and a half, and you can then reply for half an hour. We will alternate in like manner in each successive place.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
S. A. Douglas
Hon. A. Lincoln, Springfield, Ill.
This arrangement was accepted by Mr. Lincoln:
Springfield, July 31, 1858
Hon. S. A. Douglas. Dear Sir: Yours of yesterday, naming places, times, and terms, for joint discussions between us, was received this morning. Although, by the terms, as you propose, you take four openings and closes, to my three, I accede, and thus close the arrangement. I direct this to you at Hillsboro, and shall try to have both your letter and this appear in the Journal and Register of Monday morning.
Your obedient servant,A. Lincoln
[Chicago Times, August 1, 1858]
THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN SENATOR DOUGLAS AND MR. LINCOLN.
CONGRESSIONAL MAP OF ILLINOIS, 1858
Showing places where the seven debates were held, numbered in order
​addressing the people in company. Those readers who examine the letter of our Monticello correspondent will learn somewhat of the circumstances which attended the conclusion of this arrangement. Mr. Lincoln's letter is dated Springfield, but it was sent by the author from some place in Piatt county to Senator Douglas in Bement. We are not disposed to criticise too harshly the style of Mr. Lincoln's letter. It is now printed and speaks for itself its own praise or condemnation. But, the public will have their opinion of it, and it can be none other than that it is as badly conceived as bunglingly expressed. We hope, however, that we have seen the "conclusion" of the correspondence, and do not question that by the time Mr. Lincoln has "concluded" on Senator Douglas, once or twice, and permitted Senator Douglas to "conclude" on him an equal number of times, he will "conclude" that he better haul off and lay by for repairs.
We need not describe the arrangement, as it is made fully to appear in the correspondence itself.
[Illinois State Journal, July 31, 1858]
MR. LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE TO MR. DOUGLAS.—REJOINDER OF MR. LINCOLN
We have already published the letter of Mr. Lincoln challenging Mr. Douglas to a joint canvass of the State, and also the letter of Mr. Douglas in reply, declining the invitation in the most pettifogging and cowardly manner. Today we publish a rejoinder of Mr. Lincoln, exposing the flimsy pretexts upon which Mr. Douglas places his declension and at the same time cordially responding to that part of the reply in which Mr. Douglas reluctantly consents to allow himself to be used up by Mr. Lincoln at seven different places. It is clear that Mr. Douglas is not fond of Mr. Lincoln's rough handling and is anxious to get out of an ugly scrape on any terms. In this matter Douglas goes on the principle that discretion is the better part of valor.
We knew from the first that Douglas would not dare to make a general canvass of the state with Lincoln. He had to run away from that gentleman in 1854 and dared not stand his broadsides now. If he dared not meet Lincoln in the first dawnings of his conspiracy to Africanize the whole American Continent, of course he would object still more to such a canvass in 1858, when the evidences of that conspiracy are so numerous and overwhelming that even his audacity shrinks from denying it. But we did expect that Mr. Douglas would ​at least put his refusal on some more plausible ground than a mere squibble. The idea that Mr. Douglas is unable to meet Mr. Lincoln in debate because forsooth a Democratic Central Committe had already made some half dozen appointments for him, is pitiful—just as though those appointments could not be changed, or so modified as also to embrace a discussion with Mr. Lincoln or leaving those appointments out of the question, just as though there was not yet remaining full two months in which to make the canvass with Mr. Lincoln! However it is viewed, Mr. Douglas' attempt to Skulk behind a Central Committee, is a cowardly showing of the white feather.
[Chicago Daily Journal, August 2, 1858]
The Times finds fault with Mr. Lincoln's letter to Mr. Douglas because it is "bunglingly expressed."
Our neighbor should recollect that he has not the advantage of having the Douglas candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction to correct it for him!
[Illinois State Register, Springfield, August 2, 1858]
DISCUSSION BETWEEN MESSRS. DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN
We were furnished on Saturday, by Mr. Lincoln, with the following correspondence, from which it will be seen that he agrees to meet Mr. Douglas in discussion at seven points in the state, which are named in the note of the letter. Mr. Lincoln cannot forego, even in this brief note, the expression of the idea uppermost with him, that he is "a victim," Douglas has one more "opening" than himself, which, if it were not so, Mr. Lincoln would have one more than Mr. Douglas. As we are told by Mr. Lincoln's organs that Douglas felt incapable of debating successfully with Mr. L., the latter should have forborne his lament, in a spirit of magnanimity.
Now there is a bit of egotism in all this, pardonable, probably, in view of Mr. Lincoln's extremity. Why had he, any more than Wentworth, or Browning, or Gillespie, or Palmer, or Dougherty, or Judd, or any other republican or Danite notability, a right to expect a challenge for debate from Douglas. True, Lincoln had thrust himself before all the reception meetings gotten up in honor of Mr. Douglas, and had taken shape as a senatorial candidate; but as Mr. Douglas ​suggests, there are others with similar aspirations. He had in this manner of doubtful propriety, made himself a figure out of place, but we cannot see that the circumstances were such as to induce Mr. Douglas to single him out from the number of his opponents—black republican and Danite, and challenge him to a general canvass. Mr. Lincoln's political necessities may have needed this boosting of him into prominence, but he is scarcely justified in lamenting that Mr. Douglas did not contribute to it.
Mr. Douglas, as a representative of his state in the senate, was a prominent actor in the exciting debates of the last session. His action and his motives therefor had been condemned and impugned, and he had concluded, on his return home, to go before his constituents to render an account of the course he had deemed proper to pursue, as well as to advocate the principles, policy and the election of the candidates of his party. Mr. Lincoln was as well qualified to know that Mr. Douglas came to this city to arrange with his party friends for this purpose, as was Mr. Douglas that Mr. Lincoln's party friends had arranged that he was to champion their cause; and as such, if it was his desire to have had a general canvass, single-handed, he could have made it known at the threshold—at Chicago. Why he did not do it, is simply because he had not "resolved" to do it and we think he did not resolve to do it because he thought he could cut a better figure by waiting until Mr. Douglas had made other arrangements, and then pompously send a challenge which he knew could not be accepted.
Mr. Lincoln knew it was Mr. Douglas' intention to canvass the state long before Mr. D's return home. If it was his desire to canvass with him—if it was the desire of his party that he should do so, he should have met the "lion," with a watchful resistance, at the gate, and not have waited for his terms, and the mode and manner of being eaten up.
This bit of pettifogging jugglery on the part of Mr. Lincoln and his backers can only be viewed as such by the people of the state. The twaddle of his organ about Douglas' dread of his prowess is unworthy of comment. Mr. Douglas' agreement to meet him as proposed in the correspondence above, which could not, under the circumstances, be declined by Mr. Lincoln, is, doubtless, more than they bargained for in their epistolary efforts to make a brave front on paper, as they will certainly learn before they are through with a small portion of the large job they profess to bid for.
​Eastern newspapers at first failed to appreciate the importance of this challenge and acceptance, although the arrangement caused extensive comment in the Illinois press, as the above quotations would indicate. In the older section the breach between Douglas and Buchanan continued to be extensively treated by editorial writers.
* ↑ Norman B. Judd (1815-78), a prominent Chicago attorney, was at this time chairman of the Republican State Central Committee.
* ↑ Chicago was in the second congressional district and Springfield was in the sixth. See the map in this volume.