# Life of Sir William Petty 1623 - 1687/App

APPENDIX
I
A copy of the Collection of Sir William Petty's several works since the year 1636, found at Wycombe, in his own handwriting:—
| Caen | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1637. | A course of practicall Geometry and Dialling. | A course of practicall Geometry and Dialling. | A course of practicall Geometry and Dialling. |
| Caen | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1638. | Cursus Rhetorices et Geographicæ. | Cursus Rhetorices et Geographicæ. | Cursus Rhetorices et Geographicæ. |
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1639. | A system of Astronomy | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Ptolemaical, and |
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1639. | A system of Astronomy | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Copernican. |
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1640. | Severall Drawings and Paintings. | Severall Drawings and Paintings. | Severall Drawings and Paintings. |
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1643. | An English Poem of Susanna and the Elders. | An English Poem of Susanna and the Elders. | An English Poem of Susanna and the Elders. |
| Holland (lost at sea) | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | ,, | Collegium Logicum et Metaphisicum. | Collegium Logicum et Metaphisicum. | Collegium Logicum et Metaphisicum. |
| Holland (lost at sea) | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1644. | A Collection of the Frugalities of Holland. | A Collection of the Frugalities of Holland. | A Collection of the Frugalities of Holland. |
| Holland (lost at sea) | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1645. | An history of seven Months practice in a Chemical Laboratory. | An history of seven Months practice in a Chemical Laboratory. | An history of seven Months practice in a Chemical Laboratory. |
| Paris Oxford | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1646. | A Discourse in Latin, 'de Arthritide et Lue Venereâ;' and 'Cursus Anatomicus.' | A Discourse in Latin, 'de Arthritide et Lue Venereâ;' and 'Cursus Anatomicus.' | A Discourse in Latin, 'de Arthritide et Lue Venereâ;' and 'Cursus Anatomicus.' |
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1647. | Advice to Mr. Hartlib about the advancement of learning. | Advice to Mr. Hartlib about the advancement of learning. | Advice to Mr. Hartlib about the advancement of learning. |
| Collections for the history of Trees, etc. |||
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1648. | The double writing Instrument. | The double writing Instrument. | The double writing Instrument. |
| The engine for planting Corne, and Printing; |||
| Boyling Waters, Woods. |||
| Oxford | | 1649. | Six Phisico-Medicall Lectures, read at Oxford. | Six Phisico-Medicall Lectures, read at Oxford. | Six Phisico-Medicall Lectures, read at Oxford. |
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1650. | Severall Musick Lectures. Hester Ann Green. | Severall Musick Lectures. Hester Ann Green. | Severall Musick Lectures. Hester Ann Green. |
| Three Osteological Lectures. |||
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1651. | Collection of Experiments. | Collection of Experiments. | Collection of Experiments. |
| London | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1652. | Pharmacopœa and formula Medicamentorum. | Pharmacopœa and formula Medicamentorum. | Pharmacopœa and formula Medicamentorum. |
| Observationes Medicæ et Praxis. |||
| Ireland | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1653. | De Plantis. Notæ in Hippocratem. | De Plantis. Notæ in Hippocratem. | De Plantis. Notæ in Hippocratem. |
| Scholaris situlifuga. Poemata Liturgica. |||
| Ireland | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1654. | A Discourse against the Transplanting into Connaught. | A Discourse against the Transplanting into Connaught. | A Discourse against the Transplanting into Connaught. |
| | | 1654. | A Treatise of irregular Dialls. | A Treatise of irregular Dialls. | A Treatise of irregular Dialls. |
| | | 1655. | The Grand Survey of Ireland. | The Grand Survey of Ireland. | The Grand Survey of Ireland. |
| | | 1656. | Severall Reports about settling the Quarters and Soldiers. | Severall Reports about settling the Quarters and Soldiers. | Severall Reports about settling the Quarters and Soldiers. |
| | | 1657. | Breviar-ia, Clerk of the Council. | Breviar-ia, Clerk of the Council. | Breviar-ia, Clerk of the Council. |
| | | 1658. | Letters, etc., between the Protector and the Lieut. Gov. of Ireland. ​ | Letters, etc., between the Protector and the Lieut. Gov. of Ireland. ​ | Letters, etc., between the Protector and the Lieut. Gov. of Ireland. ​ |
| | | 1659. | The history of the Survey and first Distribution of Lands in Ireland. | The history of the Survey and first Distribution of Lands in Ireland. | The history of the Survey and first Distribution of Lands in Ireland. |
| 1660. | 1660. | 1660. | Brev: against Sankey, and William Petty's own apology. | Brev: against Sankey, and William Petty's own apology. | Brev: against Sankey, and William Petty's own apology. |
| 1660. | 1660. | 1660. | Observations on the Bills of Mortality. | Observations on the Bills of Mortality. | Observations on the Bills of Mortality. |
| 1661. | 1661. | 1661. | A Discourse about registry, and Settlement of Ireland. | A Discourse about registry, and Settlement of Ireland. | A Discourse about registry, and Settlement of Ireland. |
| 1662. | 1662. | 1662. | Treatise of Taxes $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ Materialls of a Bill and Small money. | Treatise of Taxes $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ Materialls of a Bill and Small money. | Treatise of Taxes $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ Materialls of a Bill and Small money. |
| 1663. | 1663. | 1663. | The Grand Map of Ireland, and Brev. of Boroughs. | The Grand Map of Ireland, and Brev. of Boroughs. | The Grand Map of Ireland, and Brev. of Boroughs. |
| | | | The Natural History of religion $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ History of Clothing. History of Dyeing. | The Natural History of religion $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ History of Clothing. History of Dyeing. | The Natural History of religion $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ History of Clothing. History of Dyeing. |
| Satyricall Poems |||
| 1664. | 1664. | 1664. | Naval Experiments and Discourses. $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ De motu maris et ventorum. De medicinis solutis per aquam et aera. Navicula Gemina. Reterium Nauticum. Anatomia Navalis. | Naval Experiments and Discourses. $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ De motu maris et ventorum. De medicinis solutis per aquam et aera. Navicula Gemina. Reterium Nauticum. Anatomia Navalis. | Naval Experiments and Discourses. $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ De motu maris et ventorum. De medicinis solutis per aquam et aera. Navicula Gemina. Reterium Nauticum. Anatomia Navalis. |
| 1665. | 1665. | 1665. | Verbum Sapienti, and the value of People. | Verbum Sapienti, and the value of People. | Verbum Sapienti, and the value of People. |
| English Translation of Hermes, per Alex. Brome. |||
| 1667. | 1667. | 1667. | Lawsuits. | Lawsuits. | Lawsuits. |
| 1668. | 1668. | 1668. | Poemata Glanarita. | Poemata Glanarita. | Poemata Glanarita. |
| 1669. | 1669. | 1669. | Severall Latine Epigrams. | Severall Latine Epigrams. | Severall Latine Epigrams. |
| 1670. | 1670. | 1670. | Anatomia Politica Hiberniæ. | Anatomia Politica Hiberniæ. | Anatomia Politica Hiberniæ. |
| 1671. | 1671. | 1671. | Political Arithmetick. | Political Arithmetick. | Political Arithmetick. |
| 1682. | 1682. | 1682. | Quantulumque concerning money. | Quantulumque concerning money. | Quantulumque concerning money. |
II
Sir William Petty's Will, extracted from the principal Registry of Her Majesty's Court of Probate in Ireland
In the name of God. Amen.—I, S$^r$ William Petty, Kn$^t$, born at Rumsey, in Haumtshire, doe, revoking all other and former wills, make this my last will and testament, premising the ensueing preface to the same, whereby to express my condition, designe, intentions, and desires, concerning the persons and things contained in and relating to my said will, for the better expounding any thing which may hereafter seem doubtfull therein, and also for justifing in behalfe of my children the manner and means of getting and acquiring the estate w$^{ch}$ I hereby bequeath unto them, exhorting them to emprove the same by no worse negotiations. In the first place, I declare and affirme that at the full age of fifteene years I had obtained the Lattin, Greeke, and French tongues, the whole ​body of common Arithmetick, the practicall Geometry and Astronomy conducing to Navigation, Dialing, &c, with the knowledge of severall Mathematicall Trades, at which, and having been at the University of Caen, preferred me to the King's Navy, where, at the age of 20 years, I had gotten up about three score pounds, wth as much mathematices as any of my age was known to have had. With this provision, Anno 1643, when the civill warrs betwixt the King and Parliament great hatt, I went into the Netherlands and France for three years, and having vigorously followed my studies, especially that of medicine, att Utretch, Leydon, Amsterdam, and Paris, I returned to Rinsey, where I was born, bringing back with me my brother Anthony, whom I had bred, with about ten pounds more then I had carried out of England; with this £70 and my endeavours, in less than four years more I obtained my degree of Doctor of Phisick in Oxford, and forthwith thereupon to be admitted into the College of Phistians, London, and into severall clubbs of the virtuous, after all which expenses defrayed I had left twenty-eight pounds; and in the next two years being made Fellow of Brasen Nose, and Anatomy Professor in Oxford, and also Reader at Gersham Colledge, I advanced my said stock to about four hundred pounds, and with £100 more advanced and given me to go for Ireland into full five hundred pounds. Upon the tenth of September, 1652, I landed att Waterford, in Ireland, Phisitian to the army who had suppressed the Rebellion began in the year 1641, and to the Generall of the same, and the Head Quarters, at the rate of 20s. per diem, at which I continued till June, 1659, gaining by my practice about £400 per annum, above the said sallary. About September, 1654, I, perceiving that the admeasurement of the lands forfeited by the forementioned Rebellion, and intended to regulate the satisfaction of the soldiers who had suppressed the same, was most unsufficiently and absurdly managed, I obtained a contract, dated the 11th of December, 1654, for making the said admeasurement, and by God's blessing so performed the same as that I gained about nine thousand pounds thereby, which, with the £500 above-mentioned, my sallary of 20s. per diem, the benefit of my practice, together with £600 given me for directing an after survey of the advent$^{rs}$ lands, and £800 more for 2 years' sallary as Clerk of the Councell, raised me an estate of about thirteen thousand pounds in ready and reall money, at a time when, without art, interest, or authority, men bought as much lands for 10s. in reall money, as in this year, 1685, yield 10s. per ann. rent above his Maties quitt rents. Now I bestowed part of the said £13,000 in soldier's debentures, part in purchasing the Earl of Arundell's house and garden in Lothbury, ​London, and part I kept in cash, to answer emergencies; hereupon I purchased lands in Ireland with sodier's debentures, bought att above the markett rates, a great p$^t$ whereof I lost by the Court of Innocents, anno 1663, and built the said Garden called Token House yard, in Lothbury, which was for the most part destroyed by the dreadfull fire, anno 1666. Afterwards, anno 1667, I married Elizabeth, the relict of S$^r$ Maurice Fenton, Barronett. I sett up iron works and pilchard fishing in Kerry, and opened the lead mines and timber trade in Kerry, by all which, and some advantageous bargins, and with living under my income, I have, at the making this my will, the reall and personall estate following (viz$^t$.), a large house and 4 tenements in Runsey, with 4 acres of meadow upon the causway, and about 4 acres of arrable in the fields called Marks and Woollsworth, in all about thirty pounds per ann.; houses in Token house yard, near Lothbury, London, with lease in Piccadilly, and the Seaven Starrs, and the Blazing Starr, in Birching Lane, London, worth about five hundred pounds per ann.; besides mortgages upon certain houses in Hogg Lane, near Shoreditch, in London, and in Erith, in Kent, worth about £20 per ann.: I have ¾ parts of the ship Charles, whereof Deryck Paine is master, which I value at £80 per ann.; as also the copper plates for the mapps of Ireland, with the King's priviledge, which I rate at £100 per ann., in all seven hundred and thirty pounds per ann. I have in Ireland, without the County of Kerry, in lands, remainders, and reversions, about three thousand one hundred pounds per ann. I have of neat profits out of the lands and woods of Kerry, above eleven hundred pounds per ann., besides iron works, fishings, and lead mines, and marble quarrys, worth £600 per ann., in all £4800. I have, as my wife's Joynture, during her life, about £850 per ann., and for 14 years after her death about £200 per ann.; I have, by £3300 money at interest, £320 per ann., in all about £6700 per ann. The personal estate is as foll. viz$^t$—in chest six thousand six hundred pounds, in the hands of Adam Loftus £1296; of Mr John Cogs, goldsmith, of London, £1251; in silver plate and Jewells ab$^t$ £3000, in furniture, goods, pictures, coach horses, books, and watches, £1150 per estimate, in all twelve thousand pounds. I value my three chests of originall mapps and field books, the coppys of the Down Survey, with the Barrony mapps, and the chest of distribution books, with two chests of loose papers relating to the survey; the two great Barony books, and the book of the history of the survey, altogether at two thousand pounds. I have due out of Kerry for arrears, May rent, and iron, before 24th June, 1685, the sume of £1912, for the next half year's rent out of my lands in Ireland, my wife's joynture, ​and England, on or before the 24 June next, £2000; moreover, by arrears due the 30 Aprill, 1685, out of all my estate by estimate and interest of money, £1800; by other good debts due upon bonds and bills at this time, per estimate, £900; by debts which I call bad, £4000, worth, perhaps, £800; by debts which I call doubtful, £50,000, worth, perhaps, 25 thousand pounds, in all, £34,612; and the totall of the whole personall estate, £46,412; so as my present income for the year 1685 may be £6700, the profits of the personall estate may be £4641, and the demonstrable improvement of my Irish estate may be £3659 per ann., to make in all fifteen thousand pounds per ann., in and by all manner of effects abating for bad debts, about £28,000. Whereupon I say in gross, that my reall estate or income may be £6500 per ann., my personall estate about £45,000, my bad and desparate debts, 30 thousand pounds, and the improvements may be £4000 per ann., in all £15,000 per ann., ut supra. Now, my opinion and desire is (if I could effect it, and if I wear cleare from the law custom and all other impediments), to add to my wives joynture ¾ of what itt now is computed att, viz$^t$— £637 per ann., to make the whole £1587 per ann., which addition of £637 and £850 being deducted out of the aforementioned £6700, leaves £5113 for my two sons, whereof I would my eldest son should have ⅔, or £3408, and the younger £1705; and that after their mother's death, the aforesaid addition of £637 should be added in like proportion, making for the eldest £3832, and for the youngest £1916; and I would that the improvement of the estate should be equally divided between my two sons, and that the personall estate (first taking out ten thousand pounds for my only daughter,) that the rest should be equally divided between my wife and three children, by which method my wife would have £1587 per ann., and £9000 in personall effects; my daughter would have ten thousand pounds of the crame, and £9000 more with less certainty; my eldest son would have £3800 per ann., and half the expected improvements, with £9000 in hopefull effects, over and above his wifes portion; and my youngest son would have the same within £1900 per ann. I would advise my wife in this case to spend her whole £1587 per ann., that is to say, in her own entertainment, charity, and munificence, without care of increasing her children's fortunes; and I would she should give away ⅓ of the above-mentioned £9000 att her death, even from her children, upon any worthy object, and dispose of the other ⅔ to such of her children and grand children as pleased her best, without regard to any other rule or proportion. In case of either of my 3 childrens death under age, I advise as followeth, viz$^t$—if my eldest, Charles, dye without issue, I would that Henry ​should have ¾ of what he leaves, and my daughter, Anne, the rest; if Henry dye, I would that what he leaves may be equally divided between Charles and Anne; and if Anne dyes, that her share be equally divided between Charles and Henry. Memorandum.—That I think fitt to rate the 30 thousand pound desperate debts at one thousand pounds only, and to give it my daughter, to make her abovem~ 10$^m$ and 9$^m$ to be full twenty thousand pounds, which is much short of what I have given her younger brother; and the elder brother may have £3800 per ann. 9$^m$ in money, worth good more £2000 by improvements, and £1300 by marriage, to make up the whole to £8000 per ann., which is very well for the eldest son, as 20 thousand pounds for the daughter. I think, to make a codicill to my will, when I shall find myself sick or decaying, whereby to dispose of severall small legacies, with my funerall charges not exceeding one thousand pounds, I desire may be born by my wife and 3 children as near as may be, according to the proportions above-mentioned. Now, whereas, I have made deeds of settlement, dated.... for my wife and two sons. And, whereas I have hereby made my yearly income to be £6700, my present will that my wife shall have, besides the provision made by S$^r$ Maurice Fenton, £637 per ann. out of my said £6700, and that what by the said settlement is short thereof shall be made up out of the said £6700, and what is too much shall be abated out of £9000. By the aforemade computation, my eldest son, Charles, when his mother's provision of £850 and £637 is taken out the s$^d$ £6700, will have £3400 per ann.; whereof if the settlement be short, it must be supplied out of the rest of £6700; if too much, his share of the £9000 must be retrencht; the like I order concerning my son Henry. As my daughter Anne, not medling with the £3200 at interest, which is part of the £6700 per ann., I give and bequeath to her of the £6600 in chest, and £1251 in M$^r$ Cog's hands, £2149 out of my plate and Jewells, the full sume—ten thousand pounds—to be paid her at the age of eighteen years; and I intend that if I shall see cause to dispose otherways of the said effects, to charge the said ten thousand pounds on some other reall security. I hereby make Elizabeth, my beloved wife, sole Executrix of this my will during her widowhood; but if she marry, I make her brother, James Waller, and Thomas Dance, Exors in her room, in trust for my children. I also make my said wife Guardian of my children during her widowhood, but when she marrys, I appoint the said James Waller and Tho Dance Guardians in her room. I recommend to my Exors and the Guardians of my children to use the same servants and instruments for management of the estates, as were in my life time, viz$^t$— the said James Waller, ​at the yearly sallary of one hundred pounds ste$^{rl}$ per ann. sterling; Thomas Dance, at fifty pounds; Thomas Milburne, at twenty, .... Crofton, at twelve; and Maurice Carroll, at eight; as also Richard Orpin, at twenty; John Mahony, at twenty; Luke Parker, at five pound; Phillip Prosser, at five pounds; and Mr. John Cogs, of London, at twelve; and Thomas Callow, at six pounds per ann.; all which sallarys are to continue during their lives, or untill my youngest child shall be one and twenty years, which will be the 22nd of October, 1696; unless seven of the persons above named, whereof my wife, Mr. James Waller, and Thomas Dance, shall, under their hands and seals, certifie that any of the said persons have broken their respective trusts and notably misbehaved themselves; and after the said 22nd October, 1696, every of my children, being of full age, may put the management of their respective concerns into what hand they please, having still a respect to such of the aforenamed as have been dilligent and faithfull in their respective trusts and imployments. I would not have my funeral charges to exceed three hundred pounds, over and above which sum I allow and give one hundred and fifty pounds to sett up a monument in the Church of Rumsey, near where my grandfather, father, and mother were buried, in memory of them and of all my brothers and sisters. I also give five pounds for a stone to be sett up in Lothbury Church, London, in memory of my brother Anthony, there buried about the 18th October, 1649; I also give fifty pounds for a small monument, to be sett up in S$^t$ Bride's Church, Dublin, in memory of my son John, and my near kinsman John Petty; supposing my wife will add thereunto for her excellent son, S$^r$ William Fenton, Bar$^t$, who was buryed there 18th March, 167$^0$⁄$_1$; and if I myself be buried in any of the s$^d$ 3 places, I would have £100 only added to the above named sumes, or that the said £100 shall be bestowed on a monument for me in any other place where I shall dye. As for legacies for the poor, I am att a stand: as for beggars by trade and election, I give them nothing; as for impotents by the hand of God, the Publick ought to maintaine them; as for those who have been bred to no calling nor estate, they should be put upon their kindred; as for those who can get no work, the magistrate should cause them to be employed, which may be well done in Ireland, where is 15 acres of improvable land for every head: prisoners for crimes, by the King; for debt, by their prosecutors. As for those who compassionate the sufferings of any object, lett them relieve themselves by relieving such sufferers, that is, give them alms, pro re nata, and for Gods sake relieve those severall species above named, where the above-named obligers faile in their duties. Wherefore, I am ​contended that I have assisted all my poor relations, and put many into a way of getting their owne bread, and have laboured in public works and inventions; have sought out reall objects of charity, and do hereby conjure all who partake of my estate from time to time to do the same at their perill. Nevertheless, to answer custome, and to take the surer side, I give twenty pounds to the most wanting of the parish wherein I dye. As for the education of my children, which are 2 sons and one daughter, I would that my daughter might marry in Ireland, desiring that such a sum as I have left her might not be carried out of Ireland. I wish that my eldest son may get a gentleman's estate in England, which, by what I have gotten already intend to purchase, and by what I presume he may have with a wife, may amount to between two and three thousand pounds per ann., and by some office he may get there, together with an ordinary superlucration, may reasonably be expected, so as I designe my youngest son's trade and imployment to be the prudent management of our Irish estate for himself and his elder brother, which I suppose his said brother must consider him. For as for myself, I being now about threescore & two years old, I intend to attend the improvements of my lands in Ireland, and to gett in the money debts oweing unto me, and to promote the trade of Iron, Lead, Marble, Fish, and Timber, whereof my estate is capable; and as for studies and experiments, I think now to confine the same to the anatomy of the people and politicall Arithmetick, as also to the improvement of ships, land, carriages, guns, and pumps, as of most use to mankind, not bleaming the studies of other men. As for religion, I dye in the profession of that faith, and in the practice of such worship, as I find establht by the Law of my country, not being able to believe what I myself please, nor to worship God better than by doing as I would be done unto, and observing the Laws of my country, and expressing my love and honour to Almighty God by such signes and tokens as are understood to be such by the people with whom I live, God knowing my heart even without any at all; and thus begging the Divine Majesty to make me what He would have me to be, both as to faith and good works; I willingly resigne my soul into His hands, relying only on His infinite mercy and the merritts of my Saviour for my happiness after this life, whereof I expect to know and see God more clearly then by the study of the Scriptures, and of His works I have been hitherto been able to do. Grant me, Lord, an easy passage to thyself, that as I have lived in thy fear, I may be known to dye in thy favour. Amen. Dated the second day of May, in the year of our Lord Christ, one thousand six hundred eighty and five.—Wm. Petty.
III
Barronyes in Irland are of various extents, viz$^t$., some but 8000 acres, and some 160,000 acres.
The first survey or old measurement was performed by measuringe whole baronyes in one surround, or perimeter, and payinge for the same after the rate of 40$^s$ for every thousand acres contayned within such surround; whereby it followed that the surveyors were most unequally rewarded for the same worke, viz$^t$., he that measured the barrony of 160,000 acres did gaine neere five tymes as much per diem as he that measured that of 8000 acres. Besides, wheras 40$^s$ were given for measuringe 1000 acres, in that way 5$^s$ was too much, that is to say, at 5$^s$ per 1000 a surveyor might have earned above 20$^s$ per diem cleare, wheras 10$^s$ is esteemed, especially in long employments, a competent allowance.
The error of this way beinge discerned, the same undertakers order, that instead of measuringe entire baronyes as before, that scopes of forfeited profitable lands should bee measured under one surround, bee the same great or small, or whether such scopes consisted of many or few ffarme lands, townelands, ploughlands, or other denominations usuall in each respective county or barrony. And for this kind of worke the surveyor was to have 45$^s$ for every thousand acres, abatinge proportionably for such parcells, either of unprofitable or unforfeited land as should happen to be surrounded within any great scope. Now this latter way, besides the inconveniencyes above mentioned, laboured with this other and greater, viz$^t$., that by how much the measurer's paynes and worke was greater, by soe much his wages and allowance was lesse, soe as noe surveyor could foresee wheather hee should be able to performe his respective undertakinge at the rate above said, or that hee should not gaine exorbitantly by it.
Hereupon D$^r$ Petty propounded that the whole land should be measured both accordinge to its civill bounds, viz., by barronyes, parishes, townelands, ploughlands, balliboes, &c, and alsoe by its naturall boundings by rivers, ridges of mountaines, rockes, loughes, boggs, &c.; as answeringe not onely the very ends of satisfyinge the ​adventurers and souldiers then in view, but all such other future ends whatsoever as are usually expected from any survey.
The objection was, that the same would not be don under twenty yeares tyme, and the settlement must be soe longe retarded. It was answered, that security should be given for performinge the whole in thirteen months, provided the allowance might be somewhat extraordinary. Hereuppon the army agree to give out of theire owne purses soe much as should be requisite over and above what the councell were limitted unto by theire superiours.
This undertakinge extended onely to the provinces of Ulster, Leinster, and Manster (that of Connaght beinge reserved for the Irish), nor unto all the lands in the said three provinces, although the same labour and method would have effected the whole, and more, as well as what was.
Now the method and order used by the said Petty in this vast worke was as followeth, viz.:
Whereas surveyors of land are commonly persons of gentile and liberall education, and theire practise esteemed a mistery and intricate matter, farr exceedinge the most parte of mechanicall trades, and withall, the makeinge of theire instruments is a matter of much art and nicety, if performed with that truth and beauty as is usuall and requisite. The said Petty, consideringe the vastnesse of the worke, thought of dividinge both the art of makeinge instruments, as alsoe that of usinge them into many partes, viz$^t$., one man made onely measuringe chaines, viz$^t$., a wire maker; another magneticall needles, with theire pins, viz$^t$., a watchmaker; another turned the boxes out of wood, and the heads of the stands on which the instrument playes, viz$^t$., a turnor; another, the stands or leggs, a pipe maker; another all the brasse worke, viz$^t$., a founder; another workman, of a more versatile head and hand, touches the needles, adjusts the sights and cards, and adaptates every peece to each other.
In the meane tyme scales, protractors, and compasse-cards, beinge matters of accurate division, are prepared by the ablest artists of London.
Whether alsoe was sent for, a magazin of royall paper, mouth glew, colours, pencills, &c. At the same tyme, a perfect forme of a ffeeild booke haveinge bin first concluded on, uniforme bookes for all the surveyors were ruled and fitted accordinge to it, and moreover large sheetes of paper, of perhaps five or six ffoote square, were glewed together, and divided throughout into areas of ten acres each, accordinge to a scale of forty Irish perches to an inch, and other single sheets (by a particular way of printinge dry, in order to ​prevent the uncertaynties of shrinkinge in the paper) were lined out into single acres.
Dureinge the same tyme, alsoe, portable tables, boxes, rulers, and all other necessaryes, as alsoe small Ffrench tents, were provided to enable the measurers to doe any buissnesse without house or harbour, it beinge expected that into such wasted countryes they must at some tymes come.
Dureinge the same tyme, alsoe, bookes were preparinge of all the lands' names to be measured, and of theire ould propreitors, and guesse-plotts made of most of them, whereby not onely to direct the measurers where to beginne, and how to proceed, &c, but alsoe to enable Petty himselfe how to apportion unto each measurer such scope of land to worke uppon, as hee might be able to finish within any assigned tyme.
At the same tyme care was taken to know who were the ablest in each barrony and parish to shew the true bounds and meares of every denomination, what convenient quarters and harbors there were in each, and what garrisons did everywhere lye most conveniently for theire defence, and to furnish them with guards, and with all who were men of creditt and trade in each quarter, fitt to correspond with for furnishinge mony by bills of exchange and otherwise; and, lastly, who were men of sobriety and good affection, to have an eye privatly over the carriage and diligence of each surveyor in his respective undertakinge.
Another person is appoynted to sollicite under offices for mony, and to receive it from severall publique and private persons, uppon whome each summe was assigned by the publique Treasurer. The same alsoe paid bills upon stated accompts, drew bills of exchange into the country, &c, as alsoe attended the course of coynes, which often rose and fell in that time; and was to beware of adulterate and light peeces, then and there very rife.
But the principall division of this whole worke was to enable certayne persons, such as were able to endure travaile, ill lodginge and dyett, as alsoe heates and colds, beinge alsoe men of activitie, that could leape hedge and ditch, and could alsoe ruffle with the severall rude persons in the country, from whome they might expect to be often crossed and opposed. (The which qualifications happend to be found among severall of the ordinary shouldiers, many of whom, havinge bin bread to trades, could write and read sufficiently for the purposes intended.) Such, therefore (if they were but headfull and steddy minded, though not of the nimblest witts), were taught, while the other things aforementioned were in doinge, how to make use of their instruments, in order to take the bearinge of any line, and ​alsoe how to handle the chaines, especially in the case of risinge or fallinge grounds; as alsoe how to make severall markes with a spade, whereby to distinguish the various breakings and abutments which they were to take notice of; and to choose the most convenient stations or place for observations, as well in order to dispach as certaynty. And lastly, they were instructed, per autopsiam, how to judge of the vallues of lands, in reference to its beare qualities, and accordinge to the rules and opinions then currant, to distinguish the profitable from such as was to be thrown in over and above, and not paid for at all. Another sort of men, especially such as had beene of trades into which payntinge, drawinge, or any other kind of designinge is necessary, were instructed in the art of protractinge, that is, in drawinge a modell or plott of the lands admeasured, accordinge to a scale of 40 perches to the inch, accordinge to the length and bearinge of every side transmitted unto the said protractors in the ffeild bookes of the measurers last above described; the which protractions were made uppon the papers aforementioned, which were squared out into areas, some of 10, some of single acres. These men, and sometimes others of smaller abilities, were employed to count how many of the said greater or lesser intire areas were comprehended within every surround.
And withall unto how many inteire acres the broken skirtinge reduced from decimall parts did amount unto, which worke was soe very easie, that it was as hard to mistake, as easie to discover and amend it, and infinitly more obvious to examination and free from error, then the usuall way of reduceinge the whole surround into triangles was, and deducing the content from laborious prostapheresis of them. The next worke was reducinge barrony plott's, which, accordinge to the scale of 40 perches to the inch, were somtymes 8 or 10 foot square, or thereaboutes, within the compasse of a sheet of a royal paper, whether the scale happened to be greater or less, soe as all the barrony plotts, being reduced to one size, might be bound up togeather into uniforme bookes, accordinge to the countyes or provinces unto which they did belonge. These reducements were made by paralelagrames, of which were made greater numbers, greater variety, and in larger dimensions, then perhaps was ever yet seene upon any other occasion. Some hands that were imployed in the said reducements did, for the most parte, performe the colouringe and other ornament of the worke.
Over and above all these, a few of the most nasute and sagacious persons, such as were well skilled in all the partes, practices, and frauds, appartayninge unto this worke, or whereunto it was obnoxious, did in the first place view the measurers ffeild bookes, and there by ​the same critickes as artists discerne originalls from coppyes in paintinge, and truely antique medalls from such as are counterfeit, did endevour to discover any falsification that might be prejudiciall to the service. The same men alsoe reprotracted the protractions above mentioned, compared the comon lines of severall men's worke, examined wheather any of the grounds given in charge to be admeasured were omitted; and, lastly, did cast up all and every the measurers workes into linary contents, accordinge to which the said Petty paid his workmen, although he himselfe were paid by the superficiall content, or number of acres, which the respective admeasurements did conteyne; the which course of payment he tooke to take away all byas from his under measurers to returne unprofitable for profitable, or vice versa, he himselfe haveinge engaged, in an ensnaringe contract, begetinge suspicions of those evills against him, in as much as he was paid more for profitable then unprofitable land; for some parcells of unprofitable receveinge nothinge at all. Ffor this end he paid his under-surveyors by the lineary content of theire worke as aforesaid, though some suspect he rather did it to obscure his games, as well from those that employed him as those others whome himselfe employed, and withall, by removeinge the old surveyors from of theire old principles, and confoundinge them with new, to make them more amenable to his purposes. The quantitie of line which was measured by the chaine and needle beinge reduced into English miles was enough to have encompassed the world neere five tymes about.
There doe remaine of this worke, as large mapps as a sheet of royall paper will conteyne, of every parish distinctly, by as large a scale as such sheets of paper will contayne, and other mapps of the same size for every barrony.
These are fairely bound up in large bookes, according to their countyes, and the bookes kept in a cabinett of the most exquisit joyner's worke, made for the purpose, of 60$^{li}$ value. Mapps of each county and province, as alsoe of the whole island, wil be published in print, according to the severall ancient and moderne divisions of the same, which have often changed by reason of the often change of proprietyes, occasioned by the often rebellions and revolutions there.