# Early English adventurers in the East (1917)/Chapter 7

CHAPTER VII
A Gallant but Unfortunate Commander
Downton schemes to release Middleton—Friction between Downton and Middleton—A reconciliation—Middleton effects his escape—Turns the tables on the enemy—Exacts redress—Femell, the factor, poisoned by Rejib Aga—Middleton proceeds with his fleet to Surat—Unable to trade owing to combined native and Portuguese opposition—Returns to the Red Sea—Institutes a blockade—Dissensions amongst the commanders—Middleton raises the blockade and proceeds to Bantam—Destruction of the Trade's Increase—Death of Middleton—His character.
NOTHING could be done by those on the ships in Mocha harhour to help their unfortunate comrades whom Rejib Aga had seized in the circumstances described. Indeed, it was not until the middle of December, nearly three weeks after the attack, that it was possible to get into communication with them. It was then found by means of a messenger sent ashore with a ﬂag of truce that Middleton and the principal men were in close captivity, chained together, while the members of the crew and those of lesser rank were kept at work on the pinnace, which Rejib Ago had set his mind on possessing. The story that the envoy brought back was that the bulk of the prisoners were shortly to be released, but that the commander and his leading colleagues were to be sent to the pasha at Sana.
It was at about this juncture that Downton appeared on the scene with the Peppercorn. He got at once into touch ​with Middleton from whom he learned that there was no immediate hope of his and his fellow-captives' release. Finding that there was nothing to be done for the time being, Downton took the Darling and the Peppercorn over to the Abyssinian coast to secure fresh supplies, and gave the vessels a much-needed overhauling. He returned to the old anchorage later to find that Middleton and all the captives "with the exception of the carpenters and the hurt men" had been despatched to Sana, where the rigours of their treatment had been somewhat relaxed. On the occasion of this transfer Pemberton, one of the factors, managed to give the guard the ship and get away to the coast, where he found a canoe in which, after suffering many hardships, he managed to make good his escape. His presence in the fleet facilitated intercourse with Middleton, between whom and Downton and others on board the ships he maintained a regular correspondence.
Pemberton was anxious to have the commander follow his example, and suggested to him that by disguising himself in Oriental apparel, cutting his hair from his face and "besmutting" his skin he might easily get away. He intimated that he himself would have shaved his beard and disguised himself to have effected this business, but doubted whether his "pock-eated face" with "some kind of show" on the part of the men would not have betrayed him. Middleton declined to entertain any suggestion of escape in which he alone would be concerned. He rightly perceived that even if he secured his freedom the difficulties of the situation would not be lessened.
Downton chafed under the delay which the continued detention of the prisoners imposed upon the fleet. He would have adopted energetic action, seized the Indian ​ships at anchor and raided the local craft, if Middleton had not strongly interdicted such procedure on the ground that it would be perilous to him and his fellow-captives. For a time Downton acquiesced in the instructions, though reluctantly. But when as the weeks slipped by the confident expectations of an early release were not realized, he became restive in the presence of the re-iterated injunctions of his superior to do nothing. He wrote strongly to Middleton, telling him plainly that he must be the judge of what was best to do and intimating that he could accept no instructions which clashed with what he deemed to be necessary.
Middleton took umbrage at this frankness and replied in what Downton described as "a very carping and most distasteful letter." The relations between the two old friends seemed to threaten a rupture, but happily the good sense of each saved the situation. Downton, more in sorrow than in anger, wrote saying how hurt he was at the tone of Middleton's missive and intimating that he would write no more letters for mischief-makers to "cant, construe and cavil at." To this Middleton replied with a "very kind letter," asking Downton not to take the worst view of his last "melancholy letter," which, he explained, was written under circumstances of great mental depression. The frank and manly acknowledgment of error went home to the sensitive heart of Downton, who now cheerfully carried out Middleton's orders to take his ships to Assab Bay on the opposite coast of the Red Sea, and have them careened with a view to future eventualities.
About this time news reached Downton of the arrival at Mocha of a number of small craft from Swes (Suez). There are other references subsequently to this traffic down ​the Red Sea. It was no doubt a relic of the trade, which from the remotest ages had been conducted from the Egyptian ports in the Gulf of Suez to the Indian Ocean—to the coast of East Africa on the one hand and to India and Malaya on the other. At this juncture there seems to have been little left of the once mighty commerce. As much may be gathered from Downton's gloomy vaticinations about the hopelessness of the trade, a fact which was illustrated by the curiosity with which a "piece of eight," given in exchange for commodities, was passed from hand to hand at Aden, as if nothing like it had ever been seen previously.
As the season wore on the prospects of the release of the captives by the voluntary action of the authorities grew more remote, but all the time Middleton was awaiting his opportunity, and it came at last on May 15. On that day he and a number of others made a bold bid for freedom. They had carefully prepared the way for their flight by lavishly plying their guards with aqua vitæ, supplies of which had been sent ashore for the purpose by Pemberton. When the men were sufficiently under the influence of the liquor, Middleton, who had explained his plan in advance to all whom he felt he could trust, gave the signal for the flight. One by one the captives left the house in which they were confined and proceeded to a point on the shore where a boat from the Darling was waiting to take them off. Middleton was too well known to make it safe for him to proceed openly through the streets. He therefore concealed himself in a cask, and this was carried to the rendezvous on the beach by some men whose services had been obtained for the purpose.
As quickly as possible the commander and sixteen of his ​men embarked. By this time the hue and cry had been raised, and the boat had to be pushed off, though some stragglers were still in sight. Amongst these unfortunates was Femell, whose "unwieldy fatness" made his progress slow. Afterwards the factor in a letter complained bitterly to Middleton of "the foolish dealing of that idiot and white-livered fellow, the coxswain," who, seeing Femell and those with him hardly pursued, failed to respond to the frantic signals made to him to bring the boat in, with the consequence that, though up to their armpits in the water, the fugitives were captured. Femell consoled himself to some extent with the reflection that he had done some execution with his pistol on the pursuing soldiers before he was taken.
Once on board the Darling Middleton again became master of the situation. He acted with promptitude and resolution. Having sent off a pinnace to Downton, who was at Assab Bay with the Traders Increase and the Peppercorn, he forwarded an intimation to Rejib Aga that he was resolved to make himself extremely unpleasant if the remaining captives were not released and full compensation paid for the injuries inflicted upon him and his colleagues.
Almost at once the aspect of affairs changed. The Indian merchants, fearful of the consequences which they apprehended would involve their ships, waited upon Femell with a peace offering in the shape of "two sheep, one great basket of rice, another great basket of bread and some green ginger." Meanwhile, a lively exchange of compliments was proceeding between Rejib Aga and Middleton. The latter in reply to a defiant message declared that he would not forbear to burn the Indian ships which belonged to his friends rather than that he should lose the opportunity of revenge upon so vile a traitor. Though Rejib Aga ​bragged that he was governor by land as Middleton was by sea, his government had been such as to discredit him and before long his crimes would cost him his head. "If," proceeded the infuriated commander, "I shoot at the town he saith he will requite me with the like, which he cannot do as you well know, because his ordnance is far inferior to mine. Whereas he saith for any harm I do amends must be made, amends is already made for any harm I do them. Though I should fire the town and beat it smooth about their ears, whether it be pleasing or displeasing to the Grand Seignor, I care not. I am out of reach of his long Bword, and for the treasonable wrongs that Rejib Aga and the Basha have done me he doeth well to bring the Grand Seignor as a party therein: let the Basha and Rejib Aga likewise consider that the King of England will not take well the betraying, robbing and murdering of his subjects to the great dishonour of the Grand Seignor and their nation."
This spirited letter was promptly followed up by the seizure of one of the largest of the Indian ships in port. Rejib Aga now began to "sing a new song," as one of the English factors tersely put it in a letter. He sent on board some personal belongings of the captives, together with a present of oxen and other fresh supplies. At the same time he wrote suggesting that the questions at issue should be submitted to the Grand Seignor at Constantinople and that they should part friends. Apparently the bearer of the missive was also entrusted with some Arabic charm which was intended to be a symbol of the era of amity that it was hoped would now open. Bliddleton had been fooled too often to be influenced by these belated manifestations of friendship. In reply he wrote—
​"You sent me a foolish paper: what it is I know not, nor care not. In God is my trust and, therefore, respect not what the devil or you can do with your charms."
The uncompromising attitude assumed by the sturdy Commander produced its effect on the wily and cowardly Greek. Before the month was out he had sent off to the ships the captives and restored the impounded pinnace, with certain of the goods which had been landed. Poor Femell, however, did not live to share in the triumph of Middleton's rough diplomacy. He died suddenly on May 28 from some mysterious complaint. Poison was suspected, and a post mortem examination made by the surgeons on the fleet confirmed the accuracy of the surmise. It was afterwards discovered that on the night before his death Femell had been entertained at dinner by Rejib Aga. In the course of the repast, conversation turning on the events of the period, the factor incautiously threatened to make complaint of his wrongs at Constantinople. At parting the Greek, with a sardonic smile, said to his guest—"We shall meet at Stamboula (Constantinople)."
He no doubt took seriously the Englishman's threat and acted on the principle—a favourite one with him—that dead men tell no tales. That he had some reason to fear a representation at headquarters is suggested by the fact that as a consequence of the affair of the English fleet he was afterwards removed from his post.
About the middle of June the shahbunder, or port officer of Mocha, escorted by many of the chief merchants of the town, and accompanied by "divers sorts of music," went in state to Middleton's ship to arrange terms of peace. At the conference which followed a settlement was reached by which it was agreed that 18,000 reals should be paid as ​compensation, and that as there was not so much money in Mocha, the cargo of the Indian ship should be accepted as security. Middleton would probably have demanded more had he not been well aware that the fine would come out of the pockets of the Indian merchants, who had shown themselves good friends of the captives in the days of their adversity. On July 2, when all the details had been adjusted, the shahbunder, on taking his departure for the shore, was honoured with a salute of three guns, a compliment which he no doubt greatly appreciated. Nothing now remained for Middleton but to complete his arrangements for the resumption of his long-delayed voyage. Before quitting Mocha, it is interesting to know, he entrusted the shahbunder with letters "to be forwarded to London by way of Messa, or Grand Cairo as we call it." In so doing he made use of the overland route which more than two centuries later was to be adopted for the regular transmission of the Indian mails through the exertions of the indefatigable Lieutenant Waghom.
As Aden and Mocha had proved hopeless for trade, Middleton naturally turned to India to seek to find there some compensation for his heavy disappointments. But he had no sooner arrived off Surat than he found himself confronted with the violent opposition of the Portuguese, reinforced by the ill-will of the Mogul authorities. After more or less futile efforts to establish relations with the shore, Middleton took his fleet to Dabul, a port to the southwards, off which he anchored for purposes of revictualling. Here a sort of council of war was held to determine the course of action which should be followed.
We have a vivid light thrown upon the uncertainties and perplexities of the hour as they appeared to the harassed ​commanders in a paper which Downton has left on record, in which the position is discussed with a gloomy determination to face the facts, however mipalatable they might be. He descanted upon the lamentable outcome thus far of this voyage "begun with glory (which drew great expectations in all estates) and set out with great charges," showing how after two years' travel they found themselves with our victuals spent, our ship's cables and furniture far worn, men's wages for twenty-four months already past, ourselves deluded and abut'ed in most places we have come to."
The real question they had to face, he said, was "whether better we wish a languishing end or a shameful return."
After many dark communings Downton came to the conclusion that the best hope of retrieving the well-nigh desperate situation was to repair to the Red Sea and attempt to obtain satisfaction there for the injuries done at Aden. This was the decision ultimately arrived at by the commanders, and it was promptly acted upon, much to the relief of the Portuguese, who had been thrown into a state of great consternation by the presence of the English ships at Dabul.
Arriving with his ships before Aden early in April, 1611, Middleton at once instituted a blockade. The operations were extended eventually to the Red Sea and were participated in to a certain extent by Captain John Saris with two ships of the fleet of the seventh voyage, which had been intercepted in the vicinity of the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb. But Saris's heart was not in the work and serious disagreements arose between the two commanders on questions of policy as well as with regard to the apportionment of the compensation as soon as it should be obtained. At last, when the dispute had become an open rupture, Saris went ​off with his ships without paying the usual parting compliment of a salute to his colleague, Middleton was greatly incensed at this conduct, and though he tried to put the best face on the situation he soon came to realize that the attempt to extract further monetary advantage out of the misfortunes of the past was illusory. With a heavy heart, he, about the middle of August, ordered his ships to follow in the wake of the Hector and the Clove to Bantam.
On arrival at Teco in Sumatra, Middleton heard of the safe arrival home of Captain David Middleton and his fleet of the eighth voyage, that of the four ships of the ninth voyage two had already reached Bantam, and that news had been received of the advent of fifteen Dutch ships as well as two vessels from France, The information was received with a feeling of depression by Middleton and his associates, reflecting as it did the failure of their own, "tried, crost and decayed voyage,"
When the Trade's Increase and her consorts reached Bantam the vessels were found to be in such a decayed condition, owing to their long and arduous service, that an extensive refitting was imperatively necessary. Having deliberated upon the position, Middleton decided to load the Peppercorn, after a partial overhaul, with spice and dispatch her to England with Downton, and to send the Darling to Patani, on the north-east coast of the Malay Peninsula. The Trade's Increase, it was discovered, could not be again used without extensive repairs, which would occupy several months. The Peppercorn's fortunes have already been traced in an earlier chapter. It may now be stated that an im toward end was reached by both the other vessels. The Darling, on arrival at Patani, was found to be too unseaworthy for further use and was broken up. ​The Traders Increase, of which such great expectations had been entertained, whilst careened at Bantam, was set on fire by a renegade Spaniard, who appears to have had some grudge against the Company. What was left of her was sold for 1,050 reals.
Overwhelmed by the destruction of all his hopes, and enfeebled by his hardships, Middleton died at Bantam on May 24, 1613. He was a brave soul, who deserved better things than this obscure end in an unfriendly land. His voyage was an uninterrupted series of misfortunes and difficulties, and of personal hardships of an uncommon kind. Yet who shall say that he suffered in vain? Sir Dudley Digges, nearly three centuries ago, described him as "the thrice worthy general who laid the true foundation of our long-desired Cambaya trade." It was not an exaggerated tribute paid by a contemporary in the fulness of a generous sympathy, but the settled conviction of a discriminating judge, and its justice has been completely vindicated by time. The more we know of the period in which Middleton filled the stage of adventure in the East, the greater is the figure he and his fine old colleague, the rugged Downton, present upon it. His courageous assertion of the rights of Englishmen trampled under foot by a mean and despicable tool of a leading Oriental power won respect for the English name not only in the immediate scene of his operations, but in a wide sphere outside, to which the news in due course penetrated. But the qualities which most fired the Oriental imagination and produced the greatest moral effect were the justice and moderation he showed when the fortunes of war had placed him in a position to be cruel and exacting. His uniformly generous treatment of the Indian ships which he captured or ​overhauled in the course of his operations against the Turks, made a tremendous impression in an age and a region in which the rule of the sea was the might of the strongest. Carried by the Indian nacodahs, or captains, to India, the account of the mildness and fair dealing of this great strong man, who did not hesitate to bring to book the insolent minions of the dreaded Grand Seignor, excited a lively feeling of friendship and gratitude and did much beyond question to pave the way for that early concession to the English of the full right to trade which was of such vital importance to our nation in the subsequent struggle for commercial supremacy on the Indian Peninsula.