# American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 24

CHAPTER XXIV — THE REVENUE CONTROVERSY
145. Townshend's Revenue Scheme (1767)
Walpole, the son of the prime minister under George I and George II, knew everybody and has left entertaining memoirs, the details of which, however, cannot be accepted without question. —Bibliography : Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, ch. vi; Bancroft, United States (10 vol. ed.), VI, chs. xxv-xxx; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 135.
ON the 13th of May came on at last the great American questions. Charles Townshend had already hinted, when he opened the budget, at new taxes which he proposed to lay on the Colonies. He now opened them ; and very inadequate indeed did they prove, even in calculation, to the loss of a shilling in the pound on land, part of which deficiency they were intended to supply. Being so inconsiderable, and estimated by himself as likely to produce but from 35,000l. to 40,000l. a-year, the House too lightly adopted his plan before it had been well weighed, and the fatal consequences of which did not break out till six years after. A concurrent cause weighed with many, and added weight to the arguments of more, for inflicting a kind of punishment on the refractory Colonies, some of which had stubbornly refused to comply with the late Act enjoining them to make provision for the army, with other parliamentary injunctions. Massachusetts Bay had, as I have said, taken upon themselves to execute the Act in their own names, and on their own sole authority. This deed Townshend said the Privy Council had advised his Majesty to annul. That Colony contained a set of men disposed to inflame all the rest. He stated fully, clearly, and with both authority and moderation, these several topics ; and concluded, he said, that many would think he proposed too little, others too much. The Mutiny Bill had been opposed almost everywhere ; but Pennsylvania, and some few Colonies, had executed all our orders. He wished he could name any more instances. New Jersey had avoided the Act by appointing commissioners, with injunctions to act according to the ​custom of the provinces. New York was so opulent that he thought they ought to be kept in dependence. General Gage, accordingly, was sending troops thither. Yet did the New Yorkists commend themselves and boast that they could not remember the time when they had refused aid to Britain. They had resolved, that if they should grant the present demand, it might exceed their abilities. This was an extraordinary excuse. More contemptuously still, they promised aid on the requisition of the Crown, but said nothing of Parliament. Were these, he asked, the descendants of those men who had fled from prerogative to America? Yet even this gracious compliance they held themselves at liberty to refuse, if not in proportions to the other provinces : if unreasonable — nay, if inconvenient. They would insist, too, on his Majesty's repaying what they should furnish to his troops, when he should think proper. He would not read, he said, the letters to their Governor, Sir Henry More, as too inflammatory. To comply, they alleged, would be very serious ; yet desired Sir Henry to represent their obedience favourably. The Massachusets termed our acts our ordinances, and asserted their own rights of taxation. Many they had discountenanced and frightened from their assembly. Governor Bernard, he believed, was a little heated against them ; yet the facts which he charged on them were true. In general, it did not become Parliament to engage in controversy with its Colonies, but by one act to assert its sovereignty. He warned the House to beware lest the provinces engaged in a common cause. Our right of taxation was indubitable ; yet himself had been for repealing the Stamp Act to prevent mischief. Should their disobedience return, the authority of Parliament had been weakened, and unless supported with spirit and dignity, must be destroyed. The salaries of governors and judges in that part of the world must be made independent of their assemblies ; but he advised the House to confine their resolutions to the offending provinces. Pennsylvania was an answer to New York. New Jersey had limited the sum, but had not said it would not comply. He thought it would be prudent to inflict censure on New York alone ; that some burthen ought to be lightened at home, and imposed on America. He had hinted at taxes ; he would name some, though not as Chancellor of the Exchequer. They were duties on wine, oil, and fruits from Spain and Portugal as they come back ; on china ; and to take off the drawback on glass, paper, lead, and colours. A commissioner of the customs, too, would be necessary in America. Parliament ought to exercise its authority ; but not contrary to the ​constitution of the provinces. He then moved a resolution that New York had disobeyed the Act, and that, till they should comply, the Governor should be restrained from passing any act of their Assembly. This, he owned, some had said would be confounding the innocent and the guilty, and would dissolve their Assembly. On the contrary, others had advised to block up harbours and quarter soldiers, but himself could bear to hear of nothing military. Some were for a local tax ; but that would be to accept penalty in lieu of obedience.
This speech, so consonant to the character of a man of business, and so unlike the wanton sallies of the man of parts and pleasure, was (however modified) but too well calculated to inflame the passions of a legislature whose authority was called in question, and who are naturally not prone to weigh the effusions of men entitled to as much freedom as themselves, while in an apparent situation of dependence. . . .
Horace Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of King George the Third (edited by Sir Denis Le Marchant, London, 1845), III 28-32.
146. Complaint against the Acts of Trade (1767)
BY AGENT DENNIS DE BERDT
De Berdt was London agent for Massachusetts, previous to the selection of Franklin for that position. This piece illustrates the most serious grievance which led to the Revolution, the exploitation of American trade for the benefit of the British. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 63-64; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 135.
TO the Right hon'ble Lord Shelburne, one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, the Memorial of Dennis De Berdt, Agent for the House of Representatives of Massachusetts Bay, Humbly Showeth,
That the said Colony duly observes and are thankful for, the great tenderness and concern the present and late Ministry have discovered for the Interest of that Colony and the Ample testimony they have given of their readiness to relieve them of every Burden relating to their Commercial Interest, induces them to make the following Representations of the Embarrassments which at present attend their Trade.
Your Mem'ist humbly begs leave to represent to your Lordships several things contained in his Instructions ; the Restrictions of the Trade ​to the Sugar Islands and the heavy duty Imposed on Foreign Sugars will destroy our Navigation and Fishery and will prevent any but the finest sorts being Imported into America, and thereby give the french the advantage of Manufacturing them.
The deeming all sugars imported from the Continent french prevents a valuable return to G. B. for her Manufactures.
The great care of the officers in America in Loading Vessels there makes it needless for those vessels to call and unload at G. B. occasions so large an expence, as entirely to destroy that Trade.
The multiplicity of Bonds occasions an expense equal to the first cost of the Lumber and some of them are twelve months before they are cancelled.
Another Grievance is the unlimited power of the officer to carry the vessel he seizes into what Port he pleases in the Continent, and after miscarrying in a tedious process is liable to no cost.
Your Memorialist's Constituents further observe that in those Ports where a regular Custom House is settled the Naval Officer may be removed.
Another difficulty is on their Trade to Spain and Portugal by the Ships from thence being obliged to stop in England, by which fruit and other perishable comodities are liable to be spoiled, by the length of the voyage.
But the grand matter of Complaint is the Restraint laid on their Fishery, no American being suffered to take Cod in the Straits of Belisle, or on Labrador shore, and thereby rendering our new watery acquisitions entirely useless, and the Restraint itself be attended with a very large expence, and instead of endeavoring to make the most of that extensive Fishery, it is become a scene of Violence between the Europeans and Americans — the interruption of the Fishery is weakening our Naval Power and depriving the Americans of the most valuable source for taking of and paying for the Manufactures of G. B.
Your Memorialist takes the liberty to lay before your Lordship a few Sentiments relating to the Fishery, that inexhaustable fund of Riches and power to G. B. this valuable Treasure may be viewed in a two fold light, as a Nursery for Seamen and as occasioning a Consumption and affording means to pay for our Manufactures.
The Fishery carried on from G. B. to America may produce a Number of Seamen for the speedy manning a fleet, the N. E. fishery in the Straits of Belisle is absolutely necessary for furnishing Sailors either for ​the recruit of the cruize or acting offencively in America, as its remarkably evident they did when the forces of America without any assistance from Home took the Strong Fortifications of Cape Breton, and therefore they are as really necessary as the European Supplies.
The other view of the Fishery is its being a source of Riches, nay, an inexhaustable source, exceeding the Mines of Mexico and Peru, to lay any restraint upon it in this view, is diminishing the National Treasures, stinting the growth of the Colonies and the greatest disadvantage to the Manufacturers of G. B. Restraints that are laid upon it are of that nature that your Memorialist apprehends they will not be fully removed, but by an Act of Parliament to explain that of William 3rd. and give free Liberty to all the British subjects to Improve the Fishery to the utmost, which greatly strengthens our Naval Power.
Your Memorialist's Constituents, have such an Opinion of the Justice and Wisdom of the present Administration that they doubt not it will appear reasonable to them and that as soon as these grievances are made known they will be redressed. . . .
To put any difficulties on the American Trade, will inevitably diminish our exports to that Country, from their inability to pay the Merchants for the Manufactures imported by them, which inability will be the same whether the people in America resolve to take goods or not.
The Governor and Judges being independent of the people which must render the course of Justice precarious, will be a further discouragement to Trade, and will raise fresh in the minds of the Americans the evils that attended such a measure when their forefathers left their native Country.
When the Merchants dare no longer venture their substance on such uncertainties, the Americans will be under the necessity of using their own Manufactures, tho' contrary to their present taste and inclination, to prevent them pursuing this only resource and remedy, must be the most manifest Injustice and as absurd as to make a Law to oblige them to go naked.
[Seventy-Six Society], Papers relating to Public Events in Massachusetts preceding the American Revolution (Philadelphia, 1856), 44-47 passim.
147. Fears of Episcopacy (1767)
BY REVEREND CHARLES CHAUNCY
Chauncy was pastor of the First Church in Boston from 1727 to 1787, and, with Jonathan Mayhew, was a champion against any form of Episcopalian establishment. The fear here expressed was one of the main causes of the uneasiness of New Englanders at the outbreak of the Revolution. — Bibliography: Tyler, American Literature, II, 199-203; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 70-71; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 133.
HIS Lordship now comes to the last and greatest inconvenience, "the want of Bishops in our Colonies." "This" says he, pag. 22. "Besides other disadvantages attending it, appears, in particular, to be the fundamental cause of the want of native Ministers. The one removed ; the other, it seems, would cease of course. For can it be imagined, could orders be had on the same terms there as elsewhere, that a number of the natives sufficient for the service of the Church, would not offer themselves in those, as they do, in all other parts of Christendom.
The want of "native ministers," if this is really the case, is not, I believe, owing to any of the causes his Lordship has mentioned, not excepting that of there being "no Bishops in the Colonies." If I may speak here with the same freedom that I think, I would say, there is, in one respect, an obvious difference between our people, and those who profess themselves Church-men. The former generally send their sons to one or other of our Colleges with a view to their being educated for the ministry ; this is rarely done by the latter. Should any ask the reason of this ;— it must be plainly said, our Churches are numerous for a new Country, many of them large, and well capable of providing for their ministers ; and, by a swift increase of inhabitants and new-settlements, they are daily growing both in number and ability to support their Clergy. There is herefrom the prospect of a tolerable provision for our sons, if educated to serve in the ministry. Whereas, there are very few Episcopal churches that "stand upon their own legs" ; — and by far the greater part of the other are small in number, weak in ability, and insufficient to maintain their own ministry, unless assisted by the Society at home. It is this that discourages the Church-people from bringing up their sons for Clergymen. They chuse rather to provide for them some other way. And as to proselytes from us, the temptation ordinarily is so small, that few are overcome by it until ​they have found there was little or no prospect of their being employed to greater advantage. No one need now be at a loss to assign the true cause of the "want of native ministers."
But if Bishops should be sent to the Colonies, the people would generally turn Church-men ; — the Ecclesiastical state of things would soon be inverted ; — Episcoparians would quickly exceed the other denominations of Christians, as much as they now exceed them.
This, without all doubt, is the grand point aimed at ; and there may be some, both at home and here, who really think all this would speedily come into event. But those who are best acquainted with the genius, temper and principles of the Colonists, at least in those parts where they are most numerous, have not the least motion of fear excited in them from the prospect of any such effect of the mission of Bishops. They are rather concerned, least it should be the occasion of hurtful consequences both to them and us. Such consequences would certainly be the effect, if these Bishops should make use of their superiority, as most probably they would, sooner or later, to influence our great men here, and much greater ones at home, to project, and endeavour to carry into execution, measures to force the growth of the Church. It may be relied on, our people would not be easy, if rest[r]ained in the exercise of that "liberty wherewith Christ has made them free ;" yea, they would hazard every thing dear to them, their estates, their very lives, rather than suffer their necks to be put under that yoke of bondage, which was so sadly galling to their fathers, and occasioned their retreat into this distant land, that they might enjoy the freedom of men and christians. . . .
But they have "no Bishops." Very true; and they have no just reason for complaint upon this head. For, let it be considered,
Throughout an extent of territory more than 500 miles in length, comprehending seven Provinces, the four New-England ones, and those of New- York, the Jersies, and Pensylvania ; I say, throughout these largely extended Provinces, so well inhabited that they contain more than a million of souls, there are not, by the best information I can get, more than eight or nine Episcopal churches that support themselves. All the rest, to the amount of about sixty, more or less, chiefly made up of converts from the other denominations of Christians, are so far upheld in their existence by the Society at home, at the expence of not less than some thousands sterling per annum, that, should this be withdrawn, they would soon sink away for want of needed assistance. Instead now ​of being contented with the receipt of so much pious charity, they think it hard, and complain of it as a most lamentable thing, that as many thousands sterling more are not annually laid out for the maintainance of Bishops among them. Is this reasonable? Would Church-men themselves think it so in regard of other denominations of Christians besides themselves? Should any of these denominations, in like circumstances, make the like complaints, insisting that they were not suffered "fully to enjoy their religion," none, it may be, would treat their complaints with more contempt, than those who are themselves so loud in making them. And yet, I know not, in regard of real merit, but other denominations would have as good a right to complain, as those who profess themselves members of the Church of England. For they are the descendants from ancestors, who subdued & cultivated this rude wilderness, amidst a thousand difficulties & hazards, so as to make it the pleasant fruitful land we now behold it ; hereby adding to the extent, strength and glory of the British Crown : Nor has that sacred Majesty who wears it more loyal subjects, even in England itself: And as they are far more numerous than the Episcoparians, they are in proportion more able, and I am sure they would be as willing, to exert themselves, if called to it, at the peril of their lives, in defence of his Person and Dominions.
Charles Chauncy, A Letter to a Friend, containing Remarks on certain Passages in a Sermon preached by . . . John Lord Bishop of Landaff (Boston, 1767), 44-50 passim
148. Troops and Sons of Liberty in Boston (1768)
BY CHIEF JUSTICE THOMAS HUTCHINSON
These private letters, written by Hutchinson (later governor of Massachusetts) to a friend in England, fell into Franklin s hands and were by him in 1773 sent to leaders of the patriot party in Boston, by whom they were published as evidence of an attempt by a royal official to undermine their liberties. — Bibliography: Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 183-184; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 72, and Memorial History of Boston, III, 11-26; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 135.
Boston, 4th October 1768.
. . . IT is not strange that measures should be immediately taken to reduce the colonies to their former state of government and order, but that the national funds should be effected by it is to me a little mysterious and surprizing. Principles of government absurd enough, ​spread thro' all the colonies ; but I cannot think that in any colony, people of any consideration have ever been so mad as to think of a revolt. Many of the common people have been in a frenzy, and talk'd of dying in defence of their liberties, and have spoke and printed what is highly criminal, and too many of rank above the vulgar, and some in public posts have countenanced and encouraged them until they increased so much in their numbers and in their opinion of their importance as to submit to government no further than they thought proper. The legislative powers have been influenced by them, and the executive powers intirely lost their force. There has been continual danger of mobs and insurrections, but they would have spent all their force within ourselves, the officers of the Crown and some of the few friends who dared to stand by them possibly might have been knock'd in the head, and some such fatal event would probably have brought the people to their senses. . . .
Whilst we were in this state, news came of two regiments being ordered from Halifax, and soon after two more from Ireland. The minds of people were more and more agitated, broad hints were given that the troops should never land, a barrel of tar was placed upon the beacon, in the night to be fired to bring in the country when the troops appeared, and all the authority of the government was not strong enough to remove it. The town of Boston met and passed a number of weak but very criminal votes ; and as the governor declined calling an assembly they sent circular letters to all the towns and districts to send a person each that there might be a general consultation at so extraordinary a crisis. They met and spent a week, made themselves ridiculous, and then dissolv'd themselves, after a message or two to the governor which he refused to receive ; a petition to the King which I dare say their agent will never be allow d to present, and a result which they have published ill-natured and impotent.
In this confusion the troops from Halifax arrived. I never was much afraid of the people s taking arms, but I was apprehensive of violence from the mob, it being their last chance before the troops could land. As the prospect of revenge became more certain their courage abated in proportion. Two regiments are landed, but a new grievance is now rais'd. The troops are by act of parliament to be quartered no where else but in the barracks until they are full. There are barracks enough at the castle to hold both regiments. It is therefore against the act to bring any of them into town. . . . I hear the commander in chief has ​provided barracks or quarters, but a doubt still remains with some of the council, whether they are to furnish the articles required, unless the men are in the province barracks, and they are to determine upon it to day.
The government has been so long in the hands of the populace that it must come out of them by degrees, at least it will be a work of time to bring the people back to just notions of the nature of government. . . .
Boston, 20th January 1769.
. . . What marks of resentment the parliament will show, whether they will be upon the province in general or particular persons, is extremely uncertain, but that they will be placed somewhere is most certain, and I add, because I think it ought to be so, that those who have been most steady in preserving the constitution and opposing the licenciousness of such as call themselves sons of liberty will certainly meet with favor and encouragement.
This is most certainly a crisis. I really wish that there may not have been the least degree of severity beyond what is absolutely necessary to maintain, I think I may say to you the dependance which a colony ought to have upon the parent state ; but if no measures shall have been taken to secure this dependance, or nothing more than some declaratory acts or resolves, it is all over with us. The friends of government will be utterly disheartned, and the friends of anarchy will be afraid of nothing, be it ever so extravagant.
. . . I never think of the measures necessary for the peace and good order of the colonies without pain. There must be an abridgment of what are called English liberties. I relieve myself by considering that in a remove from the state of nature to the most perfect state of govern ment there must be a great restraint of natural liberty. I doubt whether it is possible to project a system of government in which a colony 3000 miles distant from the parent state shall enjoy all the liberty of the parent state. I am certain I have never yet seen the projection. I wish the good of the colony when I wish to see some further restraint of liberty rather than the connexion with the parent state should be broken ; for I am sure such a breach must prove the ruin of the colony. Pardon me this excursion, it really proceeds from the state of mind into which our perplexed affairs often throws me. . . .
Boston, 20th October, 1769.
. . . So much has been said upon the repeal of the duties laid by the last act, that it will render it very difficult to keep people's minds quiet if that should be refused them. They deserve punishment you will say, ​but laying or continuing taxes upon all cannot be thought equal, seeing many will be punished who are not offenders. Penalties of another kind seem better adapted. . . .
I must beg the favor of you to keep secret every thing I write, until we are in a more settled state, for the party here either by their agent or by some of their emissaries in London, have sent them every report or rumor of the contents of letters wrote from hence. I hope we shall see better times both here and in England.
Copy of Letters sent to Great-Britain, by his Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, etc. (Boston, 1773), 9-18 passim.
149. The Pennsylvania Farmer's Remedy (1768)
Dickinson was a Pennsylvania lawyer. His pamphlets published previous to the outbreak of the Revolution exercised remarkable influence; but he was opposed to independence, and took no part in the Revolution after 1776. — Bibliography : Tyler, Literary History of the Revolution, I, 235-240, II, 21-34; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 82-83; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 134.
I HOPE, my dear countrymen, that you will in every colony be upon your guard against those who may at any time endeavour to stir you up, under pretences of patriotism, to any measures disrespectful to our sovereign and our mother country. Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings, injure the reputation of a people as to wisdom, valour and virtue, without procuring them the least benefit. I pray God, that he may be pleased to inspire you and your posterity to the latest ages with that spirit, of which I have an idea, but find a difficulty to express ; to express in the best manner I can, I mean a spirit that shall so guide you, that it will be impossible to determine, whether an American's character is most distinguishable for his loyalty to his sovereign, his duty to his mother country, his love of freedom, or his affection for his native soil.
Every government, at some time or other, falls into wrong measures ; these may proceed from mistake or passion. — But every such measure does not dissolve the obligation between the governors and the governed , the mistake may be corrected ; the passion may pass over.
It is the duty of the governed, to endeavour to rectify the mistake, and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than ​to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing, as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of opposition becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace. This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach them what reason did not ; and harsh methods, cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.
If at length it become undoubted, that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say, gener ally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are fully convinced, that any further submission will be destructive to their happiness.
When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is, that the punishment will exceed the offence ; and the calamities attending on war out weigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men.
To these reflections on this subject, it remains to be added, and ought for ever to be remembred ; that resistance in the case of colonies against their mother country, is extremely different from the resistance of a people against their prince. A nation may change their King or race of Kings, and retaining] their antient form of government, be gainers by changing. Thus Great-Britain, under the illustrious house of Brunswick, a house that seems to flourish for the happiness of mankind, has found a felicity, unknown in the reigns of the Stuarts. But if once we are separated from our mother country, what new form of government shall we accept, or when shall we find another Britain to supply our loss? Torn from the body to which we are united by religion, liberty, laws, affections, relations, language, and commerce, we must bleed at every vein.
In truth, the prosperity of these provinces is founded in their dependance on Great-Britain ; and when she returns to "her old good humour, and old good nature," as Lord Clerendon expresses it, I hope they will always esteem it their duty and interest, as it most certainly will be, to promote her welfare by all the means in their power.
We cannot act with too much caution in our disputes. Anger produces anger ; and differences that might be accommodated by kind and ​respectful behaviour, may by imprudence be changed to an incurable rage.
In quarrels between countries, as well as in those between individuals, when they have risen to a certain heighth, the first cause of dissention is no longer remembred, the minds of the parties being wholly engaged in recollecting and resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. When feuds have reached that fatal point, all considerations of reason and equity vanish ; and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regards their interest, but the gratification of their wrath. The sway of the Cleon's, and Clodius's, the designing and detestable flatter[er]s of the prevailing passion, becomes confirmed.
Wise and good men in vain oppose the storm, and may think themselves fortunate, if, endeavouring to preserve their ungrateful fellow citizens, they do not ruin themselves. Their prudence will be called baseness; their moderation, guilt ; and if their virtue does not lead them to destruction, as that of many other great and excellent persons has done, they may survive, to receive from their expiring country, the mournful glory of her acknowledgment, that their councils, if regarded, would have saved her.
The constitutional modes of obtaining relief, are those which I would wish to see pursued on the present occasion, that is, by petitioning of our assemblies, or, where they are not permitted to meet, of the people to the powers that can afford us relief.
We have an excellent prince, in whose good dispositions towards us we may confide. We have a generous, sensible, and humane nation, to whom we may apply. They may be deceived : they may, by artful men, be provoked to anger against us ; but I cannot yet believe they will be cruel or unjust ; or that their anger will be implacable. Let us behave like dutiful children, who have received unmerited blows from a beloved parent. Let us complain to our parents; but let our complaints speak at the same time, the language of affliction and veneration.
If, however, it shall happen by an unfortunate course of affairs, that our applications to his Majesty and the parliament for the redress, prove ineffectual, let us then take another step, by witholding from Great-Britain, all the advantages she has been used to receive from us. Then let us try, if our ingenuity, industry, and frugality, will not give weight to our remonstrances. Let us all be united with one spirit in one cause. Let us invent ; let us work ; let us save ; let us at the same time, keep up our claims, and unceasingly repeat our complaints; but above all, let ​us implore the protection of that infinite good and gracious Being, " by whom kings reign and princes decree justice."
" Nil despcrandum." Nothing is to be despaired of.
A FARMER.
[John Dickinson], Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies (Boston, 1768), 30-35.
150. Riot of the North Carolina Regulators (1770)
Henderson was an associate justice of the province of North Carolina, holding a Superior Court where the riot described below occurred. This is a typical example of the many local disturbances of the period throughout the colonies. — Bibliography : Moore, North Carolina, I, ch. vii ; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 80-82.
WITH the deepest concern for my Country I have lately been witness to a scene which not only threatened the peace and well being of this Province for the future, but was in itself the most horrid and audacious insult to Government, perpetrated with such circumstances of cruelty and madness as (I believe) scarcely has been equaled at any time. However flattering your Excellency s prospects may have been with respect to the people called Regulators, their late conduct too sufficiently evince that a wise, mild and benevolent administration comes very far short of bringing them to a sense of their duty. They are abandoned to every principle of virtue and desperately engaged not only in the most shocking barbarities but a total subversion of the Constitution.
On Monday last being the second day of Hillsborough Superior Court, early in the morning the Town was filled with a great number of these people shouting, hallooing & making a considerable tumult in the streets. At about 11 o'clock the Court was opened, and immediately the House filled as close as one man could stand by another, some with clubs others with whips and switches, few or none without some weapon. When the House had become so crowded that no more could well get in, one of them (whose name I think is called Fields) came forward and told me he had something to say before I proceeded to business. The accounts I had previously received together with the manner and appearance of these men and the abruptness of their address rendered ​my situation extremely uneasy. Upon my informing Fields that he might speak on he proceeded to let me know that he spoke for the whole Body of the People called Regulators. That they understood that I would not try their causes, and their determination was to have them tryed, for they had come down to see justice done and justice they w$^d$ have, and if I would proceed to try those causes it might prevent much mischief. They also charged the Court with injustice at the preceding term and objected to the Jurors appointed by the Inferior Court and said they would have them altered and others appointed in their room, with many other things too tedious to mention here. Thus I found myself under a necessity of attempting to soften and turn away the fury of this mad people, in the best manner in my power, and as much as could well be, pacific their rage and at the same time preserve the little remaining dignity of the Court. The consequence of which was that after spending upwards of half an hour in this disagreeable situation the mob cried out "Retire, retire, and let the Court go on." Upon which most of the regulators went out and seemed to be in consultation in a party by themselves.
The little hopes of peace derived from this piece of behaviour were very transient, for in a few minutes M$^r$ Williams an Attorney of that Court was coming in and had advanced near the door when they fell on him in a most furious manner with Clubs and sticks of enormous size and it was with great difficulty he saved his life by taking shelter in a neighbouring Store House. M$^r$ Fanning was next the object of their fury, him they seized and took with a degree of violence not to be described from off the bench where he had retired for protection and assistance and with hideous shouts of barbarian cruelty dragged him by the heels out of doors, while others engaged in dealing out blows with such violence that I made no doubt his life would instantly become a sacrifice to their rage and madness. However M$^r$ Fanning by a manly exertion miraculously broke holt and fortunately jumped into a door that saved him from immediate dissolution. During the uproar several of them told me with oaths of great bitterness that my turn should be next. I will not deny that in this frightful affair my thoughts were much engaged on my own protection, but it was not long before James Hunter and some other of their Chieftains came and told me not to be uneasy for that no man should hurt me on proviso I would set and hold Court to the end of the term.
I took advantage of this proposal and made no scruple at promising ​hat was not in my intention to perform for the Terms they would admit me to hold Court on were that no Lawyer, the King's Attorney excepted, should be admitted into Court, and that they would stay and see justice impartially done.
It would be impertinent to trouble your Exc$^y$ with many circumstances that occurred in this barbarous riot, Messrs. Thomas Hart, Alexander Martin, Michael Holt, John Litterell (Clerk of the Crown) and many others were severely whipped. Col. Gray, Major Lloyd, M$^r$ Francis Nash, John Cooke, Tyree Harris and sundry other persons timorously made their escape or would have shared the same fate. In about four or five hours their rage seemed to subside a little and they permitted me to adjourn Court and conducted me with great parade to my lodgings. Col$^o$ Fanning whom they had made a prisoner of was in the evening permitted to return to his own House on his word of honour to surrender himself next day. At about ten o'clock that evening, I took an opportunity of making my escape by a back way, and left poor Col. Fanning and the little Borough in a wretched situation. . . .
The number of Insurgents that appeared when the Riot first began was, I think, about one hundred and fifty, tho' they constantly increased for two days and kept a number with fire arms at about a mile distance from Town ready to fall on whenever they were called for. This amount is contradicted by some and believed by others ; certain it is that a large number of men constantly lay near the Town, whether they had arms or not is not yet sufficiently determined.
As the burden of conducting Hillsborough Superior Court fell on my shoulders alone, the Task was extremely hard and critical. I made every effort in my power consistent with my Office and the Duty the Publick is entitled to claim to preserve peace and good order, but as all attempts of that kind were ineffectual, thought it more advisable to break up Court than sit and be made a mock Judge for the sport & entertainment of those abandoned wretches. . . .
P. S. My Express has this instant arrived from Hillsborough with the following accounts, Colonel Fanning is alive and well as could be expected. The Insurgents left the Town on Wednesday night having done very little mischief after spoiling M$^r$ Fanning's House except breaking the windows of most of the Houses in Town, among which M$^r$ Edward's did not escape. . . .
William L. Saunders, editor, The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1890), VIII, 241-244 passim.
151. An Eye-Witness of the Boston Massacre (1770)
BY JOHN TUDOR
Tudor was a Boston merchant who was an eye-witness of the stirring events in that city from 1732 to 1793. The soldiers who fired on this occasion were indicted for murder, defended by John Adams, and acquitted. — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 85-88, and Memorial History of Boston, III, 31-40; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 135.
ON Monday Evening the 5th current, a few Minutes after 9 O'Clock a most horrid murder was committed in King Street before the Customhouse Door by 8 or 9 Soldiers under the Command of Cap$^t$ Tho$^s$ Preston drawn of from the Main Guard on the South side of the Town house.
This unhappy affair began by Some Boys & young fellows throwing Snow Balls at the sentry placed at the Customhouse Door. On which 8 or 9 Solders Came to his assistance. Soon after a Number of people colected, when the Cap$^t$ commanded the Soldiers to fire, which they did and 3 Men were Kil'd on the Spot & several Mortaly Wounded, one of which died next morning. The Cap$^t$ soon drew off his Soldiers up to the Main Guard, or the Consequencis mite have been terable, for on the Guns fiering the people were alarm$^d$ & set the Bells a Ringing as if for Fire, which drew Multitudes to the place of action. Lev$^t$ Governor Hutchinson, who was commander in Chefe, was sent for & Came to the Council Chamber, w[h]ere som of the Magistrates attended. The Governor desired the Multitude about 10 O'Clock to sepperat & go home peaceable & he would do all in his power that Justice shold be don &c. The 29 Rigiment being then under Arms on the south side of the Townhouse, but the people insisted that the Soldiers should be ordered to their Barracks 1st before they would sepperat, Which being don the people sepperated aboute 1 O'Clock. — Cap$^t$ Preston was taken up by a warrent given to the high Sherif by Justice Dania & Tudor and came under Examination about 2 O'clock & we sent him to Goal soon after 3, having Evidence sufficient, to committ him, on his ordering the soldiers to fire : So aboute 4 O'clock the Town became quiet. The next forenoon the 8 Soldiers that fired on the inhabitants was allso sent to Goal. Tuesday A. M. the inhabitants mett at Faneuil Hall & after som pertinant speches, chose a Committee of 15 Gentlem$^n$ to waite on the Lev$^t$. Governor in Council to request the immediate removeal of the Troops. The message was in these Words. That it is the unanimous ​opinion of this Meeting, that the inhabitants & soldiery can no longer live together in safety ; that nothing can Ratonaly be expected to restore the peace of the Town & prevent Blood & Carnage, but the removal of the Troops : and that we most fervently pray his Honor that his power & influance may be exerted for their instant removal. His Honor's Reply was. Gentlmen I am extreemly sorry for the unhappy difference & especially of the last Evening Signifieng that it was not in his power to remove the Troops &c &c.
The Above Reply was not satisfactory to the Inhabitants, as but one Rigiment should be removed to the Castle Barracks. In the afternoon the Town Adjourned to Dr Sewill's Meetinghouse, for Fanieul Hall was not larg enough to hold the people, their being at least 3,000, som supos'd near 4,000, when they chose a Committee to waite on the Lev$^t$. Governor to let him & the Council Know that nothing less will satisfy the people, then a total & immediate removal of the Troops oute of the Town. — His Honor laid before the Council the Vote of the Town. The Council thereon expressed themselves to be unanimously of opinion that it was absolutely Necessary for his Majesty service, the good order of the Town &c that the Troops Should be immeditly removed oute of the Town. — His Honor communicated this advice of the Council to Col Dalrymple & desir'd he would order the Troops down to Castle William. After the Col. had seen the Vote of the Council He gave his Word & honor to the Town's Committe that both the Rigiments should be remov'd without delay. The Com$^{te}$ return'd to the Town Meeting & Mr Hancock, chairman of the Com$^{te}$ Read their Report as above, which was Received with a shoute & clap of hands, which made the Meeting house Ring : So the Meeting was dessolved and a great number of Gentlemen appear'd to Watch the Center of the Town & the prison, which continued for 11 Nights and all was quiet again, as the Soldiers was all moved of to the Castle.
(Thursday) Agreeable to a general request of the Inhabitants, were follow'd to the Grave (for they were all Buried in one) in succession the 4 Bodies of Mess$^8$ Sam$^1$ Gray Sam$^1$ Maverick James Caldwell & Crispus Attucks, the unhappy Victims who fell in the Bloody Massacre. On this sorrowfull Occasion most of the shops & stores in Town were shut, all the Bells were order'd to toll a solom peal in Boston, Charleston, Cambridge & Roxbery. The several Hearses forming a junction in King Street, the Theatre of that inhuman Tradgedy, proceeded from thence thro' the main street, lengthened by an immence Concourse of ​people, So numerous as to be obliged to follow in Ranks of 4 & 6 abreast and brought up by a long Train of Carriages. The sorrow Visible in the Countenances, together with the peculiar solemnity, Surpass description, it was suppos'd that the Spectators & those that follow'd the corps amounted to 15000, som supposed 20,000. Note Capt Preston was tried for his Life on the affare of the above Octob$^r$ 24 1770. The Trial lasted 5 Days, but the Jury brought him in not Guilty.
William Tudor, editor, Deacon Tudor's Diary (Boston, 1896), 30-34.
Andrews was for five years a selectman of Boston. The letters from which these extracts are taken were written to a relative, describing scenes most of which the writer had witnessed. The destruction of the tea was an act of violence, but no other means of preventing the sale of taxed tea could be found. — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 91-92, and Memorial History of Boston, III, 44-51; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 135.
NOVEMBER 29th [1773]. Hall and Bruce arriv'd Saturday evening with each an hundred and odd chests of the detested Tea. What will be done with it, can t say : but I tremble for y$^e$ consequences should y$^e$ consignees still persist in their obstinacy and not consent to reship it. They have softened down so far as to offer it to the care of Council or the town, till such times as they hear from their friends in England, but am perswaded, from the present dispositions of y$^e$ people, that no other alternative will do, than to have it immediately sent back to London again. . . . Y$^e$ bells are ringing for a general muster, and a third vessel is now arriv'd in Nantasket road. Handbills are stuck up, calling upon Friends ! Citizens ! and Countrymen !
December 1st. Having just return'd from Fire Club, and am now, in company with the two Miss Masons and Mr. Williams of your place, at Sam. Eliot's, who has been dining with him at Col$^o$ Hancock's, and acquaints me that Mr. Palfrey sets off Express for New York and Philadelphia at five o'clock tomorrow morning, to communicate y$^e$ transactions of this town respecting the tea. . . . I acquainted you that Bruce and Hall had arrived, which was a mistake, as only Hall has arriv'd : which has caus'd y$^e$ most spirited and firm conduct to be observ'd that ​ever was known : the regularity and particulars of which proceedings Mr. Palfrey will be able to tell you. The consignees have all taken their residence at the Castle, as they still persist in their refusal to take the tea back. Its not only y$^e$ town, but the country are unanimous against the landing it, and at the Monday and Tuesday Meetings, they attended to the number of some hundreds from all the neighboring towns within a dozen miles : — 'twould puzzle any person to purchase a pair of p——ls in town, as they are all bought up, with a full determination to repell force by force.
December 18th. However precarious our situation may be, yet such is the present calm composure of the people that a stranger would hardly think that ten thousand pounds sterling of the East India Company's tea was destroy'd the night, or rather evening before last, yet its a serious truth ; and if your's, together with y$^e$ other Southern provinces, should rest satisfied with their quota being stor'd, poor Boston will feel the whole weight of ministerial vengeance. However, its the opinion of most people that we stand an equal chance now, whether troops are sent in consequence of it or not ; whereas, had it been stor'd, we should inevitably have had'em, to enforce the sale of it. —The affair was transacted with the greatest regularity and despatch. Mr. Rotch finding he exposed himself not only to the loss of his ship but for y$^e$ value of the tea in case he sent her back with it, without a clearance from the custom house, as y$^e$ Admiral kept a ship in readiness to make a seizure of it whenever it should sail under those circumstances ; therefore declin'd complying with his former promises, and absolutely declar'd his vessel should not carry it, without a proper clearance could be procur'd or he to be indemnified for the value of her : — when a general muster was assembled, from this and all y$^e$ neighbouring towns, to the number of five or six thousand, at 10 o'clock Thursday morning in the Old South Meeting house, where they pass'd a unanimous vote that the Tea should go out of the harbour that afternoon, and sent a committee with Mr. Rotch to y$^e$ Custom house to demand clearance, which the collector told'em was not in his power to give, without the duties being first paid. They then sent Mr. Rotch to Milton, to ask a pass from y$^e$ Governor, who sent for answer, that "consistent with the rules of government and his duty to the King he could not grant one without they produc'd a previous clearance from the office." — By the time he return'd with this message the candles were light in [the] house, and upon reading it, such prodigious shouts were made, that induc'd ​me, while drinking tea at home, to go out and know the cause of it. The house was so crouded I could get no farther than y$^e$ porch, when I found the moderator was just declaring the meeting to be dissolved, which caused another general shout, out doors and in, and three cheers. What with that, and the consequent noise of breaking up the meeting, you'd thought that the inhabitants of the infernal regions had broke loose. For my part, I went contentedly home and finish'd my tea, but was soon inform'd what was going forward : but still not crediting it without ocular demonstration, I went and was satisfied. They muster'd, I'm told, upon Fort Hill, to the number of about two hundred, and proceeded, two by two, to Griffin's wharf, where Hall, Bruce, and Coffin lay, each with 114 chests of the ill fated article on board ; the two former with only that article, but y$^e$ latter arriv'd at y$^e$ wharf only y$^e$ day before, was freighted with a large quantity of other goods, which they took the greatest care not to injure in the least, and before nine o'clock in y$^e$ evening, every chest from on board the three vessels was knock'd to pieces and flung over y$^e$ sides. They say the actors were Indians from Narragansett. Whether they were or not, to a transient observer they appear'd as such, being cloath'd in Blankets with the heads muffled, and copper color'd countenances, being each arm'd with a hatchet or axe, and pair pistols, nor was their dialect different from what I conceive these geniusses to speak, as their jargon was unintelligible to all but themselves. Not the least insult was offer'd to any person, save one Captain Conner, a letter of horses in this place, not many years since remov'd from dear Ireland, who had ript up the lining of his coat and waistcoat under the arms, and watching his opportunity had nearly fill'd 'em with tea, but being detected, was handled pretty roughly. They not only stripp'd him of his cloaths, but gave him a coat of mud, with a severe bruising into the bargain ; and nothing but their utter aversion to make any disturbance prevented his being tar'd and feather'd.
Should not have troubled you with this, by this Post, hadn't I thought you would be glad of a more particular account of so important a transaction, than you could have obtain'd by common report ; and if it affords my brother but a temporary amusement, I shall be more than repaid for the trouble of writing it.
Letters of John Andrews, Esq., of Boston. 1772-1776 ; edited by Winthrop Sargent, in Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, 1864-1865, (Boston. 1866), 324-326.