# The Lincoln–Douglas debates of 1858/Chapter 2

CHAPTER II
THE SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1858
Douglas was chosen to the United States Senate from Illinois for the first time in 1847 and was re-elected in 1853; consequently his second term would expire in 1859 and he must at that time seek a new election at the hands of the Illinois legislature. To compass this end, he must control the legislative elections of 1858. The state was never lost to the Democratic column before 1860; but Douglas found himself obliged to enter the campaign of 1858 under peculiar and embarrassing circumstances. The plan by which he had hoped to establish home rule in Kansas had caused a situation in the territory which bade fair to test the principle of "popular sovereignty" and to create dissension in the Democratic party. Some of the residents of the territory late in 1857 framed and adopted a constitution at Lecompton; but the free-soil people of the territory refused to take part in the proceedings. The adoption by Congress of this "Lecompton constitution" was favored by President Buchanan, but was opposed by Senator Douglas on the ground that it was not a fair test of "popular sovereignty." If Douglas were successful in securing a re-election in Illinois, it could be interpreted in no other way than a defeat for the administration and an invitation to other ambitious statesmen to brook presidential disfavor. It was reported that Buchanan warned Douglas of his peril and that Douglas replied, "Mr. President, Andrew Jackson is dead," implying that the days of presidential dictation were past. Consequently the new Republican party of Illinois had an ​unexpected opportunity of aiding a Democratic president to defeat a Democratic senator for re-election.
If Douglas entered the canvass beset with difficulty, Lincoln was far from being able to place the contest purely on the basis of merit. The patronage of the state so long enjoyed by Senator Douglas under Democratic administration had dotted the state with Douglas postmasters, revenue collectors, and other federal officers. That Lincoln fully appreciated this handicap is evident from one of his Springfield speeches of 1858:
"Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the anxious politicians of his party, or who have been of his party for years past, have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the president of the United States. They have seen in his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, marshallships, and cabinet appointments, chargeships and foreign missions, bursting and sprouting out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken place in the party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope: but with greedier anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches, triumphant entries, and receptions beyond what even in the days of his highest prosperity they could have brought about in his favor.
"On the contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be president. In my poor, lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out. These are disadvantages all, taken together, that the Republicans labor under. We have to fight this battle upon principle, and upon principles alone."
THE OLD STATE HOUSE, SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS
​that Lincoln was to be used as a stalking-horse for the defeat of Douglas in the legislative campaign.
Mr. A. Lincoln is the special object of admiration among the Black Republicans of Illinois at this time. How long it will last no one knows. Two years ago he occupied much the same position, but he was diddled out of the place of Senator by the friends of Trumbull, and the same thing may happen to him again.
Lincoln's prospects for the senatorship were further menaced by the danger that the Republicans of the state might deem it wise to lend their support to Douglas, reelect him to the Senate, and by his victory impair the chances of Buchanan securing a second term. Greeley suggested that the Illinois senatorship should be allowed to go to Douglas by default and thus by increasing the breach between Douglas and Buchanan prepare the way for the Republicans to carry the state in 1860. Lincoln himself expressed his fears lest Douglas should shift from his true Democratic principles, and "assume steep Free Soil ground and furiously assail the Administration on the stump." This very possible action would take away the support of the anti-Nebraska Democrats and of many Republicans from Lincoln and center it on the Little Giant. Against such a coalition Lincoln took the precaution of sending letters to prominent Republicans throughout the state, before the Republican convention met at Springfield in June, 1858, and they soon acknowledged the danger of indorsing so uncertain a man as Douglas upon no other recommendation to Republicanism than his quarrel with Buchanan. The situation might be foreguarded if the Republican convention would indorse Lincoln as its candidate, thereby pledging the legislators elected on its ticket in the November election to vote for Lincoln in the joint session to be held during the winter of 1859.
[Illinois Journal, Springfield, June 16, 1858]
REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION OF ILLINOIS
Great Harmony and Enthusiasm
B. C. Cooke, of LaSalle, offered the following resolution which was unanimously adopted:
Resolved: That the Hon. Lyman Trumbull in the Senate of the United States has illustrated and defined the principles of the Republican party with distinguished ability and fidelity, and we hereby express our emphatic approval of his course.
Chas. L. Wilson, of Cook, submitted the following resolution, which was greeted with shouts of applause and unanimously adopted:
Resolved: That Abraham Lincoln is the first and only choice of the Republicans of Illinois for the United States Senate, as the successor of Stephen A. Douglas.
On motion, the Convention adjourned to meet at 8 o'clock.
8 o'clock p. m.
Convention met, pursuant to adjournment.
Resolutions complimentary to the officers of the State government, and also to the officers of the Convention were unanimously adopted.
Speeches were made by Hon. Abraham Lincoln, T. J. Turner, I. N, Arnold, J. J. Feree, C. B. Denio, Wyche, Hopkins and others, and the Convention adjourned with long and hearty cheers for the ticket and the cause.
(Signed) Gustavus Koerner, Pres't.
D. M. Whitney, etc., Vice Pres'ts.
W. H. Bailhache, etc., Sec'ies.
[Daily Whig, Quincy, Illinois, June 21, 1858]
REPUBLICAN STATE TICKET
For State Treasurer
JAMES MILLER
of McLean County
For Superintendent of Public Instruction
NEWTON BATEMAN
of Morgan County
THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION
About seven o'clock, the Convention adjourned to meet in the evening; but previous to doing so, an incident occured worthy of notice. The delegates from Cook county appeared with a banner upon which was inscribed, "Cook county for Abram Lincoln for United States Senator." Mr. Judd, of Cook, in a very appropriate address referred to this fact, when a delegate in the crowd arose, and, waving a flag on which was printed the word "Illinois," moved that it be nailed over "Cook county" in the banner carried by the Cook delegation. The motion was received with rounds of applause, and carried by a unanimous vote. The inscription then read
ILLINOIS
FOR
ABRAM LINCOLN
FOR U. S. Senator
In the evening, the Hall was again crowded to excess to listen to the speeches from Lincoln, Judd, Wyche, Feree, Denio, and others. It would take up more room and time than are at our disposal to comment upon the speeches delivered, and the unbounded enthusiasm which prevailed.
LINCOLN AT THE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION
Returning to the campaign of 1858—I was sent by my employers to Springfield to attend the Republican State Convention of that year. Again I sat at a short distance from Mr. Lincoln when he delivered the "House-divided-against-itself" speech on the 17th of June. This was delivered from manuscript and was the only one I ever heard him deliver in that way. When it was concluded he put the manuscript in my hands and asked me to go to the State Journal office and read the proof of it. I think it had already been set in type. Before I had finished this task, Mr. Lincoln himself came into the composing room of the State Journal and looked over the revised proofs. He said to me that he had taken a great deal of pains with this speech, and that he wanted it to go before the people just as he had prepared it. He dded that some of his friends had scolded him a good deal about the opening paragraph and "the house divided against itself," and wanted ​him to change it or to leave it out altogether, but that he believed he had studied this subject more deeply than they had, and that he was going to stick to that text whatever happened.
[Daily Chicago Times, June 22, 1858]
ALL FOR LINCOLN
During the progress of the convention on yesterday, the Chicago delegation brought in a banner with the motto upon it "Cook County is for Abraham Lincoln." It was received with shouts and hurrahs of the most vociferous character. On motion of one of the Peoria delegates, the motto was amended to read—"Illinois Is for Abraham Lincoln," which brought down the House with three times three and three extra.—Springfield Journal.
The Republican enemies of Long John in Chicago thought they had put a nail in his coffin by preparing this banner, and the result is that they think they have effectually killed off his Senatorial aspirations by the above proceeding. Another move is to nominate E. Peck and Kriessman for the legislature from North Chicago, and Meech and Scripps from South Chicago. We'll see if Long John is to be beaten or not.
It was now less than two years until the Republicans would nominate a candidate for the presidency. That Lincoln was not regarded as a possibility even in Illinois is shown by the following:
[Missouri Republican, St. Louis, June 24, 1858]
Vote on the Presidency.—The vote among the Republican Delegates to the Illinois State Convention and passengers on the morning train, indicating their preference for the Presidency, stood as follows:
| William H. Seward | 139 | S. P. Chase | 6 |
| John C. Freemont | 32 | W. H. Bissell | 2 |
| John McLean | 13 | Scattering | 26 |
| Lyman Trumbull | 7 | | |
The speech in which Lincoln acknowledged the courtesy of the convention was thought out in advance and every sentence carefully weighed. It marked the new lines upon which Lincoln proposed to argue the situation and which ultimately won success. Boldly casting aside the long-prevalent idea that the Union could be saved by ​compromise and by repressing agitation, Lincoln voiced the new opinion in a slightly altered Scriptural quotation, "A house divided against itself cannot stand. " He declared that the government could not endure permanently half slave and half free; it must become all one thing or all the other. Whether Lincoln foresaw that the astute Douglas would construe this statement into a desire to dissolve the Union is a matter of doubt, as is also the question whether he appreciated the danger that his criticism of the Dred Scott decision would be twisted by Douglas into a revolutionary attack on the Supreme Court.
Since the campaign was to be waged against Senator Douglas, Lincoln devoted a large part of his speech to showing the unfitness of the Illinois senator to lead Republicans in their attempt to check the growing territorial power of the slaveholding dynasty, and to ridiculing the pretended greatness of the senator. "They remind us," said he, "that he is a great man and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let that be granted. But 'a living dog is better than a dead lion.' Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion, for his work, is at least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose the advances of slavery? He don't care about it. . . . . But clearly, he is not now with us—he does not pretend to be—he does not promise ever to be." He insinuated that the Dred Scott decision was a part of a Democratic programme. "We cannot absolutely know," said he, "that all these exact adaptations are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places by different workmen—Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance—and we see these timbers joined together, ​and see them exactly make the frame of a house or mill, all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, not omitting even scaffolding—or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in—in such a case we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was struck."
THE DOUGLAS "BOLTERS"
The breach between Douglas and the administration was reflected in the Democratic state convention which met at Springfield, April 21, 1858. As soon as resolutions were introduced approving the course of Senator Douglas, a considerable number of delegates withdrew from the convention and formed a "rump" assembly in another room. They were mostly from Chicago and the northern part of the state. These "bolters" called another convention which met at Springfield, June 9, nominated candidates, and adopted resolutions denouncing Douglas and characterizing his opposition to the administration on the Lecompton question as "an act of overweening conceit."
[Daily Chicago Times, June 10, 1858]
THE BOLTERS CONVENTION
In another column we publish the telegraphic report of the proceedings of the Bolters Convention at Springfield yesterday. It was a miserable farce. It is represented that 48 of the 100 counties were represented, and considering that the delegates were self-appointed, and that offices under the federal government were promised to all who would attend, the fact that in 52 counties there could not be found ​men mean enough to participate in the proceedings, is a glorious tribute to the fidelity of the Democracy of Illinois.
Dougherty and Reynolds were nominated, and if they receive 2,500 votes in the whole State it will astonish even themselves.
We publish also the letter of our correspondent detailing the events of Tuesday—the drunken orgies of the men, who, rioting on the public money, have been a disgrace to the State, to the party and now even to themselves.
[Illinois State Register, September 25, 1858]
SONG OF THE HYENAS
The following, which we clip from an eastern contemporary, is entitled "Senator Douglas and His Persecutors, or, the Battle Song of the Hyenas." It undoubtedly contains "more truth than poetry," and we cordially commend it to the careful perusal of the Illinois Danites:—
1. We'll hunt the lion down,  We jolly bold Hyenas,  Though honest folks may think  We're just about as mean as 2. The devils are, who make  Poor bigots torture people,  Because the people can't  Uphold said bigots' steeple, 3. O won't it be such fun  To crush the "Little Giant"  Who, conscious of the right,  Is saucy and defiant? 4. Why can't he do like us—  Stoop low for place and plunder?  Such independence does  Excite our wrath and wonder. 5. Of course in open day  We never will attack him,  For then his voice would call  The masses up to back him; 6. But at the midnight hour  In dark and gloomy weather,  In some old grave-yard foul,  We'll congregate together. 7. And lay secret plan  To stuff with spoils our leanness;  And hunting Douglas down  Will gratify our meanness!
​Although these "bolters" represented fewer than half the counties of the state, their action was significant and the contagion might spread. Consequently, one week later Douglas turned aside in the Senate from the pending question upon which he was speaking to address his fellow senator's on the condition of political parties in Illinois. In a speech characteristically abusive he denounced the leader of the "bolters" as an ex-Mormon with an unwholesome record, and he fastened upon the recalcitrants the name of "Danite," by which they were known during the remainder of the campaign. He took care during the course of his remarks to state that in his opinion Buchanan was not a party to the attacks made upon him from the ranks in Illinois.
The Democratic press of the state immediately lined up with the rival conventions. A majority of the editors of the state favored Douglas, who had thus far been intrusted with a large part of the federal patronage of the state. The Whig editors took no part in the quarrel; the Buchananites were sadly in the minority. Some of the Douglas supporters went so far as to place the name of Douglas at the head of a column on the editorial page, as if the election of a senator were to be determined by popular vote. This, added to the direct nomination of Lincoln by the Republican convention, gave additional color to the popular aspect of the campaign. It was as if the two were running for the presidency rather than for an election to a senatorship through a state legislature.
[Illinois State Register, Springfield, June 17]
Mr. Lincoln is recommended for Senator and however unusual such an issue may be, it is now plainly and squarely one before the people of the State for United States senator—Stephen A. Douglas on the one side and Abraham Lincoln of the other; the Democracy of the one against the black republican principles of the other.
[New York Daily Tribune, June 26, 1858]
ILLINOIS
Sketch of the Hon. Abraham Lincoln
Correspondence of the New York Tribune
Collinsville, Ill., June 15, 1858
The decided expressions of the Republican Convention of this State in favor of Abraham Lincoln for Senator, in the place now held by Judge Douglas, will give interest to anything throwing light upon the character and abilities of Mr. Lincoln, especially to those who are not acquainted with him. As he has served only one term in the Lower House of Congress, and that so long ago as 1846-8, there must be many who would like to know how he will be likely to fill the place of the now so notorious—I might say distinguished—Douglas. Is he a match for his "illustrious predecessor"?
But I am forgetting myself, which was chiefly to relate an incident showing the two men in contact and somewhat in comparsion. I think it has never been in print.
It was in the Fall of 1854, when the Nebraska bill was a fresh topic, Lincoln was speaking to some two thousand persons in the State House at Springfield. Douglas sat on the Clerk's platform, just under the Speaker's stand. In his introduction, Lincoln complimented his distinguished friend; said he himself had not been in public life as he had; and if he should, on that account, misstate any fact, he would be very much obliged to his friend the Judge, if he would correct him. Judge Douglas rose with a good deal of Senatorial dignity, and said that it was not always agreeable to a speaker to be interrupted in the course of his remarks, and therefore, if he should have anything to say, he would wait until Mr. Lincoln was done. For some reason, he did not keep to his purpose, but quite frequently rose to put in a word when he seemed to think his case required immediate attention. One of these passages—and it was pretty nearly a sample of the rest—was in this wise: Lincoln had been giving a history of the legislation of the Federal Government on the subject of Slavery, and referring to the opinions held by public men, and had come down to the Nicholson letter, wherein the denial of the power of Congress to prohibit Slavery in the Territories was first presented to the public. Said he, "I don't know what my friend the Judge thinks" [and he looked down upon ​him with a smile half playful, half roguish], "but really it seems to me that that was the origin of the Nebraska bill." This stroke at the Senator's laurels in the matter of the "great principle," created a good deal of laughter and some applause, which brought the Judge to his feet. Shaking back his heavy hair, and looking much like a roused lion, he said, in his peculiarly heavy voice which he uses with so much effect when he wishes to be impressive, "No, Sir! I will tell you what was the origin of the Nebraska bill. It was this, Sir! God created man, and placed before him both good and evil, and left him free to choose for himself. That was the origin of the Nebraska bill." As he said this, Lincoln looked the picture of good nature and patience. As Douglas concluded, the smile which lurked in the corners of Lincoln's mouth parted his lips, and he replied, "Well, then, I think it is a great honor to Judge Douglas that he was the first man to discover that fact." This brought down the house, of course, but I could not perceive that the Judge appreciated the fun in the least. . . W.
Congress adjourned June 1, 1858, and Douglas started for Chicago by way of northern New York, where he intended paying a visit to his aged mother. So prominently before the public was he at this time, in view of the coming contest in Illinois, that the newspapers chronicled his every movement on the way.
[Chicago Times, June 27]
SENATOR DOUGLAS
Senator Douglas, accompanied by his beautiful and accomplished wife, arrived at the Girard House, Monday night, from Washington en route for Chicago, where he proposes opening his campaign.—He was visited, in the course of yesterday, by a large number of our most influential citizens — holding quite an impromptu levee, in fact, for no special announcement of his arrival in this city had been made. He appeared in excellent health and spirits. He left New York by the afternoon train.—Phila. Press.
[Daily Whig, Quincy, Ills., July 1]
Senator Douglas is at present at his mother's in the State of New York—recruiting previous to entering upon the campaign in this State It is said that he will open the ball at Carlinville, Macoupin County.
Col. Carpenter on the part of the Administration Democrats, is to take the stump, it is said, and meet Douglas in the field.
​The Republican standard bearer will be Hon. Abe Lincoln—and we could not place our cause in abler hands.
Let the people hear and judge between the principles of these con- tending parties.
[Cincinnati, Ohio, Commercial, July 6, 1858]
MR. DOUGLAS IN ILLINOIS
The Dismantled Democracy and the Administration
We have been informed, from a satisfactory source, that it is the purpose of Mr. Senator Douglas (now en route homeward) to enter at once upon the state campaign of Illinois, which, in the approaching fall election, is to determine the complexion of the Legislature, and thus whether Mr. Douglas or some other man is, for the next term of six years, to take the chair so long occupied in the United States Senate by the "Little Giant." We learn, too, that adopting a conciliatory course toward the administration, the plan of the campaign of Mr. Douglas will be war to the knife against the destructive antislavery heresies of the late Illinois State Convention, and of their Senatorial nominee, Mr. Lincoln; and that thus, taking up the glove thrown before him, Mr. Douglas, upon the broad democratic principles of constitutional obligations and state rights, will make a fair field fight with the opposition upon the ground of their own choosing.
In this aspect of affairs, the Illinois Republicans having coolly turned their backs upon Mr. Douglas, he is in an excellent position to understand the exact necessities of his case, the difficulties of his party and the way to surmount them.
Considering, therefore, the dangers which surround the Illinois Democracy, with the critical position of Mr. Douglas on the one hand, and the excessive confidence of the opposition on the other, we may anticipate a campaign out there as desperate as that of the Pennsylvania October election of 1856, and perhaps as momentous to the Democratic party in reference to the Presidency.
[Cincinnati, Ohio, Commercial, July 8, 1858]
ILLINOIS POLITICS
A correspondent, a particular friend and admirer of Douglas, writing from Olney, Ill., under date of July 3d, to the Vincennes Sun, gives a glimpse of the fight in Illinois.
The Little Giant will soon be among us, and as he moves about we can tell how the people feel. It is conceded here that it's all right in this district.
Every district where there is any hope will be looked after and nothing left undone that will tend to success. By about September the whole state will be alive with stumpers,—Douglas will be backed by the "giants," and the Black Republican Ajaxes will be in the field armed for the conflict. Distintinguished speakers from all parts of the Union on both sides are promised.
Lincoln is popular—the strongest man the opposition have,—is nearly fifty years old—six feet two—slightly stoop-shouldered—very muscular and powerful—dark eyes—a quizzical, pleasant, raw-boned face—tells a a story better than anybody else—is a good lawyer—and is what the world calls a devilish good fellow.—He would have been senator before, had not Trumbull's superior cunning overreached him. But, in dignity, intellect and majesty of mind it is not pretended that he is Douglas's equal.
[Cincinnati, Ohio, Commercial, July 13]
MR. DOUGLAS—HIS PASSAGE THROUGH OHIO—HIS COMFORTERS
The Honorable Stephen A. Douglas appears to have put himself into not very desirable hands in his passage through the state of Ohio. It is true that if he found it advisable to put himself into any hands whatever, he had left to him very little freedom of choice. The original Buchanan men, and those whose interests it is still to appear to cling to the presidential faction, could not, of course, have anything to do with him.
Having addressed a large gathering of the people at Clifton Springs, N. Y., on the Fourth of July, Douglas departed for Chicago. In New York, at Cleveland, and at Toledo, Ohio, he was tendered serenades and receptions. Recalling the unfortunate manner in which the people of Chicago had greeted him four years before, his supporters now planned a reception which, by its very magnitude would overwhelm hostility if any were manifest and would also show Buchanan that Illinois chose to follow her senator rather than the President. It was the first of the extraordinary rallies made to the banner of Douglas in the campaign of 1858.
[Illinois State Register, Springfield, July 12, 1858]
(From the Chicago Times of Saturday, 10th]
SENATOR DOUGLAS AT HOME
As per announcement in the programme of the reception of Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, published by authority of the committee of arrangements, an extra train of cars was ready at 1 o'clock, yesterday, to convey the committee of reception to Michigan City—distant from Chicago sixty miles—at which place Senator Douglas was to take the Illinois Central road on the return trip.
In the meantime, also, a great number of national flags were being elevated at conspicuous points near the depot and elsewhere, and banners of different shapes and colors, besides streamers, pennants, etc., were disposed in all directions.
It was now 1 o'clock. The train was to start at that hour, and all things being ready, the cars moved off amid shouts from the outside, and answering shouts and music from within. In all the company numbered four hundred. A splendid banner, that of the young Men's Democratic Club, was carried upon the locomotive.
The train proceeded to Michigan City, where it was met by a host of gallant Indianians, who accompanied the Judge from Laporte to Michigan City. Some malicious person having secretly spiked the only gun in the town, the democracy obtained a large anvil, and placing it in the middle of the street, made the welkin echo with its repeated discharges.
THE RETURN TO THE CITY.
At a few minutes after five o'clock the procession was formed and proceeded to the depot. Judge Douglas being now the guest of the committee. The train soon started, and all along the road—at every station, at almost every farmhouse and laborer's cabin—in every cornfield and at every point where laborers were engaged—there was ​exhibited by cheers, by waving of handkerchiefs and other demonstrations, that cordial "welcome home" to the great representative of popular rights.
At the outer depot of the Illinois Central railroad the national flag had been raised by the operatives, and a swivel belched forth its roaring notes of welcome. The hardy hands of the mechanics resounded with applause, and cheers and huzzas continued until the train had passed on to the city.
As the train passed along from Twelfth street to the depot, crowds of ladies were assembled on the doorsteps of the residences on Michigan avenue, waving banners and handkerchiefs; the lake part was crowded by persons hastily proceeding to the depot. Long before the train could enter the station house, thousands had crossed over the breakwater, got upon the track, and climbed into the cars, and when the latter reached the depot they were literally crammed inside and covered on top by ardent and enthusiastic friends and supporters of the illustrious Illinoisan.
Capt. Smith's artillery were, in the meantime, firing from Dearborn Park a salute of 150 guns, (guns were also firing in the west and north divisions) the booming of the cannon alone rising above the cheering plaudits of the assembled multitude. The hotels and principal buildings of the city were adorned with flags.
The Adams House, near the Central depot, was most handsomely decorated. The national flag, a banner bearing the motto "Douglas, the champion of Popular Sovereignty," as well as numerous flags belonging to vessels in the harbor were suspended across the street, presenting a grand display. The doors, windows, balconies, and roofs of the Adams House, as well as the private residences in the neighborhood, and the large stores and warehouses along Lake Street were crowded with ladies and other persons—all cheering and welcoming the senator. At the depot, a procession consisting of the "Montgomery Guards," Capt. Gleason and the "Emmet Guards," &c., Lieut. Stuart commanding, acting as the military escort, was then formed. Judge Douglas was in an open barouche drawn by six horses, and was followed by the committee of arrangements in other carriages. The procession proceeded up Lake to Wabash Avenue, down Wabash Avenue to Dearborn street, and thence by Dearborn to the Tremont House.
​Throughout the whole route of the procession, the senator was greeted from house top and window, from street, from awning post and balcony by every demonstration of grateful welcome.
THE SCENE AT THE TREMONT
As early as half past six o'clock people began to collect around the Tremont House. The omnibusses from Union Park, and from the southern and northern limits of the city, were crowded with suburban residents, and people came on foot from the remotest parts of the city, taking up eligible standing places around the hotel.
At about half past seven the booming of cannon on the lake shore having announced the arrival of the train, it was the signal for the assembling of thousands of others who rapidly filled up every vacant spot in Lake street, from State, for the distance of a block and a half. Dearborn street was also thronged from Lake to Randolph. The area occupied by the people, packed together in one dense mass, was considerably over fifty thousand square feet. In addition to this, every window and roof within hearing distance was occupied, a large portion of the occupants being ladies. The assemblage of people who welcomed in vociferous and prolonged shouts of joy the return of Senator Douglas numbered at the least calculation thirty thousand.
Chicago has never before witnessed such a sight. A field of human forms parted with difficulty as the procession passed through, and closed instantly behind it, with the surge and roar of the waters of a sea; an ocean of upturned faces, extending beyond the furthest limits to which the senator's powerful voice could reach, from which broke one spontaneous burst of applause as he appeared upon the balcony before them! Over all the light of the illumination, and the glare and glitter of the fireworks, spread an appearance which is indescribable!
The building just across the street fron the Tremont, on Lake, occupied by Jno. Parmly, hat manufacturer, and others, was finely illuminated, and a handsome transparency was displayed, bearing the words "Welcome to Stephen A. Douglas, the Defender of Popular Sovereignty."
THE SPEECHES
Chas. Walker, Esq., then appeared on the Lake Street balcony and in a very neat address, welcomed Senator Douglas to his constituents from a prolonged, but glorious struggle in which he defended and maintained the right.
​Senator Douglas responded in a speech of over an hour in which he briefly reviewed the history of the past and the prospect of the future.
We could not but remember the scene of 1854, when instead of welcoming huzzas he was greeted with denunciation. The past, however, is gone; the present is upon us; and instead of the mere handful who indorsed his course in 1854, he now can count thousands who have approved his course, and an united constituency who applaud and admire the fidelity with which he has adhered to his principles and to the pledges he made to the people.
[Chicago Daily Journal, July 9, 1858]
THE OVATION TO SENATOR DOUGLAS
The followers of Senator Douglas are straining their utmost powers to make the demonstration in behalf of their champion on his return home, a great and "glorious" affair, this evening. If it does not prove imposing, and if there is not a tremendous outward show of "enthusiasm" displayed on the occasion, it will not be for lack of effort on the part of the Senator's more active worshippers to render it so. They have been begging and scraping together all the spare dollars, shillings, dimes and six pences that could be obtained, for the last few weeks,—have bought powder enough to supply the Utah war—have expended large sums in getting up banners and devices—and have laid out not a small sum in hiring men and boys to make up a big procession and make a big noise. Surely, after such extensive preparations, we have a right to anticipate a great time, and shall expect to see the lionized Senator perfectly emblazoned in the glory of triumphant honors.
[From the same paper]
Personal. — Hon. A. Lincoln, 0. H. Browning, Judge I. O. Wilkinson of Rock Island, and other distinguished gentlemen from different parts of the State are at present in the city, in attendance on the U. S. District Court.
[Chicago Daily Journal, July 10, 1858]
SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS LAST NIGHT
Several thousand people, amongst whom were many Republicans, who were present as a matter of curiosity—assembled in front of the Tremont House last evening, on the occasion of the reception of ​Senator Douglas, to hear what account he had to give of himself and what he had to say in reference to the political topics of the day.
He spoke for an hour and a half, in his usual style—dispensing "soft-soap" quite freely, setting himself forth as a hero of no common order, and indulging even more than ordinarily in that inexorable habit of misrepresentation, and prevarication which appears in political matters to have become a sort of second nature to him.
Dropping the Kansas question, he next paid his respects to Mr. Lincoln and the speech that gentleman made at Springfield at the late Republican State Convention. He considered Mr. Lincoln a "kind, amiable, high-minded gentleman, a good citizen, and an honorable opponent," but took exception to the sentiments of his speech.
He repeated, almost word for word, the language of his last year's Springfield speech in regard to "negro equality" and very falsely imputed to Mr. Lincoln this doctrine of "negro equality," while the fact is that Mr. Lincoln has no more to do with negroes, or the question of placing negroes on an equality with white men, than Douglas has to do with the Americanizing of the Hottentots or the Fejee Islanders.
[From the same paper]
The following scene, as described by the Tribune, took place preliminary to the speech:
Shortly before eight o'clock the procession from the depot, preceded by a band of music, and two companies of militia, reached the corner of Lake and Dearborn streets, from Randolph. The hack drivers charged furiously on the dense throng and by dint of whipping and swearing, the carriage containing Mr. Douglas was brought up to the north entrance of the house. At this juncture a blockhead on the upper balcony commenced firing off rockets, and of course made a dozen horses crazy. Those attached to the carriage in which Mr. Douglas sat, plunged frantically in every direction. Several persons were bruised. One man had his leg broken in three places, and was borne fainting into a drug store. Mr. Douglas escaped indoors, and almost immediately reappeared on the north balcony, when Charles Walker, Esq., commenced his reception speech.
At this point of the proceedings a furious battle commenced in the street between the crowd and the remaining hack drivers, who persisted insanely in plowing through the living sea in front of the building. In the confusion and excitement, Mr. Walker's speech came to an abrupt and embarrassing termination—leaving people uncertain whether he had forgotten the balance, or had adopted the novel and peculiar way of welcoming a Senator. Not one man in fifty of the entire audience knew that he had made a speech at all. ​The battle in the street below was kept up for some ten minutes with various results,—one man being knocked down with the butt end of a whip, and a driver being pulled off his seat three times in five minutes. The horses were finally extricated and Mr. Douglas commenced.
[Daily Herald, Quiney, Illinois, July 16, 1858]
THE DIFFERENCES
Four years ago Senator Douglas returned to Chicago from Washington and attempted to speak to the people in justification of his course in the United States Senate, but was denied a hearing. And, indeed, as most of our readers will recollect, when he did make the effort he was assailed and driven from the platform. The Chicago people would not listen to him; nor did they permit him the right of speech at all, so incensed were they against him for his support of the Kansas-Nebraska bill.
Four years have elapsed since then and the city which hunted, denounced and assailed the "little giant," makes the occasion of his arrival a source of public rejoicing. In another place we have alluded to his triumphant entry into the city on last Friday. Indeed, it is conceded that for magnificence and unanimity it excelled any demonstration of the kind ever witnessed west of the Allegheny Mountains.
. . . . . . . . . [From the Joliet Signal]
[Missouri Republican, St. Louis, July 12, 1858]
RECEPTION AND SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS
Chicago, July 9, 11 p. m.
Senator Douglas was received here this evening, with great display. At one o'clock, a committee of four hundred persons of Chicago and the adjoining counties, proceeded to Michigan City, where they met the train, and escorted Mr. Douglas to this city, and, on his arrival, he was greeted with vociferous cheering from the people, and the firing of cannon. A procession was immediately formed, and Mr. Douglas was conducted to the Tremont House, where he was welcomed in a brief speech in behalf of the citizens, by Charles Walker, President of the Board of Trade.
Mr. Lincoln was present and heard Mr. Douglas. Fireworks were discharged in several parts of the city. The number of persons in attendance is variously estimated at from fifteen to twenty-five thousand.
At the Douglas meeting, Lincoln was accorded the courtesy of "a good seat," as he said, and, according to ​his custom four years before in the senatorial campaign, he arose the following evening at the same place to reply to Douglas. Quite naturally, the Chicago newspapers varied in their report of the meeting, according to their political complexions.
[Chicago Press and Tribune, July 12, 1858]
SPEECH OF HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN REPLY TO SENATOR DOUGLAS
Enthusiastic Reception of Mr. Lincoln by the Republicans of Chicago
The audience assembled to hear Hon. Abraham Lincoln on Saturday evening was in point of numbers, about three-fourths as large as that of the previous evening, when Douglas held forth; and in point of enthusiasm, about four times as great. The crowd extended from the corner of Lake and Dearborn Streets the whole length of the Tremont House, and as on the evening previous, the balconies, windows and roofs of the adjoining buildings were filled with attentive spectators—ladies and gentlemen. The only advertisement of the meeting consisted of a notice in the Saturday morning papers, and a few handbills distributed during the day. The essential difference in the two demonstrations was simply that the Lincoln audience was enthusiastically for Lincoln, and the Douglas was but qualified in favor of anybody. This will be admitted by any fair-minded man who witnessed both demonstrations. The Douglas authorities estimated the crowd of Friday evening at 30,000—or something more than the whole male adult population of the city. We presume that 12,000 is a liberal reckoning for that evening, and that 9,000 would about cover the gathering of Saturday night.
During the progress of Mr. Lincoln's speech a procession of four hundred men from the Seventh ward including the German Republican Club, arrived on the ground, preceded by a band of music, and carrying the Seventh ward banner. They were received with loud and continued cheers from the audience.
Mr. Lincoln was introduced by C. L. Wilson, Esq., and as he made his appearance he was greeted with a perfect storm of applause. For some moments the enthusiasm continued unabated. At last, when ​by a wave of his hand partial silence was restored, Mr. Lincoln spoke.
[Chicago Daily Journal, July 12, 1858]
THE MEETING SATURDAY NIGHT
At an early hour Saturday evening, the street in front of the Tremont House began to be filled with an eager crowd. A band of music discoursed from the balcony of the Tremont, and rockets blazed in different directions until about 8+$^1$⁄$_2$ o'clock, the gathering in the meantime having been swelled to thousands, presenting literally a sea of faces.
Shortly afterward Mr. Lincoln appeared on the balcony, and was greeted with a perfect storm of cheers.
The feature of the evening, was the arrival of the German Republican Club of the Seventh Ward, with a band of music, and their new banner. They were vociferously greeted with the wildest kind of hurrahs.
Mr. Lincoln devoted himself to replying to the speech of Senator Douglas, and considering the brief time he had for preparation, it must be conceded that he did it effectually.
[Daily Herald, Quincy, Ill., July 14, 1858]
From the Chicago Union
LINCOLN ON THE STUMP
Burlesque on the Doug-las Ovation
Yesterday (Saturday) placards appeared on the streets; and a band went round in a wagon to announce to the Republicans that Hon. Abraham Lincoln would reply to Hon. S. A. Douglas from the Tremont House balcony.—Rockets were fired to show the spot where Lincoln would talk, and at 8+$^1$⁄$_2$ o'clock, not less than 3,000 persons of all parties had assembled. The lamps marked with the names of States, which had been set up for Douglas, were re-lit; but it was remarkable that those of the slave States burned very badly, and some one from the crowd suggested that a black republican meeting could do with seventeen lamps. Bye-and-Bye Bross came forward and stood between two lamps, the light playing on his generous countenance, when there arose a shout of "Bross," "Lincoln." A stentorian voice cried, "Fellows, Bross will do as well," when there arose a shout of Bross, amidst which the worthy Deacon retired, blushing. He remarked, ​when behind (Bross is his own Boswell,) "They got their eyes on me, did they not?" Band of music plays.—Then there were cries of Long John, Little John, George Brown, Smart, etc. After a disagreeable wait, C. L. Wilson, Esq., of the Journal, introduced Mr. Lincoln. Bross went forward and called for cheers, when the crowd cried out "Lincoln, stand where Bross is," and he did. We shall not attempt to give Mr. Lincoln's speech. It was a rambling affair. Mr. L. thought he was mentioned in such a way that he could not refuse to reply to him. He commenced to read from the Senator's speech [cries of put on your specs].
He argued against the allegation of Judge Douglas that an alliance existed between the Republicans and the National Democrats.—[A rocket went off.] He denied it. [The audience cheered instead of groaning—and another rocket.] Douglas is not a live lion but a Russian rugged bear. [Bross,—"splendid;" Shuman of the Journal, "That's argument."] He objected to being slain. [Small boy from the crowd, "Don't."] Let him remember the allies took Sebastopol. [Shuman—That's profound.] He confessed he rather liked the disaffection of the Buchanan Democracy, because it would divide the party. But he had never paid to them. [Cries of "No, sir."] He wanted to know what had become of squatter sovereignty. [A voice—"Throw back your ears Douglas will swallow you whole." Voices —"Three cheers for James Buchanan."] He would read them something from Douglas.—[Cries of "do" and others of "do, and we'll go." Bross catches hold of Lincoln's farmer satin coat and tears it "Don't Lincoln, don't read it."] He thought Douglas did right in opposing Lecompton, because all the Republicans voted with him. He did not leave them to vote against it. [A voice—No, they stuck to him pretty well.] Who defeated Lecompton—was it Judge Douglas! [Voices—Yes.] He furnished three votes, and the Black Republicans twenty against it. Now, who did it.—[Voices—Douglas] He'd put the proposition in a different way. [Voices—You'd better.] The Republican party would have defeated Lecompton without Douglas. [A voice—Why did not they come out first?] He reiterated his views upon the matter of the ultimate extinction of slavery. The speaker attempted a reply to Democratic principles, amid some applause, and some spicy interruptions. We left when Deacon Bross announced that the Seventh Ward are coming. Band played, Hocklets fizzled, and we mizzled.
[Illinois Journal, Springfield, July 12, 1858]
LINCOLN'S REPLY TO DOUGLAS
"We today occupy considerable of our space with the speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, in reply to Senator Douglas' speech of Friday evening. . . . . The war has begun. The first fire has been exchanged by the two contestants. Those who will read the speech we publish today, will perceive that the Little Giant is already wounded in several vital parts. In sound, manly argument, Lincoln is too much for him. While the former shakes his black locks vain-gioriously and explodes in mere fustian of sound and smoke, the latter quietly unassumingly but effectually drives home argument after argument, heavy as cannon balls, and sharp as two-edged swords, until his adversary is so thoroughly riddled, cut up and "used up," that in the view of discriminating men, nothing remains of him but a ghostly appearance.
[Cincinnati, Ohio, Commercial, July 12, 1858]
SENATOR DOUGLAS IN CHICAGO
We devote much space in our news colums to the reproduction of reports in the Chicago papers of the reception of Senator Douglas in that city Friday last, and his speech on that occasion. His competitor, Hon. Abram Lincoln, sat near him, marked attentively all he said, and replied to him from the same place the following evening. We have not yet a report of Mr. Lincoln's remarks. The speech of Douglas was able and bold, and it appears from some things said of Lincoln, that his personal relations with that gentleman are friendly.—The indications are that the political campaign in Illinois will be quite exciting and the contest close, and that Douglas will succeed in being re-elected to the U. S. Senate.
[Louisville Democrat, Louisville, Ky., September 5, 1858]
The debate in Illinois, between Lincoln and Douglas, is the ablest and the most important that has ever taken place in any of the States, on the great question which has so long agitated the country, elected and defeated Presidential candidates, built up and broken down parties. It is the opening of the question for 1860. There the real battle has begun, by broadsides too, from the heaviest artillery. Douglas is matchless in debate, and stands upon the only national platform. Lincoln is able, and does full justice to the bad cause he ​advocates. He is the champion of anti-slavery in the North. It is the one idea that has brought him forward as the candidate of his party. . . . .
[Daily Whig, Quincy, 111., July 21, 1858]
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES
As to the Southern Democratic candidates, the leading men are Senator Hunter and Gov. Wise of Virginia, the former representing Administration, the latter anti-Administration views on the Kansas question. Senator Slidell, of Louisiana, Secretary Floyd, of Virginia, and Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, are also spoken of.
The Times postpones the chances of Senator Douglas indefinitely, on account of his quarrel with the administration, and the fact that he is from a Northern State, two circumstances which render his nomination entirely out of the question.
Among the Republican candidates, the Times places the name of Col. Fremont first on the list; next Mr. Seward, followed by Mr. Crittenden, Gov. Banks, of Mass., Gov. Chase, of Ohio, and Judge McLean.
From its beginning the Illinois campaign attracted widespread attention. It meant more than state issues and state results. The fate of "squatter sovereignty," the triumph or defeat of the administration, the presidential nominations to be made in the next national conventions, indeed, the future of the Union was felt to depend in no small degree upon the outcome of these debates. Eastern newspapers at once dispatched special reporters to the scene and they outlined the situation for their readers.
[New York Semi-Weekly Post, August 18, 1858]
POLITICS IN ILLINOIS
Abe Lincoln.—Douglas Rejoicing over Blair's Defeat.—Senator Trumbull's Speech
[From our special correspondent]
Chicago, Ill., August 13, 1858
The interest in politics increases here as the campaign progresses. Illinois is regarded as the battle-ground of the year, and the results of ​this contest are held to be of the highest importance to the wellfare of the country and the success of the great contending parties. The Republican Convention of June 16, after placing a state ticket in nomination, named as its choice for United States senator to succeed Mr. Douglas, Mr. Lincoln, of Springfield. This expression met at once the approval of the Republicans of the state. Mr. Lincoln was regarded as the man for the place. A native of Kentucky, where he belonged to the class of "poor whites," he came early to Illinois. Poor unfriended, uneducated, a day-laborer, he has distanced all these disadvantages, and in the profession of the law he has risen steadily to a competence, and to the position of an intelligent, shrewd and well balanced man. Familiarly known as "Long Abe," he is a popular speaker, and a cautious, thoughtful politician, capable of taking a high position as a statesman and legislator. His nomination was proof that the Republicans of Illinois were determined in their hostility to Mr. Douglas, and that no latter-day conversion of his, however luminous it might appear to some eastern eyes, could blind them to the fact that in him were embodied the false and fatal principles against which they were organized. They had grown mighty in their opposition to Douglas, and in his defeat they were certain of an enlarged and a well-established party. Even Mr. Douglas's anti-Lecomptonism could not excuse or palliate his past errors; nor did it incline them in the least degree to sympathize with him. Save in this one respect, he was, as ever, the firm upholder of Dred Scottism, and the constant apologist and defender of the Federal Administration and the measures which it urged upon an unwilling country. The people of Illinois felt certain that they knew best the sentiment of their state, and they repudiated the counsels of those who suggested that Douglas was a good-enough Republican, and that he might be used to break down the democratic party here and in the northwest. The present attitude of Mr. Douglas, so entirely consistent with his antecedents, is good evidence that the Republicans in Illinois did well to contemn the time-serving and dangerous suggestions that emanated from Washington and New York, and which had voice in many influential journals at the East. Mr. Douglas, in all his speeches, claims to be a democrat, and demands the support of democrats in his assault upon Republicanism. The "Little Giant" is unchanged in no respect; and as the canvass grows warmer, the breech widens, and his actual position becomes more clearly defined. ​He is of other material, altogether, than that which makes Republicanism. He is still an out-and-out pro-slavery man. In one of his recent speeches he stopped to read the dispatch announcing Blair's defeat in St. Louis, as the overthrow of "negro equality" and all that sort of stuff that forms the staple of democratic rhetoric.
It is a foregone conclusion, therefore, that under no circumstances can the Republicans of Illinois show any favor to Mr. Douglas. In fighting him, they fight democracy in one of its worst forms. It seems to be equally a conclusion that the administration democrats of Illinois are utterly hostile to Douglas. The democratic split, while widening every day, is as marked and bitter as in the battle of the Shells. "Danite" and Douglasite are names of hostility as deep as that once existing between Hard and Soft. Perhaps another truce at Charleston, as hollow as that at Cincinnati, may be needed to "harmonize" things. Senator Slidell has been here to look on, perhaps to "fix" matters. Stephens of Georgia is here now, ostensibly to have his portrait painted by Healy, but really to see what can be done to adjust these difficulties. The prospect is reported to be not flattering. The Buchanan men propose to carry their anti-Douglas feeling even to the least important county nominations. The democracy must choose whom they will serve, and come out flat-footed for the Post-office, or for the Douglas exegesis of popular sovereignty.
Douglas is working like a lion. He is stumping the state, everywhere present, and everywhere appealing to his old lieges to stand by him. Never did feudal baron fight more desperately against the common superior of himself and his retainers. In the Egypt of Southern Illinois the senator has been always strong, but the ties that bound him to the Egyptians are melting before the incessant charges that he is no democrat. That cry is fatal to the faith of many of his once most reliable friends. Democracy must be done, though Douglas falls.
Lincoln, too, is actively engaged. His senatorial nomination has sent him to the field, and he is working with an energy and zeal which counterbalance the spirit and dogged resolution of his opponent. Lincoln is battling for the right, and Douglas is desperately struggling to save himself from utter political ruin. He is losing strength daily, while Lincoln is surely gaining upon him. You will observe as a new feature, even in western politics, that Mr. Lincoln has a State Convention nomination for the Senate, and that he is stumping the state ​for his party, while the legislature to be elected is to have the responsibility of electing the senator. But with this endorsement, no Republican member of the state legislature would dare to bolt the significant expression of the Springfield Convention. Mr. Douglas, on the other hand, has no nomination. Returning home, he found Mr. Lincoln prepared, and at once he mounted the platform and opened upon him. He is stumping for himself, and trying to vindicate his course to the people at large on the one hand, and to the administration scoffers on the other.
[New York Times, July 16, 1858]
SENATORIAL CONTEST IN ILLINOIS
The Republican candidate for United States Senator, the Hon. Abraham Lincoln, was present on Saturday evening when Mr. Douglas made his address published in Tuesday's Times to the crowd assembled in honor of his arrival in Chicago. On Monday evening Mr. Lincoln replied to his distinguished competitor, and we give his speech in full this morning. He, too, received an enthusiastic welcome and the war between the two champions was fitly inaugurated in the chief city of Illinois. . . . . Until November, therefore, the contest will go on with increasing vigor. Mr Douglas has an undertaking on hand which will task his utmost powers, and he is not the man to flinch from a contest because the odds are against him.
[New York Herald, July, 27, 1858]
RECEPTION OF LINCOLN
On Monday night there was a large gathering in the legislative hall of the Capitol to hear the Honorable Abraham Lincoln in reply to Mr. Douglas. Mr. Lincoln, though not perhaps so well calculated for a leader as Senator Douglas, is a remarkably able man. In addition to his talents as a lawyer, he has many personal qualities which have endeared him to the people of Illinois, and will be beyond all question the strongest opponent that could be found in the State to oppose Mr. Douglas.
It is, we believe somewhat of an anomaly for a Senator of the United States to be stumping the State, and another who wishes to be Senator following in his wake, yet thus it is at the present time in Illinois, and none can have heard either these gentlemen speak without being impressed and highly gratified with the fact that whenever reference is made by either to the other, it is in the kindest, most ​courteous and dignified manner. The approaching political contest between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln will be one of the severest we have had in the State, but that it will result in the reelection of Douglas there appears to be at present very little doubt.
[New York Daily Tribune, July 16, 1858]
The admirable and thoroughly Republican speech of Mr. Lincoln in reply to Judge Douglas, published in our last, seemed to require no comment; yet a single remark with reference to the origin and attitude of the rival canvassers may not be out of place. Judge Douglas, who regards Slavery as an affair of climate and latitude, is a native of Free Vermont; Mr. Lincoln, who esteems Slavery a National evil, and hopes that our Union may one day be all Free, was born and reared in slave-holding Kentucky. These gentlemen would seem respectively to have "conquered their prejudices" founded in early impressions. We shall watch with interest the progress of their canvass.
[Philadelphia North American, August 25, 1858]
SENATOR DOUGLAS
Senator Douglas, little giant though he be, can hardly fail to suffer somewhat from the wear and tear of the life he leads. . . . . The adjournment of Congress brings no peace to the Senator from Illinois Strong as he was in that state,—holding as he thought he did, the democratic party at home in his hand—he finds that he has lost ground there. The Administration has been at work with all the power which its patronage and influence gives it to prevent the re-election of Mr. Douglas to the Senate. And he is obliged to go to work again, this time with his coat off, stumping the State and addressing the people, with the thermometer ranging somewhere between 96 and 100 in the shade. And not only this, while the democracy are very forgetful of their old comrade and ungrateful for the services he has so frequently done them in past years, the republicans, generally speaking have not a particle of faith in Mr. Douglas' professions. He has not their confidence and is plainly unable to win them to his support. Mr. Lincoln, the republican candidate, follows him wherever he addresses the people, and has the best of the argument. . . . As it is, he lost his temper and in reply to some remarks of Mr. Trumbull made at a public meeting at Chicago, indulged in language which he will probably be ashamed to read in print.
​The favorable manner in which Douglas' speech was received by the Democrats in the city of Chicago was a disappointment to the supporters of Buchanan in his contest with Douglas and immediate steps were taken to curb the latter's popularity in Illinois. The administration machinery was put in motion and, before many days had passed, lists of proscribed postmasters and of other federal employees favorable to Douglas began to appear in the newspapers. The Union, the administration organ in Washington, devoted columns of space to show why the Democrats of Illinois should not support Douglas, and urged them to vote for Judge Breese, who was faint-heartedly put forward in opposition to the Little Giant. Senator Trumbull, bound to support Lincoln because of his sacrifice four years before, as well as by party ties and natural hostility toward Douglas, took the stump in a series of abusive attacks on Douglas, which drew from the latter equally caustic and offensive rejoinders. Without a formal nomination or indorsement by the people of Illinois, ridiculed as a "my-party" candidate, and facing the loss of the federal patronage, Douglas entered upon the greatest of his many battles for supremacy—a contest surpassing that waged two years later for the presidency, when he was in a hopeless situation from the beginning of the campaign. Alone and unaided, he faced in the lists Trumbull and Lincoln, the best debaters afforded by the Republicans in the West, and probably equaled only by Seward in the East.
[Daily Whig, Quincy, Ill., June 23, 1858]
DOUGLAS TO TAKE THE STUMP
Judge Douglas has left the Democratic party, or the party has left him. He opposed the Administration in its darling measure to en​slave Kansas—and there is no forgiveness for him. He sees that his fate is sealed; but he is determined to die hard. Before he retires from the field, a defeated and disappointed man, he will give the "Nationals" such stabs as will forever finish the party in this State. He has already turned State's evidence against them—as the greatest rogues always do—and show up their rascalities. We shall have more of it this fall; and we would advise the Buchaneers to be prepared for a skinning.
[Daily Herald, Quincy, Ill., July 20, 1858]
SENATOR DOUGLAS
His campaign through this state will pretty effectually destroy the hopes of the Republican party; and Abe Lincoln, who compared himself to a "living dog" and Douglas to a "dead lion" will rapidly discover that instead of "living" he is one of the smallest of defunct puppies. He measures strength with Douglas! His comparison in some degrees was true—it is very much like a puppy-dog fighting a lion.—Pittsfield Democrat.
[Evening Post, New York, July 13, 1858]
THE CANVASS IN ILLINOIS
Illinois is just now the theatre of the most momentous political contest, whether we consider the eminence of the contestants or the consequences which may result from it, that has occured in this country in any state canvass since the defeat of Silas Wright for Governor in 1846. Nor are the contestants dissimilar. Both were regarded by their friends as material from which Presidents should be made; both were victims of treachery at Washington, and both were betrayed for venturing to propose a limit to the exactions of the nullifiers and disunionists. . . . . .
One week after his triumphant reception at Chicago, Douglas began a tour of the state which was to continue during the four summer months. He made elaborate preparations for the beginning of the journey, traveling in a special train of coaches which included a flat car upon which was mounted a small cannon. The opposition press did not fail to ridicule the novel method of firing salutes as the train drew near a station instead of running the risk of not receiving a welcoming salute from the ​inhabitants of the city being approached. "Douglas' powder" suffered a run of pleasantries; kegs of powder tagged for Douglas were reported seen at various stations; and Republican papers circulated the story that Douglas was obliged to mortgage his Chicago home and even then to solicit funds in New York to carry on the expensive campaign. On the other hand, the Democratic press praised his action in transferring to the new University of Chicago the ground on which its buildings stood as the deed of a noble man of means. The first important stop made by the special train was at Bloomington.
[Bloomington , Ill., Pantagraph, July 17, 1858]
DOUGLAS AT BLOOMINGTON
Hon. Stephen A. Douglas arrived in this city at half past three o'clock yesterday afternoon. The train on which he arrived was tastefully decorated with flags and on each side of the baggage car were the words "S. A. Douglas, the Champion of Popular Sovereignty." About a thousand persons—more than one half of whom were Republicans—witnessed Judge D's arrival. Just before the cars reached the depot Pullen's Brass Band commenced playing "Hail Columbia" and when the cars stopped, the Bloomington Guards commenced firing a national salute of thirty-two guns. Judge Douglas was in the hindmost passenger car—an open car, upon which was placed a brass sixpounder, bringing up the rear.
At seven o'clock in the evening the Court House bell rang and Judge Douglas escorted by the Guards, the Brass Band and a goodly number of Democrats, proceeded to the public square. He was welcomed by Dr. Roe, who spoke for about five minutes and concluded by introducing Judge Douglas.
The Judge commenced speaking at half past seven, and concluded at a quarter before ten. His speech did not differ materially from the one made by him in Chicago on the evening of the ninth.
He spoke to an audience of about two thousand persons. His Democratic listeners were highly pleased with his speech. They viewed it as a masterly effort — and we are willing to admit that the ​Judge did, on the whole, make a very good speech in a very bad cause.
As soon as Judge Douglas retired, loud calls were made for Hon. Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln held back for a little while, but the crowd finally succeeded in inducing him to come upon the stand. He was received with three rousing cheers much louder than those given to Judge Douglas. He remarked that he appeared before the audience for the purpose of saying that he would take an early opportunity to give his views to the citizens of this place regarding the matters spoken of in Judge Douglas' speech.—"This meeting," said Mr. Lincoln, "was called by the friends of Judge Douglas, and it would be improper for me to address it." Mr. Lincoln then retired amid loud cheering.
Leaving Bloomington, the senatorial train proceeded to the real objective point—Springfield, the state capital, the home of Lincoln, and a stronghold of Douglas supporters. Here the senator addressed an enormous gathering of people in a grove adjacent to the city. He explained his objections to the Lecompton constitution, asserting that it did not represent the free will of the whole people of Kansas, although he did not object to its pro-slavery tendency. Turning his attention to Lincoln, he pronounced his attitude toward the non-extension of slavery as virtually a war upon that institution and ridiculed his proposition to get a new law from Congress which would undo the Dred Scott decision. He bore especially hard on Lincoln's defense of the black man and charged that he desired black and white to be social equals.
[Illinois State Register, Springfield, July 19, 1858]
SENATOR DOUGLAS AT THE CAPITAL
His Journey from Chicago.—Enthusiastic Receptions.—Immense Assemblages of the People
WILLIAMSVILLE
Here the train with Senator Douglas was met,—the rain pouring down in torrents the while. The cannon thundered welcome for ​welcome—the shouts of the passengers joined m swelling the uproarious greeting; the several bands struck up stirring airs, and amid the storm, of rain, shouts, guns and music, the trains were joined and sped southward. When within two miles of Springfield the cannon, at minute intervals, announced the coming of our great guest. At precisely three o'clock the train arrived.
AT SPRINGFIELD
According to the arrangements the train stopped beside the beautiful grove of Mr. Edwards, on the northern boundary of the city, where, notwithstanding the previous drenching rain, thousands of people were awaiting the arrival of the distinguished visitor. The cannon on the cars boomed in response to cannon on the grounds, barely equalled in their thunders by the hurras of the crowd. The grove was gaily decorated with national flags, with significant mottoes, the whole forming a scene which filled the heart of every democrat present with pride—Conspicuous among these banners we will note was one very large pennant, with "Douglas," in broad letters upon its folds, got up by the Springfield employees of the work shops of the Chicago and St. Louis Road. Upon the stoppage of the train the committee of reception, preceded by the "Capital Guards" and the capital band, escorted Mr. Douglas to the stand, where Mr. B. S. Edwards welcomed him in a neat address, which welcome was reiterated by the hearty cheers of the large assemblage which he represented. To this Senator Douglas responded. We give both the address and reply in today's paper.
Senator Douglas' speech was received as it justly deserved, the reader will admit. Cheer upon cheer responded to his many happy points and forcible argumentation.
The crowd upon the ground numbered between five and six thouand. The drenching rain which immediately preceded the arrival of the train, and which made the grounds muddy and uncomfortable, kept away as many more, who were present in the city to participate in the reception. Especially is it to be regretted, that the committee's arrangements for the accommodation of the ladies were rendered unavailable on account of the rain, but notwithstanding, there were hundreds of them present in carriages, and many on foot, in mud joining in the cheering welcome to our distinguished guest.
The counties immediately around us furnished large delegations, ​and hundreds were here from remote parts of the state. From the south a train of twelve cars were filled with people from Madison, Macoupin, Jersey, Greene, Montgomery, St. Claire, Monroe and other counties—one of these cars bearing a conspicuous pledge, in bold lettering—"Madison for Douglas!"—Another, "Jersey all right for Douglas!"—with a sixpounder on a platform car in the rear, this train came thundering into town at noon.
From the east a train, decorated with national banners, bearing delegations from the counties along the line of the G. W. Road, Macon, Piatt, Champaign, &c., arrived at 12, and simultaneously, from the west, another train of ten cars, with delegations from Morgan, Scott, and Pike, covered with the stars and stripes, and a cannon to tell their coming, arrived.
From our own county, notwithstanding the busy time of our farmers, and the rainy day, the people poured into town from all directions—The town was alive with the masses, who wanted to see and to welcome Douglas. From the state house flag-staff streamed the national flag across the streets around the square hung immense banners, many of the buildings fronting the square were tastefully ornamented with flags, interspersed with mottoes, all speaking the one idea—"welcome to Douglas."
SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS
Mr. Edwards having introduced Senator Douglas to the audience, Senator Douglas said:
"I will not recur to the scenes which took place all over this country in 1854 when that Nebraska bill passed. I could then travel from Boston to Chicago by the light of my own effigies, in consequence of having stood up for it. ["It did not hurt you." "Hurra for Douglas," etc.] I leave it to you to say how I met that storm, and whether I quailed under it: ["never," "no"] whether I did not 'face the music,' justify the principle and pledge my life to carry it out." ["You did," and three cheers.]. . . .
Meanwhile Lincoln had returned to Springfield and although he was not present at the Douglas meeting in the afternoon, he took advantage of the presence of many ​strangers in the city to address the people at a public meeting at the State House in the evening. He devoted the speech largely to repelling the charges made by Douglas against him of disunion sentiment, forcible resistance to the Dred Scott decision, and a desire for negro equality. He also renewed his charge that the Dred Scott decision was a conspiracy to which Douglas was a party Douglas was not present at the meeting, having already departed on his tour of the state. In this irregular manner began a campaign, which was speedily turned into a series of formal debates through a challenge sent by Lincoln to Douglas.
* ↑ Nicolay and Hay, op. cit., 261.
* ↑ Missouri Republican, St. Louis, July 11, 1858.
* ↑ Mr. Horace White in Herndon's Life of Lincoln, by permission of D. Appleton & Co.
* ↑ "And if a house be divided against itself, that house cannot stand."—Mark 3:25.
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