# The War with Mexico/Volume 2/Notes On Chapter 26

XXVI. CONTRERAS, CHURUBUSCO
1. The basis for distances is Smith and Hardcastle's map of the Valley (Sen. 11; 31,1). A garita had to be a somewhat formal place, for municipal duties were levied and collected there, and some accommodations for the officials and the guards were necessary. The last word of "S. Antonio Abad" was commonly omitted. For the sake of distinction the Acapulco road will be called the "highway" and the road via Tacubaya, San Angel and Ansaldo the "turnpike" (Trist's word for it). The name Contreras was applied by Americans to three places, to none of which it ​belonged. Contreras was a village on the turnpike some distance south of Padierna. San Agustin was also known as Tlálpam.
2. August 14 Valencia's 76return (estado) included 486 officers, 5078 rank and file, 1447 horses, one siege 16-pounder, three siege 12-pounders, five 8-inch (68-pound) howitzers and fifteen smaller guns. One of the guns was assigned to Torrejön and he saved it. Another small one disappeared. The name of the rounded hill where Valencia took post was Peloncoahutitlán.
3. Valencia had one excuse, for very possibly he believed (in view of Santa Anna's delay at San Luis Potosí, abandonment of Tampico, apparent neglect of Vera Cruz, etc.) that the President traitorously intended to leave open a door by which Scott could reach the capital; but none the less he was a conscienceless conspirator and the mortal foe of Santa Anna, disgusted with subordination, and eager to overthrow his chief. His past conduct had been thoroughly suspicious, and his manifiesto of August 22 does not bear analysis well. To remove him would have seemed an act of jealousy, if not treason, and very likely have caused a mutiny. Santa Anna hoped that the national crisis would hold him in line for the time being. Besides, Santa Anna did not know precisely where Valencia proposed to make a stand (Diario, Sept. 1). When he learned, he sent General Mora to reconnoitre the position (76to Valencia, August 19). Again, he could not afford to raise an issue with Valencia now, for the latter (doubtless with the, help of his engineers) had divined Scott's plans better than the former, and undertaken to guard a quarter left open by the President. Finally it was quite possible that Santa Anna thought Valencia would be taught a lesson by the Americans. It is unnecessary to discuss the merits and disadvantages of Valencia's position, for they will appear plainly in the narrative (see Balbontín, Invasión, 110-11). Had the Americans been willing to do as he wished, the hill would have been entirely satisfactory. Of Valencia's intellectual quality the following specimen is suggestive: "Soldiers of Liberty, anarchy put out its head, but your arms drowned it in a moment."
4. Mexican preliminaries. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 304, 306 (Scott); 348-9 (Smith); app., 80 (Alexander). Collins papers. 66Lee to Smith, Aug. 21. Semmes, Service, 393. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 276 (Longstreet); 570. 224Intercepted Letters (14, L.V. to M. O.; 26, to Old Gentleman). Apuntes, 221, 230-6. Balbontín, Invasión, 111. Gamboa, Impug., 41. 70"Guerra," no. 30 (F. Pérez). México á través, iv, 672-3, 677. Long, Memoirs, 54. So. Qtrly. Rev., Apr., 1852, pp. 408-9. Latrobe, Rambler, 90. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Hardcastle to Smith; Smith to Abert). Valencia, Manifiesto. Calderón, Life, i, 314. 178Davis, diary. Prieto, Mems., ii, 213. 73Bermúdez de Castro, no. 534, res., July 28. S. Anna, Apelación, 51-2; app., 140-54, 157-60. Id., Detall, 12. Monitor Repub., Dec. 17, 1847. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 276. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 279-83. 76Acuerdo, Aug. 16. 76To Lombardini, July 22. 76To Alvarez, Aug. 21. 76Zerecero, Aug. 25. 76To Valencia, Aug. 16. 76Expediente contra Valencia.
The defences of Valencia's camp were somewhat extended later, but not enough to render them formidable.
5. According to a topographical officer (Washington Union, Nov. 3, 1847) the only route from San Agustín to Mexico of which the Americans knew when they reached the ground was the highway. This surprises one at first. But the turnpike beyond San Angel was a local road serving only a few farms, the small villages of San Gerónimo and Contreras, and ​a manufacturing establishment near Contreras. It seemed to be of no strategic significance, and was not likely to be heard of at a distance. The fortifications along the highway were largely developed after Scott turned. toward San Agustín. Valencia's movements were impromptu. Scott had an Englishman residing at Mexico in his pay, and we know that two persons brought data on Aug. 19 (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 162). Apparently Scott did his duty as to seeking information.
6. American preliminaries. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 304, 307, 315, 348-50 (reports of Scott, Worth and Smith); app., 41 (Mason); 66 (Smith); 101 (Magruder); 118 (Cadwalader). Wilhelm, Eighth Inf., ii, 307. Picayune, Sept. 8; Oct. 21. 66Lee to Smith, Aug. 21. Semmes, Service, 380, 393. 224Intercepted Letters (26, To Old Gentleman). Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 275. Grant, Mems.,1, 142. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 188 (Trist, no. 12). 76Expediente contra Valencia. 236Judah, diary. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Hardcastle to Smith). Monitor Repub., Dec. 17. Diario, Aug. 19.
7. Quitman had only the Second Pennsylvania, the Marines, Steptoe's battery and a troop or two of dragoons (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 341); but Worth's division was available in case of need. See Claiborne, Quitman, i, 347.
8. Pillow, as was decided by a court of inquiry (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 332-45) on the testimony of such men as Lee (p. 78), Smith (p. 102), Riley (p. 147) and Shields (p. 268), did not devise the plan on which this victory was gained; and when Lee brought word to Scott of Smith's plan he washed his hands of it (335Trist, draft of address; Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 833); but he had the audacity to claim that Smith merely executed the precise plans and views laid down by Pillow for his guidance (Ho. 60; 30,1, p. 1018). Pillow could claim the credit only on the ground that he was the senior officer on the field, and that Smith's operations were a logical consequence of the events; but Scott was the senior of Pillow, and all that occurred was — as Smith pointed out (Sen. 65; 30,1, p. 104) — the logical consequence of Scott's order to gain possession of the San Angel road. The consensus of opinion was expressed by Twiggs: General Smith deserves the whole credit (Stevens, Stevens, i, 196). Moreover the famous letter signed "Leonidas" — prepared at Pillow's quarters doubtless with his connivance (Hitchcock in Mo. Republican, Oct. 2, 1857; Republican Banner, Feb. 23, 1858), conveyed by his agency (Davis, Autobiog., 285) to the New Orleans Delta, which published it Sept. 10 (chap. xxix, note 31), and fathered (when exposed) by an untruthful subordinate of his — "puffed" Pillow in the most extravagant manner for this "unparallelled victory," and represented Scott not only as leaving everything to Pillow but as blundering sadly. E.g. it said, "The army had been marching through marshes and almost impassable roads, nearly half around the city, to find some points upon the enemy's works that could be successfully assailed," the provisions had been nearly exhausted, and the mountains prevented going farther; Pillow's "plan of battle [at Contreras], and the disposition of his forces were most judicious," and he 'achieved this signal and brilliant victory."' (For the letter signed "Leonidas" see Sen. 65; 30, 1 (pp. 385-9, and the testimony of Pillow, Burns, Freaner, Trist); 335Pillow to Trist, Aug. 31, private; St. Louis Evening News, Oct. 2, 1857; chap. xxix, pp. 435-7.)
Pillow's design in having such a statement prepared and placed before the people in advance of the official reports was probably to influence public opinion in the United States so as to make him an available candidate for the Presidency or enable Polk to put him in Scott's place. As Pillow was ​known to have great influence with the President, and was an active, affable, plausible man, he naturally had a following; but the sentiment of the able and honest officers towards him was one of contempt. "The ass Pillow," "that consummate fool," said the future General D. H. Hill (diary) of Pillow as he showed himself on Aug. 19. A sensible Pennsylvanian wrote in his diary, Aug. 10, that Pillow was without question "the poorest and most unpopular" of the generals (Oswandel, Notes, 249). Col. W. B. Campbell characterized him as light, impetuous, of little military judgment and no skill (139to D. Campbell, Mar. 20, 28; Apr. 18, 25); and a correspondent of the future Gen. W. T. Sherman described him as "a mass of vanity, conceit, ignorance, ambition and want of truth" (316Judd, Feb. 26, 1848). The doings of the Pillow court of inquiry (Sen. 65; 30, 1) were carefully digested and analyzed by the author; but as the subject concerns only incidentally the history of the war, Space cannot be taken to present this analysis.
9. Valencia could see that retreat meant his personal ruin, and he preferred to argue that honor required him to hold his ground.
10. Persifor F. Smith, a graduate from Princeton, was admitted to the bar at Philadelphia, practised law at New Orleans, and had considerable military experience in the Florida war. He was a simple, scholarly, unassuming man; but all ranks appreciated his ability, attainments, clear perception, valor, promptness and steadiness.
ll. The battle of Contreras. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 303, etc.; app., pp. 66, etc. (reports of Scott and his officers). S. Anna, Apelación, 52-5; app., 154-6, 160. Id., Detall, 12-4. Picayune, Sept. 8; Oct. 21. 221Hill, diary. 61Twiggs to Marcy, Feb. 7, 1848. 66Lee to Smith, Aug. 21, 1847. 60Riley to Westcott, Nov. 30. Semmes, Service, 381, 385, 392. 224Intercepted letters (14, L. V. to M. O.; 25, note by E. A. H.; 28). Apuntes, 237-48. McSherry, El Puchero, 73, 76. Murphy, Hungerford, 99. Delta, Sept. 9; Nov. 12; Dec.1. Monitor Repub., Sept. 27 (Salas); Dec. 12 (S. Anna). Porvenir, Aug. 26, supplem. (Valencia). 65Scott, gen. orders 258. Balbontín, Invasión, 111-8. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 276-8, 281. Ballentine, English Soldier, 1, 207, 218-20, 223-6, 228-9. Davis, Autobiog., 196-8. 66Foster to Smith, Aug. 23. 66McClellan to Smith, Aug. 23. 66Beauregard to Smith, Aug. 25. 66Tower to Smith, Aug. 25. 66Mason to Smith, Aug. 24. Prieto, Mems., ii, 222-7. López, Décimo Calendario, 58. 80Olaguíbel, Aug. 20-1. 199Anon. MS. written by a person of importance. 307Roberts, diary. Gamboa, Impug., 42-3. 350Weber, recolls. 70"Guerra," no. 30 (F. Pérez). Ramírez, México, 298. México á través, iv, 677. 217Henshaw to wife, Aug. 21. 327Sutherland to father, Nov. 28. Jackson, Memoirs of Jackson, 41. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 188. Long, Memoirs, 54-9. Wash. Union, Sept. 20. Diario, Aug. 24; Sept. 1. So. Mag., July, 1874, p. 75. 204Gouverneur, diary. 277Burnett, statement. United Service, June, 1896 (Lane). Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 62 (H. L. Scott); 68-9 (Williams); 72-4, 298, 300 (Gen. Scott); 75-9, 463 (Lee); 81-6 (Cadwalader); 97 (Deas); 99-106 (Smith); 137-8 (Canby); 147-51 (Riley); 162 (Hooker); 180 (Hodge); 182-4, 188 (Ripley); 208-9 (Rains); 230-1 (Beauregard); 232-3 (Hitchcock); 246 (Morgan); 267 (Shields); 270 (Howard); 283, 286-7 (Twiggs); 334-5 (verdict); 570. Stevens, I.'I. Stevens, i, 174-9, 196. Carreño, Jefes, ecxe (Pérez), cexciv (Torrejón). Niles, Oct. 30, pp. 138-9. Cong. Globe, 34, 1, p. 105 (Foote). 'Lancaster Co. Hist. Soc. Mag., Mar. 6, 1908. Giménez, Mems., 266. 291Pierce to Appleton, Aug. 27. 291 ​Gardner to Canby, Aug. 30. 291 Pierce to Hooker, Aug. 22. Engineer School, U.S. A., Occas. Papers, No. 16. Valencia, Manifiesto. 178Davis, diary. Stevens, Vindication, 4-7. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 281-3. 76Tornel, Aug. 19. 76Orders to Valencia, Aug. 26. Kenly, Md. Vol., 421. 73Lozano, No. 2., Aug. 24. 210Bragg to Hammond, Dec. 20. 125Bonham to wife, Aug. 24; to adj. gen., Feb. 26, 1849. So. Qtrly. Rev., Apr., 1852, pp. 415-26. Calderón, Rectificaciones, 41. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 72-3. 112Beauregard to Smith, Aug. 25. 76Valencia, Aug. 19. 76J. B. Argüelles, Aug. 22. 76Alcorta to Alvarez, Aug. 21. 76Alvarez, Aug. 21.
Remarks. This engagement was called by the Mexicans the battle of Padierna. At first Valencia had a reserve under Salas at Ansaldo, but he drew this in at about the time when the battle began. He then placed Torrejón's cavalry between Ansaldo and his main position. A turn in the road near his position enabled him to command the turnpike for some distance. For further details regarding his dispositions see Apuntes, 236. During the afternoon of Aug. 19 the Ninth Infantry (Ransom) and a battalion of the Twelfth under Lieut. Col. Bonham crossed the ravine and remained about 200 yards from Valencia's camp until 9 or 10 o'clock, partly occupying usefully Valencia's attention. When these troops retired, Mexicans attacked the guard at Padierna, but American reinforcements defeated them. R. E. Lee and G. B. McClellan helped set up Magruder's battery, and T. J. ("Stonewall") Jackson commanded one section of it a part of the time. These officers distinguished themselves highly. Riley understood he was "'sent across the pedregal to cut off the retreat of the enemy and check reinforcements" (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 148). When Smith moved to the right, he had Magruder resume firing to divert attention from that movement. Magruder's men tried to save themselves by falling flat at each Mexican discharge, and the ground sheltered them somewhat, yet fifteen were killed or wounded. His guns were withdrawn over the rocks after nightfall.
It has been said with force that it would have been better had Scott been on the ground from the first. But he did not wish or expect to fight; no doubt he had much administrative work on hand; he was not far away; aid he believed that his instructions to Pillow provided for all probable contingencies. It seems to be true that Pillow, a most plausible and insinuating talker, had gained a certain ascendency over him. Probably for this reason, as well as owing to his general wish to gratify his officers, Scott permitted Pillow to make statements in his report on the battle, which, as the trial of Pillow showed, ought not to have been there (210Bragg). Pillow later urged the point that Scott approved of his dispositions; but it was Scott's practice to accept what his officers did, and make the best of it. Scott was slightly wounded in the leg during the afternoon of August 19 but did not mention the incident at the time. Later the wound made him trouble.
The Fifteenth Infantry (Morgan) did not act with the rest of Pierce's brigade on Aug. 19, for Pillow had detached it as a reserve. Pierce was injured by falling from his horse, and hence Col. Ransom took command of the brigade. Late in the afternoon Valencia placed a 4-pounder and two battalions of infantry on the turnpike toward Ansaldo to prevent more Americans from reaching San Gerónimo (Balbontín, Invasión, 114), but this force accomplished nothing. At-first he had thought the Americans crossing the pedregal in groups, partly concealed by the ground and ​trees, were mere scouting parties. It was found impossible at the Pillow trial to decide at just what time Scott arrived on the lookout hill (the lower summit of Zacatepec). The variation of careful witnesses was an hour and twenty-five minutes. Watches appear to have been out of order, and therefore one cannot be positive regarding the precise time of any event.
Smith's plan to attack Santa Anna on Aug. 19 has been criticised as unsound (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 339, note). But he believed a repulse of Santa Anna would ensure the defeat of Valencia; he wanted to dispose of Santa Anna before his forces could become stronger; he did not wish (having no artillery) to let him cannonade at his leisure; and probably the situation of the American right appeared to require unusual boldness. Lee (66to J. L. Smith, Aug. 21) attached less importance to this operation. Tower (66to J. L. Smith, Aug. 25) said the inexperience of the new troops, particularly Cadwalader's, had something to do with leading Smith to give up the plan. Doubtless Pillow's fiasco, Aug. 19, tended to inflate Valencia's confidence and so to ensure his destruction. Valencia's artillery accomplished nothing against the Americans at San Gerónimo, partly because the trees and rough ground hid and protected them, and partly because the guns he used were not very powerful. Smith supposed he was Shields's senior, and retained the command after the latter's arrival at San Gerónimo. Shields refrained from claiming it, knowing that Smith had made preparations to attack and understood the situation best. Cadwalader, as well as Shields, outranked Smith; but doubtless he felt unequal to the situation, and he did not assert his rights. During the night the few houses at San Gerónimo were required for the wounded.
Santa Anna has been too much criticised for his course. Valencia did not see the Americans in force, Aug. 19, until after one o'clock, and we do not know how promptly he reported the fact. Santa Anna stated that at about two o'clock he received word from Valencia that cannon fire had begun. He was then at San Antonio, vet in about four hours he had a considerable force near San Gerónimo. He reasonably hesitated about, attacking an unknown number of Americans in an admirable defensive position. His cavalry could have done nothing in the ravines, lanes and woods which composed it, and his artillery little. Had he attacked, as he threatened to do, late on Aug. 19, he would have been beaten. After Riley joined him, Smith had about 3600 men (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 105). Had Santa Anna advanced by the turnpike he would have exposed his flank to Smith. Valencia had got himself into a hopeless impasse, and the best thing he could have done was to tear himself out of it, as Santa Anna ordered. Santa Anna sent orders to Pérez in the afternoon to help Valencia, but overtaking that brigade (which had set out for the purpose) took charge of it. Shields brought about 600 men (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 344).
Smith's plan of attack against Valencia was not perfectly safe, for, as Napoleon said, the ground of a night attack should be thoroughly known; but the circumstances warranted the risk. Friday morning Tower, who had discovered the ravine (66Tower to J. L. Smith, Aug. 25), led Riley's brigade, and Beauregard led Smith's. As soon as Valencia was routed, orders were given to complete the road begun Aug. 19, but this was soon found to be unnecessary. The Fifteenth regiment, on account of its distance from Riley, reached Valencia's camp too late to take part in the battle. It should be remembered that Smith's troops did not know of the demoralization of the Mexicans, and expected to find them elated and ​confident. Apparently Shields made a mistake in leaving San Gerónimo to go to the road on Friday morning, but the mistake was natural. Valencia went to Toluca with a few troops. He was notified to present himself for trial, which would have meant death. Some irregulars made a trivial attack upon Quitman (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 347), but Alvarez's troops did not come near San Agustin. Twiggs had a lame foot at this time, and he was not under fire Aug. 19. Brookes (Brooks) was on his staff.
Ripley (War with Mexico ii, 291) intimates that Scott sent Pillow and Twiggs forward, Aug. 19, without taking much into account Valencia's army and cannon, and permitted the Mexicans to open the battle when they pleased. 'This seems careless on Scott's part; but, as the text shows, Scott did not know Valencia had marched to Padierna, and had no reason to suppose (particularly in view of the threat against S. Antonio) that large Mexican forces would be there. Ripley suggests (p. 292) that it was improper to let Valencia see the road-building, learn the Americans were moving that way, and prepare to receive them; but road-building ceased when the Americans came in view of Valencia, and after that time he had little opportunity for preparations. Ripley complains (p. 293) that it was confusing to have Twiggs open the battle, Pillow take charge of it, and Scott supersede Pillow; but it is not customary for the general-in-chief to ride at the head of his forces on a road-building expedition, and under the circumstances the above arrangement was natural. He remarks (p. 297) that Riley's reconnoitring with a view to assaulting Valencia's rear proves that he understood his mission was more than to occupy S. Gerónimo and await orders [i.e. understood that Pillow sent him to do what Smith did]; but Riley testified that he had no such understanding, and reconnoitred on his own responsibility to obtain information that might prove useful (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 147-8). Ripley, in his efforts to sustain Pillow's claims, says (p. 297) that Riley fell back because of his "believing himself unsupported," yet says that Riley "relied" on being supported. He explains (p. 298) Pillow's not informing Riley of the despatch of Cadwalader by saying that a single mounted officer could not cross the pedregal; but an officer could cross on foot, and all or most of the officers were afoot (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 304). Rives (U.S. and Mexico, ii, 488) observes that placing four brigades successively between superior forces of the enemy involved a great risk; but it should be remembered not only that it was worth while to take the risk and that the American troops were of superior quality, but that Santa Anna was not present when Riley went to S. Gerónimo, Valencia could not see what was taking place in that quarter, he was expecting a frontal attack all the afternoon, 8. Gerónimo was a splendid defensive position, and the Mexicans could not see how large forces occupied it.
Had Santa Anna and Valencia coöperated with judgment and good-will, Scott's army would perhaps have been crushed; but had the Mexicans been sensible and patriotic, we should have had no war. How much Scott knew about the mutual relations of Santa Anna and Valencia one cannot say, but in all probability he was well informed regarding them. As scarcely needs to be pointed out, this battle and that of Churubusco had a great effect in discouraging, not merely the Mexicans in the vicinity but those at a distance. Men intending to fight or to provide money drew back at once (e.g. 76Isunza, Aug. 24).
12. Santa Anna's course after the battle of Contreras. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Smith to Abert). 224Intercepted letters (14, L. V. to M. O.; 22, diary; ​23, narrative; 26, to Old Gentleman). Apuntes, 209-10, 241, 244, 250-4. Semmes, Service, 396-7. Picayune, Oct. 8. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 306, 315, 325; app., 69 (reports of Scott and others). S. Anna, Apelación, 53 Id., Detall, 14-5. Balbontín, Invasión, 120-1. 217Henshaw to wife, Aug. 21. 61Huger, Aug. 22. 70"Guerra," no. 30 (F. Pérez, Rangel, Argüelles, Zenea). México á través, iv, 678. Wash. Union, Nov. 3. Diario, Sept. 1, 2. Monitor Repub., Oct. 24; Dec. 13, 17. Carreño, Jefes, cexc (Pérez), ccciv, cccvi. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 446; iv, app., 283-4. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 295. Remarks on Mason and Hardcastle's Plan of Worth's operations (Sen. 1; 30, 1). 76Report of losses, Churubusco, Aug. 21. 76Rincón, Aug. 20. 76Argüelles, Aug. 22. 76Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26.
13. To guard against contingencies Scott had ordered Worth with Garland's brigade and Quitman with his troops to proceed toward San Gerónimo on Friday morning, leaving San Agustín guarded by Harney (Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 306-7). This has been thought risky. But Scott had no doubt learned from Lee that Santa Anna was operating in the vicinity of San Gerónimo, where was evidently the critical field, and hence probably he felt that there was little danger of an attack upon San Agustín that Harney aided, if necessary, by Clarke's brigade (not far distant) could not meet.
14. Scott's course after the battle of Contreras. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 306-9, 338, 344; app., 36 (reports of Scott, Pillow, Shields, Kearny). Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 278, 281-2. Davis, Autobiog., 199. Picayune, Sept. 8. 66Lee to Smith, Aug. 21. 335Trist, draft of address. Wash. Union, Sept. 15. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 74, 682 (Scott); 77 (Lee). So. Qtrly. Review, July, 1852, pp. 81-2. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1018 (Scott). Smith, To Mexico, 199.
15. Worth's operations at Churubusco. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 306, 315, 333; app., 36, 41-2, 44-65 (reports of Scott and officers). 221Hill, diary. 68Bonneville court-martial (testimony of Hoffman, Nelson, Pemberton, Worth, Armistead, Ruggles, etc.). 335Trist, draft of address. Semmes, Service, 394-400. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Smith to Abert). Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 464 (Lee). 224Intercepted letters (14, L. V. to M. O.; 238, narrative; 26, to Old Gentleman). Apuntes, 244-6. Picayune, Sept. 22; Oct 8. Delta, Sept. 26. 76Zerecero to Guerra, Aug. 25. 76Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26. Balbontín, Invasión, 120-2. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 278, 282. 260Henshaw, comments on map. Stevens, Stevens, i, 198. 61Huger, report, Aug. 22. 65Scott, gen. orders 327, Oct. 28. Gamboa, Impug., 47. 70"Guerra," no. 30 (Pérez, Perdigón Garay). Ramírez, México, 299-301. 73Lozano, no. 2, Aug. 24. 236Judah, diary. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1018 (Scott); 1076 (Hoffman). Carreño, Jefes, cccvi (Pérez). So. Qtrly. Review, July, 1852, pp. 82-4, 90-1. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 294-5, 298. Smith, To Mexico, 199-202. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 284. S. Anna, Detall, 15. Monitor Repub., Dec. 17.
16. Twiggs's operations. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 306, 315, 322, 325, 348, etc.; app., 69-82, 85-8, 96-7, ete. (reports of Scott and officers). 221Hill, diary. 12Caryton to Lambert, Sept. 1. Apuntes, 246, 250-3. Ballentine, Eng. Sold., 1, 230. 66Stevens to Smith, Aug. 24. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 98 (H. L. Scott). Stevens, Stevens, i, 180-4, 199. Stevens, Vindic., 4-7. Carreño, Jefes, 29. Michigan Pioneer Soc. Colls., ii, 173; vii, 117. So. Qtrly. Review, July, 1852, pp. 87-90. Engineer School, U. S. A., Occas. Papers, no. 16. Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit., xvii (Van Deusen). ​76Argüelles, Aug. 22. 76Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26. Davis, Autobiog., 199. 70"Guerra," no. 30 (G. Pérez). Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 447. Calderón, Rectificaciones, 43. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 73-4. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 278-9, 282.
17. Shields's operations. Sen.1; 30, 1, pp. 303, 306, 315, 325, 333, 342; app., 76, 106, 113, 118, 128, 130 — 4 (reports of Scott and officers). 66Lee to Smith, Aug. 21. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 342-3. City of Charleston, Year Book, 1883, p. 523. 303Shields to Quitman, Aug. 21. 221Hill, diary. 335Trist, draft of address. Semmes, Service, 402. 224Intercepted letters (22, diary; 25, to E.). Hawthorne, Pierce, 100. Apuntes, 246-7. Murphy, Hungerford, 102. 76Zerecero to Guerra, Aug. 25. Balbontín, Invasión, 121-2. Davis, Autobiog., 200-1, 286. 70"Guerra," no. 30 (F. Pérez). Stevens, Stevens, i, 198. Ramírez, México, 300. Carreño, Jefes, cexciv (Torrejón), ccevii (Pérez). 170Crooker to mother, Sept. 1. So. Qtrly. Review, July, 1852, pp. 93-9. Oil painting of Butler: sen. chamber, Columbia, S. C. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Smith to Abert). 291Pierce to Appleton, Aug. 27. Monitor Repub., Dec. 17. 125Bonham to adj. gen., June 15, 1848. Nat. Intelligencer, Jan. 3, 1848. Stevens, Vindication, 4-7. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 285. 277Burnett, statement. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 279. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 464. S. Anna, Detall, 15.
18. Sen. 1; 30, 1. pp. 306, 315, 325, etc.; app., 35, 42, 46, 49, 64, 77, 127, etc. (reports of Scott and officers). Semmes, Service, 397, 401-2. 224Intercepted letters (17, J. U. to J. P. F.). Apuntes, 254-8. 76Argüelles, Aug. 22. 76Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26. Balbontín, Invasión, 122. Ballentine, Eng. Sold., ii, 238. Carreño, Jefes, ccevii (Pérez). Niles, Jan. 22, 1848, p. 323.
19. S. Anna, Detall, 15-6. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 313, 318, 340, 347; app., p. 36 (reports of Scott and officers). Picayune, Oct. 21. Apuntes, 247. Charleston Courier, Oct. 2. Balbontín, Invasión, 123. Fate of F. D. Mills. Grant, Mems., i, 146. Davis, Autobiog., 202. 223Hirschorn, recolls. De Peyster, Kearny, 140, 142-5. Journ. U. S. Cavalry Assoc., Mar., 1911, p. 841. Ramsey, Other Side, 287, note. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 285-6.
Remarks on the battle of Churubusco. The active fortifying of the convent did not begin until the afternoon of Aug. 18 (76Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26); one gun arrived there on the morning of the twentieth and the rest were left by Santa Anna later that day (Apuntes, 252); and hence Scott could not well have learned from spies what the situation was in that quarter. It is bootless to say (Calderón, Rectificaciones, 43) that Santa Anna should have prevented Scott from reaching Coyoacán. Neither he nor his army was in a condition to fight without fortifications, and they could not have stopped the Americans anywhere if not at Churubusco. On the Mexican right at the convent were two 8-pounders and a 4-pounder; in embrasures at the front, an 8-pounder and a 4-pounder; en barbette at the left an 8-pounder; and in an embrasure defending the left flank a 6-pounder. A detachment of the Independencia battalion under Peñúñuri occupied Coyoacán when the Americans approached, and retired with some loss. The fight at Churubusco convent was actually begun by the Mounted Rifles, but their orders were merely to escort the reconnoitring party, and the First Artillery was expected to clear the way by turning the supposed one-gun battery (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 330). Riley had only the Second and Seventh Infantry at Churubusco. The Fourth Artillery was on guard at Valencia's camp. Scott ordered that Worth should attack ​and turn San Antonio after finding the Americans were.in its rear, but when he sent Lee to give the signal to Worth, Lee found Worth had already done this.
Ripley (War with Mexico, 11, 250-1) says that Scott ordered Pillow to do what Twiggs did and vice versa. But (1) nothing of this is found in Scott's or Pillow's report; (2) Scott would not have been likely to order two bitter enemies (Worth and Twiggs) to coöperate in an indefinite manner, and (3) H. L. Scott testified at the Pillow trial that he carried from Gen. Scott to Twiggs the order to attack the convent (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 98). Davis, Shields's aide, says on the other hand (Autobiog., 199) that Scott knew by reconnaissances of a remarkably strong fortification at Churubusco, and ordered Twiggs to take the route actually taken by Shields. But (1) Davis's first statement is not correct; (2) Scott was at Coyoacán, where the roads forked, and would have recalled Twiggs, had he seen that officer take the wrong road; (8) Scott felt in haste to strike the retreating Mexicans, and the quickest way to do that was apparently by the road to Churubusco; and (4) H. L. Scott's testimony, supported by the reports of Gens. Scott and Twiggs, seems to be decisive. Davis's account contains other errors, and appears to have been written long afterwards from memory.
What Scott intended to do after concentrating we do not know. Probably, as was his custom, he held several plans in suspense, awaiting developments and fuller information regarding the enemy, which the delay expected in Worth's operations would have given him time to acquire. But his promptness in sending off Pierce and Shields, and his attempt to hold back one of Smith's and one of Pierce's brigades, suggest that he aimed to get behind Santa Anna himself and force a decisive battle. Gen. U. S. Grant endorsed Scott's strategy at Churubusco as faultless and said the engineers served him perfectly (Mems., i, 145); but Stevens's confession is decisive on both points (Stevens, Stevens, i, 180, 184, 196, 199). Stevens states expressly that Scott had intended to reconnoitre before attacking at Churubusco.
Worth's attacking the bridge without reconnoitring was mainly due to over-confidence and eagerness; but the intense ambition and rivalry of Worth and Twiggs probably had something to do with the undue haste of both. Of course Semmes (Service, 398, 446) asserts that Worth advanced with deliberation and reconnoitred the bridgehead, but the evidence, especially that given at the trial of Major Bonneville, is decisively against him. Ripley, on the other hand, states that a reconnaissance was not practicable (War with Mexico, ii, 267); but while a complete reconnaissance could not be made, the cornfields on the right would have enabled an officer to advance unseen, and at a glance learn something regarding the obstacle in front. This would have been to save, not lose, time.
Scott was accused of having no plan and leaving his generals to attack as they saw fit, and was criticized especially for fighting to gain a road neither needed nor used by him, from which the enemy could easily have been manoeuvred, had they cared to hold it (Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 378); but the text explains these apparent errors. The battle was, however, in effect a blunder, even though not chargeable to Scott as such. Still, the ardor of the army was something not be thrown away by delaying, and the promptness of the Americans prevented Santa Anna from completing his preparations. (Greene, Russian Army, 433: Excessive prudence has a bad effect on the morale of the men.) Perhaps Scott ​gained as much as he lost in this way. Moreover, had he manoeuvred the Mexicans out of Churubusco, it would have been necessary to fight them elsewhere, when they would probably have been more ready to fight; the moral effect of this victory on both armies would not have been gained; and our military annals would not have contained this page. The moral effect on the Mexicans, however, was largely offset by pride in the stubborn resistance they had offered, and by the armistice that Scott immediately offered. One could not always determine just where firing, heard from a distance, was taking place. Probably for this reason we have inconsistent reports that make it impossible to determine precisely where and when the battle began. The Sixth Infantry, moving toward the bridge a considerable distance in advance of Worth himself, were said to have received the first fire from the convent (Hoffman: Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1076), but Scott reported that the attack upon the convent began some time before that upon the bridgehead. Stevens (I. I. Stevens, 198) supports him. The writer in "Apuntes" says that Worth was checked by ammunition wagons in the road, and that Santa Anna, seeing this, recalled Pérez to defend the bridge; but the wagons appear to have caused no such delay as this writer assumed. The rest of Santa Anna's force (which this writer says kept on towards Mexico) was mainly cavalry, and presumably this cavalry assisted in flanking Shields. Brev. Lieut. Col. C. F. Smith's battalion consisted of two companies from the Second Artillery, one from the Fifth Infantry and one from the Eighth Infantry (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 316).
The Fifteenth, but only one battalion (commanded by Capt. Wood) of the Twelfth Infantry was with Pierce, and a battery of mountain howitzers. Pierce, who had been thrown from his horse the day before, fainted and fell out. before coming into action, so Shields commanded both brigades. Lee was the engineer officer with Shields. Seeing the need of more troops, he went back to Scott and obtained the Mounted Rifles and a troop of the Second Dragoons, but these men did not reach the spot in time to fight. Scott has been criticized for not sending a stronger force in this direction; but in fact he did not even retain an escort, and the Rifles were Twiggs's reserve (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 309). The South Carolina regiment, commonly known as the "Palmettoes," was made up. of superior material. Men fit to be officers were in the ranks. Shields's movement was partly based on a misapprehension, for the Mexicans could retreat from Churubusco via Mexicaltzingo; but anyhow it was wise to aid the frontal attack on the bridge by applying pressure on the flank. Shields seems to have marched too far north to coöperate effectively with the attack upon the bridgehead. Presumably he did so in order to reach Santa Anna's rear. The combined effect of this movement and the outflanking of the Mexican left was to extend the American line enormously, and expose it to a (happily very improbable) counter-attack. At about three o'clock the Americans were in three sections, badly separated by distance or by the enemy, while the Mexicans, besides fighting behind strong defences, were all actually or virtually in touch one with another, and able to give mutual support.
Shields naturally overestimated the numbers opposed to him. Perhaps the Victoria and Hidalgo battalions from San Antonio passed along the highway to Mexico at this time. They would not fight. They thought hunger, sunburn and blistered feet bad enough. The Americans believed that they fought at least 32,000 men on Aug. 20 (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 313); but this was a great exaggeration. Rangel's brigade was in ​town; Alvarez's was far away; and there must have been.a large number of soldiers guarding the fortifications, and attending to the general requirements of the service. The number fighting that day on the Mexican side seems to have been about 16,000, though Mexican authors have tried to reduce it to 12,000 or 13,000 (e.g. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 375).
Scott's dragoons were divided and assigned to special duties at this time (Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 38). Pillow and a part of his troops joined Worth, but figured very little in reports of the fighting. The Eleventh and Fourteenth Infantry attempted to cut the Mexican line from the bridge to the convent, but on account of the heavy fire were ordered to lie down. Col. Andrews explained that his regiment (Voltigeurs) came up later than Worth's division, and could not fire without endangering troops ahead of him (Sen. 1; 30,1, app., 122); but this is not convincing, for he must have left Coyoacán at about noon, and there was room enough at the front.
It was stated at Puebla in October, 1847, that 260 Americans fought with the Mexicans at Churubusco (Flag of Freedom, i, no. 1). Some of these men cut their way through (70"Guerra," no. 30, Perdigón Garay), and reached Mexico (ibid., Rangel). Some eighty appear to have been captured. They were fairly tried. A number were found not guilty of deserting, and were released. About fifteen (Hartman, Journal, 18), who had deserted before the declaration of war, were merely branded with a "D," and fifty of those taken at Churubusco were executed (65Scott, gen. orders 296). There was bitter complaint because any were spared, but Scott declared he would rather be put to the sword with his whole army than do an injustice in the matter (Davis, Autobiog., 226), and urged the courts to find grounds for reducing the number of executions (335notes on letter to Ho. of Repres.). It was said that more than once the American deserters killed Mexicans who tried to raise a white flag at the convent. For the deserters and their fate consult: 12Caryton to Lambert, Sept. 1; Picayune, Sept. 8; Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 319, 344; Ballentine, Eng. Sold., ii, 230; 70"Guerra," no. 30 (Rangel, Perdigón Garay); Judah, diary; Amer. Star, Mexico, Sept. 20; Diario, Sept. 2; Flag of Freedom, Puebla, i, no. 1; 178Davis, diary; Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 452; Hartman, Journal, 17-8; Scott, 65gen. orders 281-3; Davis, Autobiog., 224 — 7). Hancock and Longstreet, destined to be on opposite sides at Gettysburg, here fought together. Twiggs was at this time under fire (Stevens, Stevens, i, 199). Rives (U.S. and Mexico, ii, 493) explains the stiff defence of the convent as due to the presence of "men of Spanish (not Indian) descent"; but (1) the Victoria and Hidalgo battalions, which would not fight (supra) were still more truly "Spanish" (vol. ii, p. 3), and (2) the nearly worthless officers were always of such descent.
20. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 465, 478. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 313-4, 348, 384. Ho. 24; 31, 1. 76Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26. 76Quijano, Sept. 3. 76Olaguíbel, Aug. 27. Ramírez, México, 299. Monitor Repub., Dec. 17 (S. Anna). 76Alcorta, Aug. 30. 12Caryton to Lambert, Sept. 1. Semmes, Service, 408. 76Report, Aug. 21. 224Intercepted letters, passim. 76Cuerpo Médico, report, Aug. 24.
21. Mich. Pioneer Soc. Colls., ii, 173. Stevens, Stevens, 1, 199. Encarnacion Prisoners, 55. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 278-80. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 331. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 464 (Lee). Apuntes, 247. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 377.
XXVII. NEGOTIATIONS
1. The American situation after the battles of Aug. 20. 260Henshaw, comments on map. 61Trousdale, Aug. 22. 217Henshaw to wife, Aug. 21, etc. 218Henshaw narrative. Vedette, vii, no. 9 (Toll). St. Louis Republican, Sept. 27. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 314 (Scott). Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 284-5, 294. McSherry, El Puchero, 88, 100. 364Worth to daughter, Sept. 2. 61N. C. to Elizabeth Miller, Nov. 30. Semmes, Service, 413. London Chronicle, Nov. 12. N. Y. Herald, Feb. 5, 1848 (Pierce). 236Judah, diary. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 129 (Scott). Semiweekly N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, Mar. 1, 1848. 358Williams to father, Oct. 1. 291Pierce to wife, Aug. 23. Davis, Autobiogryaphy, 189. 350 Weber, recolls. 303Shields to Quitman, Aug. 21. 221Hill, diary. 68 Scott's statement to court of inquiry, Apr. 17, 1848. Gamboa, Impug., 49. Picayune, Sept. 9. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 460 (Turnbull).
Semmes (Service, 413) says that eventually Scott had to disperse the elements of peace, and incorrectly adds that they seemed to reassemble all the more rapidly. But Scott had reason to believe that what it required months to do later could be done now in only a few weeks. He reported that understanding his nation's desire for peace and "Willing to leave something to this republic — of no immediate value to us — on which to rest her pride, and to recover temper — I halted our victorious corps at the gates of the city"? (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 314). Even the fiery Worth deemed it best not to enter Mexico at this time (364to daughter, Sept. 2).
2. 108Marcy to Bancroft, Apr. 28. Polk, Messages, May 11; June 16, 1846; Feb. 10, 1847 (Richardson, iv, 437, 451, 511). Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 328 (Scott); 334 (Marcy). 297Benton MS. (with Polk's notes) received by Polk, July 4, 1846. 69Worth to Bliss, Nov. 29; Dec. 14, 1846.
3. Bankhead reported, Oct. 10, 1846, that he was weary of arguing in favor of treating with the United States; that the dominant faction, positively refusing to negotiate, were crying, "A levy of 40,000 and make terms only on the other side of the Nueces!"
4. The overture of July, 1846. Sen. 107; 29, 2, pp. 1-3. Sen. 1; 29, 2, pp. 48-4. 13Pakenham, nos. 93, July 13; 107, Aug. 13; 119, Sept. 28; 130, Nov. 12, 1846. 13Bankhead to Pakenham, Oct. 10. 256Marcy to Wetmore, June 13. Locomotor, June 27. 158Cobb to wife, June 4. National, June 22. Pregonero, June 11. Monitor Repub., June 22. 162 Buchanan to Conner, Oct. 1. 162Conner, July 19. 13Bankhead, nos. 92, 104, 105, June 29; July 30; 125, Aug. 31; 128-30, Sept. 7, 1846. Rejón to Buchanan, Aug. 31 (in Memoria de. . . Relaciones, 1846). Polk, Diary, Sept. 19, 20, 26. Buchanan, Works (Moore), vii, 40, 82, 87. Indicador, Aug. 27. Nat. Intelligencer, Sept. 28. Dario, Dec. 6, 13, 25. 52Black, May 21; June 9; July 4. 166Id. to Conner, July 9; Aug. 1. 166Pommarès to Gregory, July 2. 166Id. to Conner, July 4, 21; Aug. 12. Reeves, Amer. Diplomacy, 298. Polk, Message, Dec. 8 (Richardson, iv, 494). 297Mackenzie, July 7. 76Comandante, V. Cruz, Aug. 26. See vol. i, pp. 217, 502, 504.
Sept. 26 Buchanan replied to Rejón that the United States did not wish to ignore in the peace negotiations the causes of the war, since to do that would be to abandon the just claims of the United States (Polk, Diary, Sept. 26; Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 44). The necessity of explaining his