# Augustine Herrman, Beginner of the Virginia Tobacco Trade, Merchant of New Amsterdam and First Lord of Bohemia Manor in Maryland/Chapter 3

Chapter III
AUGUSTINE HERRMAN AS ONE OF THE “NINE MEN” AND HIS QUARREL WITH PETER STUYVESANT
When Peter Stuyvesant first set foot in New Amsterdam he described the village as being in “low condition”. In fact the town may have been in low condition in more ways than one, but the new governor had reference to only the military aspect. His contempt for the community he thought was justified, when he found only three hundred men in the whole of New Netherland capable of bearing arms.
But if Stuyvesant had reason to find fault with New Amsterdam, the village burgers were no less cautious of their laudatory remarks about him. Yet in all justice for Stuyvesant, for that matter any Director General might have appeared unpleasant to these colonial Dutchmen, regardless of how charming his personality was and how gracious he might have been in extending a glad hand upon his arrival. Kieft and his predecessors were unpopular and Stuyvesant was certainly anything but a gracious and charming individual, neither in personal approach nor in address; and in this instance neither the dignity of his office nor the furious outbursts of his temper could quite compensate for the lack of graciousness in the new Director General or cause emotions of much pleasantness in the hearts of his people. Moreover, Governor Kieft had left affairs in such a chaotic state and it was common knowledge that the States-General had sent Peter Stuyvesant to adjust ​their affairs in America. The Dutch colonists, realizing that a good many things needed adjusting, were justly fearful as to how the new governor was going to begin and how far he was likely to go.
His entry into New Amsterdam has been described as being “like a peacock with great state and pomp”. One of the principal inhabitants of the village later spoke of him as the “czar of Muscovy, who kept some of the principal men waiting for hours bare headed while he himself remained covered”. This appellation seemed curiously appropriate to Stuyvesant and one that has ever since clung to his memory.
“Finally Stuyvesant began to speak and under the blue heavens loudly declared that every one should have justice done to him. This assurance was received by a somewhat gayer group by judging him by his haughty carriage, caused some to believe that he would not be a father.”
Regardless of his shortcomings, which seem to have been many and sometimes grossly apparent, Stuyvesant was very much a man of the world, and he had the good sense to realize that he was to rule over a group of men as self-willed and obstinate as himself. He proceeded with a due amount of caution, considering his natural hasty temper and his precipitate ways of doing things. It can be said of him that he did make an honest effort to please the people and found that what they really wanted was a representative form of government. Upon this discovery the new Director General decided to govern his subjects with a really high hand and to allow no compromises.
The twelve men under Van Twiller who had been called together in face of the Indian menace and to discuss matters ​of taxation with the governor, and the Eight Men under Kieft had possessed very little influence and had commanded less popular respect. The leading men of the village at the time of Stuyvesant’s arrival determined that the governor’s council should be a real force in the administration of the province. Upon learning how far the republican principles of government had diffused themselves among the people, Stuyvesant determined to act without delay. Thus began that memorable rule of Peter Stuyvesant, consisting of a long series of heated verbal battles, threats and remonstrances, hatreds, personal jealousies and family feuds; all of which was eventually to culminate in the downfall of Dutch power in North America.
Stuyvesant’s first act was to reorganize the council, naming to it Van Dincklage, the vice director; Van Dyck, the fiscal; Commissary Keyser; Captain Bryan Newton; La Montagne; and the provincial secretary, Cornelius Van Tienhoven. The treasury was extremely low and Stuyvesant thought it wise to replenish it by popular taxation. The people, remembering the grand principle of the Fatherland, replied to Stuyvesant’s plan, “Taxation only by consent”. The people did not consent and not a guilder went into the public coffers. The Governor in the meantime had received intelligence of an Indian war; and remembering how ill equipped the burgers were for warfare, decided to compromise for this one time at least. The Council recommended the principle of representation as the best way to levy taxes; so in this manner, “Necessity produced concession and prerogative yielded to popular rights”. Technically, at least, Stuyvesant lost his first battle.
On September 25, 1647 the following nine popular tribunes were sworn, “to conduct themselves reasonably and be faithful ​to their instructions.” This Board consisted of Augustine Herrman, Arnoldus Van Hardenburg and Govert Loockermans who represented the merchants; the citizens or burgers were represented by Jacob Wolfertsen, Jan Jensen Damen and Hendricks Kip; Michael Jansen, Jan Evertsen Bout and Thomas Hall representing the farmers. Čapek says that the board on which Herrman sat consisted of but eight men; but he probably confused the Nine Men of Peter Stuyvesant with the Eight Men of Governor Kieft. For the first two years Herrman was president or chairman of the Nine Men; and in 1649 was replaced by Adriaen Van der Donck, Herrman continuing to serve as vice-chairman. Six men retired annually to be replaced by an equal number selected from twelve names sent in by the Board as a whole. The sessions were held in David Provoost’s school. The institution of the Nine Men of New Amsterdam was the precursor of the Burgomasters and Schepens and eventually of the municipal form of government of New York. Twice was Herrman returned and on the list for February 2, 1652 his name was absent. One year later the Nine Men went out of existence; out of the seven Herrman served six continuous years.
When the board of Nine Men was instituted it was thought that it would prove to be the remedy for the maladministration that had formerly characterized the government of New Amsterdam. But reforms were slow in coming. Peter Stuyvesant proved a capable match for the combined vigor of the tribunal and in the end he generally had his way. His administration was troubled by various outside influences. War with the Swedes broke out in 1648. Trouble arose with the New England colonies and Dutch trade at New Amsterdam was ​crippled. Herrman and Loockermans, the two most prominent merchants and influential men of the town, suffered most. They appealed to Stuyvesant to ask aid of the home government against New England’s gradual encroachment upon their maritime rights that up to the time were undisputed. For various reasons, partly because of his naturally arbitrary temperament and partly because he entertained a jealousy of the power and wealth already controlled by these men, the governor would not yield to their pleas. He continued in his usual obstinate mood and ruled more arbitrarily than before. In 1649 the energetic and capable scholar and jurist, Adriaen Van der Donck was given a seat in the Council. Van der Donck, Herrman and Loockermans, finely matched for energy, wits and accomplishment, formed a kind of triumvirate against Stuyvesant and from that time on there was nothing but incessant trouble. These men fully realized that the Nine Men was a popular tribunal chosen at an election at which all the inhabitants of Manhattan, Brenckelen (Brooklyn), Amersfoort and Pavonia chose “eighteen of the most notable, reasonable, honest and respectable persons” from their towns; and from whom, “as it is customary in the Fatherland”, the Director and the Council were to choose a group of Nine Men to represent New Amsterdam and the outlying jurisdictions, whose duty it was “to advise and assist, when called upon, in promoting the welfare of the province at large.”
This action was an additional development toward representative government and, as we have pointed out, any theory or practical accomplishment that tended toward popular rule outraged the governor. The duties and powers of the Nine Men were proclaimed by the Council, much against Stuyvesant’s wishes. “Nothing is more desirable than that New ​Netherland and principally New Amsterdam our capital and residence might continue and increase in good order, justice, police, population, prosperity and mutual harmony, and be provided with strong fortifications, a church, a school, trading place, harbor and similar necessary public edifices and improvements.” Brodhead regards this proclamation as “in some respects a chart of popular rights”, the first of its kind to have been formulated and recognized in New Netherland. Little by little the powers and authority of the Board of Nine Men centered in the hands of Herrman, Van der Donck and Loockermans. Since, after numerous appeals to the Governor, and finding him more and more self-willed, they determined to send in their own name a delegation to Holland. But before resorting to this extremity, they decided to make one more appeal to Stuyvesant. The Board applied to him for leave to confer directly with the commonalty. The Director General grew more recalcitrant and moodily replied in a “very long letter” that “communication must be made through the Director and his instructions followed.”
Almost at once open conflict began between the Director General and the Nine Men. The people were prevented from assembling to voice their approval of their representative body. Van der Donck kept a journal of the proceedings of the Nine Men; but one day, as it was thought, the record and other papers were stolen from his house during his absence. The next day, March 4, 1649, Van der Donck was placed under arrest. One member of the Council, the Vice-Director, Van Dincklagen alone opposed Stuyvesant’s arbitrary proceeding and demanded that Van der Donck be admitted to bail, but his ​request was refused. Finally it was agreed to release him but to remove him from the Board of the Nine Men. Van Dincklagen alone opposed this measure and the council removed the popular jurist.
Soon afterwards occurred another event that was decidedly disadvantageous to Stuyvesant. The directors of the Dutch West India Company, on the pretext that war might break out at any time with the Indians, appealed to the governor for munitions. The Director General ordered a case of arms from Holland. The munitions came in due time, “in the full light of day” at Fort Amsterdam. The people, seeing the munitions unloaded and believing that some treachery was abroad, complained that “the director was everything, and did the business of the whole country, having several shops himself; that he was a brewer, and had breweries; was a part owner of ships, and a merchant and a trader as well in lawful and contraband articles.” Stuyvesant deigned not to notice these popular murmurings against his character and prerogative, believing himself secure now since Adrian Van der Donck, whom he regarded as the cause of all the unrest and iniquity of the colony, was removed from his seat of authority.
But Van der Donck, because of his activities in sponsoring measures to increase popular representation in New Netherland and on account of his education and the charm and dignity of his personality, was a popular hero of the Dutch burgers; and now since the incident of the case of firearms, whereby they thought they had certain reason to be suspicious ​of Stuyvesant, they turned toward Van der Donck and looked upon him in the light of a persecuted martyr for their liberties and rights. Herrman and Loockermans, noticing how the tide of popular feeling was turning in favor of their fallen leader, took advantage of the situation. They called a secret conference with Van der Donck to which was also admitted Van Dincklagen, whom they certainly had every good reason to believe was on their side. These four leaders believed that the time had come for them to openly unite and to put an end to the arbitrary methods of rule so long practiced by the Dutch governors. On July 26, 1649, the Memorial of the Nine Men to the States General of the Netherlands was prepared. The memorial called for more colonists and a better system of cooperation between the home government and the colony; and that a treaty with England be made in order to determine the boundaries of New Netherland, so that the “subjects might dwell in peace and quietness.”
With the Memorial was attached a petition of the commonalty of New Netherland to the States-General, prepared the same day, signed by the Nine Men and by Van der Donck, whose name headed the list.
Two days later the famous Remonstrance or “Vertoogh van Nieu-Nederland” was drawn up, framed mainly from suggestions offered by Herrman and Van der Donck, who wrote the document, and signed by the Board of Nine Men. The names of Herrman and Van der Donck head the list. The Remonstrance is a masterful piece of prose and deserved to take an important place among those major documents of the world that have secured the liberties of the human race. It begins by outlining the history of New Netherland, a task peculiarly ​fitted for Van der Donck, as he was later the author of the first history of the colony. It asks that a new and better kind of administration be set up by the States-General in the province in lieu of the one that in so many instances had nearly proved fatal for the colony. It pointed out that the province was large and fertile, capable of supporting a large body of emigrants from the home land; that if the home government were but to spend a little more time, money and labor in support of the colony it would not be many years until it would be opulent and highly productive; and that it would prove a source of unfailing income for the Fatherland, and help Holland to take a paramount place among the maritime nations of the world. The tone of the Remonstrance was scholarly and respectful; it contained neither word nor hint of threat of revolt or self-government. It was merely an address of grievances which had accumulated since the province was established. Rather in asking for independence, the Remonstrance really pleaded for a closer union between the mother country and New Netherland.
One Olaff Stevens was one of the signers of the Remonstrance and after his name made the curious annotation, “under protest. Obliged to sign as to Heer Kieft’s administration”. Both the Memorial and the Remonstrance were sent to Holland with a delegation consisting of Van der Donck, Van Couwenhoven and Jan Evertsen Bout.
Peter Stuyvesant naturally was furious when he learned of ​the action of the Nine Men. But the unconquered old veteran did not give public vent to his rage as formerly one would have surmised. Nowhere is there a better instance in Stuyvesant’s career in respect to his ability and latent powers of diplomacy. In handling the situation he employed a subtlety and craft that seems unusual in one of his ordinarily explosive temperament. His provincial secretary was Cornelius Van Tienhoven, “a Cautious, subtle, intelligent, sharp witted” man who was familiar with the character of his enemies and their facts. He had long been a sort of favorite of Stuyvesant and therefore experienced little difficulty in persuading his master to appoint him as a special ambassador to Holland and to be allowed to take along with him certain exculpatory documents among which was one of an unusually laudatory nature from the magistrates of the English settlement at Gravesend who declared their confidence in Stuyvesant’s “wisdom and justice in the administration of the commonwealth.”
While Van der Donck and his party were waiting to embark for Holland, Van Tienhoven secretly left for that country fourteen days before the official delegation carrying the Memorial and the Remonstrance. Nevertheless, fate worked in favor of the Van der Donck party; for Van Tienhoven, delayed on the water for several days on account of storms and bad weather, actually reached Amsterdam a few days after the Remonstrance had been presented at The Hague. Nevertheless, Van Tienhoven found that he had scored a certain amount of success over his enemies. Formality required that colonial delegations first present memorials and petitions to the Dutch West India Company in Amsterdam to be forwarded to the States-General at The Hague. Van der Donck, either not familiar with the formal etiquette, or knowing of it and ​deciding to take no cognizance of it, did not stop at the Amsterdam offices of the great trading company. When the Amsterdam officials of the Dutch West India Company learned of Van der Donck’s action, they were highly indignant that he should have the presumption to pass over their heads. To Van Tienhoven’s delight, they told him that the signers of the Remonstrance were “silly persons who had been imposed upon by a few worthless persons,” probably referring to Van der Donck. On the other hand, however, the document was not dismissed in such cavalier fashion at The Hague; for when the States-General had read the Remonstrance, they saw at once that it was a sincere portrayal of conditions of New Netherland. Realizing the gravity of the situation, they dismissed the delegation, promising that their wishes would be attended to; that they would receive more colonists; that a court of justice would be set up in the province; and that the boundaries would be determined. In fact, the States-General promised to look after all the important points recommended in the Remonstrance, going so far as to rebuke Stuyvesant for his arbitrary rule and promising to force a speedy reform in the administration of New Netherland. The delegation was jubilant over the outcome of their mission, not yet aware of the fact that Van Tienhoven was in Holland doing all he could to undo their good work. Van Couwenhoven and Bout, after obtaining letters from the States-General forbidding Stuyvesant to molest them, prepared to depart for home; while Van der Donck decided to remain in Holland for a while. Meantime, Van Tienhoven was active, determined to make another serious effort to ruin the efforts of the delegation. Remaining in the Netherlands during the winter of 1649–50, he worked so subtly and craftily that he was nearly successful in accomplishing his purposes; and he may have succeeded had it not ​been for the fact that he was found living with the daughter of a basketmaker in Amsterdam as man and wife and was arrested for bigamy. In 1650 he was released from the charges and proceeded with his consort to New Amsterdam. On his way across he was fortunate enough to capture a Portuguese ship, which prize he conducted to the Dutch village and was received by Stuyvesant almost in triumph, regardless of the fact that he had utterly failed in his mission.
The rebuke of the States-General did something to lessen the arbitrary rule of Stuyvesant. Under the advice and influence of the subtle Van Tienhoven, the Director General turned his vengeance from the populace and concentrated his thoughts in a determination to ruin financially Herrman and Govert Loockermans. In order to accomplish his ends he used a most effective expedient. In 1648 the English colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island had forbidden both their citizens and the Indians to trade with the Dutch. At first Stuyvesant had strongly objected to this measure and determined to use force in order to defend Dutch commerce, inasmuch as he found that his own personal trade interests were undergoing much damage. Among others who insisted upon the free rights of the seas were Herrman and Loockermans, whose business dealings with the northern colonies were more extensive than those of the governor. Stuyvesant thereupon turned the weapon which he formerly had disliked so much toward the destruction of the commerce of these two merchants; and for a while he was quite willing to see his own trading transactions decline in an effort to level the fortunes of his two avowed enemies.
Regardless of the laws of the New England colonies, Herrman continued to send his ships to their harbors. In May 1651 he was caught trading with the Indians at Saybrooke. His ship ​was seized and he was ordered to pay fifty pounds for its release. Herrman, knowing that it was useless to appeal to Stuyvesant, paid the fine. At the end of the year, as we have heretofore pointed out, he bought large tracts of land in New Netherland and in New Jersey, much of it apparently for his friend Govert Loockermans. But as it happened Loockermans was as unfortunate as Herrman in his business dealings. In September 1651 Herrman wrote the following letter, apparently to Adriaen Van der Donck who was still in Holland:
I wish I felt authorized to advise you of better news. The Redress remains still behind, contrary to our expectation. We are not only threatened and affronted, but shall also be totally ruined. Govert Loockermans is totally ruined, because he will not sign that he knows and can say nothing of Director Stuyvesant, but what is honest and honorable. I fear we, too, shall experience a like fate; whether we have safeguards from their High Mightinesses or not, ’tis all alike; the Directors have written not to pay any attention to their High Mightinesses’ safeguards or letters, but to theirs; and everyone can see how prejudicial that is to us. We are turned out and dare not scarcely speak a word, etc. In fine, matters are so situated, that God’s help only will avail; there is no trust to be placed in man. That infernal swaggerer (blasegeest) Tienhoven, has returned here and put the country in a blaze. Things prosper, they report, according to their wishes, to which I know not what to answer, etc.
The basket maker’s daughter of Amsterdam whom he seduced in Holland on a promise of marriage, coming here and finding he was already married, hath exposed his conduct even in the public court, etc. Your private estate is going all to ruin, for our enemies know how to fix all this and to attain their object. There is no use in complaining; we must suffer injustice for justice. At present, ​that is our wages and thanks for our devotion to the public interests. Yet we still trust in God, etc.
(Signed) Augustin Hermans.
As one of the Nine Men of New Amsterdam, Herrman had occasion to write to Van der Donck a few months previous:
His Honor (Stuyvesant) has been to the North and there entered into a treaty respecting the boundary, etc. but keeps everything concealed from us and from his council. We fear the news from New England (a translation whereof is annexed) which was secretly brought and thrown into a certain house here, is too true, inasmuch as ’tis confirmed by daily rumors. We at least hope and request that you will be particular in calling the attention of their High Mightinesses our Sovereigns thereto, whenever the Treaty between the Director and the English comes up for ratification.
The News from New England is a satirical account of Peter Stuyvesant’s mission there. It runs in part:
“The governor of New Netherland has been received and treated like a prince wherever he passed; for which he expressed himself very gratefully... They finally drew and got him so far along by a sweet and right subtle line, in order howbeit, to reach the matter itself, that they have mutually referred their differences about the boundaries, etc. to four Arbitrators.”
The letter continues telling how the arbitrators (two of whom were Dutchmen) finally wrested every point from Stuyvesant’s favor and how he in the end agreed with their decision. However:
“When the report was shown him Peter cried out, ‘I’ve been betrayed! I’ve been betrayed!’ which hearing, some of the English who had been waiting outside, supposed that he had run mad, and were disposed to go and fetch people to tie him. It seems that he never imagined that such hard pills would be given him to digest. New England is thoroughly united with the Dutch governor to ​her satisfaction and is well content with him, speaks of him in great praise, especially because he is so liberal and hath allowed himself to be entrapped by her courtesy, and hath conceded Greenwich, etc.
“Finally ’tis resolved to send the aforesaid Treaty to the West India Company, the States and Parliament in order that it might be ratified as early as possible.”
We have in the preceding chapter shown the outcome of this historic controversy between Herrman and Stuyvesant so far as its economic consequences are concerned. By the summer of 1652 both Herrman and Loockermans were on the road to financial recovery, rapidly winning back their former commercial supremacy of New Amsterdam. For the past few years these two men, together with Adriaen Van der Donck, had been regarded by the people as the chief spokesmen of representative government. By the fall of 1652 the fires of rage and bitterness burned with a less ruddy glow in the breast of the old Dutch governor. When the people realized the disastrous treaty he had made with the English and saw the territories of New Netherland more and more encroached upon, they turned against Stuyvesant. Stuyvesant had chosen badly in the way of friends and advisors. Van Tienhoven, his closest ally and confidant, was in complete disgrace. From the middle of the year 1652 Stuyvesant underwent a profound change and he realized that he could govern the province with less effort and with greater credit to himself with the support rather than the enmity of such powerful leaders as Herrman, Loockermans and Van der Donck. The quarrel between Stuyvesant and this popular triumvirate and the importance of the issues growing out of it is worthy of further study and contemplation; one immediate result was the decline of Dutch prestige in America and the final annexation of the whole of New Netherland to the British dominions.
* ↑ Brodhead, J. R. Hist. of New York, Vol. I. p. 465.
* ↑ Ibid.
* ↑ Brodhead, p. 465.
* ↑ New York Hist. Soc. Coll, Col. II. p. 308.
* ↑ Brodhead, Vol. I. p. 466.
* ↑ Ibid. Vol. I. p. 473.
* ↑ Čapek, p. 13.
* ↑ O’Callighan, E. B. Register of New Netherland, p. 55.
* ↑ Brodhead, Vol. I. p. 474.
* ↑ Ibid.
* ↑ Ibid. Vol. I. p. 501.
* ↑ O’Callighan, Register of New Netherland, p. 56.
* ↑ When Herrman was asked what action he thought ought to be taken against Van der Donck, he gave an evasive reply much to Van der Donck’s advantage. Apparently at this time Herrman did not think his party strong enough to come to open conflict with Stuyvesant. (Documents rel. to the Col. His. of N. Y., Vol. XIV. p. 111.)
* ↑ Brodhead, Vol. I. p. 504.
* ↑ Holland Documents in O’Callighan’s Doc. rel. to Col. Hist. N. Y., Vol. I. p. 260.
* ↑ Beschryvinge van Nieuw-Nederlant. Beschreven door Adriaen Vander Donck, Amsterdam, 1656. This book contains the famous Visscher map and the sketch of New Amsterdam drawn by Herrman.
* ↑ The full text of the Remonstrance is given in Holland Documents in O’Callighan’s Doc. rel. Col. Hist. N. Y., Albany, 1856, Vol. I. pp. 275–318.
* ↑ Ibid. p. 318.
* ↑ Ibid. p. 258.
* ↑ Brodhead, Vol. I. p. 509.
* ↑ Brodhead, Vol. II. p. 496.
* ↑ Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1850, Vol. I (1636–1665). p. 219.
* ↑ Whitehead, W. A. East Jersey under the Prop., pp. 19, 20.
* ↑ O’Callighan, Doc. rel. Col. Hist. N. Y., Vol. I. p. 453.
* ↑ Ibid. Vol. I. p. 459.
* ↑ Doc. rel. Col. Hist. N. Y., Vol. I. pp. 460–61.