# Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar/74. Verbs ל״א

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a The א in these verbs, as in verbs פ״א, is treated in some cases as a consonant, i.e. as a guttural, in others as having no consonantal value (as a quiescent or vowel letter), viz.:
1. In those forms which terminate with the א, the final syllable always has the regular vowels, if long, e.g. מֹצֵא, מִצֵּא, מָצוּא, הִמְצִיא, i.e. the א simply quiesces in the long vowel, without the latter suffering any change whatever. It is just possible that after the altogether heterogeneous vowel û the א may originally have preserved a certain consonantal value. On the other band, if the final א quiesces in a preceding ă (as in the perfect, imperfect, and imperative Qal, in the perfect Niphʿal, and in Puʿal and Hophʿal) this ă is necessarily lengthened to ā, by § 27 g, as standing in an open syllable; e.g. מָצָא, יִמְצָא, &c.
b The imperfect and imperative Qal invariably have ā in the final syllable, on the analogy of verbs tertiae gutturalis; cf., however, § 76 e.—In the imperfect Hithpaʿēl ā occurs in the final syllable not only (according to § 54 k) in the principal pause (Nu 31), or immediately before it (Jb 10), or with the lesser disjunctives (Lv 21, Nu 19), but even out of pause with Mer$^e$kha, Nu 6, and even before Maqqeph in Nu 19.
c 2. When א stands at the end of a syllable before an afformative beginning with a consonant (ת, נ‍), it likewise quiesces with the preceding vowel; thus in the perfect Qal (and Hophʿal, see below) quiescing with ă it regularly becomes Qumeṣ (מָצָ֫אתָ for מָצַ֫אְתָּ, &c.); but in the perfect of all the other active and reflexive conjugations, so far as they occur, it is preceded by S̥̥ere (נִמְצֵ֫אתָ, &c.), and in the imperative and imperfect by S$^e$ghôl, מְצֶ֫אנָה, תִּמְצֶאנָה.
d (a) The S$^e$ghôl of these forms of the imperfect and imperative might be considered as a modification, and at the same time a lengthening of an original ă (see § 8 a). In the same way the ē of the perfect forms in Piʿēl, Hithpaʿēl, and Hiphʿîl might be traced to an original ĭ (as in other cases the ē and î in the final syllable of the 3rd sing. muse. perfect of these conjugations), although this ĭ may have only been attenuated from an original ă. According to another, and probably the correct explanation, however, both the Ṣere and the S$^e$ghôl are due to the analogy of verbs ל״ה (§ 75 f) in consequence of the close relation between the two classes, cf. § 75 nn.—No form of this kind occurs in Puʿal; in the perfect Hophʿal only the 2nd masc. sing. הֻבָ֫אתָה Ez 40, lengthened according to rule.
e (b) Before suffixes attached by a connecting vowel (e.g. יִקְרָאֵ֫נִי) the א retains its consonantal value; so before ךָ and בֶם, e.g. אֶמְצָֽאֲךָ Ct 8; הִבָּרַֽאֲךָ Ez 28 (cf. § 65 h), not אֶמְצָאךָ, &c., since these suffixes, by § 58 f, are likewise attached to the verb-form by a connecting vowel in the form of Š$^e$wâ mobile.—As infinitive Qal with suffix notice מַחְאֲךָ Ez 25; participle with suffix בֹּדַֽאֲךָ Is 43; infinitive Piʿēl בְּטַמַּֽאֲכֶם.—The doubly anomalous form יִקְרְאוֹ Jer 23 (for יִקְרָאֵ֫הוּ or יִקְרָאֶ֫נּוּ) is perhaps a forma mixta combining the readings יִקְרָאוֹ and יִקְרְאוּ. ​f 3. When א begins a syllable (consequently before afformatives which consist of or begin with a vowel, as well as before suffixes) it is necessarily a firm consonant, and the form then follows the analogy of the strong verb, e.g. מָֽצְאָה māṣ$^e$ʿā, מָֽצְאוּ, &c. (in pause מָצָ֫אָה, מָצָ֫אוּ).
Remarks.
g 1. Verbs middle e, like מָלֵא to be full, retain the Ṣere also in the other persons of the perfect, e.g. מָלֵ֫אתִי (מְלָאוֹ Est 7 has ־ָ owing to its transitive use; for יְרָאתֶם Jos 4 read with Ewald יִרְאָתָם). Instead of מָֽצְאָה the form קָרָאת she names, on the analogy of the ל״ה-forms noticed in § 75 m, occurs in Is 7 (from קָֽרְאַת, cf. § 44 f), and with a different meaning (it befalls) in Dt 31, Jer 44, in both places before א, and hence, probably, to avoid a hiatus (on the other hand, וְחָטָאת Ex 5, could only be the and sing. masc.; the text which is evidently corrupt should probably be emended to וְחָטָאתָ לְעַמֶּ֫ךָ with the LXX); in Niphʿal נִפְלָאת ψ 118; in Hophʿal הֻבָאת Gn 33.—The 2nd fem. sing. is written קָרָאתְ by Baer, Gen 16, &c., according to early MSS.
h 2. The infin. Qal occurs sometimes on the analogy of verbs ל״ה (גְּלוֹת, &c., see § 75 nn) in the feminine form; so always מְלֹאת to fill (as distinguished from מְלֹא fullness), Lv 8, 12, 25, Jer 29, Ez 5, also written מְלֹאות Jer 25, Jb 20, &c., and מְלוֹאת Est 1. Cf. further, קְרֹאת Ju 8; שְׂנֹאת Pr 8; before suffixes, Ez 33, and likewise in Niph. Zc 13; also in Piʿēl לְמַלֹּאת Ex 31, 35, or לְמַלּאוֹת Dn 9, &c. K$^e$thîbh; with suffix 2 S 21.—On the (aramaïzing) infinitives מַשָּׁא and מַשְׂאוֹת, see § 45 e; on לִקְרַאת obviam, § 19 k.—בְּמֹצַֽאֲכֶם when ye find, Gn 32, stands, according to § 93 q, for מָצְאֲכֶם. The tone of the lengthened imperative רְפָאָ֫ה ψ 41 as Mil$^e$raʿ (before נַפְשִׁי) is to be explained on rhythmical grounds; cf. the analogous cases in § 72 s.—The and fem. plur. imperative in Ru 1 has, according to Qimḥi, the form מְצֵ֫אןָ and in verse 20 קְרֵ֫אןָ; on the other hand, the Mantua edition and Ginsburg, on good authority, read מְצֶאןָ, קְרֶאןָ.
i 3. The participle fem. is commonly contracted, e.g. מֹצְאת (for מֹצֶ֫אֶת) 2 S 18, cf. Est 2; so Niphʿal נִפְלְאה Dt 30, Zc 5 (but נִשָּׂאָת Is 30), and Hophʿal, Gn 38; less frequent forms are מֽוֹצְאֵת Ct 8; נֽשְֹׁאֵת 1 K 10 (cf. § 76 b, שְׂאֵת beside לָשֵׂאת as infinitive construct from נָשָׂא) and without א (see k) יוֹצְת (from יָצָא) Dt 28. In the forms חֹטִאים sinning, 1 S 14, cf. ψ 99; בֹּדָאם feigning them, Neh 6, the א is elided, and is only retained orthographically (§ 23 c) after the retraction of its vowel; see the analogous cases in § 75 oo.—On the plur. masc. ptcp. Niph. cf. § 93 oo.
k 4. Frequently an א which is quiescent is omitted in writing (§ 23 f): (a) in the middle of the word, e.g. בָּ֫נוּ 1 S 25; מָצָ֫תִי Nu 11, cf. Jb 1; צָמֵ֫תִי Ju 4, cf. Jb 32. In the imperfect תִּשֶּׂ֫נָה Jer 9, Zc 5, Ru 1 (but the same form occurs with Yôdh pleonastic after the manner of verbs ל״ה in Ez 23, according to the common reading; cf. § 76 b and Jer 50); in Piʿēl אַחַטֶּ֫נָּה (after elision of the א, cf. § 75 oo ) Gn 31; and also in Niphʿal נִטְמֵתֶם Lv 11; cf. Jos 2. (b) at the end of the word; וַיָּבוֹ 1 K 12 K$^e$thîbh; Hiphʿîl הֶֽחֱטִי 2 K 13, cf. Is 53 (הֶֽחֱלִי for הֶֽחֱלִיא perfect Hiphʿîl of חָלָה formed ​after the manner of verbs ל״א); in the imperfect Hiphʿîl יַשִּׁי ψ 55 K$^e$thîbh; יָנִי ψ 141; אָבִי 1 K 21, Mi 1; in the infinitive, Jer 32; in the participle, 2 S 5, 1 K 21, Jer 19, 39, all in K$^e$thîbh (מֵבִי, always before א, hence perhaps only a scribal error).
l 5. In the jussive, imperfect consecutive, and imperative Hiphʿîl a number of cases occur with î in the final syllable; cf. יַשִּׁא Is 36 (in the parallel passages 2 K 18, 2 Ch 32 יִשִּׁיא); וַיָּבִיא Neh 8 (before ע); וַיַּֽחֲטִא 2 K 21 (cf. 1 K 16, 21); וַתַּתְבִּא 2 K 6; וַיּוֹצִא Dt 4, 2 K 11, ψ 78, 105; imperative הָבִיא Jer 17; הוֹצִיא Is 43 (in both cases before ע). If the tradition be correct (which at least in the defectively written forms appears very doubtful) the retention of the î is to be attributed to the open syllable; while in the closed syllable of the 3rd sing. masc. and fem., and the 2nd sing. masc. after ו consecutive, the î is always reduced to ē. In the examples before ע considerations of euphony may also have had some influence (cf. § 75 hh).—In Ez 40, Baer reads with the Western school וַיָּבֵיא, while the Orientals read in the K$^e$thîbh ויבוא, and in the Q$^e$rê וַיָּבֵא.
On the transition of verbs ל״א to forms of ל״ה see § 75 nn.