# Gódávari/Gazetteer/Pithápuram Division

PITHAPURAM DIVISION.
The Pithapuram division lies along the coast, north of theGódávari delta, and, except Nagaram, is the smallest in the district. Most of it is included in the Pithápuram zamindari. Though it adjoins the delta, where the rainfall is heavy, it receives only 34'46 inches annually on an average, the lowest figure in the district. Part of it, however, benefits from the excellent irrigation provided by the Yeléru river. The head-quarter town is of much historical and archæological interest. Good weaving is done at Múlapéta, Uppáda and Kottapalli, and excellent bronze-work at Pithápuram. Chandurti was the scene of the great battle of 'Condore.'
Chandurti: Seven miles north by east of Pithápuram. Population 1,087. It is called Condore by Orme, and has given this name to the decisive battle which took place near it on the ninth of December 1758, which resulted in the wresting of the sovereignty of the Northern Circars from the French by the English. The battle is described in detail by Orme,1 and in somewhat different terms by Cambridge 2 and Malleson.3 A very precise local tradition survives in the village to this day as to the locality in which it was fought, and old swords, bullets, cannon-balls, remains of pewter vessels, and elephants' bones have been found in quantities in the neighbourhood by the villagers while cultivating their fields. The account given by Orme is more detailed than the others and agrees more closely with the local tradition.
When the English under Colonel Forde entered the Pithápuram division they found the French under M. Conflans encamped at Gollaprólu,4 some four miles north-east of Pithápuram on the main road. This was on December 3rd. The French force consisted of 500 Europeans, 500 native cavalry, 6,000 sepoys and a great number of local levies.5 ​They had had 36 pieces of cannon and some mortars, in fact, 'many more pieces of cannon than they could use at once.' The English force consisted of 470 Europeans and 1,900 sepoys; while their ally, the Rája of Vizianagram, had with him '5OO paltry horse and 5,000 foot, some with awkward firearms, the rest with pikes and bows,' as well as a small force of 40 Europeans in charge of four guns, who, in the event, proved of more assistance than all the rest put together.
The French did not move from Gollaprólu, and on the sixth the English occupied Chebrólu, which was also on the main road and lay about three miles north of Gollaprólu. For the next three days the two armies remained in their respective camps; but on the early morning of the tenth they both made a movement. Forde desiring to draw the enemy from their camp to a general action, and to lead them to ground where their cavalry would not be of much assistance to them, marched off at 4 A.M., followed at some distance by the Vizianagram forces, who were not ready to start at the proper time, and at about eight in the morning took possession of Chandurti, which lay some two miles north-west of Chebrólu and well off the road. Meanwhile Conflans had been induced by an intelligent deserter, who had told him that the English force was raw and undisciplined and who had noticed a spot from which their camp could be commanded, to send off six guns the same night to cannonade Chebrólu; and he followed with the rest of his army and artillery to support them. The advance detachment of the French army came across the Vizianagram troops as they were leaving Chebrólu about daybreak, and fired upon them for some little time, but apparently without doing much harm. When Conflans came up he imagined that the English intended to take possession of the now deserted village of Vodulapenta, which lay midway between Gollaprólu and Chandurti and some two miles nearly due west of Chebrólu, and would have afforded them a strong advanced post in any attack upon Gollaprólu. He at once marched across the plain to prevent this, and had no difficulty in doing it, as Forde remained at Chandurti, two miles north of Vodulapenta, resolved 'to regulate his future movements by the enemy's.' Conflans imputed this inactivity to fear, and supposing that, with the advanced post in the enemy's hands, the English would now return to their camp at Chebrólu, he hurried forward to cut them off. Forde, nothing loth, advanced to meet him about nine o'clock, and the two armies came face to face about a mile south-south-west of Chandurti. ​ The spot which tradition identifies as the scene of the battle which followed is locally known as Angleyulapádu, 'the place of the English,' and is at present covered by a small
tope of babul trees. It is a little to the east and north of a small pool which lies about equidistant from Chandurti and Vannipúdi, is due east of the latter, and about one and a half miles north-north-east of Tátiparti. 1
Orme gives the following account of the battle which ensued: —
'The French Battalion of Europeans was in the centre of the line, with 13 field-pieces, divided on their flanks, the horse, 500, were on the left of the battalion; 3,000 sepoys formed the right wing, and the same number the left, and with each wing were five or six pieces of cumbrous cannon. The English army drew up with their Europeans in the centre, the six field-pieces divided on their flanks; the 1,800 sepoys were likewise equally divided on the wings. Colonel Forde placed no reliance on the Rajah's infantry or horse, and ordered them to form aloof, and extend on each flank of the sepoys: all this rabble kept behind, but the renegade Europeans under Bristol, who managed the four field-pieces belonging to the Rajah, advanced, and formed with the division of artillery" on the left of the English battalion. The line having had time, were in exact order, and had advanced a mile in front of the village of Condore [Chandurti], during which, the enemy cannonaded hotly from all their guns. At length the impetuosity of the enemy's approach, who came on, out-marching their cannon, obliged the English line to halt for action; and it chanced that the whole of their battalion stopped near and opposite to a field of Indian corn, which was grown so tall that it entirely intercepted them from the enemy; but the sepoys on the wings were free in the plain on each hand. For what reason is not known, Colonel Forde had ordered his sepoys to furl their colours, which, besides the principal flag, are several small banners to a company, and to let them lay on the ground during the action.
The sepoys and horse of the enemy's wings greatly outstretched the wings of the English line, and came on each in a curve to gain their flanks; the French battalion in the centre, instead of advancing parallel to where by the wings they might judge the centre of the English line would be, inclined obliquely to the right, which brought them beyond the field of Indian corn, opposite to the English sepoys on the left wing; whom from their red jackets,2 and the want of their usual banners, they from the first approach mistook for the English battalion; respecting them as such, they halted to dress their ranks ​before they engaged, and then began to fire in platoons advancing, but at the distance of 200 yards. Nevertheless, this was sufficient; for the sepoys, seeing themselves attacked without cover by Europeans in front, and the horse and multitude of the enemy's sepoys gaining their rear, or coming down on their flank, scarcely preserved courage to give their fire, hurried, scattered, and without command; and then immediately broke and ran away to shelter themselves in the village of Chambole (Chebrólu), and were followed by the nearest of the enemy's horse. This success was greater than even the confidence of the enemy expected ; and several platoons of the French battalion were setting off to pursue them likewise, when they saw a line of men with shouldered arms marching fast and firm from behind the field of Indian corn across their way, to occupy the ground which the sepoys had abandoned.
Colonel Forde had been with the sepoys before their flight, encouraging them to resolution; but saw, by the usual symptoms of trepidation, that they would not stand the shock, which prepared him to order the judicious movement which the officers were now performing with so much steadiness and spirit. Captain Adnet, commanding on the left, led the line, and as soon as the last files were got clear of the corn the word was given, when the whole halted, and faced at once in full front of the enemy. This motion was quickly executed; for the foremost man had not more than 300 yards to march, and the field-pieces were left behind. During this short interval, the French battalion were endeavouring with much bustle to get into order again; for some of their platoons had advanced a considerable distance before others; and thus the fire of the English line commenced before the enemy's was ready; it was given in divisions, that is, the whole battalion divided into five, and began from Captain Adnet's on the left, which was within pistol shot, and brought down half the enemy's grenadiers; the fire ran on, and before the time came for Adnet's division to repeat theirs, the whole of the enemy's line were in confusion, and went about running fast to regain their guns, which they had left half a mile behind them on the plain.
The ardour of the English battalion to pursue was so great, that Colonel Forde judged it best to indulge it in the instant, although not certain of the success of the sepoys on the right, but concluding that the enemy's sepoys who were to attack them, would not continue long, if they saw their Europeans completely routed. The order was given for the battalion to march on in following divisions, the left leading. Nothing could repress their eagerness. All marched too fast to keep their rank, excepting the fourth division commanded by Captain Yorke, who to have a reserve for the whole battalion, if broken, as the enemy had been, by their own impetuosity, obliged his men to advance in strict order. The French battalion rallied at their guns, which were 13 in number, spread in different brigades, or sets, as ​they chanced to stand when left by the troops advancing to the action. This artillery began to fire as soon as the ground was clear of their own troops, and killed some men, which only quickened the approach of the divisions to close in with the guns, of which several 'fired when the first division was within pistol shot, and Adnet fell mortally wounded; but his men rushing on drove the enemy from the guns they attacked, and the other divisions following with the same spirit, obliged them to abandon all the others.
The day, if not completely victorious, was at least secured from reverse by the possession of all the enemy's field artillery fit for quick firing; but their camp [at Gollaprólu], to which they were retiring, still remained to be attacked; and Colonel Forde halted until joined by his sepoys, and, if they would come, by the Rajah's troops.
The sepoys and horse of the enemy's right wing were in their turn panick-struck by the fire of the English battalion routing their own, and all turned to gain the rear of the guns, keeping aloof to the left of the English divisions; and then went off again with the French battalion to the camp. Their left wing of sepoys behaved better, advancing to the use of musketry against the English sepoys of the left, with whom the battalion, when filing off to oppose the French, left the three field-pieces of their right; and the sepoys, encouraged by this assistance, the ardour of the Europeons marching off, and the spirit of their own commander Captain Knox, maintained their ground, facing and firing in various directions behind the banks of the rice fields in which they had drawn up. The enemy's wing nevertheless continued the distant fire, until they saw their battalion of Europeans quitting their guns, and the sepoys and horse of the right retreating with them to the camp; when they went off likewise; stretching round to the left of the English battalion halting at the guns, and keeping out of their reach. Captain Knox then advanced to join the battalion with his own sepoys, and the six field-pieces, and had collected most of the fugitives of the other wing. Messages had been continually sent to the Raja's horse to advance, but they could not be prevailed upon to quit the shelter of a large tank,1 at this time dry, in which they, his foot, and himself in the midst of them, had remained cowering from the beginning of the action.
As soon as the sepoys joined, and all the necessary dispositions were made, which took an hour, Colonel Forde advanced to attack the enemy's camp; but, not to retard the march, left the field-pieces to follow. A deep hollow way passed along the skirt of the camp, behind which appeared a considerable number of Europeans regularly drawn up, as if to defend the passage of the hollow way, and several shot were fired from heavy cannon planted to defend the approach. Just as the English troops came near, and the first division of the Europeans stept out to give their fire, the field-pieces were arrived ​within shot; on which all the enemy went to the right-about, abandoned their camp, and retreated, seemingly every man as he listed, in the utmost confusion; but the English battalion crossing after them, many threw down their arms, and surrendered themselves prisoners. Mr. Conflans had previously sent away four of the smallest field-pieces and the money of the military chest, laden for expedition on two camels. The spoil of the field and camp was 30 pieces of cannon, most of which were brass; 50 tumbrels, and other carriages laden with ammunition; seven mortars from thirteen to eight inches, with a large provision of shells; 1,000 draught bullocks and all the tents of the French battalion. Three of their officers were killed in the field, and three died of their wounds the same evening; 70 of their rank and file were likewise killed, or mortally wounded: six officers and 50 rank and file were taken prisoners, and the same number of wounded were supposed to have escaped. Of the English battalion. Captain Adnet and 15 rank and file were killed; Mr. Macguire, the paymaster, and Mr. Johnstone, the commissary, who joined the grenadiers, two officers, and 20 of the rank and file were wounded; the sepoys had 100 killed and more wounded. No victory could be more complete; Mr. Conflans, the commander of the French army, changing horses, arrived on the full gallop at Rajahmundrum before midnight, although the distance is 40 miles from the field on which the battle was lost; the troops took various routes, but most of them towards Rajahmundrum.'
Kottapalli: Five miles east-south-east of Pithápuram, Population 1,203. Good muslins are woven here by 200 households of Pattu Sáles. The work is referred to in Chapter VI.
Múlapéta: Seven miles east of Pithápuram. Population 2,002, About 100 households of Pattu Sáles weave good cotton cloths in the village. The Mondi Jaganna temple there is widely known. There are two gods and a goddess in the temple, namely Bála Ráma, Jagannátha, and his sister Subadra. All the images are of wood and are without hands or feet and are therefore called mondi, or 'crippled'. Whence the name of the temple. Popular tradition says the images were washed ashore in the village. It is said that the idols in the great Jagannátha temple at Púri in Orissa are changed once a year, the old ones being thrown into the sea, and that these are a set of the old ones from that place. In Phálguna (March-April) a five-days' festival takes place at the temple and the pilgrims bathe in the sea on the newmoon day. It is declared that married women of the lower classes who are desirous of children are permitted, without discredit attaching to them, to indulge in promiscuous intercourse at this feast, and respectable people consequently resent being asked whether they attended it. A curious feature of the worship is ​that suppliants do not clasp their hands before the deities in the conventional Hindu form of reverence, but salaam to them as in the Muhammadan fashion of greeting. Nor do they
address the usual praises to them, but actually insult them with the most vulgar abuse. No reasons are forthcoming for these customs.
Pithápuram: A union of 13,220 inhabitants. The headquarters of the great Pithápuram zamindari, of a deputy tahsildar and of a sub-registrar. It contains a police-station, a large choultry maintained by the Rája, another kept up from local funds, a local fund hospital (founded 1879), an upper secondary school for boys, an English lower secondary school for boys, a Government lower secondary school for girls and a large cattle market. The Rája owns a bungalow near the station which is generally placed at the disposal of travellers. Close by are his experimental farm and veterinary dispensary,
Pithápuram is mentioned as a sovereign city in very early times. In the Allahabad pillar inscription of the Gupta king Samudragupta, which belongs to the middle of the fourth century A.D., the chieftain Mahéndra of Pistápuram is mentioned along with the kings of Conjeeveram and Vengi. He was almost undoubtedly a Pallava chief and a semi-independent feudatory of the Pallava king Vishnugópa of Conjeeveram. Again 'the strong fortress of Pishtápura' is one of the places mentioned in the Aihole inscription of the Eastern Chálukya emperor Pulakésin II as having been subdued by him when he conquered the Vengi country. But from this period onwards a wide gap occurs in the history of the place. Inscriptions ranging from 1186 to 1391 A.D. and belonging to the Vélanándu chiefs, the Kónas, Mallapa's Eastern Chálukya line, and Reddi kings are found in it; but they throw no light on its history.
In comparatively modern times Pithápuram reappears as the head-quarters of an important zamindari. Mr. Grant, in his Political Survey of the Nortliern Circars already quoted, states that the ancestors of the Rája of this estate were established as renters of part of it as early as 1 571, but that the family was involved in the general proscription of Indian landholders under the rule of Rustum Khán until in 1749 one of its members obtained a sanad for the zamindari from the amildar Nimat Ali.
A detailed history of the estate has recently been published at Cocanada by order of the Rája. Up to the end of the eighteenth century, this consists entirely of a translation of one of the Mackenzie MSS. The dates and names (especially the former) in this are evidently confused, but it may be relied on ​where it refers to events in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Further materials for a historical sketch of the estate are provided by the appointments and title-deeds given to the family by successive Muhammadan rulers which are still preserved in its archives, and by an old genealogical tree kept there.
The family is of the Velama stock and its ordinary titles (like those of the Kálahasti zamindars) are Rao or RáyaNimgár. It claims descent from one Anupótama Náyudu, about whom some remarkable stories are told. His existence is proved by orders of the Báhmani kings — one of Ala-ud-din (1435-58) dated 1454, 'pardoning him for his misbehaviour' and granting him and his brother Mádhava certain lands, and the other by the son of Muhammad Shah II (1463-82) dated 1464-65 and confirming or modifying the former grant — but these do not connect him with Pitháapuram. The grants confer villages in the Nizam's Dominions, and the former directs him to come to the court of the Sultan. The 'misbehaviour' perhaps consisted of the exploits (mentioned in the MS. history) of his son, who collected a large army and conquered forts in the west, which were afterwards held by the family as a jaghir. The names of two of these forts are given in the MS. as Kailása and Metukúr, and a Metukúr is mentioned in the grant. Anupótama's brother, Mádhava Nayudu, is said in the MS. to have founded the family of Venkatagiri in Nellore. The family were afterwards ousted from their jaghir by 'some Delhi sirdars', but one of them, Ranga Rao (of the third generation after Anupótama Náyudu), won back Metukúr and Kailása by force of arms and his son and grandson ruled them more or less independently. The sons of the latter were ousted again and served the king of Golconda as sirdars. This must have been about the end of the sixteenth century.
It is from Mádhava Rao, one of these sirdars, that the Pithápuram family is descended. His sons 'lived for a long time at Samalkot,' and one of them, Tenugu Rao, was appointed Sirdar of the Rajahmundry Circar at the head of 4,000 troops with Anaparti (in Rámachandrapuram taluk) as a jaghir.1 He is said to have been appointed by king Abu Hassan of Golconda (1672-88), who was undoubtedly well disposed to his family. He had seven sons. One of them, Jaga Rao, was made a sirdar over 350 men and the letter of ​appointment, dated 1676-77, is still kept at Pithápuram. Both the MS. history and the genealogical tree agree in saying that the nucleus of the present zamindari of Pithápuram was given to another son named Rámachandra Rao; the former ascribes the gift to king Abu Hassan, but the latter gives the date as 1647. The sanad then granted is not forthcoming, but the MS. gives what purports to be a copy of it. According to this, the grant included the 'pergunnas' of Cocanada, Selapáka (7 miles south of Cocanada) and Porlunádu (i.e., apparently, Pithápuram).1 Samalkot and two other villages were also given as mokhása.
The MS. goes on to describe the fortunes of Tenugu Rao's children in some detail. Two more of his sons, Krishna Rao and Rangasáyi Rao, were intimates of king Abu Hassan, being particularly good chess-players. The latter killed himself in the presence of the king rather than survive the insults which that ruler, being out of humour, one day heaped upon him.
Various descendants of the seven sons of Tenugu Rao held the estate for some years. One of them, Venkata Krishna Ráya-Nimgár, at length obtained an exemption from the payment of peshkash and 'ruled over the estate as if it were independent.' Certain zamindars of the country having failed to pay their revenues, an expedition was sent by the Muhammadans under Rustum Khán,2 the subordinate of Anwar-ud-dín, about 1733 to suppress them. The zamindars of Mogalturru and Ellore were defeated at Ellore and called in the help of Venkata Krishna Ráya-Nimgár and the zamindarni of Peddápuram. The united forces of the zamindars fought the Muhammadans twice near Peddápuram, but were defeated and driven into exile. The Rája of Pithápuram 'lived for some time among the hills of Tótapalli on predatory excursions.' His cousin Bachchanna was captured with the remnants of the army by Rustum Khán and he and his followers were beheaded at Pithápuram.
Venkata Krishna Ráya himself is said in the MS. to have died of jungle fever in Tótapalli. But this is apparently wrong. The genealogical tree makes him rule till 1759, and his existence in 1754-55 is proved by nine Muhammadan ​grants to him, ranging from 1749-50 to 1754-55, which are still kept at Pithápuram.1 His estates and jaghirs were apparently regranted to him in the first of these years by Nimat Ali, who was Nawab of Rajahmundry from 1749-50 to 1751-52. The gap between 1734, when he was defeated by the Musalmans, and 1749, when he was restored, is hard to fill, Anwar-ud-din had quieted the country, and the people were 'in enjoyment of peace of mind and freedom from predatory incursions.' Rustum Khán had been killed by his own son, Núr-ud-din, and the latter was beheaded by Anwar-ud-dín. But whether Venkata Krishna Ráya was allowed to return to his estate before 1749 and, if not, who ruled the property in the interim, is not clear.
The authorities do not say what happened to the estate while the French held the Northern Circars, but when the Vizianagram Rája induced the English to invade the country in 1758-59, the Pithápuram zamindar, like the other chiefs of this district, suspected that he wished to extend his dominions at their expense, and accordingly opposed the invasion. He apparently took no part in the battle of Condore ; but hearing that the English were advancing against Samalkot with the Vizianagram Rája he obtained the help of the Dutch of Cocanada to resist them. The MS. says that the Samalkot fort held out for three months, but then submitted. Very shortly afterwards, however, the French landed some troops at Cocanada and these were received into the fort at Samalkot, and were joined there by Jagapati Rázu, a relative and enemy of the Vizianagram Rája. This coalition fought an action at Undúr with the Vizianagram forces, but was defeated. Samalkot was re-taken by the English and the French were driven to Cocanada. All this must have taken place in 1759. The Rája of Pithápuram took refuge in Rághavapuram, but, on the death of the Vizianagram Rája soon afterwards of small-pox, he returned to Pithápuram.
Meanwhile the Nizam had again become possessed of the district, and about 1761 the zamindar was re-established in his property.
Who held the property during the next few years is not clear, and there seems to have been some fighting over the successions. In 1765 the then Rája, Kumára Mahipati, died, and his uncle Níládri succeeded. He seems to have been a man of character and to have taken a strong line in the disturbances of the preceding years. ​ The next zamindar of any interest is Kumára Venkata Mahípati Rao 1 (1786-93), of whom we are told that he 'did away with the peshkash and ruled over the estate as if he were an independent ruler without any disturbance and in the enjoyment of the greatest delights.' This was too much for the 'Nawab of Masulipatam' (the Chief of the English Council there) who summoned the zamindar to appear before him. The zamindar started for Masulipatam; but on his way he halted at Nallacheruvu and uttered the following native soliloquy: 'It is not proper to proceed any further; for if the Nawáb were to question me why I did not remit the peshkash and I could not give him satisfactory answer; then it would be very difficult to say what steps the Nawáb might take.' So he retired to the hills by way of Rampa where, 'the climate of the place being unsuited' to him, he was attacked by jungle fever and 'died prematurely there.'
The story is confirmed by the general report of the Board of Revenue of that day. The Board recommended that the late zamindar's young cousin, Venkata Níládri, should succeed him, and it was with this man that the permanent settlement was made in 1803. From his death, which occurred in 1828, till 1841 the estate was under the Court of Wards; and it was again under management from 1850 till 1861, when it was handed over to the then owner Venkata Mahípati Gangádhara Ráma Rao with a balance of four lakhs. This zamindar died in 1890, and, with a brief interval, the estate continued under the Court of Wards until October 1906, when it was handed over to its present proprietor.
The estate is a remarkably fine one. In the early years of British administration it was no doubt overshadowed by the more important zamindari of Peddápuram; but while the latter has ceased to exist Pithápuram has greatly extended. Not only does it now comprise nearly the whole of the Pithápuram division and the Cocanada taluk, but it also owns fourteen villages in Amalápuram, twelve in Tuni, nine in Rajahmundry, eight in Rámachandrapuram and four in Chódavaram, as well as others in North Arcot and other districts. Its total area is 383 square miles and its income in 1903-04 was Rs. 9,14,000, and the peshkash Rs. 2,44,000.
For purposes of administration the estate is divided into six thánas, each under a thánadar. The cultivators have no admitted occupancy right in their holdings, though they have shown a tendency to claim this, and until recently what ​is known as the vantaváradi system of land tenure has been enforced by the estate. This is, in effect, the joint-rent system in vogue in ryotwari lands prior to l866 and described in Chapter XI. It included the 'challenging' there referred to. This undesirable method was practically abandoned under the Court of Wards. Rentals were fixed, whenever complaints were made about them, by holding a kind of public auction and giving the land to the man who offered the highest figure. When once thus settled, they were not altered until the holding changed hands by succession or otherwise, and the successful bidder was not interfered with in his possession. The estate has now been surveyed; and it may be hoped that the Rája will introduce a regular settlement on the basis of the survey.
The town of Pithápuram is one of the least attractive places imaginable. The streets are narrow, winding, uneven and dusty, and the houses are poor in appearance. The Rája's residence is in striking contrast, being an imposing building of great size.
The town possesses some religious and archæological interest. It is known throughout the Northern Circars as a place of pilgrimage. The particular point of sanctity is the páda gaya pool in front of the Kukkutésvara-svámi temple. According to the legend, a giant named Gayásura, who was so big that when he lay down his body stretched from Gaya to Pithápuram, once ruled southern India. He was killed by Siva while his feet were resting in Pithápuram near this pool. The pool is accordingly called the páda ('foot') gaya. The local Hindus speak of three gayas, where different parts of the dead giant were found. One of these is the place of that name in Bengal, and it is held throughout this district that any one who bathes there ought also to bathe in the páda gaya pool at Pithápuram. Three large images of Buddhist or Jain origin, sitting cross-legged in the usual contemplative attitude, stand at the side of one of the main streets of the town. They are known as sanyási devúlu ('ascetic gods') and a festival is held in honour of them in times of drought; by which means, it is supposed, they are induced to send rain. Four interesting inscriptions have been found in the Kuntimádhava temple. These give some historical information and the genealogies of three lines of chieftains who ruled in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.1 A small mosque in the bazaar street has evidently been built with the materials of ​an old Hindu shrine. It is locally supposed that the pillars came from the Kuntimádhava temple. There are some inscriptions on the pillars.
One of the largest cattle markets in the district takes place in the town every Saturday. The sale of the right to collect the fees at this fetches over Rs. 3,000 annually. The excellent bell-metal work done in the place is referred to in Chapter VI. About fifty households of Dévángas weave plain but fine cloths and about the same number of Sénápatis make coarser stuffs.
Ponnáda: Lies near the sea coast eight miles east by north of Pithápuram. Population 2,927. Its ancient importance is attested by the fact that three spots in Pithápuram town, namely, one of the fort gates, a well, and a cattle-stand, bear its name. A building erected round a banyan tree in the village is held sacred both by the Muhammadans and the Hindus of the locality. The legend says that long ago a Muhammadan widow wished to be buried with her husband, was prevented, but was permitted to live in this building, which was erected over his tomb. After her death the entrances to the building were closed.
Uppáda: Seven miles east-south-east of Pithápuram; population 3,912. Contains a police-station. The travellers' bungalow recently collapsed owing to the encroachments of the sea. It is noted for its muslins, which are known throughout a large part of the Presidency. They are referred to in Chapter VI. About 200 Dévángas are engaged in this industry.
The village gives its name to a small zamindari estate with an income of Rs. 2,700 and a peshkash of Rs. 660. This was given by the late Rája of Pithápuram to his sister.
The erosion of the coast and the existence of a submerged town here have been referred to in Chapter I.
* ↑ 1 Orme (Madras, 1861), ii, 378 ff.
* ↑ 2 The War in India (London, 1761), 204 ff.
* ↑ 3 Decisive battles of India, 80-87.
* ↑ 4 Cambridge says 'near Tallapool' (i.e., Tatiparti); and local tradition places the French camp at the now deserted village of Vodulapenta. The latter may refer to the temporary occupation of that village by the French on the morning of the battle.
* ↑ 5 Orme says 'a great number of the troops of the country, of which 500 were horse and 6,000 sepoys;' Cambridge says '8,000 sepoys and a great many of the country powers.'
* ↑ 1 Mr. B. McCormack, Engineer of the Pithápuram estate, has kindly given much assistance in locating the site.
* ↑ 2 They were from Bengal and wore red; the Madras sepoys' tunics were usually white.
* ↑ 1 The Chandurti tank.
* ↑ 1 The Pithápuram MS. professes to quote an inscription from Anaparti confirming this appointment, and dated 1598. But this date must be too early, and the list of Muhammadan rulers in the Rajahmundry MS. referred to below does not support the appointment.
* ↑ 1 Pórlunádu is nowadays used to designate those parts of the Cocanada, Peddápuram and Pithápuram country which are watered by the Yeléru. The word is locally explained to mean 'the land of floods,' from porlu, 'to overflow.'
* ↑ 2 Called in the MS. 'Haji Hussain,' but evidently identical with Rustum Khán. The Rajahmundry MS. represents him as Nawáb of Rajahmundry from 1730 to 1737, and Mr. Grant (p. 208) gives the date of the defeat of the Mogalturru zamindar as 1733.
* ↑ 1 Four of these bear the seal of the Mughal emperor Ahmad Sháh (1748-54) and one of Alamgir II (1754-59).
* ↑ 1 This is the Mahípati mentioned by the Committee of Circuit, 1787.
* ↑ 1 See Government Epigraphist's annual report for 1894, pp. 2 ff., and inscriptions Nos. 490 to 493 of 1893.