# The American Journal of Sociology/Volume 06/Number 3/City Council of Berlin

​THE CITY COUNCIL OF BERLIN.
WITH the first of January, 1900, the number of the city council in the city of Berlin was increased from 126 to 144 mem- bers. The last increase had taken place in the year 1881, when the number was raised from 108 to 126. A curious difficulty existing in the Municipal Code of 1853 had caused the increase in the membership of the city council to be delayed some years beyond the time when it would otherwise have been made. The law provided, namely, that in subsequent elections of city coun- cilmen the successors should each time be elected in, and chosen for, the same district as the persons whom they succeeded. This was held by the courts, in a series of decisions, to mean that the city councils could not alter the districts within which the mem- bers of the council were chosen ; and, consequently, whenever it was desired to increase the membership of the city council, it was necessary to add to the number of members chosen in the existing districts. As this did not often lead to any fairer distri- bution of members than existed under the previous conditions, city councils were rather slow to increase the number of their members.
The only method by which the membership could be increased, and the districts redivided at the same time, was by a formal dis- solution of the city councils through the act of the government. Such a procedure, however, was always objected to by the city councils, especially by that of Berlin, on the ground that the law provided for the dissolution of the councils only as a disciplinary measure, and that any such dissolution, therefore, must be looked upon as in a certain sense the condemnation of the policy pur- sued by these councils. There was a certain sting in this claim of the city of Berlin, inasmuch as the city council had nearly always been radical in politics, while the supervising authorities, of course, had always been conservative at least, conservative as compared with the radicalism of the city council. But, in spite of this objection, the government dissolved the city council
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of Berlin in the spring of 1883, for the purpose of enabling a fairer distribution of the members among the various city dis- tricts than was possible before.
An amendment was made to the municipal code in 1891, according to which cities were authorized to redistribute the members among the existing electoral districts and to recon- struct the districts themselves whenever it was deemed desirable. Among other reasons advanced for increasing the number of members in the city council was the fact that in this way a fairer distribution could be brought about and a fuller representa- tion of the various interests of the city. The present city coun- cil is elected in accordance with the provisions of the well-known three-class system, adopted in Prussia as the basis of elections to the state legislature and to most of the city councils. Although the provisions of this law are rather complicated, the general principle may be explained very briefly.
The law provides that every independent male Prussian, twenty-four years of age, may vote in the city of Berlin, who has been a resident for one year preceding the particular election at which he casts his vote, who has not received during that period any assistance from the public poor rates, who has paid his taxes, and who owns a house or carries on an independent business with at least two assistants, or who is assessed to the state income tax at the fictitious amount of 4 marks. Those persons are assessed at this fictitious rate of 4 marks who have an income of between 660 and 900 marks.
As a houseowner or a man who carries on a business with two assistants is likely to pay a higher direct tax than 4 marks, the practical meaning of these various provisions is that an otherwise qualified person, who possesses an income of at least 660 marks, shall be allowed to vote. As a matter of fact, the city of Berlin collects. a city income tax of 4 marks (95.2 cents) upon incomes exceeding 660 marks up to 900 marks, so that, gen- erally speaking, any independent male Prussian citizen, twenty- four years of age, who has lived in Berlin for a period of one year, and who has paid a tax of at least 95.2 cents, is registered in the eligible voting list. ​CITY COUNCIL OF BERLIN 40Q
The meaning of the word " independent" in this clause has been the subject of much discussion. The executive council of the city, which is intrusted with the preparation of this eligible list, has always maintained that in order to be independent a person must, either alone or in company with other persons, have the exclusive control of at least one room, by way of ownership or by way of lease. The city council, on the other hand, has always maintained that "independent" meant simply that the person concerned should be earning his own living. It would not seem at first blush as if the matter were of very much importance. But, as a matter of fact, the interpretation of the executive council, which is the one thus far practically in force, and recently enforced by the decision of the courts, excludes from the right to vote the so-called lodging-house population, or those men who, having no definite place of abode, simply hire a sleeping place at night in some one of the numerous lodging-houses of the city. Exactly how many people are excluded by this interpretation nobody seems to know ; but that it is a very considerable number of the very poorest people all seem to agree.
The attempt to collect the tax of 4 marks from people who have incomes between 660 and 900 marks has been connected with so much vexation and trouble, and the yield of the tax has, on the whole, been so small, that the executive council proposed to the city council during the past year to give up the collection of this tax altogether. The sentiment in the city council seemed to be that if by giving up this tax the people who were respon- sible for it could be excluded from voting, it would be a good thing; but inasmuch as the state law prevented the city from exacting a higher income than 660 marks as a condition of the exercise of the right to vote, they felt that everyone who chose to exercise this right ought to be held to some direct share in the burdens of the city.
Exactly how many otherwise qualified persons are excluded from the right to vote by this provision that they should pay a minimum tax of 4 marks no one seems to know. The facts are undoubtedly in the city records, if the city officials could be ​410 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
persuaded to extract them. But personal inquiry of the various officials responsible for the preparation of the voters lists revealed the fact that no one could ascertain from any tables which have been prepared how the voting population of Berlin at present would compare with the voting population under the universal male-suffrage system of the United States.
The municipal voters list for the year 1897-8 contained 308,936 names. The list of persons eligible to vote for members of the legislature, in regard to which the provisions are somewhat more liberal, was 398,000. The list of persons eligible to vote for members of the Reichstag, which is still more liberal, being practically based upon the system of universal manhood suffrage, showed about the same number ; but, inasmuch as the age requirement for the Reichstag elections is 25, while that for the state legislature and city councils is only 24, the number of persons, 24 years of age, otherwise eligible to vote at Reichstag elections, would be of course considerably larger. It is perhaps not too much to say that the present law, as applied to the city of Berlin, excludes about 25 percent, of the male German citizens, 21 years of age, living in the city of Berlin, from participation in local elections. It is apparent on the face of it that this constitutes a very important limitation of the suffrage as compared with our American cities.
The list of voters prepared for the elections held in Novem- ber, 1899, contained the names of 316,948 persons, all of whom were assessed to, and had paid a tax of, at least 4 marks. 1
This list, including all persons qualified to vote in the city of Berlin, is arranged in the order of the sum total of direct taxes paid by each individual to the city and the state. It is then divided into three classes in the following manner : Beginning at the head of the list, the sums paid in taxes are added together, going down the list until a sum equal to one third of the total
1 It must be noted, however, that the list contains the names of certain joint-stock companies and non-residents of the city, namely, those who pay a higher tax than any of the three highest taxed individual inhabitants of the city. This number is not, of course, sufficient to make any material difference in the total number of voters, although it has a marked influence in affecting the distribution of voters among the three classes, as will be seen later. ​CITY COUNCIL OF BERLIN 411
taxes paid by the persons whose names appear in this list, is obtained. The persons who together pay this first third consti- tute the first class of voters. The process is then continued until a second third of the total sum of taxes is obtained. The people who together pay this second third constitute the second class. All the others, who together pay the last third, constitute the third class of voters. In the case of the list prepared for the election of November, 1899, the total sum paid in direct taxes was 56,057,800.93 marks. One third of this sum, 18,685,933.64 marks, was paid by the 691 persons whose names stood first on the list. The second third was paid by the 7,740 whose names followed next. And the last third was paid by the 308,517 persons whose names stood last on the list.
To state the same facts in another way : All persons who paid a direct tax of at least 8,333.80 marks were entitled to vote in the first class. All persons who paid a tax of at least 1,095.40 marks, not exceeding 8,323.20 marks, constituted the second class. All the other taxpayers of the city constituted the third class.
Each of these classes is entitled to choose one-third of the members of the city council ; or, in the case of the present council of Berlin, 48 members.
It is easy to see, on the very face of these returns, that an enormous advantage is given to wealth in the matter of consti- tuting the city council of Berlin. It is not simply a city council based upon tax-paying qualities ; it is not simply a council con- trolled by taxpayers; but it is a city council controlled by large taxpayers. Less than 700 persons elect one-third of the entire council, while another third is given to over 300,000 persons. It is, moreover, apparent that no one can be admitted, even to the second class, who would not be counted among the prosper- ous members of the community; for a payment of $250 in direct taxes, under the system of taxation in force in Prussia, indicates a very considerable accumulation of wealth. Of course the actual numbers in the different classes and their relative propor- tions vary from year to year, according to the shifting amounts of taxes paid by the individuals and classes. On the whole, under the working of the present scheme, the number of people ​412
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in the first class has been steadily diminishing for ten years past and the relative number of people in the third class has correspondingly been on the increase. The following table shows, for a period of eleven years, the manner in which the number of voters in the first class has steadily diminished, while
TABLE OF THE MUNICIPAL VOTERS REGISTERED IN BERLIN IN THE YEARS 1889 TO J899, AND OF THE DIVISION INTO CLASSES.
NUMBER OF THE MUNICIPAL VOTERS IN
DIVISION LIMITS.
Year.
Div. I
Div. II
Total tax sum,
Div. I.
Div. II.
Div. III.
Total.
down to
down to
M. and Pf.
M. and Pf.
M. and Pf.
1889
3,540
17,336
203,119
223,995
1,631.60
363.20
38,494,277.10
1890
3,778
17,727
236,185
257,690
1,631.60
363.20
38,494,277.10
1891
3-571
17,885
249,563
271,019
1,749.60
376.80
41,905,670.29
1892'
2,226
16,846
256,964
276,036
2,663.80
429.80
44,344,4I4-59
1893
2,045
13,049
274,048
289,142
2,956.80
597-90
44,455,616.92
1894
2,082
12,086
274,151
288,319
3,152.40
682.20
48,270,023.45
I8 9 5 8
1,486
9,867
288,638
299,991
3,891.20
781.66
43,761,979.66
1896
1,336
9,027
295,960
306,323
4,348.00
833-72
45.320,728.23
1897
1,289
8,929
303,313
313,531
4,851.00
869.20
47,890,294.62
1898
1,216
8,865
298,611
308,692
5,067.80
892.60
48,580,728.13
I899 3
691
7,740
308,517
316,948
8,333-80
1,095.40
56,057,800.93
the amount of taxes paid in order to obtain admission to the first class has steadily risen. Thus, in the year 1890 the number of persons entitled to vote in the first class was 3,778. It diminished regularly down to 691 in the year 1899. The number of voters in the second class in the year 1890 was 17,727, which diminished to less than half in the year 1899. The amount of taxes enabling one to be classed in the first class in the year 1890 was 1,631.60. In the year 1899 it was more than five times as much.
It may be said that such a condition of affairs is too much even for the very conservative sentiment of the Prussian public. It is felt that some kind of change must be made very soon, as this is too plainly and apparently a favoring of the extremely wealthy class.
'Made after the law of June 24, 1891.
After abolition of the tax on rent, and introduction of the property and munici- pal house and land tax.
'After inserting the tax rates of the fictitious persons to the amount of 5,047,600 marks. ​CITY COUNCIL OF BERLIN 413
Incidentally this table shows the rapid rate at which wealth is accumulating in Prussia, and the rate at which large fortunes are being built up.
For the purpose of electing the members of the city council the city is divided into districts by classes. The law provides that one-third of the members of each class shall be elected every two years, making the council, therefore, a continuous body, like the senate of the United States ; and it is provided further that, whenever the number of voters in any one class shall exceed 500, the city may be divided into districts for the election of the members belonging to that class.
Under this provision the city of Berlin has been divided into sixteen districts, each electing three members one member, therefore, every two years for the first class ; further, into six- teen districts, each electing three members one, therefore, every two years for the second class; and into forty-eight districts, each electing one member, and, therefore, one every six years for the third class.
The general principle accepted in this division is to divide the city in such a way that, approximately, the same number of voters of the class for which the division is made shall be found in each district. It is evident, therefore, that, if the members of the first class were distributed over the city in the same general ratio as the members of the second class, the boundaries of the districts of the first and second classes might be coterminous. But, as a matter of fact, since this actual distribution of residents is very different, the districting of the members of the first class must be very different from the districting for members of the second class. And this difference is still more marked in the case of districting for the third class, since the residence distribution of the great mass of the voters of the third class is very different from that of the members of the first or second class. The boundaries of these various districts sometimes run together for a short distance. The city, namely, is divided into 362 administrative districts ; and, in making up the districts for the election of councilmen in either of the three classes, these administrative districts must not be divided. So that occasionally ​414 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
ally it happens that the bounds of one of these administrative districts and of electoral districts of the first, second, or third class coincide for short distances ; but this is a mere accident and has no significance. A map of the city of Berlin, showing the division into districts for the respective classes, presents a most variegated and interesting appearance.
As if the preponderance given to wealth under this arrange- ment were not sufficient, the law further provides that at least half of the members elected for each class shall be houseowners in the city of Berlin. Under the circumstances, this may not have a very great significance ; and, as a matter of fact, the number of householders in each class exceeds the number required by the law. The courts have held that a man is a householder in the sense of this provision of the law if he owns a share, however small, in any house ; so that it is possible to avoid, in a certain sense, the object of the law by the simple purchase of a fictitious interest in a house. I was not able to get any evidence showing that this possibility, however, had been used to any considerable extent.
A striking characteristic of the city council of Berlin is the large number of merchants and business-men in general to be found in this body, the small number of professional men, espe- cially lawyers, and the small number of saloonkeepers. In fact, a saloonkeeper, in the sense in which that term is commonly used in the United States, is ineligible by law.
The city council, under the law, has the right to complete participation in the making of local ordinances. Its actual function, however, is largely that of a controlling and supervis- ing rather than a legislative body. Its business is mostly pre- pared for it by the executive council, and is submitted for its consideration in a very similar manner to that in which an English cabinet submits measures to the British parliament. Although an individual member may bring up any business which he desires, and may introduce any local ordinance, in order to secure its consideration he must have the proposition seconded by several members ; and, if we except the actions of the city council in regard to elections of its own members or ​CITY COUNCIL OF BERLIN 415
other matters concerning its own function and organization, it initiates legislation in comparatively few cases. Nearly its entire time is taken up with considering the measures proposed to it by the executive council, to which it either gives or with- holds its consent, or may propose amendments, as it pleases, and in criticising the administration of city affairs by the mem- bers of the executive council. Even if it desires legislation in regard to some specific subject, it is more likely to request the executive council to prepare and submit an ordinance upon the subject than it is to intrust a committee of its own membership with that function.
It exercises, however, in another way, a very direct and immediate control over city administration, since it is repre- sented on nearly all the boards and commissions through which the actual administration of city affairs is conducted. In this way each individual member of the council becomes acquainted with the practical administration in some one or more depart- ments of the city government, and the body itself is thus kept in touch with all the measures to be proposed by the executive council, and with all the acts of the various branches of the civil service.
With the exception of the growing influence given to the large taxpayers in the constitution of the city council and the control of city business, public sentiment in Berlin seems to be fairly well satisfied with the existing system, and I found what I did not find to the same extent in other cities in Germany a feeling that it was a good thing for the welfare of the city that a considerable number of social democrats should be elected to membership in the city council ; for in this way it was pos- sible to keep track of the desires and wishes of a large and influential class of the population ; in this way, moreover, it was possible to intrust their leaders with a certain participation in public administration, a participation which made them more conservative, less revolutionary, both in their thought and their actions.
EDMUND J. JAMES.
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO.