# Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Lawrence, John Laird Mair

​LAWRENCE, JOHN LAIRD MAIR, first Lord Lawrence (1811–1879), governor-general of India, sixth son and eighth of twelve children of Lieutenant-colonel Alexander Lawrence, and younger brother of Sir Henry Montgomery Lawrence [q. v.] and Sir George St. Patrick Lawrence [q. v.], was born at Richmond in Yorkshire, where his father's regiment (the 19th foot) was then quartered, on 4 March 1811. Moving with his parents to Guernsey, to Ostend, and finally, on the conclusion of the war, to Clifton, his first school was Mr. Gough's at Bristol, which he began to attend as a day-boy in 1819. Of this school he said grimly in after-life.: 'I was flogged every day of my life at school except one, and then I was flogged twice. In 1823 he was removed to his uncle James Knox's school, the free grammar school of Londonderry, since called Foyle College. The education was rough and unsystematic, and he gained little there but a taste for reading history. In 1825 he was sent to Wraxall Hall school, near Bath. Three of his elder brothers had already received Indian appointments through the influence of a family friend, John Hudlestone, a director of the East India Company, and in 1827 an offer of an appointment was made to John. To his great chagrin it was a civil and not a military post which fell to him, and it was only under the influence of his favourite sister, Letitia, that he reluctantly accepted it. He proceeded to Haileybury in July, passed two years there creditably but without gaining distinction, except a prize for Bengali, and eventually passed out third for the presidency of Bengal in May 1829. Till he reached middle life he did not impress his friends as being a man of mark or destined to future greatness. He sailed with his brother Henry for India in September, and, after a five months' voyage and long and intense suffering from sea-sickness, reached Calcutta on 9 Feb. 1830. There he entered the college of Fort William. Rough, uncouth, and somewhat boisterous, he found the society of Calcutta very uncongenial. Lacking any natural bent for an Indian career, and suffering also in health, he very nearly resolved to return to England. At length, having mastered Urdu and Persian, he was at his own request gazetted to Delhi, where Sir Charles Metcalfe was then resident. In this city and district he remained for thirteen years. He at once took kindly to the place and the work, and was at first assistant magistrate and collector of the city. Almost without intermission he occupied this post for four years, till he was placed in charge of the northern or Paniput division of the Delhi territory in 1834. Energetic, laborious, and sternly just, he had also, in spite of hot temper and rough manners, the faculty of cultivating intimacy with the ​natives of his district and of acquiring information at first hand, without relying upon subordinates and informers. He thus succeeded in reducing to order a somewhat turbulent population and a chaotic mass of administrative work; but he was without any European society, and almost forgot for the time being how to speak intelligible English. In July 1837 he was recalled to Delhi, and was appointed to the southern or Gurgaon division of the territory.
In November 1838 he became settlement officer at Etawah, a district then suffering from a severe famine; but at the end of the following year an attack of fever, which almost proved fatal, compelled him to return home invalided on three years' furlough. He landed in England in June 1840, and at once devoted himself with his characteristic energy to regaining his health and to finding a wife to his mind. He travelled in the highlands, in Ulster, and in Germany, and at length, on 26 Aug. 1841, married Harriete Catherine, daughter of the Rev. Richard Hamilton, a clergyman in county Donegal. Thinking his health re-established, he travelled for six months in France, Switzerland, and Italy; but he contracted a fever in Rome, which obliged his doctors to forbid his return to India at all. 'If I can't live in India I must go and die there.' he said, and sailed from Southampton on 1 Oct. 1842. He reached Delhi in the spring of 1843, and, after acting for a time as civil and sessions judge, was appointed to Kurnaul. This appointment terminated in November, and he did not find another post till the end of 1844, when he became magistrate and collector of the two districts of Paniput and of Delhi, the rank which he had held before he was invalided home.
Hitherto his rise had simply been that of an average civilian. Though highly esteemed by many Indian authorities for his energy and grasp of his work, he had not attracted the attention of any governor-general. But in 1845 an accident brought him into personal contact with Lord Hardinge, who was newly arrived in India. Scinde had been recently annexed, the Sikhs were preparing for hostilities, and men of vigour with a knowledge of the country were needed on the north-west frontier. It was at Delhi on 11 Nov. 1845 that he first met Lord Hardinge and deeply impressed him by his talents, character, and information. After the battle of Ferozepore the governor-general, lacking provisions or ammunition with which to follow up the victory, wrote to Lawrence for assistance. In a few days he collected four thousand carts from a region already almost depleted of transport, loaded them from the magazines of Delhi, which were kept working night and day, and forced his convoy to the front, undiminished and unimpaired, in time for the battle of Sobraon. This ended the war, and on 1 March 1846 Lawrence was appointed administrator of the annexed Trans-Sutlej province, the Jullundur Doab. He at once repaired to his post and soon effected a provisional revenue settlement, based upon a payment of the land-tax in money and not in kind. He continued to discharge the laborious duties of the chief administrator of a newly constituted district until August, when he was appointed, in addition to the Jullundur commissionership, to the post of acting-resident at Lahore during the enforced absence of his brother Henry, the resident. This post he occupied till the end of the year. On the conclusion of the treaty of Byrowal, by which, as he had previously advised, the company's resident at Lahore assumed the entire supervision of the government of the Punjaub, he returned, after seven months' absence, to Jullundur, leaving his brother again established in Lahore. He was obliged at once to deal with the intricate question of the treatment of the feudatories or jagheerdars of the dispossessed Sikh government in the Trans-Sutlej provinces, and settled it, to the satisfaction both of suzerain and feudatory, by commuting the obsolete feudal services for a money payment and by reducing the fiefs of the jagheerdars in proportion. In August 1847 he was again obliged to relieve his brother Henry at Lahore, and remained there till April 1848, during the interval which elapsed between the departure of Henry Lawrence and the arrival of his successor, Sir Frederick Currie. A month later, upon the murder of Vans Agnew and Anderson in Moultan, he urged on the government and the new resident at Lahore the need of immediate action if disaffection was to be prevented from spreading and a general war was to be averted. Unfortunately decisive and sufficient action was delayed too long, and the second Sikh war was the result. His own province was attacked in May by an irregular force under a Guru, Maharaj Singh, and in September by a larger body under Ram Singh, but during the dangerous and uncertain period preceding the war Lawrence was able, by his vigour, firmness, and influence over the people of his province, to prevent any serious danger in the Jullundur Doab; and a short and bloodless campaign in November and December 1848 with the scanty forces at his command sufficed in his hands to suppress the disorders in the hill country. His firmness and ​promptitude had averted a serious rebellion. The annexation of the Punjaub was the consequence of the successful conclusion of the war. Largely on Lawrence's advice the annexation took place immediately.
The administration of the new territory was placed under a board of three members, to the presidency of which Henry Lawrence was appointed. John Lawrence and Charles Greville Mansel [q. v.l soon succeeded by Robert (afterwards Sir Robert) Montgomery [q. v.], were the other members. With singular success and in the most thorough detail this board during the next four years, throughout a newly conquered and warlike country as large as France and destitute of the machinery of civil government, created and established a system of administration complete in all its branches — military, civil, and financial — provided roads, canals, and gaols, put an end to dacoity and thuggee, codified the law, reformed the coinage, and promoted agriculture. Large part of the credit of this work, as the largest part of its entire labour and the special charge of its financial portions, belonged to John Lawrence, whose experience in all details of civil administration surpassed that of the other members of the board. In the course of this work the board was exposed to the unsparing and hostile criticisms of Sir Charles Napier (the commander-in-chief) and others, which its success for the most part sufficiently answered. Repeated and severe attacks of fever, which only the extraordinary strength of his constitution enabled him to shake off, almost obliged him to go home in 1851, but the prospect of completing his service in 1855 and of then retiring on a pension induced him to remain at his post. He was further harassed by the friction produced between himself and his brother Henry, owing to the divergence of their views on many points of administration, but principally upon all questions relating to the treatment of the jagheerdars and upon the system of collecting the land revenue and the management of the finances. Both were men of strong wills, strong opinions, and hot, fiery tempers. They differed so much in habits and in training that in the face of serious differences of opinion conflict and recrimination became inevitable. Their personal affection and esteem, however, remained unimpaired.
As far back as 1849 John had applied to Lord Dalhousie for a removal to a more independent post. In 1852, the Hyderabad residency falling vacant, both brothers independently applied for it, both alleging as their ground that the tension between them as colleagues upon the Punjaub board was unbearable to themselves and damaging to the public service. Lord Dalhousie seized the opportunity of putting an end to the board, which had never been designed to be more than a temporary expedient for dealing with a newly annexed country. Henry Lawrence was appointed to the Rajputana agency, and John Decame chief commissioner for the Punjaub in February 1858. The new arrangement of the work between the chief commissioner and two principal commissioners under him (one for finance and one for judiciary) was John Lawrence's own. For the next four years he remained occupied with the active and continuous discharge of the duties of this office, corresponding on the greatest variety of affairs both with the governor-general, under whose control the Punjaub remained, and with his own subordinates, visiting the whole of his province and the native states under his charge, and superintending the whole administration of the Punjaub. During the Crimean war he earnestly opposed any forward movement into Afghanistan, either political or military, and then, as always afterwards, urged the sufficiency of the existing frontier for all the purposes of the safety of India. 'Let us only be strong on this side the passes.' he wrote, 'and we may laugh at all that goes on in Cabul. I would waste neither men nor money beyond.' Even Peshawur he considered a source not of strength but of weakness. A treaty was, however, concluded with the ameer, and at the ameer's own request Lawrence was sent in March 1855 to negotiate it. For this and for his other services he was, on the recommendation of his firm friend Lord Dalhousie, made a K.C.B. early in 1856. Lord Dalhousie also strongly recommended that the Punjaub, now 'fit to walk alone.' should, with or without Scinde, be constituted a separate lieutenant-governorship, and that Lawrence should be its first lieutenant-governor; but the Punjaub did not become a lieutenant-governorship till after the mutiny. He was subsequently despatched to the frontier to meet Dost Mohammed, the Afghan ameer, who had expressed a desire for an interview with some high British official. The meeting took place at Jumrood on 6 Jan. 1857, and, after several conferences, a subsidy and a supply of munitions of war from the British to the ameer, for defensive purposes against Persia, were agreed to. Lawrence forbore to press for the presence of British officers in Cabul, being well aware that their lives would be in danger from a fanatical population, and that another Afghan war might in consequence become necessary; and a commission was merely despatched to Candahar to check ​the application of the British subsidy. The articles of agreement were signed on 26 Jan. 1857. He returned to Lahore at the end of March, and, apprehending the outbreak of the mutiny as little as other Indian officials, had actually applied for leave of absence to travel in Kasnmir for the restoration of his much-impaired health, when Lord Canning warned him that he might soon be urgently needed at his post. Early in May he visited Sealkote, one of the depôts for instruction in the use of the new Enfield rifle and the new greased cartridges, and was unable to perceive any grave signs of discontent. He wrote to Lord Canning that the sepoys were well pleased with the weapon. This was on 4 May. On 10 May the sepoys mutinied at Meerut.
The order into which Lawrence's long administration of the Punjaub had reduced that province, the trust which he inspired in its inhabitants, the intimate knowledge of them which he himself possessed, his own courage, resolution, and military talents, enabled him to make of the recently conquered kingdom of the Sikhs the base from which to reconquer the ancient capital of the Mogul. Cut off by the mutiny from any but the most tedious and uncertain communication with his only superior, the governor-general, he was virtually supreme in his province, and did not hesitate to assume the responsibility of action. He lavished money, he contracted loans, he moved troops, he enrolled levies, he put men to death, and he saved men alive. The security of the Punjaub, which enabled him to pour all its resources down upon Delhi, was at that moment of priceless value to India, and his efforts were supported, and his plans carried out, by that band of remarkable officers, chosen and trained by himself, who were known to all India as the men of the 'Punjaub school.' In the absence of Lawrence at Rawul Pindi, Robert Montgomery, the judicial commissioner, was in charge of 'Lahore. Upon receipt of the news of the capture of Delhi by the Meerut mutineers, he urged on General Corbett, the officer in command, the disarmament of the sepoy regiments in the cantonments of Mean Meer. Corbett with wise temerity took his advice, and the bold step — for it was kill or cure — saved the Punjaub. From Rawul Pindi Lawrence grappled with the crisis with equal Eromptitude, and not content with holding is own province and preparing to embody Sikh irregulars, he hurried the guides and other troops down country towards Delhi, volunteered advice to the commander-in-chief with regard to strategic movements, and even urged the governor-general to intercept the China expeditionary force. Civilian though he was by training, he was a born soldier; his advice was of the best, and Anson and Canning forgave this unconventional defiance of all official etiquette. To consolidate the scattered European forces, and tostrike with them immediately, was the substance of his policy. When Sir Henry Barnard's force had occupied the ridge overlooking Delhi, Lawrence kept it supplied with transports and stores, and raised, though sparingly and with caution, new native levies in his own province to replace or to reinforce the troops sent forward to Delhi. It is true that he was served by an admirable and devoted body of subordinates, and that his function was more to harmonise and consolidate their efforts than to execute, or even originate, plans himself. Yet it is the opinion of the persons best qualified to judge that 'it was he, and none of nis subordinates, who can be said to have saved the Punjaub.' It was also the support which he was actually able to give, and still more the confidence which his administration of the Punjaub as the base of supply for the Delhi field force inspired, that enabled the small army before Delhi for months to hold its own upon the ridge above the city. So close were his relations with the force and its commanders that he may almost be said to have directed its operations. At the same time, the task of preventing mutiny in the Punjaub grew more and more difficult as weeks passed and Delhi did not fall, and the danger was increased by the fact that the different stations had been almost stripped of European troops for the sake of the operations at Delhi, and the formation of the Punjaub movable column. He disarmed the sepoys at Rawul Pindi at the most imminent personal risk, and conflicts took place at Jhelum and Sealkote before the native regulars could be disarmed or destroyed. In the event of defeat at Delhi, he knew that all the native regiments, and probably the whole population of the Punjaub, would rise. Always sceptical of the value of Peshawur, and deliberately preferring the Indus as a frontier, he proposed in that event to hand over Peshawur to the care of the ameer of Cabul, to concentrate a sufficient force on Attock, and to send to the assistance of the Delhi field force the greater part of the troops thus liberated on the frontier. Their knowledge of this plan, and the daily draining away to Delhi of nearly all the resources of the Punjaub, including at last the movable column, elicited no little protest from his subordinates. Lawrence nevertheless held firmly to his belief that Delhi was the critical point, and that defeat ​there would involve the loss for the time being of the whole of northern India. By the month of August 1867, however, the tide had turned in Bengal, and with the fall of Delhi the ultimate suppression of the mutiny became certain. To none more than to Sir John Lawrence does the credit of this issue belong. Lord Canning's minute says of him: 'Through him Delhi fell, and the Punjaub, no longer a weakness, became a source of strength. But for him the hold of England over Upper India would have had to be recovered at a cost of English blood and treasure which defies calculation. It is difficult to exaggerate the value of such ability, vigilance, and energy, at such a time.'
When the issue of the sepoy war was no longer in doubt, Sir John Lawrence, ruthlessly severe when he thought it possible to prevent bloodshed by making a timely and terrible example, exerted his influence on the side of moderation and clemency in punishing the mutineers. He endeavoured to check the continued general looting and the high-handed proceedings of the prize-agents in the Delhi district. For this purpose, as soon as he could leave the Punjaub, he visited Delhi in person, and urged upon all the higher authorities, from the president of the board of control downwards, not by indiscriminate vengeance to drive the insurgents to a despairing resistance, which the number of the European troops, wasting under the summer sun, would be inadequate to overcome. Colonel Herbert Edwardes and the evangelical party in India now put forward a demand that all 'unchristian elements' should be eliminated from the administration of India. Lawrence, whose piety and policy alike desired the spread of Christianity in India, advocated merely the introduction of non-obligatory biblical teaching into higher schools and colleges, where Christian teachers would be available; but he opposed the resumption in toto of all public grants in aid of native religious bodies, the disallowance of native holy days in public offices, and the abandonment of Hindu and Mohammedan civil codes as laws to be administered by British courts.
At length the rest which the state of his health had for some time past imperatively demanded became possible to him. It was time. 'With the exception.' he wrote, 'of the month when I went to Calcutta early in 1856 to bid Lord Dalhousie good-bye, I have not had a day's rest for nearly sixteen years.' He was threatened with congestion of the brain and racked by neuralgia, and he found himself half-blind. His doctors feared an attack of paralysis. On 28 Feb. 1869 he handed over the government of the Punjaub to Montgomery, and, travelling by the Indus and Kurrachi to Bombay, reached England after an absence of seventeen years. His services had been rewarded in October with the grand cross of the Bath, and in the spring and autumn of 1858 he received the freedom of the city of London, was created a baronet, and sworn of the privy council. When the order of the Star of India was created, he was one of the first knights, and he was also appointed to a seat on the new Indian council; but the peerage for which Sir Frederick Currie, chairman of the board of directors, recommended him was not granted. He became a popular hero. The dying East India Company voted him an annuity of 2,000l. a year from the date of his retirement; the universities of Oxford and Cambridge admitted him to their honorary degrees. He was presented with addresses and solicited to take part in public meetings; but to him pomp and ostentation were hateful, and he withdrew from London society to the quiet of his family at the earliest possible moment. His work at the India office occupied without overtaxing him, and early in February 1861 he retired to a country life at Southgate House, near London, visiting London daily in connection with his official duties. These were not altogether congenial. To be a member of a board seemed to him work in fetters, and he felt that the members of the council had no real power. Still, when the governorship of Bombay was offered to him early in 1860, he refused it, although even then he was so weary of English life and its conventions that he even thought of emigrating. On the death of Lord Elgin he received, and at once accepted, the offer of the viceroyalty of India. With one exception, no Indian civilian since Warren Hastings had permanently held the post, but the occurrence of a threatening border war on the north-west frontier decided Lord Palmerston to depart from the unwritten rule. The appointment was made on 30 Nov. 1863; in ten days he was on his way to Calcutta.
The term of his viceroyalty, though a period of prosperity for India, was not big with great events, or marked by sweeping reforms. Sanitation, both military and municipal, irrigation, railway extension, and peace, were his chief aims. He landed on 12 Jan. 1864, and at once set to work to overtake Lord Elgin's arrears. But he was soon the mark for hostile criticism and even calumny. His prompt and unsparing reform of the financial abuses and the extravagance of Government House provoked a malevolent outcry in Calcutta. He was charged ​with niggardliness and meanness; he was accused of attempting to 'Punjaubise' the whole of India. At an early date he decided to remove to Simla, not only personally, but with the whole of the principal government officials, during the hot months, a change which he considered better than the removal of the seat of government itself from Calcutta. He found his administration hampered by financial difficulties. The revenue was stationary, but the expenditure was steadily and inevitably increasing. His whole term of office showed a net deficit of 2,500,000l. The commander-in-chief Sir Hugh Rose, Sir Robert Napier, and Sir Bartle Frere, governor of Bombay, were all pressing for new outlay and new works, and between them and the viceroy there was perpetual friction. It became necessary to unertake a war in Bhotan. The commercial crisis which culminated in the failures of the Agra and the Bombay banks, and the Orissa famine, in which a million persons, 26 per cent, of the population, perished, added to the perplexities of the viceroy. In the case of the famine, there was certainly gross official neglect, but it was unjustly charged against Sir John personally, for the blame of supineness and ignorance lay with his subordinates ; and when the facts were brought to his knowledge, he recognised the need of prompt action, and took it with his usual energy. Partly to prevent such famines in future, he urged upon the home government, and at lengtn was. permitted to begin, a vast and comprehensive system of irrigating canals in the different parts of India. Bail ways were also steadily extended, and for these great works of material improvement the viceroy did not hesitate to raise the necessary funds by loans. He pressed forward sanitary improvements, in towns, in barracks, and in gaols. He created the Indian forests department, and reorganised the native judicial service. But the most salient features of his term of office were the settlement of the disputes between the talukhdars and the ryots of Oudh, and his north-western frontier policy. For the former task his own wide experience as a settlement officer and collector, and his lifelong sympathy with the poor cultivators of India, peculiarly fitted him, and upon the whole the system which he established was equitable to both parties. His frontier policy, based on his own knowledge of the frontier provinces and their inhabitants, was one of cautious maintenance of the status quo. To stand on the defensive, to wait and watch, to make the peoples within our frontier prosperous and contented, and to leave the peoples beyond it independent without interference, was in his opinion the only safe way of meeting the advance of Russia in Central Asia. When Dost Mahommed died in 1868, turbuleace and disorder at once broke out in Afghanistan, and numerous claimants to the succession appeared. In spite of much pressure from advocates of a forward policy, Sir John Lawrence strictly abstained from any interference among them. He did indeed recognise Sheer Ali as ameer, but not until he had established his title by defeating his rivals and gaining possession of Cabul. Sensitive — perhaps unduly so — to public criticism, he requested John William ohaw Wyllie to write a defence of his foreign policy, and the best account of Lawrence's views on this subject and their grounds is contained in Wyllie's essays on 'The Foreign Policy of Lord Lawrence' (Edinburgh Review, 1867) ; 'Masterly Inactivity' (Fortnightly Review, December 1869) ; and 'Mischievous Activity' (ib. March 1870), republished by W. Hunter in 1875.
In deference to the wishes of the secretary of state for India, he retained his office for a fifth year ; but at last, on 12 Jan. 1869, he handed over the government of India to his successor, Lord Mayo, and returned at once to England. He was raised to the peerage under the title of Baron Lawrence of the Punjaub and of Grately, a small estate on Salisbury Plain left him by his sister, Mrs. Hayes, and his pension of 2,000/. a year was extended for the life of his successor in the peerage. His maiden speech was made in the House of Lords on 19 April, and until his death he continued to take part, not without hesitation — for he was not naturally an orator — in debates upon Indian subjects. He voted in general with the liberal party, though in no way a party man. At the first election for the London school board he was elected for the Chelsea district, in which he lived at 26 Queen's Gate, and became early chairman of the board. This office he held for three years, and only resigned it, with his membership of the board, owing to failing health. He threw himself into the laborious and difficult work connected with the early operations of the board, mastered the whole of the details, and rendered to the board in its infancy invaluable services. He also found constant occupation as a director of the North British Insurance Company, as a member of the council of Guy's Hospital, of the Church Missionary Society, and of various charitable societies, and as president of the commission of inquiry into the loss of the troopship Megsera. About 1876 his eyesight, weakened in early childhood by an attack of ophthalmia, and long steadily failing, became ​so impaired that, in spite of a somewhat severe operation, active work became almost impossible to him, and he was disabled from reading and writing. He only intervened again in public affairs to oppose with all the weight or his authority and knowledge the proceedings which led to the Afghan war of 1878-9. He sent a series of letters to the 'Times.' denouncing in strong terms any advance beyond the existing frontier, and became chairman of a committee formed to oppose the policy of the government. But throughout the early summer of 1879 his strength was failing rapidly. He made a last speech in the House of Lords on the Indian budget on 19 June, and on the 26th he died. He was buried in Westminster Abbey. Two statues were erected to him, one at Calcutta, and one in Waterloo Place, London. There is also a bust of him by Woolner and a portrait by G. F. Watts, R. A., which belongs to the artist.
The impression which he produced on those who knew him was happily expressed by Lord Stanley, who said that he possessed 'a certain heroic simplicity.' He was essentially a man of action, and of prompt and vigorous action, not a man of speech (see Memoirs of Lord Malmesbury, ii. 179). Of a quiet but intense and practical piety, he was always reserved about religious doctrine, always outspoken about the obligations of Christian duty. Vigorous as he was in action, his leading mental characteristic was caution, and his prompt action was generally the result of mature deliberation. He was masterful in temper, intolerant of discussion and debate, and though considerate and generous to a loyal and energetic subordinate, he exacted of his subordinates the same unflagging zeal and the same prompt obedience which he displayed himself to the public service and his official superiors. Blunt truthfulness was his chief moral trait. In money matters he was thrifty and shrewd. For many years he undertook the management of his brother Henry's property, and that of other members of his family, and even of mere acquaintances, and took part in the foundation of a successful bank at Delhi. His personal habits were modest and economical in the extreme, but his charities were at once wise and munificent. Hough and unconventional in manner, he was also, especially in his early years in India, as negligent and unconventional in his dress as he was in his words and bearing. Beyond the necessities of his work he was not a man of much learning or cultivation. He acquired little Latin, and no Greek, at school. Persian and Hindustani he spoke with ease, and copiously, but he knew them more in a colloquial than in a literary way. He was, however, as viceroy, able in his durbars to address the assembled chiefs in Hindustani. His despatches show that he possessed, when he needed it, a clear and nervous English style, and that on a great occasion he could find language to fit its necessities. He had ten children, four sons and six daughters, of whom the eldest son and third child, John, succeeded him in the peerage.
[The principal authorities for Lord Lawrence's life are R. Bosworth Smith's Life, which, although too eulogistic, is based on personal intimacy and on the whole of his papers, and Sir R. Temple's Life, which is also based on personal knowledge. There is an excellent sketch by Captain L. J. Trotter, and a hostile and otherwise valueless life by W. St. Clair gives a few personal details of his early life in India. See also Edwardes' and Meri vale's Life of SirH. Lawrence; Kaye's Sepoy War; W. S. Seton Karr in Edinburgh Review, April 1870; Calcutta Review, vols, xii and xxi.; G. B. Malleson's Recreations of an Indian Official, 1872; Edwin Arnold's Administration of Lord Dalhousie; Darand's Life of Sir H. Durand; Coopers Crisis in the Punjab; Shadwell's Life of Lord Clyde; Colonel Yule in Quarterly Review, April 1883; Caroline Fox's Journal, p. 238; C. Raikes's Notes on the Northwest Prorinces.]
J. A. H.