# History of Journalism in the United States/Chapter 11

CHAPTER XI
GROWTH OF PARTY PRESS
One may search in vain through the correspondence of Hamilton for light on the important part in journalism that he was to play during the remaining years of his life. One looks especially for some inkling of Hamilton's own thoughts as to the significance of the moves that led to the launching of what was to be a gigantic political press. But there is not a word, and, considering the greatness of the tasks that confronted him—establishing the credit of the nation not the least among them—it is not surprising that his purely political activities are not set forth at length. There is no hint as to what he thought of his own newspaper activities; it is all behind the scenes, and for light we must go elsewhere than to his correspondence or his biographies; the charges of his adversaries forming, in fact, the chief source of information.
When we consider that Hamilton owed his education to a cleverly written newspaper article, and that he had seen, in the articles comprising the "Federalist "how he might sway a nation through his writings, it is but natural that when he was no longer a contestant for power, but in power; no longer a secretary or a mere aide, but an important official of the government of the United ​ States—his mind should turn as it did. On April 15, 1789, there appeared in New York, the seat of the new government, a National newspaper, the Gazette of the United States, superior in plan and make-up to any paper then in existence. Its prospectus proclaimed its ambition to be the organ of the government; it would print the debates and the important papers; it would contain from time to time serious and thoughtful articles on government; it wished for the patronage of people of wealth and culture because they would find there such reading as would please them, and it did not neglect to add that it also wanted the good-will of the "mechanics"—Lincoln's "plain people" were then addressed as mechanics.
The editor and publisher of this paper was John Fenno of Boston, a school teacher—a man without a biographer, although it was his paper and the articles appearing therein that brought about the famous quarrel between Jefferson and Hamilton. All that is known about him is that he was a native of Boston, born August 12, 1751, and that he was a teacher for several years in the Old South Writing School, Boston. Why it was that this man—unknown in New York, undistinguished either as printer or writer, and apparently without means—came to New York to establish a national organ for the party of which Hamilton was the most conspicuous leader, is not revealed in any of the docimients of the correspondence of the time, with one single exception.
The exception is a letter from Christopher Gore of Boston, introducing Fenno to Rufus King, a leading Federalist—later to be one of the first United States Senators from New York. Gore stated that Fenno had conceived a plan for a newspaper "for the purpose of demonstrating favorable sentiments of the federal ​ tion and its administration," and went on to say: "His literary achievements are very handsome, and from long acquaintance I am confident his honor and integrity are unquestionable." It is also stated that he had had newspaper experience in Boston, but does not state with whom.
A letter from Fenno to Hamilton in November, 1793, shows that, despite the patronage of the Federalists and the national administration, Fenno was not successful, for he appealed to Hamilton for a loan of two thousand dollars. The reference to previous conferences over his financial condition shows how closely Hamilton followed the project and with what interest he watched its development and troubles. Fenno also delicately hints of one or two positions—"berths," as he calls them—in the Bank of the United States, either of which, apparently, would be acceptable and would help him out of his financial embarrassments.
​ The Gazette of the United States was, distinctly, what those back of it might have called a high-class paper, perhaps a "gentlemen's paper." It was sixpence a copy and at the very beginning was filled with lofty political thoughts on government, a tone that could have little appeal to those "mechanics "to whom it professed to cater. It was soon in full blast as an organ of those principles of government which Hamilton represented, and which were described by the adversaries of Hamilton as monarchical, because of his expressed belief that government was best conducted when it was not too much subject to the direct control of the people.
The usual impression is that party strife in this country began when Jefferson and Hamilton clashed, but even at this period, 1788 to 1790, while JefiFerson was abroad, Hamilton was already in a bitter political battle with those who represented more liberal ideas of government. In this struggle, George Clinton was the leader of the anti-Hamiltonian party in New York State, the Daily Advertiser being its chief organ.
It has been customary to ascribe to Jefferson's sojourn in France his democratic ideas and the democratic turn that was given to the anti-Hamiltonian party. The truth is, however, that there was as bitter anti-monarchical party feeling in America before Jefferson went to France or before the French Revolution, as there was afterward. One of the strongest exponents of this feeling was no less a person than Samuel Adams, and as he and others came to see the weakness in Hamilton's position, it was on his lack of faith in the people that they made their attack.
Jefferson arrived in New York on March 21, 1790, and the conditions he found there were, to him, little less than amazing. He was received cordially by the Presi​ dent and ofifered the courtesy of many dinner parties. "But I cannot describe the wonder and mortification with which the table conversation filled me. Politics were the chief topic and a preference for kingly over republican government was evidently the favorite sentiment. An apostate I could not be, nor yet a hypocrite, and I found myself for the most part the only advocate on the republican side of the question, unless among the guests there chanced to be some member of that party from the legislative house."
During the struggle against England before the Revolution, Jefferson had always shown a strong democratic inclination. When in France he heard of the constitution, and commented on its weakness in the lack of a Bill of Rights. After it was adopted he insisted that there must be amendments protecting freedom of speech and the freedom of the press.
Jefferson's correspondence while abroad reveals the fact that he had been a careful student of the newspapers and regarded them as a potent factor in the new kind of government that was being set up in the United States. Writing to Hogendorp from Paris, on October 13, 1785, he declared that "the most effectual engines for this purpose are the newspapers," referring to the reconciliation between the British Government and America. He accused the British Government of filling the newspapers of England with paragraphs against America, the purpose of which was two-fold; first, "to reconcile their own people to the defeat they had suffered and, second, to keep the English people from emigrating to America."
The importance attached by Jefferson to the home newspapers is shown in a letter sent to Francis Hopkinson ​ from Paris, September 25, 1785, when he states that he had asked for the newspapers to be sent to him "notwithstanding the expense." He discovered, however, that the plan by which they were sent was costing him guineas, and he evolved the plan of having them sent in a box to the Foreign Affairs Office.
Jefiferson's belief in journalism as a means of establishing the rule of public opinion is clearly expressed in a letter to Colonel Carrington, January 16, 1787, when he said:
" I am persuaded myself that the good sense of the people will always be found to be the best army. They may be led astray for a moment, but will soon correct themselves. The people are the only censors of their governors; and even their errors will tend to keep these to the true principles of their institution. To punish these errors too severely would be to suppress the only safeguard of the public liberty. The way to prevent these irregular interpositions of the people is to give them full information of their affairs through the channel of the public papers, and to contrive that those papers should penetrate the whole mass of the people. The basis of our government being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I should mean that every man should receive those papers, and be capable of reading them."
In a letter written to Madison from Paris, July 31, 1788, Jefferson said that he thought the new constitution needed only a few more retouches to make it right—and ​ one of the changes necessary was to guard the freedom of the press.
In another letter to Madison, November 18, 1788, he declared that the "Federalist" was the best commentary ever written on the principles of government. His generosity to Hamilton is again shown in his letter to Thomas Mann Randolph, from New York, May 30, 1790, in which he said, "there is no better book than the Federalist." Coming from a man who differed from Hamilton so radically, this was a strong statement, doing Jefferson as much credit as it did Hamilton.
To come back to his own country and find such conditions prevailing was to him a great shock. When, in addition to this, Fenno's paper began throwing reserve to the winds, it was only natural that Jefferson's acute mind should see the necessity for concentrated effort.
Despite the denials that were maintained in after years as to the plans of the Hamilton party at this particular time, there is no doubt that Hamilton distrusted the masses, and, in his great admiration for the British government, he allowed his advocates and admirers to go to an extreme that proved his undoing.
We may imagine the indignation of Jefferson when he read in Fenno's paper, a paper that was admittedly under the control of Hamilton, such expressions as the following:
"Take away thrones and crowns from among men and there will soon be an end of all dominion and justice. There must be some adventitious properties infused into the government to give it energy and spirit, or the selfish, turbulent passions of men can never be controlled. This has occasioned that artificial splendor and dignity that are ​ to be found in the courts of many nations. The people of the United States may probably be induced to regard and obey the laws without requiring the experiment of courts and titled monarchs. In proportion as we become populous and wealthy must the tone of the government be strengthened."
Against these theories the Boston Gazette and the other anti-Federalist papers were contenders, but nowhere was there a more able writer than the poet Freneau, who had, after his arrival in New York from Charleston, established himself as a writer on the Daily Advertiser. Here he found, among other old friends, James Madison, Henry B. Livingston and the brilliant Aaron Burr, with whom he had associated at Princeton. The new and invigorating associations of New York life appealed to him. He was soon friendly with the leading Democrats, and a conspicuous champion of Democracy. On Jefferson's arrival in New York he found these men congenial spirits, and as resentful as he of the political theories of Hamilton and his friends. On the Daily Advertiser with Freneau was John Pintard, who was also a translating clerk in the Department of State.
Early in 1791 the seat of government was moved to Philadelphia, and Fenno's Gazette of the United States, in accordance with its plans as announced in the first issue, went on with it to that city. Pintard resigned his position as translator, declining to leave New York for a yearly salary of two hundred and fifty dollars, which was the appropriation for the place, and Madison and Henry Lee urged Jefferson to appoint Freneau in Pintard's place. The necessity of having some organ that would reply to Fenno's, as well as a writer capable of answering John Adams and Hamilton, who were both contributors ​ to Fenno's paper, had been considered by Jefferson, Madison and Lee. These men had come more and more to the conclusion that, in the words of Gouverneur Morris, "Hamilton hated Republican government," and that they must have an active combatant in the newspaper field.
Jefferson accordingly wrote Freneau on February 28, 1791, offering him the place, but Freneau had ideas of his own and was not inclined to go to Philadelphia. In the meantime Madison had urged the matter on him, while Lee had offered to finance the paper; apparently their arguments were conclusive, for on August 16, 1791, he was appointed clerk for foreign languages in the office of the Secretary of State.
When he went to Philadelphia, Freneau took his printers with him. The plans and prospectus of the new paper were announced, and it appeared ahead of time, on October 31, 1791, under the name of the National Gazette. In its first issue there was nothing of the violent partisanship that was later to distinguish it, but its columns were filled with praise for Thomas Paine and Rousseau, and with essays on equality and fraternity. This at once gave offense to the Federalists, who saw that its purpose was unquestionably "to energize the spirit of democracy." To assist in its success Freneau had collaborators—Hugh Brackenridge, a classmate at college ^nd afterward a distinguished jurist, was a frequent contributor, as was also James Madison. Jefferson himself had it continually in mind. He wrote' to a friend about it, solicited subscriptions, saw that Freneau had the foreign newspapers, and did everything in his power to make it a success, with the result that, in May, 1792, Freneau ​ was able to publish a card stating that the subscriptions had passed beyond his most sanguine expectations.
Jefferson relied on Madison to give Hamilton fitting replies. "Hamilton," he wrote, "is really a colossus. For God's sake, take up your pen and give him a fundamental reply."
It was not, however, the "fundamental "replies of Madison, but the ridicule and savage attacks of Freneau that finally goaded Hamilton to desperation. Proud and sensitive as he was, when he did enter the arena it was not to break a lance with Freneau—a common clerk in the government employ, whom he probably met every day,—but to attack a man who had, he felt, vitalized the opposition to him and given form and momentum to the democratic movement now called the Republican party.
It was in July, 1792, that Hamilton unadvisedly rushed into print under the signature of T. L. attacking Jefferson in this fashion:
Mr. Fenno:
The editor of the National Gazette receives a salary from the government. Quære: Whether this salary is paid for translations or for publications the design of which is to villify those to whom the voice of the people has committed the administration of our public affairs,—to oppose the measures of government and by false insinuation to disturb the public peace?
In common life it is thought ungrateful for a man to bite the hand that puts bread in his mouth, but if the man is hired to do it, the case is altered.
T. L.
Freneau, not realizing who his adversary was, boldly reprinted this attack and pointed out that Fenno was obtaining from various sources far more money than his (Freneau's) two hundred and fifty dollars a year salary. In return for this, he (Fenno) was trying to poison the minds of the people against democracy and Freneau ​ clared that the reader must judge who was the culpable man—himself or Fenno.
The answer to this defense by Freneau came from Hamilton, in a letter signed "An American," in which Jefferson was directly attacked. To this Freneau replied by publishing an affidavit, asserting that Jefferson was not responsible for his paper nor had he ever written a line for it. The fight was now on in bitter earnest. It was at this time that Fenno wrote to Hamilton stating that he was in financial straits.
The bitterness of the fight between the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury grew to be so uncomfortable for the President, that Washington endeavored to end the bickering between the two members of his cabinet, and asked them, in the name of their country, to cease.
Jefferson's reply to the President very frankly stated his own relations with Freneau, and with equal frankness expressed his belief that it was a patriotic service to give a small position to a man of Freneau's talent, especially when he was so bitterly opposed to the dangerous ideas for which Fenno stood.
* ↑ Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, i, 357.
* ↑ Ibid, i, 302.
* ↑ Randall, Life of Jefferson, i, 560.
* ↑ Writings of Jefferson, Monticello Edition, v, 182.
* ↑ Writings of Jefferson, Monticello Edition, v, 150.
* ↑ Monticello Edition, vi, 57, 58.
* ↑ Ibid, vii, 97.
* ↑ Ibid, vii, 183.
* ↑ Ibid, viii, 32.
* ↑ Gasette of the United States, March, 1790.
* ↑ Sparks, Gouverneur Morris, Life and Works, iii, 260.
* ↑ See Appendix.
* ↑ Parton, Life of Jefferson, 433.