# The rise and fall of the Emperor Maximilian/Chapter XX

CHAPTER XX.
French Pecuniary Claims enforced—Forcible Proceedings at Vera Cruz—Customhouse Difficulties in the City of Mexico—Arbitrary Conduct of the French—The Mexican Minister's Protest—Discord in the French Camp—Marshal Bazaine's Painful Position—French Intrigues with the Rebels—Decisive Telegram to General Castelnau—Maximilian's Difficulties increase—His Generous Resolve as to Foreign Soldiers—Letter from the Empress Eugenie—The Clerical Plans fail—Imperial Disasters—Maximilian's Interview with Marshal Bazaine—Plain Statement by the Latter—The Junta in Mexico—Marshal Bazaine attends it—The Marshal's Declaration—The Junta decides for the Empire—Sale of the French Cavalry Horses—Exchange of Prisoners—Honourable Conduct of the Liberals—Appeals to French Honour—The Austrian Farewell.
THE Mexican government, as may be well imagined, felt but little disposed to exhaust its treasury, poor enough already, to satisfy the requirements of the convention of July 30. The recall of the legion had definitively torn up all the conventions which bound the two parties; and, in our opinion, Maximilian was justified in seeking to free himself from the French claims. The very evening Maximilian arrived at Orizaba, our head-quarters had begged him to give orders to the customs' authorities at Vera Cruz, as a notification made on this subject by M. Dano before the court left Mexico had not met with a reply. The emperor replied by telegraph that he would see to the matter without delay. On November 1, the day on which the convention was to come into force, no measures had yet been taken; the ministers were seeking to gain time, and required that the convention which had already been approved of should now be ratified. M. Dano directed the financial agents at ​Vera Cruz to enter upon their duties and to draw up an official statement of the customs' accounts agreed upon. On November 20, matters were made worse in consequence of the refusal of the Mexican officials to allow the stipulated reductions to be made. The French agent, in virtue of orders received from Paris, threatened to employ force in order to obtain satisfaction. The emperor when informed of it sent a despatch to Marshal Bazaine to induce him to put a stop to these measures.
The Emperor to Marshal Bazaine.
Orizaba, November 21, 1866.
Was it not truly sad to witness the spectacle of a sovereign complaining that his word was doubted? By the terms of the convention we were strictly in the right, according to the enquiry which was made without delay by an inspector of finance. But without noticing the unwillingness of the ministry, was it generous thus to deprive the monarch of his last resources when our government had itself chosen to forget its formal engagements? When the inquiry was finished, the marshal sent to Maximilian the reply of M. de Maintenant, who relied literally on the provisions of the convention of July 30:—
Mexico, November 29, 1866.
Sire,—I have the honour of transmitting to your majesty a copy of the reply that the inspector-general of finances ​has made to the demand for explanation which I hastened to send him. It is not my business to discuss the arguments which M. de Maintenant has brought forward; your majesty cannot be ignorant that my action in questions which specially concern financial matters is very limited. The instructions directing them emanate immediately from the French minister of finance.With the deepest respect, sire, &c.,
The same sort of scandal as that which had become public at the port of Vera Cruz was also the cause of violent measures being adopted at Mexico. The Mexican government refused to deliver up to certain merchants of the capital some merchandise which had arrived at the custom-house at Mexico, although these imported goods had already paid the duty at the port of landing. This state of things caused very great loss to commerce, especially on the eve of January 1, 1867. At the end of a meeting, in which the marshal, the French minister, General Castelnau, and the Inspector-General de Maintenant took a part, it was decided that willingly or unwillingly the goods detained should be given up to the parties interested. In spite of the opposition of M. de Pereda, under-secretary of state for foreign affairs, the affair was proceeded with, and an official notice was inserted in the 'New Era' to inform the merchants of the arrangements which had been made. These acts suggested to M. de Pereda the following solemn protest:—
Mexico, January 6, 1867.
Monsieur le Ministre,—I have had the honour of receiving your excellency's note of yesterday's date in reply to mine of ​the 2nd instant, relative to the publication by M. de Maintenant of a notice inserted in the 'New Era;' I have also received the copy of a new official communication agreed upon between your excellency, Marshal Bazaine, General Castelnau, and the inspector-general of finance, insisting on the surrender of the goods detained in the custom-house of this capital, notwithstanding the contrary orders of the government, and going so far as to announce that an agent will be placed at the said custom-house to ensure the execution of that which has been agreed upon. I have communicated all this to the emperor, and in reply his majesty directs me to state that he observes with grief and deep dissatisfaction the course of conduct which the French authorities have followed in this business; for even if the convention of July 30 had been legally in force, it does not give authority, in letter or spirit, either that acts of jurisdiction should be exercised in the empire, or that the sovereignty of the government should be attacked.
Consequently, his majesty has ordered that I should once more protest, as I now protest solemnly and formally in his name, against proceedings as irregular as they are hostile to the rights of the nation and the supremacy of the sovereign, rendering the representatives of France responsible from the present time before France, before their own government, and before all civilised nations, for the collision produced by these proceedings and all the consequences which may result therefrom.
The new provisions made by the representatives of France have placed the imperial government under the necessity of issuing another proclamation for the just defence of the rights of the empire, couched in the terms which your excellency will see in the copy annexed.
De Pereda.
Under-Secretary of State.
The notice to commerce published officially was thus worded:—
Notice to Commerce.
It will hardly astonish when we say that perfect harmony did not prevail in the camp of the French authorities, and if we are to believe in the indiscreet things which, either purposely or not, followed the secret conferences held at the head-quarters at Buenavista, we cannot doubt that discord on a certain point had broken out amongst our representatives, the echo of which had spread as far as Washington. Now, this capital was always kept well informed by Romero, Juarez's minister, and it was well known there that Maximilian's prolonged stay was a source of irritation both to the imperial aide-de-camp and to M. Dano. Energetic measures even were spoken of such as circumstances dictated. Now it was that the marshal felt all the difficulty and painfulness of the task which he had consented to go through with. He was more than once compelled (we defy contradiction in this), to bitterly express his regret that he had not demanded his recall from Mexico. What must his feelings have been in contemplating the daily decay of the monarchy which he had as it were nursed in its cradle, and the frail existence of which he had for three years done his best to prolong?
After all, Maximilian (who had declared 'that he would not go back to Europe in the baggage-waggon ​of our army') could not be compelled to take a step which even the French cabinet in a moment of sincerity had themselves stigmatised. On December 31, 1866, they wrote, 'It is not easy for Maximilian to make any retreat which will not be a stain on his political life; and all must wish that it could be otherwise. But will he have the energy necessary for opening a new campaign? 'Maximilian had at his own risk made use of the personal right he undoubtedly possessed, and had thrown himself back into the melée. But he forgot that his ambition was so far culpable that it kept on the civil war. When he entered on the career which M. Eloïn opened out before his eyes, he ought to have descried on the horizon a battle-field where he might have found the merited death which fortune has in reserve for conquerors disappointed in arms.
The marshal, however, could not help being repugnant to being the means of precipitating Maximilian's fall by entering into negotiations with the liberal chiefs, negotiations too which seemed inopportune, as the expeditionary corps was about to retire, leaving behind it a sovereign unwilling to abdicate. Thus, the military and political conduct of the French representatives must have appeared suspicious, and with good reason, since it was suggested by instructions from the Tuileries which were always vague and indefinite, opening the door to every kind of compromise. Outside head-quarters the intrigues with the rebels were still going on. As to the marshal, ever faithful to his duty and to his written orders, he informed the liberal chiefs that, although he was forbidden by his government to undertake any fresh expeditions against them, he was at any rate directed to fire upon them if they approached the places occupied by our arms, any ​nearer than two days' march. This was the language used to Porfirio Diaz, to Ruis and to Riva Palacios.
After a mature examination of all the contradictory documents, we are fully persuaded that the French government had wrongly thought that they should find in the marshal a docile instrument of its policy, and that he would be prompt in comprehending mere desires, and be ready of his own accord to ensure their success. In this ambiguous path, which seems authorised in modern diplomacy, military honour runs a risk of being led astray. There is no doubt that his position was a false one; but the marshal was preserved by his soldier-like honesty of purpose, and always held himself harmless behind his written instructions. If we wish to be further convinced of this, it will be sufficient if we examine the despatch from Napoleon III. which arrived by the American route, addressed to General Castelnau. The emperor, since the arrival of his aide-de-camp in Mexico, no longer communicated directly with the marshal.
The Emperor to General Castelnau.
Paris, January 10, 1867.
What fresh event could have called forth this explicit despatch? Certainly it must have been the refusal of the commander-in-chief to take a part in violent measures against the sovereign whom he was commissioned to defend. General Castelnau was, it is true, armed with full powers; but this despatch seems to prove that he was not provided with written instructions, which would perhaps have been too compromising to the French policy. The compliance of the marshal ​must have been reckoned on at some given moment. But, at the time when Maximilian's refusal to abdicate forced General Castelnau to assume the hostile attitude which had been tacitly foreseen at Paris, the latter, being only able to avail himself of verbal instructions, must have come in collision with the opposition of the head-quarters' authorities, resolved as they were to allow no alteration in the nature of their express orders, without formal directions from the government. A demand for orders addressed to the palace of the Tuileries must evidently have been the result of this collision. Hence, the imperial despatch of January 10; the French government had shrunk back at the last moment. If the marshal had been courtier enough to keep himself informed from Paris of the real line of policy which the cabinet of the Tuileries had for a long time suggested in regard to Mexico, of which it wished to wash its hands at any price, he would have been enlightened beforehand as to the course of conduct which events would be likely to impose upon him, and he would have retired in good time. Two thousand leagues away, how could he divine the wind that blew in the exalted regions of a court so variable as that of France? It would have been of service to him if he had constantly trimmed his sails, like the pilot who scans the horizon, that he may not be taken by surprise.
Since his return to Mexico, Maximilian began to perceive the inextricable complication of difficulties into which, urged on by Father Fischer, he had plunged himself body and soul. His hope of surmounting them became less every day. The unexpected recall of the foreign legion had disorganised the auxiliary contingents and the Mexican army; for the French volunteers refused to remain in the ranks of the latter after the departure of the Europeans. The Emperor of Mexico, ​who certainly cannot be reproached with a want of generosity, had decidedly resolved that his fellow countrymen should not participate in the chances of his fortune, and had liberated them from their engagements. This action is an honour to the memory of the sovereign. The marshal had been waiting for this spontaneous movement on the part of the crown, in order to ask for his decision relative to our countrymen also. Maximilian replied that he gave them also their liberty; the following was his last letter to the French head-quarters:—
Hacienda de la Teja, January 7, 1867.
My dear Marshal,—I have received the letter in which you ask if I offer any obstacle to the arrangement by which the officers and soldiers of French origin who are at present serving in our army, should return to their country (those at least who desire to do so), according to the instructions which you have received from your government. I hasten to acquaint you that our minister of war has received the order to grant to all soldiers of the French nation who have entered the Mexican service the same advantages which the Austrians and Belgians have received.
Maximilian was still deluded as to the state of public opinion in France, and could not help recalling continually to his mind the former promises which he had received at Paris; he still therefore retained a secret hope that the court of the Tuileries would relax in the severity of its measures. A private letter from the Empress Eugenie, for whose character he professed a sympathetic admiration, had not a little contributed to cherish these illusions in the mind of the young emperor. He seemed to take a pleasure in saying that this letter, the aim of which was to heal the wound which had been made by the interview of Saint Cloud, ​had much comforted him. But the last despatch from Compiègne had put an end to these deceptions. Domestic questions, too, now began to add their part to the causes for discouragement.
The clergy fulfilled but badly their promises of cooperation; Miramon was certainly preparing for his campaign in the North, but the vacancies in the ranks of the Mexican army caused by the numerous desertions were no better filled up than the deficiency in the treasury. The spectre of bankruptcy was always menacing them. The rebels were gaining ground every day. As the state capitals were evacuated by the expeditionary corps, the transfer of each place into the hands of the imperial guards was carried out, as regularly as it would have been in Europe, by the means of our artillery and engineer officers. Duly signed official statements prove that not a single Mexican town was delivered up to the rebels by the French, and that Maximilian's troops were left in possession of all the fortified places, which also had been put in an efficient state of defence. It is true enough that a few days after, often even the very next day, the imperial commissioners repeatedly directed the abandonment of places, without even firing a shot.
The programme traced out for Maximilian by M. Eloïn had therefore the immediate effect of placing him in a fresh cul-de-sac, an exit from which his honour rendered difficult. How could the sovereign have flattered himself even for a moment that he should be able to assemble a congress? Was not the continual increase in the insurrection an insuperable barrier in the way of the 'notables' of distant provinces who might have consented to venture across a country disturbed by enemies, in order to come to a deliberation at Mexico? Did not this immense 'raising of bucklers' ​indicate that his appeal to the people was doomed beforehand to frustration? For the citizens, who rose en masse under the republican banner, induced either by conviction or by political necessity, had already given their votes. The lot of the monarchy was, therefore, settled without chance of appeal. But, then, would the Mexicans take up arms to elect an Austrian archduke as president of the republic, in preference to a liberal—a son, too, of the nation? This idea of a congress was an unhappy dream, which Maximilian obstinately pursued, circumvented as he was by the passions of his partisans. It was this chimera which led the unfortunate prince to his funeral pall at Queretaro.
Yet the stern reality betrayed itself too stringently to escape Maximilian's observation. Under the influence of the gloomy thoughts which were called forth, he sent for the marshal to come to the Hacienda de la Teja. There a long and friendly conversation took place; they spoke first of the health of the Empress Charlotte, then of Miramon's campaign, and at last of MM. Castelnau and Dano's visit to Puebla, the details of which the Emperor well recollected. The marshal, on being asked his opinion as to the position and future prospects of the monarchy, replied that, after the recall of the foreign legion (which deprived Maximilian of any chance of retreat in case of reverses), and the withdrawal of our soldiers, there would be nothing but danger, to be encountered without glory. 'From the moment,' he added, 'that the United States boldly pronounced their veto against the imperial system, your throne was nothing but a bubble, even if your majesty had obtained the help of a hundred thousand Frenchmen. Supposing even that the Americans had observed neutrality during the continuance of the intervention, the monarchy itself had no spirit ​of vitality. A federal combination would have been the only system to be attempted in the face of the Union, who would no doubt have acceded to it, if the South had been recognised by France at the proper time. My advice is that your majesty should voluntarily retire.' Just as they were separating, Maximilian remarked to the marshal: 'I put the greatest confidence in you, and I beg that you will be present at a Junta that I am going to convoke on Monday, January 14, at the palace at Mexico. I shall myself be present, and there you must repeat all that you think. If the majority entertain your opinion, I shall leave; if they desire that I should remain, the matter is settled. I shall remain, because I do not wish to look like a soldier who throws away his musket to run away the faster from the battle-field.'
This manly language was well worthy of the race of Hapsburg. The next day the marshal received a summons, which was sent to him by the president of the council of ministers:—
Mexico, January 11, 1867.
Marshal,—His majesty the emperor desiring to learn, confidentially and amicably, the opinion of your excellency and of other persons on a matter of deep importance, desires me to address your excellency, and to beg that you will be good enough to be present at the meeting which will take place at the Government Palace on Monday next, the 4th instant, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon.
Larès,
President of the council of ministers.
Maximilian's strength of will was unable to carry out his resolution. When the marshal proceeded to the palace at Mexico, at the time appointed for the meeting, he was received by an assembly of forty persons. But he was informed that the Emperor had relinquished the idea of being present at the Junta. ​There is no doubt that his advisers, dreading the decision to which the crown would be impelled by the public declaration of the commander-in-chief, the nature of which had been foreseen, had objected to the sovereign being present. The marshal, astonished, was on the point of retiring; but, on reflection, he thought that it would be more expedient that he should state boldly his way of looking at the state of things—especially just now, when the French flag was on the point of leaving Mexico:—
Declaration of Marshal Bazaine to the Junta.
Mexico, January 14, 1867.
The fact that the imperial Mexican garrisons have evacuated, without firing a shot, places that were well fortified and sufficiently armed, in consequence of demonstrations made by an enemy of less strength than the above garrisons, has clearly shown the small amount of confidence which is inspired by the military protection which the empire can promise to the inhabitants. The latter have, at the present date, fully expressed their opinions. Every state has again taken its place in the federation. The elections, which have taken place on the basis of the constitution of 1857, have replaced the larger portion of the federal authorities, who have been de facto established since the departure of the imperial employés. The federal system is consequently re-established over the greatest part of the territory.
What is there to be gained by making military efforts, and incurring immense expenses, in order to go back and conquer the territory which is lost?—Nothing!
The federal organisation seems as if it would save the country from any hostile attempt on the part of the United States; and this consideration appears to exercise a great influence over the minds of the people, who (rightly enough) fear lest any other form of government should prompt their northern neighbours to come down upon them as conquerors.
1. In a military point of view, I do not think that the imperial forces can maintain the country in a state of such tranquillity that the government of the emperor could be fully carried on. The military operations will be only isolated conflicts without decided results; the civil war will be kept on, with the arbitrary measures which these operations necessarily bring with them; and the demoralisation and ruin of the country will result as an infallible consequence.
2. In a financial point of view, as the administration of the country cannot be regularly carried on, the necessary means will not be produced for the maintenance of the central imperial government, and its agents will be obliged to impose heavy taxes, thus increasing the dissatisfaction of the population.
3. In a political point of view, the opinion of the majority of the nation appears, at the present time, to be far more inclined to a federal republic than to an empire; I may be allowed to doubt whether an appeal to the nation would result favourably to the present system, and perhaps, indeed, it would not respond at all to the summons addressed to it.
​This loyal declaration well deserved to reach the steps of the throne. The marshal immediately sent a copy of it to the emperor:—
With the deepest respect, Sire, &c.,
After they had heard the commander-in-chief's statement, the Junta proceeded to the ballot. Unanimously, with the exception of four voices, it was decided that the monarchy was to continue to struggle on. The die was cast. This vote, which closed the door to any combinations of republican reorganisation on the part of France, and irretrievably swept away the guarantee of the French claims and loans, (which might have been stipulated for with a new republican president,) decisively put a stop to General Castelnau's mission, and the attempts which were making by our diplomatists among the disaffected leaders.
The Junta likewise declared, 'that any other appeal was unnecessary, notwithstanding the express desire of the emperor to refer the matter to a national congress.'
The ministers of war and of finance asserted that they possessed—the one 250,000 piastres in cash, the other 11,000,000 piastres, of which 8,000,000 piastres were at his immediate disposal.
The French occupation was approaching its close. After the Emperor Napoleon's last despatch, directing that complete freedom of action should be left to Maximilian, one task only remained to the commander​in-chief—that of sending home the 28,000 men constituting the expeditionary corps. French honour also required that all the places which we still held should be made over to Maximilian in a good state of defence, with stores sufficient for the garrisons directed to occupy them. A just feeling of delicacy also dictated to our government that our unfortunate ally should profit by all the resources sent out from Europe for the use of the expeditionary corps, and warehoused by our commissaries at Mexico and at Vera Cruz.
All these questions had been foreseen at Paris. It must be acknowledged that they had not been settled under any very generous inspiration as regarded Maximilian. They were dated September 15, 1866, and enjoined the commander-in-chief 'only to bring to France the best of the horses, the value of which had been ascertained to be greater than the considerable cost of freight.' All the other animals were to be sold (no matter at what price) either in Mexico or in the Havannah. It was recommended that the rest should be conveyed for sale to our colonies of Martinique or Guadeloupe. 'You must not,' added the despatch to our head-quarters, 'leave your artillery stores in Mexico.'
This order was just and necessary, as regarded the artillery itself; for cannon marked with the arms of France are almost like standards, which must never be relinquished to foreign hands unless dearly sold. As to the horses—in the ranks of which were reckoned some old servants from the Crimea, Algeria, and Italy, which were worn out by old age and this last campaign— it would have been better to have presented them to the Emperor. Through this not being done, they helped to increase the squadrons of the Liberal cavalry, who thereby acquired the actual superiority, which we had ​so often availed ourselves of in the numerous encounters in which we had gained the day by our greater speed. It was well known at Paris that the treasury of the monarchy was wretchedly poor, and the offer which was made to buy them for ready money was necessarily rejected as illusive.
What was to become of them? Our regiments being forced to go down to Vera Cruz with their horses, and our batteries being drawn by their draught-horses and mules as far as the railway at La Soledad, they were there compelled to get rid of a considerable quantity of animals, which could not be sold except at a miserable price. The Remounting Board published and printed notices, announcing that as the various columns reached Paso-del-Macho, the terminus of the railway, a miserable village situated between La Soledad and the Chiquihuite, successive public sales would take place. But the Mexicans, who knew beforehand that these horses were condemned to remain in the country, rightly enough cared but little to give four or five hundred piastres each (a price which they would readily have produced on the high plateaus) for Arabian horses that they knew they would be able to obtain ultimately at a miserable price.
The embarkation had commenced. Each of our regiments, entering the Terres Chaudes in the morning, reached the port the very same evening. The delicate operation of shipping a corps d'armée and a vast amount of stores in the roadstead of Vera Cruz, at a time when the blast of the norte and the attacks of the vomito are always to be dreaded, stringently required that the concentration of ships in the port should last as short a time as possible. Some of the troops, therefore, passed direct from Cordova to the sea. The hacendados, as well as the guerillas, whose costume in no way ​betrayed their real character, watched the arrival of the detachments. The former, wishing to cross their stock with Arab blood, pushed their biddings up to a certain sum, the average of which did not exceed a hundred francs; the latter rode away proudly, on our poor dumb companions in arms; tears dimmed the eyes of many an old trooper, when he heard the last neigh of his faithful charger. The men would have felt less regret at this separation (which in any case must be a sad one) if they had known that these faithful servants were going back to die under Maximilian's banner, for which we and they had fought for the last five years. Politics went for nothing in these sad adieus; sympathy for the deserted prince was the only thing that spoke. Rather than have witnessed this dispiriting spectacle—which really had much resemblance to the rout of an army—our soldiers would willingly have repaid to the imperial treasury the small sum that this lamentable proceeding could have brought in.
The feeling that prevailed in Paris was, however, a more kindly one, when they bethought themselves of our poor colonies of Martinique and Guadeloupe, nowadays so cast off by the mother-country that they are gradually withering away, despite their bright tropical sun, and, in order that they may exist, are asking that they may become either English or Russian dependencies. Admiral La Roncière le Noury conveyed into our possessions in the Antilles 400 of the best horses of the expeditionary corps; these, at least, will find their graves in soil belonging to their country.
Up to the last hour of the occupation, the Mexican treasury was drawn upon, although it became more impoverished every day. This was following a course of action which was hardly worthy of France; but M. Dano was forced to obey the instructions of our minister ​for foreign affairs, as is shown by the two following documents:—
Mexico, January 21, 1867.
Monsieur le Maréchal,—The opposition offered by the government of the Emperor Maximilian to the execution of the convention of July 30 being more active than ever, and new difficulties necessarily being the consequence, I have the honour of transmitting (enclosed) to your excellency the last instructions which have been given to me on this subject by the emperor's minister of foreign affairs. Dano,
Minister of France.
Paris, December 15, 1866.
Sir,—By your letter of November 9 (No. 99), you inform me that, without allowing yourself to be stopped by the objections which M. de Pereda has endeavoured to introduce, you have proceeded to put into execution the convention relative to the assignment which was to begin on November 1, and you also send me an official statement of agreed accounts of the custom-house at Vera Cruz, which has been drawn up by our agents on their entering upon their duties.
Surely there had been a want of foresight when, under the pretext of recovering a few millions for our countrymen, more than six hundred millions were buried in the Mexican abyss: just now, on the other hand, there was a want of generosity in extorting from Maximilian his last financial resources.
In a military point of view, there was still one important question to be resolved. It was impossible that our army could withdraw, leaving behind them ​French prisoners in the hands of the enemy. The head-quarters authorities, through the official medium of its military cabinet, were compelled to enter into treaty with the liberal chiefs at several different points, to settle the exchange of our countrymen for rebel Mexicans. Murphy, the minister of war, had begged the commander-in-chief, in Maximilian's name, to treat for the liberty of the imperialists who had fallen into the power of the Juarists. The Austrian chargé-d'affaires had also had recourse to the French authorities for the freedom of the soldiers of the Austro-Belgian legion, who had capitulated in the actions at Miahuatlan, La Carbonera, and Oajaca.
Baron Lago had even begged the marshal to intervene personally, a thing he had not done in any former negotiations with Juarez's lieutenants:—
Mexico, January 29, 1867.
Monsieur le Maréchal,—The members of the corps of Austrian volunteers having, by the dissolution of this force, ceased to be Mexican soldiers, I take the liberty of appealing to the kindness of your excellency, and beg that you will be good enough to use all your influence and all your efforts to obtain the freedom, as soon as possible, of the Austrian volunteers who are now in the hands of the rebels, especially those at Oajaca. I would, at the same time, beg that your excellency will not allow yourself to be stopped for an instant in this noble task, by any remonstrances or observations that might be made against your personal intervention in the matter above named.Baron de Lago,
Austrian Charge d' Affaires.
The republican generals, however, well understood that it would be highly imprudent in them, for the sake of their own cause, to delay the evacuation of the French army by any threatening demonstration, or even by firing a single shot. From the first, they had shown that they were disposed towards giving up their ​prisoners, whom, moreover, they had always treated honourably and humanely, in consequence of regulations which emanated from Juarez, and would have done honour to an European army.
At Pachuca, Joaquim Martinez offered to hold intercourse with us for this purpose. At Oajaca, a person named Thiele, Porfirio Diaz' private secretary, had presented himself, in November 1866, at our outposts at Tehuacan. This person was of French origin, and had been in the police-force which was sent out from Paris by M. Hirvoix, head of the police there, for the security of the sovereigns of Mexico; subsequently he had entered Maximilian's service, and had proceeded as agent of colonisation to the coast of Oajaca. Thence he had gone over to the enemy, to avoid the persecutions of a high Mexican functionary. He had offered his services to Porfirio Diaz, from whom he now brought an answer to a note from General Aymard. This note, which opened negotiations with the liberals, was sent with a view of claiming those of our countrymen who had been surprised in Oajaca after the death of the commandant, Testard. We had seventy prisoners in Porfirio's hands (nineteen of whom were officers of the cazadores); on January 22, the latter handed them over to us, safe and sound, at Buenavista. This delicate operation, which had lasted more than two months, is explained in the following letter, addressed to the head of the military cabinet of our head-quarters, who had to deal with all these questions:— ​
Oajaca, January 12, 1867.
Colonel,—M. Thiele has handed me the letter which you sent me. I approve of the convention entered into for the exchange of prisoners, and this very day they are on their way to the city of Tehuacan.
Colonel Milicua, chief of my staff, and my secretary M. Thiele, are appointed to officially arrange the exchange. They have full powers to deal with any incidents which may arise up to the close of the negotiations.
In Michoacan, Vincente Riva Palacios' loyalty went so far that, over the whole extent of his command, small detachments of wounded or convalescent French soldiers making their way to Mexico from the shores of the Pacific met with every respect; he also took care that they were not troubled by the undisciplined guerillas:—
Republican Army of the Centre.
To the Colonel, Head of the Military Cabinet.
Head Quarters of Tenancingo, January 19, 1867.
​The conduct of these liberal chiefs was a last and striking homage rendered to the humanity of the French commanders, who, during the whole of this fierce campaign, had been able to make a just distinction between soldiers and banditti. In spite of the war—in which, however, they knew that we had but little sympathy—they felt confidence in the French flag, and they had no fear in asking protection from us against the excesses of their own countrymen:—
Republican Army of the Centre.
El Salitre, November 4, 1866.
Marshal,—Just as I was marching with my forces against the town of Toluca, being convinced that the place was not able to resist me, and desirous of sparing the town all the sad consequences of an assault, I sent Colonel J. Lalanne, with a flag of truce, to obtain an interview with the Mexican commander of the place, and to propose to them honourable terms of surrender.
My envoy was made prisoner on his road, and has been taken to the city of Mexico. This is a violation of the usages of war, which doubtless is only caused by an excess of zeal in those who took him prisoner.
I have always been aware of your honourable feelings, and I reckon on them in hoping that you will immediately have the matter set right.
The above request was granted, as well as the following:—
Apam, January 27, 1867.
To the French head-quarters.
The rebels, whose right to resist invasion we have the honour of being the first in France to defend, never fell into the error of mixing our army up with our policy. The following letter from Porfirio Diaz' chief of the staff shows that in the liberal camp they knew how to attribute due honour to the courage of their enemies:—
Republican Army.
Oajaca, December 29, 1866.
To the Chief of the Staff in the French Expeditionary Corps.
I have the honour of sending you, by the hands of M. Ch. Thiele, the sword worn by the Commandant Testard, who was killed in the action at Miahuatlan.
I should be glad, M. le Colonel, for this weapon to be transmitted to his family; and it will be a proof to them of the esteem which we, although enemies, feel for M. Testard, whose courage and self-devotion we admired on the field of battle which was so fatal to him. Espinoza,
Chief of the Staff to the Commander-in-Chief
of the Army of the East.
The time had now arrived for the Austrians to quit the soil which they had watered with their blood. Before they withdrew, they thought that it was right to bid farewell to their companions in arms, who had not forgotten their heroic resistance in the plains of Lombardy. They, too, had paid dearly for the honour ​of defending the throne of the prince who had sprung from the royal race of their own country:—
Orizaba, January 27, 1867.
Monsieur le Maréchal de France,—Now, as we are about to quit the soil of Mexico to return to Austria, I have the honour of expressing to your excellency our extreme gratitude for your kind protection, without which the lot of the Austrian corps would have been but a sad one.
It will ever be for us a glorious reminiscence, that we have fought under the orders of your excellency, and by the side of the French expeditionary corps.
God grant that a time may arrive when we may be permitted to offer proofs of our devotion to your excellency and of our gratitude towards France, which has protected us in Mexico, and has overwhelmed us with benefits!
I beg, &c.
For the Austrian corps,
Lieutenant-Colonel Polak.
* ↑ As our Government showed itself so particular just at last, when the stoppage of these small sums would but little improve the fortunes of our countrymen and our treasury, why was it allowed that twelve millions should be paid Jecker, the Swiss, who had been naturalised as a Frenchman only yesterday as it were? Why was it allowed that this claim should take precedence over the interests of all our true countrymen?
* ↑ The young emperor, hoping (though very mistakenly) to bring over to his side General Porfirio, the devoted friend and countryman of Juarez, had secretly sent for the secretary Thiele to come to the city of Mexico (through the medium of our head-quarters), and had entrusted him with a confidential mission to the hostile chief, which however totally failed.