# Life and select literary remains of Sam Houston of Texas/Part 1

PART I.
STATE PAPERS.
FIRST MESSAGE AS GOVERNOR TO THE TENNESSEE LEGISLATURE, 1827.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:
In legislating for a Government like ours, where many of our most valuable institutions are founded on experiment, the best informed minds could not, in the earlier progress of things, determine with reasonable certainty upon the regulations and rules of action best suited to the circumstances of society, and the permanent good of the country. Experience alone can develop the fitness of measures, and the salutary or pernicious influence of particular laws. It is a duty, however, which you take pleasure in acknowledging, that you will examine with patience and great care into the nature and extent of alleged grievances and their proposed remedies. If the subject has received any light from the history of our own times, or of our own country, opinions can be formed with less difficulty, and nothing which is not in itself morally wrong is more to be deprecated in a free country than excessive legislation.
The simplicity of our laws, in connection with the certainty of their execution, is perhaps better calculated to inspire confidence in the citizen, and regard for the institutions of his country, than any other motive which can be presented to his mind. The necessity of all law grows out of the wants and interests of society, and when these are relieved or defended we may always rely with much confidence on the virtue and intelligence of the people.
In the early settlement of all parts of our country, the attention of the pioneers had been naturally and properly directed to collecting around them comforts and conveniences necessary to the sustentation of life, but with the progress of improvement great and accumulating surplus products have arisen which require artificial facilities in conveying them to market, in addition to the advantages afforded by our water-courses in theirnatural state. Hence it has been that for many years past public attention has, by my predecessors in office, been repeatedly called to the subject of internal improvements. All agree that it is a matter legitimately, if not exclusively, within the scope of separate State jurisdiction, and all are equally agreed that great and valuable improvements could be made within our State at a comparatively moderate expenditure of the public funds.
A chief obstacle to the attainment of these ends has heretofore been found in the selection of such points of commencement as would unite public opinion in their favor.
Each individual, impelled by a feeling incident to our nature, attaches an ​undue portion of regard to the objects which have fallen under his more immediate attention, and to the points more directly affecting the interest of himself or his particular constituents. To obviate these conflicting interests, and to give confidence to all that the system would in its range embrace, by regular and just succession, every portion of the State, the appointment of skillful engineers has been recommended to your particular consideration. Their attention should be directed to a classification of all the objects to be embraced m the general plan; to the practicability and probable expense of such leading objects of general improvement as affect, to the greatest extent, the greatest portion of the community, and the comparative advantages resulting from the different modes of expenditure, by clearing out the natural channels, constructing canals, common turnpikes, or the more modern and popular system of railways.
Our fellow-citizens of East Tennessee, though able to furnish in the greatest abundance, and of the best quality, flour and other articles of the first necessity, have heretofore been doomed to strive against the natural obstructions in the Tennessee River, shut out as they are from Mobile, the more natural, and perhaps the more profitable channel of commerce.
Engineers employed by the Government of the United States have, for some time past, been engaged in ascertaining the practicability of a canal on the north bank of the Tennessee River, whereby the obstructions of the Muscle Shoals will be surmounted; their survey has not yet been completed, but we have much ground to hope that it will be fully made at no distant day, and that it will result in much substantial good to the people of Tennessee and Alabama.
It is greatly to be desired that at some period before the adjournment of the present session such report could be received, as would enable the Legislature of this State to determine with reasonable certainty on the nature and extent of interest which we should take in the enterprise.
The eastern section of the State is not alone interested in facilitating the ascending and descending navigation of the Muscle Shoals; several of our more populous, wealthy, and cotton-growing counties of the South are equally concerned.
Should the difficulties of navigation through the whole length of the Tennessee be so strongly presented as to forbid the hope of their early removal, our attention should be the more promptly and zealously directed to the project of connecting the waters of the Hiwassee with those of the Coosa. The intercourse between East Tennessee and South Alabama promises the most solid advantages to both parties. Supplies and provisions, important and necessary to Alabama, can at all times be furnished from Tennessee to Mobile, and intermediate points, whilst our people could receive in return, not only cash, but groceries and other heavy articles of import, which are now procured through other channels, after much delay, and at great expense.
Superadded to these is the national consideration of warlike defense; for past experience has proved that whilst the population of Kentucky and West Tennessee are mainly to be relied on for defending from invasion the great emporium of the West, the brave and hardy mountaineers of East Tennessee are equally necessary to the protection of Mobile, and all the contiguous portions of the Gulf of Mexico.
The development of wealth in the middle counties of our State has not been ​more the result of favorable soil and climate than of natural advantag-e, and facility in the navigation of Cumberland River. That noble stream has but few impediments to a safe passage for steamboats far above Nashville. The nature of these impediments is now so well understood that there would be but little danger of injudicious application of any means that might be appropriated to their removal. The time has now gone by when the successful navigation of the Cumberland is considered by any portion of our citizens as being exclusively beneficial to Nashville. The history and experience of the last seven years have given ample testimony of the direct benefit resulting to every county west of the Cumberland mountain. The deep richness of soil in all the counties watered by Elk, Duck, and Cumberland Rivers is very unfriendly to the construction of public roads upon the ordinaiy plan; the population residing in the neighborhood of great and leading market-roads can not, with the labor and time justly devoted to that duty, continue such repairs as our present laws contemplate for all public highways. The existing laws, it is believed, are not unreasonable in their general provisions, and although more than one attempt has been already made to encourage private investment in turnpike stock, the terms of incorporation have in none been sufficiently approved.
The western district of the State is peculiarly blessed with streams intersecting the country, of gentle deep current, and susceptible of great improvement at comparatively small expense. The wealth and population of the country has already, and without any adventitious aids from public funds or public institutions, progressed more rapidly and more steadily than had been hoped for, even by the most sanguine anticipations. The claims of warrant-holders are now all, or nearly all, satisfied, and the scattered remnants of land that remain vacant or unappropriated, though belonging to the General Government by the terms of the cession and compact, will never be of sufficient value to defray half the expense of bringing them into market. All reasonable calculation at present justifies the belief that the memorials heretofore sent by the Legislature will at the next, or some early session of Congress, be disposed of in a way to meet the wishes of Tennessee.
A relinquishment of their title, and a privilege vested in our State authorities to perfect grants, would enable us to open offices convenient to the enterers, on a plan similar to that now pursued north and east of the reservation line; and whatever may have heretofore been deemed our truest policy in disposing of our vacant lands, to me it seems evident that at whatever period we may open offices in the different counties of the western district, the system of forcing prices to the highest possible amount ought to be abandoned. The first care of all governments should be to provide that each individual should have a permanent home and residence. The difference between the highest and lowest product resulting to the State from the disposal of these lands can be of little public consideration, whilst to indigent individuals already in possession, or wishing to become purchasers, it may be matter of the greatest importance; and as the two principal divisions of the State have already received a patrimony for public uses in some of its most valuable lands, it may not be unreasonable in our fellow-citizens residing west of the reservation line to expect that any revenue hereafter derived from the lands in that section of country should be chiefly expended amongst themselves for the purposes of general education and internal improvement.
​The peculiar condition of the people south of French Broad and Holston continues to be a subject of remonstrance and petition; it has already been a source of much legislation, and although by some late enactments it may be thought difficult again to open their case within any reasonable hope of advantage, yet it seems to me that their situation still entitles them to the very grave and serious consideration of the general assembly. It is true, that according to all the ordinary rules governing compacts, the settlers are bound to pay, and without hesitation, the amount stipulated as the price of their lands but it must at the same time be confessed that the contract in some of its leading features bears the stamp of obligation submitted to under duress.
The occupants of that country were, with very few exceptions, poor, and destitute of visible effects of any kind; they had migrated from the older States be- cause they were poor; they had made small improvements at the imminent hazard of their lives, and had for several years formed a barrier between the Holston settlements and their savage foes. The era of peace and prosperity to other parts of the country found them in possession of their humble log-cabins, unable to leave them in the hope of procuring better, and prepared in their minds to cling to the spot endeared to them by so many interesting recollections, whatever might be the terms of tenure imposed on them by the Government. If in this situation they are forced to raise obligation on themselves which they might then believe, and may have since found to be beyond their ability, should not the Legislature, with the kindest feelings of parental regard, seek with sedulous anxiety for any circumstance of amelioration in the adjustment of claims yet due from them, which even-handed justice will admit?
The interest on all the installments due from the purchase of the Hivvassee sales has now become due, and the great balance of principal owing to the State from that class of debtors will, by the terms of sale, be payable at a short period. A combination of circumstances meeting at the time of these sales, force the prices up to a standard of value which experience has shown to be wholly fallacious; a paper currency deluged the country, and being everywhere considered to be as legitimately the representative of property as specie itself, the facilities of procuring it baffle the calculations of the most cautious and prudent. When the day of sober reckoning came, and the true aspect of things was presented to us all, no one could boast of having seen farther than his neighbor; the delusion had spread through all orders and conditions of society, and suiely we should not now be backward in relieving, by every proper expedient, those who are still victims of that period of general infatuation. The act of the last session of the general assembly, permitting the purchasers to make payment in the notes of the Nashville bank, was no less politic than humane. Considerable collections were thereby effected in a species of fund which, though not immediately available, will become so at no distant day.
From the earliest history of our Government, and even before we had existed as an independent State, the question of boundary and territorial limits had presented obstacles to the harmonious intercourse which ought ever to exist between sister republics. I am not aware that at this time there can any possible misunderstanding arise as to our boundary, of jurisdiction on the north; but in the application of one particular provision of the compact made with Kentucky in the winter of 1820, there seems a difficulty in construction, which ought no longer to exist. Acting on the spirit of compromise and conciliation ever ​entertained by us, it was conceded that, whilst Walker's line should continue to be the true jurisdictional boundary between us, the State of Kentucky should have the benefit and privilege of entering, and perfecting grants to all vacant lands lying between that line and the true latitude of 36° and 30° North.
The terms of the compact made ample provision for ascertaining at any time the line of boundary; but there was no stipulation whereby either State could, at her own pleasure, or in any other way, establish or run the degree of latitude. More than two years ago the authorities of Kentucky, without our participation, fixed and run a line which she contends is the true line of latitude; and we have subsequently employed mathematicians on our part who have, without the participation of Kentucky, taken observations and made a report differing materially from the views of our sister State. From this unsettled state of affairs it is but reasonable to expect that unpleasant controversies will arise, especially between those citizens of the different States who reside on or adjoining the disputed territory; and it is very desirable that the Legislature should, at the present session, take such detinitive measure as will put the subject forever at rest.
The cheering prospect which we have of a permanent fund for the establishment and support of common schools, is the source of much comfort and gratification to the heart of every patriot and friend to the perpetuity of our free institutions. It is not to be presumed that the limited means on which we have had to commence will enable us to mature any practical plan of operation within a year or two; but the good work has been seriously commenced, and we have every ground for reasonable hope that it will go on and prosper. Already has the fund set apart for that laudable object increased to an amount which promises the means of much positive usefulness to that portion of the community for whose benefit and advantage it was originally designed. No longer will the means of elementary learning be limited to those whose private resources are equal to the expense, but the road to distinction in every department of science and moral excellence will be equally open to all the youth of our country whose ambition may urge them on in the contest of honorable emulation.
   Sam Houston.
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   | Nashville, Oct. 15, 1827 | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ |
   I, D. A. NUNN, Secretary of State of the State of Tennessee, do certify that the above and foregoing is a true and perfect copy of the message of his Excellency Governor Sam Houston, the original of which is in said office.
   In testimony whereof I have hereunto signed my official signature; and by order of the Governor have hereunto fixed the great seal of the [L. S.] State at the department in the city of Nashville this November the 15th, 1881.
   D. A. Nunn
   Secretary of State.
INAUGURAL ADDRESS AS PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS, DELIVERED BEFORE THE TEXAN CONGRESS.
Columbia, Texas, Oct. 22, 1836.
The House met pursuant to adjournment, at 3 o'clock p.m.
The Speaker rose and administered the oath of office to the President, and then to the Vice-President, as prescribed in the Constitution.
Whereupon the President delivered the following address:
Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen: Deeply impressed with a sense of responsibility devolving on me, I can not, in justice to myself, repress the emotions of my heart, or restrain the feelings which my sense of obligation to my fellow-citizens has inspired. Their suffrage was gratuitously bestowed. Preferred to others, possibly superior in merit to myself, called to the most important station among mankind, by the voice of a free people, it is utterly impossible not to feel impressed with the deepest sensations of delicacy in my present situation before mankind. It is not here alone, but before all nations, our present attitude has rendered my position and that of the country one of peculiar interest.
A spot on earth almost unknown to the geography of the age, almost destitute of resources, comparatively few in numbers, we modestly remonstrated against oppression; and when invaded by a numerous host, we dared to proclaim our independence and to strike for freedom on the breast of the oppressors. As yet our course is onward. We are only in the outset of the campaign of liberty. Futurity has locked up the destiny which awaits our people.
Who with apathy can contemplate a situation so imposing in the physical and moral world? None ! No, not one. The relations among ourselves are peculiarly delicate and important; for no matter what zeal or fidelity I may possess in the discharge of my official duties, if I do not obtain a co-operation and an honest support from the co-ordinate departments of the Government, wreck and ruin must be the inevitable consequences of my administration.
If, then, in the discharge of my duty, my competency should fail in the attainment of the great objects in view, it would become your sacred duty to correct my errors, and sustain me by your superior wisdom. This much I anticipate; this much I demand. I am perfectly aware of the difficulties that surround me, and the convulsive throes through which my country must pass. I have never been emulous of the honors of the civic wreath; when merited, it crowns a happy destiny. A country situated like ours, is environed with difficulties; its administration fraught with perplexities. Had it been my destiny, I would infinitely have preferred the toils, privations, and penis of a soldier, to the duties of my present station. Nothing but zeal, stimulated by the holy spirit of patriotism, and guided by philosophy and wisdom, can give that impetus to our energies, necessary to surmount the difficulties with which our political path is obstructed.
By the aid of your intelligence, I trust all impediments to our situation will be removed; that all wounds in the body politic will be healed, and that the constitution of the Republic will derive strength and vigor equal to all opposing energies. I shall confidently anticipate the establishment of constitutional liberty. In the attainment of this object we must regard our relative situation to other countries.
A subject of no small importance to our welfare is the situation of an extensive frontier, bordered by Indians, and subject to their depredations. Treaties ​of peace and amity, and maintenance of good faith with the Indians, present themselves to my mind as the most rational grounds on which to obtain their friendship. Abstain on our part from aggression, establish commerce with the different tribes, supply their useful and necessary wants, maintain even-handed justice with them, and natural reason will teach them the utility of our friendship.
Admonished by the past, we can not in justice disregard our national enemies; vigilance will apprise us of their approach, a disciplined and valiant army will insure their discomfiture. Without discrimination and system, how unavailing would all the resources of an old and overpowering treasury prove to us. It would be as unprofitable to us in our present situation as the rich diamond locked in the bosom of adamant. We can not hope that the bosom of our beautiful prairies will soon be visited with the balmy breezes of peace. We may again look for the day when their verdure will be converted into dyes of crimson. We must keep all our energies alive, our army organized and disciplined and increased agreeably to our present necessities. With these preparations we can meet and vanquish despotic thousands; this is the attitude which we at present regard as our own. We are battling for human liberty; reason and friendship must characterize our acts.
The course which our enemies have pursued had been opposed to every principle of civilized warfare; bad faith, inhumanity, and devastation marked their path of invasion. We were a little band contending for liberty; they were thousands, well appointed, munitioned, and provisioned, seeking to rivet chains upon us, or extirpate us from the earth. Their cruelties have incurred the universal denunciation of Christendom. They will not pass from their nation during the present generation.
The contrast of our conduct is manifest. We were hunted down as the felon wolf; our little band driven from fastness to fastness; exasperated to the last extreme, while the blood of our kindred and our friends was invoking the vengeance of an offended God, was smoking to the high Heaven, we met the enemy, and vanquished them. They fell in battle, or suppliantly kneeled, and were spared. We offered up our vengeance at the shrine of humanity, while Christianity rejoiced at the act, and viewed with delightful pride the ennobling sacrifice. The civilized world contemplated with proud emotions conduct which reflected so much glory on the Anglo-Saxon race. The moral effect has done more toward our liberation than the defeat of the army of veterans. When our cause has been presented to our friends in the land of our origin, they have embraced it with the warmest sympathies. They have rendered us manly and efficient aid. They have rallied to our standard, they have fought side by side with our warriors, they have bled, and their dust is mingling with our heroes.
At this moment I discover numbers around me who battled in the field of San Jacinto, and whose chivalry and valor have identified them with the glory of the country, its name, its soil, and its liberty. There sits a gentleman within my view whose personal and political services to Texas have been invaluable. He was the first in the United States to espouse our cause. H is purse was ever open to our necessities. His hand was extended to our aid. His presence among us, and his return to the embraces of his family and friends, will inspire new efforts in behalf of our cause. (The attention of the Speaker, and that of Congress was directed to Wm. Christy, Esq., of New Orleans, who sat, by invitation, within the bar.)
​A circumstance of the highest import will claim the attention of the Court of Washington. In the election which has recently transpired the important subject of annexation to the United States of America was submitted to the consideration of the people. They have expressed their feelings and wishes on that momentous question. They have, with an unanimity unparalleled, declared that they will be reunited to the great republican family of the North. The appeal is made by a willing people. Will our friends disregard it? They have already bestowed upon us their warmest sympathies. Their manly and generous feelings have been enlisted in our behalf. We are cheered by the hope that they will receive us to a participancy of their civil, political, and religious rights, and hail us welcome into the great family of freemen.
Our misfortunes have been their misfortunes; our sorrows, too, have been theirs; and their joy at our success has been irrepressible.
A thousand considerations press upon me, each claiming attention; but the shortness of the notice of this emergency will not enable me to do justice to those subjects, and will necessarily induce their postponement for the present.
(Here the President paused for a few seconds, and disengaged his sword.)
It now, sir, becomes my duty to make a presentation of this sword,—this emblem of my past office. (The President was unable to proceed further, but having firmly clenched it with both hands, as if with a farewell grasp, a tide of varied association of ideas rushed upon him in the moment; his countenance bespoke the workings of the strongest emotions; his mind seemed to have turned from the body he addressed to dwell momentarily on the glistening blade, and the greater part of the auditory gave outward proof of their congeniality of feeling; it was in reality a moment of deep and exciting interest. After this pause, more eloquently impressive than the deepest pathos conveyed in language, the President proceeded.) I have worn it with some humble pretensions in defence of my country, and should the danger of my country again call for my service, I expect to resume it, and respond to that call, if needful, with my blood and my life.
The Vice-President then followed, and delivered the succeeding address.
MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
To The Senate and House of Representatives:
Gentlemen: — Circumstances involving important interests to the country have induced the call of a special session of Congress, which subjects will require your attention and profound deliberation; the frequent call of extraordinary sessions is to be deprecated, and would have been avoided on the present occasion, especially as the annual session of Congress will occur so soon; but the necessity of your present meeting could not be so well anticipated by any future action of your honorable body as it can at the present moment.
At the last session of Congress provision was made for the appointment of a Commission to run the line between the Government of the United States and Texas; this measure was based so as to correspond with measures which have been adopted on the part of the Government of the States; it was nevertheless deemed satisfactory as to its correctness, and has subsequently been verified, as ​will be shown to your honorable body by documents, which will be referred for your consideration.
The land law, which was passed by the last Congress of the Republic of Texas, and which was designed to take effect on the first day of October next, could not go into operation without conflicting with subjects too important to be disregarded, inasmuch as some of the land districts would necessarily fall within that section of country over which the United States have for some years exercised civil jurisdiction, but over which there is no doubt that the Government of Texas, so soon as the limits of each country are defined, will be manifestly entitled to the civil as well as the political jurisdiction thereof. It is to be deplored that so soon as measures had been adopted by the Government of the United States on this subject, that the Government of Texas was not apprised of the fact, or its agents near the Government, until the 17th of June last, when a communication was made to our agent by the honorable Secretary of State, for the first time, of the desires of that Government.
Although authority was given to the Executive of Texas to appoint a Commission for the purpose of running the line, in accordance with stipulations long since existing, yet no appointment has been made, for the reason that no satisfactory intelligence had reached this Government in relation to the course which the Government of the United States might wish to pursue. No time had been lost in communicating to our Minister at Washington city, the course which had been adopted at the last session of Congress. As early as the 4th of August last, a special communication was made upon that subject by our Minister. We are advised that he had received no response to his communication. It is to be hoped, as the Congress of the United States is now in session, that the subject of the boundary line will claim the prompt action of that Government, and that such measures will be adopted by its functionaries as will lead to a speedy termination of the subject, and obviate all such embarrassments as might result from its further procrastination. Nothing, I feel confident, on the part of this Government will be omitted which can conduce to the amicable adjustment of a matter desirable and important to the two countries. As the land law which has been referred to is necessarily connected with this subject, it will be for the honorable Congress to determine what modifications or revisions may be proper for adoption.
The period at which the annual session of Congress will take place being so near at hand, it is presumed that the present session will not adjourn previous to that time; therefore I have abstained from submitting any other subjects for the present other than those which induced the call of the present session. At the commencement of the next session the Executive will have it in his power to present to Congress the situation of the country generally, and to submit subjects connected immediately with the defense of the nation, and its financial resources for their action.
Whilst we invoke the continuance of favors which have been conferred upon us by an Almighty Being, and render to Him our grateful homage, let us remember that the important trusts in which we are placed demand of us unceasing exertions to defend and preserve our independence, by our united efforts to promote the happiness of our constituents, and the prosperity and glory of our country.
(Signed), Sam HOUSTON.
City of Houston, September 25, 1837.
MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
Second Session of the First Congress, held by adjournment at the City of Houston, and commencing Monday, May 1st, 1837.
Houston, May 5, 1837.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:
With peculiar pleasure I greet your return to the Capitol. At the adjournment of the last session, the country was under the apprehension of an invasion from our enemy, which created much solicitude, and had an unkind influence on our foreign relations. It was temporary in its effects, as was manifested in the recognition of our independence by the Government of the United States of America. We now occupy the proud attitude of a sovereign and independent Republic, which will impose upon us the obligation of evincing to the world that we are worthy to be free. This will only be accomplished by wise legislation, the maintenance of our integrity, and the faithful and just redemption of our plighted faith wherever it has been pledged. Nothing can be better calculated to advance our interests and character than the establishment of a liberal and disinterested policy enlightened by patriotism and guided by wisdom.
The plan of legislating for present emergencies, without reference to a general and permanent system, will render a government less stable in its institutions, and less prosperous in its progress, than it must be where a proper foundation is laid and a corresponding fabric is erected on its basis. Diversified interests must exist in every community, and that system which is best calculated to promote the general interest is the one which should be adopted and adhered to with fidelity. The representatives of the sovereign people, by a calm and deliberate discussion of the various interests of the different sections of our country, will be enabled to arrive at such conclusions as will induce them to adopt a course which must be in its effects both salutary and pleasing to every true patriot.
The views which must actuate every friend of the country will be the advancement of its glory and the happiness of its citizens. The present prospects of crops in our country is a subject of sincere gratulation, and, while it reflects lustre on the industry and enterprise of our citizens, it should inspire us with veneration and gratitude to a Divine Providence for this manifestation of His continued favor.
Among the various subjects of deep and vital interest to the country' is that of our finances. The demands on our treasury since the adjournment of Congress have been great, without the means of meeting them, and of rendering that aid which was in every way so desirable.
The several acts providing for the issues of land scrip to the agents specified have been complied with, and I regret to say that comparatively none of the responsibilities incurred by the laws have been met by these agents to whom the scrip was issued. A compliance with the conditions of the law placed the agents beyond the control of the Executive, and left it without resources, so far as the supplies of the army and navy were dependent upon the means placed in their hands. Repeated calls have been made upon them to render their accounts current to the proper department, but no response has been given, nor reason rendered for protesting the drafts which have been drawn upon them. This state of affairs being presented, the Executive resorted to the only ​alternative left, and directed that no farther sales of scrip should take place by them, but that the means remaining in their hands should be immediately passed over to the special agent of the Government, and that they should render their accounts accordingly. To this subject the early attention of Congress is earnestly requested.
The Commissioners sent to the United States, for the purpose of negotiating a loan of five millions, have constantly reported so unfavorably of the money-market, that it was not deemed necessary to issue the bonds until recently. One of the gentlemen indicating a wish to retire, after having been much delayed on his journey by ill-health, and the other giving us no hope of being able to effect anything by present exertions, it was thought proper to permit them both to return, and others have been appointed, and proceeded to the United States with a part of the bonds, and with confident hopes of success.
The public domain of the country being the foundation of its finances, v/ill demand the most serious and enlightened judgment of Congress, and, from its importance, urge the necessity of adopting some secure system for the future government of that branch of our resources, and for the regulation of the rights which have been acquired under former laws in relation to it. The views of the Executive having been given during the last session of Congress in relation to the land bill submitted for approval, have undergone no change, but time has only given to them additional weight. By reference to the bill, it must be manifest to all that it is not adapted to our situation, and should it be permitted to go into effect the public interest must suffer injury, and the public faith, so far as it is concerned in the redemption of pledges based on her public domam, must also suffer serious prejudice. I would recommend that some plan be devised that will ascertain all the located lands of the country; this being done, the vacant lands will be readily indicated, and prevent, in future, conflict of titles. Unless some precaution of this character is adopted, endless litigation must be the consequence.
The subject of the undefined limits on our northeastern frontier, between the United States and this Republic, will require the action of Congress. The boundaries have been so well described by the treaty of 1819, between Spain and the United States, that little difficulty is apprehended in defining and establishing our just line, and obviating all trifling difficulties which may have at any time existed through a want of proper consideration. Provision for the appointment of a commissioner, to meet one on the part of the United States, is desirable. Connected with the subject of boundary is that of the Caddo Indians, inhabiting a portion of our northeastern frontier. By a treaty recently held with that tribe they have ceded certain lands to the United States, and have shown a disposition to amalgamate with the wild Indians within our unquestionable boundary, while late advices have assured me that the United States agent of the tribe has issued to the warriors rifles and ammunition. The condition and disposition of these Indians, as well as their thefts and murders upon our borders, have been subjects on which our ministers at Washington City have been advised and instructed to make immediate and urgent remonstrances to that Government, and I am well assured, from the character of the gentlemen, that they have not been wanting to their duty in this respect. The principal aggressions on our frontiers have either been instigated or perpetrated by the Caddos. It would be painful to suppose, under the circumstances, that the United States ​agent, in furnishing them the means of further injury to the exposed frontier inhabitants of our country, had acted under the orders of his Government. It is due to his Government to suppose that he had proceeded unadvisedly, and that the stipulations of the treaty concluded between the United States and Mexico, in April, 1830, will be rigidly adhered to so far as they appertain to the United States and Republic of Texas. It was among the first objects of the Constitutional Government, on assuming its duties, to adopt such measures as would give peace and security to our extended frontier. For this purpose, commissioners were appointed, at an early period, to hold treaties with several of the most numerous and active of the frontier tribes. As yet, nothing has been effected, owing in part to the season of the year at which the business was commenced, as well as to other causes. A hope is entertained that something beneficial will shortly result, as our commissioners are in constant expectation of forming a treaty with the associate bands of the prairies. This Government has recently received information, from sources entirely satisfactory, that a delegation, consisting of twenty Northern Indians, residing on the borders of the United States, had visited the town of Matamoras and had stipulated with the Mexican authorities to furnish that Government three thousand warriors, well armed, so soon as it would invade Texas. Commenting upon such alliances in the present age would be an insult to chivalry, and a reflection upon the hearts and understandings of those who have sought to establish the maxim that war is calamitous enough without the evils of treachery and massacre, which devote alike the female and the warrior to cruelty and death. Assurances are rendered to this Government that citizens of this Republic have lately been made prisoners by the Caddos, and that scalps recently taken on our frontier have been seen in their nation. It is within the province of this Government to inquire into the causes which have produced these calamities, and no vigilance on my part shall be wanting to prevent their recurrence. I feel fully aware that the policy of this Government is to pursue a just and liberal course toward our Indian neighbors, and to prevent all encroachments upon their rights.
The army of Texas has never been in a more favorable condition than at present. The permanent force in the field is sufficient to meet all the emergencies of invasions while at the shortest notice the defence of the country can be brought into immediate action in that event.
I feel assured that a system of discipline, subordination, and police has been established in the army, which reflects much credit upon its General, and does no less honor to the officers and soldiers than to our country. They have encountered many privations and difficulties within the last season, which it was impossible for the Government to avert, owing to causes already stated, and I am proud to say, that order has been manifested, and the spirits of those men devoted to liberty have not sunk into pusillanimity and weakness, but have been borne up and illumined by the ardent hope that they may, ere long, meet an enemy opposed to human rights, when they can evince to the world, that they are the descendants of freemen, and that they are invincible. I feel a pleasure in recommending their condition to the consideration of Congress; and trust that every possible aid may be rendered to their comfort, efficiency, and glory. At the same time I feel assured that they will not disregard the history of revolutions, and that one important truth will not escape their observation, viz.: that those who contend for liberty, must be prepared to endure privations. The ​glory of the soldier is always proportioned to the difficulty and danger of his achievements. The situation of the army at the adjournment of the last session of Congress, was far from what was desirable to the country. Since then an organization has taken place, and much credit is due to the officers and soldiers for their ready obedience to the law and regulations which have been enacted for their government. By the reduction of the number of supernumerary officers, its expenses have been diminished to the amount of $229,032 per annum. The requisite number of officers are now in command, and the organization is complete.
The insufficiency of our navy must be a subject of serious consideration. When the constitutional Government assumed its functions, the armed vessels, Brutus and Invincible, were in the Port of New York, and remained there until a few weeks past, when they returned, but without either crews or provisions for a cruise.
The Independence, having not more than two weeks' provisions, was taken to New Orleans some months since, where she has been detained, and has not yet been reported to this Government for service.
At an early day a confidential officer was dispatched to the United States, for the purpose of purchasing such vessels as would enable us to keep the command of the Gulf from our enemy.
He has reported to the proper department, and his arrival is daily expected with one or more fine vessels, in preparation to defend our commerce, and make reprisals on the enemy.
Our commerce has suffered to some extent, and a small portion of supplies for the army has been captured and taken into Mexican ports. I take leave to call the serious attention of Congress to the establishment of a naval depot at some point on our coast, which will add greatly to our efficiency at sea, and at the same time diminish our expenses.
The suspension of business attendant on the removal of the public archive and documents, with other reasons, has rendered it impossible to lay before Congress detailed reports of the several departments of the Government, showing their condition; but so soon as practicable, and at an early day, they will be submitted, and all important information referred to Congress.
Not unconnected with the naval force of the country, is the subject of the African slave trade. It can not be disbelieved that thousands of Africans have lately been imported to the Island of Cuba, with a design to transfer a large portion of them into this Republic. This unholy and cruel traffic has called down the reprobation of the humane and just of all civilized nations. Our abhorrence to it is clearly expressed in our constitution and laws. Nor has it rested alone upon the declaration of our policy, but has long since been a subject of representation to the Government of the United States, our ministers apprising it of every fact which would enable it to devise such means as would prevent either the landing or introduction of Africans into our country.
The naval force of Texas not being in a situation to be diverted from our immediate defence, will be a sufficient reason why the Governments of the United States and England should employ such a portion of their forces in the Gulf as will at once arrest the accursed trade, and redeem this republic from the suspicion of connivance; which would be as detrimental to its character as the practice is repugnant to the feelings of its citizens. Should the traffic continue, the ​odium can not rest upon us, but will remain a blot upon the escutcheon of nations who have power, and withhold their hand from the work of humanity.
It will be proper to remark that our attitude in relation to the subject of annexation to the United States of America, has undergone no important change since the adjournment of the last session of Congress. Our ministers at Washington City gave to the subject of our national concerns, their able, zealous, and untiring attention, and much credit is due to them for the character which they sustained in advocating our interests at a foreign court. The period at which the Congress of the United States was compelled to adjourn, prevented any action of that Government, relative lo annexation. It will, it is hoped, be referred to the action of the next session, and receive an early determination.
In the meantime it will be proper for Texas to pursue a course of policy which will be beneficial to her in a character substantive, and to secure her existence and her rights; without reference to contingencies. For it is not possible to determine what are to be her future relations to the civilized nations of the globe. Blessed with a soil the most fertile, and climate the most delightful and salubrious, Texas must attract the attention of all the commercial and manufacturing nations of the world.
Her cotton, sugar, indigo, wines, poultries, live stock, and precious minerals will all become objects of mercantile enterprise and activity.
Nor can we lose sight of the important production of the live oak. It is but reasonable to say that four-fifths of all that species of timber now in the world, is to be found growing in Texas, while many millions' worth of it is daily decaying on our cultivated fields.
To establish such intercourse with nations friendly to us, as will induce them to seek our market with their manufactures and commodities, and receive from us in exchange our productions, will become our most imperative duty.
Texas with her superior natural advantages must become a point of attraction, and the policy of establishing with her the earliest relations of friendship and commerce, will not escape the eye of statesmen.
England has not disregarded our situation thus far, nor can we believe, from the indications already manifested by her, that she is to regard our prosperity with unkind feelings of suspicion or indifference.
Should our resources be regulated by a wise and politic system of legislation, we must remain independent and become a prosperous people.
Our relations to Mexico since the last session of Congress, have undergone no important change, nor have overtures been made by either nation.
Texas, confident that she can sustain the rights for which she has contended, is not willing to invoke the mediation of other powers! While Mexico, blind to her interest and her future existence, seems determined on protracting the war without regard to her internal commotions. Revolution is stalking abroad throughout her land, while she is unable to defend her frontier against the incursions of the bands of predatory Indians on the frontier of the Rio Grande; from Santa F6 to Matamoras.
Early in last winter a correspondence was opened by the Secretary of State with the Mexican Consul at New Orleans, containing propositions to exchange prisoners, so far as the number of Texans would extend, and then to release the excess of Mexican prisoners on parole. Notwithstanding the humanity and liberality of this offer, it has met no official response from that Government. It seemed ​to me, that it would be in accordance with the civilization of the age, to release all the prisoners, and to permit them to leave our shores so soon as they can do so. In the meantime I have learned that our citizens, as well as the prisoners at Matamoras (amounting to thirteen in number), have been liberated. It is impossible for me to account for the apathy with which Mexico treated the subject, and her willingness to permit a portion of the bravest troops of the nation to remain prisoners in exile, when a just policy would at once have restored them to their country and homes.
Congress will no doubt find it necessary to revise the laws of the Republic, and to direct that a digest be made of those of Coahuila and Texas, so far as they may be useful to the establishment of rights acquired under them.
It will be seen that the adoption of the common laws of England, with modifications adapted to our situation, is required by the provisions of the Constitution.
Nothing can conduce more to the order and stability of a Government, than the simplicity of laws, the proper definition of rights, and their impartial and consistent administration.
I will not close this communication to your honorable body, without presenting to your consideration, the claims of citizens of the United States, who acquired as they conceived, bona fide titles to lands in Texas.
It is due to many of these individuals, to suggest, that their generous and manly efforts in behalf of our cause, will entitle them to the most favorable decisions of Congress.
Their means have aided us in the darkest hours of our probation, and recently have aided in dispelling our embarrassments. Such men deserve the gratitude, as well as the justice of the country.
While reflecting upon the dispensations of an Almighty Being, who has conducted our country through scenes of unparalleled privation, massacre, and suffering, it is but gratitude and sensibility to render to Him our most devout thanks, and invoke His kind benignity and future providence, that He will preserve and govern us a chosen people.
(Signed), Sam Houston,
MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
Gentlemen: Congress having been apprised of the reasons which have delayed the Executive in presenting his views to their consideration, at the commencement of the annual session, will supersede the necessity of an apology. The important responsibility which at the commencement of every community or nation, must devolve upon its law-givers and officers, is manifest to all but the heedless, and will be properly estimated by the patriotic and virtuous of every country on whom those duties may be conferred. Upon their exertions must the happiness and prosperity of a nation depend at home, and by their acts will its character be ascertained and determined in the opinions of the enlightened abroad. Our relations to the nations of Europe, as well as to the Governments of South America, have yet to be established, nor has the ​importance of this subject been disregarded, particularly with England and France, as our commercial relations, so far as they depend upon European supplies, must exist with those nations. Since the departure of our Commissioner to the Court of St. James, no intelligence from him has reached this Government.
For the regulation of the circumstances of foreign ministers, agents, and consuls, it will be necessary to pass enactments, or to adopt some system to facilitate the desires of the Government, and obviate the embarrassments which must impede their success. Upon this subject a report of the Secretary of State will be presented to Congress for consideration.
The relations which existed between this country and the United States, at the period of my last communication on the subject, have undergone no important change, unless we regard the correspondence of our minister at Washington, with the honorable Secretary of State, as indicating the determination of the Government of the United States upon the subject of our annexation. This government, from the expression of the people of Texas, having in the most frank and undisguised manner presented their desires for annexation, and enforced them by considerations which appeared conclusively to be beneficial to both countries, did hope that the United States would deem it their interest, while in the prosecution of a wise and just policy, to receive and embrace Texas as an integral part of the Union of the North. The consummation of this desire seems to be postponed for the present, and will render the course which we should adopt palpable and necessary. Recognized as we have been by the United States a free, sovereign, and independent nation, it becomes our imperious duty to pursue such a course of policy and legislation as will at once command the respect and confidence of other nations, while our internal safety and prosperity will be secured. A fair and liberal policy should be extended to all nations who may desire to establish commercial relations with us, or who may deem it proper to introduce their fabrics or commodities into our country.
The Chargé d'Affaires of the United States, duly accredited, has been received in the Government of Texas, and confidence is entertained that the most friendly reciprocal understanding between the two countries will be established and preserved. This circumstance originating with our mother country, the first to hail Texas as a member of the great family of nations, is calculated to awaken in us emotions the most friendly, and inspire us with a manly confidence in our condition.
A well-organized judiciary, composed of enlightened and honest members, is the palladium of civil liberty. The present existing laws are doubtless as perfect as could have been expected to arise under the circumstances in which they were created. Experience and time have demonstrated to us their insufficiency, and forcibly inculcate the necessity of a remedy. The resources of the several counties up to this time, have not authorized the creation of jails. For the remedy of this defect, I would recommend that authority be given to the several district judges (where information shall be filed) in cases of felony, to direct the immediate trial of the accused. From this course no prejudice can arise to the culprit, while the country will be relieved from a burden, and the opportunities of the guilty to escape from justice will be diminished. The regulations of fees and perquisites connected with the judicial department of the Government is a subject of mucli importance, and should claim the scrutiny and consideration of Congress. If this is done we may hope that cupidity will be disappointed, and extortion banished from our land.
​The finances of our country since the commencement of the revolution up to this time, have been in a more embarrassed situation, doubtless, than any other nation ever experienced. Since the commencement of the present administration, during the first year, there was at the disposition of the Executive, or in the Treasury, but five hundred dollars in cash. The several amounts which had been appropriated for specific or general purposes depended upon the sale of scrip, and that, by acts of Congress, was placed in the hands of foreign agents who were irresponsible to the Executive, having given no security so as to insure accountability, and furthermore, placed beyond the jurisdiction of ourselves. This imaginary and unfortunate expedient is now at an end, and has left the Government in a situation to afford the most ample redemption of all her pledges and responsibilities.
A boundless revenue to the country will arise from the opening of the Land Offices, and so soon as that can take place consistently with the positive provisions of the Constitution, and regulated by such enactments as will guard the public interest against fraud and imposition, it will meet the desire of the Executive, and promote the public tranquillity.
Owing to the financial derangement in the United States, from which our currency was almost entirely derived, and where it was hoped that this country could obtain a negotiation for five millions of dollars, our expectations have not been realized. By the last advices from our agents of the loan they had not succeeded, but regarded the prospect of success greater than they had been at any previous time.
The enactments of Congress authorizing the funding of a portion of the public debt, in connection with the issue of a half-million of treasury notes, is calculated in a short time to relieve the Government from embarrassment and establish a currency of her own, superior in value to any which can be introduced of the non-specie paying banks of the United States. The resources of the Government, which are pledged for the payment of the interest, and the redemption of our notes and certificates, are ample and unquestionable, and as long as Congress may decline issuing an excess of notes, or does not exceed a half-million of dollars, and that amount is received at the treasury, for all dues to Government, at par with gold and silver, we will have a sound currency, and one that will have credit in countries which have commercial intercourse with us. Five hundred thousand dollars will supply all the necessities of exchange among ourselves; and while it is received for revenue, and in payment for public lands, should it not be sufficient for the purposes of exchange, the precious metals will find their way into our country and supply the deficiency or scarcity of our currency, giving to it additional value. The issuing of a greater amount of notes than what would meet the actual necessities of a circulating medium (while the Government is continually receiving it in revenue, and paying it out for demands against it), would cause depreciation in its value, in the same proportion to the surplus amount that may be issued. As no experiment has yet been tried to ascertain the requisite amount, no possible prejudices can result to the country or to individuals by adhering to the present enactments on the subject until the next session of Congress, while, by pursuing a contrary course, it may involve our finances in difficulty irremediable.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury is submitted to Congress, and is the result of much application and attention to the subject of finance, and ​embraces views and a system as well adapted to our situation as any that could be presented at the present time. Intimately connected with the resources of the treasury is the accountability of the receiving and disbursing officers of the Government. It must be the case with us as with all other countries, that defalcations will take place; to guard against this evil, it is proper that responsibility should be secured in future, and that some mode should be pointed out which will authorize process to issue against those who have heretofore been defaulters in any office or department.
The first Congress which met after the Convention authorized the President to accept the services of twenty thousand men. Exercising his discretion upon the subject, he has not deemed it necessary, thus far, to marshal so large a force and maintain it in the field, or to commence offensive war, but has determined to await some indications on the part of the enemy that will, in the opinion of the world, justify the most decisive measures to secure our independence, and establish an honorable peace. To this end, the officers and soldiers have been furloughed, except such a part as was necessary for maintaining certain positions which were regarded as most requisite for our present circumstances.
It is gratifying to assure the honorable Congress that a large portion of those that were furloughed have directed their attention to agriculture and the mechanic arts; they have become citizens, and now their lives, as well as their future hopes, are identified with the destiny of Texas. Since the commencement of the present administration the war department has been the most laborious and difficult in the performance of its duties; it has been improving in its organization, and it is believed that, under the direction of the gentleman who is placed at its head, a system will very soon be established, and the facilities of the country, inasmuch as they are connected with the department, greatly increased.
The militia of all republics must be regarded and esteemed as the bulwark of liberty, and particularly so while the generation remains which have achieved the emancipation of their country. With them liberty has begun, and they will preserve it at every hazard. Their organization and discipline should claim the first attention of Congress, and, as soon as it is perfected, Texas will be in a most confident attitude of success over all her enemies. The present militia laws are not so perfect as to preclude amendment, nor has it been in the power of the War Department to execute the wishes of Congress, owing to various causes over which it had no control. It is hoped that Congress will give such direction to the subject as will give the greatest efficiency to that arm of the service. The report of the Secretary will be submitted to the Congress for consideration.
The extraordinary embarrassment of the finances of the country, at the commencement of the Revolution, and its continuance until the adoption of the present system, has been such as to prevent the creation of an efficient navy. The extent of our seaboard inculcates the necessity, and manifests the advantages, which must result to the Government from the command of the Gulf of Mexico. The certain means which Texas now possesses, and must have at her disposal, induce the Executive to urge the most ample appropriations, in addition to those which have been made at the present session of Congress. There can be no doubt but that the enemy will avail themselves of every advantage by ​sea which may be within their power. Therefore, it will be incumbent on us, not alone to make preparations to meet them, but to maintain active operations by sea and by land. Whenever our gallant tars have met the enemy they have evinced the most daring chivalry and indomitable courage, nor has our flag ever been struck to less than five times our force, and then not until after a protracted engagement.
In the creation of a navy, I recommend to the earnest attention of Congress the enactment of such laws and regulations as will enable the Government to control the conduct of its officers, and to punish them promptly for disobedience of orders. It may be of importance to our amicable relations with other powers. A circumstance occurring on the last cruise which was directed by the Executive, demands of me in this communication to notice the same to the honorable Congress. Orders were issued from the Navy Department, by direction of the Executive, to the Commander of the Navy, that all neutral flags should be respected, unless the vessel was bound to an enemy's port, and had on board articles contraband of war. In violation of these orders, the Eliza Russell, an English brig, was seized and sent into port, with a valuable cargo of fine goods, but containing nothing contraband of war. Upon information of the circumstances, the Executive directed her immediate release, and the payment of damages, so far as he deemed it within his competency. The subject will be presented to Congress by the owner of the vessel, with a minute statement of all the facts. The circumstances of the case were immediately communicated to our Commissioner near the Court of St. James, and the Executive has been assured that the despatch would reach England by the time of his arrival. Other acts connected with the cruise, of a character not calculated to elevate us in the scale of nations, were done either without orders, or in direct violation of those which had been issued by the department. These facts imperiously demand of the Executive a frank and solemn disavowal of all things done, either in contravention or violation of his orders.
The accompanying report of the Acting-Secretary of the Navy will present his views on the subject of its improvement and utility to the country. The report is referred to the consideration of Congress.
Heretofore, difficulties insuperable were presented to the establishment and regular conveyance of the mail, but by indefatigable attention and labor the Postmaster-General has been enabled to give efficiency to the department, and hereafter, with suitable aid from Congress, there will be but little difficulty in the regular transmission of mails and the circulation of intelligence throughout the Republic. It is not to be expected that any revenue can arise to the Government from this department, but it is thought that a higher rate of postage might be established without oppressing any portion of the community, but with advantage to the revenue, as it will be seen by a report of the department herewith submitted.
It is much to be deplored that one important item of intelligence has not been circulated throughout the Republic. The Secretary of State, to whom the duty of having the laws published v/as assigned by Congress, has used every exertion possible to attain the object, but for the want of means (as Congress had omitted to make an appropriation necessary for the payment of printing), he has not had it in his power to have it completed. But for this circumstance the work would have been finished, and the laws distributed. This subject is presented to ​Congress without any suggestion, as its importance to the community will be a sufficient recommendation to its attention.
It is of much interest to our country that our relations with our Indian neighbors should be placed upon a basis of lasting peace and friendship. Convinced of this truth, it has been the policy of the administration to seek out every possible means to accomplish this object, and give security to our frontier. At this time I deem the indications more favorable than they have been since Texas assumed her present attitude. Measures are in progress with the several tribes, which, with the aid of suitable appropriations by Congress, may enable us to attain the objects of peace and friendly intercourse. Apprised of these facts, it is desirable that the citizens of Texas should so deport themselves, as to become the aggressors in no case, but to evince a conciliatory disposition whenever it can be done consistently, with justice and humanity. Unofficially it has been communicated to the Executive that several small tribes residing within our settlements express a disposition (if the Government will assign to them a country on the frontier) to remove from their present situations. The undeviating opinion of the Executive has been, that from the establishment of trading-houses on the frontier (under prudent regulations), and the appointment of capable and honest agents, the happiest results might be anticipated for the country. The intercourse between the citizens and Indians should be regulated by acts of Congress which experience will readily suggest. The situation of Texas at this time would doubtless justify the establishment of martial law at such out-posts as are detached from the body of our population, and it does seem to me that no injury could arise from the adoption of the measure. In this communication the Executive has no hesitancy in presenting the claims of those who have been wounded and disabled in the defence of the liberties of Texas. It is the policy of all Governments to reward those who have rendered great and important services to their country, and when disabled to secure to them pensions, proportionate to their disability. The Texan Congress can not eschew the necessity of adopting this course in relation to her brave and gallant defenders. The widows and orphans of those matchless spirits who perished in the Alamo, and the heroic and gallant band who were basely massacred on the plains of Goliad, have peculiar claims upon the sensibility and justice of the Congress and the nation. It is to be regretted that the merits of this subject have not had the good fortune to claim the earlier notice of Congress. Therefore it is recommended to their immediate attention and provision.
In relation to Mexico it is proper to state that previous to the capture of the Texan schooner of war, Independence, by two Mexican brigs and a schooner of war, the Executive had issued an order for the release of all the prisoners of war who had been taken at San Jacinto, which order owing to the news of the capture was countermanded for the purposes of reprisal, if the Government of Mexico should again disregard or violate the laws of war. With a desire to release the chivalric officers and gallant crew who had so bravely maintained the honor of our flag and the citizens of Texas (among whom was our minister, the Hon. Wm. H. Wharton), the Government dispatched Col. John A. Wharton and thirty Mexican prisoners, with a cartel. He was treated by the authorities at Matamoras in a manner which has always characterized a vain and ignorant nation. Although Col. Wharton presented himself under the protection of a flag of truce, he represents "that he was not received by the Mexican authorities. ​but on the contrary, was treated with every incivility and indignity that could be offered to an ordinary criminal or pirate." In addition to the prisoners sent with Col. Wharton, a vessel had been chartered and upwards of sixty prisoners were sent h-om Galveston to Matamoras. Those of the officers and citizens who had not escaped were subsequently released, after a cruel and rigid confinement of months. The ground on which they were released is unknown to the Executive, inasmuch as no communication accompanied their return.
To speculate upon the course which Mexico intends to pursue would be idle and ridiculous. Since the first invitation of the Anglo-Saxon race to this country, the narrative of her conduct would be but the history of her perfidy, and a manifestation of our wrongs. The first settlers of Texas entered a wilderness, and expelled the savage cannibals who had maintained this fair region against the boasted power of Mexico. The enterprise of the people, with the accumulation of plenty, excited the cupidity of their Government; and persons were sent among us to grant pretended titles to lands, while they extorted from industry its honest gains, and left us in a situation liable to further demands and extortion, without a right to the soil which had been pledged to us by every legal and political solemnity. The form of government under which we were invited, and for which the citizens of Texas periled their lives, in eighteen hundred and thirty-two, was the constitution of eighteen hundred and twenty-four. It was changed and the iron yoke of slavery was tendered in its stead. Oppression begot resistance, and rebellion gave us liberty and independence.
It is vain to suppose that Mexico, imbecile as she is, and distracted by internal factions, can ever reconquer the fair region of Texas, and maintain her conquest. The same spirits who have subdued the wilderness, and repelled the boasted invincibility of Mexico, yet live. Our soil is consecrated by the blood of martyrs, and we will defend it or perish!
A blind infatuation may impel Mexico to another attempt to subjugate freemen, and precipitate her own catastrophe—while wisdom and a just policy might enable her to improve her own social and political relations, and establish her Government on a rational and firm foundation. Were it possible for Mexico to drive from the soil of Texas, or massacre the race which now inhabit its bright regions, their last faint whisper, arousing their kindred of the United States of the North, would be the death knell of Mexico, and their chivalric and daring enterprise would not alone prompt them to avenge the wrongs of brothers, but would impel them to loftier achievements, and Mexico herself become an object of conquest. Let Mexico then counsel with her safety!!!
The cause of Texas being just, let us look with heartfelt reverence to the great Arbiter of Nations, and by our virtues as a people, endeavor to insure a continuance of His benefactions.
(Signed),Sam Houston.
FIRST GENERAL MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
It affords me pleasure to salute you as the representatives of the nation. Elevated a second time, by the suffrages of a free and enlightened people, to the chief magistracy of our country, I proceed to the discharge of the embarrassing and weighty responsibilities of my office with the utmost solicitude. It seems that we have arrived at a crisis, in our national progress, which is neither cheering for the present nor flattering for the future. I heartily regret that truth will not allow me to approach the Congress with the usual felicitations of present and prospective happiness. The time has arrived when facts must be submitted in their simplest dress. Unawed by sectional or party influences, I shall occupy the position my constituents have assigned me with unslumbering vigilance, and a sacred determination to act with decision and to speak with candor. The people must be heard and their rights protected. The constitution must be observed, and the laws must be obeyed.
My intention was to have made this communication to the honorable Congress at an earlier day; but, notwithstanding my unremitting exertions since my inauguration, to make myself acquainted with the true condition of the Government, I have not yet been able to derive that clear and satisfactory information which I deemed important to the correctness of my opinions. The conclusion I have arrived at, in reference to the existing state of things, and the measures to be adopted to extricate ourselves from crushing embarrassment, and to provide for the absolute wants of the Government and people, will be laid before Congress with all the brevity the importance of the subjects alluded to will permit.
The annual message of my predecessor, at the opening of the present session of Congress, has placed the condition of our foreign relations generally before you. As yet, I have been unable to examine the voluminous correspondence of our agents abroad, on file in the State-office. I can not, therefore, advise, at this time, any particular legislation on this subject.
From our contiguity to the United States, and our intimate and daily intercourse with its citizens, the Executive views it as a matter of much magnitude to effectuate, at the earliest period, a treaty with that power of a more definite and specific character than that which constitutes the basis of our subsisting relations. I do not doubt that the Congress will provide the necessary means of attaining an object at once so desirable and necessary.
We stand in the same attitude toward Mexico as we did in 1836. Overtures have been made by my predecessors for the purpose of securing an amicable adjustment of existing difficulties; but, as often as made, they have been rejected under circumstances which have not exempted this Government from humiliation. Therefore, until a disposition is evinced on the part of Mexico herself to solicit friendly relations, the present Executive of Texas will neither incur the expense nor risk the degradation of further advances. Aware of the Mexicans, and believing, as I always have, that Mexico is and will remain unable to invade us with any hope of success, I would recommend the kindest treatment of her citizens, so far, at least, as they might be disposed to engage in commerce with ​ours. But in every instance where they shall enter our territory with inimical or hostile intentions they should be treated as common enemies. I believe that any interference in the revolutions and distractions of Mexico is not only incompatible with the dignity and interests of Texas but directly calculated to exasperate our national enemy, while it weakens our resources by sacrificing those of our citizens who may engage in their partisan quarrels to their proverbial perfidy and to certain destruction. This is demonstrated by the issue of every enterprise of the kind in which our countrymen have been participants. The feuds and contests which have arisen, and may continue to arise, have for their object personal aggrandizement; the leaders in which are better entitled to the appellation of bandits than of either patriots or statesmen. These individuals have no exalted principles of action, and should receive no encouragement from us. The Executive, therefore, should be fully empowered to arrest and prevent the predatory warfare occasionally carried on within our territories, to the injury of our Western settlers.
It is my desire that this Government should assume a station in relation to this subject not inconsistent with national respectability, and conducive to our best interests. Mexico has more to lose in a contest with Texas than Texas has with Mexico. Her civil commotions will exhaust her resources and diminish her means of aggression; while emigration to Texas will give us population and resources, and they will give us power to resist aggression.
Our Indian relations are far from being satisfactory. For years large appropriations have been made by Congress for the defence of the frontiers. With what success ihey have been employed the whole country is familiar. The measures adopted under the late administration were directly at variance with those recommended by the first constitutional Executive. On the safety and security of our frontier settlements materially depend the increase of emigration, the extension of our limits, and the general quietude and prosperity of all our citizens. It is, therefore, important that means should be provided for the Executive and placed at his disposal, to enable him to accomplish these objects, and to meet pressing emergencies. That they are within our reach I have no doubt. A thorough knowledge of the Indian character has induced a firm belief on my part that a sum less than one-fourth of the amount heretofore annually expended for these purposes would procure and maintain peace with all the Indian tribes now upon our borders. I would suggest that a number of posts be established at suitable points, extending from our western border to Red River; that treaties be concluded with the several tribes, and that one or more traders be established, under proper regulations, at each of these posts, with from twenty-five to thirty men for their protection. I do not doubt that this system, once established, would conciliate the Indians, open a lucrative commerce with them, and bring continued peace to our entire frontier. Their intercourse with us would enable them to obtain articles of convenience and comfort which they could not otherwise procure, unless by a very indirect trade with more remote tribes who have commerce with traders of the United States. Finding a disposition on our own part to treat them fairly and justly, and dreading a loss of the advantages and facilities of trade, they would be powerfully affected, both by feelings of confidence and motives of interest, to preserve peace and maintain good faith. The hope of obtaining peace by means of war has, hitherto, pruved utterly fallacious. It is better calculated to irritate than to ​humble them. Neither can we pursue with the hope of exterminating- them. Millions have been expended in the attempt, and what has been the result? War and theft are their vocation; and their incursions are made upon us with impunity. We can not pursue them with success. Our citizens, so continually harassed, are dispirited. Industry and enterprise are alike embarrassed; the former prevented, and the latter discouraged. How far it is necessary for Congress to provide for the attainment of these objects is referred to their consideration.
In commencing my official duties, it was reasonable to suppose I should have found the ordinary facilities of conducting the affairs of government. On the contrary, I find it in a condition more deplorable than it was at the period of its commencement. There is not a dollar in its treasury; the nation is involved from ten to fifteen millions. The precise amount of its liabilities has not been ascertained, nor does the Executive expect, deprived as he is of the means of transacting the public business, to be able to ascertain its true condition within any reasonable time. Business connected with some of the important branches of the different departments has remained unsettled and unascertained for the last three years. Until its true condition is known the adequate remedies can not be applied. We are not only without money, but without credit, and, for want of punctuality, without character. At our first commencement we were not without credit, nor had a want of punctuality then impaired our character abroad or confidence at home. Patriotism, industry, and enterprise are now our only resources, apart from our public domain and the precarious revenues of the country. These remain our only hope, and must be improved, husbanded, and properly employed.
As my predecessor recommended no definite course in relation to our finances, I will not hesitate in recommending the only plan which, to my mind, appears practicable and efficient. View it as we may, it will at least find justification in necessity. We have no money—we can not redeem our liabilities. These facts are known, and we had as well avow them by our legislation as demonstrate them by every day's experience. I would, therefore, recommend to the honorable Congress a total suspension of the redemption of our liabilities to a period sufficiently remote to enable the Government to redeem, in good faith, such as it ought to redeem. It is known to the Executive that, to a considerable amount, they have been justly incurred, whilst he has reason to believe that many will be brought forward not by any means entitled to governmental consideration. To attempt a redemption of our present liabilities by taxing our population to the amount necessary would be to them ruinous. Much as we might have deprecated this course of policy, we have now no other remedy left. The evil is upon us. While many just claims are thus deferred, we can only refer our creditors to our inability to pay our debts.
To sustain our present system of government, it is proper that we should adopt such a course of policy as will not prove insupportable to its citizens, and at the same time provide for its necessary expenditures and preserve a due advertency to our existing obligations. I would, therefore, recommend that the law authorizing the assessment of double taxes be repealed; that the direct tax be reduced one-half, and that all taxes hereafter assessed be receivable only in gold and silver, or paper of unquestionable character—the receiving office to be held responsible for its value. I would further recommend that all daes and ​duties which may hereafter accrue to the Government be paid in gold and silver, or equivalent currency. The present tariff may require some revision and modification, and, on some articles, a reduction. This, however, will become a matter of consideration for the Congress. I would further recommend to the attention of the honorable Congress the propriety and absolute necessity of resorting to a new issue of paper, not exceeding in amount three hundred and fifty thousand dollars—not more than fifty thousand dollars of which to be issued in any one month until the whole shall be put in circulation. The Government must be supported, and the people must have a currency. It is designed for this new issue to take the place of the present promissory note system, and be receivable for all the revenues of the Government as equivalent to specie. For the redemption of this new species of paper I would recommend that one million acres of the public domain, lying within the territory known as the Cherokee country be specially set apart and reserved; and these lands, or the proceeds thereof, when brought into market, be pledged as a guaranty for that purpose. It is further recommended to the Congress to authorize the negotiation of a loan of three hundred thousand dollars to meet the emergencies of the country. The security upon which this loan is intended to be made will be specific portions of the public domain set apart, designated and specially reserved for its final payment; in default of which, on the part of the Government, said lands to become the property of the Government bondholders, on such conditions as may be agreed upon by the contracting parties; and the lands thus hypothecated not to be subject to any legislation that might divert their proceeds from the objects avowed.
The Executive feels fully satisfied that this system, once adopted in good faith, and adhered to, will furnish the country with a sufficient currency, and maintain its credit unimpaired. The excessive and unnecessary emission of the promissory notes of the Government has produced the depreciation of and destroyed the currency of the country. An amount not exceeding five hundred thousand dollars will answer all the conveniences of Government, and, in my opinion, remain in value equal to gold and silver. Experience has instructed us in the ruinous policy of issuing a greater amount of governmental liabilities than were necessary for the purposes of trade and commerce. The rock on which we have been wrecked must, in future, be avoided. So long as the amount did not exceed six hundred and fifty thousand dollars, our money remained nearly at par in foreign markets, whilst at home it suffered no depreciation. In the ratio of excessive increase in issue was its depreciation, until it sunk into its present almost valueless condition. In commencing anew, it is proper that we adopt a system from which no emergency will induce a departure. Instructed by experience in the fallacy of the past, we can have no excuse for a failure in our pledges of the future.
The principal reason why I incline to diminish direct taxation and rely upon impost duties as a source of revenue, is that I deem them the most just and equitable, and least burthensome to the actual laborer and productive classes of the country. Direct taxation bears immediately upon the farmer, whilst a larger portion of the community can only be reached by impost duties. It is not the agriculturist that is generally the consumer of articles of foreign manufacture and importation; but, those who produce nothing from the soil, and rely upon other pursuits for a subsistence, and who are not so directly engaged in developing the resources of the country, will be most sensibly affected by tariff regulations, and ​thereby contribute a fair proportion to the support of the Government. If the farmer is necessarily compelled to purchase articles for consumption of foreign importation, he will contribute through the merchant to that branch of revenue — the merchant having added the duty to the price of the article sold. The merchant will receive the produce of the farmer in exchange for his goods, whereas, otherwise, the farmer would pay cash into the treasury for his direct taxes, where, of course, nothing could be receivable but money.
Thus have I submitted my views to the Congress, in relation to the finances ol the country, not in the spirit of dictation, but of recommendation and advisement. Upon the system that may be adopted depends our national existence.
The Executive being held responsible for the execution of the laws and the defense of the nation, must have the necessary means placed at his command for their accomplishment. At this time there are none; nor has the President, on any occasion, any disposition to violate the Constitution by expending the substance of the country, or incurring national liabilities, by the use of means which have not been appropriated to him by the laws. This will become a subject for the consideration of the honorable Congress, and is so impressively manifest that I need not urge it as a subject of importance upon your attention. It is expected by our constituents, and they ought not to be disappointed. It is the peculiar province of the Congress to furnish the Executive with means to execute his duties to the country in affording protection to its citizens. Without means he can neither execute his trusts nor redeem his obligations.
During my former term of service, as the Executive of the nation, the then Congress denied me all requisite aid for the defense of the country. Repeated calls were made upon me for assistance and protection against Indian incursion and depredation, and I could render neither because the means had been denied me, and my power had been transferred to the Major-General of the Militia. Evil was produced to the country by these unauthorized acts, whilst the Executive was held responsible by the people or misfortunes which are attributable to the Congress alone. It is sincerely to be hoped that like unfortunate and improvident legislation may never again be experienced in our country.
With regard to our navy, I deem but few remarks necessary. Its situation and condition have been subjects of discussion before the honorable Congress for some time past, and as its final action has not been taken in relation to the matter, a becoming sense of official decorum will, for the present, suspend the expression of my opinion. If the law, directing the course which shall be pursued with the navy, remains unaltered, I shall proceed forthwith in its execution, according to the intention and in the spirit with which it was enacted.
The subject of reform is one which has claimed the attention and consideration of the people, and one, in my opinion, of general as well as vital importance to the country. A judicious system of economy now adopted may be of advantage for the future. It must be beneficial if its provisions are not violated. The time when retrenchment was necessary and important, and would have prevented our present calamities, has gone by. Whether the precautionary measures adopted by legislation have been executed or not, is for the Congress to determine. Reform, it would seem, is intended for the remedy of evils which have existed—the greatest of which is the unnecessary expenditure of the public resources. To prevent this for the future, if it has already been the case, is not only the duty of the Legislature but of the Executive, so far as the ​Executive may have delegated to him the power. The Constitution provides that certain means should be placed within his control, to enable him to exercise all his legitimate powers. Amongst these are the services of certain officers, such as are necessary for the collection, safe keeping, and disbursement of the treasure of the country. These, also, are to be responsible and accountable to the Executive for the trusts delegated to them. If their trusts are violated, they are amenable to the laws and accountable to the Executive. He is responsible to the nation, and if the means necessary are placed in his power, and he does not employ them to the advancement of the public good, or should use them for purposes not contemplated by law, he is answerable for their perversion. I would respectfully suggest to the honorable Congress that I desire to exercise no privileges or power but that which is delegated to me by the Constitution, or accorded to me by the Congress under the sanction of that instrument. I do, at the same time, solicit from your honorable bodies, as the representatives of the nation, stich provision and assistance as has heretofore been deemed indispensable to the administration of the Government. The same facilities will be required by the present Executive that were accorded to his predecessor during the first two years of his administration. Indeed, there is reason—pressing reason — why those facilities should not be diminished. The accumulation of business in the offices, and the derangement which has been consequent upon the consolidation of several departments during the last Congress, and the unsettled state of some bureaus for years past, overwhelm the officers now in service with a task which they are totally unable to perform.
The objects of retrenchment should be to dispense with all the unnecessary officers, and retain those only which are necessary to the speedy and accurate transaction of business. Persons who have public business to transact in the offices will, otherwise, be detained at the seat of government at great individual expense and detriment for weeks and months. That there should be a responsible head to each department of the Government, agreeably to its first organization, to my mind is clear and decided; and that they should receive a just and liberal compensation is beyond all question. Men of capacity and character can not afford to bestow their time, and incur the responsibilities of office, without an adequate reward. With such men employed, the Government has a right to expect beneficial results. If adequate salaries are not given to them to command their services, the consequence will be that necessity will compel the selection of such to fill those high places as will bring into the Government neither capacity, character, nor responsibility. If those aids, which I regard as indispensable, are furnished the Executive in the administration of the Government, he, at all times, will be prepared and willing to meet his responsibilities to the nation. If they are within his control, he will be answerable for their employment. He will be able to hold the subordinates of his administration accountable, and to establish the strictest accountability in the offices of the various departments. Without these aids, so necessary to the existence of the Government, many important duties must be neglected.
The people hope much, and expect much, in our present calamitous condition. Should the Executive not receive the necessary support from Congress, their hopes as well as expectations must be disappointed. The co-operation of Congress, with the aid of the judiciary, will be necessary to their accomplishment. With this assistance afforded, I will always be proud and happy to respond ​to the requisitions of my countrymen. If the power is given me, and I do not exercise it with fidelity and ability in the promotion of the best interests of the nation, I will never assume the plea of incapacity, for I would feel, after the confidence expressed by my countrymen in my capacity and patriotism, that I should be accountable for the motives of niy heart as well as the exercise of my intellectual faculties.
In the promotion of the prosperity and glory of my country, every energy of my mind shall be employed; and, to extricate our fair land from the misfortunes which overshadow its present prospects, my exertions shall be continued, with a fervent and devout invocation to the God who buildeth up nations, that the clouds which now lower upon our destiny may be dispelled, and that His wisdom may direct us in the path of glory and honor, and that the people of this nation may be established in virtue, prosperity, and happiness.
Sam Houston.
MESSAGE AT EXTRA SESSION TO THE CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Events have transpired since your adjournment which, in the opinion of the Executive, demand the action of Congress in extraordinary session. The termination of your last session left the Executive surrounded with numerous and insuperable difficulties, to which circumstances, since arising, have added causes of embarrassment requiring the exercise of all the wisdom, energy, and patriotism which the nation can command. The necessary aids were solicited to meet the emergencies which have since taken place and which were anticipated by the Executive; but the honorable Congress did not accord in his suggestions, and the precautionary measures requisite were not adopted.
A demonstration by Mexico on our frontier has taken place; and a marauding party, under the most imposing aspect, has penetrated our territory as far as San Antonio. A violent excitement and commotion throughout the country were the consequence; and our brave citizens of the frontier, without order, regularity, or discipline, rushed to the supposed scene of action. On the arrival, however, at the point of expected conflict, they found that the enemy had retreated with great precipitation. No organization of the men took place, nor was any report made to the Executive, or Department of War, of their numbers or condition. Rumor, however, at last induced the belief that there was an assemblage of citizens at Bexar who were ready to rush with impetuosity across the Rio Grande. Acting under this impression, the Executive directed the organization of the men, and the prosecution of a campaign, if it could be commenced with any prospect of success. But for various reasons this was not done. No organization, although attempted, could be accomplished. Difficulties arose among themselves as to who should lead them; and. in the end, they found themselves, on examination, totally unprepared for a campaign—inasmuch as they had left their homes upon a momentary summons, and were ​destitute of the means for efficient and protracted service. The result was, they returned to their homes, and the orders of the Government were not executed.
Before the excitement incident to this incursion had subsided in the community, the pompous declaration of the self-created potentate of Mexico had reached our shores, denouncing the subjugation of Texas, and lavishing upon its Government and people unmeasured abuse. Disregarding all the pledges which he had voluntarily made of a friendly disposition toward the recognition and establishment of our rights, he evinces, upon his assumption of power, the most malignant hostility toward our country', and holds out the idea of immediate invasion and " molestation."
It is not for us to act upon the supposition that this declaration, deliberately made by him while in supreme authority, was intended merely to give him a temporary popularity at home and to furnish a pretext for levying contributions and maintaining a large standing army, for the purpose of establishing himself permanently in the possession of usurped power and securing the means of oppressing his countrymen, or that it was designed only to embarrass our intercourse and relations with other countries, and, if possible, in that way retard the prosperity of Texas. But we are to regard, with peculiar vigilance and attention, our internal safety and well-being, as well as our foreign relations, and secure ourselves in season against every contingency which might arise from his threats. Our past and present position toward Mexico are matters which can not be viewed with indifference or contemplated with apathy.
If it be within the power of the nation, it is indispensable that protection be given to the frontiers. Our citizens have been and are still liable to continual annoyances from the enemy. No formidable invasion, it is true, has been attempted since 1836; nor do I believe they will be ever able to effect its accomplishment. But though this is my firm conviction, I am nevertheless equally satisfied that they will interpose every impediment to the peace, prosperity, and settlement of our frontier. I esteem it, therefore, the high and imperious duty of those to whom the Government of the country is confided, to adopt such a course of policy as will effectually counteract the designs of Mexico. The question then arises, are we capable, with the resources at our command, of preventing these evils; and if so, shall those resources be employed for that object?
From the circumstances which have transpired, the Executive was induced to believe that it was now quite time to adopt and pursue such a course of policy as will secure to us peace and the recognition of our independence. Under the conviction that immediate invasion was meditated, he felt himself fully authorized, under existing laws, to invite emigrants from the United States with a view of giving protection to our advanced settlement; and, so far as he had power, and even beyond the means afforded him by Government, he has proceeded in the organization of the militia, so as to place them in the best possible condition to prosecute a war, should the honorable Congress deem it necessary or expedient to adopt such a course. At an early day it is expected that the proper department will be prepared to report the condition of the militia.
Emigration, to some extent, has been the consequence of the invitation of the Executive; and thus far, the emigrants have been sustained almost entirely by private contributions. That they can be any longer supported without the action of the Government, can not be expected. No matter how great the feeling of patriotism may be, nor how strong the conviction on the frontier of the ​necessity for offepsive action against Mexi.o, individuals can not sustain a war which properly belongs to the whole nation. The prompt attention of Congress is, therefore, invited to this subject. The time between the 20th and 28th of July, has been designated for the general rendezvous of emigrants upon the frontier; and if Congress should think proper to decide that invasion should not take place, it is important that the fact should be immediately known. If, on the other hand, war should be determined on, it is indispensable that co-operation should immediately take place between the emigrants and the militia of the country in its prosecution.
The citizen who resides upon the frontier of the Southwest, subject to continual alarms, and he who is located in conscious security upon the banks of the Sabine, constitute such an integral part of the national community, that, under the law, the protection of them, as well as all our citizens, in the rights of life and property, should be the object, as it is the duty of the Government. Unless continued and permanent protection is given to our frontier inhabitants, our settlements must recede from point to point; which will not only contract our limits, but have a tendency to create discontent and distrust in our capacity for self-government. The infelicity arising from such a state of things must arrest our prosperity, and finally prove disastrous to the country.
Were we to retaliate upon the enemy by aggressive warfare, we could at least impress them with the calamities which have thus far been incident to us alone, and create in them a desire for that peace which would be mutually advantageous to both parties. Can this be done without invasion on our part?
To enable us to adopt this course, the positive action of Congress will be necessary. It rests with them to decide.
By the constitution, the power to call out the militia is given exclusively to the Congress; and however great the necessity for calling them out might be deemed by the Executive, he would only feel authorized to do so in case of actual invasion or insurrection.
Not having heretofore been an advocate for offensive measures, the Executive has looked with peculiar interest and solicitude to the subject—owing to our recent and present condition. If we could possibly anticipate the establishment of amicable relations with Mexico, from the mediation of any power mutually friendly, the urgency of the action on the part of the Government would be diminished, and we might hope to arrest evils which the conduct of Mexico seems to enforce upon us. Our citizens could cultivate their farms in peace and grow rich by industry, while the emigration of foreign capitalists to the country would add to the material wealth and increase our store of intelligence and enterprise. But from the manner in which offers of mediation have been received and treated by Gen. Santa Anna, the Executive is confidently assured, upon the highest authority, that Texas can expect nothing from that desire. Being admonished of this fact, then, we must assume an attitude that will protect us from future inconvenience and danger.
Should the honorable Congress, however, deem it unwise or impracticable to invade Mexico, and think proper to place at the disposition of the Executive an amount comparatively trifling, with power to establish such regulations rs he may think proper, he will be enabled to maintain such a force on the southwestern frontier as will secure it from alarm and danger, unless produced by a regular and formidable invasion.
​The honorable Congress at the last session, though respectfully called on by the Executive, refused to indicate any wish or opinion in relation to the naval arm of her defense, although at the time it was engaged in foreign service unauthorized by law, and unexampled in the history of any other country; and thus was thrown upon the Executive the responsibility of keeping it employed without adequate provision or appropriations to meet the necessities of the service—of continuing it in the situation in which it then was, or, when its commander might think proper to return, of causing it to be laid up in ordinary without means for its preservation from ruin. The contract, however, under which it was absent at length expired, and it returned at a crisis when it was deemed advisable by the Executive to have it, without expense to the Government, refitted and continued in active operation. It is expected that, in a few days, the principal part of the squadron will be on the gulf prepared for active and efficient service.
In order to preserve one of the vessels from utter ruin, she has been placed in charge of an individual who is bound to refit and equip her for service, and hold her in a condition advantageous to the country. The steamship Zavala, though reputed one of the best vessels of her class in American waters, for the want of repairs and the means of preservation, is now sunk; but in such a situation that, if the Congress desire it, and she is placed at the disposition of the Executive with the necessary means, she can be repaired and rendered highly useful to the Government.
I need not urge the high importance of this branch of the public service and the necessity of maintaining it at all hazards in 9. state of efficiency. We are apprised that all the capacities and energies of our enemy are directed to the attainment of naval superiority over us upon the gulf; and unless we are in a situation to successfully compete with them, our commerce will be ruined and many calamities visited upon us. If our sea-coast is without this means of defense, we shall be in the most vulnerable condition for attack, and we may expect the infliction of wounds from which we could not readily recover. This subject and that of our military condition in connection with the report of the honorable the Secretary of War and Marine, are respectfully submitted for the examination and action of Congress.
The crisis demands the employment of all the wisdom, energy, and resources of the nation. To give efficiency to whatever course your honorable body may determine to be necessary in relation to our enemy, there must be a requisition made upon all our means, and their application must be regulated by discretion, and the most systematic and rigid rules; otherwise, every effort made by us will prove abortive and sink us but yet deeper into misfortune. At this time of great prostration in the financial concerns of the world, we, in common with every other people, experience a portion of the general inconvenience.
The plan presented to the last session of Congress in relation to the revenues of the country, was not adopted. It was recommended that the direct tax, as then existing, be reduced but one-half; but, instead of that, it was abolished — or, what amounts to the same thing, reduced so low as not to compensate for its collection. The currency, therefore, created at that session was left to rely upon the duties arising from importations; and, consequently, the demand for our issues has been confined to that channel of the revenue. Although but a fraction more than one-third of the amount authorized to be issued has been ​put in circulation, yet, from a want of confidence in the guarantee given for its redemption, our exchequer paper has frequently been at a discount of fifty per centum. At least one-half the revenue, also, to which the Government is entitled from import duties has not, and will not be collected, unless power is given to the Executive, or the head of the Finance Department, to declare and establish such ports of entry on the Red River and the Sabine, as may be deemed necessary to prevent smuggling and the illicit introduction of goods into the country.
The Government can not exist without a revenue. Its officers and agents must be supported. The pittance afforded them at present is utterly insufficient for that purpose; and some of the most active and efficient officers have retired, and others have notified the Executive of their determination to do so. They are totally unable, from their salaries, to obtain the indispensable necessaries of life. Without necessary and competent officers, no Government can be properly administered. The Executive has found his labors more than twofold greater since the commencement of his present official term, than they were during the entire period of his last administration—a period of more than two years, when he had to organize a Government out of chaos and give it direction. The means placed in his hands at this time for the conduct of the Government, does not exceed one-sixth of the amount annually allowed to his predecessor for the administration of the civil department.
The depreciation of our funds and the embarrassment of our currency have arisen from various causes; among which are the repeal, in effect, of direct taxation, thereby cutting off an important branch of revenue—the want of power to enforce the collection of import duties, and the establishment of the warehousing system. To these may be added the failure of the recommendation made to the last session of Congress involving, as was conceived matter of the highest consideration in the establishment of a currency: I mean the hypothecation or disposition o'f a portion of the Cherokee country, as a guarantee for the ultimate redemption and absorption of the Exchequer bills.
Had the Executive been authorized to have had surveyed and brought into market two hundred thousand acres of those lands, under such regulations as he might have deemed advisable,—fixing the minimum price at two dollars per acre—the entire amount of Exchequer bills would long since have been withdrawn from circulation, and a large amount of gold and silver introduced into the country as a circulating medium, whilst the import duties would now have been paid in specie. This, too, could have been done without incurring any expense to the Government. The cost of bringing into market and disposing of the lands could have been defrayed without requiring the advance of any means for that purpose. To these causes the present condition of our currency, in the opinion of the Executive, may be mainly ascribed, and he would most earnestly recommend them to the scrutiny and consideration of the honorable Congress, believing, as he does, that the existence of the Government depends upon the policy and principles he has laid down.
Without resources no civilized nation was ever known to exist, and that we have ample resources to sustain ourselves no one who will reflect a moment can doubt. The extent of public domain owned by Texas and yet unappropriated can not amount to less than one hundred and fifty millions of acres—resources, ​in proportion to our population, unparalleled by any other country; but yet they lie neglected and profitless.
Since the present administration commenced, contracts for colonizing a small portion of our vacant territory have been made, altogether more advantageous to the Government than any previously entered into. But these contracts can prove of no immediate avail to our finances.
If the Executive had been invested with authority to have disposed of a portion of the public domain, there is little doubt that it might have been employed with great advantage to the present and prospective condition of the currency. The policy of husbanding means for the use of posterity can not be justified in the present emergency of our affairs. If we are enabled to leave them in the enjoyment of independence, and free from pecuniary involvement, it is all that we should desire.
Even supposing our national debt to exceed twelve millions of dollars, our means are more than sufficient to pay the whole; and, in a state of peace, our import duties alone would be adequate to defray all the necessary expenses of government, without the necessity of resorting to oppressive taxation. Our vacant lands can be applied to the liquidation of every farthing of our national liabilities, and a large portion still remain untouched.
A matter of the liveliest interest to the community is the regular transportation of the mails; but, for the want of appropriations by the last Congress, their transportation throughout entirely ceased. Communication between the different sections, and the circulation of intelligence, have been wholly obstructed. On account of this state of things, the Executive has found himself greatly embarrassed in disseminating, as well as receiving, correct and speedy information, for he had not one dollar at his disposition for the employment of expresses, even under the most urgent circumstances. During the late excitement rumor was generally the basis of impressions and action which, as was to be expected, not unfrequently produced unpleasant consequences in the community.
Owing to the suspension of the mails, the laws and journals of the last session of Congress have not been distributed, and, it may be remarked that, for some cause unknown to the Executive, an important portion of the public printing has not yet been executed.
In the recent advance of the Mexicans upon Bexar, apprehension for the safety of the Government archives at the city of Austin was so great, that all business in the public offices was suspended, and those in charge of thern deemed it a matter of prudence and security to secrete the public records in the earth, so that if the enemy should advance upon and sack the place, they might not be so liable to destruction.
Under these circumstances, and as soon as the Executive was apprised of the condition of the frontier, and of the apprehensions entertained by the inhabitants, he immediately directed the archives, and such other property as was portable, to be removed to this place. Although the emergency would have justified the step without any express authority under the Constitution or laws, yet, in this case, he was not driven to the assumption of that responsibility. He acted in strict accordance with his powers and duty under the Constitution. He is also fully satisfied of the policy, as well as the necessity, of the location of the seat of government at some point within the Republic where the archives will be secure, and where the functions of the Government can be more efficiently exercised ​than they could be at a point as remote from the seaboard, and as much detached from the body of settlements and the mass of population as the city of Austin. Should any occasion arise for the concentration of all the effective force of the country at some particular point on the frontier, the fact of the location of the seat of government at a point so much exposed would necessarily draw off considerable strength from the action, and perhaps more valuable service in another quarter, to guard the archives against either Mexican or Indian enemies. This embarrassment would be obviated by its location at some interior situation, where it would be secure from danger and alarm, accessible to intelligence, and convenient for its dissemination throughout the country. During the last year, the expense to the Government for transportation to the city of Austin, over and above what it would have been to any point on the seaboard, exceeded seventy thousand dollars; and the extra cost of transportation of the mail, aside from all other expense and inconvenience attending its remote and detached situation, amounts to many thousands more.
If we are to remain in our present unsettled condition, it is of the utmost importance that the seat of government be established at some point convenient for the speedy and efficient transaction of the public business.
From the insecurity of the public records, the Executive was induced to the adoption of the course which he has pursued; and it being in accordance with the dictates of the Constitution and his own judgment, he sees no reason to revoke the decision, or yield to the illegal resistance which has been offered to the execution of his orders by an association who constituted them.selves a committee to contravene and obstruct the performance of his constitutional duty.
Unfortunately for the peace and the welfare of the community, no law has yet been passed defining the offense of insurrection. In view, therefore, of the condition of things as they have existed, and to some extent still exist, it is hoped the attention of Congress will be directed to this subject. Whilst persons are permitted to resist the laws in existence, and to act with impunity in open defiance of them, obstructing the civil functionaries of the Government in the discharge of their legal and constitutional duties, the rights of individuals must be sacrificed, their lives and persons rendered insecure, and anarchy triumph over order. The Congress has the power of remedying these evils by the enactment of necessary and salutary laws, the omission to do which can not have any other effect than to license and increase evils already existing to an alarming extent.
It is to be hoped that, under no circumstances whatever, will the courts of justice be suspended in the exercise of their appropriate jurisdiction, but that they will maintain their influence by holding their regular sessions, and being at all times prepared to punish those who may violate the laws. In the opinion of the Executive, nothing is better calculated to strengthen the social and political bonds which should unite the members of a community, one with another, than the maintenance of an able, honest, and independent judiciary. If the Congress resolves upon the prosecution of active war, it might be well, where individuals were actually engaged in the service, to suspend civil process as to them, so long as they are absent in the discharge of public or official duty, but no longer.
In thus discharging the duty which this occasion has devolved upon me, I have submitted for your consideration what I conceived of the highest ​interest to the Republic, and in the prosecution of your labors you have my earnest desires that they will be conducted by intelligence and influenced by wisdom, to the attainment of such objects as will afford encouragement to every patriot, and redound with eminent advantages to our country.
Sam Houston.
GENERAL MESSAGE TO THE SEVENTH CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Circumstances, involving the general interests and condition of the country, have induced an earlier call of the honorable Congress than was anticipated. During our existence as a people, no deliberative body has ever been convened under more interesting and important circumstances; nor do I believe it will ever devolve on any assembly of men to act upon subjects of more vital importance to their country and mankind.
Since the commencement of legislation in Texas, as a separate and independent power, we find the proceedings of Congress but too frequently characterized by acts of selfishness and partiality. The public good has but too often been disregarded, and the national interests left out of view; and thus, without establishing any general principle or system of legislation, temporary expediency has been substituted for a due consideration of the public good. Under this state of things, it is but true, that the nation has been gradually declining. Instead of deriving advantages and facilities from the lapse of time, its decline, since the year 1838, to its present point of depression, has been regular and more rapid than perhaps that of any other country on the globe possessing the same natural advantages. From possessing a currency nearly at par, with a circulating medium but little more than half a million, and with a credit unparalleled for a country of its age, we find ourselves in a condition utterly destitute of credit, without a currency, without means, and millions in debt. Instead of improving from an increased immigration, the introduction of wealth, and the improvement of our social condition, we discover that a want of confidence at home and distrust abroad are impediments which" have to be countervailed before our prosperity can be advanced.
Very few congressional enactments, it is believed, will be necessary at least to arrest the evils, if not to produce for and to place Texas, once more, in an attitude cheering to the patriot and creating confidence throughout the land. Our external difficulties, if managed with propriety, are of less magnitude than they have been regarded; and no country on the globe can boast natural advantages and facilities comparable to those of Texas. We possess every needful resource of competency, wealth, and national independence. To develop these, and convert them to the benefit of the nation, will require but little legislation; and that course of policy adopted to this end should be pursued by the functionaries of the Government.
The chimera of a splendid government, administered upon a magnificent scale, has passed off, and left us all the realities of depression, national calamity, ​and destitution. The lessons of prudence and economy which experience has inculcated should not be lost, but rendered available, that some of the evils incurred may be remedied whilst others may be averted.
Although we have an enemy upon our frontier, and are not in a situation to retaliate in such manner as our disposition would urge us to do, and to carry war into their territory; yet, if our resources are carefully economized and properly employed we can render their predatory warfare harmless. Instead of permitting ourselves to be excited and irritated, so as to vanquish ourselves by disorderly rallies to the frontiers, we have it in our power to maintain a force sufficient, under regular discipline, to secure us against serious aggression, and deter the enemy from repeated incursions. As it has hitherto been, the people have rushed to the frontier on the first alarm given of the enemy's approach. A want of discipline and subordination was the consequence; and after consuming the substance of the frontier settlers, they have returned to their homes, leaving behind them an exhausted country; and, for the want of order and discipline, have permitted the enemy to escape without chastisement.
When alarms have been given, instead of apprising the Executive, through the department of war by express, and giving notice to the several counties on the frontier, whose duty it was to hold their militia in instant readiness, they have appealed directly to the citizens and invoked their aid, with whom concert of action could not be expected. The consequence was, that the Executive, upon the receipt of this irregular information, issued the proper orders; but owing to the delays incident to a want of effective organization in the militia, celerity could not be given to the movements required; and the enemy, after having produced great excitement, effected their retreat. These circumstances caused a campaign to be projected by individuals, not functionaries of Government, without first having obtained the advice and sanction of the Executive—they pledging ample supplies for those who should engage in the campaign to the Rio Grande. Whatever the opinions of the Executive under these circumstances may have been, aware that the opinion prevailed that it was practicable by private means, to conduct a campaign, and having ordered out such of the militia as would have it in their power to reach the frontier before the season would be too far advanced to meet the emergency which had but recently existed, he determined to give all the aid, efficiency, and direction to the patriotic ardor of the people that the means in his power would permit. But it is impossible that campaigns can be either projected or conducted with success or advantage to the country, unless under the auspices of the Government. Individuals can not know the situation of our relations, either foreign or domestic. A campaign may be designed by the Government for the purpose of effecting a particular object; for instance, a surprise of the enemy. It may require all the resources of the country, the greatest secrecy, and that the whole force of the country should be in readiness to act in concert so as to effect the design. If individuals assume the right of projecting campaigns, they are liable, not only to thwart the designs of the Government, but, by a diversion of a portion of its means, bring on disaster and insure the greatest calamities to the country Indeed, it has not been unfrequent upon the frontier to project and conduct campaigns without reporting to the proper department any fact or circumstances connected with them from beginning to end. PjdHc stores and munitions of ​war have also been applied in this way without the sanction or even the knowledge of the Government.
At the commencement of the present administration, it was the earnest desire of the Executive to be enabled by acts of Congress to maintain a force on the frontier, amounting to from one to two hundred men. Could this have been done, he remains satisfied and confirmed in the opinion that the recent calamities and annoyances upon the frontier would not have occurred. Less than one-fourth of the amount which the incursions of the enemy have cost the country and the frontier citizens would have sustained the force requisite. Unless something can be done to prevent the system of molestation practiced by the enemy, it will cause Texas to subdue herself. If the whole country is to be agitated and called from their homes at the appearance of a few hundred rancheros, who can make a display, on our frontier and again recross the Rio Grande before our citizens have left their homes, a few only having rallied, in numbers sufficient to jeopardize themselves without effecting any useful object, we can never hope for security to our frontier or tranquillity to its citizens. If it is impossible to maintain such a regular force, as would be adequate with the present means of the Government, it is at least within the power of Congress to enact such laws as will compel the requisite number of militia to be furnished by draft from the counties as will meet the necessities of the frontier. In this way we have the means of giving protection to that interesting portion of our countrymen, who have adventured to the West and South. And the Executive continues to regard it, as he has ever done, of vital importance to the citizens. They have taken their position on the frontier and sustained themselves under every disadvantage. They have claims upon the sympathies as well as the protection of the country.
No doubt can now be entertained that the prime object of the enemy is to molest our frontier and harass and annoy our seaboard. To use such precautions as their policy will enjoin upon us, should be equally the primary object of the honorable Congress. Should assurances of undoubted character have been given that the enemy are strengthening themselves by water, every means should be employed, and precaution taken, to render abortive any attack which they might make upon our seaboard. The Port of Galveston is now in a condition of defense more efficient than could be expected when we take into view the means placed at the disposition of the Government, and the necessity of relying mainly upon the contributions and labor of the citizens of that place. Col. George W. Hockley, an officer of skill and great efficiency, was appointed Acting Colonel of Ordnance by the Executive, and assigned to the duties of engineer and ordnance officer for that station, to continue during the emergency which enforced the necessity of his appointment.
For the want of means, every possible embarrassment has been presented to the administration. Texas, in truth, presents an anomaly in the history of nations; for no country has ever existed without a currency, nor has any Government ever been administered without means. The transition from a state of things, where unrestricted and unlimited extravagance prevailed and disbursements were made without appropriations by Congress, to a state of things where we are without means, without appropriations, and without disbursements, is well calculated to bring odium upon the administration of the Government, unless examination is made into the causes which have led to its situation ​and the circumstances which have involved it in its present unfortunate dilemma.
Aware of the attitude in which the country must be placed, the present Executive, upon coming into office, recommended such measures of finance as he Was satisfied would, to some extent, relieve the existing embarrassments, and eventually extricate the country from its involvements. The system recommended was not adopted. The issue of Exchequer bills, the representative part of the system, was adopted; but the foundation of the issue was not regarded. Authority to hypothecate the Cherokee lands, or to make sale of them or any portion thereof, was omitted to be given. The collection of the direct tax was, also, postponed for six months after the usual period for its collection; and the Exchequer bills of necessity referred for redemption to imports and licenses alone. The excitements in the country have prevented importations; and persons owing their license tax have refused to pay. The process of collection is so tedious that unless some prompt remedy is devised by Congress, it is useless to regard such tax as a source of public revenue. The Exchequer bills being thus left dependent upon import duties for their redemption—no other demand existing for them—depreciated, and at one time were worth in market but twenty-five cents on the dollar, though the whole amount issued up to this time is only about one hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars, and the amount now in circulation can not by possibility exceed thirty thousand. Had the requisite authority been given for the hypothecation of the Cherokee country for the redemption of these bills, and had the time for the collection of the direct tax not been postponed, and the license tax been collectable, and the warehousing system been abolished, it is believed a sum more than double the amount of two hundred thousand dollars could have already been brought into the treasury.
At the extra session in June last, a law was passed authorizing the Executive to have surveyed and brought into market four hundred thousand acres of the Cherokee lands, but under such restrictions that they amounted to a prohibition. Competent surveyors, after contracting tor the execution of the work, declined its prosecution, having been assured that such hindrances would be interposed as would render their efforts, if not abortive, at least unpleasant. For the purpose of placing this subject at rest in future, and that the just may not be prejudiced any longer in its interests, there will be laid before the honorable Congress at an early day an opinion of the Attorney-General which for ability, clearness, and conclusion must place the question of right in the Government forever at rest, and enable the Congress to adopt such measures as will convert some of the most valuable resources of the nation into means; and have a tendency, with other measures, to sustain further issues, if needful, under the Exchequer law, to an extent double that now authorized to be issued. It is recommended to the honorable Congress that a law be passed prohibiting the circulation within the limits of the Republic, of the notes of all foreign banks, and that all individual and corporation notes intended for circulation as currency in the Republic be suppressed; and that engraved Exchequer bills of denominations ranging from twelve and a half cents to one dollar, and from one dollar to one hundred dollars, be issued and made receivable for all dues to the Government, except those arising from imports and tonnage; and that these latter be receivable in nothing but gold and silver. That the Exchequers can be sustained by ​a course of this kind, there can be no doubt. Up to this time, none of them have been husbanded but for the purposes of paying duties. The demand will be greatly increased, and as soon as the taxes are collected they will become an object of procurement. If prudence is observed in their issue, the whole amount now authorized would not be sufficient to pay the direct taxes, and that deficit must be made up in gold and silver. It is impossible, under these circumstances, that the money should not be at par—from the time that taxes are collectable, as the demand would be greater than the amount in circulation to meet it. According to the amount of circulating medium in the United States, estimating our population at one hundred thousand souls, our circulation ought to be six hundred thousand dollars, or six dollars for each individual. Supposing this data to be correct, a circulating medium of one-third of that sum would, from the force of circumstances, sustain itself at par, controlled by the absolute wants of the country. I view the subject of the finances of the nation as of vital importance to its existence, and that they can be sustained in a sound and healthy condition, the Executive entertains not a doubt.
To enforce the collection of the revenues is also of the highest importance. The enactment of laws without their enforcement is of no avail to the country. If resistance is made to the constituted authorities, of what avail are enactments on paper without the means or the power to punish? It is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as will enable the Executive to command the power commensurate to their execution. Resistance to the constituted authorities, and to the laws of the land, is one of the most flagrant offenses that can be committed against society, and is entitled to no milder appellation than that of sedition or rebellion. The Constitution has declared these offenses, but has not prescribed a remedy for the punishment of offenders. That power is delegated to Congress. The attention of the honorable Congress has, therefore, been called to it, and salutary enactments requested. They are now urged as indispensable to the public safety and the execution of the laws. The law has delegated to the President the power to call out the militia to suppress insurrection, without giving any definition to the crime, or authorizing the infliction of any adequate punishment. No tribunal is appointed for the trial of the offense. Instances have occurred within the last three years of a character well calculated to enforce a conviction upon the mind of every patriot that the offense should no longer be disregarded or the delinquents unpunished. Our prosperity as a nation depends upon the security of life and property being guaranteed to the peaceful citizen, and the punishment of those who disregard the letter and spirit of our social compact. When men take the laws into their own hands, or undertake to construe the Constitution in derogation of the constituted authorities of the land, it manifests a diseased condition of the body politic, and demands of the law-making power the prescription of a remedy, whilst the Executive, by his oath, is bound to enforce it. The punishment of offenses ought to " be as prompt and summary as the nature of our institutions will admit. The reason is manifest. There are not jails and prisons in the country, for the confinement of the accused, nor are the several counties in a situation to pay a tax sufficient to ensure the safe-keeping of culprits."
Our foreign relations have undergone no material change since the last Executive communication to the honorable Congress, with the exception of the exchange of ratification of the treaties of Great Britain. No information has ​been received in relation to the mediation of that power between Texas and Mexico. It is hoped, however, that before the adjournment of the present session it will be in the power of the Executive to submit to the honorable Congress important information embracing that subject. A treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation has been negotiated by our minister, the Hon. James Reily, with the Government of the United States. The treaty not having yet been received, it will not be within the power of the Executive to submit it to the honorable Senate for their consideration as early as he anticipated. Its arrival, however, is daily expected.
Nothing is better calculated to present the deplorable financial condition of Texas than the situation of our post-office and mail establishment. For the years 1840 and 1841, not less than one hundred and ninety thousand four hundred and seventy dollars in promissory notes, besides four thousand two hundred and fifty-eight dollars in Exchequer bills, were appropriated to sustain the establishment. For the service of the present year. Congress appropriated only five thousand dollars in Exchequer bills, without making any allowance for their depreciation, nor did they leave any discretion with the Executive to sustain this important branch of the Government. Texas, at this time, furnishes the singular fact of a government without the means of conveying intelligence, or distributing the laws throughout the Republic. It is, doubtless, the only community on earth at this time, purporting to be a nation, that is similarly situated. Instead of inquiring into causes which have produced this state of things, and the reasons which enforce them upon the country, it is imputed to the delinquency of the administration. It is for Congress to determine whether means can be devised; and if they can, whether they will be employed in sustaining the mail establishment. There is reason to believe that the proceeds arising from a well-regulated mail establishment would go far towards defraying the expenses incident to its maintenance. The diffusion of general intelligence throughout a country like ours, subject to the frequent causes of excitement on the frontier, is of great importance. The ready circulation of intelligence would prevent much confusion and commotion throughout the country, and enable the Executive to command the means of its defense with some degree of certainty; whereas, he has had to rely alone upon the procurement of expresses, without the means at his command of even defraying their expenses while in service. When, indeed, he could obtain them at all, they had to rely upon the future ability of the Government for compensation. A free government can not exist without mails. At the called session in June, the attention of the honorable Congress was most earnestly invoked to this subject, but met with no favorable response, and has therefore remained neglected up to this time for the want of means, though, with great exertions, some of the principal routes have been partially maintained.
Another subject of some importance in the present crisis I deem it my duty to present to the honorable Congress. In the month of March last, during the incursion of the enemy, under the provisions of the Constitution, the President felt it to be his imperative duty to order a removal of the archives and heads of departments from the city of Austin to a place of safety. As to the propriety and necessity of the act, no reasonable doubt could exist. The Constitution declares that the President and heads of departments shall remain and keep their offices at the seat of government, unless removed by the permission of Congress, ​"or unless in cases of emergency, in time of war, the public interest may require their removal."
That this emergency did exist to a most palpable extent is demonstrated by the fact that, for temporary security, the archives were buried, with a view to secure them from injury. The Executive, in accordance with this information, ordered their immediate removal to the city of Houston as a place of undoubted security. Agents were ordered to provide transportation, so as to effect it with the greatest dispatch, and to secure the public arms and stores which were at that point, and which have since sustained much damage and loss by their non-removal. The President considered that he was the sole judge of the emergency requiring their removal. Resistance, however, has been offered and continued up to the present time. Acts of the most seditious and unauthorized character have been perpetrated by persons styling themselves the " Archives Committee," positively refusing obedience to the orders of the Executive, and refusing to permit individuals to remove from that place with their effects unless a passport was granted by some member of said committee. The Executive felt a reluctance to have recourse to such measures as would have enabled him to carry out the provisions of the Constitution. During the late incursion of the Mexicans, the Executive has been informed that a prominent individual made application to call and select such papers as he deemed of importance, for the purpose of conveying them to a place of safety. The Commissioner of the General Land Office, anxious to secure the archives in his charge from injury, attempted their removal, but his authority was resisted—the committee proposing to remove them, but at the same time to retain a supervision of them, and to designate the point to which they were to be removed—thereby clearly conceding the insecurity of their present situation, and assuming to themselves the power of resisting the constitutional authorities of the country, and interfering with the constitutional right and duty of the Executive. The causes which at first existed under the provision of the Constitution for the order for their removal by the Executive still exist with undiminished force. This flagrant violation of all civil rule inculcates the indispensable necessity of some Congressional enactment for the purpose of suppressing insurrectionary acts toward the authorities of the country. If individuals are permitted to associate themselves into bodies for the purpose of resisting the Constitution and laws of the country, the laws cease to be operative. The salutary provisions of the Constitution are nugatory, and rebellion and anarchy take their place. The reasons for the removal of the archives from the city of Austin still existing, it was deemed most proper to convene the Congress at this point. The subject was laid before Congress at the late extra session, and no definitive action took place. In addition to the fact that the Supreme Court had been, by law, recently removed to the town of Washington, and the removal of the archives to the same place would be attended with no public expense, the Executive regarded it as, in many respects, under existing circumstances, the most eligible, safe, and convenient location for the seat of government.
The Executive has been informed that public arms, and other Government property of much value, and which would be of great convenience in our present circumstances, are distributed in various parts of the country, having been appropriated by individuals to their private use, which they refuse to give up incompliance with the orders of the Government. It is therefore suggested, whether ​it would not be proper to invest the Executive with authority to enforce the collection of the same, that it may be applied to the public benefit.
While presenting subjects to the consideration of your honorable body, of vital importance to the nation, our Indian relations will be entitled to at least "secondary estimation. Soon after the commencement of the present administration the President, anxious to renew that course of policy which he was satisfied could alone give peace and security to the frontiers, availed himself of every means of information upon the subject, and from assurances of the Indians themselves, as well as officers of the United States Government employed in the Indian Department, he was satisfied that a sincere disposition toward peace was entertained by the Indians. He accordingly dispatched Commissioners to the east of Red River (whither the Indians of Texas had generally retired with their families, and from whence they sent out war parties to the frontiers of Texas) for the purpose of establishing amicable relations. They met the Indians, and entered into negotiations with them, with the ulterior arrangements to meet again on the Brazos at the Waco Village, as the Commissioners understood it, in the month of October last. The Commissioners attended, but, owing to some cause, the Indians were unable to attend. Some difficulties intervened at the time of the formation of the treaty east of the Red River. The principal ground on which it was believed the Comanches would not enter into a treaty or adventure themselves to a council arose from the circumstances attending the unfortunate affair which occurred in Bexar in the Spring of 1840, in which they lost many of their principal chiefs, after they had received a solemn invitation to come in and establish friendly relations. It was alleged that they were yet ciying for their kindred, and that the clouds of sorrow yet rested upon their nation, because their chiefs were no more, and they had not the light of their counsel to point to the path in which they should walk. Other tribes who had been friendly with the colonists of Texas, and had always been friendly and commercial with the first settlers of the country, though they had occasion to deplore many circumstances, were nevertheless anxious to return with their women to where buffalo were abundant, and where they could obtain subsistence for their families, live at peace with the citizens of Texas, and carry on trade, and maintain friendly intercourse.
The Government of the United States has indicated a willingness to guarantee peace and maintain the treaty stipulations which may be entered into on the part of the Indians, provided Texas maintains good faith on her part. That friendly relations can be established there is no doubt, and messengers are now out among the various tribes for the purpose of ascertaining the particular reasons why the chiefs of the several tribes did not meet our Commissioners at the Waco Village; and the Executive will not be remiss in the proper appliance of whatever may contribute to the achievement of our object, so truly desirable to the interests of the country. It has not been to him a matter of much astonishment that the chiefs did not attend. The season has been one of unprecedented character. The high waters, the inclemency of the weather, and the range of the buffalo being further south than is usual at this season of the year, would interpose difficulties to the attendance of the Indians that seem to be quite satisfactory for their absence. If a treaty is once concluded, and good faith maintained on the part of the people of Texas, there can be no doubt that friendly relations will be maintained with the Indians. When only a few ​hundred families existed in the colonies Texas had friendship and commerce with the border tribes. Those who engaged in the commerce found it profitable, and but few interruptions took place between the whites and the Indians. Since then causes have arisen that have broken off all commerce, and such has been the exasperation of feeling on the part of the Indians that there was no medium by which they could be approached, unless through tribes resident within the limits of the United States, or the Indian agents of that country. The fact of all the commerce of the Indians with Texas ceasing would induce them to seek a market for their spoils acquired by depredations committed upon our citizens. This they could readily find at trading houses on the Red River, and with the various tribes in friendship with the United States who could furnish them articles obtained from the United States traders, who would regard it as a fair traffic. The border Indians having secured their wives and children beyond the limits of our territory, were incited to continual outrage on our citizens, and regarded us as irreconcilable enemies to them. Extermination of all Indians within our borders having been announced by the former Executive upon his 1 coming into office, they viewed every act of hostility on their part as one of y retaliation, and their hostility having nothing of interest to counteract or restrain it, has exposed the frontiers of Texas to continual depredations. Let peace once be made with them, let them realize that they can obtain such articles as they require within the vicinity of their families and hunting-grounds, maintain good faith on our part, and they will at once perceive that their interest is to remain at peace and in commerce with us; that their women and children may remain secure in their wigwams, and renew their agriculture. Their warriors will be changed into hunters; and should they entertain a passion for war, its theater will be distant from their families; they will find new enemies to make war upon, at least as profitable as Texas; and we shall enjoy the benefits of a lucrative commerce, and become the recipients of the fruits of their enterprise, whilst our citizens will enjoy security, and our frontiers exemption from alarm.
All the information within the control of the Executive will be submitted to the honorable Congress in the progress of the session.
Gentlemen, that your deliberations may be attended with the most salutary benefits to the country, and that in its present depressed condition it may derive under a munificent providence essential aid from the exercise of your patriotism and wisdom, is my most fervent desire.
Sam Houston.
GENERAL MESSAGE TO THE EIGHTH CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
It affords me pleasure to greet you as the representatives of the nation, and to felicitate you upon the present promising aspect of our affairs. Abroad we are at peace with all the world; at home plenty fills the land. Our population is increasing, and our settlements rapidly extending.
​In augmenting and securing permanently these blessings to the country I confidently rely upon your intelligent and patriotic co-operation. I rejoice that you have it in your power to aid the Executive in pursuing such a policy and perfecting such measures as may redound to our present and future prosperity.
At the commencement of the present administration, as all will recollect, the country was in a troubled and embarrassed condition. Our relations with Mexico were of the most annoying, hostile, and unpleasant character. No prospect of an amicable adjustment of existing difficulties appeared. Hundreds of our citizens were prisoners, and in chains; our navy was subsidized to a revolutionary portion of that country, and the enemy meditating and making incursions within our limits, and executing every annoyance upon our border inhabitants. As a nation, we were without a currency, without credit at home or abroad, and without mails to disseminate intelligence. Our resources could not be rendered available, and by this chain of untoward circumstances our citizens were despondent as to the future; and those governments with which friendly relations had been established regarded our condition with apathy. We seemed to stand surrounded with difficulties, and without power or expedients to redeem us from the thralldom.
"In addition to all this, the various Indian tribes upon our frontier, extending I from the Red River to the Rio Grande, were hostile. Their frequent inroads upon our adventurous and enterprising settlers had been attended with many melancholy scenes of blood. The husband and the father being dead in the field which his industry had opened, and his wife and children carried into a cruel captivity, were almost daily occurrences in our border neighborhoods. There was not a cent in the coffers of the Government, whereby it might afford relief to our people thus exposed and suffering.
These circumstances naturally deterred emigration, and spread abroad distrust in the minds of the public as to the willingness of the Government to afford protection which the condition of the frontiers so imperiously demanded. This want of confidence deprived us of many a strong arm for the sword or the plough, and prevented the introduction of capital so necessary to the speedy development and increase of our national wealth.
Our situation is now different. For more than a year past we have experienced no annoyance from our Mexican adversary. The great powers which have recognized our independence have evinced by their endeavors to bring about a friendly and permanent adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico the most lively and efficient solicitude.
In accordance with the desire of this Government, made known to the Governments of the United States, France, and Greht Britain, that they should so far interose as to prevent the mode of aggression practiced against us by Mexico as being repugnant to the genius of the age; they have given us the kindest assurances that they would employ their good offices in a manner consistent with the friendly relations in which they stood to the contending parties; and, if possible, by changing the mode of warfare waged by Mexico, divest it of many characteristics incompatible with the practice of civilized belligerents.
The uniformly active and friendly offices which Her Britannic Majesty's Government has, at the earnest request of this, interposed between Texas and Mexico can not fail to be regarded as highly gratifying evidence of its generous and friendly disposition, and of a sincere and disinterested desire to produce ​results as far as may be compatible with the relations subsisting between Great Britain and Mexico, in complete accordance with the assurances wbich have been given. Nor has the Executive any distrust that all the professions on the part of Her Britannic Majesty will not be efficiently fulfilled.
In the month of June last, a dispatch from the Chargé d'Affaires of Great Britain near this Government announced the willingness of Mexico to proclaim an armistice, and suspend all hostile action in case the same policy should be adopted by ihis Government. Under these circumstances, the Executive did not hesitate to meet the proposition and embrace the policy indicated. He accordingly issued his proclamation declaring the establishment of the armistice; and commissioners were subsequently appointed, and dispatched to the point designated for the purpose of arranging with the Mexican commissioners the terms of the armistice preliminary to further negotiations for peace at the capital. Since their departure the Executive has received no important intelligence from them, but confidently expects, during the present session of the honorable Congress, to be able to lay before them some account of the progress of the mission. He is satisfied that nothing will be wanting on the part of the gentlemen chosen for that service to forward an object for which their patriotism and qualifications seemed to point them out. The Executive has no disinclination to an honorable peace; and he hopes that Mexico, like Texas, will be disposed to put an end to a protracted war, the further continuance of which can only prove detrimental to both. As far as a frank, sincere, and upright policy will go in the attainment of an honorable and permanent peace, it shall not be wanting on the part of the Executive, whatever might be the advantages anticipated from a continuance of the contest with the increased population and resources of this country. That Mexico will evince the same disposition, and avert the evils of war by a mild and pacific policy is, I am quite sure, desired by the mutual friends of the two countries. If peace can once be established, the commercial intercourse of the people of both could not fail to create that state of feeling which would soon obliterate the recollection of past conflicts, and cement the two nations together by all the ties of the most agreeable understanding.
A further prosecution of the war could have no other effect than to insure the destruction of human life, the consumption of resources of both parties, and the demoralization of their national character. The wisdom and policy of the statesmen of the present day are repugnant to war and bloodshed. In this respect the social and political feelings of civilized nations seem to have undergone a revolution. Governments that heretofore sought to increase by every means the number of their triumphs, and embodied their national glory in the number of their victories, are now yielding to the policy and dictates of peace; by which intelligence is advanced, national wealth increased, and the moral tone of society improved.
Immediately upon the receipt of authentic intelligence of the capture of our men at Meir, the Government adopted such measures as it was hoped would preserve their lives and restore them to liberty. Letters weie addressed to the friendly powers upon this subject, soliciting their prompt and efficient interposition. But, although remonstrances were made by the British and American ministers at Mexico, and although the greatest expedition was used, their interposition did not prevail until some of our brave men had been consigned to destruction. The fact that individuals associated with Gen. Somervell's ​command at Lorecio, had perpetrated acts of a most unwarrantable and disgraceful character, and such as were not sanctioned by the general sentiment of the army, operated as a reason for the expedition and urgency of the Government. It was apprehended that so soon as our men fell into the power of the enemy, they would retaliate; and men innocent of all crime or outrage fell victims to the faults of others.
Intelligence was received some time since from Mexico through Her Britannic Majesty's minister near this Government, that the supreme Government of Mexico was willing to restore all Texans held as prisoners by that Government, provided we should pursue a reciprocal course. Accordingly, a proclamation was issued restoring all Mexican prisoners to full liberty and tendering them free passport and safe convoy to the Rio Grande. A similar proclamation had been issued in April, 1837.
The Government of his Majesty the King of the French continues to manifest, as it has heretofore, the most friendly disposition toward Texas; and there is every reason to believe that its friendly offices will neither be suspended nor withdrawn. In confirmation of this, it may be mentioned that the Government of the King has expressed the desire and intention of establishing between our own ports and those of France, a more direct and convenient intercourse by a line of royal steamships. The establishment of this line will have a powerful tendency to increase our commerce with that country, and, at the same time, afford highly desirable facilities for the transmission of intelligence and for emigration—both of which are important desiderata. These objects have presented themselves since the present Executive came into office; for then our relations with France were not of the most agreeable character. He consequently found himself under the necessity of re-establishing the friendly relations which had been broken off by his predecessor, by making reparation for the treatment which the Charg6 d'Affaires of the king had received, not in strict accordance with the relations which should be maintained with friendly powers through their public ministers.
With the view of extending our friendly and commercial relations with the continent of Europe, since the adjournment of the last Congress, a diplomatic agent, in the character of Charge d'Affaires to the Netherlands, but empowered to form treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce with Belgium and the Hanse Towns, has been appointed. Commerce with these latter has already opened and is increasing. Several vessels from Bremen, richly freighted with merchandise, have visited our ports, and returned laden with the cottons and other productions of Texas. The Bremen Senate have also communicated, through their commercial agent in this country, a resolution of that Government declaring that, upon the adoption of a similar resolution by this Government, commercial relations shall at once be established between us, upon a reciprocal footing. This subject will claim the early attention of the honorable Congress.
Our minister at Paris has also been furnished with proper powers to open relations with the Government of Spain —provided he shall be able to give it, in addition to the many other onerous and important duties which now devolve upon him, his attention. The importance of a commercial treaty with Spain, from our contiguity to the rich and prolific island of Cuba, which would afford a market for many of our redundant products, would seem to demand early exertions to open this intercourse. And, if the means of the nation will justify ​it, the Executive has no hesitation in recommending that suitable provision be made for a diplomatic agent at that court.
From the commencement of our national existence until within the last spring and summer, no circumstance of an unpleasant character has occurred between the United States and Texas. It is true that the treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, concluded at Washington in July, 1842, for causes unknown to the Executive, was not ratified by the Government of the former; but it is possible that the action necessary to its ratification will yet be taken. It may, however, admit of a doubt whether the rejection of that treaty may not prove signally advantageous in the end to our citizens; for it will be recollected that, by a comparatively small expenditure, the course of trade may be turned from the Red River into our own ports and commercial towns, through the medium of a turnpike or railroad and the channels of our rivers. Indeed, it is natural always to prefer the least obstructed and most advantageous way to market. And the time may not be far distant when a rich commerce, which has hitherto found its way to the ocean through the rivers and ports of other countries, will be poured into our own, and materially assist in building up and supporting our institutions.
It is with sincere regret that I feel called upon to lay before the honorable Congress the fact of an infraction of our revenue laws by the citizens of the United States, attended with circumstances of a very unpleasant character. It appears that a quantity of goods, ascending Red River, were landed within our territory and there stored, without any communication with, and without the knowledge of, any of our revenue officers, and when discovered and legally seized by the collector of customs, were reclaimed by force, and that officer treated in the most harsh and cruel manner. Having been seized and bound, his life was menaced with drawn weapons if he attempted to make any resistance, and he remained in this situation until the goods were reloaded by the force in attendance for the purpose of violently reclaiming them.
In addition to this, I deem it proper to present to the honorable Congress some notice of the usage received from the United States officers by a battalion of men under the command of Colonel Jacob Snively, who had been out for the purpose of making reclamation for the injuries sustained by the members of the Santa Fe expedition, and for goods taken from traders sent out by order of the President in 1841.
The command of Colonel Snively had all the official sanctions of this Government necessary to protect them from interference or molestation by the troops of the United States, and the Executive entertains not a doubt that they were acting within the limits of Texas. They were, however, disarmed by the troops of the United States, under the command of an officer of the regular army. The alternative presented to them by that officer was, either to march to Missouri or attempt, at imminent hazard, a return to our settlements through a wilderness infested by large bands of Kiaway and other hostile Indians, with only five guns to every hundred men. They were thus exposed to extreme jeopardy, but owing to a combination of fortunate circumstances did not become victims.
The question of how far one friendly nation has the right to invade the territory of another, without the most urgent necessity, and interfere with its officers and troops acting under authority, is a subject proper for discussion at ​this time. These things have been the subject of representations to the Government of the United States, and as a reparation has been asked for the injuries and indignities thus inflicted, it does not appear necessary that the present Congress should take any special action in reference thereto.
Although officers of the United States Government were concerned in these matters of complaint, either before or after their perpetration, the Executive can not for a moment suppose that when the facts are presented, with the proofs of which they are susceptible, that the Government of the United States will withhold that reparation due from a great nation to a power unable to coerce a compliance with the rules of justice. The characteristic magnanimity of the United States, their immediate neighborhood to this country, and all the circumstances connected therewith, induce the belief that speedy and ample justice will be accorded to Texas, and all cause of complaint cease to exist.
Through agents appointed by the Executive, the Government has succeeded in approaching and concluding treaties of friendship and intercourse with the various tribes of Indians inhabiting the territory of Texas, south of Red River, with the exception of the kindred bands of Comanches and Kiaways. These latter tribes, owing to the occurrences of some few years since, the recollection of which was still strong, were disinclined to any intercourse with the Government or the people of Texas, and much time and trouble were necessarily required to conciliate them so far as to consent to a suspension of hostilities, which, I am happy to say, has been done. They have agreed to meet the commissioners of the Government for the purpose of concluding a peace.
Everything has been done, commensurate with the means appropriated by Congress, for pacificating and tranquillizing all our border enemies. The three commissioners of the Government were for months arduously engaged in executing the duties assigned them. Their zeal, ability, and disregard of privation, enabled them to triumph over every obstacle that energy and patriotism could overcome. With a suitable appropriation, it is confidently expected that relations of intercourse and friendship with all the tribes, to whose depredations our frontiers have been exposed, can be established; and with some slight amendments to existing laws we may look forward to the preservation of uninterrupted peace. It is clear to the mind of the Executive that if good faith is maintained on the part of the whites, and the Indians treated with mildness and justice, the best protection will be afforded to our frontiers, with all the advantages of a lucrative commerce through our traders. Those tribes which desire to establish habitations and cultivate the soil will find inducements to settle near the sources and upon the tributaries of our rivers; and those who adhere to their roving habits will find the prairies sufficiently extensive, far beyond the abode of the white man, to furnish them with game for their families; whilst their friendly intercourse with our traders will enable them to engage with more facility in the chase. By rendering them dependent upon us for the most essential articles of Indian use and consumption, they will find it to their interest to maintain peace. Our Government, at the same time, by enacting and enforcing salutary laws, can restrain the whites from aggression, and thus impress the Indians with a due sense of our justice toward them. In this way, our former enemies may be converted into useful and lasting friends.
​Nothing shall be wanting on the part of the Executive, within the means afforded him, for the promotion of a policy dictated by a sense of justice, and approved by experience. He is satisfied that it will, if carried out, do more to give security to our frontiers than millions expended in fitting expeditions which have never resulted in anything beneficial to the country. Instead of the large sums heretofore annually expended for the purpose of frontier protection, it is believed that the expense of the present year connected with the Indian operations of the Government will exceed but little, if any, the sum of ten thousand dollars.
A policy that was once condemned, and opposed with the greatest vehemence and its projector and advocate denounced, seems now, from the results which have already been attained, to receive that consideration satisfactory to every patriot. It has for many months past arrested the tomahawk, rendered useless the scalping-knife, and afforded the most remote and exposed settlers on our frontier the opportunity of cultivating their fields in peace and reposing in security.
At the close of the last administration the Government came to my hands without a currency, as well as without credit, or the prospect of obtaining the means for conducting its affairs. It was found to be indispensably necessary for the Congress to declare our inability to redeem, at that time, the paper which had been lavishly issued, estimated at at least twelve millions. Appalling and disheartening as was our situation, a plan for a currency was recommended to the representatives of the people for their adoption. The recommendation met the concurrence of Congress only in part; for some of the guarantees essential, as the Executive conceived, to restore confidence, and ensure the redemption of the new currency, were withheld. And notwithstanding the wants and difficulties of the Government at that period, the direct taxes were actually greatly reduced, and their collection postponed nearly twelve months beyond the time they had usually been paid in. Thus was the Government left to rely solely upon the duties upon imports, which from the unsettled state of the country arising from rumors of invasion, were very limited. Under these embarrassing circumstances the experiment of creating and sustaining the new currency was made. The consequence was that the value of Exchequer bills fell as low as twenty-five cents on the dollar. And, in addition to the many other impediments to be encountered, it seemed to be the private interest of many to depreciate their value; and, by promoting their individual advantage, to deprive the Government of this slender means of existence.
By a judicious restraint, however, upon the issues, reducing them much within the amount authorized by law, a currency has been established, notwithstanding the hindrances mentioned, and the delinquency of officers entrusted with the collection of the revenue. The wise and economical administration of the finances of the country by the head of the Treasury, has raised its value to a par with gold and silver; and by the continuance of the same course it can not be doubted that the same value can be supported. It is certainly a subject for gratulation that the practicability of re-establishing the soundness of our currency, and maintaining our credit, has at length been demonstrated.
It is necessary and proper that the country should be supplied with a circulating medium. This may be effected by issuing no more Exchequers at any one time, than the Government can redeem in gold and silver. It is estimated that ​but about thirteen thousand dollars of these bills are now in circulation; and there is but little reason to anticipate an emergency while the Government is administered upon its present economical system, which would require a larger issue than the Government will have it in its power to control or redeem.
The Executive believes that one of the strongest supports to our currency will be the exclusion by law from circulation wiithin our limits after some given period, say three months, all foreign bank paper. Within the last few years, the people of this country have sustained frequent and heavy losses by the failure of foreign banks, and the depreciation of their paper, as well as from the circulation of spurious notes, purporting to be issued by banks which never had existence. To these may be added the circulation of counterfeits. It is impossible for the community generally to judge of the genuine character or real value of this foreign currency, and of their liability to be cheated and defrauded by every swindler, whether he be the special agent of some broken bank, or a dealer in spurious or counterfeit notes. These evils have not been light; and, as it is the right as well as the duty of Government to regulate its currency and protect its citizens from imposition and harm, the Executive recommends, as the most efficient means of performing this duty, the entire exclusion of the bills of all foreign banks. Congress has the undoubted right of inhibiting by law counterfeiting and the passing of counterfeit paper; and they have equally clearly the power to inhibit the introduction and circulation of all valueless foreign bank issues, or those liable to become so in the hands of our citizens. In connection with this, I would also recommend the prohibition and suppression by statute of every description of paper in the character of bank, individual, or corporation notes issued within the Republic, and intended or used for circulation as currency. If the honorable Congress should concur in the adoption of this measure, the Executive is convinced, by experience, that it would go far to sustain the national currency; and better enable the Government to furnish a circulating medium.
The defects in the system now in force for the collection of the revenues are of such a magnitude as to require the particular attention of the honorable Congress. The reliance heretofore placed upon the collection of the direct taxes for the purposes of Government has, under the existing system, proved almost wholly fallacious. That the Government must be supported, and that those who render service to it must be remunerated, all who have an abiding interest in the Government will admit. To insure efficient government, or even to supply its absolute wants, some system must be devised which will secure the prompt and faithful collection of the revenues provided by law. Hitherto, in many parts of the country, the most flagrant dereliction of duty has occurred on the part of collectors of direct taxes. In several instances sheriffs have failed and refused to give bond for the faithful performance of their duties, and for the payment to Government of the public moneys received by them. In this way there can no longer be any doubt the Government has been deprived of the revenues paid by the people for its support, which have been used by unfaithful agents for purposes of speculation and private emolument.
It is believed that this state of things arises, in a great degree, from the mode of selecting the collectors of the revenue. Our sheriffs are elected by the people, and, as a consequence, are not readily controlled, except through the same tardy and uncertain medium. The control of the Treasury Department in the collection ​of the taxes is thus almost totally destroyed. Were the country laid off into convenient collectoral districts, and a collector appointed for each by the Secretary of the Treasury, and nominated by the President to the Senate, it is believed that existing defects might in a great measure be obviated. The collector thus appointed, under bonds in amount sufficient to indemnify the Government, and with appropriate penalties, would be more directly responsible to the head of the Treasury for the honest and faithful discharge of his duties. As it is, that department remains, in many instances, ignorant of the very names of the collectors of taxes until they themselves choose to make their report, and is thus deprived of the means of protecting the public interests, and of enforcing in all sections of the Republic, as is contemplated by the laws, an equal siipport of the institutions of the country. The Executive, therefore, earnestly recommends the adoption of this system, believing it will tend to the general welfare, and operate impartially upon all our citizens.
It may be well to allude to a fact which has greatly prejudiced the character of the nation. The charge that we had repudiated our government liabilities has been industriously urged, not only abroad but at home, as a cause of distrust and an accusation of bad faith. Other governments of high respectability have done so. Texas never has, and, I trust, never will. It is true that our liabilities were increased to so large an amount, during the administration of my predecessor, as to render it not only expedient, but indispensably necessary, to defer their payment until the country could so far recover as to be able to comply fully with all its obligations. The fact that many of these liabilities were incurred for purposes not only not sanctioned by the Legislature, but entirely illegal and impolitic, has never with me constituted a reason for a refusal to pay them at the earliest moment within our power. Notwithstanding the mischievous and utterly groundless publications emanating from some of our public journals, the good faith of the nation will finally be thoroughly vindicated by the redemption of every dollar for which it stands pledged. That we have not been able to do so before this time has, perhaps, been a fault as well as a misfortune; but nations, like individuals, are sometimes compelled to yield to the force of circumstances.
But Texas has done all in her power, consistent with a due regard to self-existence, to preserve, even under these adverse circumstances, the national faith. From an examination of our statute-book, it will appear that holders of our liabilities have had a fair and favorable chance for secure and profitable investment. Our public domain comprises at least one hundred and fifty millions of choice lands, which have been, and are now, held subject to the redemption of our public debt. The adaptation of our climate and soil to the production of the great staples of the southwestern States of the American Union is, perhaps, superior to that of any other upon the North American continent. These lands may he easily acquired, under existing laws, by all holders of our promissory notes, at two dollars per acre. The opportunities thus presented to foreigners, or non residents, to become possessed of them, are certainly very desirable. Our Constitution inhibits foreigners from holding lands unless the title emanate directly from the Government to the purchaser, which would be the case under the law alluded to. A large portion of our national debt was created by the issuance of promissory notes at six for one; that is, at a par value of sixteen and two-thirds cents in the dollar, and many of them have been ob ained by the ​present holders at a much lower rate. Hence, the real price at which our public lands may be acquired will not exceed thirty-three and one-third cents per acre.
As a further evidence of the disposition of the Government to comply, as far as possible, and as soon as possible, with its engagements, it may be mentioned that all land dues and fees for patents, as well as all the taxes assessed previous to the last year, large amounts of which still remain unpaid, are yet receivable in the promissory notes of the Government.
From these facts, it must be apparent to all, except the eye of prejudice, that Texas has never entertained the design of repudiation. Had such been the case, these laws providing for the redemption of our promissory notes would not have remained in force.
The Executive has looked upon the question whether our liabilities were legally or judiciously incurred, as one not proper to be examined; but, simply, whether the national faith is involved in their redemption. He has, heretofore, and will ever continue to, set his face against every measure which may even have the appearance of sullying the national character. He sees neither reason nor necessity lor deviating trom this course. He is clearly of opinion that our public faith should be, and will be, held sacred, and that all our obligations will be redeemed to the uttermost cent at the earliest period our means will justify.
To prevent the evil of further involvement to the country, the Executive respectfully suggests to the honorable Congress the total repeal of all laws heretofore enacted authorizing the negotiation of foreign loans. The action under these laws has already been productive of serious detriment; and the nation certainly possesses resources within itself of not only sustaining the Government, but, as soon as they can be made available, of discharging all our outstanding liabilities.
Notwithstanding an almost total failure in the collection of the direct taxes, the revenues of the last two years have been commensurate to the support of the Government, upon the rigidly economical scale upon which it has been administered. For the present year, there will be a surplus in the Treasury.
Although the crops of the present season, owing to the continued rains which have fallen during the period when the planter was gathering his products for market, will fall short of the calculation at one time made, from the prospect of superabundance, yet there is every reason to believe that our exports for the present year will largely exceed the imports. And from the best data in possession of the Treasury Department similar results are anticipated for the ensuing year. This can not but be taken as encouraging evidence of our growing prosperity.
The assessments of direct taxes amount to forty-nine thousand, upon which only thirteen thousand dollars have been paid in. This fact will satisfactorily answer the question as to the source whence we must derive means for the purposes of government. Had it been reduced to the necessity of relying alone upon the direct taxes, it must inevitably have ceased its functions.
The attention of the honorable Congress has, heretofore, been invoked to the subject of devising some method for enabling the officers of Government to enforce the laws and execute their duties. To enact laws without giving the power ​of inflicting punishment for their infraction is certainly a poHtical paradox. The Constitution and laws recognize the offenses of treason, insurrection, mutiny, and sedition; but the Congress has never appropriated anything to their commission. Resistance to the execution of a law by persons associated for the purpose is sedition, and individuals setting themselves up in armed bodies in defiance of the laws, and with a view of preventing their operation, is insurrection. That acts of this character have been committed to no inconsiderable extent is well known in the Republic. They have a deleterious effect upon our character abroad as a nation, and produce distrust as to our capability of self-government. It is within the power of Congress to define these offenses, affix the proper penalties, and authorize the officers entrusted with the execution of the laws to punish oftenders in a speedy and certain manner. It may become necessary to our national existence that these things should be corrected; and it is also due to the peaceful and law-abiding citizen that his rights should be protected and his person secure under the shield and operation of the law. So long as he remains insecure, either in person or property, the strongest incentives to a patriotic course of conduct are wanting. The obligations existing between the Government and its citizens are reciprocal.
As it is impossible to foretell the result of the negotiations now pending between this country and Mexico, it is deemed prudent, and the Executive earnestly recommends to the honorable Congress, that a sufficient fund be placed at his disposal for any emergency that might require the hostile action of the Government. And he would likewise recommend that such laws be enacted as will enable him to reclaim the public property and arms which have been from time to time issued to individuals, and which are now scattered throughout the Republic.
He would also further recommend, during the progress of the negotiations alluded to, that a force be maintained at such point, or points, on our frontier, as may be necessary for preserving order, and suppressing any irregularities or disturbances which might arise from the acts of unauthorized persons within the territory unoccupied by either of the parties concerned in those negotiations. A correct policy dictates the propriety of preventing for the future, as far as practicable, the existence of the bands of robbers which have heretofore frequented that district of country. An estimate of the amount for this service will be furnished.
For the last two years, the officer acting upon our southwestern frontier has rendered the most important services to the country—and even more than could have been expected, from the limited means appropriated to sustain him. But five hundred dollars were given by the last Congress for the support of the force under his command. This was totally inadequate; and debts were necessarily contracted which, when the services rendered are taken into view, are of an inconsiderable amount, for the payment of which it is hoped the Congress will readily make the requisite appropriation.
The Executive, during the present session, will lay before the honorable Congress a system of internal improvements, which will embrace the removal of obstructions in our rivers, as well as the construction of roads and the erection of bridges, the want of which operates as an almost insuperable barrier to the planting interests of the country in the transportation of their crops to market. The facilities possessed by Texas for works of this character will enable us to ​make them with comparatively small cost; and, by the plan in view, without the increase of taxation, or the expenditure of any means necessary to the support of Government.
Reports and exhibits from the several departments accompany this communication, and the Executive will always be ready to furnish, with pleasure, such information to the honorable Congress as may develop and explain the minutest transactions of the administration. The ability, fidelity, and economy with which the business of the several departments has been conducted, leave him no ground for wishing to eschew the examination; and, on his own part, the most rigid accountability.
The discharge of the duties which necessarily devolve upon the legislative and executive departments of Government in the present condition of our national affairs, can not fail to inculcate a unity of action, stimulated by a sincere and ardent desire to promote and advance the only objects for which Governments are instituted.
That the result of our joint labors may not only meet the expectations of our constituents, but that they may add to the general happiness and prosperity of the country, is my earnest hope.
That our country has enjoyed frequent manifestations of the favor and kindness of an overruling Providence, all must be duly sensible, and it should therefore be our increasing care by acts of justice and uprightness to merit a continuance of divine favor, without which no people can be happy, and no nation great or prosperous.
Sam Houston.
PRESIDENT HOUSTON'S LAST MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
In meeting again and for the last time during my official term, now about to close, the assembled representatives of the people of Texas, in their annual session, I avail myself of the occasion to congratulate them upon the condition of the country, in its foreign and domestic relations, and to join with them in unaffected thanks to a propitious Providence for the numerous favors which have been vouchsafed to us as a people. We have many reasons to feel grateful to that omnipotent arm which has been so constantly stretched out to supply our wants and to sustain us in every trial, alike in peace and war.
As my services as Chief Magistrate must now so soon come to an end, it will only be necessary for me to lay before the honorable Congress a succient view ol the principal transactions of the Government within the last year, and to make such suggestions as may naturally arise out of the facts submitted—leaving to my successor the further duty of proposing for legislative consideration such subjects as may seem to him proper for the security and welfare of the nation.
Since your last adjournment, our relations have been extended upon the continent of Europe, by the negotiation of treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce with some of the German States, with which a respectable trade, convenient and profitable, has already sprung up.
​The Governments of Great Britain and France still maintain toward us those sentiments of friendship and good feeling which have ever marked their intercourse with us, and which it should continue to be our studious care, by every proper manifestation on our part, to strengthen and reciprocate. There is no ground to suspect that the late agitation of international questions between this Republic and that of the United States has, in any degree, abated their desire for our continued prosperity and independence, or caused them to relax their good offices to bring about the speedy and honorable adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico. That they should evince anxiety for our separate existence and permanent independence as a nation, is not only natural, but entirely commendable. They will never require of us, I am fully assured, any sacrifice of honor or interest; and if they did, we should be quite free, as I am certain we should be ready, to refuse it. They are too well acquainted with the history of our origin and progress to suppose, for an instant, that we would, under any circumstances, surrender one jot or tittle of that liberty and right to self-government which we achieved in the sanguinary conflicts of revolution, or give up a single privilege secured to us by our laws and Constitution. They will not ask it — they do not expect it—we would not yield it.
Our relations with the United States remain in the same condition as at the time of my last annual communication. We are still without any treaty stipulations between the two countries. Within the last two years, all attempts at their establishment have been negatived by the ratifying power of that Government. That any effort for the same purpose will meet with better success, for some time to come, I am wholly unable to determine.
In all but the name, we still continue at peace with Mexico. Since the autumn of 1842, no incursion has been made within our borders. The moral effect of public opinion throughout the enlightened world, if not the decided intervention of powers mutually friendly, seems to have arrested that course of conduct heretofore practiced against us, on the part of our enemy, and so plainly subversive of every rule of honorable warfare.
Those of our citizens who surrendered to the officers of Mexico, under pledges of the treatment usually accorded to prisoners of war, have all been released from the captivity in which they were so perfidiously retained, and permitted to return home, with the exception of Jose Antonio Navarro, one of the ill-fated number composing the Santa F6 expedition, who alone remains to bear the vengeance of a Government which seems to delight in inflicting upon a helpless individual those wrongs and cruelties which would degrade the head of any other to a level with the rudest savage.
The laws of the last Congress touching our prisoners in Mexico were carried out as fully and as speedily as circumstances would permit.
The commission sent out by this Government to confer with a similar commission on the part of Mexico, in regard to the establishment of an armistice between the two countries, concluded their labors in the month of February last. Under the instruction by which they were governed, it became necessary for the Executive to approve or reject their proceedings. As soon as they were submitted, he did not hesitate, for reasons palpably manifest, to adopt the latter course.
The subsequent manifesto of the Mexican Government, in relation to this subject, disregarding, as it did, every ordinary courtesy, even between ​belligerents, and descending into the vilest and most unmerited abuse of the people of Texas, forced upon the President the necessity of a response. He accordingly replied in such terms as he believed the occasion required at his hands.
Our Indian affairs are in as good condition as the most sanguine could reasonably have anticipated. When it is remembered that a great while necessarily elapsed before the various tribes, all of whom were in a state of the most bitter hostility, could be reached through the agents of the Government, and that they are now taken as different communities, completely pacified and in regular friendly intercourse with our trading establishments, in the judgment of the unprejudiced and impartial, the policy which could inculcate and maintain peace, and thereby save the frontiers from savage depredations and butcheries, will be viewed as satisfactorily demonstrated. It is not denied, that there are among the Indians, as among our own people, individuals who will disregard all law and commit excesses of the most flagrant character; but it is unjust to attribute to a tribe or body of men disposed to obey the laws, what is properly chargeable to a few renegades and desperadoes. Other Governments of far superior resources for imposing restraints upon the wild men of the forests and prairies, have not been exempt from the infraction of treaties and the occasional commission of acts of rapine and blood. We must therefore expect to suffer in a greater or less degree from the same causes. But even this, in the opinion of the Executive, does not furnish overruling testimony against the policy which he has constantly recommended, and which he has had the happiness to see so fully And so satisfactorily tested.
The appropriation made by the last Congress, for the service of the Indian Department for the present year, has been found insufficient to meet the necessary expenditures. An additional sum is therefore respectfully asked to cover outstanding liabilities necessarily incurred—amounting altogether to not more than four thousand dollars.
It will appear from the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that the finances of the country are in a most healthy and prosperous condition. It is believed the receipts from the various sources of revenue will at least equal the expenditures and perhaps leave a small surplus in the Treasury. The Executive has no hesitation in declaring that this would have been the case to a comparatively large amount, if the recommendations he has so frequently made in relation to the more prompt and certain collection of the revenues had been responded to by the honorable Congress, by the enactment of the legal provisions deemed absolutely indispensable for this object. It is plainly unjust that the law-abiding citizen and faithful officer should be charged with the burthens of Government, and the dishonest and unpatriotic be permitted, by the defects of our statutes, to be relieved from the contribution of their fair proportion. Had the necessary laws been passed as recommended, we should have received from customs, upon our eastern boundary, as is estimated, some seventy-five thousand dollars more annually than have been collected; making, within the last three years, the sum of two hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars, which has been totally lost, and which at this time would enable us to be in a far better state of preparation for the contingencies to which every nation is liable, and for undertaking the various improvements which our situation as a rising people makes obligatory upon us.
It is only necessary to mention, in order to show the striking propriety of ​adequate amendments to our revenue laws, that the defalcations which have already occurred in the collection of the direct taxes alone, amount to more than fifty-two thousand dollars; and the defalcations of the late collectors of import duties, at the two ports of Galveston and San Augustine, reach nearly thirty thousand dollars. It is obvious, therefore, that the laws must be so improved by the action of the Legislature as to secure the more certain and prompt transmission of the public moneys. Otherwise, no safe calculation can be made as to the means annually appropriated for the support of Government.
The total amount of expenditures for all purposes, during the present administration, up to the first of November last, excluding fifty thousand eight hundred and seventy-three dollars and eighty-two cents, incurred during the administration of my predecessor, and paid by this, is four hundred and sixty-six thousand one hundred and fifty-eight dollars and nine cents, leaving a balance of five thousand nine hundred and forty-eight dollars and ninety-one cents, after carrying on the Government for the last three years. It should be mentioned, also, that the estimate of expenditures dates back to the first of December, 1841, and that of receipts to the first of February, 1842, at which time Exchequer bills began to be received for revenue—a space of two months during which the expenses of Government were being incurred, without the receipt of a dollar to meet them.
It appears, from the several enactments on the subject, that the amount appropriated for sustaining the Post-Office establishment, during the administration of my predecessor, was two hundred and fifty-two thousand nine hundred and seventy dollars, and that the like appropriations during the last three years, for the same purpose, amount to but about twenty-nine thousand. Notwithstanding, however, this great difference in the means afforded for the support of this important branch of the public service, it is believed that, by the exercise of proper economy, the mails have been regularly transported upon all the routes prescribed by law, so as to give the greatest benefit possible under the means which could be applied.
This statement, it is believed, will best explain the conduct of the administration in the management of its finances, and, perhaps, satisfy the people of the Republic that all within its power has been done to economize the means which they had contributed for the support of our institutions. Much hardship has been encountered, and sometimes extreme perplexity endured, by all the public officers, by the fluctuations to which the currency has been subjected. But they have the satisfaction to know that, although they have frequently received less than one-half the compensation assigned them by law for their services, they have materially assisted in sustaining their country in the time of difficulty and need.
During the past summer, dissensions of a most unfortunate character, arising from private and personal causes, and leading to the most deplorable excesses against life and property, existed in the county of Shelby, and extended in some degree to the surrounding districts. The necessity for the prompt intervention of the Government to arrest this state of things became imperative, and, accordingly, the Executive proceeded in person to a convenient point near the scene of difficulties, and ordered out a military force deemed sufficient for the effectual attainment of the object in view. He is happy to say that the citizen soldiery obeyed the call upon their patriotic services with the utmost alacrity; ​by which the reign of order and the supremacy of the laws were speedily re-established.
It was deemed prudent, in order to secure the maintenance of these blessings, and to give due protection to the civil authorities in the administration of justice, to station a company of men in the county of Shelby. For the purpose, a corps of volunteers were enrolled, and continued in service as long as the Government thought it advisable for the preservation of peace.
The Executive does not doubt that the honorable Congress will readily perceive the necessity which existed for the exertion of the strength ol the Government for the suppression of the disorders alluded to, and that they will as readily make provision for the payment of the expenses incurred in doing so. It appears that the force authorized to be kept in service for the protection of the southwestern frontier has not been adequate to afford the security anticipated. The Government, being desirous to extend every facility in its power for the better security of that border, authorized the raising of a company in addition to that already in the field. The expenses thus incurred are small, and it is hoped that the necessary means will be provided for their payment.
Reports from the several departments and bureaus are herewith respectfully transmitted, and the attention of the honorable Congress invited to their contents.
I have now only to add the hope that your deliberations may be characterized by that wisdom and harmony so essential to the attainment of those great ends for which you are here assembled; with my fervent desire that all your labors may, under the guidance of Heaven, give additional force and energy to all those principles of private and public virtue so indispensable to the stability, prosperity, and success of the Government and people of the Republic.
Sam Houston.
VALEDICTORY REMARKS MADE AT WASHINGTON TO THE CONGRESS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS,
On the occasion of retiring from the Presidency of the Republic, December 9, 1844.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: This numerous and respectable assemblage of the free citizens of Texas and their representatives, exhibits the best possible commentary upon the successful action and happy influence of the institutions of our country. We have met together for no purpose but that of adding another testimonial to the practicability of enlightened self-government—to witness a change of officers without the change of office—to obey the high behests of our written Constitution in good-will and fellowship, as members of the same great political family, sensible of our rights and fully understanding our duty.
I am about to lay down the authority with which my countrymen, three years since, so generously and confidingly invested me, and to return again to the ranks of my fellow-citizens. But in retiring from the high office which I have occupied to the walks of private life, I can not forbear the expression of the ​cordial gratitude which inspires my bosom. The constant and unfailing support which I have had from the people, in every vicissitude, demands of me a candid and grateful acknowledgment of my enduring obligations. From them I have derived a sustaining influence, which has enabled me to meet the most tremendous shocks and to pursue, without faltering, the course which I deemed proper for the advancement of the public interests and the security of the general welfare.
I proudly confess that to the people I owe whatever of good I may have achieved by my official labors, for without the support which they so fully accorded me, I could have acquired neither advantage for the Republic nor satisfaction for myself.
It is true that collisions have existed between the Executive and the Legislature. Both were tenacious of what they deemed their peculiar privileges; and in the maintenance of which both may have erred.
In various instances, the Executive was constrained by what he believed to be his most solemn duty to his conscience and his country to interpose his prerogative to arrest immature, latitudinous, and dangerous legislation. Under the Constitution, his weight in the enactment of laws is just equal to two-thirds of either House of Congress. Were it otherwise he would be but little more than a mere automaton, and the balance of power and the co-ordinate character of these two divisions of Government would be utterly destroyed. The Executive has never denied to the Congress purity of motive and honesty of purpose. He has sincerely lamented the existence of any cause, apparent or real, for the occasional disagreements which have occurred, and has deplored the necessity of resorting to the Executive veto to save the country from still greater evils. In the exercise of this power he was aware that two-thirds of the Legislature could correct any error he might commit; and that beyond them stood the Judiciary, as the final umpire to decide between him and them and preserve the Constitution inviolate.
I have now no reason to conceal the convictions of my judgment or the feelings of my heart, I stand here not to ask the concurrence of any branch of the Government in any of my acts, but to declare, in all sincerity, that the differences to which I have alluded, and the necessity for which I truly regret, arose on my part from a patriotic conception of duty. I may have been mistaken. In my retirement therefore, I take with me no animosities. If ever they existed they are buried in the past; and I would hope that those with whom it was my lot to come in conflict, in the discharge of my official functions, will exercise toward my acts and motives the same degree of candor.
In leaving my station, I leave the country tranquil at home, and, in effect, at peace with all nations. If some annoyances still exist on the frontier, it will be remembered that it has taken years to attain our present position. The savage hordes by whom we have been molested, have at length, by the policy I have pursued with constancy, become generally peaceful. The occasional difficulties which arise are not to be compared with those of former days.
It is not reasonable to suppose that a work of so great magnitude and importance could be accomplished in a little while. Some twelve or fourteen different tribes of Indians, not harmonizing among themselves, and accustomed to depredate upon all around them, had long carried on hostilities upon our borders, and despoiled us of our citizens. With them we have at last, I trust, succeeded in establishing a lasting friendship.
​Our foreign relations, so far as the United States, France, England, Holland, and some of the principal States of Germany are concerned, are of the most agreeable character, and we have every assurance of their continuance.
As to Mexico, she still maintains the attitude of nominal hostility. Instructed by experience, she might be expected to have become more reasonable; but the vain-glorious and pompous gasconade so characteristic of that nation, would indicate that she is not quite ready to acknowledge the independence we have achieved. If however, she attempts the infliction of the injuries which she has so often denounced, I am fully assured that the same spirit which animated the heroic men who won the liberty we now enjoy, will call to the field a yet mightier host to avenge the wrongs we have endured, and establish beyond question our title to full dominion over all we claim.
When I look around me, my fellow-citizens, and see and know that the prospects of the Republic are brightening, its resources developing, its commerce extending, and its moral influence in the community of nations increasing, my heart is filled with sensations of joy and pride. A poor and despised people a few years ago, borne down by depressing influences at home and abroad, we have risen, in defiance of all obstacles, to a respectable place in the eye of the world. One great nation is inviting us to a full participancy in all its privileges, and to a full community of laws and interests. Others desire our separate and independent national existence, and are ready to throw into our lap the richest gifts and favors.
The attitude of Texas now, to my apprehension, is one of peculiar interest. The United States have spurned her twice already. Let her, therefore, maintain her position firmly as it is, and work out her own political salvation. Let her legislation proceed upon the supposition that we are to be and remain an independent people. If Texas goes begging again for admission into the United States she will only degrade herself. They will spurn her again from their tlu'eshold, and other nations will look upon her with unmingled pity. Let Texas, therefore, maintain her position. If the United States shall open the door, and ask her to come into her great family of States, you will then have other conductors, better than myself, to lead you into the beloved land from which we have sprung—the land of the broad stripes and bright stars. But let us be as we are until that opportunity is presented, and then let us go in, if at all, united in one phalanx, and sustained by the opinion of the world.
If we remain an independent nation, our territory will be extensive—unlimited.
The Pacific alone will bound the mighty march of our race and our empire. From Europe and America her soil is to be peopled. In regions where the savage and the buffalo now roam uncontrolled, the enterprise and industry of the Anglo-American are yet to find an extensive field of development.
With union, industry, and virtue, we have nothing to apprehend. If left alone, we have our destiny in our own hands, and may become a nation distinguished for its wealth and power.
It is true we have been visited with inconveniences and evils. It is but a short time since we were without a currency—without available means, and everything to do, for our national paper was depreciated to almost nothing. A currency, however, has been at length established. Hard money is disbursed by ​the Government and circulates in the community. The period has arrived, I hope, when this currency may be maintained, and all other eschewed, unless intended as a representative of the precious metals actually in deposit. And I would not recommend the extension of the system further than merely to give the necessary facilities, as a medium of transmission or exchange. Relying upon the disposition of Congress not to extend their appropriations beyond the revenues arising from import duties, and the direct taxes secured, it will be seen that the Government can move on, and, at the same time, sustain the currency.
In the advancement of the Republic, from the earliest period of its history up to the present moment, we think we have demonstrated to the world our capacity for self-government. Among our people are to be found the intelligent and enterprising from almost every part of the globe. Though from different States and of different habits, manners, sects, and languages, they have acted with a degree of concord and unanimity almost miraculous.
The world respects our position, and will sustain us by their good opinion, and it is to moral influences that we should look, as much as to the point of the bayonet or the power of the cannon.
My countrymen! Give to the rising generation instruction. Establish schools everywhere among you. You will thus diffuse intelligence throughout the mass — that greatest safeguard to our free institutions. Among us, education confers rank and influence—ignorance is the parent of degradation. Intelligence elevates man to the highest destiny, but ignorance degrades him to slavery.
In quitting my present position, and a second time retiring from the Chief-Magistracy of the Republic, I feel the highest satisfaction in being able to leave my countrymen in the enjoyment of civil and religious freedom, and surrounded by many evidences of present and increasing prosperity. This happy condition is ascribable to that wise and benign Providence which has watched over our progress, and conducted us to the attainment of blessings so invaluable. Let us, therefore, strive to deserve the favor of Heaven, that we may be established in all the privileges of freemen, and achieve that destiny which is always accorded to the faithful pursuit of good and patriotic objects.
It is unnecessary for me to detain you longer. I now, therefore, take leave ol you, my countrymen, with the devout trust that the God who has inspired you with faithful and patriotic devotion will bless you with His choicest gifts. I shall bear with me into the retirement in which I intend to pass the remainder of my life the grateful and abiding recollection of your many favors.