# American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 15

CHAPTER XV — RELIGIOUS LIFE
97. The State of Religion in the Jerseys" (1700)
For Morris, see No. 65 above. Bibliography of religious affairs : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 243-245; Tyler, American Literature, II, 210-212; Charming and Hart, Guide, § 106. — For previous history of the Jerseys, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xxv.
THE Province of East Jersey has in it Ten Towns, (viz.) Middle-town, Freehold, Amboy, Piscataway and Woodbridge, Elizabeth Town, Newark, Aqueckenonck, and Bergen, and I Judge in the whole Province there may be about Eight thousand souls. These Towns are not like the towns in England, the houses built close together on a small spot of ground, but they include large portions of the Country of 4, 5, 8, 10, 12, 15 miles in length, and as much in breadth, and all the Settlements within such State and bounds is said to be within such a Township, but in most of those townships there is some place where a part of the Inhabitants sat down nearer together than the rest, and confined themselves to smaller portions of ground, and the town is more peculiarly designed by that Settlement. Those towns and the whole province was peopl'd mostly from the adjacent colonies of New York and New England, and generally by Those of very narrow fortunes, and such as could not well subsist in the places they left. And if such people could bring any religion with them, it was that of the Country they came from, and the State of them is as follows : —
Bergen, and the out Plantations are most Dutch, and were settled from New York and the United Provinces they are pretty equally divided into Calvinist and Lutheran, they have one pretty little Church, and are a sober people, there are a few English Dissenters mixt among them.
Aqueckenonck was peopl'd from New York also, they are Dutch mostly and generally Calvinist.
Eeizabeth Town & Newark were peopled from New England, are generally Independents, they have a meeting house in each town for ​their public worship, there are some few Churchmen, Presbiterians, Anabaptists, and Quakers settled among them.
Woodbridge was settled from New England and were generally In dependents till about 16 years since, there was a number of Scots Presbyterians amongst them, the People are divided mostly into Presbiterians and Independents, and there is mixt amongst them Baptists, Quakers, Ranters, cum multis aliis.
Piscataway was settled from New England, and is called the Anabaptist Town, from about twenty in that Town that agree in that Persuasion, the rest of the People are of all, or of no religion.
Perth Amboy the Capital City was settled from Europe, and we have made a shift to patch up the old ruinous house, and make a church of it, and when all the Churchmen in the Province are got together, we make up about twelve Communicants, the People of that town are a mixture of all Persuasion.
Freehold was settled from Scotland (Mr. Keith began the first settlement there, and made a fine Plantation, which he afterwards Sold, and went into Pensilvania) and about the one half of it are Scotch Presbiterians, and a sober people, the other part of it was settled by People (some from New England, some from New York, and some from the forementioned towns) who are generally speaking of no religion. There is in this Town a Quaker Meeting-house, but most of the Quakers who built it are come off, with Mr. Keith, they have not fixt yet on any religion, but are most inclinable to the Church, and could Mr. Keith be persuaded to go into those Countrys, he would (with the blessing of God) not only bring to the Church the Quakers that come off with him in East & West Jersey, which are very numerous, but make many Converts in that Country.
Middletown was settled from New York and New England, it is a large Township, there is no such thing as Church or Religion amongst them, they are p'haps the most ignorant and wicked People in the world, their meetings on Sundays is at the Public house, where they get their fill of Rum, and go to fighting & running of races which are Practices much in use that day all the Province over.
Shrewsbury settled from New England, Rhode Island and New York, there is in it ab't thirty Quakers of both Sexes, and they have a meeting house, the rest of the People are generally of no Religion — the Youth of the whole Province are very debaueh'd and very ignorant, and the Sabbath day seems there to be set apart for Rioting and ​Drunkenness. In a word, a general Ignorance and immorality runs through the Youth of the whole Province.
There was in the year One thousand six hundred ninety-seven some endeavors to settle a maintenance in that Country for Ministers, and the greatest part of the house of Comons there were for it, but one Richard Hartshorne a Quaker, and Andrew Broun [Bowne] an Anabaptist found means to defeat it that Session, and before the Assembly could sit again, arriv'd one Jeremiah Bass an Anabaptist Preacher with a Comission from the Proprietors of East Jersey to be their Governour, and with Instructions and Orders from them not to Consent to any act to raise a Maintenance for any Minister of what Perswasion soever, so that there is no hope of doing any thing of that kind till that Governm't is in other hands.
In West Jersey in the year 1699 there were 832 freeholders of wch there were 266 Quakers, whose number are much decreased since Mr. Keith left them. The Quakers in yt Province are ye men of the best Rank and Estates — the rest of that Province (generally speaking) are a hotch Potch of all Religions, the Quakers have several Meeting houses disperst up and down that Province and I believe none of the other perswasions have any. They have a very Debaucht Youth in that Province and very ignorant.
Pennsylvania is settled by People of all languages and Religions in Europe, but the People called Quakers are the most numerous of any one perswasion, and in Philadelphia the Capital City of that Province, there is an Episcopal Church, a Quaker Meeting house, a Presbiterian Meeting house, an Anabaptist Meeting house, and I think an Independent Meeting house, and a little w'thout ye Town a Sweeds Church, the Church of England gains ground in that Country, and most of the Quakers that came off with Mr. Keith are come over to it : The Youth of that country are like those in the neighboring Provinces very Debaucht and ignorant.
I shall now suggest some measures w'ch may conduce to ye bringing over to the Church the People in those Countrys.
First That no man be sent a Governor into any of those Plantations, but a firm Churchman, and if possible none but Churchmen be in his Counsel and in the Magistracy.
2dly That Churchmen may have some peculiar privileges above others. This (if practicable) must be done by Act of Parliament.
3dly That there may be some measures fallen upon to get Ministers ​to preach gratis in America for some time, till there be sufficient numbers of Converts to bear the charge & I presume that may be accomplish'd this way.
Let the King, the A Bishop, ye Bishops & great Men admit no Man for so many years to any great Benefice, but such as shall oblige themselves to preach three years gratis in America, with part of the living let him maintain a Curate, & the other part let him apply to his own use. By this means we shall have the greatest & best men & in human probability such men must in a short time make a wonderful progress in the Conversion of those Countries, especially when its p'ceived the good of Souls is the only motive to this undertaking.
New Jersey Historical Society, Proceedings, 1849-1850 (Newark, 1850), IV, 118-121.
98. A Quaker's Arguments with Orthodox Ministers (1704)
BY THOMAS STORY
Story was an English Quaker who came over in 1697. He visited all the colonies, and remained some time in Pennsylvania. — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 243; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 215. — For earlier accounts of the Quakers, see Contemporaries, I, Nos. 140-142.
DURING all this Time the People were generally attentive, and seemingly pleased ; but, just in the Close of the Matter, I was attacked, all of a sudden, by a jolly brisk Person, who brake into the Crowd behind me on Horseback, and, by his Garb, look'd like a Pastor of the People, (and, upon Enquiry afterwards, I found he was so) whose first Salutation was after this Manner : "Are you not ashamed thus to delude the People, imposing upon them false Glosses on the Scripture? I am a Stranger on the Road, and, drawing near this Multitude to know the Occasion of it, cannot but appear in defence of Truth against your Perversions : Tis true, you have a smooth Way, a gaining Countenance, and advantageous Mein ; but, Sir, you look, in all this, the more like an Emissary."
This, being sudden, was a little surprizing at first ; but, Truth being uppermost, I quickly replied, " That he rather look'd like a false Teacher of the People ; and challenged him to instance any Particular wherein I had imposed upon them." ​He instanced only in this, where I had said Phebe was a Minister of the Church ; he said, "She was not a Minister, but a Servant, as appears by the Text itself in that Place ; and it will not bear to be translated Minister, as you say."
I replied, "Servant and Minister are synonymous Terms, and the Word there used may be better translated Minister : And if she was a Servant, in what other respect to the Church, if not in a publick Ministry, as a Preacher? For Theodore Beza, in his Latin Translation from the Greek, (from which our English Translations are made) hath it Minister, and not Servant, Ministra Ecclesiœ Cencreensis ; and, in the Greek Testament, it is Διαχονον ; that is, Minister, or Servant." And I asked him before the People, "If he would say, upon his Reputation as a Minister, as he professed himself to be, that it might not be properly rendered Minister;" which he refused: and then, in Abundance of Assurance, said openly, "That I was no Quaker ;" but, in a flattering Way, added, "I had more Sense than to be a Quaker ; for I had an ingenious Countenance, and a Mein importing a better Education." I rejected his Flattery, and replied, "That he might have had better Education, and ought to have had more Justice, than falsely to accuse one whom he never saw before ;" and put him upon his Proof in that and several other Things, in which he had overshot himself, in the Apprehension of most of the People who heard him.
And I observed to the People, who did not generally understand the Meaning of the Word Emissary, that as it was unduly applied by him, it imported a very high, as well as false Charge ; and, as such, I return'd it upon him. Then he began to charge Jonathan Taylor (then in England) with being a Jesuit (he having been in that Country seven Years before, and instrumental to convince many in those Parts ; and thereby had greatly enraged the Priests, and their envious Company, against him ; which they had not forgot :) And there stood up likewise another Man, and said, The Charge was true : But I opposed them, telling the People, "I very well knew Jonathan Taylor; and that he was no Jesuit, nor any Thing like one in any respect ;" putting the Priest in mind of what dangerous Consequence it might be to himself to charge me, or any other innocent Person, in that Manner ; since, by Law, it touched the Life of the Accused, and was highly punishable in the Accuser, if not legally proved : Then he, wheeling his Horse about, said, "He could not stay any longer ;" and, in the turning of his Horse, he prov'd resty, and ran back upon a Log, and his hinder Parts fell ​down, (which some would have made a Judgment upon him;) but the Priest being a brisk nimble Man, kept upon his Back, and had no Harm, but rode hastily out of the Crowd, and went off.
The Opposition this Priest and the others made, being for the most part confident and notoriously false Assertions and Charges, without any Proof, exposed him and themselves to the just Censure of the People, and rather confirmed them in the Truth of what we had delivered, than hurt the Cause of Truth ; which we, in some Measure of the Wisdom and Power of it, had defended against them. . . .
Another of those Opposers raised some fresh Cavils about Womens' Preaching ; which I having answered for the Sake of the Auditory, and he raising new Cavils about Matters of small Consequence, I rebuked him sharply as an unworthy, unruly Spirit, and neglected him.
And having shown more Gentleness to several others, and answered them fully, all ended, with the Day, to the Honour of Truth, and our great Satisfaction.
The next Day proving rainy, (as I said before) and several of us staying there most part of the Day till the Evening, we were divinely comforted together in the Love of God ; in which we had many tender Seasons together, as at other Times and Places ; to the Praise of his great Name, who is God worthy for ever.
The Friends who came with me, viz. Jacob Moral, Henry Dow and his Wife, Lydia Norton, Thomas Dow, and some others, departing, I went, at the Request of John Keeser, (a young Man who had not been long convinced) with him to the Priest of that Town, (a most imbittered Enemy to the Way of Truth, and all that walk therein in this Dispensation) who had desired to speak with him about his dissenting from him and the common Presbyterian Way.
At our first Entrance into the House, this Priest look'd very surly, haughty, and ill-natur'd, and, in an imperious Gesture, bid us sit down, which we did; and John Keeser told him, "He had heard he desired to speak with him, and was now come to know the Matter." Then he began and said, "John, I have had a-mind to speak with you a long Time, to know your Reasons for neglecting the publick Worship, and deserting me, who have Charge over you, to follow the Errors of the Quakers ; who deny Salvation by Jesus Christ, and follow their Light within : But I could not meet with you, though I came to your House on purpose."
John Keeser replied, "I heard of it, and am now come to hear what thou hast to say." Then said the Priest, "You are a perverse Fellow; ​I wanted to speak with you alone, in order to reclaim you from the pernicious Errors of the Quakers, who deny Justification by Christ; affirming, That to expect to be justified by the Works of Christ without us, is a Doctrine of Devils."
The said I, "Friend, if thou hast any Thing to say to the young Man, relating to any Thing he hath done or said, I am here, at his Request, to hear it ; but if thou goest on thus to reflect against, and falsely accuse that People, I am one of them, and shall oppose thee, as I do return upon thee thy false Accusations already uttered ; in which thou hast shown thy great Injustice, Unworthiness, and ill Nature : For we do not expect Salvation by any other than the Lord Jesus Christ and the Father ; and I challenge thee to produce any Author, approved by us, that denies the Work of the Lord Jesus Christ, done without us, and its Efficacy, for its proper End and Purpose, in the Redemption and Salvation of Mankind."
Then the Priest's Wife came into the Room with an Air of Rancour, and said, "Husband, Do not talk with these Men without Witnesses ; for, when they are gone, they will tell Lies of you." Upon this I said to the Priest, "If thou hast any Authority in this House, let us be rid of this Din :" And he desired her to withdraw, which she did ; but we observed the Effects of her Resentment afterwards in the Sequel.
Then the Priest said, "William Penn, in one of his Books, had called the Doctrine of Justification, by the Coming of Christ without, (in the Flesh) the Doctrine of Devils." I asked him, "If he had ever seen that Book?" and he confessed he had not. Then I asked him, "How he could charge William Penn with such a Position?" He replied, "He had seen it quoted out of the Book by Mr Bugg and Mr Keith." "Francis Bugg and George Keith, said I, once knew the Truth in some Degree, and made Profession of it with us ; but took Offences, first against some particular Persons, and then against the whole Body, and became Apostates, open Enemies, filled with Envy implacable ; and it is neither safe nor wise in thee to take any Thing upon Trust from them against us, or any of us, they having been, and still are notorious false Accusers, Perverters, and Misrepresented of us, our Books, Doctrines, and Principles : But I know William Penn, and his Sentiments on that Subject, and have read the Passage aim'd at ; which, to the best of my Remembrance, (not having the Book here) is to this Effect ; To teach that Men are justified before God, by the Righteousness of Christ, as wholly without us, whilst Sin is yet reigning in us, is a Doctrine of Devils."
Thomas Story, Journal (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1747), 326-330 passim.
99. An Evangelist in Georgia (1735/6-1737)
Wesley was the founder of the Methodist church in England and America. His journal is one of the most valuable sources for the religious history of the time. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 402-404; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 103; John Henry Overton, John Wesley.
SUND. Feb. 1. We spoke with a ship of Carolina: and Wedn. 4. came within Soundings About Noon the Trees were visible from the Mast, and in the Afternoon from the Main Deck. In the Evening Lesson were these Words, A great Door and Effectual is opened. O let no one shut it !
Thursd. Feb. 5. Between Two and Three in the Afternoon, God brought us all safe into the Savannah River. We cast anchor near Tybee-Island, where the Groves of Pines, running along the Shore, made an agreeable Prospect, shewing, as it were the Bloom of Spring in the Depth of Winter.
Frid. 6. About eight in the Morning, we first set foot on American Ground. It was a small, uninhabited Island, over against Tybee, Mr. Oglethorpe led us to a rising Ground, where we all kneel'd down to give Thanks. . . .
Thursd. 19. My Brother and I took Boat, and passing by Savannah, went to pay our first Visit in America to the poor Heathens. But neither Tomo Chachi nor Sinauky were at home. Coming back, we waited upon Mr. Causton, the Chief Magistrate of Savannah. From him we went with Mr. Spadgenberg to the Moravian Brethren. About Eleven we returned to the Boat, and came to our Ship about Four in the Morning.
Sat. 21. Mary Welch, aged Eleven Days, was baptized according to the Custom or [of] the First Church, and the Rule of the Church of England, by Immersion. The Child was ill then, but recover'd from that Hour.
Tu. 24. ... At our return the next day, (Mr. Quincy being then in the House wherein we afterwards were) Mr. Delamotte and I took up our Lodging with the Germans. We had now an Opportunity Day by Day, of observing their whole behaviour. For we were in one Room with them from Morning to Night, unless for the little Time I spent in walking. They were always employ'd, always chearful themselves, and in good Humour with one another. They had put away all Anger and ​Strife and Wrath and Bitterness and Clamour and Evil-speaking. They walk'd worthy of the Vocation wherewith they were call'd, and adorn'd the Gospel of our Lord in all Things. . . .
Sund. [March] 28. A Servant of Mr. Bradley 's sent to desire to speak with me. Going to him, I found a young man ill, but perfectly sensible. He desired the Rest to go out, and then said, 'On Thursday Night, about Eleven, being in bed, but broad awake, I heard one calling aloud "Peter! Peter Wright!" And looking up, the Room was as light as day, and I saw a man in very bright cloaths stand by the bed, who said, "Prepare yourself for your End is nigh ;" and then immediately all was dark as before." I told him, "The Advice was good whence-soever it came." In a few days he recovered from his illness : His whole temper was changed as well as his life ; and so continued to be, till after three or four weeks he relapsed and died in peace. . . .
Sund. Apr. 4. About Four in the afternoon, I set out for Frederica, in a Pettianga (a sort of flat-bottom'd Barge.) The next Evening we anchor'd near Skidoway Island, where the water at Flood was twelve or fourteen Foot deep. I wrapt myself up from head to foot, in a large cloak, to keep off the Sand-Flies, and lay down on the Quarter Deck. Between One and Two I waked under water, being so fast asleep that I did not find where I was till my mouth was full of it. Having left my cloak, I know not how upon Deck, I swam round to the other side of the Pettiawga, where a boat was ty'd, and climed up by the rope, without any hurt, more than wetting my cloaths. Thou art the God of whom cometh Salvation : Thou art the Lord by whom we escape death. . . .
Thurs. [June] 10. We began to execute at Frederica, what we had before agreed to do at Savannah. Our Design was on Sundays in the Afternoon, and every Evening after Publick Service, to spend some time with the most Serious of the Communicants, in singing, reading and Conversation. This Evening we had only Mark Hird. But on Sunday Mr. Hird, and two more desired to be admitted. After a psalm and a little conversation, I read Mr. Law's Christian Perfection, and concluded with another psalm. . . .
Tuesd. 22. Observing such Coldness in Mr. ——'s behaviour, I asked him the reason of it. He answer'd, "I like nothing you do ; all your Sermons are Satires upon particular persons. Therefore I will never hear you more. And all the people are of my mind. For we won't hear ourselves abused.
"Beside, they say, they are Protestants. But as for You, they can't ​tell what Religion you are of. They never heard of such a religion before. They do not know what to make of it. And then, your private behaviour — All the Quarrels that have been here since you came, have been long of you. Indeed there is neither man nor woman in the Town, who minds a word you say. And so you may preach long enough ; but no body will come to hear you."
He was too warm for hearing an answer. So I had nothing to do, but to thank him for his openness, and walk away. . . .
Saturd. July 31. We came to Charles-Town. The Church is of Brick, but plaister'd over like Stone. I believe it would contain three or four Thousand Persons. About three Hundred were present at the Morning Service the next day, (when Mr. Garden desired me to preach) about fifty at the Holy Communion. I was glad to see several Negroes at Church ; one of whom told me, "she was there constantly ; and that her old Mistress (now dead) had many times instructed her in the Christian Religion." . . .
[August 2.] At Thunderbolt we took Boat, and on Friday Aug. 13, came to Frederica, where I deliver'd Mr. O. the Letters, I had brought from Carolina. The next Day he set out for Fort St. George. From that time I had less and less Prospect of doing good at Frederica ; many there being extremely zealous, and indefatigably diligent to prevent it : And few of the rest daring to shew themselves of another mind, for fear of their displeasure.
Sat. 28. I set apart, (out of the Few we had) a few Books towards a Library at Frederica. . . .
[January, 1737.] In my passage home, having procured a celebrated Book, the Works of Nicholas Machiavel, I set myself carefully to read and consider it. I began with a prejudice in his Favour ; having been informed, he had often been misunderstood, and greatly misrepresented. I weigh'd the Sentiments that were less common ; transcribed the passages wherein they were contained ; compared one Passage with another, and endeavour'd to form a cool, impartial Judgment ; And my cool Judgement is, That if all the other doctrines of Devils which have been committed to Writing, since Letters were in the world, were collected together in one Volume, it would fall short of this : And, that should a Prince form himself by this book, so calmly recommending Hypocrisy, Treachery, Lying, Robbery, Oppression, Adultery, Whoredom and Murder of all kinds ; Domitian or Nero would be an Angel of Light, compared to that Man. . . . ​Frid. March 4. I writ the Trustees for Georgia an account of the last year's expence from March 1, 1736, to March 1, 1737. Which, deducting extraordinary expences (such as repairing the Parsonage House, and Journeys to Frederica) amounted for Mr. Delamotte and me to 44l. 4s. 4d.
From the Directions I received from God this Day, touching an Affair of the greatest importance, I could not but observe (as I had done many times before) the entire mistake of those, who assert, "God will not answer your prayer, unless your Heart be wholly resign'd to his will."My Heart was not wholly resign'd to his will. Therefore, not daring to depend on my own Judgment, I cried the more earnestly to him, To supply what was wanting in me. And I know and am assured, He heard my Voice, and did send forth his Light and his Truth. . . .
Wednes. [May] 25. I was sent for by one who had been several years of the Church of Rome : But was now deeply convinced (as were several others) by what I had occasionally preach'd, of the grievous errors that church is in, and the great danger of continuing a member of it. Upon this occasion I could not but reflect on the many advices I had receiv'd, to beware of the increase of popery : but not one (that I remember) to beware of the increase of infidelity. That was quite surprizing when I consider'd, 1. That in every place where I have yet been, the number of Converts to popery bore no proportion to the number of the Converts to infidelity. 2. That as bad a religion as popery is, no religion is still worse ; a baptiz'd infidel being always found upon the trial, two-fold worse than even a bigotted Papist. 3. That as dangerous a state as a papist is in, with regard to eternity, a Deist is in a yet more dangerous state, if he be not (without repentance) an assured heir of damnation. And lastly, That as hard as it is to recover a Papist, it is still harder to recover an Infidel : I myself have known many Papists, but never one Deist re-converted. . . .
October the 7th I consulted my friends, whether God did not call me to return to England? The reason for which I left it had now no force : there being no possibility as yet of instructing the Indians : Neither had I as yet found or heard of any Indians on the continent of America, who had the least desire of being instructed. And as to Savannah, having never engag'd myself, either by word or letter, to stay there a day longer than I should judge convenient, nor even taken charge of the people any otherwise, than as in my passage to the heathens. I looked upon myself to be fully discharged therefrom, by ​the vacating of that design. Besides, there was a probability of doing more service to that unhappy people, in England than I could do in Georgia, by representing without fear or favour to the Trustees, the real state the Colony was in. After deeply considering these things, they were unanimous, That I ought to go. But not yet. So I laid the thoughts of it aside for the present : Being persuaded, that when the time was come, God would, make the way plain before my face. . . .
Friday, Dec. 2. . . . In the Afternoon the Magistrates publish'd an Order requiring all the Officers and Centinels, to prevent my going out of the Province ; and forbidding any person to assist me so to do. Being now only a Prisoner at large, in a Place where I knew by experience, every Day would give fresh opportunity, to procure Evidence of words I never said, and actions I never did ; I saw clearly the Hour was come for leaving this Place : And as soon as Evening Prayers were over, about Eight o'Clock, the Tide then serving, I shook off the dust of my Feet, and left Georgia, after having preach'd the Gospel there (not as I ought, but as I was able) one Year, and nearly Nine Months.
[An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley's Journal, from Oct. 14, 1735, to Jan. 29, 1783], 8-52 passim. (Taken from a contemporary copy, of which the title-page is missing.)
100. A Good Man's Letter (1752) BY GOVERNOR JONATHAN BELCHER
Belcher had been Massachusetts s agent in England, and later governor of the province. At this time he was governor of New Jersey. The letter is inserted as an excellent example of the formal but sincere expression of a Christian gentleman. — Bibliography: Palfrey, New England, IV, 517-579; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 166-169.
Dear Mr Whitefield & Worthy Sir
YOUR Excellently good and religious Letter of the 13th of Oct. 1750 came to my hands the May following and which I had Answered long before now But that your Sudden Motions from place to place made me quite at a loss how to get a Letter in safety to you and I now Cover this to the Care of our good Friend Mr Bradford of Phil for its better Conveyance.
D$^r$ Sir how much have you disappointed great Numb$^{rs}$ of your longing Friends by not making a Stride a Cross the Ocean from Carolina hither of which we were big with Expect$^n$ but we must Submit believing your ​great Master Steers & marks out your Paths so as shall best of all Contribute to the build$^g$ up and Enlargement of His Kingdom of Grace here and thereby fitting Multitudes of Souls to be His Subjects in His Kingdom of Glory thro' the endless Ages of a Happy Eternity Amen.
I thank you tho' I am quite Ashamed that any thing of mine shou'd pass under the Correct Eye of the Excellent & pious Countess of Huntingdon who is so Bright an Ornam$^t$ nay I may say a Constellation in the Church of Christ here & who will (I doubt not) hereafter Shine as the Stars for ever & Ev$^r$ & now thro' your kind interposition I presume to Address Her Ladyship by the Inclos'd which I leave open for you to read & then Clap to the Seal and deliver it and this is an honour I shou d not venture to do my Self but that I depend upon your Goodness to obtain Her Ladyships Pardon for the trouble of this Nature. . . .
And now, Sir, let me thank you once more for your kind & generous Concern for the Welfare of the Infant College in this Province w$^{ch}$ I assure you creeps along with great difficulty — the Trustees chose M$^r$ Pemberton the last Fall to take a Voyage to great Britain in favour of the College but when the thing came before his Church and Congregation they wou'd by no means be prevail'd upon to let him go.
And this Spring M$^r$ President Burr was pitcht upon for the same purpose but his fear of the small Pox and the difficulty of finding a person to take the Care of the College in his absence have render'd a Second Attempt in this matter abortive however we intend at the next Meeting of the Trustees to try if some other person can't be found for this Service which seems to me must be the dernier resort for Encourageing and Establishing this New Seminary nor will I despair but Conclude with the great Pharisaical D$^r$ if it be of God it cannot be overthrown I heartily ask your Prayers for its prosperity.
O Sir as often as I read your ingenious & pious Letters they rejoice my Heart and refresh my Bowels and I am particularly glad to find that you were at good Lady Huntingdon$^s$ with three other Clergy men that love and preach Christ Jesus & that you can give me the pleasing Account of several Instances where the Sovereign Grace of God has taken place in the Hearts of Persons of High Degree how pleasing is the prospect when such are posting to the Celestial Canaan with their faces thitherward . . .
Prœcepta decent Exempla cogunt.
How sweet Sir must be your Meditation when your Soul rolls inward to Consider that you are Sincerely will to spend and be spent in the ​Cause of your Blessed Lord & Master and may you still go on in His Strength to win many Souls to Righteousness every one of which will be a bright Gem in the glorious Crown with w$^{ch}$ the Great God Man will wreathe your Temples in the great day of his appear 8 Amen and Amen ! . . .
William A. Whitehead, editor, Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey (Newark, 1885), VIII (i), 84-86 passim.
101. A Plan for American Bishops (1758)
BY ARCHBISHOP THOMAS SECKER
Seeker was archbishop of Canterbury at this time. This letter is selected out of several of similar tenor. Dr. Samuel Johnson, Rector of King's (now Columbia) College, was much interested in the scheme. For its political effects, see No. 147 below. — Bibliography: Palfrey, New England, V, 245-255; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 243-245; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 133.
ALL these things will contribute, directly or indirectly, to facilitate what we must ever pray and labour for, till we obtain it, the establishment of Bishops of our Church in America. This I have long had at heart : and not only said but written a great deal in favor of it to such as I hoped might be brought off from their prejudices, either wholly or in some measure. Nor, unsuccessful as the attempts have been shall I ever abandon the scheme, as long as I live. But pushing it openly at present would certainly prove both fruitless and detrimental. They alone are judges of opportunities, who know the dispositions and influences of persons and parties : which cannot always be explained to others. The design when some years ago it seemed to be in great forwardness, received a most mortifying check, by means of an unseasonable step, which a worthy and able prelate took to promote it, and of which its opposers made their advantage. The time is not yet come for retrieving the ground then lost : though I believe the King to be well disposed ; and those, whom he consults, to be, in general, either not averse, or only so through groundless fears. But in the mean while, both you and we may be seeking occasions, in friendly and seemingly accidental discourse, and with better effect as we can truly affirm, that no plan for this purpose lies now, or will be laid soon before our superiors, to shew men, that nothing was ever intended, at which Christians of any denomination have cause to be alarmed : but merely a provision ​that those of our Communion in the Colonies might have that complete and easy exercise of every branch of their religion which others there have, and would complain bitterly if they had not ; and ought therefore from the love which they profess of universal harmless liberty, not only to consent that our people should have but join to procure it for them. The powerful objection made at home against our proposal, is, that the Dissenters abroad have terrible apprehensions of being injured by it. And in proportion as their remonstrances are vehement, our endeavours will be unpromising. Therefore the principal point is to convince them, that whatever the Bishops were, from whom their ancestors fled into the New World, those of the present age are, and have always been, most sincere patrons of extensive toleration ; and that we are for sending persons of our own order into America, not to claim the least jurisdiction over them, but merely to ordain Ministers for Episcopal Congregations, without the trouble, expense, and hazard of a voyage to England ; a burthen, to which if they were subjected, they would think insupportable, to confirm from time to time the Youth of those congregations ; a practice which rightly or wrongly we hold in high esteem ; and to exercise such discipline in those congregations only, as they exercise by ordained Presbyters or lay Elders ; which discipline of ours would no more hurt them, than theirs hurts us. To these Representations they will pay more regard, if we are careful not to give them unnecessary offence in any thing : but in every thing to oblige them ; as far as there is room for it, without betraying the doctrines, the interests or the honour of our Church.
I conceived it would be best to lay before you, thus plainly and distinctly, my judgment concerning the due method of conducting the affairs of the Society. If in any article we differ, I beg you will communicate to me your opinion and your arguments for it, with the utmost freedom ; and be assured, it will give me pleasure. Where we agree, you will have the goodness to lead others into the same way of thinking, and a suitable course of behaviour. . . . Thus let us each be doing the best we can, and leave the event to God. That his blessing may be on all who serve him in the Gospel of his Son, particularly on you and your College, our Clergy in America and their people, is the fervent prayer of
Your loving brother
(signed) Tho : Cant.
E. B. O'Callaghan, editor, Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York (Albany, 1856), VII. 348-349.