# Robert the Bruce and the struggle for Scottish independence/The Making of Scotland

| The King of Scotland. | The King of England. |
ROBERT THE BRUCE.
CHAPTER I.
THE MAKING OF SCOTLAND.
A.D. 844-1286.
ON July 11, 1274, was born one who was destined to have more lasting influence on the standing of Scotland among the nations, and thereby to mould more powerfully the characters and fortunes of Scotsmen, than any who had gone before, or who should, during the three succeeding centuries, follow him.
Robert de Brus, or Bruce, as the name has come to be written, was eighth in direct male descent from a Norman baron who came to England with William the Conqueror. In the roll of knights who took part in William's expedition, mention is made of li sires de Breaux e due sens des homes—the lords of Breaux with two hundred men. It is the only instance in the roll quoted by Leland where the ​number of a knight's following is given. These "sires" are believed to have taken their name from the lands of Bruis, Braose, or Breaux (for the name is found in various documents in England, Scotland, and France, spelled in twenty-four different ways), between Cherbourg and Valognes, where the understructure of an ancient castle may still be traced.
The custom of taking territorial designations was almost universal among the Norman chivalry in the days before such titles, or those derived from hereditary office, became crystallised into surnames. But in the family of de Brus, that branch of it, at least, which settled in Scotland, the variation or alternation of baptismal names, whereby different generations were generally distinguished, is almost wholly wanting. One solitary William appears in a long line of Roberts, so that it requires no little care to distinguish between the successive heads of this house.
One of the "sires" who followed the Conqueror seems to have been named William. He became Lord of Brember in Sussex, in which county he had forty-one lordships, besides twelve in Dorsetshire, and others in Wilts, Hants, and Surrey. Another brother bore the name of——
1. Robert de Brus, who received, in princely reward for his services, the grant of ninety-four manors, extending to 40,000 acres, in Yorkshire. He died about 1094.
​2. Robert de Brus, son of No. 1, married Agnes, daughter of Fulk Pagnel of Carlton. He became a friend of David I. of Scotland at the Court of Henry I. of England, and subsequently received from David a grant of Annandale, extending from the borders of Dunegal, Celtic chief of Nithsdale, to those of the Earl of Cumberland. Before the battle of the Standard, 1138, he renounced his Scottish fief of Annandale, perhaps in favor of his son, and, having vainly tried to dissuade King David from fighting, joined the forces of King Stephen. He died in 1141.
3. Robert de Brus, second Lord of Annandale, was the second son of No. 2, whence he was known as le Meschin, the cadet, or stripling. If he did not, as the story goes, receive Annandale for refusing to desert David's cause at the battle of the Standard, the lordship must have been subsequently restored to him in the confirmation granted by William the Lion in 1166, wherein the fee is fixed at the service of a hundred knights. His chief house was Lochmaben. His elder brother, Adam, succeeded to his father's lands in Yorkshire, and from this point the English and Scottish houses of de Brus diverge, though le Meschin remained an English baron as well as a Scottish one, for his father made over to him the manor of Hert in the bishopric of Durham. He
​died about 1189-90. His elder brother Adelme, Lord of Skelton and owner of the lands in Yorkshire and elsewhere, became head of the English branch, which came to an end in the persons of four co-heiresses in 1271.
4. Robert de Brus, third Lord of Annandale, if indeed he survived his father le Meschin, married the Princess Isabel, daughter of William the Lion, and must have died about 1190, for his widow married Robert de Ros in 1191. He acquired with his wife the barony of Haltwhistle in Northumberland.
5. William de Brus, fourth Lord of Annandale, second son of le Meschin, died in 1215.
6. Robert de Brus, fifth Lord of Annandale, son of William, the fourth lord, married Isabel, second daughter of David, Earl of Huntingdon, younger brother of William the Lion, whence arose the subsequent claim of his son to the Crown of Scotland. He died in 1245.
7. Robert de Brus, sixth Lord of Annandale, "the Competitor," son of the fifth lord and grandnephew of William the Lion, married Isabel de Clare, daughter of the Earl of Gloucester. In 1238, Alexander II. acknowledged this lord as his heir, an act ratified by the Great Council, and followed by the performance of fealty to de Brus by the barons present, but the birth of Alexander III. in 1241 extinguished his claim to the throne. He acquiesced in King Edward's award in the disputed succession in 1292, and, being stricken in years, resigned all his rights in favour of his son, the Earl of Carrick. He died in 1295.
​8. Robert de Brus, seventh Lord of Annandale, and, in right of his wife, Earl of Carrick, was the eldest son of the sixth lord. He married Marjorie, daughter and heiress of Nigel or Niall, Celtic Earl of Carrick, the grandson of Gilbert, son of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. This lady was also the widow of Adam of Kilconquhar. She is said to have met de Brus returning from hunting; to have fallen in love with him straightway, and carried him off to her castle of Turnberry, where, after fifteen days' dalliance, she married him. It has been suspected that this was a ruse, for Dame Marjorie was a royal ward, and de Brus committed a grave offence in marrying her without the King's leave; an offence, however, which could not be visited very seriously if the lady could be supposed to have taken the law into her own hands. De Brus took King Edward's side against Balliol in 1296, in revenge for which Balliol seized Annandale and placed John Comyn in the lordship. De Brus was King Edward's governor of Carlisle from 1295 till 1297, and died in 1304.
9. Robert de Brus, eighth Lord of Annandale and Earl of Carrick, was the eldest son of the seventh lord and Countess Marjorie. He married first, Isabel de Mar second, Elizabeth de Burgh, daughter of the Earl of Ulster, and became King of Scotland.
Three things have to be borne in mind in tracing the course of the Scottish struggle for independence, and in analysing the conflicting causes which swayed those who took part in it. First, the comparatively recent consolidation of Scotland ​from four kingdoms into one, and the existence within the realm of four distinct races, perhaps nearly equal in numbers; namely, the Picts, the Scottish Gael, the Teuton or Anglian, and the Scandinavian. Second, the close relationship between the royal houses of England and Scotland. Third, the extent to which the lands of the native chiefs and septs had passed into the hands of Norman barons, most of whom, besides doing homage to the King of Scots for estates held from him, also owed allegiance to the King of England for lands in his dominions, not less valuable and extensive than their Scottish possessions, and which had generally been much longer in their families. This double allegiance will be found to account for a great deal of inconsistency and vacillation shown by some of the most puissant barons of that age.
The kingdom of Scotland, so far as it could be said to exist at the time of the Norman conquest of England, was of very recent origin and of constantly fluctuating dimensions. It is true that in the earlier half of the ninth century, Kenneth MacAlpin, King of the Scots of Dalriada, overcame the Picts by the help of the Danes, and, in 844, became the first monarch over all Alban, or, as it subsequently came to be called, Scotia. But this kingdom of Scone included no more than central Scotland, Perthshire, Argyll, Angus and Mearns, and Fife. The ancient territory of the northern Picts, extending over a great part of what we now call the Highlands, was partly under independent Celtic chiefs and partly held by Norsemen. Galloway and half Ayrshire ​were alternately under Pictish, Norse, and Saxon (Northumbrian) rule; while Lothian, though nominally part of the realm of Northumbria, was really the prey of rival Saxon chiefs. The Norse jarls of Orkney maintained independent sway in Caithness and the Sudreys or Western Isles, and in parts of Galloway, till after the death of Earl Sigurd at the battle of Clontarf near Dublin, in 1014. Even then the Scottish realm could not be reckoned as extending south of the Forth or north of the Spey.
But in 1054 an important advance was made towards consolidation. Malcolm Canmore, son of Duncan slain by Macbeth, was then rightful King of Scotia. His uncle, Siward, Danish Earl of Northumbria, espoused his cause against the usurper Macbeth, and invaded Scotia. Failing in his intention to dethrone Macbeth, who was supported by Thorfinn, Earl of Orkney, he succeeded in wresting from him Cumbria and the Lothians, and established Malcolm as King of Cumbria. Three years later, Malcolm attacked Macbeth, drove him across the Mounth, and slew him at Lumphannan, August 15, 1057.
This was probably the year of powerful Earl Thorfinn's death and the consequent severance of the nine earldoms held in subjection by him. It was then, only three years before the Norman conquest of England, that Scotland first presented the semblance of an united and independent kingdom, though even at that time the Celtic, Saxon, and Norse elements in the population were too distinct, and too sharply defined in locality, to offer much ​prospect of permanent union into a homogeneous nationality.
King Malcolm diplomatically endeavoured to conciliate his Norse subjects by marrying Ingibiorg, widow of his ancient enemy Thorfinn, and by her he had a son, Duncan. She must have died before 1067, for in that year Child Eadgar, son of Eadward Aetheling, flying with his mother and sisters before the Normans, sought refuge in the Scottish Court. Malcolm, having by his first marriage put the Norsemen in good humour, now flattered the Anglo-Saxons of his realm by taking as his second consort the Princess Margaret, sister of Eadgar Aetheling. This involved him in prolonged hostilities with King William, for Malcolm championed the cause of his brother-in-law, whom the northern English regarded as their rightful king. From this point may be traced the original cause of subsequent long centuries of war between England and Scotland; for King William, having invaded Scotland, forced Malcolm to become his man, taking his son Duncan as hostage and granting Malcolm lands in England as further security for good faith.
In 1091 a reconciliation was effected between William Rufus, Malcolm, and Eadgar Aetheling; Malcolm doing fresh homage for his English possessions, which, according to some writers, consisted only of lands in the south; according to others, also included Lothian. But the good understanding did not last long. Malcolm having reopened hostilities was defeated and slain near Alnwick in 1093, and with ​him fell his son and heir Eadward. The ancient British kingdom of Cumbria was severed in twain, the northern half, from Solway to Clyde remaining part of Scotland, the southern half becoming permanently annexed to the realm of England. Thus the frontier between England and Scotland was drawn along very nearly the same line it occupies at this day, though, as will be shown hereafter, it has often been violently disturbed. Caithness and Orkney were still Norse territory, and over the Western Isles and Galloway the Scottish monarch exercised no more than a nominal, or at least intermittent, rule.
But Malcolm's newly knit kingdom was to lose after his death even the semblance of unity which he had conferred on it. Donald Ban, Malcolm's brother, reigned for six months, to be dispossessed by Duncan, Malcolm's eldest son by Queen Ingibiorg, who also reigned six months. Duncan was slain in the Mearns by the forces of his half-brother Eadmund, and his uncle, Donald Ban, who then shared the throne between them, and reigned for three years, 1094-97. They were in turn deposed by Eadgar Aetheling in favour of another of Malcolm Canmore's sons, Eadgar, who reigned over the kingdom of Scotland, under the limitations above described, for nine years, 1097-1107. Donald and Eadward were both imprisoned for life, the former, for his better security, being deprived of sight. Dying in 1107, Eadgar bequeathed to his brother Alexander the ancient and independent kingdom of Alban or Scotia proper, while to his younger brother David he left Lothian and all that remained ​Scottish of Cumbria, namely, the counties of Dumfries, Lanark, north Ayrshire, Renfrew, and Dunbarton. Thus by his own act the King of Scots deliberately divided the kingdom which it had cost so much hard fighting to put together. This partition of the realm endured till the death of Alexander the Fierce in 1124.
David was now the only surviving son of Malcolm Canmore. His sister Matilda had become Queen of England in 1100 by her marriage with Henry I., and David had spent much of his youth at her Court, a circumstance that was to have much influence on the current of events in the northern kingdom. For it was there that young David became acquainted with Norman civilisation, and easily acquired the idea of feudal rule, which presented itself to him with all the glamour of chivalry. His brother-in-law, King Henry, bestowed on him in marriage Matilda, daughter of Waltheof, Earl of Northumberland, and widow of Simon, Earl of Northampton. The latter earldom, with the honour of Huntingdon, David enjoyed during his wife's life. Now an earldom in Norman days was not the barren honour it has become in modern times. It carried with it feudal power and almost absolute jurisdiction over the manors attached to it, besides such revenues as they might produce. Consequently, David was as much a Norman baron in fact, as he had already become in sympathy. He did homage to King ​Henry for his English earldom if not for his dominion of Lothian. When he left the English Court in 1124 to set up his own Court as King of Lothian and Strathclyde, he brought with him many young Norman knights, his friends, among whom came, as has been shown, Robert de Brus, on whom the lordship of Annandale had been bestowed. This well-known name is appended to the foundation charter granted by David in 1113 to the monastery of Selkirk. It is one of twenty-eight signatures, of which no fewer than eleven are those of Norman witnesses, amid nine Saxon, one Celtic, and those of the Bishop of Glasgow, three chaplains, and Queen Matilda, besides King David's son Henry, and his nephew William.
When Alexander the Fierce died in 1124, David's government of southern Scotland had been entirely remodelled on the feudal pattern; the greater part of the soil was held in fief by Norman barons, and as much as possible had been done to make the people forget that there was any real difference between them and the subjects of King Henry.
As soon as David succeeded his brother Alexander on the throne of Scotland proper, he set on foot similar reforms there also. The ancient constitution of the Seven Earls was superseded, as the tenour of David's charters proves, to make place for a feudal scheme of "bishops, abbots, earls, sheriffs, barons, governors, and officers, and all the good men of the whole land, Norman, English, and Scots." He still did fealty to Henry for his territory in Lothian, but north of the Firths David was absolute monarch of ​all except Caithness and the Isles. Many, if not most of his barons, owed homage to the English king for their lands south of the Border.
If this want of solidarity in the monarchy and government delayed, as it must have done, the birth of a national spirit and the expansion of the narrow bonds of sept into intelligent patriotism, much more must the piebald ethnology of David's dominion have stood in the way. Considerable fusion, no doubt, had already taken place, in certain districts, between Celtic, Saxon, and Norse people. Members of the same family sometimes bore, one a Gaelic, another a Saxon name. But the four separate kingdoms of ancient Alban of the eighth century were still peopled by widely different races. The Scots of Argyll and the Isles had become pretty well fused with the Picts of the Highlands; but they had looked upon the Welshmen of Strathclyde, not as brother Celts, but as hereditary foes, ever since the Roman occupation. The Saxon population of Lothian, Tweeddale and Strathannan were equally severed from the Highlands by the barrier of different speech. Even at the present day may be traced some of the ancient contempt of the Gael for the Saisneach or Saxon, a feeling which, in the reign of David I., had been tempered by none of the enlightening influence of education. As for the people of Caithness and the Isles, it must have seemed an idle ​dream to unite them with the races with which they had for centuries been at cruel enmity; and the men of Galloway, though originally of Celtic race, had been so long under Norse influence, and were so largely infused with Norse blood, that they had become known among other Celts as Gall Gaidheal, foreign Gaels; Gaels, that is, but foreigners, much as Englishmen now look on Americans. The formidable insurrection of 1130, under Malcolm and Angus, the sons of Heth and grandsons of Lulach, the Mormaer of Moray, was a revolt of the Gael against the Saisneach, for Saxon and Norman were merged in the common term applied to the hated Southerner. Of like nature was the rising under the impostor Wimund between 1141 and 1150, when many Celtic chiefs joined in an attempt to throw off the Norman yoke which the policy of David had laid upon the land.
However, when David invaded England in 1138 to support his niece, Matilda, in her conflict with Stephen, his army, as Ailred of Rievauld affirms, was composed, not only of men under his own rule, but of those under Norse dominion also.
This expedition placed several of David's Norman barons in a dilemma; for, if they refused to follow the King of Scots, their Scottish lands and dignities would be in jeopardy; whereas if they marched with David, and yet failed to overthrow Stephen, they would be sure to forfeit their English possessions.
Upon none of them did this weigh more heavily ​than on Robert de Brus, the friend of David's youth, who, it is said, made himself the mouthpiece of his peers, and sought audience with the King in his camp on the Tees, in order to remonstrate with him. Ailred gives a speech at length which he was supposed to have delivered to David, of which one sentence is worth quoting, as illustrating the precarious nature of Scottish nationality in those early days.
"Against whom," says Bruce, "dost thou this day take up arms and lead this countless host? Is it not against the English and Normans? O King, are they not those from whom thou hast always obtained profitable counsel and prompt assistance? When, I ask thee, hast thou ever found such fidelity in the Scots, that thou canst confidently dispense with the advice of the English and the assistance of the Normans, as if the Scots sufficed thee even against the Scots?"
It is said that the King's love for de Brus inclined him to yield to his persuasion, but that William, David's nephew, overruled him, and he remained inflexible, whereupon de Brus and Bernard de Balliol renounced their allegiance to the King of Scots. De Brus resigned his lordship of Annandale in favour of his second son, a boy of fourteen, and went over to Stephen's camp, leaving the lad in command of the men of Annandale. Tradition, a dubious guide, goes on to say that in the battle of the Standard which followed, de Brus took his own son prisoner, and that when he brought the stripling before the victorious Stephen and asked how he wished him ​disposed of (for he could not hold his own son to ransom), the English King, laughing, said, "Take him to his nurse!"
Notwithstanding his defeat, David not only retained the earldom of Huntingdon, but stipulated that his son Henry should hold the earldom of Northumberland under Stephen. Thus the King of Scots and his sons were both vassals of the Crown of England. On the other hand, Stephen, then at civil war with Queen Matilda, was not strong enough to deprive David of Cumberland and Carlisle, which had again become part of the Scottish kingdom.
King David I. died in 1153. His successor, Malcolm IV., surrendered both Northumberland and Cumberland to Henry II., but indemnified himself by the subjugation of Moray, where the Celtic population had become much intermixed with a numerous settlement of Flemings. The old Picto-Norse province of Galloway, too, comprising the modern counties of Wigtown and Kirkcudbright, with south Ayrshire, was now brought into final subjection. For, when King Malcolm went to fight the battles of Henry II. in France, which, as his liegeman for Lothian and his English estates, he was bound to do, he was summoned back in haste, and returned to find his kingdom in confusion. The Galwegians were in open revolt under their hereditary lord, Fergus, endeavouring to place William, great-grandson of their lady Ingibiorg on the throne of Scotland. Twice Malcolm's expeditions were repelled, but the third time success crowned his arms, and Galloway was finally brought into the realm, though ​the disaffection of its people continued, for more than a century, to be a source of insecurity to the unity of Scotland.
Scottish statesmen still held that Northumberland and Cumberland were rightfully part of their kingdom. It was in faith of a promise that these earldoms should be restored to him that William the Lion, King of Scots, fought in the army of Henry II. against France, as his vassal for the earldom of Huntingdon; and it was because of the failure of Henry to fulfil this promise that King William took the first step in the long alliance between Scotland and France, by making overtures to Louis VII. William the Lion was taken prisoner at Alnwick in 1174, and, in order to obtain his release, consented to a condition which gave fresh ground for the controversy about the suzerainty of the Kings of England over Scotland. He bound himself to do homage for his own kingdom to the English monarch. Fifteen years later, Richard Cœur de Lion, being in straits for ready money, remitted this humiliating obligation for a payment of ten thousand marks.
In view of the subsequent course of events, it is of moment to remember the terms of King Richard's resignation:
"We have rendered up to William, by the grace of God King of Scots, his castles of Roxburgh and Berwick, to be possessed by him and his heirs for ever as their own proper inheritance.
"Moreover, we have granted to him an acquittance of all obligations which our good father, Henry King of England, extorted (extorsit) from him by new instruments in consequence of his captivity; under this condition only, that he shall completely and fully ​perform to us whatever his brother Malcolm, King of Scotland, of right performed, or ought of right to have performed, to our predecessors."
King Richard, by the same instrument, re-established the Marches of the two kingdoms as they had been before William's captivity. He also delivered up such of the evidences of the homage done to King Henry II. by the Scottish clergy and barons as were in his possession, and declared that all such evidences, whether delivered up or not, should be held as cancelled. Nothing could be more complete, or intended to be more complete, than the restoration of her independence to Scotland as she then was.
It was not, however, until the reign of Alexander III. that the Scottish kingdom as we know it, with the exception of Orkney and Shetland and the addition of the Isle of Man, was completed by the overthrow, in 1263, of Haco, King of Norway, at the battle of Largs. The Western Isles were then first made subject to the Scottish Crown.
Thus it will be observed that, towards the close of the thirteenth century, the kingdom of Scotland was a territory very different from any that had borne that name in the past. Newborn Scotland had at last become something more than what Metternich once called Italy—"a geographical expression."
But it was not only by extending the bounds of his dominion that this wise and strong monarch succeeded in welding into one nation the different and ​hostile races inhabiting it. It was by indefatigable attention to the affairs of government—by cultivating friendly relations with stronger powers, and especially with England—by incessant personal visitation of all parts of his realm—that he led his people to look to the throne as the fountain of power and protection. The degree to which the ruling class had become alien—Norman—was shown at the coronation of Alexander III. in 1249, when the coronation oath was first read in Latin, and then expounded in Norman-French. But by his attention to the development of commerce and native industry, he taught the industrial and commercial classes that the government was something more than a contrivance for collecting taxes or for exacting onerous military service. Thus he prepared the only soil in which the plant of patriotism will ever take root and flourish. Men will never be got to make sacrifices for that which it is not their private interest to preserve and defend. Wallace and Bruce would have toiled in vain, but for the sentiment of common nationality which King Alexander called into being.
But the Scottish King's ardour for Scottish nationality betrayed him into no jealousy of, or rivalry with his powerful neighbour. On the contrary, throughout his long reign he sought and maintained friendly relations, first with Henry III. and then with Edward I. On December 26, 1251, King Alexander married Princess Margaret, daughter of ​Henry III., thus adding one more to the many bonds of consanguinity which united the royal houses of England and Scotland.
Alexander was only ten years of age at the time of this marriage, and King Henry thought it a good opportunity to renew the defunct claim to the homage of Scotland, "according to the usage recorded in many chronicles." But King Alexander, acting under advice of his ministers, wisely made answer that "he had been invited to York to marry the Princess of England, not to treat of affairs of State, and that he could not take such an important step without the knowledge and approbation of his Parliament."
The claim of the English Kings to the homage of Scotland was renewed from time to time, completely ignoring the renunciation by Richard Cœur de Lion. Henry III. died in 1272. In 1278 King Alexander did homage to Edward I. in general terms, and by proxy. Robert de Brus, afterwards to become famous as "the Competitor," performed the ceremony in place of the King of Scots, using the formula—"for the services due on account of the lands and tenements which I hold of the King of England." King Edward accepted it, though certain discrepancies in the record, which contains a clause "saving the claim of homage for the kingdom of Scotland whenever that question might be raised," have caused grave doubts as to its authenticity.
King Alexander's first Queen, Margaret of ​England, died in 1275. Ten years later, he married Joleta, daughter of the Count de Dreux.
On March 16, 1286, the King held a dinner-party in Edinburgh, though it was the season of Lent. After dinner he set out, accompanied by three knights, in a terrible tempest, to visit his young Queen, then residing at Kinghorn in Fife. At Queensferry the boatman tried to dissuade the King from attempting the passage on such an awful night; but he good-humouredly asked the man if he was afraid to face death in such good company. "Not I, sire," quoth the boatman, "it would well become me to perish with your father's son!" The crossing was effected in safety, and the party landed in the dark at Inverkeithing. Here the master of the King's saltworks pressed him not to persevere through the storm, but to deign to accept a bed in his house and proceed in daylight. The King, laughing, refused his hospitality, but asked for a couple of guides on foot; for the road probably was a mere bridle-path through woods and moors. They had not gone above two miles before they lost the track; and in trying to regain it, the King fell from his horse and was killed. He died in the forty-fifth year of his life and the thirty-seventh of his reign.
There were not wanting superstitious critics who viewed his death as a judgment for feasting and visiting his wife in Lent; but Fordun, with loftier view, pronounced this noble elegy on the dead ​monarch: "Let no man question the salvation of this King. He who has lived well, cannot die ill."
No greater calamity could have befallen the young kingdom of Scotland than the unforeseen end of this beneficent ruler. Henceforward the resources of the country were to be sapped by perpetual warfare, civil and foreign; the wealth accumulated under the prosperous reigns of Alexander and his predecessors was to be dissipated, and all productive industry brought to a standstill, until the very name of Scot should become a synonym for pauper in the languages of Europe.
* ↑ The author of the Family Records of the Bruces and the Cumyns is of opinion that Adelme or Adam, son of Robert de Brus, was in Britain some years before the Conquest, and that, if he was not the first lord of the Yorkshire lands, he succeeded to them, and was probably the first lord of Annandale. This Adelme, if he ever existed, must have been father of David's friend, Robert de Brus, Lord of Annandale. But, as usual in the work referred to, no reference is given to any authority for this view.
* ↑ Charter, c. 1124.
* ↑ "Hys legys all Oysid hym Alysandyr the Fers to call." Wyntoun, bk. vii., c. 5.
* ↑ It is recorded in 1166 how Richard de Morville, Constable of Scotland, sold Edmund, the son of Bonda, and Gillemichel, his brother, to Henry St. Clair. Here Edmund and Bonda are Saxon names, but Gillemichel is Gaelic.
* ↑ The modern name Galloway is an altered form of Gall-gaidheal through the Welsh Gall-wyddel.
* ↑ Fœdera.
* ↑ Hailes, i., 155.
* ↑ Hailes, i., 195.
* ↑ Robertson's Scotland under her Early Kings, ii., p. 425.
* ↑ Lanercost, 115.