# Early English adventurers in the East (1917)/Chapter 6

CHAPTER VI
English Captives in Arabia
Sharpeigh conducts an expedition to Aden—Jourdain's account of the voyage—Description of Aden—Rejib Aga, the Turkish governor, detains Sharpeigh—Jourdain and Glasscock proceed overland to Mocha—Unsuccessful effort to trade—Departure of the expedition—Sir Henry Middleton arrives at Aden with a fleet—Proceeds to Mocha in the Trade's Increase—Attacked and made prisoner
THE scene now changes from the fertile fields of Guzerat and the picturesque environment of the Mogul Court to the arid wastes of Aden and the Yemen. By some strange aberration, the directors of the East India Company at this early period gave directions to two of their fleets in succession to establish trade relations with Aden and with the Turkish fort of Mocha in the Red Sea. They seem to have anticipated a profitable opening at these centres for commerce, and to have been keenly desirous of forming a permanent connexion with either or both places. But there could hardly have been a more serious miscalculation. Aden had played a great part in ancient times as an incomparable strategical position, and it was centuries later again to figure prominently on the stage of the world's history. At the time of which we are writing, however, it was a mere outpost of the feeble Ottoman power. It had been captured from the Portuguese a few years previously and had been maintained largely on the dues from the ​pilgrim traffic passing from India to the Red Sea. The decadent Mohammedan administration was accentuated by natural disadvantages of an exceptional character.
Nature seems to have taken revenge for conferring upon Aden a dominating position by endowing her with perhaps the driest climate and the least productive soil of any habitable spot on the globe. The place is little better than a vast volcanic cinder heap, picturesque in a sombre fashion, but bearing on its gaunt, grim face an aspect of desolation which prohibits the idea of an extensive local commerce. The Arabian littoral of the Red Sea is a fitting complement of this "Gibraltar of the East." The region is "mostly light land," to use a phrase applied by the late Lord Salisbury, when in a sardonic mood, to a disputed region bordering on the Sahara. Its chief importance is derived from association with the Holy Places of Mohammedanism and to the stream of pilgrims which is continually entering and leaving its ports. In the period with which we are dealing, a certain amount of trade was carried on between Abyssinia and the Arabian ports, and there was in addition a flow of traffic up and down the Red Sea from Egypt. But the commerce of the region was of too insignificant a character to repay the enterprise of a Western mercantile organization in the most favoured circumstances. The bigotry and fanaticism of the population added, and still add, weight to the limitations which Nature has imposed upon the country. At the present time, three centuries after the visit of the first English ship to the Red Sea, the difficulty of establishing direct trading relations by Europeans at the Arabian ports is still considerable.
It was to this unpromising corner of the East that in the spring of 1608 the Company dispatched the ships of its ​fourth voyage, which, as we have seen, consisted of the Ascension and the Union, commanded by Captain Alexander Sharpeigh. A vivid account of the expedition is given by John Jourdain, who accompanied the ships as one of the factors, and whose journal, published by the Hakluyt Society, under the erudite editorial supervision of Mr. Wm. Foster, is not the least valuable of the many interesting historical documents of this eventful period. Jourdain, who came of good Dorsetshire stock—his father was in 1584 Mayor of Lyme Regis—drifted into the Company's service from the Western shipping trade, which was a veritable nursery of the early East India commanders. His education must have been above the common, for his diary is a work of some elaboration, containing not only an account of the professional aspects of the voyage, but much in the nature of topographical description and narrative of personal experiences. He appears through his writings in the light of a strong, self-reliant character, not afraid of responsibility, and, like most of his fellows, keen for the honour of his country. On this voyage he figured in a subordinate part, which did not allow him any great scope for distinguishing himself, but later, as will be found as the story progresses, he earned a niche in the Hall of Fame which is tenanted by the sailor worthies of the early seventeenth century.
Many months were consumed in the voyage to the Cape and the subsequent effort to beat up the African coast to Aden. After some exciting experiences at Pemba, near Zanzibar, and subsequently in a conflict with the crews of several native vessels overhauled at sea, the Ascension and the Union, towards the middle of January, 1609, found themselves in the vicinity of the Seychelles. As his ​men were greatly in need of rest and fresh food, Sharpeigh decided to make a brief stay at the islands. It was a happy decision in every way, as events proved, for though the group at that time appears to have been uninhabited, there were obtainable ample supphes of nourishing food and fruit—amongst the latter the famous coco-de-mer, or double coco-nut, which is found nowhere else in the tropics. It is this fruit which in after years Gordon rendered famous by propagation of his singular theory that it was the Forbidden Fruit and that it grew in the veritable Garden of Eden. Gordon probably was not acquainted with Jourdain's diary; if he had been he would have found some confirmation of his view in the terms in which this estimable sailor referred to the sojourn at the Seychelles. "These islands," Jourdain wrote enthusiastically," seemed to us an earthly paradise." He spoke no more than the sentiments of a mariner who after suffering the buffetings and hardships of the ocean finds peace and content in a safe haven; but the hero of Khartoum would probably have read into the passage a deeper significance.
When the Ascension and the Union left the Seychelles they proceeded to Socotra, a savage, inhospitable land, whose Eastern outlines are fairly familiar to voyagers who proceed viâ the Red Sea to the Far East and to Australia. As up to that period no English ship had ever visited the country, the visitors created a considerable sensation. The captain of an Indian craft in harbour at the time found the presence of the English ships so disconcerting that he surreptitiously left the anchorage and put to sea. Sharpeigh, however, wanted a pilot so badly that he could not afford to allow this opportunity of securing expert assistance to pass. By his orders, therefore, the boat was ​hauled before it had got very far with the result that the native nacodah, or master, resigned himself to the inevitable and agreed, for a consideration, to take the English fleet into Aden.
Under the skilled guidance of the Indian pilot the journey was continued, and on the evening of April 7, 1609, the Ascension and the Union dropped anchor under the shadow of the frowning natural ramparts of Aden. If we may judge by Jourdain's diary, they were immensely impressed by the aspect of this "stronge place." We have in the narrator's graphic words a detailed description of the fortress, which might be adopted with very little change as a picture of it as it is to-day. The town, he noted, "is situated in a valley environed about with great mountains, except on the north side, where there are three gates. And on the mountains there are castles and watchhouses round about, with ordnance in them and a watch in all of them, though with few men, for they are situated in such a strong place that one may keep out twenty." "In this ruinated city," continues Jourdain, "there is no fresh water but some wells, which are as brackish as the sea, where the common people drink; and being so used unto it doeth them no hurt. It is an inconsiderable city, for within the walls there is not any green: only your delight must be in the cragged rocks and decayed houses. It does seldom or never rain in this city, which is the reason that there is nothing that groweth within it. It was reported unto us that in seven years they had seen no rain within the city."
The far from cheerful first impressions of the visitors were not removed by closer acquaintance with the town and its inhabitants. Here, as at Surat, there was a presiding genius who looked upon the strangers in the light of ​legitimate prey; but Makarrab Khan was almost a gentleman compared with he who sat at the receipt of custom at Aden. Rejib Aga, to give him his official name, was one of a low class of European renegades who were not uncommonly met with at this period in Asia in positions of authority to which they had wormed their way by devious methods. Jourdain's account of him is that he was of Greek nationality and "was originally a servile slave of the pasha of Sania," whose favour he had won because he had shown himself "a beneficiall knave."
Towards the Englishmen Rejib Aga at the outset adopted an attitude of ostentatious friendliness. He welcomed Sharpeigh "with tabour and pipe and other heathen music," invested him with a robe of honour, and conducted him personally to "a fine house" which he had had specially prepared for his accommodation. His effusiveness was part of a deep-laid plot to get both ships and their cargo into his power. His real intentions were revealed when Sharpeigh, after he had had his fill of honours, essayed to return to his ship. It was then made clear that the English commander and the men with him were practically prisoners until Rejib Aga had had time to communicate with the pasha at Sana, near Mocha. After ineffectual protests Sharpeigh resigned himself to his fate, but the astute Greek, though he had the English commander in his power, gained nothing by his treachery.
Sharpeigh's colleagues on the ships, alarmed at the turn of events, resolutely declined either to leave their safe anchorage in the harbour for a position nearer the shore, where they would be commanded by the guns of the fortress, or to land their cargo. They even managed to turn the tables on their wily foe by enticing on board some leading ​Turks and detaining them there as hostages for Sharpeigh and his associates in misfortune. Rejib Aga, when he heard how he had been outwitted, used "vile words" to Sharpeigh, but did not dare to make any further hostile move.
The strain after this relaxed to a certain extent and some trading transactions were carried through. But the main purpose of the visit, the establishment of a factory, was as far off realization as ever. It was, therefore, determined with Rejib Aga's consent to despatch Jourdain and a colleague named Glasscock overland to Mocha to make a personal application to the pasha for the requisite permission. The journey to-day is one which would be accompanied by considerable peril for Europeans, and at that time it must have been exceptionally dangerous, owing to the disturbed state of the country, which was in the throes of one of the periodic rebellions common to it. No incident of importance, however, marked the progress of the travellers. They arrived at Sana early in June, 1609, but only to discover that their expedition was fruitless, as the pasha resolutely declined to entertain the question of a factory. When they had exhausted their powers of persuasion they proceeded to Mocha, to find that the ships, with Sharpeigh at liberty and in command, had come on from Aden and had established themselves ashore with the friendly acquiescence of the local authorities. The extensive freedom which his countrymen permitted themselves in this enemy's territory astounded and alarmed Jourdain, who thought it very censurable in view of what had already happened. "But," he remarks with a shrewd insight into national character, "it is a general rule with the English that if they have but a parcel of fair words given them, (they think) ​that they need no more fear." Owing probably to Jourdain's representations the men were recalled to the ships, and on July 26 they departed for India.
News was long in reaching England from India in those days, and it was doubtless in entire ignorance of the treatment accorded to Sharpeigh that the imposing fleet under Sir Henry Middleton was directed to make the development of the Aden and Arabian trade its first work in the East. November, 1610, found the ships safely at anchor in Aden harbour. The visitors, like their predecessors, were not prepossessed with the outlook. It seemed to their minus, vividly coloured with the impressions of the Homeland, to be a ghastly Ultima Thule upon which the spirits of Destiny had placed an irrevocable ban of infertility. Signs of habitation they could see none, apart from a few buildings near the shore. Everywhere the eye ranged over a black expanse of brown rock, rising precipitously in places to fantastically-shaped pinnacles whose outlines were sharply defined in the glare of the tropical sunlight. Stretching away to the North until its rocky ridges were lost in the shimmering haze was a coastline as desolate and forbidding as the rest, with no indication that human life found support anywhere in its vicinity. But the explanation of the mystery was soon forthcoming to the visitors. They discovered that the settlement was situated in a hollow at the foot of "an unfruitfull mountain," where a town could hardly have been suspected to exist. Like Sharpeigh's men they were struck with the natural strength of the place, which they considered was "not easily to be won, if the defenders within be men of resolution."
Since the visit of the Ascension and her consort, Rejib Aga had been promoted to the position of governor of ​Mocha, but his successor not unworthily upheld his traditions. Immediately the English ships appeared the old treacherous game began. A present sent by Middleton to the governor brought in return a gift of "two Barbary sheep with broad rumps, and small tails, and some plantains and other fruit." Deceived by the "fair words" of the officials Middleton decided to leave the Peppercorn to trade at Aden while he went on to Mocha with the other two ships, the Trade's Increase and the Darling. After his departure it became speedily evident that the governor's intentions were the reverse of amiable. When he found that in accordance with instructions Middleton left behind that no cargo was to be landed, he schemed to get some of the Englishmen into his power.
Downton, who was now in charge, was asked to send the merchants to him to discuss the question of trade. Without any suspicion of what was at the back of the request the English commander despatched two factors to the governor's residence. They had no sooner reached the house than they were made prisoners with the intimation that they would be detained until an extortionate demand in respect of anchorage dues had been satisfied. Downton utterly declined to allow himself to be blackmailed in this fashion. Nor was he intimidated by a threat which reached him later that if the demand was not satisfied the factors would be hanged on the beach in full view of the Peppercorn. But he found as the days slipped by without any sign of the governor relenting that he would either have to sacrifice the valuable lives of the captives or submit to the extortion. Cargo to the value of the amount demanded was accordingly landed under conditions which secured the release of the Company's representatives. ​Downton, freed from the anxieties of the local situation, took immediate measures to bring his unprofitable sojourn at Aden to a close. A desire to end his association with the rascally ruler of the place was not his only inspiring motive. In consequence of "dreames by night and disturbing notions by day" he greatly feared that all was not well with Middleton, and was anxious to proceed to Mocha to see how matters really stood. Quitting Aden on December 16, he five days later dropped anchor by the side of the Trade's Increase in Mocha roads. His forebodings of ill were only too well grounded. He arrived at the Red Sea port to find Middleton and a considerable number of his men in captivity and the entire expedition threatened with disaster owing to the hostility of the native authorities.
The story of Middleton's experiences. as Downton afterwards heard it, was a record of misfortune and black treachery. On arrival off Mocha the Trade's Increase ran aground and was only ﬂoated off with difficulty after the landing of a good part of her cargo. Middleton soon got into touch with Rejib Aga, who at once put in motion the now familiar conﬁdence trick. He placed a house at Middleton's disposal for the accommodation of his merchandise, set guards about it and in other ways indicated a desire to provide every facility for the visitors. A certain quantity of goods was disembarked to form stock for what seemed to promise to be a proﬁtable adventure. Rejib Aga took a suspiciously lively interest in all the landing operations. He appeared notably anxious that the most valuable part of the cargo should be available ashore and made repeated inquiries as to the disposal of the goods. The day arrived at last when it was made perfectly clear that the work of ​disembarkation was over. The time had now almost come for "the dissembling Turk" to throw off the mask.
In a spirit of plausible amiability Rejib Aga approached Middleton with a suggestion that he should allow himself to be invested in the name of the pasha with "the Grand Senior's Vest," to which such dignity attached that once clothed in it the wearer might go about without fear of harm. It was insinuated that if this offer was not accepted Middleton would be regarded with suspicion. The English commander distrusted this intense desire to thrust honour upon him, but on reflection it seemed to him that there was less danger in acceptance than in refusal, more especially as he would have to pass several months in the port, owing to the unsuitability of the season for the resumption of his voyage. He accordingly decided to go through the ceremony.
On the appointed day he landed and was met by the governor and principal men of the town, who accompanied him in great state to the oﬂicisl residence. Here with much ceremony he was clad in it rich vest of cloth of gold and was then conducted to a gorgeously-caparisoned horse, which he was invited to mount, while the governor held the stirrup. Afterwards solemn protestations of friendship were offered by Rejib Aga, who seemed overpowered with the desire to convince his guest of the warmth of his feelings. The glittering farce was not without its effect on the simple-minded Englishman. He could not conceive such a depth of infamy as that descended to by the wily Greek for the furtherance of his ends.
Without a shadow of distrust Middleton accepted the invitation offered him to make the fullest use of the port. His first thought was of a pinnace which had been brought ​out in sections and which he badly needed for local trading purposes. A site near the shore was procured without difficulty lot the projected work of reconstruction, and soon a large gang of men were employed, under the carpenter's supervision, upon the business. An evening approached the men withdrew to the vicinity of the house allotted for the accommodation of the goods. There, revelling in the unwonted freedom of shore liberty, they engaged in innocent recreations. One had brought a treble viol and another a cornet, and soon the white walls of Mocha resounded to the strange sounds of English music. Middleton and the higher officials were either of the company or in its immediate vicinity. There was a general disposition to take relaxation after the heat of the day and to forget for a time the difficulties of the enterprise which had before loomed so menacingly upon the horizon.
Bitterly had the Englishmen cause to regret their too conﬁding disposition. Without a moment's warning they were attacked by a large body of armed men, who had quietly surrounded them as they were amusing themselves. Effective resistance was out of the question. Most of the men were quite unarmed, and the small number who had weapons were not in a position to use them to advantage. Nevertheless, a few did make a show of opposition, paying with their lives for their temerity. In a very short time the whole party were either captives or dead men. The survivors numbered fifty-nine, and included, besides Middleton, Laurence Femell, the chief factor, and some other members of the merchant staff.
Elated at the success of his plans Rejib Aga decided to follow it up by an attack on the ships before they could hear of the disaster which had overwhelmed their ​commander and his men. In the darkness of the night several boats full of armed men put off from the shore, marking out the Darling for their prey. Stealthily approaching the vessel the raiders were able to swarm on board, not only without opposition but without detection. The unfortunate look-out man, who was asleep in the rigging, paid with his life for his dereliction of duty. The ship was apparently won without a blow being struck in its defence. But the assailants had reckoned without the bravery of an English crew in a tight place. As soon as the Darling’s men realized the state of affairs they rallied to the ﬁght with a desperate determination which carried all before it. In a short space of time the deck was cleared of the intruders, who were either killed or forced back into their boats to make an ignominious flight to land. Twenty-seven Turks, including "the admiral of the town,” who was their leader, fell in the ﬁght. Of the Darling’s crew, only two were killed, though several others were severely wounded. It was a gallant defence, which served to instil the Turks with a wholesome respect for their visitors, and to ensure for the vessels an immunity from further attack.