# The North Star (Rochester)/1847/12/03/The Coloured Convention

by William Cooper Nell
THE COLORED CONVENTION.
We give Mr. Nell's report of the doings of this Convention, as the best we have seen. The crowded state of our columns prevents our publishing in the present number, any of the able and interesting reports which engaged the attention of that body. We shall attend to them in our next.
For the confidence reposed in me, by an appointment as your delegate to the National Convention of colored Americans and their friends, I tender my sincere thanks. The mission was accepted with much diffidence, from an apprehension of the responsibility which its duties would necessarily involve; but encouraged by your Committee, I did not feel at liberty to decline the service your favor had conferred upon me.
The Convention assembled on Wednesday, at ten o'clock, A.M., Oct. 6th, 1847, at the Liberty Street church, in Troy, New York, and organized under the following officers, viz:—
Nathan Johnson, of New Bedford, Massachusetts, President.
Dr. James McCune Smith and Peyton Harris, of New York, and Rev. J. W. C. Pennington, of Connecticut, Vice-Presidents.
William H. Topp, Charles B. Ray, of New York, and William C. Nell, of Massachusetts, Secretaries.
Henry H. Garnett, Charles B. Ray, and Leonard Collins, of Massachusetts, Willis Hodges, of New York, and Lewis Hayden, of Michigan, Business Committee.
The number of delegates enrolled was sixty-six, of whom New York gave forty-four; Massachusetts, fifteen; Connecticut, two; and Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New Hampshire, Vermont, Kentucky and Michigan, one each. There was one delegate (Benjamin Weeden,) from a large constituency at Northampton, who, being impressed with the importance of abolishing all complexional distinction, and thus influencing the Convention by a positive demonstration, recorded their names in full upon his credentials, two-thirds of whom were white citizens, which fact was received by the Convention with hearty applause, suggesting an expression of the hope from several members, that future gatherings will be characterized by delegates in good numbers of white and colored persons, prompted by a common feeling against slavery and prejudice. This is, after all, the most feasible plan for eradicating the font spirit of caste. The barrier of separation, if ever prostrated, must be by union of both parties and they who hold back, (of whatever color,) are verily guilty concerning their brother.
The Committee on Education reported, by Alexander Crummell, the expediency of the establishment of a college for colored young men. In this report was embodied a fund of argument illustrated with all that beauty of diction for which its talented author has long enjoyed a distinguished reputation. It was ably supported by James McCune Smith, who brought in aid of it his extensive learning and tact in statistical expression. Their views were concurred in by a large party in the Convention, but more especially by the New York delegation. On the opposite side were arrayed talent, skill, and earnestness of argument, by Frederick Douglass, Thomas Van Rensallaer, Amos G. Beman. Charles Seth, H. H. Garnett, and others, who did not discover, at present, any necessity for a colored college. Among the reasons in its favor was urged, that such an institution would excite, among the colored citizens, a more general desire for mental improvement; that the aspirants for learning would soon compose a class sufficient to fill it, as also to patronize, those already existing; that a field would hereby be opened for the employment of those qualified for professorships in the various departments. It was also mentioned that one distinguished and wealthy individual had manifested a willingness to appropriate a large sum of money in aid of any tangible method of ameliorating the condition of colored Americans; and in the opinion of friends, the college was presumed to embody most of the features of an available plan. It was further urged that the colored youth, under care of colored teachers, associating with those of his own complexion and condition, would not feel depressed as likely to be in other institutions, surrounded by those whom he had always regarded as opposed to his equality, and, therefore, colored colleges were the most favorable to his mental growth.
In reply, it was remarked that the establishment of a colored college was attempted many years ago, and could not succeed, being regarded by many as an extravagant and uncalled-for measure; that it was too late in the day for colored people themselves to found any exclusive institution; there are, now, colleges and academies where they can be admitted on equal terms with white students, and that, therefore, the necessity did not exist; and it was their glorious privilege to contend for equality, to secure every point gained, and still press on for more. The fear of colored children sinking under the weight of prejudice in a white institution, was not a conclusive argument against their exercising the right of entrance. The colored youth should be stimulated to establish such a character, in these seats of learning, by his energy in study, and deportment towards teachers and pupils, as to disarm opposition, show himself an equal, and, in despite of cold looks and repulsive treatment, hew out a path to eminence and respect, and, like the gem, which shines brighter by attrition, become himself among good scholars the very best. Perseverance will accomplish wonders. History is replete with examples, where young persons have thus, by a harmonious association, converted enemies into good friends. Reference was made to Massachusetts and other States, where the doors of many institutions of learning are now thrown open, and the colored student was invited to participate freely with others.
Another argument, and one urged against every exclusive colored institution, was, that the expense and trouble necessary for their establishment, could be employed to a more practical and permanent advantage in securing access, to those already organized. We should not entertain for a moment the idea of creating any more links of that prejudice which is now binding us to earth; but, as other Americans, push our way through the various avenues of improvement and elevation.
After an animated discussion, the question was taken by yeas and nays, and resulted in favor of the plan of a colored college, viz:—Yeas, 26; Nays, 17; and a committee of 25 was appointed to solicit funds in aid thereof. The other recommendation from the same committee was submitted by Dr. Smith, in favor of the establishment of a National Press.
The report was adopted. Yeas 27; nays 8.
At the suggestion of the Committee on Agriculture, a resolution of thanks to Gerrit Smith was voted, for his munificent donation of lands to the colored men of New-York, in concurrence with which several speeches were made in favor of colored people emigrating from cities and locating on good farming spots, where they could build for themselves a home, identifying themselves and children with the population there settled—grow up with them, and thus exert a direct influence on the great question of human freedom.
A document was presented from the Committee on Commerce, in which a company in Jamaica proposed a plan for trading operations with their colored brethren in the United States. A large committee was appointed to collect facts, correspond, &c., and aid in accelerating the spirit of commercial enterprise.
The evening sessions were held at Morris Hall, and were set aside for addresses from distinguished members of the Convention. A large audience was present on the second evening, when, after an inspiring song, the meeting commenced with an address to the slaves from Henry H. Garnett. To those acquainted with his talent and eloquence, it will be unnecessary to mention that the address produced much sensation.
Mr. Douglass, at a subsequent meeting, introduced a report on the "best means of abolishing Slavery and Caste in the United States," wherein was ably upheld the doctrine of moral suasion in opposition to physical force, and which became in turn, as an offset to Mr. Garnett's address—a protracted matter of debate. They were incorporated with the Minutes.
Amos G. Beman gave vent to his feelings in a most eloquent speech on the pro-slavery result of the colored suffrage question in his native State, Connecticut; remarking that nine-tenths of the Irish residents in Connecticut, voted against the colored man; and though he had loved Ireland, revered her great men, sympathized with her present and past afflictions, and some of her blood flowed in his veins, he could not forego administering the burning rebuke which he believed due for their recreancy to the cause of human right, and to the men who had never done harm to them. His rebuke was certainly a just one, but perhaps needs one remark in extenuation. The opposition of Irishmen in America to colored men, is not so much in Hibernianism as an Americanism. Abuse of the colored people is popular, and the pecuniary interest of many of the Irish is promoted by imitating the bad example of their pro-slavery American teachers. Let them be severely rebuked, but in all justice strike the most guilty party the hardest blow. As a cheering sign of the times, the speaker mentioned that Judge Daggett, who had been for years opposed to the elevation of the colored man, had so far changed his opinion as to have deposited, at the recent canvass, his ballot in favor of colored suffrage.
Alexander Crummell offered a speech, which for beauty and chasteness of language, classic research, and with a logical expression, commanded the close attention of the refined and intelligent audience.—Many legal gentlemen, and others from the highest society in Troy, were present, and must have received a favorable opinion of what can be attained by colored men, crushed to the earth even though they are, by the combined influence of Church and State.
A prominent feature in the speech of Frederick Douglass was an exhortation to the colored people to come out from their pro-slavery churches; exclaiming that his right arm should wither before he would worship at their blood-stained altars; they were not the places for colored men. This sentiment created some excitement,—for colored men, like others, don't care to be reminded of their inconsistencies.
The influence of the public meetings was most beneficial; audiences were numerous and highly respectable. The question of Slavery and elevation of the colored man, became topics of general conversation, even in circles hitherto deaf to every association of the kind.
The recommendation for State Conventions to discuss local grievances, was unanimously adopted. The place or the next National Convention was finally decided, but not without considerable difference of opinion, to be NEWARK, N. J.
The Convention continued in session until Saturday, at 4 o'clock, P. M., when the members united in singing 'children of the glorious dead,' and invoking upon each other the blessing of God, and separated for their respective homes.
It may safely be asserted that much good will result from this Convention. Intelligent men there assembled to enquire what shall be done to extirpate Slavery from the land and elevate the character of its oppressed. Here mind grappled with mind, plans were proposed and their merits discussed; and while discouragements, reported from any locality, awakened sympathy in kindred hearts, the least dawn of success inspired all with a new zeal; pledging their every effort to hasten the day of emancipation.
The grand question at the Convention, was that of emerging, as soon as possible, from all exclusive colored institutions, and becoming part and parcel of a general community. Colored people are learning daily that new avenues are opening for their improvement in all the varied business and social relations of life, and do not wish to be behind the age. The intelligent among them will 'jump on board the Car of Freedom,' and if there are those who will cling to the flesh-pots of Egypt, why, they should not complain if the advancing train jostle them from the track.
The Convention did not, because it could not, recommend any novel plan for elevation. Any person, of ordinary calibre, must know that to become elevated, they must cultivate and practice the same traits which are elevating others around them; and if it is (as indeed we all feel it to be,) harder for the colored man than others, why then let him work the harder, and, eventually the summit will be attained.
We shall not be transported, en masse, as the fabled palace of Aladdin was by the hands of a Magician, and set down upon some elysian plain; but each for himself, must aim for the height, and an excelsior march will soon place his feet, like the Patriarch's of old, upon Pisgah's top, where the promised land of Equality will be presented in full view to his longing eyes. W. C. N.
Boston, Oct. 1847.