# A History of Mathematics/Antiquity/The Greeks

THE GREEKS.
About the seventh century B.C. an active commercial intercourse sprang up between Greece and Egypt. Naturally there arose an interchange of ideas as well as of merchandise. Greeks, thirsting for knowledge, sought the Egyptian priests for instruction. Thales, Pythagoras, Œnopides, Plato, Democritus, Eudoxus, all visited the land of the pyramids. Egyptian ideas were thus transplanted across the sea and there stimulated Greek thought, directed it into new lines, and gave to it a basis to work upon. Greek culture, therefore, is not primitive. Not only in mathematics, but also in mythology and art, Hellas owes a debt to older countries. To Egypt Greece is indebted, among other things, for its elementary geometry. But this does not lessen our admiration for the Greek mind. From the moment that Hellenic philosophers applied themselves to the study of Egyptian geometry, this science assumed a radically different aspect. "Whatever we Greeks receive, we improve and perfect," says Plato. The Egyptians carried geometry no further than was absolutely necessary for their practical wants. The Greeks, on the other hand, had within them a strong speculative tendency. They felt a craving to discover the reasons for things. They found pleasure in the contemplation of ideal relations, and loved science as science.
Our sources of information on the history of Greek geometry before Euclid consist merely of scattered notices in ancient writers. The early mathematicians, Thales and Pythagoras, ​left behind no written records of their discoveries. A full history of Greek geometry and astronomy during this period, written by Eudemus, a pupil of Aristotle, has been lost. It was well known to Proclus, who, in his commentaries on Euclid, gives a brief account of it. This abstract constitutes our most reliable information. We shall quote it frequently under the name of Eudemian Summary.
The Ionic School.
To Thales of Miletus (640-546 B.C.), one of the "seven wise men," and the founder of the Ionic school, falls the honour of having introduced the study of geometry into Greece. During middle life he engaged in commercial pursuits, which took him to Egypt. He is said to have resided there, and to have studied the physical sciences and mathematics with the Egyptian priests. Plutarch declares that Thales soon excelled his masters, and amazed King Amasis by measuring the heights of the pyramids from their shadows. According to Plutarch, this was done by considering that the shadow cast by a vertical staff of known length bears the same ratio to the shadow of the pyramid as the height of the staff bears to the height of the pyramid. This solution presupposes a knowledge of proportion, and the Ahmes papyrus actually shows that the rudiments of proportion were known to the Egyptians. According to Diogenes Laertius, the pyramids were measured by Thales in a different way; viz. by finding the length of the shadow of the pyramid at the moment when the shadow of a staff was equal to its own length.
The Eudemian Summary ascribes to Thales the invention of the theorems on the equality of vertical angles, the equality of the angles at the base of an isosceles triangle, the bisection of a circle by any diameter, and the congruence of two ​triangles having a side and the two adjacent angles equal respectively. The last theorem he applied to the measurement of the distances of ships from the shore. Thus Thales was the first to apply theoretical geometry to practical uses. The theorem that all angles inscribed in a semicircle are right angles is attributed by some ancient writers to Thales, by others to Pythagoras. Thales was doubtless familiar with other theorems, not recorded by the ancients. It has been inferred that he knew the sum of the three angles of a triangle to be equal to two right angles, and the sides of equiangular triangles to be proportional. The Egyptians must have made use of the above theorems on the straight line, in some of their constructions found in the Ahmes papyrus, but it was left for the Greek philosopher to give these truths, which others saw, but did not formulate into words, an explicit, abstract expression, and to put into scientific language and subject to proof that which others merely felt to be true. Thales may be said to have created the geometry of lines, essentially abstract in its character, while the Egyptians studied only the geometry of surfaces and the rudiments of solid geometry, empirical in their character.
With Thales begins also the study of scientific astronomy. He acquired great celebrity by the prediction of a solar eclipse in 585 B.C. Whether he predicted the day of the occurrence, or simply the year, is not known. It is told of him that while contemplating the stars during an evening walk, he fell into a ditch. The good old woman attending him exclaimed, "How canst thou know what is doing in the heavens, when thou seest not what is at thy feet?"
The two most prominent pupils of Thales were Anaximander (b. 611 B.C.) and Anaximenes (b. 570 B.C.). They studied chiefly astronomy and physical philosophy. Of Anaxagoras, a pupil of Anaximenes, and the last philosopher of the Ionic ​school, we know little, except that, while in prison, he passed his time attempting to square the circle. This is the first time, in the history of mathematics, that we find mention of the famous problem of the quadrature of the circle, that rock upon which so many reputations have been destroyed. It turns upon the determination of the exact value of $\scriptstyle {\pi }$. Approximations to $\scriptstyle {\pi }$ had been made by the Chinese, Babylonians, Hebrews, and Egyptians. But the invention of a method to find its exact value, is the knotty problem which has engaged the attention of many minds from the time of Anaxagoras down to our own. Anaxagoras did not offer any solution of it, and seems to have luckily escaped paralogisms.
About the time of Anaxagoras, but isolated from the Ionic school, flourished Œnopides of Chios. Proclus ascribes to him the solution of the following problems: From a point without, to draw a perpendicular to a given line, and to draw an angle on a line equal to a given angle. That a man could gain a reputation by solving problems so elementary as these, indicates that geometry was still in its infancy, and that the Greeks had not yet gotten far beyond the Egyptian constructions.
The Ionic school lasted over one hundred years. The progress of mathematics during that period was slow, as compared with its growth in a later epoch of Greek history. A new impetus to its progress was given by Pythagoras.
The School of Pythagoras.
Pythagoras (580?–500? B.C.) was one of those figures which impressed the imagination of succeeding times to such an extent that their real histories have become difficult to be discerned through the mythical haze that envelops them. The following account of Pythagoras excludes the most doubtful ​statements. He was a native of Samos, and was drawn by the fame of Pherecydes to the island of Syros. He then visited the ancient Thales, who incited him to study in Egypt. He sojourned in Egypt many years, and may have visited Babylon. On his return to Samos, he found it under the tyranny of Polycrates. Failing in an attempt to found a school there, he quitted home again and, following the current of civilisation, removed to Magna Græcia in South Italy. He settled at Croton, and founded the famous Pythagorean school. This was not merely an academy for the teaching of philosophy, mathematics, and natural science, but it was a brotherhood, the members of which were united for life. This brotherhood had observances approaching masonic peculiarity. They were forbidden to divulge the discoveries and doctrines of their school. Hence we are obliged to speak of the Pythagoreans as a body, and find it difficult to determine to whom each particular discovery is to be ascribed. The Pythagoreans themselves were in the habit of referring every discovery back to the great founder of the sect.
This school grew rapidly and gained considerable political ascendency. But the mystic and secret observances, introduced in imitation of Egyptian usages, and the aristocratic tendencies of the school, caused it to become an object of suspicion. The democratic party in Lower Italy revolted and destroyed the buildings of the Pythagorean school. Pythagoras fled to Tarentum and thence to Metapontum, where he was murdered.
Pythagoras has left behind no mathematical treatises, and our sources of information are rather scanty. Certain it is that, in the Pythagorean school, mathematics was the principal study. Pythagoras raised mathematics to the rank of a science. Arithmetic was courted by him as fervently as geometry. In fact, arithmetic is the foundation of his philosophic system.
​The Eudemian Summary says that "Pythagoras changed the study of geometry into the form of a liberal education, for he examined its principles to the bottom, and investigated its theorems in an immaterial and intellectual manner." His geometry was connected closely with his arithmetic. He was especially fond of those geometrical relations which admitted of arithmetical expression.
Like Egyptian geometry, the geometry of the Pythagoreans is much concerned with areas. To Pythagoras is ascribed the important theorem that the square on the hypotenuse of a right triangle is equal to the sum of the squares on the other two sides. He had probably learned from the Egyptians the truth of the theorem in the special case when the sides are 3, 4, 5, respectively. The story goes, that Pythagoras was so jubilant over this discovery that he sacrificed a hecatomb. Its authenticity is doubted, because the Pythagoreans believed in the transmigration of the soul and opposed, therefore, the shedding of blood. In the later traditions of the Neo-Pythagoreans this objection is removed by replacing this bloody sacrifice by that of "an ox made of flour"! The proof of the law of three squares, given in Euclid's Elements, I. 47, is due to Euclid himself, and not to the Pythagoreans. What the Pythagorean method of proof was has been a favourite topic for conjecture.
The theorem on the sum of the three angles of a triangle, presumably known to Thales, was proved by the Pythagoreans after the manner of Euclid. They demonstrated also that the plane about a point is completely filled by six equilateral triangles, four squares, or three regular hexagons, so that it is possible to divide up a plane into figures of either kind.
From the equilateral triangle and the square arise the solids, namely the tetraedron, octaedron, icosaedron, and the cube. These solids were, in all probability, known to the Egyptians, ​excepting, perhaps, the icosaedron. In Pythagorean philosophy, they represent respectively the four elements of the physical world; namely, fire, air, water, and earth. Later another regular solid was discovered, namely the dodecaedron, which, in absence of a fifth element, was made to represent the universe itself. Iamblichus states that Hippasus, a Pythagorean, perished in the sea, because he boasted that he first divulged "the sphere with the twelve pentagons." The star-shaped pentagram was used as a symbol of recognition by the Pythagoreans, and was called by them Health.
Pythagoras called the sphere the most beautiful of all solids, and the circle the most beautiful of all plane figures. The treatment of the subjects of proportion and of irrational quantities by him and his school will be taken up under the head of arithmetic.
According to Eudemus, the Pythagoreans invented the problems concerning the application of areas, including the cases of defect and excess, as in Euclid, VI. 28, 29.
They were also familiar with the construction of a polygon equal in area to a given polygon and similar to another given polygon. This problem depends upon several important and somewhat advanced theorems, and testifies to the fact that the Pythagoreans made no mean progress in geometry.
Of the theorems generally ascribed to the Italian school, some cannot be attributed to Pythagoras himself, nor to his earliest successors. The progress from empirical to reasoned solutions must, of necessity, have been slow. It is worth noticing that on the circle no theorem of any importance was discovered by this school.
Though politics broke up the Pythagorean fraternity, yet the school continued to exist at least two centuries longer. Among the later Pythagoreans, Philolaus and Archytas are the most prominent. Philolaus wrote a book on the ​Pythagorean doctrines. By him were first given to the world the teachings of the Italian school, which had been kept secret for a whole century. The brilliant Archytas of Tarentum (428–347 B.C.), known as a great statesman and general, and universally admired for his virtues, was the only great geometer among the Greeks when Plato opened his school. Archytas was the first to apply geometry to mechanics and to treat the latter subject methodically. He also found a very ingenious mechanical solution to the problem of the duplication of the cube. His solution involves clear notions on the generation of cones and cylinders. This problem reduces itself to finding two mean proportionals between two given lines. These mean proportionals were obtained by Archytas from the section of a half-cylinder. The doctrine of proportion was advanced through him.
There is every reason to believe that the later Pythagoreans exercised a strong influence on the study and development of mathematics at Athens. The Sophists acquired geometry from Pythagorean sources. Plato bought the works of Philolaus, and had a warm friend in Archytas.
The Sophist School.
After the defeat of the Persians under Xerxes at the battle of Salamis, 480 B.C., a league was formed among the Greeks to preserve the freedom of the now liberated Greek cities on the islands and coast of the Ægæan Sea. Of this league Athens soon became leader and dictator. She caused the separate treasury of the league to be merged into that of Athens, and then spent the money of her allies for her own aggrandisement. Athens was also a great commercial centre. Thus she became the richest and most beautiful city of antiquity. All menial work was performed by slaves. The Italic text ​citizen of Athens was well-to-do and enjoyed a large amount of leisure. The government being purely democratic, every citizen was a politician. To make his influence felt among his fellow-men he must, first of all, be educated. Thus there arose a demand for teachers. The supply came principally from Sicily, where Pythagorean doctrines had spread. These teachers were called Sophists, or "wise men." Unlike the Pythagoreans, they accepted pay for their teaching. Although rhetoric was the principal feature of their instruction, they also taught geometry, astronomy, and philosophy. Athens soon became the headquarters of Grecian men of letters, and of mathematicians in particular. The home of mathematics among the Greeks was first in the Ionian Islands, then in Lower Italy, and during the time now under consideration, at Athens.
The geometry of the circle, which had been entirely neglected by the Pythagoreans, was taken up by the Sophists. Nearly all their discoveries were made in connection with their innumerable attempts to solve the following three famous problems:—
(1) To trisect an arc or an angle.
(2) To "double the cube," i.e. to find a cube whose volume is double that of a given cube.
(3) To "square the circle," i.e. to find a square or some other rectilinear figure exactly equal in area to a given circle.
These problems have probably been the subject of more discussion and research than any other problems in mathematics. The bisection of an angle was one of the easiest problems in geometry. The trisection of an angle, on the other hand, presented unexpected difficulties. A right angle had been divided into three equal parts by the Pythagoreans. But the general problem, though easy in appearance, transcended the power of elementary geometry. Among the first ​to wrestle with it was Hippias of Elis, a contemporary of Socrates, and born about 460 B.C. Like all the later geometers, he failed in effecting the trisection by means of a ruler and compass only. Proclus mentions a man, Hippias, presumably Hippias of Elis, as the inventor of a transcendental curve which served to divide an angle not only into three, but into any number of equal parts. This same curve was used later by Deinostratus and others for the quadrature of the circle. On this account it is called the quadratrix.
The Pythagoreans had shown that the diagonal of a square is the side of another square having double the area of the original one. This probably suggested the problem of the duplication of the cube, i.e. to find the edge of a cube having double the volume of a given cube. Eratosthenes ascribes to this problem a different origin. The Delians were once suffering from a pestilence and were ordered by the oracle to double a certain cubical altar. Thoughtless workmen, simply constructed a cube with edges twice as long, but this did not pacify the gods. The error being discovered, Plato was consulted on the matter. He and his disciples searched eagerly for a solution to this "Delian Problem." Hippocrates of Chios (about 430 B.C.), a talented mathematician, but otherwise slow and stupid, was the first to show that the problem could be reduced to finding two mean proportionals between a given line and another twice as long. For, in the proportion $\scriptstyle {a:x=x:y=y:2a}$, since $\scriptstyle {x^{2}=ay}$ and $\scriptstyle {y^{2}=2ax}$ and $\scriptstyle {x^{4}=a^{2}y^{2}}$, we have $\scriptstyle {x^{4}=2a^{3}x}$ and $\scriptstyle {x^{3}=2a^{3}}$. But he failed to find the two mean proportionals. His attempt to square the circle was also a failure; for though he made himself celebrated by squaring a lune, he committed an error in attempting to apply this result to the squaring of the circle.
In his study of the quadrature and duplication-problems, Hippocrates contributed much to the geometry of the circle.
​The subject of similar figures was studied and partly developed by Hippocrates. This involved the theory of proportion. Proportion had, thus far, been used by the Greeks only in numbers. They never succeeded in uniting the notions of numbers and magnitudes. The term "number" was used by them in a restricted sense. What we call irrational numbers was not included under this notion. Not even rational fractions were called numbers. They used the word in the same sense as we use "integers." Hence numbers were conceived as discontinuous, while magnitudes were continuous. The two notions appeared, therefore, entirely distinct. The chasm between them is exposed to full view in the statement of Euclid that "incommensurable magnitudes do not have the same ratio as numbers." In Euclid's Elements we find the theory of proportion of magnitudes developed and treated independent of that of numbers. The transfer of the theory of proportion from numbers to magnitudes (and to lengths in particular) was a difficult and important step.
Hippocrates added to his fame by writing a geometrical text-book, called the Elements. This publication shows that the Pythagorean habit of secrecy was being abandoned; secrecy was contrary to the spirit of Athenian life.
The Sophist Antiphon, a contemporary of Hippocrates, introduced the process of exhaustion for the purpose of solving the problem of the quadrature. He did himself credit by remarking that by inscribing in a circle a square, and on its sides erecting isosceles triangles with their vertices in the circumference, and on the sides of these triangles erecting new triangles, etc., one could obtain a succession of regular polygons of 8, 16, 32, 64 sides, and so on, of which each approaches nearer to the circle than the previous one, until the circle is finally exhausted. Thus is obtained an inscribed ​polygon whose sides coincide with the circumference. Since there can be found squares equal in area to any polygon, there also can be found a square equal to the last polygon inscribed, and therefore equal to the circle itself. Bryson of Heraclea, a contemporary of Antiphon, advanced the problem of the quadrature considerably by circumscribing polygons at the same time that he inscribed polygons. He erred, however, in assuming that the area of a circle was the arithmetical mean between circumscribed and inscribed polygons. Unlike Bryson and the rest of Greek geometers, Antiphon seems to have believed it possible, by continually doubling the sides of an inscribed polygon, to obtain a polygon coinciding with the circle. This question gave rise to lively disputes in Athens. If a polygon can coincide with the circle, then, says Simplicius, we must put aside the notion that magnitudes are divisible ad infinitum. Aristotle always supported the theory of the infinite divisibility, while Zeno, the Stoic, attempted to show its absurdity by proving that if magnitudes are infinitely divisible, motion is impossible. Zeno argues that Achilles could not overtake a tortoise; for while he hastened to the place where the tortoise had been when he started, the tortoise crept some distance ahead, and while Achilles reached that second spot, the tortoise again moved forward a little, and so on. Thus the tortoise was always in advance of Achilles. Such arguments greatly confounded Greek geometers. No wonder they were deterred by such paradoxes from introducing the idea of infinity into their geometry. It did not suit the rigour of their proofs.
The process of Antiphon and Bryson gave rise to the cumbrous but perfectly rigorous "method of exhaustion." In determining the ratio of the areas between two curvilinear plane figures, say two circles, geometers first inscribed or circumscribed similar polygons, and then by increasing ​indefinitely the number of sides, nearly exhausted the spaces between the polygons and circumferences. From the theorem that similar polygons inscribed in circles are to each other as the squares on their diameters, geometers may have divined the theorem attributed to Hippocrates of Chios that the circles, which differ but little from the last drawn polygons, must be to each other as the squares on their diameters. But in order to exclude all vagueness and possibility of doubt, later Greek geometers applied reasoning like that in Euclid, XII. 2, as follows: Let C and c, D and d be respectively the circles and diameters in question. Then if the proportion $\scriptstyle {D^{2}:d^{2}=C:c}$ is not true, suppose that $\scriptstyle {D^{2}:d^{2}=C:c'}$. If $\scriptstyle {c'\;<\;c}$, then a polygon p can be inscribed in the circle c which comes nearer to it in area than does c'. If P be the corresponding polygon in C, then $\scriptstyle {P:p=D^{2}:d^{2}=C:c'}$, and $\scriptstyle {P:C=p:c'}$. Since $\scriptstyle {p\;>\;c'}$, we have $\scriptstyle {P\;>\;C}$, which is absurd. Next they proved by this same method of reductio ad absurdum the falsity of the supposition that $\scriptstyle {c'\;>\;c}$. Since c' can be neither larger nor smaller than c, it must be equal to it, q.e.d. Hankel refers this Method of Exhaustion back to Hippocrates of Chios, but the reasons for assigning it to this early writer, rather than to Eudoxus, seem insufficient.
Though progress in geometry at this period is traceable only at Athens, yet Ionia, Sicily, Abdera in Thrace, and Cyrene produced mathematicians who made creditable contributions to the science. We can mention here only Democritus of Abdera (about 460–370 B.C.), a pupil of Anaxagoras, a friend of Philolaus, and an admirer of the Pythagoreans. He visited Egypt and perhaps even Persia. He was a successful geometer and wrote on incommensurable lines, on geometry, on numbers, and on perspective. None of these works are extant. He used to boast that in the construction of plane figures with proof no one had yet surpassed him, not even ​the so-called harpedonaptæ ("rope-stretchers") of Egypt. By this assertion he pays a flattering compliment to the skill and ability of the Egyptians.
The Platonic School.
During the Peloponnesian War (431–404 B.C.) the progress of geometry was checked. After the war, Athens sank into the background as a minor political power, but advanced more and more to the front as the leader in philosophy, literature, and science. Plato was born at Athens in 429 B.C., the year of the great plague, and died in 348. He was a pupil and near friend of Socrates, but it was not from him that he acquired his taste for mathematics. After the death of Socrates, Plato travelled extensively. In Cyrene he studied mathematics under Theodorus. He went to Egypt, then to Lower Italy and Sicily, where he came in contact with the Pythagoreans. Archytas of Tarentum and Timæus of Locri became his intimate friends. On his return to Athens, about 389 B.C., he founded his school in the groves of the Academia, and devoted the remainder of his life to teaching and writing.
Plato's physical philosophy is partly based on that of the Pythagoreans. Like them, he sought in arithmetic and geometry the key to the universe. When questioned about th« occupation of the Deity, Plato answered that "He geometrises continually." Accordingly, a knowledge of geometry is a necessary preparation for the study of philosophy. To show how great a value he put on mathematics and how necessary it is for higher speculation, Plato placed the inscription over his porch, "Let no one who is unacquainted with geometry enter here." Xenocrates, a successor of Plato as teacher in the Academy, followed in his master's footsteps, by declining to admit a pupil who had no mathematical training, ​with the remark, "Depart, for thou hast not the grip of philosophy." Plato observed that geometry trained the mind for correct and vigorous thinking. Hence it was that the Eudemian Summary says, "He filled his writings with mathematical discoveries, and exhibited on every occasion the remarkable connection between mathematics and philosophy."
With Plato as the head-master, we need not wonder that the Platonic school produced so large a number of mathematicians. Plato did little real original work, but he made valuable improvements in the logic and methods employed in geometry. It is true that the Sophist geometers of the previous century were rigorous in their proofs, but as a rule they did not reflect on the inward nature of their methods. They used the axioms without giving them explicit expression, and the geometrical concepts, such as the point, line, surface, etc., without assigning to them formal definitions. The Pythagoreans called a point "unity in position," but this is a statement of a philosophical theory rather than a definition. Plato objected to calling a point a "geometrical fiction." He defined a point as the "beginning of a line" or as "an indivisible line," and a line as "length without breadth." He called the point, line, surface, the 'boundaries' of the line, surface, solid, respectively. Many of the definitions in Euclid are to be ascribed to the Platonic school. The same is probably true of Euclid's axioms. Aristotle refers to Plato the axiom that "equals subtracted from equals leave equals."
One of the greatest achievements of Plato and his school is the invention of analysis as a method of proof. To be sure, this method had been used unconsciously by Hippocrates and others; but Plato, like a true philosopher, turned the instinctive logic into a conscious, legitimate method.
The terms synthesis and analysis are used in mathematics in a more special sense than in logic. In ancient mathematics ​they had a different meaning from what they now have. The oldest definition of mathematical analysis as opposed to synthesis is that given in Euclid, XIII. 5, which in all probability was framed by Eudoxus: "Analysis is the obtaining of the thing sought by assuming it and so reasoning up to an admitted truth; synthesis is the obtaining of the thing sought by reasoning up to the inference and proof of it." The analytic method is not conclusive, unless all operations involved in it are known to be reversible. To remove all doubt, the Greeks, as a rule, added to the analytic process a synthetic one, consisting of a reversion of all operations occurring in the analysis. Thus the aim of analysis was to aid in the discovery of synthetic proofs or solutions.
Plato is said to have solved the problem of the duplication of the cube. But the solution is open to the very same objection which he made to the solutions by Archytas, Eudoxus, and Menæchmus. He called their solutions not geometrical, but mechanical, for they required the use of other instruments than the ruler and compass. He said that thereby "the good of geometry is set aside and destroyed, for we again reduce it to the world of sense, instead of elevating and imbuing it with the eternal and incorporeal images of thought, even as it is employed by God, for which reason He always is God." These objections indicate either that the solution is wrongly attributed to Plato or that he wished to show how easily non-geometric solutions of that character can be found. It is now generally admitted that the duplication problem, as well as the trisection and quadrature problems, cannot be solved by means of the ruler and compass only.
Plato gave a healthful stimulus to the study of stereometry, which until his time had been entirely neglected. The sphere and the regular solids had been studied to some extent, but the prism, pyramid, cylinder, and cone were hardly known to ​exist. All these solids became the subjects of investigation by the Platonic school. One result of these inquiries was epoch-making. Menæchmus, an associate of Plato and pupil of Eudoxus, invented the conic sections, which, in course of only a century, raised geometry to the loftiest height which it was destined to reach during antiquity. Menæchmus cut three kinds of cones, the 'right-angled,' 'acute-angled,' and 'obtuse-angled,' by planes at right angles to a side of the cones, and thus obtained the three sections which we now call the parabola, ellipse, and hyperbola. Judging from the two very elegant solutions of the "Delian Problem" by means of intersections of these curves, Menæchmus must have succeeded well in investigating their properties.
Another great geometer was Dinostratus, the brother of Menæchmus and pupil of Plato. Celebrated is his mechanical solution of the quadrature of the circle, by means of the quadratrix of Hippias.
Perhaps the most brilliant mathematician of this period was Eudoxus. He was born at Cnidus about 408 B.C., studied under Archytas, and later, for two months, under Plato. He was imbued with a true spirit of scientific inquiry, and has been called the father of scientific astronomical observation. From the fragmentary notices of his astronomical researches, found in later writers, Ideler and Schiaparelli succeeded in reconstructing the system of Eudoxus with its celebrated representation of planetary motions by "concentric spheres." Eudoxus had a school at Cyzicus, went with his pupils to Athens, visiting Plato, and then returned to Cyzicus, where he died 355 B.C. The fame of the academy of Plato is to a large extent due to Eudoxus's pupils of the school at Cyzicus, among whom are Menæchmus, Dinostratus, Athenæus, and Helicon. Diogenes Laertius describes Eudoxus as astronomer, physician, legislator, as well as geometer. The Eudemian Summary ​says that Eudoxus "first increased the number of general theorems, added to the three proportions three more, and raised to a considerable quantity the learning, begun by Plato, on the subject of the section, to which he applied the analytical method." By this 'section' is meant, no doubt, the "golden section" (sectio aurea), which cuts a line in extreme and mean ratio. The first five propositions in Euclid XIII. relate to lines cut by this section, and are generally attributed to Eudoxus. Eudoxus added much to the knowledge of solid geometry. He proved, says Archimedes, that a pyramid is exactly one-third of a prism, and a cone one-third of a cylinder, having equal base and altitude. The proof that spheres are to each other as the cubes of their radii is probably due to him. He made frequent and skilful use of the method of exhaustion, of which he was in all probability the inventor. A scholiast on Euclid, thought to be Proclus, says further that Eudoxus practically invented the whole of Euclid's fifth book. Eudoxus also found two mean proportionals between two given lines, but the method of solution is not known.
Plato has been called a maker of mathematicians. Besides the pupils already named, the Eudemian Summary mentions the following: Theætetus of Athens, a man of great natural gifts, to whom, no doubt, Euclid was greatly indebted in the composition of the 10th book, treating of incommensurables; Leodamas; Neocleides and his pupil Leon, who added much to the work of their predecessors, for Leon wrote an Elements carefully designed, both in number and utility of its proofs; Theudius of Magnesia, who composed a very good book of Elements and generalised propositions, which had been confined to particular cases; Hermotimus of Colophon, who discovered many propositions of the Elements and composed some on loci; and, finally, the names of Amyclas of Heraclea, Cyzicenus of Athens, and Philippus of Mende.
​A skilful mathematician of whose life and works we have no details is Aristæus the elder, probably a senior contemporary of Euclid. The fact that he wrote a work on conic sections tends to show that much progress had been made in their study during the time of Menæchmus. Aristæus wrote also on regular solids and cultivated the analytic method. His works contained probably a summary of the researches of the Platonic school.
Aristotle (384–322 B.C.), the systematiser of deductive logic, though not a professed mathematician, promoted the science of geometry by improving some of the most difficult definitions. His Physics contains passages with suggestive hints of the principle of virtual velocities. About his time there appeared a work called Mechanica, of which he is regarded by some as the author. Mechanics was totally neglected by the Platonic school.
The First Alexandrian School.
In the previous pages we have seen the birth of geometry in Egypt, its transference to the Ionian Islands, thence to Lower Italy and to Athens. We have witnessed its growth in Greece from feeble childhood to vigorous manhood, and now we shall see it return to the land of its birth and there derive new vigour.
During her declining years, immediately following the Peloponnesian War, Athens produced the greatest scientists and philosophers of antiquity. It was the time of Plato and Aristotle. In 338 B.C., at the battle of Chæronea, Athens was beaten by Philip of Macedon, and her power was broken forever. Soon after, Alexander the Great, the son of Philip, started out to conquer the world. In eleven years he built up a great empire which broke to pieces in a day. Egypt ​fell to the lot of Ptolemy Soter. Alexander had founded the seaport of Alexandria, which soon became "the noblest of all cities." Ptolemy made Alexandria the capital. The history of Egypt during the next three centuries is mainly the history of Alexandria. Literature, philosophy, and art were diligently cultivated. Ptolemy created the university of Alexandria. He founded the great Library and built laboratories, museums, a zoölogical garden, and promenades. Alexandria soon became the great centre of learning.
Demetrius Phalereus was invited from Athens to take charge of the Library, and it is probable, says Gow, that Euclid was invited with him to open the mathematical school. Euclid's greatest activity was during the time of the first Ptolemy, who reigned from 306 to 283 B.C. Of the life of Euclid, little is known, except what is added by Proclus to the Eudemian Summary. Euclid, says Proclus, was younger than Plato and older than Eratosthenes and Archimedes, the latter of whom mentions him. He was of the Platonic sect, and well read in its doctrines. He collected the Elements, put in order much that Eudoxus had prepared, completed many things of Theætetus, and was the first who reduced to unobjectionable demonstration the imperfect attempts of his predecessors. When Ptolemy once asked him if geometry could not be mastered by an easier process than by studying the Elements, Euclid returned the answer, "There is no royal road to geometry." Pappus states that Euclid was distinguished by the fairness and kindness of his disposition, particularly toward those who could do anything to advance the mathematical sciences. Pappus is evidently making a contrast to Apollonius, of whom he more than insinuates the opposite character. A pretty little story is related by Stobæus: "A youth who had begun to read geometry with Euclid, when he had learnt the first proposition, inquired, ​'What do I get by learning these things?' So Euclid called his slave and said, 'Give him threepence, since he must make gain out of what he learns.'" These are about all the personal details preserved by Greek writers. Syrian and Arabian writers claim to know much more, but they are unreliable. At one time Euclid of Alexandria was universally confounded with Euclid of Megara, who lived a century earlier.
The fame of Euclid has at all times rested mainly upon his book on geometry, called the Elements. This book was so far superior to the Elements written by Hippocrates, Leon, and Theudius, that the latter works soon perished in the struggle for existence. The Greeks gave Euclid the special title of "the author of the Elements." It is a remarkable fact in the history of geometry, that the Elements of Euclid, written two thousand years ago, are still regarded by many as the best introduction to the mathematical sciences. In England they are used at the present time extensively as a text-book in schools. Some editors of Euclid have, however, been inclined to credit him with more than is his due. They would have us believe that a finished and unassailable system of geometry sprang at once from the brain of Euclid, "an armed Minerva from the head of Jupiter." They fail to mention the earlier eminent mathematicians from whom Euclid got his material. Comparatively few of the propositions and proofs in the Elements are his own discoveries. In fact, the proof of the "Theorem of Pythagoras" is the only one directly ascribed to him. Allman conjectures that the substance of Books I., II., IV. comes from the Pythagoreans, that the substance of Book VI. is due to the Pythagoreans and Eudoxus, the latter contributing the doctrine of proportion as applicable to incommensurables and also the Method of Exhaustions (Book VII.), that Theætetus contributed much toward Books X. and XIII., ​that the principal part of the original work of Euclid himself is to be found in Book X. Euclid was the greatest systematiser of his time. By careful selection from the material before him, and by logical arrangement of the propositions selected, he built up, from a few definitions and axioms, a proud and lofty structure. It would be erroneous to believe that he incorporated into his Elements all the elementary theorems known at his time. Archimedes, Apollonius, and even he himself refer to theorems not included in his Elements, as being well-known truths.
The text of the Elements now commonly used is Theon's edition. Theon of Alexandria, the father of Hypatia, brought out an edition, about 700 years after Euclid, with some alterations in the text. As a consequence, later commentators, especially Robert Simson, who laboured under the idea that Euclid must be absolutely perfect, made Theon the scape-goat for all the defects which they thought they could discover in the text as they knew it. But among the manuscripts sent by Napoleon I. from the Vatican to Paris was found a copy of the Elements believed to be anterior to Theon's recension. Many variations from Theon's version were noticed therein, but they were not at all important, and showed that Theon generally made only verbal changes. The defects in the Elements for which Theon was blamed must, therefore, be due to Euclid himself. The Elements has been considered as offering models of scrupulously rigorous demonstrations. It is certainly true that in point of rigour it compares favourably with its modern rivals; but when examined in the light of strict mathematical logic, it has been pronounced by C. S. Peirce to be "riddled with fallacies." The results are correct only because the writer's experience keeps him on his guard.
At the beginning of our editions of the Elements, under the head of definitions, are given the assumptions of such ​notions as the point, line, etc., and some verbal explanations. Then follow three postulates or demands, and twelve axioms. The term 'axiom' was used by Proclus, but not by Euclid. He speaks, instead, of 'common notions'—common either to all men or to all sciences. There has been much controversy among ancient and modern critics on the postulates and axioms. An immense preponderance of manuscripts and the testimony of Proclus place the 'axioms' about right angles and parallels (Axioms 11 and 12) among the postulates. This is indeed their proper place, for they are really assumptions, and not common notions or axioms. The postulate about parallels plays an important rôle in the history of non-Euclidean geometry. The only postulate which Euclid missed was the one of superposition, according to which figures can be moved about in space without any alteration in form or magnitude.
The Elements contains thirteen books by Euclid, and two, of which it is supposed that Hypsicles and Damascius are the authors. The first four books are on plane geometry. The fifth book treats of the theory of proportion as applied to magnitudes in general. The sixth book develops the geometry of similar figures. The seventh, eighth, ninth books are on the theory of numbers, or on arithmetic. In the ninth book is found the proof to the theorem that the number of primes is infinite. The tenth book treats of the theory of incommensurables. The next three books are on stereometry. The eleventh contains its more elementary theorems; the twelfth, the metrical relations of the pyramid, prism, cone, cylinder, and sphere. The thirteenth treats of the regular polygons, especially of the triangle and pentagon, and then uses them as faces of the five regular solids; namely, the tetraedron, octaedron, icosaedron, cube, and dodecaedron. The regular solids were studied so extensively by the Platonists that they ​received the name of "Platonic figures." The statement of Proclus that the whole aim of Euclid in writing the Elements was to arrive at the construction of the regular solids, is obviously wrong. The fourteenth and fifteenth books, treating of solid geometry, are apocryphal.
A remarkable feature of Euclid's, and of all Greek geometry before Archimedes is that it eschews mensuration. Thus the theorem that the area of a triangle equals half the product of its base and its altitude is foreign to Euclid.
Another extant book of Euclid is the Data. It seems to have been written for those who, having completed the Elements, wish to acquire the power of solving new problems proposed to them. The Data is a course of practice in analysis. It contains little or nothing that an intelligent student could not pick up from the Elements itself. Hence it contributes little to the stock of scientific knowledge. The following are the other extant works generally attributed to Euclid: Phœnomena, a work on spherical geometry and astronomy; Optics, which develops the hypothesis that light proceeds from the eye, and not from the object seen; Catoptrica, containing propositions on reflections from mirrors; De Divisionibus, a treatise on the division of plane figures into parts having to one another a given ratio; Sectio Canonis, a work on musical intervals. His treatise on Porisms is lost; but much learning has been expended by Robert Simson and M. Chasles in restoring it from numerous notes found in the writings of Pappus. The term 'porism' is vague in meaning. The aim of a porism is not to state some property or truth, like a theorem, nor to effect a construction, like a problem, but to find and bring to view a thing which necessarily exists with given numbers or a given construction, as, to find the centre of a given circle, or to find the G.C.D. of two given numbers. His other lost works are Fallacies, containing ​exercises in detection of fallacies; Conic Sections, in four books, which are the foundation of a work on the same subject by Apollonius; and Loci on a Surface, the meaning of which title is not understood. Heiberg believes it to mean "loci which are surfaces."
The immediate successors of Euclid in the mathematical school at Alexandria were probably Conon, Dositheus, and Zeuxippus, but little is known of them.
Archimedes (287?–212 B.C.), the greatest mathematician of antiquity, was born in Syracuse. Plutarch calls him a relation of King Hieron; but more reliable is the statement of Cicero, who tells us he was of low birth. Diodorus says he visited Egypt, and, since he was a great friend of Conon and Eratosthenes, it is highly probable that he studied in Alexandria. This belief is strengthened by the fact that he had the most thorough acquaintance with all the work previously done in mathematics. He returned, however, to Syracuse, where he made himself useful to his admiring friend and patron. King Hieron, by applying his extraordinary inventive genius to the construction of various war-engines, by which he inflicted much loss on the Romans during the siege of Marcellus. The story that, by the use of mirrors reflecting the sun's rays, he set on fire the Roman ships, when they came within bow-shot of the walls, is probably a fiction. The city was taken at length by the Romans, and Archimedes perished in the indiscriminate slaughter which followed. According to tradition, he was, at the time, studying the diagram to some problem drawn in the sand. As a Roman soldier approached him, he called out, "Don't spoil my circles." The soldier, feeling insulted, rushed upon him and killed him. No blame attaches to the Roman general Marcellus, who admired his genius, and raised in his honour a tomb bearing the figure of a sphere inscribed in a cylinder. When ​Cicero was in Syracuse, he found the tomb buried under rubbish.
Archimedes was admired by his fellow-citizens chiefly for his mechanical inventions; he himself prized far more highly his discoveries in pure science. He declared that "every kind of art which was connected with daily needs was ignoble and vulgar." Some of his works have been lost. The following are the extant books, arranged approximately in chronological order: 1. Two books on Equiponderance of Planes or Centres of Plane Gravities, between which is inserted his treatise on the Quadrature of the Parabola; 2. Two books on the Sphere and Cylinder; 3. The Measurement of the Circle; 4. On Spirals; 5. Conoids and Spheroids; 6. The Sand-Counter; 7. Two books on Floating Bodies; 8. Fifteen Lemmas.
In the book on the Measurement of the Circle, Archimedes proves first that the area of a circle is equal to that of a right triangle having the length of the circumference for its base, and the radius for its altitude. In this he assumes that there exists a straight line equal in length to the circumference—an assumption objected to by some ancient critics, on the ground that it is not evident that a straight line can equal a curved one. The finding of such a line was the next problem. He first finds an upper limit to the ratio of the circumference to the diameter, or $\scriptstyle {\pi }$. To do this, he starts with an equilateral triangle of which the base is a tangent and the vertex is the centre of the circle. By successively bisecting the angle at the centre, by comparing ratios, and by taking the irrational square roots always a little too small, he finally arrived at the conclusion that $\scriptstyle {\pi <3{\frac {1}{7}}}$. Next he finds a lower limit by inscribing in the circle regular polygons of 6, 12, 24, 48, 96 sides, finding for each successive polygon its perimeter, which is, of course, always less than the circumference. Thus he finally concludes that "the circumference of a circle ​exceeds three times its diameter by a part which is less than $\scriptstyle {1 \over 7}$ but more than $\scriptstyle {10 \over 71}$ of the diameter." This approximation is exact enough for most purposes.
The Quadrature of the Parabola contains two solutions to the problem—one mechanical, the other geometrical. The method of exhaustion is used in both.
Archimedes studied also the ellipse and accomplished its quadrature, but to the hyperbola he seems to have paid less attention. It is believed that he wrote a book on conic sections.
Of all his discoveries Archimedes prized most highly those in his Sphere and Cylinder. In it are proved the new theorems, that the surface of a sphere is equal to four times a great circle; that the surface of a segment of a sphere is equal to a circle whose radius is the straight line drawn from the vertex of the segment to the circumference of its basal circle; that the volume and the surface of a sphere are $\scriptstyle {\frac {2}{3}}$ of the volume and surface, respectively, of the cylinder circumscribed about the sphere. Archimedes desired that the figure to the last proposition be inscribed on his tomb. This was ordered done by Marcellus.
The spiral now called the "spiral of Archimedes," and described in the book On Spirals, was discovered by Archimedes, and not, as some believe, by his friend Conon. His treatise thereon is, perhaps, the most wonderful of all his works. Nowadays, subjects of this kind are made easy by the use of the infinitesimal calculus. In its stead the ancients used the method of exhaustion. Nowhere is the fertility of his genius more grandly displayed than in his masterly use of this method. With Euclid and his predecessors the method of exhaustion was only the means of proving propositions which must have been seen and believed before they were proved. But in the hands of Archimedes it became an instrument of discovery.
​By the word 'conoid,' in his book on Conoids and Spheroids, is meant the solid produced by the revolution of a parabola or a hyperbola about its axis. Spheroids are produced by the revolution of an ellipse, and are long or flat, according as the ellipse revolves around the major or minor axis. The book leads up to the cubature of these solids.
We have now reviewed briefly all his extant works on geometry. His arithmetical treatise and problems will be considered later. We shall now notice his works on mechanics. Archimedes is the author of the first sound knowledge on this subject. Archytas, Aristotle, and others attempted to form the known mechanical truths into a science, but failed. Aristotle knew the property of the lever, but could not establish its true mathematical theory. The radical and fatal defect in the speculations of the Greeks, says Whewell, was "that though they had in their possession facts and ideas, the ideas were not distinct and appropriate to the facts." For instance, Aristotle asserted that when a body at the end of a lever is moving, it may be considered as having two motions; one in the direction of the tangent and one in the direction of the radius; the former motion is, he says, according to nature, the latter contrary to nature. These inappropriate notions of 'natural' and 'unnatural' motions, together with the habits of thought which dictated these speculations, made the perception of the true grounds of mechanical properties impossible. It seems strange that even after Archimedes had entered upon the right path, this science should have remained absolutely stationary till the time of Galileo—a period of nearly two thousand years.
The proof of the property of the lever, given in his Equiponderance of Planes, holds its place in text-books to this day. His estimate of the efficiency of the lever is expressed in the ​saying attributed to him, "Give me a fulcrum on which to rest, and I will move the earth."
While the Equiponderance treats of solids, or the equilibrium of solids, the book on Floating Bodies treats of hydrostatics. His attention was first drawn to the subject of specific gravity when King Hieron asked him to test whether a crown, professed by the maker to be pure gold, was not alloyed with silver. The story goes that our philosopher was in a bath when the true method of solution flashed on his mind. He immediately ran home, naked, shouting, "I have found it!" To solve the problem, he took a piece of gold and a piece of silver, each weighing the same as the crown. According to one author, he determined the volume of water displaced by the gold, silver, and crown respectively, and calculated from that the amount of gold and silver in the crown. According to another writer, he weighed separately the gold, silver, and crown, while immersed in water, thereby determining their loss of weight in water. From these data he easily found the solution. It is possible that Archimedes solved the problem by both methods.
After examining the writings of Archimedes, one can well understand how, in ancient times, an 'Archimedean problem' came to mean a problem too deep for ordinary minds to solve, and how an 'Archimedean proof' came to be the synonym for unquestionable certainty, Archimedes wrote on a very wide range of subjects, and displayed great profundity in each. He is the Newton of antiquity.
Eratosthenes, eleven years younger than Archimedes, was a native of Cyrene. He was educated in Alexandria under Callimachus the poet, whom he succeeded as custodian of the Alexandrian Library. His many-sided activity may be inferred from his works. He wrote on Good and Evil, Measurement of the Earth, Comedy, Geography, Chronology, ​Constellations, and the Duplication of the Cube. He was also a philologian and a poet. He measured the obliquity of the ecliptic and invented a device for finding prime numbers. Of his geometrical writings we possess only a letter to Ptolemy Euergetes, giving a history of the duplication problem and also the description of a very ingenious mechanical contrivance of his own to solve it. In his old age he lost his eyesight, and on that account is said to have committed suicide by voluntary starvation.
About forty years after Archimedes flourished Apollonius of Perga, whose genius nearly equalled that of his great predecessor. He incontestably occupies the second place in distinction among ancient mathematicians. Apollonius was born in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes and died under Ptolemy Philopator, who reigned 222–205 B.C. He studied at Alexandria under the successors of Euclid, and for some time, also, at Pergamum, where he made the acquaintance of that Eudemus to whom he dedicated the first three books of his Conic Sections. The brilliancy of his great work brought him the title of the "Great Geometer." This is all that is known of his life.
His Conic Sections were in eight books, of which the first four only have come down to us in the original Greek. The next three books were unknown in Europe till the middle of the seventeenth century, when an Arabic translation, made about 1250, was discovered. The eighth book has never been found. In 1710 Halley of Oxford published the Greek text of the first four books and a Latin translation of the remaining three, together with his conjectural restoration of the eighth book, founded on the introductory lemmas of Pappus. The first four books contain little more than the substance of what earlier geometers had done. Eutocius tells us that Heraclides, in his life of Archimedes, accused Apollonius of ​having appropriated, in his Conic Sections, the unpublished discoveries of that great mathematician. It is difficult to believe that this charge rests upon good foundation. Eutocius quotes Geminus as replying that neither Archimedes nor Apollonius claimed to have invented the conic sections, but that Apollonius had introduced a real improvement. While the first three or four books were founded on the works of Menæchmus, Aristæus, Euclid, and Archimedes, the remaining ones consisted almost entirely of new matter. The first three books were sent to Eudemus at intervals, the other books (after Eudemus's death) to one Attalus. The preface of the second book is interesting as showing the mode in which Greek books were 'published' at this time. It reads thus: "I have sent my son Apollonius to bring you (Eudemus) the second book of my Conics. Read it carefully and communicate it to such others as are worthy of it. If Philonides, the geometer, whom I introduced to you at Ephesus, comes into the neighbourhood of Pergamum, give it to him also."
The first book, says Apollonius in his preface to it, "contains the mode of producing the three sections and the conjugate hyperbolas and their principal characteristics, more fully and generally worked out than in the writings of other authors." We remember that Menæchmus, and all his successors down to Apollonius, considered only sections of right cones by a plane perpendicular to their sides, and that the three sections were obtained each from a different cone. Apollonius introduced an important generalisation. He produced all the sections from one and the same cone, whether right or scalene, and by sections which may or may not be perpendicular to its sides. The old names for the three curves were now no longer applicable. Instead of calling the three curves, sections of the 'acute-angled,' 'right-angled,' and 'obtuse-angled' cone, he called them ellipse, parabola, and ​hyperbola, respectively. To be sure, we find the words 'parabola' and 'ellipse' in the works of Archimedes, but they are probably only interpolations. The word 'ellipse' was applied because $\scriptstyle {y^{2}<px}$, p being the parameter; the word 'parabola' was introduced because $\scriptstyle {y^{2}=px}$, and the term 'hyperbola' because $\scriptstyle {y^{2}>px}$.
The treatise of Apollonius rests on a unique property of conic sections, which is derived directly from the nature of the cone in which these sections are found. How this property forms the key to the system of the ancients is told in a masterly way by M. Chasles. "Conceive," says he, "an oblique cone on a circular base; the straight line drawn from its summit to the centre of the circle forming its base is called the axis of the cone. The plane passing through the axis, perpendicular to its base, cuts the cone along two lines and determines in the circle a diameter; the triangle having this diameter for its base and the two lines for its sides, is called the triangle through the axis. In the formation of his conic sections, Apollonius supposed the cutting plane to be perpendicular to the plane of the triangle through the axis. The points in which this plane meets the two sides of this triangle are the vertices of the curve; and the straight line which joins these two points is a diameter of it. Apollonius called this diameter latus transversum. At one of the two vertices of the curve erect a perpendicular (latus rectum) to the plane of the triangle through the axis, of a certain length, to be determined as we shall specify later, and from the extremity of this perpendicular draw a straight line to the other vertex of the curve; now, through any point whatever of the diameter of the curve, draw at right angles an ordinate: the square of this ordinate, comprehended between the diameter and the curve, will be equal to the rectangle constructed on the portion of the ordinate comprised between the diameter and the straight ​line, and the part of the diameter comprised between the first vertex and the foot of the ordinate. Such is the characteristic property which Apollonius recognises in his conic sections and which he uses for the purpose of inferring from it, by adroit transformations and deductions, nearly all the rest. It plays, as we shall see, in his hands, almost the same rôle as the equation of the second degree with two variables (abscissa and ordinate) in the system of analytic geometry of Descartes.
"It will be observed from this that the diameter of the curve and the perpendicular erected at one of its extremities suffice to construct the curve. These are the two elements which the ancients used, with which to establish their theory of conics. The perpendicular in question was called by them latus erectum; the moderns changed this name first to that of latus rectum, and afterwards to that of parameter."
The first book of the Conic Sections of Apollonius is almost wholly devoted to the generation of the three principal conic sections.
The second book treats mainly of asymptotes, axes, and diameters.
The third book treats of the equality or proportionality of triangles, rectangles, or squares, of which the component parts are determined by portions of transversals, chords, asymptotes, or tangents, which are frequently subject to a great number of conditions. It also touches the subject of foci of the ellipse and hyperbola.
In the fourth book, Apollonius discusses the harmonic division of straight lines. He also examines a system of two conics, and shows that they cannot cut each other in more than four points. He investigates the various possible relative positions of two conics, as, for instance, when they have one or two points of contact with each other.
The fifth book reveals better than any other the giant ​intellect of its author. Difficult questions of maxima and minima, of which few examples are found in earlier works, are here treated most exhaustively. The subject investigated is, to find the longest and shortest lines that can be drawn from a given point to a conic. Here are also found the germs of the subject of evolutes and centres of osculation.
The sixth book is on the similarity of conics.
The seventh book is on conjugate diameters.
The eighth book, as restored by Halley, continues the subject of conjugate diameters.
It is worthy of notice that Apollonius nowhere introduces the notion of directrix for a conic, and that, though he incidentally discovered the focus of an ellipse and hyperbola, he did not discover the focus of a parabola. Conspicuous in his geometry is also the absence of technical terms and symbols, which renders the proofs long and cumbrous.
The discoveries of Archimedes and Apollonius, says M. Chasles, marked the most brilliant epoch of ancient geometry. Two questions which have occupied geometers of all periods may be regarded as having originated with them. The first of these is the quadrature of curvilinear figures, which gave birth to the infinitesimal calculus. The second is the theory of conic sections, which was the prelude to the theory of geometrical curves of all degrees, and to that portion of geometry which considers only the forms and situations of figures, and uses only the intersection of lines and surfaces and the ratios of rectilineal distances. These two great divisions of geometry may be designated by the names of Geometry of Measurements and Geometry of Forms and Situations, or, Geometry of Archimedes and of Apollonius.
Besides the Conic Sections, Pappus ascribes to Apollonius the following works: On Contacts, Plane Loci, Inclinations, Section of an Area, Determinate Section, and gives lemmas ​from which attempts have been made to restore the lost originals. Two books on De Sectione Rationis have been found in the Arabic. The book on Contacts, as restored by Vieta, contains the so-called "Apollonian Problem": Given three circles, to find a fourth which shall touch the three.
Euclid, Archimedes, and Apollonius brought geometry to as high a state of perfection as it perhaps could be brought without first introducing some more general and more powerful method than the old method of exhaustion. A briefer symbolism, a Cartesian geometry, an infinitesimal calculus, were needed. The Greek mind was not adapted to the invention of general methods. Instead of a climb to still loftier heights we observe, therefore, on the part of later Greek geometers, a descent, during which they paused here and there to look around for details which had been passed by in the hasty ascent.
Among the earliest successors of Apollonius was Nicomedes. Nothing definite is known of him, except that he invented the conchoid ("mussel-like"). He devised a little machine by which the curve could be easily described. With aid of the conchoid he duplicated the cube. The curve can also be used for trisecting angles in a way much resembling that in the eighth lemma of Archimedes. Proclus ascribes this mode of trisection to Nicomedes, but Pappus, on the other hand, claims it as his own. The conchoid was used by Newton in constructing curves of the third degree.
About the time of Nicomedes, flourished also Diocles, the inventor of the cissoid ("ivy-like"). This curve he used for finding two mean proportionals between two given straight lines.
About the life of Perseus we know as little as about that of Nicomedes and Diocles. He lived some time between 200 and 100 B.C. From Heron and Geminus we learn that he wrote a ​work on the spire, a sort of anchor-ring surface described by Heron as being produced by the revolution of a circle around one of its chords as an axis. The sections of this surface yield peculiar curves called spiral sections, which, according to Geminus, were thought out by Perseus. These curves appear to be the same as the Hippopede of Eudoxus.
Probably somewhat later than Perseus lived Zenodorus. He wrote an interesting treatise on a new subject; namely, isoperimetrical figures. Fourteen propositions are preserved by Pappus and Theon. Here are a few of them: Of isoperimetrical, regular polygons, the one having the largest number of angles has the greatest area; the circle has a greater area than any regular polygon of equal periphery; of all isoperimetrical polygons of n sides, the regular is the greatest; of all solids having surfaces equal in area, the sphere has the greatest volume.
Hypsicles (between 200 and 100 B.C.) was supposed to be the author of both the fourteenth and fifteenth books of Euclid, but recent critics are of opinion that the fifteenth book was written by an author who lived several centuries after Christ. The fourteenth book contains seven elegant theorems on regular solids. A treatise of Hypsicles on Risings is of interest because it is the first Greek work giving the division of the circumference into 360 degrees after the fashion of the Babylonians.
Hipparchus of Nicæa in Bithynia was the greatest astronomer of antiquity. He established inductively the famous theory of epicycles and eccentrics. As might be expected, he was interested in mathematics, not per se, but only as an aid to astronomical inquiry. No mathematical writings of his are extant, but Theon of Alexandria informs us that Hipparchus originated the science of trigonometry, and that he calculated a "table of chords" in twelve books. Such calculations ​must have required a ready knowledge of arithmetical and algebraical operations.
About 155 b.c. flourished Heron the Elder of Alexandria. He was the pupil of Ctesibius, who was celebrated for his ingenious mechanical inventions, such as the hydraulic organ, the water-clock, and catapult. It is believed by some that Heron was a son of Ctesibius. He exhibited talent of the same order as did his master by the invention of the eolipile and a curious mechanism known as "Heron's fountain." Great uncertainty exists concerning his writings. Most authorities believe him to be the author of an important Treatise on the Dioptra, of which there exist three manuscript copies, quite dissimilar. But M. Marie thinks that the Dioptra is the work of Heron the Younger, who lived in the seventh or eighth century after Christ, and that Geodesy, another book supposed to be by Heron, is only a corrupt and defective copy of the former work. Dioptra contains the important formula for finding the area of a triangle expressed in terms of its sides; its derivation is quite laborious and yet exceedingly ingenious. "It seems to me difficult to believe," says Chasles, "that so beautiful a theorem should be found in a work so ancient as that of Heron the Elder, without that some Greek geometer should have thought to cite it." Marie lays great stress on this silence of the ancient writers, and argues from it that the true author must be Heron the Younger or some writer much more recent than Heron the Elder. But no reliable evidence has been found that there actually existed a second mathematician by the name of Heron.
"Dioptra," says Venturi, were instruments which had great resemblance to our modern theodolites. The book Dioptra is a treatise on geodesy containing solutions, with aid of these instruments, of a large number of questions in geometry, such as to find the distance between two points, of which one only ​is accessible, or between two points which are visible but both inaccessible; from a given point to draw a perpendicular to a line which cannot be approached; to find the difference of level between two points; to measure the area of a field without entering it.
Heron was a practical surveyor. This may account for the fact that his writings bear so little resemblance to those of the Greek authors, who considered it degrading the science to apply geometry to surveying. The character of his geometry is not Grecian, but decidedly Egyptian. This fact is the more surprising when we consider that Heron demonstrated his familiarity with Euclid by writing a commentary on the Elements. Some of Heron's formulas point to an old Egyptian origin. Thus, besides the above exact formula for the area of a triangle in terms of its sides, Heron gives the formula $\scriptstyle {{a_{1}+a_{2}} \over 2}\times {b \over 2}$, which bears a striking likeness to the formula $\scriptstyle {{a_{1}+a_{2}} \over 2}\times {{b_{1}+b_{2}} \over 2}$ for finding the area of a quadrangle, found in the Edfu inscriptions. There are, moreover, points of resemblance between Heron's writings and the ancient Ahmes papyrus. Thus Ahmes used unit-fractions exclusively; Heron uses them oftener than other fractions. Like Ahmes and the priests at Edfu, Heron divides complicated figures into simpler ones by drawing auxiliary lines; like them, he shows, throughout, a special fondness for the isosceles trapezoid.
The writings of Heron satisfied a practical want, and for that reason were borrowed extensively by other peoples. We find traces of them in Rome, in the Occident during the Middle Ages, and even in India.
Geminus of Rhodes (about 70 B.C.) published an astronomical work still extant. He wrote also a book, now lost, on the Arrangement of Mathematics, which contained many valuable ​notices of the early history of Greek mathematics. Proclus and Eutocius quote it frequently. Theodosius of Tripolis is the author of a book of little merit on the geometry of the sphere. Dionysodorus of Amisus in Pontus applied the intersection of a parabola and hyperbola to the solution of a problem which Archimedes, in his Sphere and Cylinder, had left incomplete. The problem is "to cut a sphere so that its segments shall be in a given ratio."
We have now sketched the progress of geometry down to the time of Christ. Unfortunately, very little is known of the history of geometry between the time of Apollonius and the beginning of the Christian era. The names of quite a number of geometers have been mentioned, but very few of their works are now extant. It is certain, however, that there were no mathematicians of real genius from Apollonius to Ptolemy, excepting Hipparchus and perhaps Heron.
The Second Alexandrian School.
The close of the dynasty of the Lagides which ruled Egypt from the time of Ptolemy Soter, the builder of Alexandria, for 300 years; the absorption of Egypt into the Roman Empire; the closer commercial relations between peoples of the East and of the West; the gradual decline of paganism and spread of Christianity,—these events were of far-reaching influence on the progress of the sciences, which then had their home in Alexandria. Alexandria became a commercial and intellectual emporium. Traders of all nations met in her busy streets, and in her magnificent Library, museums, lecture-halls, scholars from the East mingled with those of the West; Greeks began to study older literatures and to compare them with their own. In consequence of this interchange of ideas the Greek philosophy became fused with Oriental ​philosophy. Neo-Pythagoreanism and Neo-Platonism were the names of the modified systems. These stood, for a time, in apposition to Christianity. The study of Platonism and Pythagorean mysticism led to the revival of the theory of numbers. Perhaps the dispersion of the Jews and their introduction to Greek learning helped in bringing about this revival. The theory of numbers became a favourite study. This new line of mathematical inquiry ushered in what we may call a new school. There is no doubt that even now geometry continued to be one of the most important studies in the Alexandrian course. This Second Alexandrian School may be said to begin with the Christian era. It was made famous by the names of Claudius Ptolemæus, Diophantus, Pappus, Theon of Smyrna, Theon of Alexandria, Iamblichus. Porphyrius, and others.
Claudius Ptolemæus, a celebrated astronomer, was a native of Egypt. Nothing is known of his personal history except that he flourished in Alexandria in 139 A.D. and that he made the earliest astronomical observations recorded in his works, in 125 A.D., the latest in 151 A.D. The chief of his works are the Syntaxis Mathematica (or the Almagest, as the Arabs call it) and the Geographica, both of which are extant. The former work is based partly on his own researches, but mainly on those of Hipparchus. Ptolemy seems to have been not so much of an independent investigator, as a corrector and improver of the work of his great predecessors. The Almagest forms the foundation of all astronomical science down to Copernicus. The fundamental idea of his system, the "Ptolemaic System," is that the earth is in the centre of the universe, and that the sun and planets revolve around the earth. Ptolemy did considerable for mathematics. He created, for astronomical use, a trigonometry remarkably perfect in form. ​The foundation of this science was laid by the illustrious Hipparchus.
The Almagest is in 13 books. Chapter 9 of the first book shows how to calculate tables of chords. The circle is divided into 360 degrees, each of which is halved. The diameter is divided into 120 divisions; each of these into 60 parts, which are again subdivided into 60 smaller parts. In Latin, these parts were called partes minutœ primœ and partes minutœ secundœ. Hence our names, 'minutes' and 'seconds.' The sexagesimal method of dividing the circle is of Babylonian origin, and was known to Geminus and Hipparchus. But Ptolemy's method of calculating chords seems original with him. He first proved the proposition, now appended to Euclid VI. (D), that "the rectangle contained by the diagonals of a quadrilateral figure inscribed in a circle is equal to both the rectangles contained by its opposite sides." He then shows how to find from the chords of two arcs the chords of their sum and difference, and from the chord of any arc that of its half. These theorems he applied to the calculation of his tables of chords. The proofs of these theorems are very pretty.
Another chapter of the first book in the Almagest is devoted to trigonometry, and to spherical trigonometry in particular. Ptolemy proved the 'lemma of Menelaus,' and also the 'regula sex quantitatum.' Upon these propositions he built up his trigonometry. The fundamental theorem of plane trigonometry, that two sides of a triangle are to each other as the chords of double the arcs measuring the angles opposite the two sides, was not stated explicitly by him, but was contained implicitly in other theorems. More complete are the propositions in spherical trigonometry.
The fact that trigonometry was cultivated not for its own sake, but to aid astronomical inquiry, explains the rather ​startling fact that spherical trigonometry came to exist in a developed state earlier than plane trigonometry.
The remaining books of the Almagest are on astronomy. Ptolemy has written other works which have little or no bearing on mathematics, except one on geometry. Extracts from this book, made by Proclus, indicate that Ptolemy did not regard the parallel axiom of Euclid as self-evident, and that Ptolemy was the first of the long line of geometers from ancient time down to our own who toiled in the vain attempt to prove it.
Two prominent mathematicians of this time were Nicomachus and Theon of Smyrna. Their favourite study was theory of numbers. The investigations in this science culminated later in the algebra of Diophantus. But no important geometer appeared after Ptolemy for 150 years. The only occupant of this long gap was Sextus Julius Africanus, who wrote an unimportant work on geometry applied to the art of war, entitled Cestes.
Pappus, probably born about 340 A.D., in Alexandria, was the last great mathematician of the Alexandrian school. His genius was inferior to that of Archimedes, Apollonius, and Euclid, who flourished over 500 years earlier. But living, as he did, at a period when interest in geometry was declining, he towered above his contemporaries "like the peak of Teneriffa above the Atlantic." He is the author of a Commentary on the Almagest, a Commentary on Euclid's Elements, a Commentary on the Analemma of Diodorus,—a writer of whom nothing is known. All these works are lost. Proclus, probably quoting from the Commentary on Euclid, says that Pappus objected to the statement that an angle equal to a right angle is always itself a right angle.
The only work of Pappus still extant is his Mathematical Collections. This was originally in eight books, but the first ​and portions of the second are now missing. The Mathematical Collections seems to have been written by Pappus to supply the geometers of his time with a succinct analysis of the most difficult mathematical works and to facilitate the study of them by explanatory lemmas. But these lemmas are selected very freely, and frequently have little or no connection with the subject on hand. However, he gives very accurate summaries of the works of which he treats. The Mathematical Collections is invaluable to us on account of the rich information it gives on various treatises by the foremost Greek mathematicians, which are now lost. Mathematicians of the last century considered it possible to restore lost works from the résumé by Pappus alone.
We shall now cite the more important of those theorems in the Mathematical Collections which are supposed to be original with Pappus. First of all ranks the elegant theorem re-discovered by Guldin, over 1000 years later, that the volume generated by the revolution of a plane curve which lies wholly on one side of the axis, equals the area of the curve multiplied by the circumference described by its centre of gravity. Pappus proved also that the centre of gravity of a triangle is that of another triangle whose vertices lie upon the sides of the first and divide its three sides in the same ratio. In the fourth book are new and brilliant propositions on the quadratrix which indicate an intimate acquaintance with curved surfaces. He generates the quadratrix as follows: Let a spiral line be drawn upon a right circular cylinder; then the perpendiculars to the axis of the cylinder drawn from each point of the spiral line form the surface of a screw. A plane passed through one of these perpendiculars, making any convenient angle with the base of the cylinder, cuts the screw-surface in a curve, the orthogonal projection of which upon the base is the quadratrix. A second mode of generation is ​no less admirable: If we make the spiral of Archimedes the base of a right cylinder, and imagine a cone of revolution having for its axis the side of the cylinder passing through the initial point of the spiral, then this cone cuts the cylinder in a curve of double curvature. The perpendiculars to the axis drawn through every point in this curve form the surface of a screw which Pappus here calls the plectoidal surface. A plane passed through one of the perpendiculars at any convenient angle cuts that surface in a curve whose orthogonal projection upon the plane of the spiral is the required quadratrix. Pappus considers curves of double curvature still further. He produces a spherical spiral by a point moving uniformly along the circumference of a great circle of a sphere, while the great circle itself revolves uniformly around its diameter. He then finds the area of that portion of the surface of the sphere determined by the spherical spiral, "a complanation which claims the more lively admiration, if we consider that, although the entire surface of the sphere was known since Archimedes' time, to measure portions thereof, such as spherical triangles, was then and for a long time afterwards an unsolved problem." A question which was brought into prominence by Descartes and Newton is the "problem of Pappus." Given several straight lines in a plane, to find the locus of a point such that when perpendiculars (or, more generally, straight lines at given angles) are drawn from it to the given lines, the product of certain ones of them shall be in a given ratio to the product of the remaining ones. It is worth noticing that it was Pappus who first found the focus of the parabola, suggested the use of the directrix, and propounded the theory of the involution of points. He solved the problem to draw through three points lying in the same straight line, three straight lines which shall form a triangle inscribed in a given circle. From the Mathematical Collections ​many more equally difficult theorems might be quoted which are original with Pappus as far as we know. It ought to be remarked, however, that he is known in three instances to have copied theorems without giving due credit, and that he may have done the same thing in other cases in which we have no data by which to ascertain the real discoverer.
About the time of Pappus lived Theon of Alexandria. He brought out an edition of Euclid's Elements with notes, which he probably used as a text-book in his classes. His commentary on the Almagest is valuable for the many historical notices, and especially for the specimens of Greek arithmetic which it contains. Theon's daughter Hypatia, a woman celebrated for her beauty and modesty, was the last Alexandrian teacher of reputation, and is said to have been an abler philosopher and mathematician than her father. Her notes on the works of Diophantus and Apollonius have been lost. Her tragic death in 415 a.d. is vividly described in Kingsley's Hypatia.
From now on, mathematics ceased to be cultivated in Alexandria. The leading subject of men's thoughts was Christian theology. Paganism disappeared, and with it pagan learning. The Neo-Platonic school at Athens struggled on a century longer. Proclus, Isidorus, and others kept up the "golden chain of Platonic succession." Proclus, the successor of Syrianus, at the Athenian school, wrote a commentary on Euclid's Elements. We possess only that on the first book, which is valuable for the information it contains on the history of geometry. Damascius of Damascus, the pupil of Isidorus, is now believed to be the author of the fifteenth book of Euclid. Another pupil of Isidorus was Eutocius of Ascalon, the commentator of Apollonius and Archimedes. Simplicius wrote a commentary on Aristotle's De Cœlo. In the year 529, Justinian, disapproving heathen learning, finally closed by imperial edict the schools at Athens.
​As a rule, the geometries of the last 500 years showed a lack of creative power. They were commentators rather than discoverers.
The principal characteristics of ancient geometry are:—
(1) A wonderful clearness and definiteness of its concepts and an almost perfect logical rigour of its conclusions.
(2) A complete want of general principles and methods. Ancient geometry is decidedly special. Thus the Greeks possessed no general method of drawing tangents. "The determination of the tangents to the three conic sections did not furnish any rational assistance for drawing the tangent to any other new curve, such as the conchoid, the cissoid, etc." In the demonstration of a theorem, there were, for the ancient geometers, as many different cases requiring separate proof as there were different positions for the lines. The greatest geometers considered it necessary to treat all possible cases independently of each other, and to prove each with equal fulness. To devise methods by which the various cases could all be disposed of by one stroke, was beyond the power of the ancients. "If we compare a mathematical problem with a huge rock, into the interior of which we desire to penetrate, then the work of the Greek mathematicians appears to us like that of a vigorous stonecutter who, with chisel and hammer, begins with indefatigable perseverance, from without, to crumble the rock slowly into fragments; the modern mathematician appears like an excellent miner, who first bores through the rock some few passages, from which he then bursts it into pieces with one powerful blast, and brings to light the treasures within."
GREEK ARITHMETIC.
Greek mathematicians were in the habit of discriminating between the science of numbers and the art of calculation. The former they called arithmetica, the latter logistica. The drawing of this distinction between the two was very natural and proper. The difference between them is as marked as that between theory and practice. Among the Sophists the art of calculation was a favourite study. Plato, on the other hand, gave considerable attention to philosophical arithmetic, but pronounced calculation a vulgar and childish art.
In sketching the history of Greek calculation, we shall first give a brief account of the Greek mode of counting and of writing numbers. Like the Egyptians and Eastern nations, the earliest Greeks counted on their fingers or with pebbles. In case of large numbers, the pebbles were probably arranged in parallel vertical lines. Pebbles on the first line represented units, those on the second tens, those on the third hundreds, and so on. Later, frames came into use, in which strings or wires took the place of lines. According to tradition, Pythagoras, who travelled in Egypt and, perhaps, in India, first introduced this valuable instrument into Greece. The abacus, as it is called, existed among different peoples and at different times, in various stages of perfection. An abacus is still employed by the Chinese under the name of Swan-pan. We possess no specific information as to how the Greek abacus looked or how it was used. Boethius says that the Pythagoreans used with the abacus certain nine signs called apices, which resembled in form the nine "Arabic numerals." But the correctness of this assertion is subject to grave doubts.
The oldest Grecian numerical symbols were the so-called Herodianic signs (after Herodianus, a Byzantine grammarian of about 200 A.D., who describes them). These signs occur ​frequently in Athenian inscriptions and are, on that account, now generally called Attic. For some unknown reason these symbols were afterwards replaced by the alphabetic numerals, in which the letters of the Greek alphabet were used, together with three strange and antique letters ϛ, ϙ, and ϡ, and the symbol Ϻ. This change was decidedly for the worse, for the old Attic numerals were less burdensome on the memory, inasmuch as they contained fewer symbols and were better adapted to show forth analogies in numerical operations. The following table shows the Greek alphabetic numerals and their respective values:—
| $\scriptstyle {\alpha }$ | $\scriptstyle {\beta }$ | $\scriptstyle {\gamma }$ | $\scriptstyle {\delta }$ | $\scriptstyle {\epsilon }$ | ϛ | $\scriptstyle {\zeta }$ | $\scriptstyle {\eta }$ | $\scriptstyle {\theta }$ | $\scriptstyle {\iota }$ | $\scriptstyle {\kappa }$ | $\scriptstyle {\lambda }$ | $\scriptstyle {\mu }$ | $\scriptstyle {\nu }$ | $\scriptstyle {\xi }$ | $\scriptstyle {\mathrm {o} }$ | $\scriptstyle {\pi }$ | ϙ |
| 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 20 | 30 | 40 | 50 | 60 | 70 | 80 | 90 |
| $\scriptstyle {\rho }$ | $\scriptstyle {\sigma }$ | $\scriptstyle {\tau }$ | $\scriptstyle {\upsilon }$ | $\scriptstyle {\phi }$ | $\scriptstyle {\chi }$ | $\scriptstyle {\psi }$ | $\scriptstyle {\omega }$ | $\scriptstyle {\mathrm {\sampi} }$ | $\scriptstyle {_{_{'}}{\alpha }}$ | $\scriptstyle {_{_{'}}{\beta }}$ | $\scriptstyle {_{_{'}}{\gamma }}$ | etc. |
| 100 | 200 | 300 | 400 | 500 | 600 | 700 | 800 | 900 | 1000 | 2000 | 3000 | |
| Ϻ | β Ϻ | γ Ϻ | etc. |
| 10.000 | 20,000 | 30,000 | |
It will be noticed that at 1000, the alphabet is begun over again, but, to prevent confusion, a stroke is now placed before the letter and generally somewhat below it. A horizontal line drawn over a number served to distinguish it more readily from words. The coefficient for Ϻ was sometimes placed before or behind instead of over the Ϻ. Thus 43,678 was written δϺ$_'$γχον. It is to be observed that the Greeks had no zero.
Fractions were denoted by first writing the numerator marked with an accent, then the denominator marked with two accents and written twice. Thus, $\scriptstyle {{\iota \gamma '\kappa \theta ''\kappa \theta ''}={13 \over 29}}$. In case of fractions having unity for the numerator, the $\scriptstyle {{\alpha }'}$ was omitted and the denominator was written only once. Thus $\scriptstyle {{\mu \delta ''}={1 \over 44}}$.
​Greek writers seldom refer to calculation with alphabetic numerals. Addition, subtraction, and even multiplication were probably performed on the abacus. Expert mathematicians may have used the symbols. Thus Eutocius, a commentator of the sixth century after Christ, gives a great many multiplications of which the following is a specimen:—
| $\scriptstyle {\overline {\sigma \xi \epsilon }}$ | 2 6 5 | 2 6 5 | 2 6 5 |
| $\scriptstyle {\overline {\sigma \xi \epsilon }}$ | 2 6 5 | 2 6 5 | 2 6 5 |
| δ Ϻα Ϻ $_'$β $_'$α | 40000, | 12000, | 1000 |
| α Ϻ $_'$β $_'$γχ τ | 12000, | 3600, | 300 |
| $_'$α τ κε | 1000, | 300, | 25 |
| ζ Ϻ σκε | 70225 | | |
The operation is explained sufficiently by the modern numerals appended. In case of mixed numbers, the process was still more clumsy. Divisions are found in Theon of Alexandria's commentary on the Almagest. As might be expected, the process is long and tedious.
We have seen in geometry that the more advanced mathematicians frequently had occasion to extract the square root. Thus Archimedes in his Mensuration of the Circle gives a large number of square roots. He states, for instance, that $\scriptstyle {{\sqrt {3}}<{1351 \over 730}}$ and $\scriptstyle {{\sqrt {3}}>{265 \over 153}}$, but he gives no clue to the method by which he obtained these approximations. It is not improbable that the earlier Greek mathematicians found the square root by trial only. Eutocius says that the method of extracting it was given by Heron, Pappus, Theon, and other commentators on the Almagest. Theon's is the only ancient method known to us. It is the same as the one used nowadays, except that sexagesimal fractions are employed in place of our decimals. What the mode of procedure actually was when sexagesimal fractions were not used, has been the subject of conjecture on the part of numerous modern writers.
Of interest, in connection with arithmetical symbolism, is the Sand-Counter (Arenarius), an essay addressed by ​Archimedes to Gelon, king of Syracuse. In it Archimedes shows that people are in error who think the sand cannot be counted, or that if it can be counted, the number cannot be expressed by arithmetical symbols. He shows that the number of grains in a heap of sand not only as large as the whole earth, but as large as the entire universe, can be arithmetically expressed. Assuming that 10,000 grains of sand suffice to make a little solid of the magnitude of a poppy-seed, and that the diameter of a poppy-seed be not smaller than $\scriptstyle {1 \over 40}$ part of a finger's breadth; assuming further, that the diameter of the universe (supposed to extend to the sun) be less than 10,000 diameters of the earth, and that the latter be less than 1,000,000 stadia, Archimedes finds a number which would exceed the number of grains of sand in the sphere of the universe. He goes on even further. Supposing the universe to reach out to the fixed stars, he finds that the sphere, having the distance from the earth's centre to the fixed stars for its radius, would contain a number of grains of sand less than 1000 myriads of the eighth octad. In our notation, this number would be $\scriptstyle {10^{88}}$ or 1 with 63 ciphers after it. It can hardly be doubted that one object which Archimedes had in view in making this calculation was the improvement of the Greek symbolism. It is not known whether he invented some short notation by which to represent the above number or not.
We judge from fragments in the second book of Pappus that Apollonius proposed an improvement in the Greek method of writing numbers, but its nature we do not know. Thus we see that the Greeks never possessed the boon of a clear, comprehensive symbolism. The honour of giving such to the world, once for all, was reserved by the irony of fate for a nameless Indian of an unknown time, and we know not whom to thank for an invention of such importance to the general progress of intelligence.
​Passing from the subject of logistica to that of arithmetica, our attention is first drawn to the science of numbers of Pythagoras. Before founding his school, Pythagoras studied for many years under the Egyptian priests and familiarised himself with Egyptian mathematics and mysticism. If he ever was in Babylon, as some authorities claim, he may have learned the sexagesimal notation in use there; he may have picked up considerable knowledge on the theory of proportion, and may have found a large number of interesting astronomical observations. Saturated with that speculative spirit then pervading the Greek mind, he endeavoured to discover some principle of homogeneity in the universe. Before him, the philosophers of the Ionic school had sought it in the matter of things; Pythagoras looked for it in the structure of things. He observed various numerical relations or analogies between numbers and the phenomena of the universe. Being convinced that it was in numbers and their relations that he was to find the foundation to true philosophy, he proceeded to trace the origin of all things to numbers. Thus he observed that musical strings of equal length stretched by weights having the proportion of $\scriptstyle {1 \over 2}$, $\scriptstyle {2 \over 3}$, $\scriptstyle {3 \over 4}$, produced intervals which were an octave, a fifth, and a fourth. Harmony, therefore, depends on musical proportion; it is nothing but a mysterious numerical relation. Where harmony is, there are numbers. Hence the order and beauty of the universe have their origin in numbers. There are seven intervals in the musical scale, and also seven planets crossing the heavens. The same numerical relations which underlie the former must underlie the latter. But where numbers are, there is harmony. Hence his spiritual ear discerned in the planetary motions a wonderful 'harmony of the spheres.' The Pythagoreans invested particular numbers with extraordinary attributes. Thus one is the essence of things; it is an absolute number; hence the origin of all numbers and ​so of all things. Four is the most perfect number, and was in some mystic way conceived to correspond to the human soul. Philolaus believed that 5 is the cause of color, 6 of cold, 7 of mind and health and light, 8 of love and friendship. In Plato's works are evidences of a similar belief in religious relations of numbers. Even Aristotle referred the virtues to numbers.
Enough has been said about these mystic speculations to show what lively interest in mathematics they must have created and maintained. Avenues of mathematical inquiry were opened up by them which otherwise would probably have remained closed at that time.
The Pythagoreans classified numbers into odd and even. They observed that the sum of the series of odd numbers from 1 to $\scriptstyle {2n+1}$ was always a complete square, and that by addition of the even numbers arises the series 2, 6, 12, 20, in which every number can be decomposed into two factors differing from each other by unity. Thus, $\scriptstyle {6=2\cdot 3}$, $\scriptstyle {12=3\cdot 4}$, etc. These latter numbers were considered of sufficient importance to receive the separate name of heteromecic (not equilateral). Numbers of the form $\scriptstyle {{n(n+1)} \over 2}$ were called triangular, because they could always be arranged thus, $\scriptstyle {\overset {\overset {\overset {\bullet }{\bullet \bullet }}{\bullet \bullet \bullet }}{\bullet \bullet \bullet \bullet }}$. Numbers which were equal to the sum of all their possible factors, such as 6, 28, 496, were called perfect; those exceeding that sum, excessive; and those which were less, defective. Amicable numbers were those of which each was the sum of the factors in the other. Much attention was paid by the Pythagoreans to the subject of proportion. The quantities $\scriptstyle {a,~b,~c,~d}$ were said to be in arithmetical proportion when $\scriptstyle {a-b=c-d}$; in geometrical proportion, when $\scriptstyle {a:b=c:d}$; in harmonic proportion, when $\scriptstyle {a-b:b-c=a:c}$. It is probable that the Pythagoreans were also familiar with the musical ​proportion $\scriptstyle {{a:{{a+b} \over 2}}={{2ab} \over {a+b}}:b}$. Iamblichus says that Pythagoras introduced it from Babylon.
In connection with arithmetic, Pythagoras made extensive investigations into geometry. He believed that an arithmetical fact had its analogue in geometry, and vice versa. In connection with his theorem on the right triangle he devised a rule by which integral numbers could be found, such that the sum of the squares of two of them equalled the square of the third. Thus, take for one side an odd number $\scriptstyle {(2n+1)}$; then $\scriptstyle {{{(2n+1)^{2}-1} \over 2}=2n^{2}+2n}$=the other side, and $\scriptstyle {(2n^{2}+2n+1)}$=hypotenuse. If $\scriptstyle {2n+1=9}$, then the other two numbers are 40 and 41. But this rule only applies to cases in which the hypotenuse differs from one of the sides by 1. In the study of the right triangle there doubtless arose questions of puzzling subtlety. Thus, given a number equal to the side of an isosceles right triangle, to find the number which the hypotenuse is equal to. The side may have been taken equal to $\scriptstyle {1,~2,~{3 \over 2},~{6 \over 5}}$, or any other number, yet in every instance all efforts to find a number exactly equal to the hypotenuse must have remained fruitless. The problem may have been attacked again and again, until finally "some rare genius, to whom it is granted, during some happy moments, to soar with eagle's flight above the level of human thinking," grasped the happy thought that this problem cannot be solved. In some such manner probably arose the theory of irrational quantities, which is attributed by Eudemus to the Pythagoreans. It was indeed a thought of extraordinary boldness, to assume that straight lines could exist, differing from one another not only in length,—that is, in quantity,—but also in a quality, which, though real, was absolutely invisible. Need we wonder that the Pythagoreans saw in ​irrationals a deep mystery, a symbol of the unspeakable? We are told that the one who first divulged the theory of irrationals, which the Pythagoreans kept secret, perished in consequence in a shipwreck. Its discovery is ascribed to Pythagoras, but we must remember that all important Pythagorean discoveries were, according to Pythagorean custom, referred back to him. The first incommensurable ratio known seems to have been that of the side of a square to its diagonal, as $\scriptstyle {1:{\sqrt {2}}}$. Theodorus of Cyrene added to this the fact that the sides of squares represented in length by $\scriptstyle {\sqrt {3}}$, $\scriptstyle {\sqrt {5}}$, etc., up to $\scriptstyle {\sqrt {17}}$, and Theætetus, that the sides of any square, represented by a surd, are incommensurable with the linear unit. Euclid (about 300 B.C.), in his Elements, X. 9, generalised still further: Two magnitudes whose squares are (or are not) to one another as a square number to a square number are commensurable (or incommensurable), and conversely. In the tenth book, he treats of incommensurable quantities at length. He investigates every possible variety of lines which can be represented by $\scriptstyle {\sqrt {{\sqrt {a}}\pm {\sqrt {b}}}}$, a and b representing two commensurable lines, and obtains 25 species. Every individual of every species is incommensurable with all the individuals of every other species. "This book," says De Morgan, "has a completeness which none of the others (not even the fifth) can boast of; and we could almost suspect that Euclid, having arranged his materials in his own mind, and having completely elaborated the tenth book, wrote the preceding books after it, and did not live to revise them thoroughly." The theory of incommensurables remained where Euclid left it, till the fifteenth century.
Euclid devotes the seventh, eighth, and ninth books of his Elements to arithmetic. Exactly how much contained in these books is Euclid's own invention, and how much is borrowed from his predecessors, we have no means of knowing. ​Without doubt, much is original with Euclid. The seventh book begins with twenty-one definitions. All except that for 'prime' numbers are known to have been given by the Pythagoreans. Next follows a process for finding the G.C.D. of two or more numbers. The eighth book deals with numbers in continued proportion, and with the mutual relations of squares, cubes, and plane numbers. Thus, XXII., if three numbers are in continued proportion, and the first is a square, so is the third. In the ninth book, the same subject is continued. It contains the proposition that the number of primes is greater than any given number.
After the death of Euclid, the theory of numbers remained almost stationary for 400 years. Geometry monopolised the attention of all Greek mathematicians. Only two are known to have done work in arithmetic worthy of mention. Eratosthenes (275-194 B.C.) invented a 'sieve' for finding prime numbers. All composite numbers are 'sifted' out in the following manner: Write down the odd numbers from 3 up, in succession. By striking out every third number after the 3, we remove all multiples of 3. By striking out every fifth number after the 5, we remove all multiples of 5. In this way, by rejecting multiples of 7, 11, 13, etc., we have left prime numbers only. Hypsicles (between 200 and 100 B.C.) worked at the subjects of polygonal numbers and arithmetical progressions, which Euclid entirely neglected. In his work on 'risings of the stars,' he showed (1) that in an arithmetical series of 2 n terms, the sum of the last n terms exceeds the sum of the first n by a multiple of $\scriptstyle {n^{2}}$; (2) that in such a series of $\scriptstyle {2n+1}$ terms, the sum of the series is the number of terms multiplied by the middle term; (3) that in such a series of 2n terms, the sum is half the number of terms multiplied by the two middle terms.
For two centuries after the time of Hypsicles, arithmetic ​disappears from history. It is brought to light again about 100 A.D. by Nicomachus, a Neo-Pythagorean, who inaugurated the final era of Greek mathematics. From now on, arithmetic was a favourite study, while geometry was neglected. Nicomachus wrote a work entitled Introductio Arithmetica, which was very famous in its day. The great number of commentators it has received vouch for its popularity. Boethius translated it into Latin. Lucian could pay no higher compliment to a calculator than this: "You reckon like Nicomachus of Gerasa." The Introductio Arithmetica was the first exhaustive work in which arithmetic was treated quite independently of geometry. Instead of drawing lines, like Euclid, he illustrates things by real numbers. To be sure, in his book the old geometrical nomenclature is retained, but the method is inductive instead of deductive. "Its sole business is classification, and all its classes are derived from, and exhibited by, actual numbers." The work contains few results that are really original. We mention one important proposition which is probably the author's own. He states that cubical numbers are always equal to the sum of successive odd numbers. Thus, $\scriptstyle {8=2^{3}=3+5}$, $\scriptstyle {27=3^{3}=7+9+11}$, $\scriptstyle {64=4^{3}=13+15+17+19}$, and so on. This theorem was used later for finding the sum of the cubical numbers themselves. Theon of Smyrna is the author of a treatise on "the mathematical rules necessary for the study of Plato." The work is ill arranged and of little merit. Of interest is the theorem, that every square number, or that number minus 1, is divisible by 3 or 4 or both. A remarkable discovery is a proposition given by Iamblichus in his treatise on Pythagorean philosophy. It is founded on the observation that the Pythagoreans called 1, 10, 100, 1000, units of the first, second, third, fourth 'course' respectively. The theorem is this: If we add any three consecutive numbers, of which the highest ​is divisible by 3, then add the digits of that sum, then, again, the digits of that sum, and so on, the final sum will be 6. Thus, $\scriptstyle {61+62+63=186}$, $\scriptstyle {1+8+6=15}$, $\scriptstyle {1+5=6}$. This discovery was the more remarkable, because the ordinary Greek numerical symbolism was much less likely to suggest any such property of numbers than our "Arabic" notation would have been.
The works of Nicomachus, Theon of Smyrna, Thymaridas, and others contain at times investigations of subjects which are really algebraic in their nature. Thymaridas in one place uses the Greek word meaning "unknown quantity" in a way which would lead one to believe that algebra was not far distant. Of interest in tracing the invention of algebra are the arithmetical epigrams in the Palatine Anthology, which contain about fifty problems leading to linear equations. Before the introduction of algebra these problems were propounded as puzzles. A riddle attributed to Euclid and contained in the Anthology is to this effect: A mule and a donkey were walking along, laden with corn. The mule says to the donkey, "If you gave me one measure, I should carry twice as much as you. If I gave you one, we should both carry equal burdens. Tell me their burdens, O most learned master of geometry."
It will be allowed, says Gow, that this problem, if authentic, was not beyond Euclid, and the appeal to geometry smacks of antiquity. A far more difficult puzzle was the famous 'cattle-problem,' which Archimedes propounded to the Alexandrian mathematicians. The problem is indeterminate, for from only seven equations, eight unknown quantities in integral numbers are to be found. It may be stated thus: The sun had a herd of bulls and cows, of different colors. (1) Of Bulls, the white (W) were, in number, $\scriptstyle {({\frac {1}{2}}+{\frac {1}{3}})}$ of the blue (B) and yellow (Y): the B were $\scriptstyle {({\frac {1}{4}}+{\frac {1}{5}})}$ of the Y and piebald (P): the ​P were $\scriptstyle {({\frac {1}{6}}+{\frac {1}{7}})}$ of the W and Y. (2) Of Cows, which had the same colors (w, b, y, p),
${\begin{aligned}\scriptstyle {w=({\frac {1}{3}}+{\frac {1}{4}})(B+b)}&\scriptstyle {:b=({\frac {1}{4}}+{\frac {1}{5}})(P+p):p=({\frac {1}{5}}+{\frac {1}{6}})(Y+y)}\\&\scriptstyle {:y=({\frac {1}{6}}+{\frac {1}{7}})(W+w){\text{.}}}\\\end{aligned}}$
Find the number of bulls and cows. Another problem in the Anthology is quite familiar to school-boys: "Of four pipes, one fills the cistern in one day, the next in two days, the third in three days, the fourth in four days: if all run together, how soon will they fill the cistern?" A great many of these problems, puzzling to an arithmetician, would have been solved easily by an algebraist. They became very popular about the time of Diophantus, and doubtless acted as a powerful stimulus on his mind.
Diophantus was one of the last and most fertile mathematicians of the second Alexandrian school. He died about 330 A.D. His age was eighty-four, as is known from an epitaph to this effect: Diophantus passed $\scriptstyle {\frac {1}{6}}$ of his life in childhood, $\scriptstyle {\frac {1}{12}}$ in youth, and $\scriptstyle {\frac {1}{7}}$ more as a bachelor; five years after his marriage was born a son who died four years before his father, at half his father's age. The place of nativity and parentage of Diophantus are unknown. If his works were not written in Greek, no one would think for a moment that they were the product of Greek mind. There is nothing in his works that reminds us of the classic period of Greek mathematics. His were almost entirely new ideas on a new subject. In the circle of Greek mathematicians he stands alone in his specialty. Except for him, we should be constrained to say that among the Greeks algebra was always an unknown science.
Of his works we have lost the Porisms, but possess a fragment of Polygonal Numbers, and seven books of his great work on Arithmetica, said to have been written in 13 books.
If we except the Ahmes papyrus, which contains the first ​suggestions of algebraic notation, and of the solution of equations, then his Arithmetica is the earliest treatise on algebra now extant. In this work is introduced the idea of an algebraic equation expressed in algebraic symbols. His treatment is purely analytical and completely divorced from geometrical methods. He is, as far as we know, the first to state that "a negative number multiplied by a negative number gives a positive number." This is applied to the multiplication of differences, such as $\scriptstyle {(x-1)(x-2)}$. It must be remarked, however, that Diophantus had no notion whatever of negative numbers standing by themselves. All he knew were differences, such as $\scriptstyle {(2x-10)}$, in which $\scriptstyle {2x}$ could not be smaller than 10 without leading to an absurdity. He appears to be the first who could perform such operations as $\scriptstyle {(x-1)\times (x-2)}$ without reference to geometry. Such identities as $\scriptstyle {(a+b)^{2}=a^{2}+2ab+b^{2}}$, which with Euclid appear in the elevated rank of geometric theorems, are with Diophantus the simplest consequences of the algebraic laws of operation. His sign for subtraction was $\scriptstyle {\psi }$, for equality $\scriptstyle {\iota }$. For unknown quantities he had only one symbol, $\scriptstyle {\varsigma }$. He had no sign for addition except juxtaposition. Diophantus used but few symbols, and sometimes ignored even these by describing an operation in words when the symbol would have answered just as well.
In the solution of simultaneous equations Diophantus adroitly managed with only one symbol for the unknown quantities and arrived at answers, most commonly, by the method of tentative assumption, which consists in assigning to some of the unknown quantities preliminary values, that satisfy only one or two of the conditions. These values lead to expressions palpably wrong, but which generally suggest some stratagem by which values can be secured satisfying all the conditions of the problem.
​Diophantus also solved determinate equations of the second degree. We are ignorant of his method, for he nowhere goes through with the whole process of solution, but merely states the result. Thus, "$\scriptstyle {84x^{2}+7x=7}$, whence x is found $\scriptstyle {={\frac {1}{4}}}$." Notice he gives only one root. His failure to observe that a quadratic equation has two roots, even when both roots are positive, rather surprises us. It must be remembered, however, that this same inability to perceive more than one out of the several solutions to which a problem may point is common to all Greek mathematicians. Another point to be observed is that he never accepts as an answer a quantity which is negative or irrational.
Diophantus devotes only the first book of his Arithmetica to the solution of determinate equations. The remaining books extant treat mainly of indeterminate quadratic equations of the form $\scriptstyle {Ax^{2}+Bx+C=y^{2}}$, or of two simultaneous equations of the same form. He considers several but not all the possible cases which may arise in these equations. The opinion of Nesselmann on the method of Diophantus, as stated by Gow, is as follows: "(1) Indeterminate equations of the second degree are treated completely only when the quadratic or the absolute term is wanting: his solution of the equations $\scriptstyle {Ax^{2}+C=y^{2}}$ and $\scriptstyle {Ax^{2}+Bx+C=y^{2}}$ is in many respects cramped. (2) For the 'double equation' of the second degree he has a definite rule only when the quadratic term is wanting in both expressions: even then his solution is not general. More complicated expressions occur only under specially favourable circumstances." Thus, he solves $\scriptstyle {Bx+C^{2}=y^{2}}$, $\scriptstyle {B_{1}x+C_{1}^{2}=y_{1}^{2}}$.
The extraordinary ability of Diophantus lies rather in another direction, namely, in his wonderful ingenuity to reduce all sorts of equations to particular forms which he knows how to solve. Very great is the variety of problems considered. The 130 problems found in the great work of Diophantus ​contain over 50 different classes of problems, which are strung together without any attempt at classification. But still more multifarious than the problems are the solutions. General methods are unknown to Diophantus. Each problem has its own distinct method, which is often useless for the most closely related problems. "It is, therefore, difficult for a modern, after studying 100 Diophantine solutions, to solve the 101st."
That which robs his work of much of its scientific value is the fact that he always feels satisfied with one solution, though his equation may admit of an indefinite number of values. Another great defect is the absence of general methods. Modern mathematicians, such as Euler, La Grange, Gauss, had to begin the study of indeterminate analysis anew and received no direct aid from Diophantus in the formulation of methods. In spite of these defects we cannot fail to admire the work for the wonderful ingenuity exhibited therein in the solution of particular equations.
It is still an open question and one of great difficulty whether Diophantus derived portions of his algebra from Hindoo sources or not.