# Robert's Parliamentary Practice/Introduction

INTRODUCTION
A large proportion of the adult population of the United States and Canada are members of societies in which at times it is necessary or desirable to ascertain the views of the members of the society upon a certain matter, or to have the society take action in the case. These societies vary from the simple ones of a Shakspeare or Browning club of a dozen members, to a State or National Convention of a thousand or more delegates.
If there were no rules or established customs to guide an assembly of persons, and if each could talk on any subject as long and as many times as he pleased, and if all could talk at the same time, it would be impracticable in most cases to ascertain their deliberate judgment on any particular matter. Experience has shown the necessity for rules, for a presiding officer to enforce them and to preserve order, and for a recording secretary to keep a record of the business transacted by the assembly.
The object of rules is to assist an assembly in its effort to ascertain and express the deliberate opinion of the members regarding the questions upon ​which they are called to take action. If there are no rules, or established customs that have the force of rules, there is no restraint upon the majority, and no way by which the rights of the minority can be protected.
The customs and rules usually governing deliberative assemblies in cases not covered by their own specific rules, are commonly known as Parliamentary Law. These customs and rules came originally from England but have been greatly modified by the practice of Congress and of State Legislatures, and especially by the practice of innumerable clubs and societies scattered over the United States. As the same persons frequently belong to several societies, and as the numerous national conventions are composed of delegates from every state in the Union, it is very desirable that there should be uniformity in practice throughout the country. Of late years there has been a remarkable agreement in the rules and customs adopted by societies throughout our entire country.
It is very important that every society should adopt some authority on parliamentary law and, having done so, that the members should conform to the rulings of their authority without concerning themselves with the rulings of other authorities. The time to examine the different rules of order is when the question is being considered as to which authority to adopt. Having adopted one the society should stand by it, and should adopt such additional rules as are ​required for its special use. The objection to adopting any specialized work as its authority is that a member of the society is at a disadvantage when in a meeting of any other organization to which he may belong.
Ignorance of the rules and customs of deliberative assemblies is a heavy handicap to any one who expects to influence the policy of a society. Frequently the most judicious members fail to carry out their plans when they could easily have done so had they been moderately familiar with parliamentary law. Without some knowledge of this subject one is powerless in an assembly where his opponents are skilled parliamentarians, and therefore, in a land where perhaps most of the persons who have reached the age of sixteen years are members of one or more societies, some knowledge of parliamentary law may be justly regarded as a necessary part of the education of every man and woman, every boy and girl.
While it is important to every person in a free country to know something of parliamentary law, this knowledge should be used only to help, not to hinder, business. One who is constantly raising points of order and insisting upon the strict observance of every rule in a peaceable assembly in which most of the members are ignorant of these rules and customs, makes himself a nuisance, hinders business, and prejudices people against parliamentary law. Such a person is either ignorant of its real purpose or else wilfully misuses his knowledge.
​Among the established rules and customs which constitute parliamentary law are the following elementary ones that every one should know:
(1) Only one question can be considered at a time. It must be put in the form of a proposition or motion, to be proposed or moved by one member and seconded by another, and must then be stated by the presiding officer, after which it is open to debate and amendment.
(2) No one can make a motion or speak in debate until he has risen and addressed the presiding officer by his proper title and has been "recognized" by him, and thus has "obtained the floor."
(3) No one can speak unreasonably long (over ten minutes in ordinary societies), or more than twice on the same question on the same day, without permission of the assembly.
(4) No member can speak a second time on the same question provided any one desires to speak who has not spoken on that question.
(5) No one in speaking can address his remarks to another member or use another member's name when it can be avoided, but his remarks must be addressed to the presiding officer.
Every member of a society should be familiar with these simple rules and customs of deliberative assemblies. Any one wishing to exert a real influence in an assembly, however, must possess a knowledge far beyond this. He must know the various motions, their purpose, when they can be made, which are debatable, and which can be amended. He must have sufficient knowledge of committees to enable him, without embarrassment, to serve as chairman of one. He must thoroughly understand the subject of amendments, which is the most important, and, perhaps, the most difficult part of parliamentary law.