# Life and select literary remains of Sam Houston of Texas/Chapter 13

CHAPTER XIII.
After a retirement of about one year, during Gen. Lamar's administration, Houston consented to represent his district in the Congress of 1839-40, and again in 1840-41. In no part of his history did his services yield more marked proofs of good service in arresting the tide of evil, and even in preventing a dissolution of the Government. It is impossible to do him justice without alluding to the policy and measures of the new administration.
Opposition to everything pursued and recommended by Houston was apparent in the inaugural address of the new President. Extermination of the Indians, hostility to annexation, the founding of a huge national bank, and the establishment of a splendid government, were all earnestly recommended.
The measures for the accomplishment of these great designs were presented to and adopted by the compliant Congress. One and a quarter millions of treasury notes were appropriated for frontier defence, a half million of the same currency for the civil list, and all without a dollar on which to base the issues. For the extermination of the frontier tribes a regular army of two regiments was to be raised. Happily, the project to locate the capital, originating largely in the spirit of speculation, has been the principal redeeming feature in the brilliant but otherwise barren administration of Gen. Houston's successor.
Confidence in the new Government was speedily lost. Depression of currency naturally followed. While Texas was at peace with Mexico, in the midst of disordered finances, the President caused a proposition to be introduced into both Houses of Congress, to conduct an expedition to Santa Fé, through a wilderness and prairie, more than five hundred miles distant. Although the proposition was presented in both Houses at the same time, it was by both rejected.
But in the face of rejection by Congress, during its recess in 1840, the President, on his own authority, ordered the expedition, ​and over three hundred men started on a war-like expedition to a distant country. The disasters of that ill-starred expedition have become matters of history. A Governor, a Custom-house officer, and a Military Commandant were all appointed by the President, and a Territorial Government organized. The men were captured, the President's plans fell into the hands of the enemy, and were a moving cause for the bitter cruelty with which the men were treated. Unauthorized by the Constitution or Congress, another enormous amount of "promises to pay" money was issued to support the Santa Fe expedition. The currency of the President had depreciated so much that the horses on that expedition cost on an average one thousand dollars each. By presidential edict, the country was deprived of a large number of chivalrous, patriotic citizens, costly arms and munitions of war were abstracted from the public arsenal, and public wagons and means of transportation were appropriated. Even a piece of artillery, with the President's name inscribed on its breech, was dragged across the prairies, over that great distance, to become a trophy for the enemies of Texas, and illustrate the ill-judged policy of the President and degrade the Republic.
Houston had left the two countries substantially at peace, but this expedition aroused hostilities between the two peoples, which otherwise might have slumbered forever. This lamentable expedition was the sole cause, so far as can be ascertained, for the renewal of hostilities. Some time previous to this expedition, President Lamar had deputed commissioners to Gen. Arista, proposing, it is conjectured, a union of the Northern Provinces of Mexico with Texas, to form a grand power, of whose Government he was to be chief. Arista, taking advantage of the misconceptions of the President, returned commissioners. When the Santa Fe expedition took up its line of march from Austin, these Mexican commissioners were present, and witnessed the vain-glorious display. The facts have never been disclosed whereby we may know with certainty what passed between the high contracting parties. The result is known to the world. It may be presumed that Arista was a party to the plan. Facts favor the presumption. A guide, who had long resided in Mexico, and spoke the language perfectly, led the expedition out of Austin. The commanding officers charged him with their betrayal at San Miguel and Santa Fe. He led them many days into the wilderness, where, when the miseries of their situation began to press heavily upon them, he abandoned them to their fate in their misfortunes, and was never heard of afterward. Doubtless Arista's object was to have them conducted into the wilderness, and there left to perish, and, if they did not perish, ​information should be given to the authorities of Santa Fe, who could receive, betray, and then capture them. It would be difficult to avoid criticism of the President for this ill-advised and unauthorized expedition. Passing over Gen. Lamar's plans for a national bank, a national road, and a matrimonial alliance with some distinguished public functionary of Mexico, some allusion should be made to his treatment of the Indians, so strongly contrasted with the wiser and more humane policy of his predecessors. When his administration began, his first attempt was to attack the Cherokees, and drive them from their possessions between the Nuecas and Sabine Rivers, where they had been settled for a much longer time than the Texan colonists themselves. They were a peaceful, industrious, and profitable community. The arts had made some considerable progress among them, and they lived nearly as comfortable as white people. Mexico had invited them from the United States. Great inducements had been held out, and land assigned to them. Quietly and inoffensively pursuing their avocations, they had settled on these lands. By solemn assurance, a consultation in 1835 had guaranteed to this tribe undisturbed possession of their territory. Each member of the consultation had signed the solemn assurance. Recognizing the same rights and guarantee, Houston and other commissioners had subsequently made a treaty with the tribe. The consultation ratified this treaty, and its validity was recognized by every form of authority known to bind Indians and white people. While hostilities existed between Mexico and Texas, Houston and Rusk prevented them from aiding the enemy. Having made great advances in civilization during Houston's administration, they regarded "Texans" as friends, and Sam Houston as their "father."
Upon such a people, called "Houston's pet Indians," President Lamar commenced a war of extermination, with a force of 700 men, part of whom had fought at San Jacinto. Of course, he carried ruin to the homes of the poor red man, as his force was five times superior to theirs. In consequence of this treatment of the Cherokees and other tribes, scenes of rapine and murder spread from the Red River to the Rio Grande. It was vain, then, to expect frontier protection from the President's two regiments of regulars on the field. Such a policy toward the Indians could not have operated otherwise than disastrously.
The course pursued amid the disorders which prevailed in Yucatan, was no less derogatory to the good character of the new Republic. Yucatan, an integral part of Mexico, without proclaiming revolt or independence, sent a Minister to President Lamar, for the purpose of forming a treaty of alliance. Without concurrence of the Senate, or ratification of the treaty, the President ordered the ​Texan navy to sail to the coast of Yucatan. A true history of the second administration of Gen. Houston as President demands these allusions to the administration which intervened. The contrast is not one involving the question of patriotism, but one involving the question of political sagacity.
The condition of the Republic at the close of President Lamar's administration was deplorable. Outrages had been committed upon peaceful Indian tribes, and the flames of savage war had been kindled all along the borders of Texas. A hostile marauding expedition had been sent into the very heart of the Mexican provinces. The little Texan navy had been sent to aid a revolting territory in making war upon Mexico, and Mexico was rousing all her force for a new invasion. The national debt had quadrupled; the public treasure had been so unskillfully managed, that Texan securities had depreciated from o?ie to ten for one; mail routes had been broken up; profligacy prevailed, and orderly and patriotic citizens began to regard the Government as virtually dissolved, and the country reduced to the very verge of ruin.
How different was the state of affairs two years before. Houston had overcome all difficulties then in the way of the advancement of Texas. Domestic and foreign relations, finances, and the administration of law, agriculture, and commerce were in sound, peaceful, and flourishing state. In no portion of the world had a civil government ever been established and consolidated in so short a space of time. Brave and true men surrounded Houston, and participated in the glory of the victory of San Jacinto; equally brave and true men surrounded him in the administration of civil affairs, and shared in the honors of success.
Before Gen. Lamar's term of service had expired, all who contemplated seriously the gloomy condition of the Republic, turned their eyes once more to Houston. Twice had he saved the country, and now for the third time was he called to the helm of State. Once more the lawless and the desperate began to fear the result of their crimes. It was not necessary for a Convention to nominate him. As he believed that the Republic and its Government could be saved, he came forward to the rescue, and by an almost universal feeling that he was the only man who could save Texas, and as he had led to victory and independence at San Jacinto, he was made President for a second time, in the very first hour when the Constitution would allow it. Nor did he enter upon his second term one moment too soon, if the events of the times furnish a key to the situation. A memorable scene illustrating the fact that there was never a time when Houston could not obtain a hearing, occurred. A stormy debate was about to close with the adjournment ​of Congress sinie die. Members declared that they had lost all hope of carrying on the Government, and that they would close the farce by retiring to their homes. In the midst of the tempest Houston arose and addressed the speaker. Members dropped their hats and gradually resumed their seats. The house was soon full, and the members quiet and still. Before ten minutes had elapsed, the rich deep voice which had rung out clearly over the field of San Jacinto, was all that could be heard. The result only can give the true idea of the effect of the speech. He read a resolution "that the House adjourn till to-morrow morning at the usual hour." Not a member voted against the resolution; crowds flocked around him, and even some of his old enemies seizing his hand, thanked him for saving the country. The feeling was universal that but for him the Government would have been dissolved. It is quite certain that his efforts saved it from impending disaster. The following letter exhibits the times:
   "Austin, 2d Feby., 1841.
   "My Dear Sir:—I would have written to you long since, but the truth is that I have nothing interesting or agreeable to advise you of. We have been in session for months, and little of advantage has resulted to our country from the session. We are in a bad box, and I fear it is locked upon us! We are in debt—we have nothing to pay with. It will be impossible for the Government to go on without the most burthensome taxes. Yes, so much so that the people can not get money sufficient to pay them! What is to become of us, God only can tell. All human wisdom, or at least Texan wisdom, seems to fail us. We have many patriots in Texas, as well as Congress, but it seems that every measure proposed by those most able in finance can not devise a plan by which the nation is to be extricated from its present difficulties! The exertion of all the talents and industry of the people will be necessary to restore us to the situation in which the present administration found the country. But we must turn our eyes to the only subject that claims the attention of the people. We must cultivate our soil, raise our crops, rear our cattle, and everything that will make us comfortable and independent when we are at our homes. We will still be a people, if we can not be a Government, though I hope devoutly we will remain a people and a nation. The truth is, that useless extravagance and the most unprincipled profligacy have characterized the present administration. Recklessness, the most palpable and barefaced, has been practiced to such an extent that they can neither blush for their crimes, nor relent at the calamities which they have inflicted upon a generous, poor, and confiding people.
   "When things get to the worst they must mend, as the old adage goes. Our situation, if the adage is true, must soon be in a better condition. I hope this may be the case! I can not see how we would, or could, be in a worse condition.
   "The sole object of ———— is to insure, to secure, his re-election. And the country has to pay for his experiment; but he ought not to presume too far upon the forbearance of an injured and oppressed people. He has, as you will see by the newspaper enclosed, had recourse to novelty, as well as the ranks of his ​opponents, for men to sustain his pro tem. situation. I have been assured that Judge Terrell will not accept the Secretaryship of State, as it was made without his consent or knowledge.
   "The day was when it was reputable to hold a place in the Cabinet. Those days are gone by, and days must pass ere we shall see those times again.
   "We are to adjourn on Thursday next, so say both Houses of Congress. God knows, we are doing no good by staying here. Congress meets too often, and does too much. The printing of Congress would break any nation, and when it is done, the country has paid for a beautiful batch of law-suits! I hope to pass by you in a few days, and will call if it is in my power.
   "Thine truly,
   "Sam Houston.
   "Col. Anthony Butler."
But this chapter must not close without placing in history the opinion of one of the most able and distinguished men who has served Texas in any capacity—of Mirabeau B. Lamar and David G. Burnet. Hon. Ashbel Smith says in his "Reminiscences of the Texas Republic":
   "The age of chivalry could never have shown a more knightly paladin, a more princely troubadour than Mirabeau B. Lamar. He knew not the emotion of personal fear, the stern simplicity of his love of justice was never marred by a selfish motive. David G. Burnet united the perfidium ingenium of the Scotch character, with the unbending sternness of principle of an old covenanter. Old John Knox would have hugged such a character with grim delight. It does not detract from the virtues of these gentlemen that neither of them possessed eminent administrative ability, nor in a high degree that knowledge of human nature, and tact in managing men, which inferior men often acquire; nor that political wisdom and statesmanship accorded to but few, but still indispensable in moulding, forming institutions, and in conducting public affairs during periods of transition and danger."
Ill-health, overwork, and a sensitive nature, induced President Lamar to ask for leave of absence during the last year of his term. Vice-President D. G. Burnet, formerly President ad interim, acted as President during his absence, and to the close of his term.