# The Social General Strike/Chapter 2

II.
AFTER THE VICTORY OF THE GENERAL STRIKE.
The Characteristic Features of the Social Reorganisation.
1.—INDUSTRY.
So far we have only considered the General Strike idea as a fighting method; it was only investigated from its negative point of view, from the side destructive to the capitalistic order of society. If, however, this General Strike idea were concluded with this, if it were no more than a mere fighting method, it certainly would not deserve the name of a final method, certainly then thousands of proletarians in France and Spain would not call themselves "Greve-Generalistes " in France, and "Huelga Generalistas" in Spain; that means "General Striker."
Again we confront the proof of the fact that no theory creates practice, but vice versa, practice creates theory; or to be more precise, it is not the ideal of the future, the conceptual form of society which causes the struggle; the ideals of a reorganisation of society have crystallised from the struggle spontaneously.
We see this clearly in the theory of Anarchism, which was created by the struggle against the centralistic dictatorship of the general council of the "International." The alliance of the "Social Democracy" (that is what the Bakunistic opposition called themselves at that time) opposed the centralistic dictatorship of the Marxists within the International by the autonomic federations and free organisations of the Federalists and Communists. In this manner the theories of both factions developed from their tactics and their inner organisations. The Centralists of the International are the Social Democrats of to-day, and the Federalists became the Anarchists. Just as from the practice of the strikes resulted the theories and the practice of the General Strike, so there formed itself from the practice of propaganda, and the diffusion of the General Strike idea, a new view of things, a new organisation, a new structure for the day after the victorious General Strike.
Because strikes are mostly caused by Trade Unionists, it is quite natural that the General Strike idea is mostly propagated in Trade Unions. So it is consequently logical that after the victorious Social General Strike, the Trade Unions already organised will be and should be those who take production as well as the rebuilding of society into their hands.
The fundamental thought from the beginning was that the common people immediately after the victory should go to their meeting halls, working men's exchanges and their economic organisations, in order to seize through them the means of production.
Each Trade Union enters upon production in its particular branch ​of industry, and in this way production will gradually again come in motion. Different branches of production, of course, would have to be given up entirely; for instance, the production of weapons, the mint, the production of church fixtures, etc.; others at least for some time; for example, articles of luxury, toys, etc.
The war materials, such as guns, etc., would have to be remelted and made into useful machinery and tools. If, however, the proletarians of the neighbouring countries should not yet have freed themselves, munitions of war could be used still better by putting them at the disposal of the fighting proletariat of the still oppressed nations.
All idle working men of the suspended industries, the millions of former unemployed, the thousands of former bank employees, the employees of commission houses, fake bureaus, Board of Trade jobbers, travelling salesmen, clergymen, sheriffs, judges, policemen, officers, livery servants and ministers, the millions of freed soldiers, will have their hands full for years to come tearing down the miserable barracks, the pest and fever dens in which the common people were forced to live, and in building sanitary houses fitted up with modern improvements. For years we will have to work in order that the people can tear off from their body the rags in which they have been clothed, and replace them with comfortable, beautiful and seasonable garments.
There will be enough to do for years to remove the memories of tyranny, the gaols, forts, and the still existing prisons. All the Roman gallows (for the cross is nothing else) will have to be torn from the palaces and churches. According to their artistic value, buildings will be turned into useful stables, warehouses, meeting halls, or museums. All the columns which remind us of victories in war, of the highway robbers of the Middle Ages, whom history politely calls knight robbers, all the monuments which were erected for the "rei bombas" and "Kartätschenprinz," will have to be smashed to pieces; and monuments of real heroes of humanity, of fighters, alas so frightfully numerous, the martyrs of freedom, of poets and thinkers who have led humanity from darkness and oppression to light and freedom, will have to take their places.
After this period of transition, trades of liberal arts again can and will be taken up, those which had to disappear on account of capitalistic industry, and which were replaced by the much lower production of mere luxuries.
In the architectural creations of the Middle Ages, the time of the free trades' associations, we admire the richness and variety of sculpture, which are still preserved in the old cathedrals, courts of palaces, universities, etc. Each column has a head differently worked out, every sculpturally decorated part a different design. One sees that here the worker could create freely according to his pleasure and art, not haunted by drivers of capitalistic exploitation; that he had not been reduced to a fraction of an automaton through the specialisation of work.
After this period of transition, work again will become an art, because it will be executed free from compulsion and restraint, and as art it will, as every art does, give pleasure and satisfaction to the ​worker, and so the mere pleasure to produce will be the mightiest impulse and surest guarantee for all working artists, and a splendid inspirer, sufficient for all necessities. Since impulses of human occupation, the abilities and notions of men are so vastly different, it will be possible to satisfy the most manifold necessities of humanity.
However, before the realisation of this ideal—perfectly free Communism, needless of regulation—there will probably be a time of transition, the form and organisation of which will be determined principally by the working men bound in Trade Unionism.
One sees this clearest in France, and it was proved best by the organ of the French Trade Unions, La Voix du Peuple, which mainly made the propaganda of the General Strike its task.
The organisation in France is characterised on a large scale as follows:—
All members of a trade in a city unite in a local Trade Union; for example, the local Union of the cabinet makers of the city. All other trades of the same city also have their local Unions. All these local Unions unite in the "Bourse du Travail" (Labour Exchange) of the same city. Here is where they hold their meetings, where they have courses of instruction and entertainments, and where they discuss their common affairs. The collective organisation of one city is, according to this, the Labour Exchange. All Labour Exchanges of all cities in the whole country are again united by the Federation of Labour Exchanges.
Again, every local Union besides is a member of the Union of all Unions of cabinet makers of France. All Trade Unions, again, are united in their Industrial Union, locally and nationally organised; for instance, the cabinet makers' Union in the local Union of the woodworkers, the local Union of wood workers in the national Union of the woodworkers for all France.
All national Industrial and Trade Unions of France of all trades are again united by a general organisation, the "Confederation Generale du Travail" and the "Federation des Bourses du Travail," whose members, previously united, form a netlike structure, working hand in hand.
Of course, all these Trade Unions are autonomous and line up next to each other; not one superior to the other. Here is no "Executive Committee," no "General Assembly"; only a committee of communication and correspondence.
In the months inclusive of June to October, 1902, La Voix du Peuple (Voice of the People) had in its columns a public discussion regarding the work of the present organisations—in the future—on the day of the General Strike, and about the form of organisation and function which they proposed to give to the newly-to-be-erected society. An immense number of answers which the Trade Unions sent in, a highly interesting result in regard to their uniformity, were published. Outside of the general points, each Trade Union in its reply especially dealt with the position which it would take in future,as well as during and directly after the victorious General Strike.
For instance, amongst others, in the name of his Union, the ​secretary of a local Union of workers in luxuries replied, that their members were convinced that they would have to give up their trade, probably for a long time, after the General Strike, and that they were determined to divide themselves up in trades where there was a shortage of hands, and by this their Union would cease existing as a Trade Union, and consequently would be unable to take part as such in the reorganisation of society.
Unanimously, however, all other Trade Unions wrote that they were well aware of what they had to do, as to their mission after the victory, and that they would seize the means of production in their trade and continue production. In all other questions it is sufficient to mention the results of the answers of all Trades Unions.
It will be the calling of the industrial organisations to supply raw materials to the different Unions of production in the different trades which belong to this Industrial Union.
It would be the calling of the Labour Exchanges to attend to the moral and intellectual part of life; the education, the lectures, the entertainments, and especially the statistics of the necessities of their region and neighbourhood.
The sum of the statistics of necessities, put up by the Labour Exchanges of the different localities, would make it possible for the general Labour Unious and the general Union of Labour Exchanges of the whole country to easily send those products and raw materials which are abundant in one region into those regions where they are needed. Everybody will take from the public warehouses, in which products and provisions are piled up, to his heart's content, as he will need it, because production will proceed according to the public needs. In this manner the organisation of the future results by itself from the organisation of the present.
The surplus effort of the comrades who, no more exploited by overwork, but jolly and fresh, look to other fields of occupation instead of throwing themselves exhausted upon their beds immediately after work, will express itself in numerous organisations which correspond with their taste and notions.
In this manner one will spend his leisure time in organisations of science and art, another in sanitary organisations, still others in clubs of instruction and enlightenment; and so this immense net of groups and organisations works harmoniously without any need of any central or executive body.
2.—AGRICULTURE.
As soon as there is no more ruling power, after the victory of the working people in the cities, the most reactionary peasants, who always voted for the clergy and who could never be aroused to vote for Socialism, will be immediately ready to expropriate the big landlords. The traditions of the original village community, Communism, will be instrumental, so that the people will take back from the big landowners the forests and common fields.
The inferior production of the still generally used primitive system of agriculture will soon be improved by large farming ​machinery, which the productive Trade Unions will send to the country and which will be put and attended by city working men. The big steam ploughs and harvesting machines, and the continual contact of the working man with the farmer, will soon make the fences disappear from the small farms.
In this way the country will also necessarily come to village Communism, to the organisation which corresponds best with the productive Trade Unions of the workers in the cities and industrial centres, until all differences between city and country, peasant and working man, have completely disappeared.
In the beginning of this part it was amply illustrated how, through the demolition of the capitalistic society, millions of workers would be left idle. They could from now on employ themselves in useful capacities. While one part of them would be occupied erecting modern houses, the biggest part would turn to agriculture and the production of provisions.
Systematically and effectively they will try to make use of the immense riches of the oceans and seas, availing themselves of the vast amount of living organisms in them, and beginning the systematic cultivation of sea animal life.
So far, most advancement in modern science and technics has been used for the benefit of other industries; while in most countries agriculture stands no higher than it did 4,000 years ago. Now thousands of intelligent people would turn to this field to combine industry with agriculture and apply the latest conceptions of science and chemistry.
No more will there be lying idle whole sections of land to serve as hunting grounds for the large landlords. No more will land be lying unfertile; it will be cultivated, and even rocks pulverised in order to produce artificial soil. By irrigation, by drainage, by careful vegetable gardening, the general use of hothouses, artificial fertilising, etc., the productivity of the land can be multiplied tenfold, even a hundredfold, and by this means solve the problem of food, because of which previous big revolutions have perished; and in this way produce prosperity for all.
Working on the field a few hours in the day during a few weeks, facilitated by machinery, will be far from being a burden, and will be considered a recreation by city folks. In Kropotkin's great work, "Fields, Factories and Workshops," this question is thoroughly dealt with, and by particular reports and statistics it is proved that even in those countries which have to import a large part of their supplies at present there is room enough to produce a supply for all the people, if intensive and thorough cultivation of the ground were but practised.
This does away with the apprehension that eventually the country in which the proletariat was victorious could be starved out by cutting off the supply of provisions from foreign countries. We now see how the idea and organisation of the General Strike not only possesses a destructive power, but in itself bears the elements for the reorganisation of society, and for that reason alone already deserves the name of a "Weltanschauung" (a final conception).