# A History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan/Volume 1/Book 4

BOOK IV.
FOUR hundred of the French prisoners were sent under an escort to Fort St. David; and the rest, together with the artillery and stores taken at Jumbakistna, were carried into Tritchinopoly: after these and some other necessary dispositions were made, major Lawrence represented to the Nabob the necessity of his marching without delay at the head of the confederate army into the Carnatic, where it was not to be doubted that the reputation of their late successes would contribute greatly to reduce such fortresses as were in the interest of Chunda-saheb, and facilitate the establishment of his government over the province, from which he had hitherto received neither revenues nor assistance. The Nabob acquiesced in this advice, but continued for several days to shew an unaccountable backwardness, as often as he was pressed to put it into execution. The inconsistency of this conduct perplexed all but the very few who were acquainted with the cause; and the English had no conception of the difficulties which with-held him, when, to their very great astonishment, the Mysorean explained the mystery, by refusing to march until the city of Tritchinopoly with all its dependencies was delivered up to him; for such was the price he had stipulated with the Nabob for his assistance.
They had both, for every reason, agreed to keep this important article a profound secret; but the Mysorean had either not been able to conceal it from the sagacity of his subsidiary the Morattoe, or perhaps had made the agreement by his advice. It is certain that the Morattoe had all along projected to turn it to his own advantage at a proper occasion: excepting these principals, and their immediate secretaries, not a man in the province had any idea of it. Great therefore was the general surprize and anxiety when it was made public. ​The Nabob finding dissimulation no longer of any service, confessed the truth when major Lawrence demanded an explanation of it; protesting that his extreme distress alone had extorted a promise from him, which the Mysorean himself might very well know was totally out of his power to perform. Tritchinopoly, he said, was the Great Mogul's, and himself only a viceroy, appointed to govern it during the pleasure of that great prince: that the resignng of this important place to the government of an Indian king, would involve both himself and the English in continual wars with the whole Mogul empire. In short, firmly resolved at all events not to part with the place, he proposed to amuse the regent with a further promise of delivering it up within two months; in which time he hoped, by collecting the large arrears due from the Arcot province, to repay the expences which the Mysoreans had incurred by assisting him. As a palliative for the present, he meant to give up the fort of Madura with its dependencies, which include a very large district. These terms he thought a full and ample recompence for all that the regent had done for him, more especially as the reduction of Chunda-saheb's power had been an essential advantage to the interests of the Mysoreans as well as to his own. Major Lawrence, whose power was confined to the operations of the field, waited for instructions from the presidency, who received at the same time applications from both parties, setting forth, as usual, the subject in a very different manner. They prudently determined not to interfere in the dispute, unless violence should be used against the Nabob; and professing great friendship to the Mysorean, they strenuously recommended to both parties an amicable adjustment of their differences.
But these differences continued with great warmth; and in the long debate on this subject, Morari-row conducted himself with so much seeming impartiality, that he was chosen, with equal confidence on both sides, to be the mediator between them; and the time being fixed for the conference, he came one evening into the city in great state, accompanied by two commissaries deputed by the regent: they proceeded to the Nabob's palace, where captain Dalton, as commander of the English garrison, was present. ​The usual ceremonies being over, the Morattoe with great deliberation and propriety enumerated the many obligations which the Nabob owed to the regent. He painted in lively colours the distressful state of his affairs, when the regent generously undertook his cause; at which time, although nominal lord of a country extending from the river Pennar to Cape Comerin, he really possessed no more of this great dominion than the ground inclosed by the walls of Tritchinopoly, where he was closely besieged by a much superior and implacable enemy. He appealed to the Nabob for the truth of what he asserted, and then demanded in form the delivery of the city and territory of Tritchinopoly, in consequence of the solemn agreement he had made with the Mysorean, which he produced signed and sealed.
The Nabob, who expected this harrangue, acknowledged the favours he had received, and said, that he was resolved to fulfil his engagements: but that being at this time in possession of no other considerable fortified town, it was impossible to remove his family, which was very large, until he had, by reducing the Arcot province got a place proper for their reception: he therefore demanded a respite of two months, at the expiration of which he promised to send orders to his brother-in-law to deliver up the city. The Morattoe highly commended this resolution; and after some other vague discourse, he signified an inclination to speak to him in private, and desired the commissaries to withdraw. As soon as they and the rest of the audience, excepting captain Dalton, were retired, changing his countenance from the solemnity of a negociator to the smile of a courtier, he told the Nabob, that he believed him endowed with too much sense to mind what he had said before those two stupid fellows, meaning the commissaries: you must likewise, said he, think that I have too much discernment to believe you have any intention of fulfilling the promise you have now made. How could you answer to the Great Mogul the giving up so considerable a part of his dominion to such insignificant people: it would be the highest absurdity to think of it. These you may be assured are my real sentiments, whatever my private interest may induce me to say to the contrary in public. The Nabob Was not a little delighted to find him in this ​dispition; for it was his resentment more than the regent's that he dreaded; and immediately made him a present of a draught on his treasury for 50,000 rupees, promising much more if he would reconcile matters, and divert the regent from insisting on the letter of the treaty. This the other assured him he would do, though nothing was farther from his intentions. He was in reality the most improper person that could have been chosen to adjust the difference. His views were, first by ingratiating himself with the Nabob, to persuade him to admit a large body of Morattoes into the city as the best means of deceiving the regent into a belief that he really intended to give it up according to his promise; and these military umpires would have been instructed to seize on any opportunity that might offer of seducing or overpowering the rest of the garrison; and if this iniquitous scheme succeeded, he intended to keep possession of the city, which he had formerly governed, for himself. If there should be no opening for this plan, he determined to protract the dispute as long as possible by negociations, during which he was sure of being kept in pay by the Mysorean, and did not doubt of having the address to get considerable presents from the Nabob. When this double dealing should be exhausted, he purposed to make the Mysorean declare war, knowing that he had too great an opinion of the Morattoes to carry it on without continuing them in his service.
The apprehensions of an immediate rupture obliged the English troops, who had proceeded on the 16th of June as far as Utatoor, to return on the 18th to Tritchinopoly; for the Mysorean had even threatened to attack the Nabob, if he offered to march out of the city in order to join his European allies, as he had promised. Their appearance, more than their remonstrances, produced an accommodation for the present. The Nabob made over to the regent the revenues of the island of Seringham, and of several other districts, impowering him to collect them himself; promised again to deliver up Tritchinopoly at the end of two months; and in the mean time agreed to receive 700 men, provided they were not Morattoes, into the city. On these conditions the Mysorean agreed to assist him with all his force to reduce the Arcot province. Neither side gave any credit to the other, but both expected advantages by gaining ​time. The Nabob knew that an immediate declaration of war, would effectually stop the progress of his arms in the Carnatic, where he hoped to gain some signal advantage, whilst the regent delayed to commence hostilities against him; and the regent wished for nothing so much as the departure of the Nabob and the English battalion, that he might carry on his schemes to surprize Tritchinopoly, which he knew their presence would render ineffectual. The excuses he made, when pressed to march, sufficiently explained his intentions; and to frustrate them, 200 Europeans with 1500 Sepoys were placed in garrison in the city, under the command of captain Dalton, who was instructed to take every precaution against a surprize.
The battalion, now reduced to 500 men, together with 2500 Sepoys, began their march on the 28th of June, accompanied by the Nabob at the head of 2000 horse: these, with about the same number of Peons left in Tritchinopoly, were all the force he commanded, for none of the numerous allies, whom he saw acting in his service a few days before, remained with him. The Tanjorines had rendered too great services to be refused the permission of returning home; and the troops of the Polygars were not obliged to act out of the districts of Tritchinopoly. The Mysoreans and Morattoes remained in their encampment to the west of the city, placing a detachment in Seringham Pagoda, of which the Nabob had permitted them to take possession. The weakness to which the Nabob's force was reduced by this fatal contest, and the apprehension of still worse consequences from it, destroyed the hopes which the English had entertained a few days before, of carrying his arms in triumph against Velore or Gingee. Their late success, instead of inspiring exultation, served only to imbitter the sense of their incapacity to reap any advantage from it. They marched away more with the sullenness of men defeated, than with the alacrity of troops flushed with victory; and proceeding with out any regular plan for their future operations, they followed the high road until they came to Vol-condah.
Here they halted for some days, whilst the Nabob negociated with the governor, who refused to deliver up his fort, but took the oath of allegiance, and paying 80.000 rupees as a consideration for the arrears ​that were due from him, gave security for the punctual discharge of the revenues of his district in future.
From hence the Nabob detached his brother Abdullwahab Khan with 1000 horse to Arcot, appointing him his lieutenant of the countries to the north of the river Paliar; and the rest of the army marching by Verdachelum, proceeded to Trivadi, where they arrived on the 6th of July, and found a garrison of French Sepoys in the pagoda, who surrendered on the first summons. The troops then encamped in the neighbourhood, and major Lawrence leaving the command to captain Gingen, went for the recovery of his health into Fort St. David. This place was no longer the seat of the presidency, which, by orders from England, had been removed, two months before, to its ancient residence at Madrass.
The death of Chunda-saheb, and the capture of Seringham, struck the inhabitants of Pondicherry with the deepest consternation; for excepting those who received advantages from their employments in the war, few had ever approved of the ambitious views of their governor, and fewer were personally attached to him. The haughtiness and arrogance of his spirit disgusted all who approached him; he exhibited on all occasions the oriental pomp, and marks of distinction, which he assumed as the Great Mogul's viceroy in the countries south of the Kristna: insomuch that he had more than once obliged his own countrymen to submit to the humiliation of paying him homage on their knees. This domineering insolence had created him many enemies, who, with a spirit of malice common to violent prejudices, were not sorry to find their own sense of his romantic schemes justified, by the late signal disasters, which they hoped would deter him from prosecuting them any farther. But they did not know the man: difficulties and disappointments, instead of depressing him, only suggested the necessity of exerting himself with more vigour. And indeed his plan of gaining vast acquisitions in the Decan had been laid with so much sagacity, that the successes of his arms to the northward already ballanced the disgrace they had suffered at Seringham.
In the month of February of the preceeding year, Salabat-jing the new Soubah, with the French troops under the command of Bussy, ​quitted the country of Cudapah where the unfortunate Murzafa-jing had been killed. On the 15th of March they came to Canoul, the capital of the Pitan Nabob by whose hand that prince was slain, and it was determined that the city should atone for the treachery and rebellion of its Lord. The place was originally well fortified; but since it had been in the possession of Pitans, these people, as avaricious as they are brave, had suffered the defences both of the town and its citadel to fall to decay; and the river which runs close to the city, had lately carried away 200 yards of the wall; there were 4000 Pitans in the place, who attempted to defend this entrance; but not accustomed to the fire of field pieces, were easily put to flight: they retired into the castle, several parts of which were likewise in ruins; and the French troops, animated by their success, and led by Mr. Kirjean, a nephew of Mr. Dupleix, stormed it, with great vivacity, where the breaches were most practicable; by which time the army of Salabat-jing came up, and assisted with good will in putting all the garrison to the sword; many of the inhabitants were likewise massacred. The wife of the late Nabob and her two sons were made prisoners.
The French doubtless intended, by the unmerciful slaughter which they made at the taking of this city, to spread early the terror of their arms, through the countries in which they were going to establish themselves, where no European force had ever before appeared and in order to raise an opinion of their good faith and justice, equal to the reputation of their prowess, Mr. Bussy, immediately after Canoul was taken, obliged Salabat-jing to settle the fortune of Sadoudin Khan, the infant son of Murzafa-jing, their late ally add Soubah. He received the investiture of the government of Adoni, which had been the patrimony of his father, and as a just reparation for the treachery that caused his death, the territory of the Nabob of Cudapah, who planned the conspiracy, and of Canoul, by whose arm he fell, were added to the sovereignty of the young prince, which by the French accounts produced all together an annual revenue of near a million of pounds sterling. An example of generosity, which, if true, could not fail to raise admiration in a country, where the merits of the father are so seldom of advantage to the distresses of the son. ​The army then crossed the Kristna, between which and Gol-condah were posted 25000 Morattoes, employed by Gazy-o-din Khan, the eldest brother of Salabat-jing, and generalissimo of the empire, to oppose their passage towards the city. They were commanded by Balagerow, the principal general of the Sahah Rajah, or king of all the Morattoe nations. A negotiation ensued, and the Morattoes, having hitherto received nothing from Gazy-o-din Khan, who was at Delhi, were easily persuaded, with some ready money, not only to retire, but also to make an alliance with the prince they were sent to oppose.
Nothing more remained to obstruct the passage of the army, which entered Gol-condah in the procession of an eastern triumph on the 2d of April. Salabat-jing was acknowledged Soubah without opposition, and went through the ceremony of sitting on the Musnud or throne in public, and of receiving homage not only from his own immediate officers, but also from most of the governors of the neighbouring countries.
The services which the French battalion had rendered were now amply rewarded. A present supposed to be 100,000 pounds sterling was given to the commander in chief, the other officers likewise received gratuities, and that of an ensign, amounted to 50,000 rupees. The monthly pay of a captain, besides the carriage of his baggage furnished at Salabat-jing's expence, was settled at 1000 rupees, of a lieutenant at 500, of an ensign at 300, of a serjeant at 90, and of a common soldier at 60 rupees. The policy of Mr. Dupleix, in taking possession of Masulipatnam, was now manifested by the facility with which the army at Gol-condah was supplied with recruits of men, stores, and ammunition from that port.
In the mean time, Gazy-o-din Khan had obtained from the ministry at Delhi a commission for the Soubahship of the Decan, and the rumour of an army marching by his orders towards Brampore, determined Salabat-jing to proceed immediately to Aurengabad. He left Gol-condah in the beginning of May, and during the route, intelligence was received that several principal, men in the city had declared against him, and Shanavaze-Khan, who had been the prime minister of Nazir-jing, and had ever since his reconciliation with the French ​after the death of that prince, accompanied the camp, now found means to escape out of it, and went directly to Aurengabad, where he contributed not a little to inflame the minds of the people against Salabat-jing, describing him as a weak and infatuated prince, who had dishonoured the Mogul government, by subjecting himself, and his authority, to the arbitrary will of a handful of infidels, who grasped at nothing less than the sovereignty of half the Mogul empire under pretence of giving assistance to the rightful lords.
These reports were two well founded not to make an impression, and the consequences of them were so much apprehended, that Salabat-jing did not think it safe to appear in sight of the capital, before he had acted the stale but pompous ceremony of receiving from the hands of an ambassador, said to be sent by the Great Mogul, letters patent, appointing him viceroy of all the countries which had been under the jurisdiction of his father Nizam-al-muluck. The man, no doubt as fictitious as the writings with which he was charged, was treated almost with as much reverence as would have been paid to the emperor, whom he pretended to represent. The prince himself, accompanied by the French troops, advanced a mile beyond the camp to meet him; and the delivery of the letters was signified by a general discharge of all the cannon and musketry in the army, after which he sat in state to receive homage from his officers; Mr. Bussy, as the first in rank, giving the example. The army then continued their march to the city, where they arrived on the 18th of June, and found that their appearance, and the reputation of the Mogul's favours, had suppressed whatever commotions might have been intended. A few indeed knew for certain that Gazy-o-din Khan had received the commission assumed by his brother, and was preparing to assert it at the head of an army; but the voices of these were lost amidst the clamours of a populace, impatient to see a Soubah of the Decan, once more making his residence in their city, which had been deprived of this advantage ever since the death of Nizam-al-muluck.
The entry into Aurengabad was more splendid and magnificent, than that which had been made at Gol-condah: and the city merited this preference, being, next to Delhi, the most populous and wealthy in ​the Mogul's dominions: its inhabitants, when the Soubah is there, are computed at a million and a half of souls. The French had a convenient quarter assigned them, to which Mr. Bussy strictly obliged the troops to confine themselves, lest the disparity of manners should create broils and tumults which might end fatally.
Mr. Dupleix published these mandates and marks of favour to awe the Carnatic, astonished and rendered wavering by the catastrophe of Chunda-saheb: nor were these his only resources. He had been early apprized of the discontent of the Mysoreans at Tritchinopoly, and was already deeply engaged in fomenting their defection. The annual ships from France arriving at the time Mr. Law surrendered brought a large reinforcement to Pondicherry, which he increased, by taking the sailors, and sending Lascars on board to navigate the ships to China. Thus armed, and relying on no vain expectations, the disasters at Seringham were so far from inducing him to make any proposals of accommodation either to the English or the Nabob, that he immediately discovered his intentions of continuing the war, by ​proclaiming Raja-saheb, the son of Chunda-saheb, Nabob of the province, in virtue of the pretended authority invested in himself, and by ordering a body of 500 men to take the field.
Mahomed-ally felt more severely eveiy day the bad consequences of his promise to the Mysorean, for none but the most insignificant chiefs in the province offered voluntarily to acknowledge him; the rest waited to be attacked before they made their submission; and he being little skilled in military matters, but deeply sensible of the decline of his fortune, conceived a notion, that the English troops were capable of reducing the fortress of Gingee; in this persuasion he requested of the presidency in the most pressing terms to render him this service, and they with too much complaisance determined to give him the satisfaction of seeing the experiment tried, notwithstanding that major Lawrence went to Madrass on purpose to represent the improbability of succeeding in the attempt.
Accordingly on the 23d of July, major Kineer, an officer lately arrived from Europe, marched with 200 Europeans, 1500 Sepoy's, and 600 of the Nabob's cavalry, and the next day summoned Villaparum, a fort twelve miles to the north of Trivadi: it surrendered without making any resistance. Proceeding on their march, they found difficulties increase; for the country 10 miles round Gingee is inclosed by a circular chain of mountains, and the roads leading through them are strong passes, of which it is necessary that an army attacking the place should be in possession, in order to keep the communication open. Major Kineer's force being much too small to afford proper detachments for this service, he marched on with the whole to Gingee, where he arrived the 26th. The garrison was summoned to surrender, and the officer answered with civility, that he kept the place for the king of France, and was determined to defend it. The troops were in no condition to attack it; for by some unaccountable presumption, they had neglected, to wait for two pieces of battering cannon, which were coming from Fort St. David. Mr. Dupleix no sooner heard that the English had passed the mountains, than he detached 300 Europeans and 500 Sepoys, with seven field pieces who took possession of Vicravandi, a town situated in the high road, and ​not far distant from the pass through which the English had marched; upon which major Kineer, who upon a view of Gingee despaired of reducing it even with battering cannon, immediately repassed the mountains, and being reinforced by the rest of the Nabob's cavalry, and some other troops from Trivadi, marched on the 26th of July, with 300 Europeans, 500 Sepoys, a company of Caffrees, and 2000 horse, to give the enemy battle.
They were posted in a strong situation. The greatest part of the town was encircled by a rivulet, which serving as a ditch, was defended by a parapet, formed of the ruins of old houses, and interrupted at proper intervals to give play to the cannon. The outward bank was in many parts as high as the parapet, and that part of the village which the rivulet did not bound might be easily entered; but the English, neglecting to reconnoitre before they began the attack, lost the advantages which they might have taken of these circumstances.
They marched directly to the enemy, who, in order to bring on the engagement in that part where they were strongest, appeared at first drawn up on the outward bank of the rivulet, but as soon as the field pieces began to fire, recrossed it with precipitation, and the appearance of fear. The English, elated with the imagination of their panic, advanced to the bank, and leaving their field pieces behind, began the attack with the fire of their musketry only. The enemy answering it, both from musketry and field pieces, and under shelter, suffered little loss, and did much execution. The company of English Caffres were first flung into disorder by carrying off their wounded as they dropped, and soon after took flight; they were followed by the Sepoys; and major Kineer in this instant receiving a wound which disabled him, the Europeans began to waver likewise. The enemy perceiving the confusion, detached 100 of their best men, amongst which were 50 volunteers, who, crossing the rivulet briskly, advanced to the bank. The vivacity of this unexpected motion increased the panic, and only 14 grenadiers, with two ensigns, stood by the colours: these indeed defended them bravely, until they were rejoined by some of the fugitives, with whom they retreated in order; and the French, satisfied with their success, returned to the village, having, with very ​little loss to themselves, killed and wounded 40 of the English battalion, which suffered in this action more disgrace than in any other that had happened during the war: Major Kineer was so affected by it, that although he recovered of his wound, his vexation brought on an illness, of which he some time after died.
The troops retreated to Trivadi, and the enemy, quitting Vicravandi, retook the fort of Villaparum, which they demolished. Mr. Dupleix, animated by these successes, slight as they were, reinforced them with all the men he could send into the field; the whole, consisting of 450 Europeans, 1500 Sepoys, and 500 Moorish horse, marched and encamped to the north of Fort St. David, close to the bounds; upon which the English and the Nabob's troops quitted Trivadi, and encamped at Chimundelum, a redoubt in the bound hedge, three miles to the west of St. David; here they remained for some days inactive, waiting for more troops from Madrass, where the ships from England had brought a reinforcement, consisting principally of two companies of Swiss, each of 100 men, commanded by officers of that nation.
To avoid the risque and delay of a march by land, one of these companies was immediately embarked in Massoolas, the common and slightest boats of the country, and ordered to proceed to Fort St. David by sea; for it was not imagined that the French would venture to violate the English colours on this element; but the boats no sooner came in sight of Pondicherry than a ship in the road weighed anchor and seizing every one of the boats, carried the troops into the town; where Mr. Dupleix kept them prisoners, and insisted that the capture was as justifiable as that which had been made of his own troops at Seringham.
As soon as the news of this loss reached Madrass, Major Lawrence embarked with the other company of Swiss, on board of one of the company's ships, and arrived the 16th of August at Fort St. David. The next day he took the command of the army, which consisted of 400 Europeans, 1700 Sepoys, and 4000 of the Nabob's troops, cavalry, and Peons, with eight field pieces. The enemy hearing of his arrival decamped in the night, and retreated to Bahoor, and finding themselves . ​followed, the next day went nearer to Pondicherry, and encamped between the bound hedge and Villanore, from whence the commanding officer sent a letter protesting against the English, for not respecting the territory of the French company. Major Lawrence being instructed by the presidency not to enter their antient limits, the bound hedge, unless they should set the example, contented himself with attacking their advanced post at Villanore, which they immediately abandoned, and their whole army retreated under the walls of the town
They shewed so little inclination to quit this situation, that major Lawrence, imagining nothing would intice them out of it but a persuasion that the English were become as unwilling as themselves to venture a general engagement, retreated precipitately to Bahoor. The stratagem took effect, not with the commanding officer Mr. Kirjean, but with his uncle Mr. Dupleix, who ordered him to follow the English, and take advantage of their supposed fears. The remonstrances of his nephew only produced a more peremptory order, in obedience to which Mr. Kirjean marched, and encamped within two miles of Bahoor, where major Lawrence immediately made the necessary dispositions for attacking him.
The troops began to march at three the next morning: the Sepoys formed the first line, the battalion the second, and the artillery were divided on the flanks; the Nabob's cavalry were stationed to the right on the other side of a high bank, which ran from the English to the enemy's camp: the attack began a little before the dawn of day. The Sepoys were challenged by the advanced posts, and not answering, received their fire, which they returned, and still marching on came to an engagement with the enemy's Sepoys, which lasted till day-light, when the French battalion were discovered drawn up; their right defended by the bank, and their left by a large pond. The English battalion halted to form their front equal to that of the enemy, who, during this operation, kept up a brisk fire from eight pieces of connon, and continued it until the small arms began. The action now became warm, the English firing as they advanced, and the French standing their ground until the bayonets met. ​This crisis of modern war is generally decided in an instant, and very few examples of it occur. The company of English grenadiers, with two platoons, broke the enemy's center, on which their whole line immediately gave way, and no quarter being expected in such a conflict, they threw down their arms as incumbrances to their flight. This was the moment for the Nabob's cavalry to charge, as they had been instructed; but instead of setting out in pursuit of the fugitives, they galloped into the camp, and employed themselves in plunder; however the Sepoys picked up many of them. Mr. Kirjean, with 13 officers and 100 private men, were made prisoners, and a greater number were killed; all the enemy's artillery, ammunition, and stores were taken. Of the English battalion, 4 officers and 78 private men were killed and wounded.
This victory broke the enemy's force so effectually, that Mr. Dupleix was obliged to wait the arrival of farther reinforcements before he attempted any thing more in the field; nor was this the only advantage obtained by it, for it checked the resolution which the Mysoreau had just taken of declaring openly for the French.
The English battalion no sooner quitted Tritchinopoly, than the regent set about accomplishing his scheme of surprizing the city, and by disbursing large sums of money, endeavoured to gain 500 of the Nabob's best Peons, armed with firelocks. The Jemautdars, or captains of these troops, received his bribes, and promised to join the 700 Mysoreans in the garrison whenever they should rise. Captain Dalton receiving some hints of the conspiracy, kept ward in the city with as much vigilance as if he had been in an enemy's country, and caused the artillery on the ramparts to be pointed every evening inwards on the quarters of the Mysoreans, and of the suspected Peons.
These precautions naturally alarmed those who had been treating with the regent; but still none of them made any discovery; whereupon, at a general review of arms ordered for this purpose, he directed their flints to be taken out of their firelocks, under pretence of supplying them with some of a better sort. This convincing them that their practices were discovered, the Jemautdars came and confessed all that had passed, imploring forgiveness: each brought the sum he had received, and that of the principal man was 16,000 ​rupees. They protested that they had no view in taking the money, but to keep their troops from starving, who had scarcely received any pay from the Nabob for nine months; and as a proof that they had no intention of assisting the Mysorean in his designs, they said, that not one of them had removed his wife and family out of the city. Captain Dalton made them few reproaches, but ordered them to march with their troops the next morning to join the Nabob's army at Trivadi. The regent finding this scheme frustrated, hired two fellows to shoot captain Dalton as he walked on the ramparts, who luckily receiving intelligence of their design a few hours before they intended to put it in execution, sent a detachment, which took them prisoners in the house where they had concealed themselves with their arms. One was sullen, and said little, but the other confessed the whole, and declared, that three more were engaged in the plot, who had undertaken to watch the gate of the palace, and shoot Kiroodin Khan, the Nabob's brother-in-law, when he should come out on the tumult which the death of the English commander would naturally occasion; but these, on seeing the soldiers mrach to the house, had made their escape. The regent, when reproached for this treachery, denied that he had any knowledge of it. He employed, however, Morari-row to solicit the pardon of the assassins; and the friendship of the Morattoe being at this time thought very valuable, Kiroodin Khan granted his request, but did not reprieve the men before they had gone through the ceremony of being fastened to the muzzles of two field pieces in sight of the whole garrison drawn up under arms. Five days after two other Mysoreans came to another Jemautdar, who commanded 180 Sepoys at one of the gates of the city, and attempted to seduce him; but this officer, an old and faithful servant of the company, secured the fellows, and carried them to captain Dalton. The articles signed by the regent were found on them, which leaving no room for equivocation, they confessed the act, and were the next morning blown from the muzzles of two field pieces. This execution struck such a terror, that the regent could not get any more of his own people to undertake such commissions; and having remained quiet for some days, he at length pitched upon one Clement Poverio, a Neapolitan, ​who commanded a company of Topasses in the Nabob's service, and had often the guard over the French prisoners in the city. This man, trading a good deal, went frequently into the camp of the Mysoreans, which gave the regent an opportunity of making application to him in person. He assured Poverio that he had, besides the Mysoreans in garrison, a strong party in the city, and offered great rewards if he would join them on the first commotion. The Neapolitan gave him cause to believe he was to be wrought upon, but said he must first sound the disposition of his officers; and on his return he made a faithful report to captain Dalton of what had passed. He was ordered to return to the camp the next morning with instructions how to proceed, and conducted himself so dexterously, that a few conferences intirely gained him the confidence of the regent. Having settled the plan of operations, he brought to captain Dalton the agreement signed by the regent and himself, sealed with the great seal of Mysore: it was specified, that captain Poverio should receive 20,000 rupees for himself, and 3,000 more to buy firelocks, in order to arm the French prisoners, who were to be let out the first time his company took the guard over them; he was at the same time to seize on the western gate of the city, near which the Mysoreans were encamped, and to hoist a red flag, on which signal the whole army were to move, and enter the town.
On the day fixed for the execution of this enterprize, all the cannon that could be brought to bear on the Mysore camp were well manned, and above 700 musketeers, Europeans and Sepoys, were concealed in the traverses and works near the western gateway, with a great number of hand grenades; the rest of the garrison was under arms, and the Mysoreans would certainly have suffered severely; but the fears of the Nabob's brother-in-law put a stop to the enterprize. He was apprehensive that the attempt might succeed, and to avoid the risque, sent a messenger to upbraid the regent, and to acquaint him that the garrison were prepared to receive him.
The regent thinking himself no longer safe under the cannon of the city, decamped and fixed his head quarters three miles to the westward, at the Pagodas of Wariore, which were garrisoned by ​English Sepoys; but finding that captain Dalton had reinforced this post, he moved again, and encamped near Seringham.
The mutual distrust increased daily, although the outward appearance of friendship subsisted; for the regent sent every day one of his principal officers to enquire after captain Dalton's health, in order to have an opportunity of discovering what he was doing. When the two months stipulated for the delivery of the city were expired, he sent four of his principal officers in form to demand the surrender of it; but Kiroodin Khan, a man haughty and insolent, when no danger was near, flew out into a passion, and reproaching the commissaries with the treacherous and clandestine practices of their prince, produced the agreement with captain Poverio, signed and sealed, and then told them plainly, that they had no city to expect, but should be paid the money which the regent had disbursed, as soon as the Nabob's finances were in a better condition.
The regent pretended to be much offended with this answer; however, after some consideration, he sent his minister to lay the accounts before the Nabob, declaring that he was willing to relinquish his claim to Tritchinopoly, provided the money was immediately paid. This appearance of moderation was only intended to lessen the Nabob's character with the publick, and to justify the measures he was determined to take himself; for he was too well acquainted with his circumstances, to imagine him able to pay so large a sum, which, by the accounts he produced, amounted to 8,500,000 rupees.
There now remained little hopes of reconciling the difference, which Mr. Dupleix had from the beginning diligently inflamed: knowing that it was the interest of the Morattoes to protract a war, he addressed himself particularly to Morari-row, who continually received presents and letters from him, as also from his wife. In these letters the English were represented as a plodding mercantile people, unacquainted with the art of war, and not fit to appear in the field, opposed to a nation of so martial a genius as the French; and the success at Seringham was totally ascribed to the valour and activity of the Morattoe cavalry. ​Morari-row having settled his plan, easily persuaded the regent to acquiesce in it, and embassadors were sent to Pondicherry, where a treaty was soon concluded, and war resolved; Mr. Dupleix promising to take Tritchinopoby, and give it to the Mysoreans. In consequence of this alliance, Innis Khan, with 3000 Morattoes, was detached from Seringham in the middle of August, with instructions to join the French, but first to go to the Nabob's camp, and endeavour to get some money from him; for this object never failed to be interwoven in all Morari-row's schemes. The detachment taking time to plunder the province as they marched along, were at some distance from the coast when they received news of the battle at Bahoor: startled at this success, Innis Khan halted, waiting for farther instructions from Tritchinopoly; in consequence of which he joined the Nabob, with great protestations of friendship and seeming joy at the late event, pretending to lament that he had not come up in time to have a share in it; and in order to accomplish his intention of getting money, he did not hesitate to take the oath of fidelity to the Nabob.
Major Lawrence, notwithstanding his late success at Bahoor, did not think it prudent to engage in any farther operations, whilst he remained in uncertainty of the resolution which these Morattoes might take; but as soon as they joined him, he moved from Fort St. David to Trivadi, and prepared to employ the remainder of the season, before the rains began, in reducing the country between Pondicherry and the river Paliar. At the same time the Nabob requested the presidency to send a force to attack Chinglapet and Cobelong, two strong holds, situated to the north of that river, which kept in subjection a considerable tract of country, and from whence detachments frequently plundered the territory belonging to the Nabob and the company.
Madrass was able to furnish no more than 200 European recruits, just arrived from England, and, as usual, the refuse of the vilest employments in London, together with 500 Sepoys newly raised, and as unexperienced as the Europeans. Such a force appeared very unequal to the enterprize of laying siege to strong forts; and it could hardly be expected that any officer, who had acquired reputation, would willingly ​risque it by taking the command of them; but captain Clive whose military life had been a continued option of difficulties, voluntarily offered his service on this occasion, notwithstanding that his health was at this time much impaired by the excess of his former fatigues.
The troops, with four 24 pounders, marched on the 10th of September against Cobelong. This fort, called by the Moors Saudet Bundar, and situated twenty miles south of Madrass, and within musket shot of the sea, was built by An'war-odean Khan, near the ruins of another belonging to the Ostend company. The French got possession of it in the beginning of the year 1750 by a stratagem. A ship anchored in the road, making signals of distress, and the Moors who repaired on board were told, that most of the crew had died of the scurvy, and that the rest would perish likewise, if they were not permitted to come ashore immediately, since they were no longer able to navigate the vessel. The Nabob's officer, in hopes of being well paid, granted their request; on which thirty Frenchmen of lean and yellow physiognomies, counterfeiting various kinds of infirmities, were admitted, and having arms concealed under their cloaths, overpowered the garrison in the night. The fort had no ditch, but a strong wall flanked by round towers, on which were mounted thirty pieces of cannon, and it was garrisoned by 50 Europeans and 300 Sepoys.
The English troops arrived in the evening at an eminence about two miles to the westward, from whence half of them marched in the night under the command of lieutenant Cooper, to take possession of a garden, situated about 600 yards to the south of the fort. At break of day the garrison detached 30 Europeans and 100 Sepoys, who advancing to the garden unobserved, began to fire through several large crevices in the gate, which was in a ruinous condition, and a shot killed lieutenant Cooper. The troops were so terrified by this alarm, and by the death of their officer, that they fled precipitately out of the garden, and would probably have run back to Madrass, had they not been met by captain Clive advancing with the rest of his force, who obliged them, not without difficulty, and even violence, to rally, and return with him to the garden, which the enemy abandoned on his approach. ​The next day he sent a summons to the French officer, who answered, that the Fort belonged to the king of France, and that if the English committed any hostilities, his nation would deem it a declaration of war: he therefore expected that they should immediately withdraw; but if they persisted, and attacked the place, he and his garrison were determined to die in the breach. This blustering language proceeded from his reliance on a reinforcement of 700 Sepoys and 40 Europeans, which Mr. Dupleix had detached from Pondicherry to Chinglapet, with orders to the officer commanding there to introduce them at all events into Cobelong. The English the next day began to erect a battery between the garden and the Fort, at the distance of 300 yards from the walls, and at the same time placed a strong guard on a rock about 100 yards to the left of the battery. The enemy brought many of their guns to bear upon the face of the attack, and fired smartly; whilst it was with the greatest difficulty the English troops could be kept to their posts, both Europeans and Sepoys taking flight on every alarm: an unlucky shot, which struck the rock, and with the splinters it made, killed and wounded fourteen men, frightened the whole so much, that it was some time before they would venture to expose themselves again, and one of the advanced centries was found several hours after concealed in the bottom of a well.
Captain Clive judging that shame would avail more than severity to reclaim them from their cowardice, exposed himself continually to the hottest of the enemy's fire, and his example brought them in two days to do their duty with some firmness. On the third, intelligence was received that the party from Chinglapet were advanced within four miles, on which he immediately marched with half his force to give them battle; but they, on hearing of his approach, retreated with great precipitation. On the fourth at noon, the battery was finished, and just as the English were preparing to fire, to his great surprize, he received a message from the commanding officer, offering to surrender at discretion, on condition that he might carry away his own effects: these terms were immediately accepted, and the English before the evening received into the place, where it was found ​that all the effects of the commandant consisted of a great number of turkies, and a great quantity of snuff, commodities in which he dealt. Besides the cannon mounted on the walls, there were found 50 other pieces of the largest calibres, which proved to be part of the artillery that the company had lost at Madrass, when taken by Mr. De la Bourdonnais.
The next morning ensign Joseph Smith, walking out at day break, discovered a large body of troops crossing a small river that runs about half a mile to the west of the Fort, and concluding that they were the reinforcement coming again from Chinglapet, immediately informed captain Clive, who instantly hastened from the fort to join the troops, which ensign Smith had already posted in ambuscade amongst the rocks and underwood, which commanded the high road. Ensign Smith was not deceived in his conjecture; for the commanding officer at Chinglapet having received the day before a letter from the officer at Cobelong, advising him that the place could not hold out 24 hours unless relieved, determined to make an effort more vigorous than the former, and being ignorant of the surrender, intended to surprize the English camp early in the morning. The Nabob's colours were hoisted in the fort, and these being white, skirted with green, were at a distance mistaken by the enemy for their own flag; which confirmed their notion that the place still held out; and they continued to advance with great security, until the whole party were within the reach of the troops in ambuscade, who then gave their fire from all sides with great vivacity. It fell heavy, and in a few minutes struck down 100 men; the rest were so terrified that not more than half retained even presence of mind to provide for their safety by flight: the commanding officer, 25 Europeans, and 250 Sepoys, with two pieces of cannon, were taken: those who fled, flinging away their arms, hurried to Chinglapet, where they communicated no small consternation, of which captain Clive determined to take advantage by marching with the utmost expedition against the place.
It is situated 30 miles west of Cobelong, 40 south west of Madrass, and within half a mile of the northern bank of the river Paliar. The ​French took possession of it in the beginning of the preceding year, when their troops marched out of Pondicherry with Chunda-saheb to reduce the Arcot province. It was, and not without reason, esteemed by the natives a very strong hold. Its outline, exclusive of some irregular projections at the gateways, is nearly a parallelogram, extending 400 yards, from north to south, and 320 from east to west. The eastern, and half the northern side is covered by a continued swamp of rice fields, and the other half of the north, together with the whole of the west side, is defended by a large lake. Inaccessible in these parts, it would have been impregnable, if the south side had been equally secure; but here the ground is high, and gives advantages to an enemy. The Indian engineer, whoever he was, that erected the fort, seems to have exceeded the common reach of his countrymen in the knowledge of his art, not only by the choice of the spot, but also by proportioning the strength of the defences to the advantages and disadvantages of the situation: for the fortifications to the south are much the strongest, those opposite to the rice fields something weaker, and the part that is skirted by the lake is defended only by a slender wall; a deep ditch 60 feet wide, and faced with stone, a fausse-braye, and a stone wall 18 feet high, with round towers on and between the angles, form the defences to the land: nor are these all; for parallel to the south, east, and north sides of these outward works, are others of the same kind repeated within them, and these joining to the slender wall which runs to the west along the lake, form a second enclosure or fortification. The garrison consisted of 40 Europeans and 500 Sepoys, and 15 pieces of cannon were mounted in the place.
A battery, consisting of four twenty-four pounders, was raised to the south about 500 yards from the wall, which resisting at this distance longer than was expected, the guns were removed and mounted within 200 yards, and from hence in four days they made a breach through both the outward and inward wall; but still it remained to drain and fill up the ditches, and even after this a much greater number than the besiegers might have been easily repulsed. But the officer, on seeing the English preparing to make approaches to the outward ​ditch, imagined that he had sufficiently asserted the honour of his nation, and hung out the flag to capitulate, offering to give up the fort if the garrison were permitted to march away with the honours of war. Captain Clive, thinking that the risque of storming a place so capable of making an obstinate resistance, was not to be put in competition with the ideal honour of reducing the garrison to severer terms, immediately complied with the enemy's proposals, who on the 31st of October evacuated the fort, and marched away to Pondicherry.
A garrison of Europeans and Sepoys, under the command of an English officer, was placed in Chinglapett; and some time after, at the Nabob's request, the fortifications of Cobelong were blown up. The capture of these two places completed the reduction of all the country that remained unsubdued to the north of the river Paliar, between Sadrass and Arcot.
The health of Captain Clive declining every day after this expedition, induced him not only to quit the field, but also to take the resolution of returning to his native country. He left Madrass in the beginning of the next year, universally acknowledged as the man whose example first roused his countrymen from that lethargy of their natural character, into which they were plunged before the siege of Arcot; and who, by a train of uninterrupted successes, had contributed more than any other officer, at this time, to raise the reputation of their arms in India.
During these sieges, major Lawrence, accompanied by the Nabob, advanced from Trivadi to Vandiwash. This place, situated 20 miles to the north of Gingee, was under the government of Tuckea-saheb, who had, as well as Chunda-saheb, and Mortiz-ally, married one of the sisters of the Nabob, Subder-ally Khan: the widow of this unfortunate prince, together with his posthumous and only surviving son, called Ally Doast Khan, resided with Tuckea-saheb in the fort. It was imagined that a place capable of sending forth such pretenders to disturb the title of Mahomed-ally, would have been attacked with the utmost vigour; but the Nabob was in such distress for money, that he preferred to listen to the offers of Tuckea-saheb to ransom ​his town and fort from hostilities. Whilst an officer deputed for this purpose was settling the terms, a cannon shot from the fort was by some accident fired into the camp. The Sepoys, vexed at the negotiation, which disappointed their expectations of plunder, seized on this opportunity to break it off, and under pretence of resenting the insult, rushed into the Pettah, and broke open the houses; the poor surprized inhabitants were incapable of making resistance; but it being apprehended that the garrison might sally from the fort, a party of Europeans were sent to support the Sepoys. Tuekea-saheb, ignorant of the cause of this sudden act of violence, imputed it to treachery, and ordered his garrison to fire at the troops they saw in the Pettah. This brought on farther hostilities; the English bombai-ding the fort with two mortars, and the garrison keeping up a constant fire from their musketry and cannon until morning; when a parly ensued, which explaining matters, the troops were recalled out of the Pettah, and the contribution was settled at 300,000 rupees, which were paid the same day.
The Morattoes during this expedition were continually roaming for plunder, which they took indifferently, as well in the countries acknowledging the Nabob as in the districts of disaffected chiefs; at the same time that they were doing this mischief, they expected to be paid, only because they had it in their power to do more by openly joining his enemies.
The army returned from Vandiwash to Trivadi, where they prepared to canton themselves during the rainy monsoon, which began on the 31st of October at night, with the most violent hurricani that had been remembered on the coast; the rain that fell continually for several days after laid the whole country under water, and spread such a sickness amongst the troops, as obliged them, on the 15th of November, to retire to Fort St. David; which place affording quarters only for the English, most of the Nabob's men, unaccustomed to remain in the field in this inclement season, left him, and went to their homes.
By this time the regent at Seringham, perceiving that the Nabob and the English had made so little advantage of their success at Bahoor, recovered from the consternation he had been struck with by ​that event; and lie no sooner heard that they had returned into winter quarters, than he sent away Morari-row, with all his Morattoes excepting 500, to Pondicherry; and Innis Khan, with those under his command, quitted the Nabob at Trivadi in the beginning of November, but not without having got some of the money received at Vandiwash. Mr. Dupleix promised to send some Europeans to Seringham, and the regent hoping to divert the garrison of Tritchinopoly from making any attempt against him before they arrived, pretended that he had no design to make war with the Nabob, and that Morari-row had left him in consequence of a dispute which had arisen on settling their accounts; but notwithstanding this declaration his patroles of horse stopped and carried to his camp all the provisions that were coming to the city: the effects of this hostility were soon felt; and the presidency of Madrass, who, in consideration of his pretensions to Tritchinopoly, had hitherto declined to take revenge of his treacherous attempts to get possession of it, now thought it time to treat him as a declared enemy.
In consequence of this resolution, captain Dalton on the 23d of December marched out of the city at ten o'clock at night, with the greatest part of the Europeans and Sepoys, to beat up his camp, which extended under the northern wall of Seringham; but the regent himself with a considerable guard remained within the pagoda. An artillery officer with three pieces of cannon was previously posted on the southern bank of the Caveri, opposite the pagoda, with orders to create what alarm he could by throwing shot into the place, as soon as he should hear the fire of the musketry in the camp: the troops passed the Caveri at Chuckly-pollam, and then crossing the island marched along the bank of the Coleroon, until they came in a quarter of a mile of the enemy's camp, when they halted in order to refresh themselves, and to form for the attack: but on the review it was found that no less than 500 of the Sepoys were absent, having, as they afterwards affirmed, inadvertently missed the line of march in the dark; however the rest not seeming to be discouraged, it was determined to proceed they were divided into two bodies, the first marched only four in front, being designed to penetrate through the camp, firing two to the right, and two to the left; ​whilst the other, drawn up in a more compart manner, were ordered to halt as soon as they came amongst the tents, and there remain as a support to the first party; who moving on, found the enemy's advanced guard fast asleep, and stabbing them with their bayonets, entered the camp without opposition, and to the right and left began a brisk fire from front to rear. The alarm was instantly spread, and produced such consternation, that nothing was heard but the shrieks of men wounded, and the outcries of others warning their friends to fly from the danger. The enemy, according to their senseless custom, raised a number of blue lights in the air, in order to discover the motions of the column, but these lights served much better to direct the fire against themselves; in the mean time those within the pagoda manned the walls, but refrained from firing for fear of killing their own people in the camp, who in less than an hour were totally dispersed; and if the English had brought with them a petard, they would probably have forced into the pagoda, and have finished the war by securing the person of the regent. Every thing being now quiet, the Sepoys were permitted to take as many horses as they could conveniently lead away; and marching foremost out of the camp, were followed by the Europeans in good order; but by this time the Mysoreans within the pagoda, finding by the extinction of the lights, that none of their own army remained within reach, began to fire smartly from the walls, and killed and wounded 20 men, of whom seven were Europeans.
The troops reached the city by day break, when they discovered the enemy returning to the island, who immediately struck all their tents. and retired into the pagoda. This sufficiently shewed their panic: but nevertheless it was evident that their continuance in the neighbourhood would prevent the inhabitants from bringing in provisions, of which they began already to feel the want; captain Dalton therefore determined to bombard the pagoda, not doubting, that if he could drive the enemy out of it, their fears would deter them from encamping again within a night's march. With this view he sent half his force the following night across the river, and dislodged them from a great choultry that stands by the water side, directly ​opposite to the south-gate of Seringham; the building was 100 feet square, and 30 high; a great number of Coolies were immediately set to work, and before morning they inclosed the choultry with a strong entrenchment, and likewise made a parapet with sand bags round the roof, on which two field pieces were mounted. As it was not doubted that the enemy would make an effort to recover a post so capable of molesting them, captain Dalton determined to support it with the rest of his force; the bed of the Caveri having at this time little or no water, he took post over against the choultry, on the southern bank of the river; where a low wall served the party as a parapet; who had with them four field pieces, which might easily flank the choultry, as the river in this part was only 400 yards wide: the enemy remained quiet until noon, when having sufficiently intoxicated themselves with opium, they began to swarm out in great numbers; but the field pieces kept them for some time at a distance, every shot doing execution. During the cannonade a party of the Nabob's Sepoys crossed the river, and taking possession of a small choultry at a little distance to the right of the other, began to fire from this untenable post; upon which a body of 300 Morattoe horse galloped up to attack them, but before they arrived the Sepoys took flight; several of them were cut to pieces, and the rest re-crossing the river, ran into the city; the Morattoes, encouraged by this success, now galloped up towards the entrenchment of the great choultry, where they were suffered to come so near, that several of them made use of their sabres across the parapet before the troops within gave fire, which then began, and seconded by that of the four pieces of cannon on the other side of the river, killed and wounded a great number of men and horses, and obliged the enemy to retire in confusion: in this instant an officer unadvisedly took the resolution of quitting his post, and passed the river, in order to give captain Dalton some information concerning the artillery: some of the soldiers seeing this, imagined that he went away through fear, and concluding that things were worse than appeared to them, followed his example, and ran out of the entrenchment; which the rest perceiving, a panic seized the whole, and they left the post with the greatest ​precipitation, notwithstanding they had the minute before given three huzzas, on the retreat of the Morattoes: a body of 3000 Mysore horse, who were drawn up on the bank, immediately galloped into the bed of the river, and charging the fugitives with fury, cut down the whole party excepting 15 men: flushed with this success, they made a push at captain Dalton's division on the other side. All these motions succeeded one another so rapidly, that he had hardly time to put his men on their guard; more especially as many of them had caught the panic, from having been spectators of the massacre of their comrades: however some of the bravest hearkening to his exhortations stood firm by the artillery; their behaviour encouraged the Sepoys, who made a strong fire from behind the low wall in their front, which, accompanied by the grape-shot of the four field pieces, soon abated the ardour of the enemy, and obliged them to retreat, leaving some horses, whose riders fell within 20 yards of the muzzles of the guns: captain Dalton then advanced a little way into the bed of the river, where he remained until he had collected the dead and wounded. Not a man who escaped could give any reason why he quitted his post, all of them acknowledging that at the time when they took flight only one man in the entrenchment was wounded, and that they had nine barrels of ammunition.
This disaster diminished the strength of the garrison near one half, not by the number, but the quality of the troops that were lost; for the killed and disabled were 70 Europeans, and 300 of the best Sepoys, together with the lieutenants Wilkey and Crow; who having endeavoured in vain to rally the men, gallantly determined to stay in the entrenchment, where they were cut down. No farther hopes therefore remained of driving the regent out of Seringham; on the contrary, it became necessary for the garrison, thus lessened, to give their whole attention to the security of the city; and all negotiations between the Nabob and the regent being at an end, captain Dalton turned out the 700 Mysoreans, suffering them to retire peaceably with their arms and baggage: but he detained their commander Gopaulrauze, the regent's brother, permitting him however to keep such domesticks as he thought proper. ​But lest the enemy should imagine that he was totally dispirited, if he should remain inactive, captain Dalton determined to make some attempt, which, at the same time that it might be executed without much risque, might make them believe he was still in a capacity to act in the field. They had a post about four miles west of Tritchinopoly, at a pagoda called Velore, where the guard prevented the country people from carrying provisions into the city. The pagoda had a strong stone wall, and they had choaked up the great gate with mud, leaving at the bottom a wicket, by which only one man could enter at a time, and this they carefully shut every evening: 30 Europeans marched in a dark night, and having concealed themselves in a watercourse near the gate, a serjeant of artillery, carrying a barrel of gun powder with a long sausage to it, went forward, and digging, placed the barrel under the wicket unobserved, although the centinel was sitting at the top of the gate singing a Moorish song: the explosion not only brought down the mud-work, but also blew up the terrace of the gateway, with the guard asleep on it, so that the soldiers entered immediately without difficulty, and having fresh in their memory the loss of their comrades at the choultry, put all the Mysoreans they met to the sword.
The regent, convinced by this exploit that famine would be the surest means of reducing the garrison, ordered a party of 200 horse to lie on the plain every night, between the city and the country of the Polygar Tondiman, from whence alone provisions were obtained: they seized some of the people bringing in rice, and according to their ancient and barbarous custom, cut off their noses, and sent them thus mangled to Tritchinopoly. This cruelty struck such a terror, that for some days no one would venture to bring in supplies: in order therefore to dislodge this detachment, 400 men, Sepoys and Europeans, with two field pieces, marched in the evening and took possession of the ground where they used to pass the night; the enemy coming up some, time after, did not discover their danger before they received the fire of the troops, which immediately put them to flight, and by their outcries it was imagined they suffered considerably. ​Whatever might be their loss, the surprize struck such a terror, that no more small detachments could be prevailed on to remain within reach of the garrison during the dark nights; and their refusal suggested to the regent the resolution of dividing his force, and of forming a considerable camp between the city and Tondiman's country, whilst he remained with the rest at Seringham. A multitude of people set to the work finished in a few days an entrenchment, with a stout mud wall, at a place called Facquire's Tope, or the grove of the Facquire, situated four miles to the south, and one to the west of the city; after which 5000 horse and 3000 foot, being nearly one half of the army, and the best troops in it, moved from the island with their baggage, and pitched their tents within this fortification. The effect of this disposition was soon severely felt; no more grain was brought to the market, the shops were shut, and the inhabitants began to cry famine, whilst the garrison had the mortification to perceive themselves incapable of removing the distress, being, since the loss at the choultry, too weak to cope with the enemy, in either of their camps.
Such was the situation of affairs at Tritchinopoly at the end of March 1753. In the mean time the junction of the Morattoes enabled Mr. Dupleix to make head against the Nabob in the Carnatic, and he had likewise received the satisfaction of hearing that his ally Salabad-jing had removed a most dangerous competitor for the Soubahship, by the murder of his brother Gazi-o-din Khan.
This prince having long sent before him many threats and rumours of his approach to the Decan, at length marched from Delhi; and in the beginning of October 1752, appeared before Aurengabad at the head of 150,000 men: at the same time, and by his instigation, Balagerow and Ragogi Bonsola entered the province of Gol-condah, with 100,000 Morattoes. Balagerow is known; and Ragogi Bonsola we have seen invading the Carnatic in 1740, ten years before which he had made conquests and established the Morattoe dominion in some parts of the province of Berar, from whence, in conjunction with Balagerow, he invaded Bengal in 1744. Salabad-jing and Mr. Bussy were at Gol-condah when they received intelligence of the approach of these armies, and immediately took the field with their utmost ​force, and at Beder, a very strong and ancient city 60 miles north-west of Gol-condab, were met by the Morattoes. Meanwhile Ghazi-o-din Khan entered Aurengabad without opposition. He had brought with him from Delhi a French surgeon named DeVolton, who had long been principal physician to the Great Mogul. This man, Ghazi-o-din Khan sent forward to Pondicherry, as an envoy empowered by the Great Mogul to offer Mr. Dupleix many advantages, if he would withdraw the French troops from the service of Salabad-jing: and as a proof of this commission, De Volton was furnished with a blank paper, to which the great seal of the empire was affixed. Salabad-jing receiving intelligence of these intentions, set about to frustrate them by a method which could not fail of success, as it could not naturally be suspected; for he prevailed on his mother, who was at Aurengabad, to poison his brother, who, however was not her son; which she effected by sending him a plate of victuals, prepared, as she too truly assured him, with her own hands. On his death the greatest part of his army returned to their homes; but some joined the Morattoes at Beder.
Whatsoever apprehensions Salabad-jing might have, that Scheabeddin the son of Ghazi-o-din Khan at Delhi, would obtain the Soubahship of the Decan, and revenge the murder of his father; he affected to fear nothing from him, either as an enemy or a competitor: and asserting with more confidence than ever, that he himself was the real Soubah, sent immediately on Ghazi-o-din Khan's death, an embassador of his own to Pondicherry, who likewise pretended to come from the great Mogul, with a patent, as Salabad-jing had promised, confirming Mr. Dupleix Nabob of the countries to the south of the Kristna. The man was received with great pomp and respect, and the patent published throughout the province with much ostentation.
But still this title, specious as it might be, furnished Mr. Dupleix with no money, which in the wars of Indostan is of more service than any title whatsoever; for the revenues which Salabad-jing received at Aurengabad were continually exhausted by the great army he was obliged to maintain, and the charge of Mr. Bussy's troops alone amounted to 400,000 pounds a year, The distress was as great at ​Pondicherry; for although many chiefs in the Carnatic had without compulsion contributed to support the cause of Chunda-saheb during his life, their zeal ceased at his death, from their sense of the incapacity of his son Raja-saheb, little qualified to prosecute a contest in which a man of his father's abilities had perished: and in this time of anarchy and confusion, whilst the authority of no one extended farther than his sword could reach, every chief reserved for himself whatever revenues he could collect. So that notwithstanding Mr. Dupleix's title was acknowledged by all who did not wish well to Mahomed-ally, his power was confined to the districts which lie between Pondicherry and Gingee, and these did not furnish more than 50,000 pounds a year: at the same time the French company, missed by his representations, sent out no more money than was necessary for their commerce, and with positive orders that it should not be employed to any other purpose. These disadvantages would probably have reduced the French to cease hostilities after the capture at Seringham, had not Mr. Dupleix been endowed (and this at least is much to his honour) with a perseverance, that even superseded his regard to his own fortune, of which he had at that time disbursed 140,000 pounds, and he continued with the same spirit to furnish more; but as this resource could not last long, and as the slender capacity of Raja-saheb rendered him rather a burthen than a support to the cause, he determined to make him relinquish the title of Nabob, and to give it to some other person, from whose wealth, ability, and connexion, he might reasonably expect considerable resources for carrying on the war. The man he pitched upon was Mortiz-ally Khan of Velore, to whom he displayed all the commissions he had received from Salabat-jing, and discovered the state of his negotiations with the Morattoes, and Mysoreans. The Phousdar, sensible that there could not be much risk in taking part with such an apparent superiority, accepted the proposal, levied troops, and resolved to go to Pondicherry, as soon as the journey might be undertaken without danger. In the mean time 50 Europeans were sent from Pondicherry to Velore, and with their assistance he formed a conspiracy with the French prisoners in the fort of Arcot, who were to rise and overpower the English garrison, which they greatly outnumbered; but a suspicion of this treachery was luckily entertained ​in time to prevent the success of it, and the prisoners were removed in the latter end of December to Chinglapett. Thus ended the year 1752 in the Carnatic.
On the 3d of January 1753, the French, consisting of 500 Europeans, and a troop of 60 horse, together with 2000 Sepoys, and 400O Morattoes under the command of Morari-row, marched from Valdore, and entrenched on the banks of the river Pannar, in sight of Trivadi: upon which Major Lawrence, with the Nabob, returned from Fort St. David to their former encampment at that place. Their force consisted of 700 Europeans, 2000 Sepoys, and 1500 dastardly horse belonging to the Nabob. On the 9th the Morattoes, supported by two companies of Topasses in their own pay, advanced with three field pieces, and began to cannonade the village of Trivadi. The battalion was immediately under arms, and the grenadiers, with some Sepoys, were ordered to attack their guns, which they got possession of before the enemy had time to fire a second round: the Morattoes still remaining on the plain, Major Lawrence followed them two miles towards their camp, and having as he thought sufficiently dispersed them with his field pieces, prepared to return, when they came galloping up again furiously on all sides, and surrounded him. The soldiers preserved their fire till every shot did execution, and the artillery men behaving with the same calmness and resolution soon beat them off, with the loss of 100 men killed. Morari-row, on his return to the camp reproached the French for their cowardice, in not having supported him in the manner that had been concerted between them. He continued however with great activity to distress their enemies, by sending out parties, which prevented the country people from bringing provisions to the English camp; and this obliged Major Lawrence, when in want, to march with his whole force, and escort his supplies from Fort St. David. These marches were excessively fatiguing, and might have been dangerous, had the French behaved with the same activity and spirit as the Morattoes, who never failed to be on the road harrassing, and sometimes charging, the line of march: on the 28th of January, in particular, they accompanied the battalion the whole way from Trivadi to Fort St. David: but dispirited by the loss of 300 of their horses, which were killed by the field pieces in the ​different skirmishes of the day, they did not venture to attack the troops as they were returning to the camp with the convoy.
Supported as the French were by this excellent cavalry, they might without much risque have ventured on a general engagement; but Mr. Dupleix, whose eye was always on Tritchinopoly, determined to protract the war on the sea coast as long as possible, that the Mysoreans might not be interrupted from blockading the city. He therefore ordered his troops on the Pannar to act intirely on the defensive, and to strengthen their entrenchments; which, with the usual dexterity of that nation in works of this kind, were soon compleated and rendered little inferior to the defences of a regular fortress. The English presidency, sensible of the great risque of storming such works without a sufficient body of horse to cover the flanks of their infantry during the attack, sollicited the king of Tanjore to send his cavalry to their assistance: he promised fair, and a detachment of Europeans with two field pieces marched from Trivadi to favour the junction; but they had not proceeded far, before they heard that the king had recalled his troops to the capital, on a report that the Morattoes intended to enter his country.
Disappointed of this assistance, Major Lawrence was obliged to remain inactive in his camp, contemplating every day the situation of the enemy, which he had in sight, and fretting at his incapacity to attack them. The Morattoes in the mean time were not idle; their parties were seen now at Trinomalee, then at Arcot, then at Chillambrum, that is, in every part of the province between the river Paliar, and the Coleroon. In the middle of February, one of their detachments appeared, flourishing their sabres, and caracolling within musket shot of Chimundelum, the western redoubt of the bound-hedge of St. David: their insolence irritated the guard, and the Serjeant, a brave but blundering man, thinking this an opportunity of distinguishing himself and of getting promotion, marched into the plain with his whole force, 25 Europeans, and 50 Sepoys. The enemy retreated, until the party was advanced half a mile from the redoubt; when they turned on a sudden, and galloping up surrounded them in an instant; the Serjeant, not doubting that the first fire would disperse ​them, gave it in a general volly, which did some execution; but before the troops could load again, the Morattoes charged them impetuously sword in hand, broke the rank, and every horseman singling out a particular man, cut them all to pieces. Inactivity or retreat in war is never in Indostan imputed to prudence or stratagem, and the side which ceases to gain successes is generally supposed to be on the brink of ruin. Such were the notions entertained of the army at Trivadi, and they were industriously propagated by Mr. Dupleix, in order to encourage his new ally Mortiz-ally to set up his standard in the province. The Phousdar with his usual caution first encamped without Velore, then advanced somewhat farther, and at last, assured by the Morattoes that they would cover his march, ventured to proceed to Pondicherry, where, on furnishing 50,000 pounds for the expences of the war, he was with great ceremony and public rejoicings proclaimed Nabob of the Carnatic.
But the satisfaction he might receive from this exaltation did not last long. It was proposed that he should begin by imitating the conduct of Chunda-saheb, and appear at the head of the army: this his nature abhorred. On settling the terms of his regency, so much assistance in money and troops was expected from him, and so little power or advantage offered in return, that he found the Nabobship held on such conditions, would be of less value than the independant possession of his government of Velore. At the same time suspecting what he himself would infallibly have done in a similar case, he was terrified with the notion that Mr. Dupleix would keep him a prisoner at Pondicherry, if he discovered his aversion to have any farther connexion with him; these sentiments did not escape the sagacity of Mr. Dupleix; but he had too much good sense, not to see that such a breach of faith would probably determine the enemies of Mahomed-ally to make their peace on any terms with that prince. He therefore consented to Mortiz-ally's return, who promising to make war in the country about Arcot, left Pondicherry in the end of March, convinced for the first time in his life, that he had met with a more cunning man than himself.
In the mean time, no military operations passed, excepting the ​skirmishes of the Morattoes with the English battalion, during three or four marches, which they were obliged to make, in order to escort their provisions from Fort St. David. The French were not to be inticed out of their entrenchments; and Major Lawrence, seeing no other method of striking a decisive blow, determined to storm their camp. The presidency seconded this resolution, by sending 200 Europeans, of which 100 were a company of Swiss lately arrived from Bengal, to Fort St. David; where the battalion joined them; and the whole, with a large convoy of provisions, set out for the camp, on the first of April. The whole body of the Morattoes were waiting for them in sight of the bound-hedge; and behaved this day with more activity than ever, rarely removing out of cannon shot, and galloping up whenever the incumbrances of the baggage disunited the line of march, and left intervals open to their attacks. Thus continually threatened, and often assaulted, the convoy advanced very slowly. The weather was excessive hot, and several men fell dead with the heat, fatigue, and the want of water. When within three miles of Trivadi, the Morattoes made a general and vigorous charge, surrounding the front of the line, and were with difficulty repulsed many of their horses fell within a few yards of the field pieces, and amongst the slain was Bazinrow, Morari-row's nephew, the same who came to captain Clive's assistance, after the siege of Arcot. His death damped their ardour, and they retreated to a distance. But the work of the day was not yet over; for the troops continuing their march, discovered within a mile of Trivadi, the French troops and Sepoys drawn up on their right: the convoy happened luckily to march on the left along the bank of the river Gandelu. The two battalions advanced against each other cannonading, until the French coming to a hollow-way, halted on the opposite side, imagining that the English would not venture to pass it under the disadvantage of being exposed to their fire; but Major Lawrence ordered the Sepoys and artillery to halt and defend the convoy against the Morattoes, still hovering about, and pushed on briskly with the main body of Europeans across the hollow way: the enemy, who expected to find the English fatigued with a long and harrassing march, were so startled at the vivacity of this motion, that they only stayed to give one fire, and then ​ran away with the utmost precipitation, leaving the English to finish their march without farther molestation. As soon as the troops were recovered from their fatigue, Major Lawrence approached nearer the enemy's camp, within a mile of which they had an advanced party, at the village of Caryamungalum; the grenadiers and 100 men of the battalion were ordered to attack this post, and soon get possession of it; after which a battery of two eighteen pounders was erected against their entrenchments, at the distance of 700 yards: it was not before this time that the English perfectly discovered the strength of their works, which consisted of a rampart cannon proof, with redoubts at proper distances, a broad and deep ditch, and a good glacis, defended by 30 pieces of cannon. The battery fired for some time, but made no impression, and the difficulty of getting provisions increasing with the distance from St. David, it was thought proper to desist from the attempt, and the army returned to Trivadi.
In the mean time, the Morattoes were indefatigable, and being joined by a small party from Pondicherry, surprized a fort near Chillambrum, called Bonagerry, from whence Fort St. David drew large supplies of grain: captain Kilpatrick marched with a detachment to retake the place; and upon his approach they abandoned it in the night.
Three months ineffectually employed to bring the enemy to a general engagement, convinced Major Lawrence of the necessity of altering his plan of operations. He consulted with the Nabob on removing the war to some other part of the country, in order to draw the French battalion from their present impregnable situation; but it was not easy to determine where they should carry their arms; and whilst they were deliberating on the choice, sudden and unexpected news from Tritchinopoly resolved the difficulty, and left them without an option.
Captain Dalton, foreseeing the distresses to which the city would be reduced after the defeat of his party at the Choultry, had often questioned Kiroodin Khan the governor, on the quantity of provisions he had in store; who always assured him, with great confidence, that he had sufficient to supply the garrison for four months. For some ​time the small convoys, which got into the city in spite of the enemy's patroles, balanced the daily consumption made out of the magazines; but as soon as the Mysorean divided his army into two camps, all supplies were cut off, and a party of Sepoys, which had been sent into Tondiman's country, were not able to get back. In this situation captain Dalton insisted on examining the magazines, when to his great surprize Kiroodin Khan informed him that he had taken advantage of the scarcity, to sell out the provisions to the inhabitants at a high price, not doubting but that opportunities of replacing them would offer, and acknowledged that the stock remaining was no more than sufficient for fifteen days: in which time the army at Trivadi could hardly receive the news, and march to the relief of the city. Expostulations were vain, for the mischief was real; an express was therefore sent with this alarming intelligence to major Lawrence, who received it at ten at night, the 20th of April, and instantly issued orders for the troops to be in readiness to march by day-break; when, leaving a garrison of 150 Europeans, and 500 Sepoys, at Trivadi, the rest proceeded to Fort St. David, in order to collect the necessary supplies of military stores.
The want of horse having hitherto been the principal obstacle to the progress of the Nabob's affairs, it was determined to apply again to the king of Tanjore, and in order to encourage, or if necessary to awe him into a compliance, it was resolved to proceed to Tritchinopoly, through his dominions. The army on the 22d of April passed by Chillambrum, and as soon as they crossed the Coleroon, the king deputed Succojee, his prime minister, to compliment the Nabob and major Lawrence; and when they were arrived at Condore, ten miles from the capital, he desired an interview, and met them half way at one of his gardens, where he appeared in great splendor, accompanied by 3000 horse, and 200 elephants in rich trappings. Seeming to be convinced that it was his own interest to support the Nabob, he gave orders to his horse to proceed with him to Tritchinopoly; but the next day, after marching a few miles, they left the army, promising, however, to return very soon.
During this interval captain Dalton had not been inactive at Tritchinopoly. ​The enemy's troops at the Facquire's Tope were commanded by Virana, the same general who led the van of the army, when the Mysoreans first joined the English detachment at Kistnavaram, where captain Dalton had an opportunity of discovering the little reach of his military capacity, and knowing him to be a very timorous man, particularly in the night, he did not doubt that if frequent alarms were given to the camp, the Mysorean would, out of regard to his own security, send no more detachments abroad to intercept provisions coming to the city. For this purpose, he erected a redoubt, within random cannon shot of the enemy's camp, but much nearer to the city; and when this post was well secured, and two pieces of heavy cannon mounted on it, the guard frequently advanced with two field pieces, and fired into the camp; in the day time taking care to return to the redoubt, as soon as the enemy began to move, which they were apprized of by signals from the rock in Tritchinopoly; but in the night they proceeded with less caution, and advanced near enough to throw grape shot into the camp, the Mysoreans never once venturing to send out a detachment to cut off their retreat. Encouraged by this proof of their imbecillity, the party, under favour of a very dark night, approached the 15th of April much nearer, and fired 30 rounds of grape shot into the camp, from each of the field pieces; which created no small confusion, as appeared by the number of lights the enemy raised, and the great uproar they made: next day the party had scarce recommenced their fire from the usual station, before they perceived the enemy decamping in a great hurry; but suspecting this to be a feint to draw them nearer in order to cut off their retreat, they continued firing very briskly without advancing: and before noon the enemy struck all their tents, and abandoned the camp, which the party then took possession of, and found in it a large quantity of rice and other provisions, as also several wounded men, who informed them, that the cannonade of the preceding night having killed an elephant, two camels, and several horses, had struck Virana with such terror, that he determined not to stand the risk of another attack. He however remained to the south of the Caveri two or three days longer; but on receiving certain intelligence of major ​Lawrence's march, he joined the rest of the Mysoreans at Seringham, and the country people ventured again to bring provisions into the city.
On the 6th of May, the major arrived in sight of Tritchinopoly, and entered the city without meeting any interruption; for none of the Mysoreans presumed to appear on the plain: the number of the battalion was greatly diminished during the march, which was performed at the setting in of the land winds, when they blow with the greatest heat and violence; besides several who died on the road, and others who were sent back sick to Fort St. David, and Devi Cotah, 100 men unfit for duty were carried into the hospital at Tritchinopoly on the day of their arrival: many had likewise deserted; particularly of the Swiss, of whom a Serjeant and 15 men went off in one day: so that the whole, including what the garrison of Tritchinopoly could spare for the field, amounted, when mustered, to no more than 500 Europeans, who with 2000 Sepoys, and 3000 horse in the Nabob's service, composed the army.
As soon as Mr. Dupleix was certain what rout they had taken, he detached 200 Europeans, and 500 Sepoys, with four field pieces from the camp near Trivadi: who marching by the road of Verdachelum, Volcondah and Utatoor, joined the Mysoreans at Seringham, the day after the English arrived at Tritchinopoly.
Major Lawrence having allowed the men three days to refresh themselves, determined on the 10th of May to pass over into the island, and offer the enemy battle, which if they declined, he resolved to bombard Seringham, and cannonade their camp: the Nabob's cavalry, discontented for want of pay, refused to take any share in the action. The battalion and Sepoys therefore proceeded without them, and setting out at three in the morning in two divisions, arrived at six at Moota Chellinoor, a village four miles west of the city, over against the head of the island. A large body of horse and foot, drawn up on the opposite side, seemed determined to defend the pass, but were soon dispersed by the first division, and whilst the second was crossing they retreated towards the pagoda, from whence the Mysoreans no sooner discovered the English forming on the island, ​than they swarmed out in great numbers, and their cavalry, led by the Morattoes under the command of Harrasing, came galloping up at a great rate, and making a resolute charge on the left of the line, where a body of Sepoys were posted, broke through them sword in hand; but the Sepoys seeing three platoons of Europeans advancing to their support, behaved with spirit, and recovering their ground, kept up a smart fire, which after a severe slaughter repulsed the cavalry, who made a most precipitate retreat towards the pagoda, exposed to the fire of ten pieces of cannon, eight of which were field pieces which accompanied the troops, and two eighteen pounders which captain Dalton had sent to the bank of the river. By this time Mr. Astrue, with the French troops and Sepoys marched up, and lodging the greatest part of them in a water course, where they were effectually sheltered, placed his cannon, four field pieces, on an eminence, from whence they made a brisk fire. They were answered by the English artillery; but as it was not thought prudent to make a push at the water course, at the risque of being fallen upon by such numbers of cavalry as covered the plain, major Lawrence, to preserve his main body from the enemy's cannonade, ordered them to take shelter behind a bank, so that the sight was maintained only by the artillery until noon, when a party of the enemy's Sepoys, with some Topasses, took possession of a large choultry to the left of the English line, which they began to incommode with the fire of their musketry; upon this the company of grenadiers, with a detachment of Swiss under the command of captain Polier, were ordered to dislodge the Sepoys; which service the grenadiers effected with great resolution; and, animated by their success, pursued the fugitives until they insensibly gained the flank of the water course, where the main body of the French troops was concealed; who, on seeing the danger which threatened them, prepared to retreat, and were actually on the point of abandoning two of the field pieces, when captain Polier, who remained with the Swiss at the choultry, and from thence could not see the enemy's confusion, sent orders for the grenadiers to return. Thus was lost one of those critical moments, on which the greatest advantages of war so often depend; but without any disparagement ​to the reputation of Polier, whose orders directing him only to dislodge the enemy from the choultry, he would have been culpable, had he pushed his success farther without a subsequent order; which the major had no reason to send, as from the situation he was in, he could not discover the distress of the enemy. On the retreat of the grenadiers, the French again took possession of the water course, and renewed the cannonade, which lasted till the evening, when the want of provisions, as well as the excessive fatigue which the English troops had undergone, obliged them to repass the river, and return to Tritchinopoly; where they arrived at 10 at night, having without intermission been employed 20 hours either in march or action. The loss they sustained was much less than might have been expected, from the fire to which they had been exposed; for only three officers were wounded, and two with four private men and a few Sepoys killed.
The operations of this day shewed that the French troops were commanded by an abler officer than any who had yet appeared at their head; and little hopes remaining of dislodging the Mysoreans from the pagoda, major Lawrence gave his whole attention to the means of supplying the city with provisions. For this purpose the army marched into the plain, and encamped at the Facquire's Tope, within the entrenchment which Virana, the Mysore general had lately abandoned, where they lay conveniently for protecting the convoys coming from Tondiman's country; proper agents, supported by a detachment of troops, were sent to purchase grain, and at the same time the King of Tanjore was requested to collect and send supplies. But the Mysorean was not wanting to counteract these measures; e kept an agent both at Tanjore, and with Tondiman, who represented, that if Tritchinopoly should once be provided with a considerable stock of provisions, it was not to be doubted but that the Nabob and the English would immediately carry their arms again into the Carnatic, leaving their allies exposed to the just resentment of the regent, who would not fail to take the severest revenge for the service they had rendered his enemies. This reasoning was well adapted to the genius of those to whom it was addressed; for the ​Indians, never influenced by the principle of gratitude themselves, do not expect to meet with it in others; and accustomed, after they have gained their ends, to pay no regard to the promises they have made, they gave little credit to major Lawrence when he assured them that he would never remove from Tritchinopoly, before he had provided for the safety of their countries. Nor did the Mysorean neglect to employ the resource of money to alienate these precarious allies: in Tondiman's country he bribed the chiefs and officers of such districts as lay convenient for furnishing provisions; and at Tanjore gained over to his interest the prime minister Succojee, who intirely ruled the King his master; however the King, not wholly unsollicitous of the consequences, if the English fortune should change again, palliated his refusal with specious pretexts, and wrote to the presidency that the enemy's detachments had already done mischief to the amount of 100,000 pounds in his country, where the harvest was now coming on, but that as soon as it was gathered he would not fail to give them all the assistance in his power: this pretended mischief was no more than what all other parts of the country had suffered from the Morattoes, who in their predatory excursions made no distinction between the territories of friends and foes.
Thus, notwithstanding no prudent measure was neglected, the supplies received were so far from being sufficient to stock the magazines, that it was with difficulty, enough was procured for the immediate consumption of the army and Garrison. In this situation major Lawrence was obliged to remain for five weeks, without having an opportunity of acting against the enemy, who determined not to expose themselves, until they were reinforced from the sea coast.
The French troops in this part of the country quitted their entrenchments on the same day that the major marched from Fort St. David, and a detachment of 200 Europeans, with 300 Sepoys, attacked the village of Trivadi; but captain Chace, the commanding officer, sallying from the fort, repulsed them; some days after they renewed the attack, and were again repulsed by a detachment of 60 Europeans, and 300 Sepoys; who, elated with their success, quitted the ​village, and contrary to their orders marched out into the plain: the Morattoes, who were in sight, waiting for such an opportunity of exerting themselves, instantly surrounded the party, and charging with great fury, routed them, and cut every man to pieces. This loss disabling the garrison from making any more sallies, the French took possession of the village, erected a battery, and cannonaded the fort. The troops within were still sufficient to have made a good defence; but a mutiny arose, and the lenity of the commanding officer's temper, not permitting him to see the necessity of making severe examples in the beginning, the men, no longer controulable, got possession of the arrack, and mad with liquor, obliged him to capitulate, and were made prisoners of war: this misfortune affected captain Chace so sensibly, that it threw him into a fever, of which he died soon after at Pondicherry. At the same time a detachment of Morattoes, with some Europeans, appeared before Chillambrum, where the English kept a Serjeant with a few artillery-men; who discovering that the governor was plotting to deliver them up to the enemy, marched away in the night to Devi Cotah. Nor was the loss of these places and their dependencies the only detriment which the Nabob's affairs had sustained in the Carnatic; for a number of petty commanders, soldiers of fortune, set up their standards, and pretending to be authorized by Mr. Dupleix and Morari-row, levied contributions, and committed violences in all parts of the country. Even Mortiz-ally hearing soon after his return to Velore that the English did not venture to attack the French entrenchments at Trivadi, and that Tritchinopoly was hard pressed by the Mysoreans, took courage, and entertaining thoughts of asserting the title which Mr. Dupleix had conferred upon him, ordered his troops to commit hostilities in the neighbourhood near Arcot. His force consisted of 50 Europeans, with three pieces of cannon, who accompanied him from Pondicherry, and 2000 Sepoys, 1500 horse, and 500 matchlock Peons, his own troops. They plundered all the villages lying near the city without meeting any interruption; for Abdullwahab Khan, the Nabob's brother, and lieutenant in the province, an indolent sensual man, dissipated in his pleasures and upon his favourites most of the monies he collected, and gave no attention to the maintaining of a ​competent force to support his authority: encouraged by this negligence, Mortiz-ally threatened to attack the city of Arcot itself, of which the presidency receiving intelligence, directed the commanding officer of the fort to join the Nabob's troops with as many Europeans as could prudently be spared from the garrison, and attack the enemy in the field. Abdullwahab, alarmed for his own security, with some difficulty got together 800 Sepoys, 1000 horse and 500 Peons, all of them the very worst troops in the province; they were commanded by another of the Nabob's brothers Nazeabulla, a man nearly of the same character as Abdullwahab. This force, joined by 40 Europeans, 200 English Sepoys, with two field pieces under the command of ensign Joseph Smith, marched out of the city on the 21st of April, and when half-way to Velore discovered the Phousdar's army drawn up across the road, their right sheltered by the hills. It was with great reluctance that Nazeabulla Khan could be prevailed upon to attack them, although it was evident they would fall on him, as soon as he offered to retreat: ensign Smith began a cannonade, and drove the French several times from their guns, but a party of 500 excellent Sepoys maintained themselves with much more resolution behind a bank, and in several attempts that were made to drive them from it, most of the English Sepoys were lost. The enemy's cavalry seeing this, attacked the Europeans, but were repulsed by the grape shot; on which they pushed at Nazeabulla's cavalry, who took flight without waiting the onset, and soon after his Sepoys and Peons went off likewise, leaving the Europeans, now reduced to 25 men, with about 40 Sepoys, surrounded by the enemy. Ensign Smith however kept the ground until night, when his men leaving the field pieces behind, endeavoured, as they could, to get back to the city; but they were discovered, and all, excepting three, were intercepted; some were killed, and the rest, amongst whom was ensign Smith, were made prisoners and carried to Velore. Flushed by this success, Mortiz-ally renewed his correspondence with Mr. Dupleix, and undertook to besiege Trinomalee, a strong fort situated about 40 miles south of Arcot, in the high road to Tritchinopoly, and Morari-row moved from Chillambrum to assist in the expedition. But Mr. Dupleix thinking it of more importance ​to reinforce the army at Seringham, prevailed on him to detach 3000 of his Morattoes under the command of Innis Khan, and joined to them 300 Europeans and 1000 Sepoys.
As soon as these troops arrived, the enemy quitted Seringham, and crossing the Caveri, encamped on the plain three miles to the north of Facquire's Tope. Their force now consisted of 450 Europeans, 1500 well-trained Sepoys, 8000 Mysore horse, 3500 Morattoes, and two companies of Topasses with 1000 Sepoys in the service of the regent; the rest of whose infantry was 15,000 Peons, armed with matchlocks, swords, bows and arrows, pikes, clubs, and rockets; imperfect weapons worthy the rabble that bore them. Major Lawrence had only the 500 Europeans, and the 2000 Sepoys he brought with him from the coast; but 700 of these Sepoys were continually employed in the Polygar's country, to escort the convoys; his artillery were eight excellent six-pounders; of the Nabob's horse only 100 encamped with the English, the rest remaining under the walls, and peremptorily refusing to march until they were paid their arrears.
There are, about a mile to the south of the Facquire's Tope, some high mountains called the five rocks, on the summit of which the Major always kept a strong guard of Sepoys: but he being obliged to go into the city for the recovery of his health, the officer who commanded during his absence neglected to continue this detachment. The enemy reconnoitring, and finding this post without defence, detached in the night a strong party to take possession of it; and early the next morning their whole army was discovered in motion, assembling under shelter of the five rocks, whilst their advanced cannon plunged into the English camp; whither the Major immediately returned, but found it impossible to regain the post: he however kept his ground until night, and then encamped about a quarter of a mile nearer the city, behind a small eminence which sheltered the troops from the enemy's artillery; they the next day quitted the camp to the north of the Facquire's Tope, and encamped at the five rocks. Here they had it in their power intirely to cut off the supplies of provisions coming from the Polygar's country, and to intercept the ​detachment of 700 Sepoys sent to escort them: at the same time the great superiority of their numbers, and the advantage of the ground they occupied, rendered an attack upon their camp impracticable: but it was evident that if they were not soon dislodged, neither the English army in the field, nor the garrison of the city, could subsist long; to augment the distress, a strong spirit of desertion arose among the soldiery. In these circumstances, even the most sanguine began to lose hope, and to apprehend that the city must be abandoned in order to save the troops from perishing by famine.
The Major had stationed a guard of 200 Sepoys, on a small rock situated about half a mile south-west of his camp, and nearly a mile north-east of the enemy's. Mr. Astruc soon discovered the importance of this post, which if he could get possession of, his artillery would easily oblige the English to decamp again, and retire under the walls of the city, where, still more streightened, they would probably be reduced in a very few days to the necessity of retreating to their settlements. He therefore resolved to attack the post, and marched early in the morning, on the 26th of June, with his grenadiers and a large body of Sepoys; but they meeting with more resistance than was expected, he ordered the whole army to move and support them. The Major, as soon as he found the rock attacked, ordered the picquet guard of the camp, consisting of 40 Europeans, to march and support his Sepoys: but afterwards observing the whole of the enemy's army in motion, he ordered all his troops to get under arms, and leaving 100 Europeans to take care of the camp, marched with the rest of his force, which, in Europeans did not exceed 300 battalion men, with 80 belonging to the artillery; and he had with him no more than 500 Sepoys: for the rest were at this time in the city endeavouring to procure rice, of which none had been sold in camp since the enemy appeared on the plain. With this small force, he hastened, as fast as they could march, to reach the rock before the enemy's main body. But Mr. Astruc, with the party already engaged in the attack, perceiving his approach, made a vigorous effort, and before the Major had got half way, the Sepoys who defended the rock, were all either killed, or taken prisoners, and the French colours immediately hoisted. This ​obliged the Major to halt, and consider what was most adviseable to be done in this critical conjuncture, on which the fate of the whole war seemed to depend. There was little time for deliberation: for the French battalion were now arrived behind the rock, and their artillery from the right and left of it, were firing upon the English troops; the rock itself was covered by their Sepoys supported by their grenadiers; the whole Mysore army was drawn up in one great body at the distance of cannon-shot in the rear; the Morattoes were, as usual, flying about in small detachments, and making charges on the flanks and rear of the English battalion in order to intimidate and create confusion.
In such circumstances the officers unanimously agreed in opinion with their general, that it was safer to make a gallant push, than to retreat before such numbers of enemies: and the soldiers seeming much delighted at this opportunity of having what they called a fair knock at the French men on the plain, major Lawrence took advantage of the good disposition of the whole, and giving due commendations to their spirit, ordered the grenadiers to attack the rock with fixed bayonets, whilst he himself with the rest of the troops, wheeled round the foot of it to engage the French battalion. The soldiers received the orders with three huzzas, and the grenadiers setting out at a great rate, though at the same time keeping their ranks, paid no attention to the scattered fire they received from the rock, nor made a halt until they got to the top of it; whilst the enemy terrified at their intrepidity, descended as they were mounting, without daring to stand the shock of their onset. Some of the best Sepoys followed the grenadiers, and all together began a strong fire upon the French troops, drawn up within pistol shot below. In the mean time Mr. Astruc, perceiving that the left flank of his battalion would, if it remained drawn up facing the north, be exposed to the English troops, wheeling round the foot of the rock, changed his position, and drew up facing the west, in order to oppose them in front. But this movement exposed his right flank to the fire of the grenadiers and Sepoys from the rock; by which his troops had already suffered considerably, when the English battalion executing their evolution with great address ​drew up at once directly opposite to the enemy, at the distance of 20 yards.
The French troops were struck with consternation upon seeing themselves thus daringly attacked in the midst of their numerous allies, by such a handful of men; and indeed a stranger, taking a view of the two armies from the top of one of the rocks on the plain, could scarcely have believed that the one ventured to dispute a province with the other.
Mr. Astruc exerted himself as a brave and active officer, and with difficulty prevailed on his men to keep their ranks with recovered arms, until the English gave their fire, which falling in a well levell'd discharge from the whole battalion, and seconded by a hot fire from the rock, together with a discharge of grape shot from the first field piece that came up, threw them into irreparable disorder; they ran away with the utmost precipitation, leaving three pieces of cannon, with some ammunition carts behind them. The Morattoes immediately made a gallant effort to cover their retreat by flinging themselves between, and some of the grenadiers, who had run forward to seize the field pieces, fell under their sabres. Animated by this success, they attacked the battalion, pushing in several charges up to the very bayonets, and endeavouring to cut down the men, who constantly received them with so much steadiness, that they were not able to throw a single platoon into disorder: at length having suffered much, and lost several of their best men by the incessant fire of the line, they desisted from their attacks, and retreated to the main body of the Mysoreans: amongst their dead was Ballapah, one of their principal officers, brother-in-law to Morari-row, a very gallant man, much esteemed by the English, who had often seen him exert himself with great bravery when fighting on their side: he had broke his sword in cutting down a grenadier, when another, who was loading his piece, and saw his comrade fall, shot both ball and ramrod through his body. In the mean time the French never halted until they got into the rear of the Mysore army, when their officers prevailed on them to get into order: again, and drew them up in a line with their allies, from whence they fired their two remaining field pieces with great vivacity, although the shot did not reach above half way. ​The Major remained three hours at the foot of the rock, in order to give them an opportunity of renewing the fight; but finding that they shewed no inclination to move towards him, he prepared to return to his camp, leaving them to take possession of the rock again at their peril; for since the loss of the 200 Sepoys that defended it in the beginning of the action, he did not think it prudent to expose another detachment to the same risque, at such a distance from his main body. The three guns with the prisoners were placed in the center, and the troops marching in platoons on each side, the artillery was distributed in the front, rear, and intervals of the column. The real had scarcely got clear of the rock into the plain, when the whole of the enemy's cavalry set up their shout, and came furiously on, flourishing their swords as if they were resolved to exterminate at once the handful of men that opposed them. Whosoever has seen a body of ten thousand horse advancing on the full gallop all together, will acknowledge with the Mareschals Villars and Saxe that their appearance is tremendous, be their discipline or courage what it will; and such an onset would doubtless have disconcerted untried soldiers; but the enemy had to deal with Veterans equal to any who have done honour to the British nation; men convinced by repeated experience that a body of well-disciplined infantry would always prevail against irregular cavalry, let their numbers be ever so great. In this confidence they halted, and without the least emotion, waited for the enemy, who were suffered to come sufficiently near before the signal was given to the artillery officers: the cannonade then began from eight six pounders, loaded with grape, and was kept up at the rate of eight or ten shot in a minute from each piece, so well directed that every shot went amongst the crowd, as was visible by the numbers that dropped: this soon stopped their career, and they stood a while like men astonished by the fall of thunder; but finding no intermission of the fire, and that the battalion and Sepoys reserved theirs with recovered arms, they went to the right about, and got out of the reach as fast as they had come on, leaving the troops to return quietly to their camp.
Thus was Tritchinopoly saved by a success, which astonished even those who, had gained it; nor was the attempt, however desperate it ​might seem, justified by the success alone; for as the city would inevitably have fallen if the English had remained inactive, so the loss of it would have been hastened only a few days if they had been defeated; and major Lawrence undoubtedly acted with as much sagacity as spirit in risquing every thing to gain a victory, on which alone depended the preservation of the great object of the war.
The enemy dispirited by their defeat, began to disagree amongst themselves; the Mysoreans and French reciprocally imputing their ill success to one another, and the Morattoes with great reason to both; their parties appeared less frequently on the plain in the day, and none ventured to patrole in the night: the English Sepoys in Tondiman's country availing themselves of this interval, quitted the woods, and joined the camp in the night, with a convoy of provisions which furnished a stock for fifty days. This necessary object being provided for, the Major determined to avoid coming again to a general engagement, before he was joined by some troops, which the arrival of the ships from Europe enabled the presidency to send into the field: they were ordered to march through the Tanjore country; and as a body of cavalry was still more necessary to enable the army to act with vigour against an enemy which had such numbers, he resolved to proceed without delay to Tanjore, in hopes that whilst he was waiting for the reinforcement, the appearance of the army and the reputation of their late success might determine the king to declare openly, and furnish the assistance of horse, of which the English stood so much in need. The presence of the Nabob, being thought necessary to facilitate the negociation, he prepared to march with the army; but on the evening that he intended to quit the city, his discontented troops assembled in the outer court of the palace, and clamouring declared that they would not suffer him to move, before he had paid their arrears; in vain were arguments to convince this rabble, more insolent because they had never rendered any essential service, that his going to Tanjore was the only measure from which they could hope for a chance of receiving their pay; they remained inflexible, and threatened violence; upon which captain Dalton sent a messenger to the camp, from whence the grenadier company immediately marched into the city, where they were joined by ​100 of the garrison, and all together forcing their way into the palace, they got the Nabob into his palankeen, and escorted him to the camp surrounded by 200 Europeans with fixed bayonets; the male-contents not daring to offer him any outrage as he was passing, nor on the other hand was any injury offered to them: for notwithstanding such proceedings in more civilized nations rarely happen, and are justly esteemed mutiny and treason; yet in Indostan they are common accidents, and arise from such causes as render it difficult to ascertain whether the prince or his army is most in fault. The Nabob had certainly no money to pay his troops; so far from it that the English had now for two years furnished all the expence of their own troops in the field: but it is a maxim with every prince in India, let his wealth be ever so great, to keep his army in long arrears, for fear they should desert. This apprehension is perhaps not unjustly entertained of hirelings collected from every part of a despotick empire, and insensible of notions of attachment to the prince or cause they serve; but from hence the soldiery, accustomed to excuses when dictated by no necessity, give no credit to those which are made to them, when there is a real impossibility of satisfying their demands; and a practice common to most of the princes of Indostan, concurs not a little to increase this mistrust in all who serve them: for on the one hand the vain notions in which they have been educated inspire them with such a love of outward shew, and the inervating climate in which they are born renders them so incapable of resisting the impulses of fancy; and on the other the frequent reverses of fortune in this empire dictate so strongly the necessity of hoarding resources against the hour of calamity, that nothing is more common than to see a Nabob purchasing a jewel or ornament of great price, at the very time that he is in the greatest distress for money to answer the necessities of the government. Hence, instead of being shocked at the clamours of their soldiery, they are accustomed to live in expectation of them, and it is a maxim in their conduct to hear them with patience, unless the croud proceed to violence; but in order to prevent this they take care to attach to their interests some principal officers, with such a number of the best troops as may serve on emergency to check the tumult, which is rarely headed by a man of distinction. But when ​his affairs become desperate by the success of a superior enemy, the prince atones severely for his evasions, by a total defection of his army, or by suffering such outrages as the Nabob Mahomed-ally would in all probability have been exposed to, had he not been rescued in the manner we have described.
As soon as the Nabob arrived in the camp, major Lawrence began his march, and in order to avoid the enemy's cavalry struck into the thick woods, which skirt the plain of Tritchinopoly to the south: the approach of the army seemed to determine the king of Tanjore to furnish the assistance they were coming to demand; and not to give him any unnecessary umbrage by proceeding abruptly to his capital, the Major resolved to halt for some time at a distance, and encamped at Conandercoil, a town in the woods half-way between Tritchinopoly and Tanjore; where, at the expiration of ten days, he received advice from Mr. Palk, who had been deputed to the king, that he had prevailed upon him to declare openly, and that orders were given to Monac-gee the general to assemble the Tanjorine troops. On which the English army proceeded to Tanjore, where it was determined to remain until they were joined by the reinforcement expected from Fort St. David.
Of all the Nabob's cavalry, no more than fifty accompanied him, the rest remained encamped under the walls of Tritchinopoly, and a few days after the departure of the English army went in a body, and informed captain Dalton that they intended to go over to the enemy, with whom they had made their terms, desiring at the same time that he would not fire upon them as they were marching off. This, as he was very glad to get rid of such a dangerous incumbrance, he readily promised, and they went away unmolested at noon-day.
The enemy, having now no other immediate object, gave their whole attention to blocade the city, which they were in a condition to effect without much difficulty; for their superiority in Europeans deterred the garrison from venturing without the walls to interrupt their night patroles, as was their custom when they had only the Mysoreans and Morattoes to encounter. However captain Dalton took the precaution of undermining in a dark night the posts of Warriore and Weycondah, to the west of the city; the defences of Warriore were ruined, but the explosion failed at Weycondah. ​The late supplies of provisions being entirely reserved for the use of the garrison, the inhabitants were left to provide for themselves, and rice was now sold in the market for half a crown the measure, about an English quart, which was fifteen times dearer than the common price; and fire-wood was scarcely to be procured at any rate, This scarcity soon obliged them to quit their habitations, and in less than a month this spacious city, which had formerly contained 400,000 persons, was left almost desolate; for the military people who remained in it, soldiers and artificers of all denominations, did not exceed 2000 men; of these the Nabob's Peons, as being capable of no other service than to give an alarm, were posted between the outward and inward wall; their number was about 1000: the Sepoys, 600, were stationed round the ramparts, and the Europeans about 200, were appointed, some to guard the gates, whilst the rest bay on their arms every night, in readiness to march to any quarter where the alarm might be given.
Vigilance supplied as much as possible the defect of numbers; nevertheless it was visible that the city, thus slenderly garrisoned, would run great risque if the enemy attempted a vigorous assault by night; nor were they entirely without such intentions; for the French prepared scaling ladders, and often sent parties to sound the depth of the ditch; but these were always discovered and beaten off before they could accomplish their design. In the mean time Mr. Dupleix strenuously importuned Mr. Brenier, who had succeeded Mr. Astruc in the command, to attempt an escalade at all events, and suggested to him a method of getting the information he wanted by sending one De Cattans an intelligent officer, as a deserter, into the town: the man was promised the command of a company, and thirty thousand rupees; for which he not only undertook to find out the proper spot where they should place their scaling ladders, but also to maintain a correspondence with the French prisoners, who were to break loose, and seize the arms of the guard, and attack the quarters of the English whilst the assault was made on the walls. He was admitted into the city, and said, that he came to offer his service to the English, being disgusted by an unjust censure, which had been cast on his conduct in the late battle at the golden rock: an over-strained affectation ​of frankness in his behaviour gave captain Dalton some suspicions, and two spies were set to watch his actions, who at different times discovered him measuring the calibre of the gun, taking a survey of the works, and fathoming the height of the wall with a lead and line, after which he threw notes through the windows to the French prisoners. There was in the garrison a French soldier whose fidelity to the English might be depended on; this man engaged to detect his countryman still more effectually, and suffered himself to be chastized in his sight by captain Dalton for some pretended neglect; after which he affected such a resentment for this treatment, that De Cattans gave him his entire confidence, offering him a great reward if he would assist in the execution of his plan. The soldier said he was not made for great enterprises, but offered to desert the first night he should be on guard at the barrier, and to carry a letter, provided De Cattans would assure him of pardon for having deserted from the French. This the other readily agreed to, and gave him a pardon in form signed with his name, to which he added the tittle "of plenipotentiary of the marquis Dupleix." At the same time he delivered to him a letter for Mr. Brenier, which contained a full and exact description of the defences of the place, and some commendations on his own address in deceiving the English commandant, whom he described as a very young man, that placed more confidence in him than any of his own officers. The soldier carried the letter to captain Dalton, who immediately caused De Cattans to be arrested; at first he denied the fact, but on seeing his own writing, desired that he might not suffer the disgrace of being hanged, but have the honour of being shot by a file of musketeers. He was told that his fate could not be decided before major Lawrence arrived; captain Dalton, however, desirous of drawing the enemy into a snare by the same means which they had employed against himself, promised the criminal to intercede for his pardon, provided he would write a letter to Mr. Brenier, and prevail upon him to attempt an escalade at such a part as he, captain Dalton, should dictate; this De Cattans readily agreed to; the place fixed upon was Dalton's battery, on the west side, not far from the northern angle, as being more accessible than any other from without; but the defences and retrenchments within ​were stronger than any where else. A black fellow undertook to carry the letter for eight rupees, and Mr. Brenier, giving him twenty, sent him back with a letter to De Cattans, promising to put his plan into execution, and desiring him to write frequently. In vain did the garrison watch several nights successively, hoping that the enemy would make the assault; but the various reports which they received of major Lawrence's arrival, kept them in such a continual bustle and alarm, that they could not spare a night for the execution of this enterprize, notwithstanding they appeared convinced of its practicability.
The Mysoreans fiuding that the explosion made at Weycondah, had done little damage, took possession of this post, and mounting two small pieces of cannon on the rampart, encamped 300 horse and some Peons under the walls; and as the garrison of Tritchinopoly had not lately ventured into the field, those troops slept in perfect security without a single centinel. Captain Dalton receiving intelligence of their negligence, resolved to beat up their quarters, and husing a time when it was very dark, a party of 400 men, mostly Sepoys, marched up close to the tents, and made a general discharge amongst them before they were once challenged. The Sepoys got some horses and arms, and the whole party retreated out of reach before the enemy were sufficiently rouzed to do more than fire a few shot at random.
At length, after remaining a month closely blockaded, and obliged to be continually on their guard, the garrison received advice that the Major was approaching; he was joined by the Tanjorine army, consisting of 3000 horse, and 2000 matchlocks, under the command of Monac-gee, as also by the expected reinforcement from Fort St. David, of 170 Europeans and 300 Sepoys. On the 7th of August, the army arrived at Dalaway's choultry, situated close to the southern bank of the Caveri, six miles east of Tritchinopoly, where they were defined the next day by the falling of a heavy rain, which rendered the country between the choultry and city impassable. This obliged them to strike to the south-west, and the 9th in the morning they continued their march, escorting a convoy of several thousand bullocks provided by the Nabob, and said to be laden with provisions; signals ​from the top of the rock in Tritchinopoly, not only apprized them that the enemy were in motion, but likewise pointed out the dispositions they were making. Their cavalry in different parties extended from the French rock to the golden rock: at the sugar-loaf rock, as being the place where major Lawrence would first come within their reach, they kept their main body of Europeans and Sepoys, together with their artillery; and a detachment took possession of the golden rock. The major, when arrived about a mile south-east of the sugar-loaf, halted, and having considered the enemy's disposition, formed and ordered his march in consequence of it. To preserve the baggage and provisions from the enemy's fire, he determined not to attempt a passage through the posts they occupied; but to march round the golden rock, whilst the convoy with the Nabob and his retinue, escorted by the Tanjorine troops, moved on at some distance on the left flank of the Europeans and Sepoys. It was necessary at all events to drive the enemy, from the golden rock, since their fire from hence might greatly incommode the line of march: but as a suspicion of the major's intention to pass that way, would naturally induce them to reinforce this post, he resolved to divert their attention, by halting and forming as if he intended to march directly, and attack their main body at the sugar-loaf rock. This stratagem had the desired effect: monsieur Brenier, not an acute officer, recalled the greatest part of his detachment from the golden rock, and with much bustle got his troops in order, to receive the major: who in the mean time detached the grenadiers and 800 Sepoys from the front of the line, ordering them to defile behind the convoy which still proceeded on, and to march with all possible expedition and attack the golden rock. Mr. Brenier did not perceive this motion before it was too late to prevent the effect of it; he however instantly sent forward 1000 horse at full gallop to intercept the English party, and at the same time detached 300 Europeans to reinforce the guard at the rock. The cavalry soon came up with the English party, and endeavoured to retard their march by caracolling and gallopping about as if they intended to charge: but the grenadiers did not suffer them selves to be amused by these motions, and fired hotly upon them with out slackening their pace, nor made a halt until they had mounted ​the rock, drove the enemy down, and planted their colours on the top, which they accomplished before the enemy's party of infantry, marching from the sugar loaf rock, had got half way: who seeing the post they were sent to reinforce lost, had not the heart to make a push to recover it; but halted, and taking shelter behind a bank, began to cannonade the grenadiers and Sepoys at the golden rock with four field pieces. By this time Mr. Brenier, with the rest of the French troops, had proceeded a little way from the sugar loaf rock, to support his advanced party; but seeing them halt, he halted likewise. So that the main body of the English troops continued their march, and secured the possession of the golden rock without interruption: the Tanjorines soon after came up with the baggage, and were ordered to remain with it in the rear. The English artillery were now warmly employed against the cannon of the enemy's advanced party, of whom none but the artillery men were exposed, for the rest kept close behind the bank. The English battalion was drawn up in the open plain without shelter, and in this situation suffered considerably, whilst their artillery did little mischief to the enemy; however the shot that flew over the bank went amongst a large body of horse who were drawn up in the rear of the advanced party, and flung them into confusion; which captain Dalton observing, he sallied from the city with two field pieces, and the cavalry finding themselves between two fires, hurried out of reach, some to the east, and others to the west. In the mean time several of the English battalion were struck down, and major Lawrence observing that the enemy's main body made no motion to join the advanced party, determined to make a push, and drive these troops from the advantageous ground of which they had taken possession. The grenadiers, with 200 more Europeans, and 300 Sepoys, were ordered to march and attack them, whilst major Lawrence remained at the golden rock with the rest ready to support them if repulsed, or if successful, to join and pursue the advantage by driving the beaten party on the enemy's main body. The success of this attempt depending in a great measure on making the attack before the enemy's main body could move up to the succour of their party, the English for more expedition marched without any field pieces; but the artillery was notwithstanding not idle, ​for they fired continually from the main body to deter the enemy's cavalry from attacking the flanks of the party as they marched. The officer appointed to lead the attack, instead of following his orders, which directed him to come to the push of bayonet without hesitation, sent word that he could not execute them without artillery, and that he was halted, waiting for it. Upon this major Lawrence instantly quitted the main body, and galloping up, put himself at the head of the party, and led them on. The troops, animated by his example, marched on with great spirit, keeping their order, notwithstanding they were galled by a very smart fire from the enemy's artillery, which killed several men, and amongst them, captain Kirk, at the head of the grenadiers: these brave fellows, whom nothing during the war had ever staggered, could not see the death of the officer they loved without emotion. Captain Kilpatrick seeing them at a stand, immediately put himself at their head, and desired them, if they loved their captain as much as he valued his friend, to follow him, and revenge his death: roused in an instant by this spirited exhortation and example, they swore in their manner, that they would follow him to hell. In this temper they pushed on; and in order to prevent the enemy from retreating to their main body, marched to gain their right flank: the enemy had not courage to stand the shock, but quitted the bank in great precipitation, and leaving three field pieces behind, them, ran away towards Weycondah, exposed great part of the way to the fire of the two field pieces which captain Dalton had brought out of the city, every shot of which, for several discharges, took off two or three men. The enemy's main body now, when too late, began to move to the assistance of their party, but seeing them irretrievably defeated, and perceiving at the same time the main body of the English advancing from the golden rock, they lost courage, and without waiting to give or receive a fire, ran off in great confusion towards the five rocks, exposed to a severe cannonade from the rear division of the English artillery which had been left at the golden rock with the baggage; the Tanjore horse remained spectators of their flight without taking advantage of it, by falling on them sword in hand, which if they had done, few would have escaped; so that the loss which they sustained in Europeans did not exceed 100 men killed ​and wounded: of the English battalion about 40 men were either killed or disabled, and on both sides, principally by cannon shot.
Monac-gee endeavoured to excuse his neglect, by alledging that the solicitude of the Nabob and his commissaries for the safety of the convoy, made him unwilling to leave it exposed to the enemy's cavalry which hovered round in large bodies: but this was no good reason; for major Lawrence immediately on the enemy's retreat sent him orders to pursue, and the battalion were marching back to secure the convoy. As soon as the enemy were out of sight, the army with the convoy proceeded to the city, where on taking an account of the provisions before they were lodged in the magazines, it was found that the quantity did not exceed 300 bullock loads, and this not a little damaged: which, in weight not being more than 30,000 pounds, was scarcely sufficient to supply the Europeans and Sepoys ten days. It would be difficult to find an example of so great a negligence, in so essential a service, which had cost so much pains and risque, excepting in the irregular and indolent administration of a Moorish government in Indostan; and indeed the English themselves were much to blame for trusting this important charge entirely to the conduct of the Nabob and his officers, who had loaded the rest of the bullocks, for there were near 4000, with their own baggage, and a heap of trumpery not worth the carriage.
The enemy removed their tents and baggage as soon as it was dark from the sugar-loaf rock to Weycondah, where they encamped all together in so strong a situation, protected by the fire of that post, that they could not be attacked with any prospect of success. The Mysoreans had always drawn their provisions from their own country; and as there was little probability of procuring plenty to the city whilst the enemy remained on the plain, the major, as soon as the troops were a little refreshed, marched out, and taking a circuit encamped at the five rocks, intending to intercept their convoys coming from the east-ward, and thus retaliate the distresses which they had so often brought upon his army. At the same time Monac-gee, in order to secure the communication with Tanjore; undertook to reduce Elimiserum, where the enemy had left a garrison of 200 Sepoys and a few Europeans, who submitted to him after a little resistance. ​Major Lawrence now ordered De Cattans to be hanged in sight of the enemy's advanced guards: he died with great resolution, but shewed much concern that he had endeavoured to betray captain Dalton, who had received him with so much hospitality and kindness. As the English had condescended to employ this delinquent against his own countrymen, after he was detected, his life ought to have been spared.
The enemy still remaining at Weycondah, major Lawrence made a motion towards them on the 23d, upon which they decamped in a hurry, and leaving part of their baggage, with a gun and some ammunition behind, made a disorderly retreat to Mootachellinoor, a strong post on the bank of the Caveri, which secured their communication with Seringham: the next day major Lawrence took possession of the ground they had abandoned with an intention to send forward some artillery near enough to cannonade them; but this design was unexpectedly frustrated, for the next day a reinforcement, equal to the whole of the English force, appeared on the bank of the Coleroon. It consisted of 3000 Morattoes, a great number of Peons, and some Topasses under the command of Morari-row, together with 400 Europeans, and 2000 Sepoys, with six guns.
Most of these Europeans arrived in the end of June from the island of Mauritius, where they had been disciplined; and Mr. Dupleix committed a great error in not sending them immediately, together with Morari-row's troops, to Tritchinopoly; more especially as the signal defeat of the French and Mysoreans at the golden rock might have convinced him that they would hardly be able to prevent the English, when reinforced by the troops of Tanjore, from making their way good to the city with the convoy: but his vanity on this occasion confounded his good sense; for treating the battle of the golden rock as a trifling skirmish, and attributing the ill success of it to some pretended accidents common to the fortune of war, he seemed to disdain sending any farther assistance to an army which he confidently asserted could not fail to overpower their enemies in a very few days; he therefore detained this force to make conquests in the Carnatic; but the wilful disposition of Morari-row frustrated in a great measure this design: for regarding no injunctions excepting those of the Mysorean. who was afraid to give ​him positive orders, the Morattoe traversed the province according to his own inclination, without keeping his force united, or acting in concert with the troops of Pondicherry. However Mr. Dupleix pursuing his plan as well as he was able, detached immediately after the capture of Chillambrum a large body of Sepoys, accompanied by some Morattoes, to attack the pagoda of Verdachelum; this force was led by one Hassan Ally, who had long been commander in chief of the French Sepoys, and had distinguished himself so much in this employment that the French king had honoured him with a gold medal in token of his services; this man was taken at Seringham with Mr. Law, and the English knowing his capacity kept him a close prisoner at Fort St. David; from whence, however, he had lately contrived to escape, being carried through the guards in a basket which they imagined to contain lumber. The garrison of Verdachelum consisted only of 50 Sepoys commanded by a Serjcant, who surrendered after a slight resistance; from hence Hassan Ally, joined by 50 Europeans, proceeded to Trinomalee, where they found Morari-row with the greatest part of his force assisting, according to his promise, the troops of Velore, who were laying close siege to the place. The army of the besiegers now amounted to 6000 cavalry, 5000 Sepoys, and 100 Europeans, including the 50 which Mortiz-ally kept in his own pay. The garrison, 1500 men, commanded by Barkatoola, a faithful servant to the Nabob, and a gallant officer, defended themselves with much bravery, making frequent sallies, and in one they surprized and beat up the quarters of the Morattoes, killing many of their horses; this loss, the most sensible that the Morattoes can feel, determined Morari-row to look out for easier conquests; and leaving the Phousdar's troops to continue the siege as they could, he marched away, with an intention to lay siege to Palam Cotah, a fort in the neighbourhood of Chillambrum. Here he was joined by a party of 350 Europeans, who endeavoured to prevail on him to march with them and attack the English settlement of Devi Cotah; but Morari-row, apprehensive of the loss he might suffer in this attempt, refused to accompany them. On this difference they separated, the French marching towards the woods of Wariore-pollam, in hopes of levying contribution from the Polygar; and the Morattoe to Trinomalee. Here, a few days after ​his arrival, he received letters from the regent informing him of his distress, since his convoys from Mysore began to be intercepted, and desiring him in the most pressing terms to move immediately to Seringham with his whole force; and Mr. Dupleix informing him at the same time that he intended to send all the Europeans he could bring into the field, the Morattoe, calling in all his stragglers, hurried back to Chillambrum, which was appointed the place of general rendezvous; from hence the whole reinforcement proceeded by very expeditious marches to Tritchinopoly, in sight of which they arrived on the 24th of August.
Their appearance at so critical a conjuncture did not fail to raise the enemy's spirits, who testified their joy by firing salutes and exhibiting fireworks for three days successively, at the same time making the necessary preparations for coming to the plains again; whilst the English and their allies saw themselves under the necessity of taking their measures to act again on the defensive, under the same disadvantages to which they had been constantly subject, excepting in the short interval since the last defeat of the enemy: but even in this interval they had not been able to get more provisions than sufficed for the daily consumption; for as their force was not sufficient to spare considerable escorts at a distance for the time necessary to collect large supplies, what they received came daily in small quantities, about 100 bullock loads at a time, which indeed had lately joined the camp without much difficulty. But it was evident that the enemy's detachments would not scour the plain again as usual: the Major therefore, to diminish the risk of his convoys coming from the eastward, quitted the neighbourhood of Weycondah as soon as their reinforcement appeared, and encamped on the same ground which he had formerly occupied a little to the north of the Facquire's Tope. The enemy three days after quitted Mootachellinoor, and encamped at the five rocks, where their army covered a great extent of ground, for they had likewise been reinforced from Mysore. From the great superiority of their numbers, the Major expected that they would attack him in his camp, and ordered his men to sleep on their arms; but they contented themselves with following their former plan of intercepting the convoys. And the very next day, the 28th, near 3000 horse, Morattoes and Mysoreans, attacked an ​escort of 100 Europeans with great vigour; but the men, accustomed to such encounters, preserved themselves and the convoy by not parting with their fire, although the enemy rode several times to the very Bayonets.
The presidency of Madrass hearing of the reinforcement which Mr. Dupleix had sent to Seringham, determined to strengthen their own army with all the men that could be spared for the field, and sent them in one of the company's ships to Devi Cotah; and the major, in order to facilitate the junction of these troops, as well as to protect his convoys, determined to encamp farther to the eastward; and sending off his baggage in the night, marched at day break the first of September over the plain in full view of the enemy, and pitched his camp at a little distance to the south-east of the French rock. This ground was well chosen, for the right flank was protected by some pieces of artillery mounted on the rock, which were flanked by the cannon of the city. The front of the camp was for the most part secured by a morass, and the rear by swamps and rice fields. The Tanjorines were exceedingly delighted with the security in which they here found themselves, for they had before began to droop with apprehensions of having their quarters beat up by the Morattoes; and Monac-gee exerting all his influence amongst his countrymen, prevailed on the merchants who dealt in rice, to bring frequent supplies of grain, although in small quantities, The enemy's scouts gave them such good intelligence of the approach of the convoys that few escaped unattacked, but being constantly supported by detachments of Europeans, they made their way good to the camp; not indeed without some loss, since it was impossible in the tumult to prevent the bullocks and cooleys from flinging down their loads and taking flight. However, what arrived was sufficient for the daily wants, but so little more, that if two or three convoys had been cut off, the army would have been obliged to have had recourse to the small stock which was laid up in the city. The enemy, as if determined to reduce them to this distress, moved from the five rocks, and encamped at the sugar loaf, extending from hence to the golden rock. Here the regent and Morari-row having intelligence of the reinforcement of which the English were in expectation, pressingly intreated the French to attack their camp before those troops arrived; but Mr. ​Astrue declined the attempt, and contented himself with waiting for less hazardous opportunities of diminishing their force: at length the English reinforcement arrived on the 19th of September, at Kelli Cotah, a fort 15 miles east of the city: and never perhaps had two armies remained 18 days in so extraordinary a situation, both encamped on the open plain without a bush on it, at about two miles distance from each other, so that with their glasses they could see one another sitting at dinner in their tents; and a cannon shot from the advanced posts might easily reach the opposite camp: but as the swamps in the rear of both the camps did not permit either to move farther back, both refrained from commencing a cannonade; the English desired nothing more than to keep their battalion unimpaired until the arrival of their reinforcement; but for this very reason the French ought to have taken all opportunities of diminishing their number. Major Lawrence now apprehending nothing so much, as that the enemy might send a large detachment to intercept his reinforcement, determined if possible to divert their attention by cannonading their camp; and the day in which the troops were ordered to march from Kelli Cotah, an eighteen pounder, sent from the city, was mounted about half a mile south-west of the French rock, on the bank of the water-course that intersects the plain, and early in the morning the 16th of September, it began to fire smartly; every shot was seen to strike amongst the tents of the French battalion, who after having bore the insult patiently for two hours, detached their three companies of grenadiers with a large body of their allies, horse and foot, to attack the party posted with the eighteen pounder; upon which motion the Major immediately threw, a reinforcement into the water course of 250 Europeans, 800 Sepoys, and three field pieces under the command of captain Charles Campbell, who defended it so well that the enemy were obliged to desist from their attempt, and retreat to their camp, not without a considerable loss; for they had bore for some time a smart cannonade from five pieces of cannon upon the south-west cavalier of the city, as well as from the artillery at the watercourse. This repulse, seconded by a continuance of the fire from the 18 pounder, either deterred or diverted them during the rest of the day from giving attention to the reinforcement, who having continued their march without molestation, ​joined the camp in the evening. The whole consisted of 237 Europeans, with the captains Ridge and Calliaud, lately arrived from Europe, and 300 Sepoys. The junction of these troops inspired the army with as much joy as the doubtful expectation of their arrival had caused anxiety and solicitude; and to retaliate on the enemy the same marks of exultation which they had lately employed on a like occasion, the tidings were announced to them by a discharge of all the artillery in the camp and city.
There being now no more reinforcements to expect, and the vicinity of the enemy having greatly augmented the difficulties of getting provisions and fuel, major Lawrence, as soon as the troops just arrived were refreshed, determined to bring on a general battle, which if the enemy declined he resolved to attack them in their camp.
The tents and baggage were sent at night to remain under cover of the artillery of the city; from whence at the same time 100 Europeans, all who could be spared from the garrison, marched out and joined the army. Every thing being prepared, major Lawrence quitted the ground near the French rock, and at day break, the 20th of September, the army appeared at the Facquire's Tope, and remained for some hours drawn up, offering the enemy battle; but they shewing no inclination to accept the defiance, the Major sent for his tents again, and encamped on the spot on which he was drawn up, resolving to attack their camp the next day: as the success of this hardy enterprize depended greatly on preventing the enemy from entertaining any suspicion of his intention, he cannonaded their camp, with an eighteen pounder, at different intervals during the rest of the day; hoping to make them believe that he purposed nothing more than to harrass and incommode them. At night the tents were struck, and sent back again towards the city, and the whole army was ordered, after taking their rest in the open field, to be under arms at four in the morning.
The enemy's camp extended on each side of the sugar-loaf rock, but much farther to the west than to the east: most of the Morattoes were encamped on the east, the French quarters were close to the west of the rock, and beyond these the Mysoreans extended almost as far as the golden rock, occupying the ground for a considerable way behind the two rocks. The rear of the camp was covered with ​thickets and rocky ground. The French had flung up an intrenchment in front of their own quarters, and intended to have continued it along the left flank, facing the west; but on this side had only finished a small part, separated about 300 yards from the western extremity of their intrenchment in front, which interval was left open without defences: the Morattoes had likewise flung up an intrenchment in their front to the east of the sugarloaf: at the golden rock, which commanded the left flank and the front of the ground on which the Mysoreans were encamped, the French had stationed an advanced guard of 100 Europeans, two companies of Topasses, and 600 Sepoys, with two pieces of cannon, under the command of a partizan of some reputation. Major Lawrence being apprized of these dispositions, projected his attack to take the utmost advantage of them. At the hour appointed the army quitted the Facquire's Tope, and marched in profound silence towards the golden rock: the battalion consisting of 600 men formed the van in three equal divisions; the first was composed of the grenadier company of 100 men commanded by captain Kilpatrick, the picket of 40, by captain Calliaud, and two platoons, each of 30 men, under the command of captain Charles Campbell: the artillery, six field pieces, with 100 artillery men, were divided on the flanks of each division: 2000 Sepoys, in two lines, followed the Europeans: the Tanjorine cavalry were ordered to extend to the eastward, and to march even with the last line of Sepoys. The moon had hitherto been very bright; but a sudden cloud now obscured it so much, that the first division of the battalion came within pistol shot of the golden rock before they were discovered; and giving a very smart fire, mounted it in three places at once, whilst the enemy, who had barely time to snatch up their arms, hurried down after making one irregular discharge, and ran away to the camp with such precipitation, that they left their two field pieces, ready loaded with grape, undischarged. Animated by this success, the men called out with one voice to be led on to the grand camp, and the Major availing himself of their alacrity, remained no longer at the rock than was necessary to break the carriages of the enemy's guns, and to form his troops again. Their disposition was now changed, the three divisions of Europeans were ordered to march, as near as they ​could, in one line in front through the camp of the Mysoreans, in order to fall at once upon the left flank of the French quarters: the Sepoys were divided on each flank of the battalion, but at some distance in the rear. Had the camp, like those in Europe, been covered with tents, it would have been impossible to have penetrated through it in this order; but in an Indian army none but the men of rank can afford the expence of a tent, and the rest shelter themselves as they can in cabbins made of mats, so slight that they may be pushed down by the hand. The Tanjorine cavalry, intermixed with matchlocks and peons, had halted during the attack of the golden rock, on the plain nearly opposite to the front of the French intrenchment, and they were now instructed to move directly up to it, in order to create what confusion they could with their fire arms and rockets. The battalion received the orders for continuing the march with loud huzza's, and the whole proceeded with the greatest confidence, as to a victory of which they were sure; the drums of the three divisions beating the grenadiers march, the gunners with their portfires lighted on the flanks, and the Sepoys sounding with no little energy all their various instruments of military music. This did not a little contribute to augment the consternation which the fugitives from the rock had spread amongst the Mysoreans, who were already taking flight, when the English entered their camp. The Europeans marched with fixed bayonets, and recovered arms, but the Sepoys kept up a smart fire upon the swarms that were taking flight on all sides. The French discovered by the fugitives which way the attack would fall, and drew up to oppose it, facing the west; the left of their battalion was behind the finished but detached part of their intrenchment on this side; and the rest extended towards the intrenchment they had thrown up in front of their camp; which their line, however did not reach by 100 yards; but a bank running at this distance parallel to that intrenchment, served to defend the right flank of their battalion: in this position they derived no advantage from that part of their works on which they had most depended. To the left of their battalion was a body of 2000 Sepoys, who inclined to the left, intending to gain the flank of the English battalion, and the same number were designed to form their right wing; but these, by some mistake, in this scene of ​hurry and confusion, posted themselves on the sugar-loaf rock. The English troops advancing were prevented by the interruptions which they met with in the Mysore camp from keeping up in a line; so that the first division had outmarched the second, and the second the third; however as soon as they came nigh the enemy, whom they discovered by the portfires of their guns, the hindermost quickened their pace; but nevertheless the whole line was not completely formed before they came within twenty yards of the enemy, by which time the Sepoys to the right had advanced from the rear, in order to oppose those on the enemy's left: the artillery in the hurry could not keep up with the battalion. The French artillery had for some time fired with great vivacity, but most of the shot flew too high, and killed several of the flying Mysoreans. The action commenced just as the day began to dawn: Mr. Astruc, with indefatigable activity prevailed on his men to wait and receive the English fire before they gave theirs: amongst those who suffered in this onset was captain Kilpatrick, who commanded the division on the right; he fell desperately wounded; upon which captain Calliaud put himself at the head of the grenadiers, and took the command of the whole division; the French Sepoys on the left scarcely stood the first fire of the right wing of the English Sepoys, but took flight: which captain Calliaud perceiving, he wheeled instantly round with his division, and gaining the left flank of the intrenchment, behind which the left of the French battalion was posted, poured in a close fire upon them; and the grenadiers pushing on with their bayonets, drove them crowding upon their center: the whole line was already falling into confusion, when a well-levelled discharge from the center and left of the English battalion in front compleated the route, and they ran away in great disorder to gain the other side of the bank on their right, where Mr. Astruc endeavoured to rally them: but the grenadiers pursuing them closely, renewed the attack with their bayonets, and put them again to flight: every man now provided for his own safety, without any regard to order, running towards the golden rock, as this way was the only outlet not obstructed; but as soon as they got to some distance on the plain they dispersed and took various routes. The left wing of the English Seapoys had hitherto taken no share in the engagement, for by ​keeping too much to the left of the battalion, they came to the outside of the French intrenchment, on the ground to which the Tanjorines were ordered to advance; however, as soon as they perceived the French battalion in confusion, they pushed on to the sugar-loaf rock, and with much resolution attacked and dispersed the body of the enemy's Sepoys posted there, who from the beginning of the action had employed themselves in firing random shot indiscriminately upon friends and foes. The victory was now decided, and the English troops drew up on the French parade. A body of Morattoes were the only part of the Indian army which made any motions to draw off the attention of the English during the engagement; they seeing one of the field pieces left with a few men at a distance behind the st, galloped up, and cutting, down the men, got possession of it; but perceiving the battle lost, they did not venture to carry it off: nevertheless they did not immediately quit the camp, where they were soon after joined by several other bodies of cavalry, encouraged by their example: but the English artillery in a few rounds obliged them to retire again, and they followed the rest of the fugitives, who were retreating towards Seringham by the pass of Mootachillinoor. It was some hours before the whole got into the island, for the throng consisted of 30,000 men of all sorts on foot, and 16,000 horse, besides a great number of oxen, camels, and elephants. The Tanjorines were ordered to set out in pursuit of the French troops, who were taking flight, dispersed on all sides over the plain; but they could not be prevailed on to quit the spoil of the camp, which they were very busy in plundering.
The tents, baggage, and ammunition of the French camp, together with eleven pieces of cannon, one an eighteen pounder, were taken; 100 of their battalion were either killed or wounded, and near 100 more, amongst whom was Mr. Astruc, with ten officers, were made prisoners: several were afterwards knocked on the head by the people of Tondiman's woods, 65 were taken straggling in the Tanjore country; and a detachment of Sepoys, sent out by captain Dalton from the city, brought in 21 of those who were making their way to the island by the pass of Chucklypolam: so that the whole of their loss was at least 300 Europeans, with their best officer; for such un​doubtedly was Mr. Astruc: it might have been much more, had the Tanjorines exerted themselves as they were ordered. Of the English about 40 Europeans were killed and wounded.
This action was decided entirely by the musketry; for the English artillery were not brought into the engagement; and the French cannon were ill pointed, and irresolutely served, even before the conflict became hot and general; after which the event could not remain long in suspence between two bodies of men, whose dead fell within 20 yards of each other. There are few instances of a victory in which the sagacity and spirit of the general, as well as the resolution of the troops, are more to be admired. The French themselves confessed that they had no suspicion of the intentions to attack them; nor did chance interfere to substract from the merit of this success: for major Lawrence, before he quitted his camp at the French rock, had predicted most of the events which concurred to produce it. The Nabob's standard was now planted in the enemy's camp; and the English flag, displayed on the top of the sugar-loaf rock, proclaimed the triumph of their arms to the country several miles round.
The Tanjorines, elated to excess, although they had contributed nothing more than their appearance in the field to gain the victory, proposed, immediately after the battle, to follow the enemy, and betsiege them in Seringham; but major Lawrence paying no attention to this rhodomontade, moved with the army in the evening to lay siege to Weycondah.
This place, now a fort, was originally nothing more than a pagoda and choultry, situated at the top of a rock about 30 feet high. The rock was afterwards inclosed by a square stone wall, carried up as high as the top of the rock itself, and built thick enough to afford a rampart about five feet in breadth, besides a slender parapet, which has loop-holes to fire through: on the western side is a gateway, of which the top communicates with the rampart on either hand: the enemy's garrison consisted chiefly of Sepoys. A watercourse served instead of a trench to shelter the English troops; who having cut embrasures through the bank about 400 yards from the wall, battered it with two eighteen pounders, and at the same time threw shells from a mortar and two cohorns. By the next evening the wall was ​beaten down, within 12 feet of the ground. Early the next morning some of the garrison endeavoured to make their escape, through a sally-port on the north, to a large body of horse, who were waiting at a distance to receive them: these fugitives were discovered by some of the English Sepoys on the right, who immediately ran to prevent any more from getting out; and at the same time 600 other Sepoys who were under arms in the watercourse, set out of their own accord, without well knowing what was the matter, and ran directly to the breach, regardless of the commands of their officers, who assured them that it was not yet practicable; but nothing could stop the tumult: they made several ineffectual attempts to mount the breach, notwithstanding they were warmly fired upon by the enemy from above. At length, finding it impracticable to succeed this way, they all ran to the gate, which some endeavoured to force, whilst others fired up, to drive the defenders from the ramparts: but this attempt likewise proving ineffectual, a resolute Englishman, serjeant to a company of Sepoys, mounted on the shoulders of one of them, and getting hold of some of the carved work of the gateway, clambered up to the top; and those below handing up to him the colours of his company, he planted them singly on the parapet: here he was soon joined by about 20 of his company, who followed his example; and whilst some of these were engaged with the enemy, others went down on the inside of the rampart, and opened the gate. Those without instantly rushed in like a torrent; which the enemy perceiving, they hurried down from the rampart, and ran up the steps, to gain the choultry and pagoda at the top of the rock: but the English Sepoys followed them so closely, that they had not time to make any dispositions to defend themselves there before they were attacked at the push of bayonet: in the first fury several were killed; but the rest, about 400, flinging down their arms and calling for quarter, were spared.
From Weycondah the army removed, and encamped at the French Rock, where they now abounded in as much plenty as they had hitherto suffered distress; for none of the enemy's parties ventured on the plain, and the country people, no longer terrified by the apprehension of losing their noses, brought in provisions in such abundance, that rice, which three days before was sold at four measures for the rupee ​now sold at sixteen; and at this rate a stock was laid in sufficient to supply the garrison for six months at full allowance. Captain Dalton seeing this object of the general sollicitude provided for, and the city in all other respects out of danger, quitted the command of Tritchinopoly, and some time after returned to Europe.
The approach of the rainy monsoon in the middle of October made it necessary to carry the troops into cantonment: the city itself would certainly have afforded them the best shelter: but the stock of provisions laid up for the use of the garrison would soon have been consumed by the addition of such a number of mouths: and as little danger was to be apprehended from any attempts which the enemy might make during the absence of the army, provided the garrison were commonly vigilant, major Lawrence preferred to remove to Coiladdy, on the frontiers of Tanjore, from whence the wants of the army might constantly be supplied, without the necessity of fatiguing the troops by employing them to escort convoys. Four hundred Sepoys and the sick of the battalion, with 150 Europeans, were sent into Tritchinopoly, to augment the garrison; a detachment was left to defend Elimiserum; and the rest of the English troops marched on the 23d of October to their winter quarters: they were accompanied by the Nabob, with the few troops he commanded; but the Tanjorines quitted them, and proceeded to their capital, in order to be present at the celebration of a great festival which falls out at this time of the year. It was with great reluctance that major Lawrence saw them depart, judging from experience, that nothing but the last necessity would induce the king to send them back, notwithstanding that he promised, with much seeming complacence, that they should take the field, and rejoin the Nabob, as soon as the monsoon was past.
During these transactions to the south of the Coleroon, the English arms had likewise gained some successes in the Carnatic. The retreat of Morari-row from before Trinomalee increased the courage of the garrison, who signalized themselves so much by frequent and vigorous sallies that the presidency of Madrass determined to send a reinforcement to their assistance; and 500 Sepoys detached from the garrison of Arcot, arrived in the middle of September in sight of the place: but finding all the avenues blockaded they concerted ​measures with the governor, Berkatoola, to favour their junction, by making a general sally, on a certain quarter of the enemy's camp; which the Sepoys promised to attack at the same time in the rear. This plan was executed with so much vigour, that notwithstanding the enemy took the alarm time enough to bring the greatest part of their troops into action, they were entirely defeated: the general of the Velore troops being killed on the spot, and Hussan-ally, the commander of the French Sepoys, taken prisoner mortally wounded. This loss of their commanders struck the army with so much consternation, that they immediately raised the siege.
In the same month the presidency were much alarmed by the attempts of Mahomed Comaul, the most considerable of the adventurers, who in these times of confusion set up the standard of independency. This man commanded a body of horse at the siege of Arcot; and after the army of Raja-saheb was dispersed by the battle of Covrepauk, kept together his own troops, and immediately levied contributions not only sufficient to attach them to his service, but also to engage others to inlist under his banner: however, alarmed by the fate of Chunda-saheb at Seringham, he judiciously determined to remove out of the reach of danger into the country of Neloor, the north-east part of the Nabob's dominions, not doubting that its distance both from Arcot and Madrass would enable him to establish himself in those districts: he succeeded even beyond his expectation, for he found means to surprize the capital of Neloor itself, from whence he obliged Nazeabulla, the governor, to flee to Arcot. The English and the Nabob had so many enemies to fight, and so few troops to send into the field, that they could spare none to check the enterprizes of Mahomed Comaul, who having enjoyed the fruits of his successes without interruption for a year, extended his views, and prepared to attack the pagoda of Tripetti. This temple, one of the most famous in the Decan, is situated on the top of a mountain, about fifty miles north-east of Arcot. The feast of the god to whom it is dedicated is annually celebrated in the month of September, and the offerings made by the concourse of pilgrims who arrive from all parts to assist at it, amount to so great a sum, that the Bramins, beside what they reserve to themselves, pay the government an annual ​revenue of 60,000 pagodas, or 24,000 pounds sterling. This revenue the Nabob assigned over to the English as a reimbursement in part of the great expences they had incurred in the war; and as neither the Bramins nor the pilgrims are sollicitous to whom this money is paid, provided the feast goes on without interruption, it was the intention of Mahomed Comaul to get possession of the pagoda before the feast began. The presidency of Madrass, alarmed for the safety of a place in which the company was so much interested, sent a detachment of forty Europeans, two companies of Sepoys, and three pieces of cannon, with orders to march and defend the pagoda: they were to be joined on the road by Nazeabulla, the Nabob's brother, at the head of a large body of troops, but these not coming up in time, the detachment proceeded without them. When arrived near Tripetti they were unexpectedly surrounded by the whole of Mahomed Comaul's force, 5000 men, horse and foot; the detachment had just time to take shelter in a neighbouring village, where the enemy immediately attacked them, and although constantly repulsed, they did not desist from their attempts before the night set in; when the detachment having lost several of their Europeans, and expended all their ammunition, retreated; the next day they were joined by Nazeabulla Cawn's army, with whom the day afterwards they proceeded again towards Tripetti. Mahomed Comaul met them on the plain, and the action began by a cannonade, which having created some confusion amongst the enemy, ensign Holt, who commanded the English detachment, marched up with his Europeans and Sepoys to improve the advantage; but before they came near enough to give their fire, a shot from a wall-piece killed ensign Holt. However the men, not disconcerted by this accident, pushed on under the command of their next officer, ensign Ogilby, and attacked the enemy with great vivacity, who were already wavering, when a lucky shot from one of the field pieces killed the elephant of Mahomed Comaul. His army seeing the standard of their general fall to the ground, as usual took flight, and with so much precipitation, that before he had time to mount a horse, they left him at the mercy of his enemies. He was taken prisoner and carried to Nazeabulla Cawn, by whose order he was instantly beheaded. His death removed the most dangerous ​disturber of the Nabob's government in this part of the country, for he was a very brave and active man; there were several other chiefs of less consequence, who were constantly making inroads into the districts of Ponomalee, Chinglapett, and Arcot, and gave frequent employment to the garrisons of these places; but they always retreated as soon as they heard that a detachment of Europeans was marching; against them.
The enemy at Seringham seemed so little inclinable to take advantage of the absence of the English troops cantoned at Coiladdy, that they did not even send parties on the plain to prevent the country people from going daily with provisions to the market in Tritchinopoly where the garrison were as well supplied and lived in as much tranquillity as if both sides had agreed in form to a cessation of hostilities: the enemy, however, convinced that the English would never have attempted to attack their camp at the sugar-loaf rock if they had not been joined by the cavalry of Tanjore, determined to leave no means untried to deprive them of this resource in future. Accordingly the regent gave Succo-gee, the king's minister and favourite, a sum of money more considerable than the first bribe, and Mr. Dupleix sent a letter penned in the Malabar language by his wife, in which he threatened the king, that if he dared to give the Nabob and the English any more assistance, the Morattoes should lay waste his country with fire and sword, and that if this should not be sufficient to terrify him into a neutrality, he would bring down the Soubah Salabad-jing, with his whole army, from Golconda. The effect of these practices, both on the king and his minister, was soon visible; for Succo-gee taking advantage of the timorous and suspicious character of his master, prevailed on him to remove the general Monac-gee from the command of the army, by representing him as a man in such close connexion with the English, that he might probably, from a reliance on their friendship, be induced to form projects dangerous even to the king himself; who, alarmed at the same time by the menaces of Dupleix, determined to preserve his country by breaking the promise he had made to the Nabob and major Lawrence, to send his troops to Coiladdy as soon as the rains were over. Having brought him thus far, the next step was to make him join the enemy; this ​likewise Succo-gee undertook to effect, and the king it is said was on the point of signing the treaty, when a sudden and unexpected event stopped his hand.
In the beginning of November the French at Seringham received a reinforcement of 300 Europeans, 200 Topasses, and 1000 Sepoys, with some cannon; but instead of giving any signs that they had recovered their spirits by this increase of their strength, they determined to remain quiet until major Lawrence should be ready to quit Coiladdy, in hopes that the garrison of Tritchinopoly would be lulled into security by seeing them remain inactive so long after the arrival of their reinforcement, and entertain no suspicion of the design they were meditating, when the time should come for carrying it into execution.
This design was nothing less than to storm the city of Tritchinopoly in the night by surprize. The part which the French chose to make the assault upon was Dalton's battery, on the west side, near the north-west angle of the town, the same indicated by the letter which captain Dalton had prevailed on the spy De Cattans to write to the French commander Mr. Brenier; it had formerly been a part of one of the four gateways to this city. The entrance into an Indian fortification is through a large and complicated pile of building, projecting in the form of a paralelogram from the main rampart; and if the city has two walls, it projects beyond them both: this building consists of several continued ten-asses which are of the same height as the main rampart and communicate with it: the inward walls of these terrasses form the sides of an intricate passage, about twenty feet broad, which leads by various short turnings at right angles through the whole pile, to the principal gate that stands in the main rampart: for some space on each hand of Dalton's battery, the interval between the outward and inward wall of the city was much broader than any where else. Captain Dalton, when intrusted with the command of the garrison, had converted that part of the gateway which projected beyond the outward wall into a solid battery, with embrasures: leaving the part between the two walls as it stood with its windings and terrasses: an interval was likewise left, between the backside of the battery, and the terrass nearest to it, which lay parallel to each other; so that an enemy who had gained the battery could not get to the terrass ​without descending into the interjacent area, and then mounting the wall of the terrass with scaling ladders: the battery, however, communicated with the rampart of the outward wall of the city, but being, as that was, only eighteen feet high, it was commanded by the terrasses behind it, as well as by the rampart of the inner wall, both of which were thirty feet high. Upon one of the inward cavaliers, south of the gateway, were planted two pieces of cannon, to plunge into the battery, and scour the interval between the two walls, as far as the terrasses of the gateway; and two other pieces mounted in the north-west angle of the inward rampart, commanded in like manner both the battery and the interval to the north of the terrasses. The French were, by De Cattan's letter, and by deserters, apprized of all these particulars, and notwithstanding the many difficulties they would have to surmount in attempting to force their way into the town through this part of the fortifications, they preferred it to any other, because it was more accessible from without; for a rock level with the water almost choaked up the ditch in front of the battery.
On the 27th of November, at night, the greatest part of the enemy's army crossed the river: the Mysoreans and Morattoes were distributed in different parties round the city, with orders to approach to the counterscarp of the ditch, and divert the attention of the garrison during the principal and real attack, which was reserved for the French troops. Of this body 600 Europeans were appointed to escalade, whilst Mr. Maissin, the commander, with the rest of the battalion, 200 men, and a large body of Sepoys, waited at the, edge of the ditch, ready to follow the first party as soon as they should get into the town. At three in the morning the first party crossed the rock in the ditch, and planting their scaling ladders, all of them counted the battery without raising the least alarm in the garrison: or although the guard appointed for the battery consisted of fifty Sepoys, with their officers, and some European gunners, who were all present and alert when the rounds passed at midnight, most of them were now absent, and they who remained on the battery were fast asleep; these the French killed with their bayonets, intending ​not to fire until they were fired upon: but this resolution was immediately after frustrated by an unforeseen accident; for some of them attempting to get to a slight counterwall which lines the backside of the battery, fell into a deep pit, which had been left in the body of the battery itself, contiguous to that wall: none but the most tried soldiers can refrain from firing upon any unexpected alarm in the night, and upon the screaming of those who were tumbling into the hole, several muskets were discharged. The French now concluding that they were discovered, imagined they might intimidate the garrison by shewing how far they were already successful, and turning two of the twelve pounders upon the battery against the town, discharged them together with a volley of small arms, their drums beating, and their soldiers shouting their usual military cry, "vive le roy." Fortunately the main guard, the barracks of the garrison, and the quarters of the officers were in the north part of the town, not more than 400 yards from the battery. Captain Kilpatrick, who commanded, remained so ill of the wounds he had received in the last engagement, that he was mable to remove from his bed; lieutenant Harrison, the next in command, came to him upon the alarm to receive his orders, which he gave with the usual calmness that distinguished his character on all occasions, directing lieutenant Harrison to march instantly with the picquet, reserve, and the Sepoys who were not already posted, to the place where the attack was made, and to order the rest of the garrison to repair to their respective alarm posts, with injunctions not to stir from them upon pain of death. The enemy having drawn up their scaling ladders into the battery, sent two parties down from it into the interval between the two walls: one of these parties carrying two petards, and conducted by a deserter, entered the passage which led through the terrasses, intending to get into the town by blowing open the gate which stands in the inward rampart: the other party carried the ladders, and were appointed to escalade; whilst the main body remained upon the battery, keep ing up a constant fire upon the terrasses, and upon the inward rampart. But by this time the alarm was taken, and the cannon from each hand began to fire smartly into the interval between the two walls, and upon the battery. Lieutenant Harrison, with the main ​guard, was likewise arrived upon the rampart, from whence the greatest part of them passed to the terrasses. The musketry of the assailants and defenders were now employed with great vivacity against each other, but with some uncertainty, having no other light to direct their aim except the frequent flashes of fire: notwithstanding the hurry and confusion, lieutenant Harrison had the presence of mind to station a platoon upon the rampart, directly above the gate, ordering them to keep a constant fire upon the passage immediately below, whether they saw any thing or not: nothing could be more sensible or fortunate than his precaution; for the platoon killed, without seeing them, the man who was to apply the first petard, as well as the deserter who conducted him, and both of them fell within ten yards of the gate. Those appointed to escalade, fixed their ladders on the south side of the terrasses, and a drummer, followed by an officer, had already mounted to the top, when a party of Sepoys came to this station, who killed the drummer, wounded and seized the officer, and then overturning the scaling ladders overset the men who were upon them: the ladders broke with the fall, and the assailants called for more; but were disappointed; for the rest which had been brought were shattered and rendered useless by the grape-shot fired from the two pieces of cannon planted upon the cavalier: it was soon after found that the man who was to manage the second petard was killed. Thus defeated in all their expectations they determined to retreat, and went up to the battery again, where the whole now resolved to make their escape; but this for the want of their ladders was no longer practicable, except by eaping down eighteen feet perpendicular, either upon the rock or into the water. Desperate as this attempt appeared near one hundred made the experiment; but what they suffered deterred the rest from following their example, who, in despair, turned, and recommenced their fire from the battery upon the defenders. Lieutenant Harrison, with the greatest part of his Europeans, were assembled upon the terrass nearest the battery, and the two bodies, separated only by an interval of twenty feet, kept up a smart fire upon each other as fast as they could load: but the defenders had the advantage of firing under the cover of parapets from a situation twelve feet higher than the enemy upon the battery, who were totally exposed from head to foot, ​and were likewise taken on each flank by two pieces of cannon, as well as by the fire of some parties of Sepoys posted on the main rampart on each hand of the gateway. Thus galled, unable to retreat, and finding that resistance served only to expose them more, they desisted from firing, and every man endeavoured to shelter himself as he could; some in the embrasures of the battery, others behind a cavalier contiguous to it, and the rest in the interval between the two walls; the garrison, nevertheless, trusting to no appearances of security, continued to fire upon all such places in which they suspected them to be concealed. At length the day, long wished for by both sides, appeared; when the French, flinging down their arms, asked for quarter, which was immediately granted. The officers from the rampart ordered them to assemble in the interval between the two walls, from whence they were conducted, in small bodies at a time, by a party of Europeans into the city, through the gateway they had assaulted. Three hundred and sixty Europeans were thus made prisoners, of which number sixty-seven were wounded; thirty-seven were found killed upon the battery and in the rest of the works: those who escaped by leaping down were taken up by their own troops waiting on the outside of the ditch; but the French themselves confessed, that of the whole number, which was near one hundred, every man was much disabled; and some few were killed. Thus ended this assault, which after exposing the city of Tritchinopoly to the greatest risque it had run during the war, ended by impairing the French force more than any other event since the capture of Seringham, nevertheless we do not find that lieutenant Harrison received any recompence for his gallant and sensible conduct in this hazardous and important service: he died some time after, without being promoted from the rank in which he served when he saved the city.
The filing was heard by the outguards at Coiladdy, where the next evening a messenger arrived from the city, upon which major Lawrence immediately detached a party to reinforce the garrison, and prepared to follow with the rest of the army, but heavy rains prevented him from arriving before the 3d of December. In the mean time the enemy on the third night after the assault crossed the river again, with all the Mysore cavalry, eight thousand men dismounted, ​who had promised the regent to make a more successful attack upon the city; but finding the garrison alert they retreated without attempting any thing.
The king of Tanjore, who, notwithstanding the alliance he was entering into with the French, knew nothing of their intentions to storm Tritchinopoly, was not a little astonished at the news, and the loss which they sustained in the attempt made him repent that he had shewn so much inclination to abandon the Nabob and the English: the French finding that their misfortune produced a change in the intentions which the king had began to entertain in their favour, determined to waste no more time in negociating with him, but prepared to send a party of Morattoes to ravage his country. The king having intelligence of their design sent a body of troops under the command of his uncle Gauderow to Tricatopoly, a fort eighteen miles east of Tritchinopoly, where they were ordered to remain and punish the Morattoes: for this phrase, in the vain language of the princes of Indostan, is synonimous to fighting, and is not seldom made use of even by those who lose the battle. The king making a merit of this resolution to the Nabob, pretended that Gauderow only waited on the frontiers until the whole army was assembled, which would then immediately march to Tritchinopoly. Major Lawrence, willing to put the sincerity of this profession to the test, wrote to the king that his troops would be of little service whilst they were commanded by so unexperienced an officer as Gauderow, and desired that Monac-gee might be reinstated in the command, of which he was the only man in the kinorloni capable. This commendation served to confirm those suspicions of the general which had been raised in the king's mind by the artifices of his minister; and major Lawrence being informed of the alarm which the king had -taken from his remonstrances in Monac-gee's favour, resolved to make no farther mention of his name, lest the consequences should be fatal to him: but requested that the Tanjorine troops might join him without delay, even under the command of Gauderow. None however came; for the Morattoes having sent a small party to amuse Gauderow, their main body of 1200 men penetrated into the kingdom at the end of December by another ​road, and as they had threatened began to lay the country waste with fire and sword.
This was the first motion which any of the enemy's parties had made since the assault of Tritchinopoly: in the mean time several convoys were escorted from Tricatopoly to the English camp.
In the Carnatic the districts which acknowledged the Nabob had received no molestation from his enemies since the defeat of Mahomed Comaul at Tripetti, which happened in the month of September. The troops which Mr. Dupleix was able to send into the field from Pondicherry had lately been employed in besieging Palam Cotah, the same fort which they had refused to reduce for Morari-row. This place, with the circumjacent territory, is the only part in the Carnatic which does not depend on the Nabob of Arcot; it belongs to the Nabob of Cudapah. Examples of such sequestrations occur in every province of the Mogul empire, which amongst the rest of its feudal institutions allots to every Nabob a certain revenue arising from the product of lands, for his private expences: but as the basis of the Mogul government consists in regulations which deprive all its officers of any pretensions to real estates, and in obliging them to acknowledge that they hold nothing by any other title than the favour of the sovereign; the lands thus allotted to a Nabob are rarely situated in the province governed by himself, but are generally chosen in the most distant part of one of the neighbouring provinces; so that in this institution the Mogul's authority over all his officers appeal's in its utmost majesty; since the inhabitants of a province see the Nabob appointed to rule them, excluded from the right of appropriating to himself any part of the territory over which his jurisdiction, notwithstanding, extends. Hence likewise a perpetual source of disputes is established between the 'Nabobs of neighbouring provinces, who never fail to give one another reason to complain of violence committed in these sequestered lands. The Nabob of Cudapah applied to the presidency of Madrass to assist the governor of Palam Cotah, on which they ordered a detachment of thirty Europeans, and two hundred Sepoys, to march from Devi Cotah and relieve the place. The detachment did not take the field before the ​enemy had made a practicable breach which they intended to storm the next day: but lieutenant Frazer having concerted measures with the governor, contrived to introduce his party that very night, and the enemy at day-break hearing English drums beating in the place, suspected what had happened, and immediately raised the siege.
End of the Fourth Book.