# The Indian Mutiny of 1857/Chapter 21

CHAPTER XXI.
THE SECOND RELIEF OF THE LAKHNAO RESIDENCY — WINDHAM AND THE GWÁLIÁR CONTINGENT.
Before describing the proceedings of Sir Colin Campbell and his force it will be well to cast a glance at the occupants of the Residency, increased in numbers since the 25th of September by the arrival of the troops so gallantly led by Outram and Havelock.
These troops had, as I have said, scarcely entered the defences when it was universally realised that their advent had constituted not a relief but a reinforcement; that means of transport for the ladies and children, the sick and wounded, were wanting; that an enormous addition had been made to the hospital list; and that, even had transport been available, the combined force was not strong enough to escort them to Kánhpur. Compelled thus, perforce, to remain, Outram devoted all his endeavours to the providing of accommodation for the increased force. With this view he caused to be occupied the palaces along the line of river, the Táráwálá Kothí, the Chatar Manzil, and the Farhatbakhsh. These he consigned to the newly arrived troops, under the command of Havelock, whilst the old troops continued to occupy their former posts. The care of the important post of the Álambágh he consigned to Major McIntyre of the 78th, with 250 men fit for duty, and others who, although sick at the time, speedily became convalescent. The orders to McIntyre ​were to hold the place as long as he could, and only in case of absolute necessity to fall back upon Kánhpur.
The six weeks that followed have not incorrectly been termed a blockade. No longer did the rebels make those desperate assaults from posts which dominated the defences. The attacks rather came now from the defenders. They came in the shape of sorties, of countermining, of extending their borders. To write a history of the sorties would require a volume. It must suffice here to state that they were frequent and successful. It is true that an attempt made on the 3d of October, and one or two following days, to open communications with the Álambágh, by way of the intermediate houses, was relinquished. But even this attempt resulted in a certain advantage to the garrison. Boring through a number of houses, they seized a large mosque just beyond them, and made of it a permanent outpost. This was held successfully, and with great advantage, until Sir Colin arrived. By these and similar means the limits of the British position became gradually extended. Extension meant relief to the old garrison from all molestation on its east, north-east, and south-east faces; that is, from the Kánhpur road to the commencement of the river front. Meanwhile, the defences of the original Residency were repaired, and new batteries were constructed. No longer was heard that incessant musketry fire from a distance not exceeding the width of the Strand. From the posts occupied in a vicinity so close the rebels had been driven so far that their musketry fire could no longer effect mischief within the intrenchment. But they did not even then feel baffled. Withdrawing to a convenient distance, they so planted their guns that the balls might be sure to clear the outer defences and lodge within the intrenchment. To annoy still further the garrison they constantly shifted their point ​of fire. They knew not, apparently, the deadly result to the garrison of this mode of attack, for they displayed no continuity In the working of it.
On the 9th of October the garrison was cheered by the news of the complete success obtained at Dehlí, and of the successful march of Greathed's column as far as Bulandshahr. Then it was that, realising that Sir Colin Campbell's march to his relief had now become a question of three or four weeks, Outram set to work to devise a plan to communicate with him as he should approach. Already he had forwarded to the Álambágh a despatch for Sir Colin, containing plans of the city and the approaches to it, and his own idea as to the best mode of effecting a junction. But though written despatches might tell much, something more, something in the shape of personal communication with Sir Colin, by an intelligent man who knew every point of the position of the blockaded garrison, seemed to Outram to be almost essential. But how to secure to Sir Colin such personal communication? It could be accomplished only by one of the garrison, and by that one having recourse to disguise. But for a European to disguise himself, and to attempt to penetrate in that disguise the hostile masses which surrounded the blockaded position, which guarded every avenue, and carefully watched every approach, was apparently to court certain and ignominious death. No one could be asked to incur such a risk. Indeed, it would have required, on the part of Outram, a conviction that the chances of success were at least equal to those of failure to allow him to accept the offer of a volunteer.
The anxiety of Outram for some such personal communication was greater when he learned that Sir Colin was on the point of joining the force between the Álambágh and the Banní bridge, and there can be no doubt ​that his anxiety on this head became generally known. Amongst others it reached the ears of one Thomas Henry Kavanagh, a clerk in one of the civil offices. Kavanagh at once communicated to Outram his readiness to assume the rôle. To all appearance there were few men less qualified than Kavanagh to escape detection. For he was a fair man, much taller than the general run of the natives of Oudh, and his red hair glittered like gold. On the other hand, he possessed a courage that nothing could daunt, a perfect knowledge of the native patois, and a will of iron. No one loved a brave man more than Outram. The offer made by Kavanagh was an offer after his own heart. But, humane beyond the ordinary run of men, he hesitated to expose a fellow-creature to almost certain death. Whatever doubts he may have entertained on this head were, however, dissipated after his first interview with Kavanagh. In him he recognised a man whose innate pluck and iron resolution would carry him through all dangers. He accepted, therefore, his offer, and bade him prepare for his enterprise.
Kavanagh then had his hair and his skin stained with lamp-black; the hair he also cut short. Then, donning the dress of a Badmásh — a native 'swashbuckler,' a type very common in those days — he set out, on the evening of the 9th of November, accompanied by a native spy of proved fidelity, Kanáují Lál by name.
Mr Kavanagh subsequently published an account of his journey, which may yet be read with deep interest. It was not without its alarms. He did not reach the Álambágh that night, but, on the morning of the 10th, he fell in with a party of the Panjáb cavalry, and this party conducted him to Sir Colin, who, as we have seen, had reached the plain beyond Banní bridge the previous evening.
​Sir Colin Campbell had, on his arrival, despatched Adrian Hope of the 93d, with a large convoy of provisions, to the Álambágh. The sick and wounded he had despatched in carts to Kánhpur. On the 10th he halted to confer with Kavanagh, and to complete his arrangements. On the 11th his engineer park arrived, and he issued orders for an advance the following day. At sunrise on the 12th the troops marched. Sir Colin's plan, based mainly on that which Outram had sent him, was to move on the Álambágh, to store there all the impedimenta; then, drawing to himself the detachments still in the rear, to make, with a wide sweep, a flank march to the right on the Dilkushá park and the Martinière; then to force the canal close to its junction with the Gúmtí; then, covered by that river, to advance on the Sikandarábágh. This point once secured, he would detach a portion of the force to seize the barracks to the north of Hazratganj, and plant there batteries to play on the Kaisarbágh. During that time he would move, with the main body, on the Sháh Najaf and Motí Mahall, and forcing these, would effect a junction with Outram. That officer would support this operation by opening a heavy fire on all the intermediate positions held by the rebels. Forcing these, he would then move out, with all his sick and wounded, women and children, and effect a junction with Sir Colin.
The first day's march had the object of placing the force solidly in communication with the Álambágh the garrison of which, still commanded by the gallant McIntyre, had been gradually increased to 930 Englishmen, a few Sikhs, and eight guns. This having been effected at the cost of one or two successful skirmishes with the rebels, Sir Colin proceeded to arrange for his decisive advance on the morrow. First, he despatched Hope to seize the fort of Jalálábád, to the right rear of the Álambágh. He then ​stacked within the Álambágh all the camp equipage not required for the hard work in prospect. His last reinforcements arriving that evening, he placed the 75th, which had suffered much, and the strength of which had been reduced to something under 300, within the Álambágh, to relieve the men till then located there. He gave them, also, a few Sikhs from Brasyer's regiment and some guns. Counting up his men, he found that, after deducting those sent back with sick and wounded and the garrison of the Álambágh, he had fit for service about 4700 men. These he divided into six brigades. There were the Naval brigade, commanded by William Peel; the Artillery brigade, comprising the batteries of Blunt, Remmington, Travers, Bridge, and Bourchier, commanded by Brigadier Crawford; the Cavalry brigade, led by Brigadier Little, and comprising two squadrons of the 9th Lancers, one each of the 1st, 2d, and 5th Panjáb Cavalry, and Hodson's Horse; the 3d Infantry brigade, commanded by Greathed, and composed of the remnant of the 8th, of a battalion formed of detachments of the three regiments shut up in the Residency, and the 2d Panjáb N. I.; the 4th, led by Adrian Hope, and consisting of the 93d, a wing of the 53d, the 4th Panjáb Infantry, and a battalion also formed from men proceeding to join the regiments to be relieved; the 5th, led by Russell, and comprising the 23d Fusiliers and a portion of the 82d. Hope Grant, with the rank of Brigadier-General, directed the operations, under the supervision of the Commander-in-Chief.
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But the rebels had no intention to allow the British general to remain in peaceful occupation of his line of attack. No sooner had they realised the exact nature of his dispositions than they massed their troops towards their centre, with the intention of making a grand assault. Little, noticing the gathering, sent an officer, Grant, to reconnoitre. On receiving Grant's report he despatched to the front the gallant Bourchier, supporting him with his cavalry. It was seen that the rebels had lined the opposite bank of the canal, and had only been prevented from making their forward movement by the timely occupation by Russell of the two villages above referred to. Bourchier's guns quickly sent back their skirmishers, and his fire reaching their supporting masses, these in their turn also fell back A second attempt, made about five o'clock, on the Martinière was baffled by the vigilance of Adrian Hope and the successful practice of Remmington's guns. Here, again, Bourchier's battery and Peel's guns rendered splendid service, literally 'crushing,' by their flank fire, the rebels out of their position.
The troops bivouacked for the night in the places they had gained. The next day, the 15th, was devoted to preparations, though it was not altogether free from desultory skirmishing. In the evening Sir Colin signalled to Outram, by a code previously arranged, that he would advance on the morrow.
Accordingly, early on the morning of the 16th, a ​strong body of cavalry, with Blunt's horse-artillery and a company of the 53d, forming the advance guard, marched from the right, crossed the canal, then dry, followed for about a mile the bank of the Gúmtí, then, turning sharply to the left, reached a road running parallel to the Sikandarábágh. Sir Colin had so completely deceived the enemy as to his line of advance that this movement, followed though the advance guard was by the main body of the infantry, was absolutely unopposed, until the advance, making the sharp turn mentioned, entered the parallel road. Then a tremendous fire from enclosures near the road, and from the Sikandarábágh, opened on their flank. Their position was very dangerous, for they were literally broadside to the enemy's fire. The danger was apparent to every man of the advance. It served, however, only to quicken the resolve to baffle the rebels. The first to utilise the impulse was the gallant Blunt. Noticing that there was a plateau whence he could assail the Sikandarábágh on the further side of the road, hemmed in by its banks, apparently impossible for artillery to mount, he turned his horses' faces to the right bank, galloped up it, gained the open space on the plateau, and, unlimbering, opened his guns on the Sikandarábágh. It was one of the smartest services ever rendered in war. It at once changed the position.
For, whilst Blunt was drawing on himself the fire of the rebels by his daring act, the infantry of Hope's brigade had come up with a rush and cleared the enclosures bordering the lane and a large building near them. There remained only the Sikandarábágh itself. Against the massive walls of this building the light guns of Blunt's battery, and the heavier metal of those of Travers, who had joined him, were doing their best to effect a breach. No sooner was this breach believed to ​be practicable than there ensued one of the most wonderful scenes witnessed in that war. Suddenly and simultaneously there dashed towards it the men of the wing of the 93d and the Sikhs, running for it at full speed. A Sikh of the 4th Rifles reached it first, but he was shot dead as he jumped through. A young officer of the 93d, Richard Cooper by name, was more fortunate. Flying, so to speak, through the hole, he landed unscathed. He was closely followed by Ewart of the same regiment, by John I. Lumsden, attached to it as interpreter, by three privates of the same regiment, and by eight or nine men, Sikhs and Highlanders. Burroughs of the 93d had also effected an entrance, for he was in the enclosure before Ewart, but he was almost immediately wounded. The enclosure in which these officers and men found themselves was 150 yards square, with towers at the angles, a square building in the centre, and was held by 2000 armed men. It seemed impossible that one of the assailants should escape alive.
But what will not the sons of this little island do when the occasion demands it? It must suffice here to say that they rushed forward and maintained a not unequal contest till reinforcements poured in through the gate. Lumsden was killed. Cooper received a slash across his forehead at the moment that he laid his antagonist dead at his feet. Ewart, attacked by numbers, preserved his splendid presence of mind and slew many. He was still holding his own against enormous odds when the front gate was burst open and reinforcements dashed in. Then the struggle increased in intensity. It was a fight for life or death between the rebels and the masters against whom they had risen. For, it must not be forgotten, the defenders were all sipáhís who had rebelled. Nor did the struggle cease so long as one man of the 2000 remained alive.
​Whilst this bloody scene was being enacted at the Sikandarábágh a detachment of the same brigade had captured the large building known as the Barracks, Captain Stewart of the 93d greatly distinguishing himself. Then Sir Colin made preparations to storm the Sháh Najaf, a massively built mosque in the direct road to the Residency, situated in a garden surrounded by very strong loopholed walls.
It was at the Sháh Najaf that the rebels had counted to stop the British advance. They almost succeeded. For three hours the front attack made no way. Worse still, the road along which the force had advanced became so jammed that retreat by it was impossible. All this time the troops were exposed to a deadly fire of heavy guns and musketry. From other points, too, heavy guns were brought to play upon the baffled soldiers of England. A shot from one of these blew up one of Peel's tumbrils. The men were falling fast. Even the bright face of William Peel became overclouded. Sir Colin sat on his white horse, exposed to the full fire of the enemy, his gaze bent on the Sháh Najaf, upon whose solid walls not even the heaviest guns could make an impression. As a last resource he collected the 93d about him, and told them that the Sháh Najaf must be taken, that he had not intended to employ them again that day, but that as the guns could not open a way they must make one. In carrying out this necessary work he would go with them himself.
But neither the dashing gunners of Middleton's battery, the daring of the Highlanders and the Sikhs, nor the persistent fire of the heavy guns of Peel, could effect the desired end. The Sháh Najaf baffled them all. The shades of evening were falling fast. Success seemed impossible. Then Adrian Hope, collecting about him some fifty men, stole silently and cautiously through the jungle to a portion of the wall on which, before the assault, a sergeant of his ​regiment had thought he had detected a sign of weakness. On reaching it unperceived, Hope found there a narrow fissure. Up this a single man was with difficulty pushed. He helped up others. More men were sent for. Then those who had entered moved forward. The surprise to the rebels as these men advanced was so thorough that they made no resistance, but evacuated the place. The fight was then over. Adrian Hope's victorious stormers had but to open the main gate to their comrades outside.
The British force halted there for the night. The occupation of the Sháh Najaf had rendered success on the morrow certain. In the capture of that place they had accomplished an action declared by their leader to be 'almost unexampled in war.' The same praise might be given to the wonderful storming of the Sikandarábágh. It is impossible to discriminate narrowly when almost every man was deserving. But it may at least be affirmed that the conduct of Cooper, Ewart, Lumsden, and the privates Dunley, Mackay, and Grant at the Sikandarábágh; of Stewart at the Barracks; of Sergeant Baton, who first pointed out to Adrian Hope the weak point in the wall of the Sháh Najaf; of Adrian Hope himself; of Blunt, who made possible the attack on the Sikandarábágh; of William Peel, of Travers, of Middleton, of Bourchier, of the two Alisons, of Anson, and of many others, for the list is a very long one, gave ample proof that the race which, from the basis of a little island in the Atlantic, had made the greatest empire the world has seen had not degenerated.
The next morning the force, thoroughly refreshed by sleep, advanced to complete its work. To reach the Residency the troops had yet to carry the mess-house and the Motí Mahall, and to do this whilst the guns of rebels posted in the Tárá Kothí and the Kaisarbágh were playing on their left flank. To secure his left, then, Sir Colin de​tached the 5th Brigade, under Russell, to seize Banks's house and four bungalows close to the Barracks, and to convert them into military posts. By this process his left rear would be secured, and his retirement with the impedimenta from the Residency made safe. He then proceeded to cannonade the mess-house.
No sooner had the musketry fire of the enemy been completely silenced than the order to storm was given. This feat of arms was most gallantly achieved by Captain Hopkins of the 53d — one of the bravest men that ever lived, a man who literally revelled in danger — who carried the place with a rush. He had just reached the entrance when Roberts, now the Commander-in-Chief in India, handed him a Union Jack, and requested him to hoist it on one of the turrets. Hopkins, assisted by one of his men, did this twice in succession. Twice was the Jack shot down. Hopkins was about to hoist it the third time when he received an order from Sir Colin to desist. The flag was attracting too earnestly the attention of the enemy. In an equally gallant manner Captain Garnet Wolseley had carried the houses to the right of the mess-house, and pushing on his enterprise, had stormed the Motí Mahall. It was a great feat.
An open space, nearly half a mile in width, still intervened between the assailants and the advanced posts of Outram and Havelock. On this space the fire of the guns from the Kaisarbágh played with unintermitting fury. To cross it was to run a great risk. But in those days risks when an object was to be gained were not considered. Outram, Havelock, Napier, Vincent Eyre, ​young Havelock, Dodgson, Sitwell, Russell, and Kavanagh attempted it. They did not all pass the ordeal unscathed; Napier, young Havelock, Sitwell, and Russell were struck down. The others reached the Motí Mahall uninjured. Then, to use the language of Sir Colin, 'the relief of the garrison had been accomplished.'
The conversation between the Commander-in-Chief and his visitors was short. When it was finished, again had the visitors to traverse the terrible space. Sir Henry Havelock, leaning on Dodgson, could, from the weak state of his health, walk but slowly, but amid the continuous storm of bullets the two returned unscathed. It was Havelock to whom Outram had consigned the task of working out towards the relieving force so as to give it a hand as soon as the mess-house and Motí Mahall should be carried; and right well had the gallant veteran performed the task allotted to him.
It remained now to Sir Colin to devise a plan for the withdrawal of the women and children. It was no easy task even after he had by his advance made a way for the movement It seemed to him, at first, absolutely necessary to silence the fire of the Kaisarbágh. The plan he adopted was the following.
I have told how, on the first day of the advance, he had directed Russell to occupy Banks's bungalow and the bungalows adjoining. This had been done. But to complete the communications it was necessary also to seize, a building known as the Hospital, between the bungalows and the Barracks, already taken. In attempting to take this Russell was wounded, Biddulph was killed, and Hale who succeeded, though he took the Hospital, was unable to maintain himself there. Whilst this attack was progressing, the rebels, gathering heart, attacked the pickets between the Barracks and the Sikandarábágh in consider​able force. They were repulsed after some hard fighting in which Remmington and his troop covered themselves with glory.
The line of retirement by Banks's house proving difficult and dangerous, Sir Colin reconnoitred the ground between the positions actually held by the British and the canal, and finally resolved to move by that. He carried out the operation on the 20th and four following days. Turning the fire of William Peel's heavy guns on the Kaisarbágh, so as to lead the rebels to expect an assault, he moved the women and children from the place in which they had been so long defended, and on the evening of the 22d had them safely landed in the Dilkushá. Hale, who commanded the rear-guard, joined him there on the 23d. On the 24th, whilst he was halting, though not resting there, the gallant Havelock passed away. He had indeed fought a good fight, and he had died as he had lived, in the performance of his duty. On the 26th the noblest of his comrades followed his remains to his grave in the Álambágh.
That place had been reached on the 25th. There Sir Colin made a fresh distribution of his force, leaving Outram, with rather less than 4000 men, at the Álambágh, threatening the still rebellious Lakhnao, whilst he should return to look after Windham at Kánhpur. About that place he was very anxious, for he had no news, and the reports received were to the effect that heavy firing had been heard in that direction. On the 27th, then, at eleven o'clock in the morning. Sir Colin started for Kánhpur. He slept at Banní, and really alarmed, started early the next morning on his forward march towards the Ganges. On his way he received despatches which showed him that the place was in great peril. At Mangalwár he halted his troops, fired three salvoes to announce his approach, and galloped ​forward, with his staff, in mingled fear and hope as to the state of the bridge of boats. To his joy he saw, by the pale evening light, that it was intact. Vast sheets of flames, arising from burning buildings, showed to him as clearly that the rebels must have beaten Windham and occupied Kánhpur. How it had all happened I must tell whilst I leave my readers watching Sir Colin and his staff crossing the bridge, on the late evening of the 28th, to find out the reason, and to remedy the catastrophe.
Windham had been left with about 500 Europeans and a few Sikhs, a number that would be largely augmented, to occupy and improve the intrenchment erected by Havelock on the river, and to watch the movements of the Gwáliár rebels then threatening from Kalpí, forty- five miles distant. Between the 9th and the 15th Windham received reinforcements in the shape of Carthew's brigade of Madras sipáhís, largely reduced in numbers; and, between that date and the 26th, of drafts from several European regiments, and half a native regiment of Carthew's brigade. Anxious regarding the movements of the Gwáliár rebels, commanded, he believed, by Tantiá Topí, he took up, on the 17th, with his augmented force, a position, at the junction of the Kalpí and Dehlí roads, covering Kánhpur, and whence he could closely watch the movements of the rebels. He occupied that position up to the 20th. He had heard then of the successful capture of the Sikandarábágh and the Sháh Najaf. But, on the 22d, having in the interval received no further news, he was disquieted by the rumour that the police guard left at the Banní bridge had been surprised and defeated. Sensible of the all-importance that Sir Colin's communications with Kánhpur should be maintained intact, he despatched, on the 23d, a wing of a sipáhí regiment, with two guns, to re-occupy the bridge at Banní. Had he con​tented himself with doing that, and with maintaining his watchful position, it is possible that the catastrophe which followed might have been avoided.
But Windham, brave as a lion, was anxious to do something. He accordingly transmitted to Sir Colin a plan he had devised of meeting the advance of the Gwáliár rebels by a system of 'aggressive defence,' by which he might destroy them in detail. Receiving no reply to that proposal, he resolved to carry it out. Early on the 24th, then, he marched six miles down the Kalpí road, and took a position so decidedly threatening to the rebels that, regarding it as a challenge, they took up the glove, and resolved to try to beat Windham at his own game.
Of the action which followed, fought on the 26th, 27th, and 28th, it must suffice to state that, whilst the early advantage lay with Windham, the astute leader opposed to him quickly perceived that the very success of his enemy might, with the numerical superiority he possessed, be used against him. Windham, though he had succeeded, had been compelled, by the nature of the ground, to fall back for the night to a position he considered he could hold until Sir Colin should arrive. It was a weak position, however, and Tantiá Topí saw that it offered many advantages to a superior force which should attack it. Having that superior force, he attacked him then the following morning, and after a contest, in which there were many changes of fortune, and the display of much soldierly ability on the part of Brigadier Carthew, drove Windham back into Kánhpur. Not content with that, he renewed the attack the following day, seized the station of Kánhpur, fired the bungalows, burned the clothing prepared for the relieved garrison of Lakhnao, and the stores for the British army, and forced ​Windham to take refuge within the intrenchment. This was the position of affairs at Kánhpur when Sir Colin Campbell crossed the Ganges on the evening of the 28th of November.
* ↑ How I Won the Victoria Cross, Ward & Lock. After a somewhat chequered career, Kavanagh died in St Thomas's Hospital in 1883.
* ↑ The late Lord Napier of Magdala. Sitwell was A.D.C. to Outram; Russell, a very gallant officer of the Engineers. Dodgson was, and happily is, one of the bravest and most retiring men that ever lived. No one has suffered so much from the innate modesty of his nature. Young Havelock is the present Sir Henry Havelock-Allan.
* ↑ In my larger history (Kaye's and Malleson's History of the Indian Mutiny, cabinet edition, vol. iv., pages 159 to 181) I have given a detailed account of this famous action, of which Carthew was the real hero, I cannot quit the subject of the final relief of the Residency without mentioning the names of those gallant men whose exertions so greatly contributed to its defence before their reinforcement by Havelock and Outram. They were, according to the report of the commander of the garrison, Colonel Inglis, Lieutenant James, of the Commissariat, of whom it was written: 'It is not too much to say that the garrison owe their lives to the exertions and firmness of this officer'; Captain Wilson, the D. A. Adjutant-General, 'ever to be found where shot was flying thickest'; Lieutenants Hardinge, Barwell, and Birch; Mr, now Sir George, Couper; Mr Capper; Mr Martin; Colonel Master; Major Apthorp; Captain Gould Weston; Captains Sanders, Boileau, and Germon; Lieutenants Loughnan, Aitken, Anderson, Graydon, Longmore, and Mr Schilling, commanding posts; Lieutenants Anderson, Hutchinson, and Innes, of the Engineers; Lieutenants Thomas, M'Farlane, and Bonham, of the Artillery, and Captain Evans, employed with that arm; Major Lowe, commanding the 32d; Captain Bassano; and Lieutenants Lawrence, Edmonstone, Foster, Harmar, Cork, Clery, Brown, and Charlton of that regiment; of other regiments. Captain O'Brien, Kemble, Edgell, Dinning; Lieutenants Sewell, Worsley, Warner, Ward, Graham, Mecham, and Keir. In the Medical Department, Superintending-Surgeon Scott; Surgeons Brydon, Ogilvie, and Campbell; Assistant-Surgeons Fayrer, Bird, Partridge, Greenhow, and Darby; and Apothecary Thompson. In other departments. Captain Carnegie; the Rev. Messrs Harris and Polehampton, Mr M'Crae, Mr Cameron, and Mr Marshall.