# Life and select literary remains of Sam Houston of Texas/Chapter 12

CHAPTER XII.
Among the most important matters which engaged the attention of Gen. Houston in the beginning of his administration, was the feasibility of annexing Texas to the United States.
Instructions were sent to Col. Wm. H. Wharton, Minister from Texas to the Government of the United States, at Washington city, to commence negotiations with President Jackson for annexation. Shortly afterward, Memucan Hunt, Esq., was sent to act in concert with Col. Wharton in promoting this important object.
Gen. Jackson had been familiar with all the movements touching Anglo-Saxon occupancy of Texas. He corresponded with Gen. Houston, to whom he was affectionately attached. He counseled and advised Houston in his most important movements, even to the Fabian policy of retreating before Santa Anna to the field of San Jacinto, and if driven from there, to retreat to the Sabine, to the vicinity of the United States troops then stationed in Louisiana. Gen. Jackson exhibited remarkable caution in dealing with the matter of annexation; he dispatched, in the summer of 1836, a confidential agent to Texas, who explored the Territory, rigorously investigated the administration of its government, associated with the people, and observed the character of society; familiarized himself with its resources, and made a report to the President and Cabinet at Washington. The President and his Cabinet became satisfied from this report that Texas was entitled, according to the law of nations, to a recognition of her independence. In the struggle of Texas for freedom. Gen. Jackson deeply sympathized. After independence had been achieved on the battle-field, he did not doubt that some day Texas would be annexed to the United States; for wise reasons he did not express such an opinion, and would not press recognition upon Congress. He used the following language in his message to Congress, December 5, 1836, after ​presenting most satisfactory reasons: "Our character requires that we should neither anticipate events nor attempt to control them." Referring to annexation, he further said, "Necessarily a work of time, and uncertain in itself, it is calculated to expose our conduct to misconstruction in the eyes of the world." In another message on the 22d of the same month, after discussing the question, he expresses the opinion that it would be impolitic yet to recognize Texas as an independent State, and proposes then to acquiesce in the decision of Congress.
On the 12th of January, 1837, Hon, Robert J. Walker, Senator from Mississippi, introduced the following resolution before the U. S. Senate:
   "Resolved, That the Stale of Texas, having established and maintained an independent Government, is capable of performing those duties, foreign and domestic, which appertain to independent governments; and it appearing that there is no longer any reasonable prospect of the successful prosecution of the war by Mexico against said State, it is expedient and proper, and in conformity with the laws of nations, and the practice of this Government in like cases, that the independent political existence of that State be acknowledged by the Government of the United States."
A strange and unreasonable war had been made by the American press, against the interests and advancement of Texan liberty. Popular prejudices swayed and controlled the votes of some Senators. Coolly biding his time, Mr. Walker moved that his resolution be made the order of the day for the 18th of January. When that day came, other business crowded it aside. After several ineffectual efforts to decide the question, the resolution was brought up on the 1st of March for final action.
A brilliant and able debate occurred. The resolution of Mr. Walker was sustained by William C. Preston, John J. Crittenden, Henry Clay, and John C. Calhoun. Their mastery of the facts of history and persuasive eloquence, aided the Mississippi Senator in the achievement of the most important act of his life. Henry Clay spoke of Texas with the generous enthusiasm of his noble nature. He declared unhesitatingly, that the Constitution of the Republic of Texas, as a whole, was superior to the Constitution of the United States. Had Mr. Clay pursued the same course on the subject of annexation, eight years thereafter, he would probably have been the successor of John Tyler as President of the United States. The resolution was adopted by a small majority. To the efforts of Robert J. Walker must the success of the measure be attributed, and his name is now everywhere spoken of with honor and gratitude. When Texas reaches the point where gratitude will take ​historic form, she will erect a monument to R. J. Walker, and place it conspicuously in the grand temple which she was destined to erect for those who signalized their friendship for her liberties, in her day of trial.
The Republic, in gratitude, ordered a portrait of Wm. C. Preston, and a bust of Robert J. Walker to be procured for her Capitol, The last official act of Gen. Jackson was to put his pen to the paper approving the resolution, recognizing Texas as an independent State.
The seat of Government was removed in March, 1837, from Columbia, on the Brazos, to, Houston. There was but one house at that time at the location, for it was neither village nor town. This house, a mere cabin just erected, served as the abode for the President of the new nation. The growing grass carpeted the ground, which was the only floor of this new residence. From its position, as the highest point of navigation on Buffalo Bayou, which empties into Galveston Bay, Houston attracted attention, population rushed in, and in a short time comfortable public buildings were erected.
In regard to the future, Gen. Houston's policy was, if possible, to secure annexation to the United States. The proposition for annexation had once been rejected by the Government of the United States. Public feeling had not reached the height of the grand argument for its necessity. Houston did not cherish expectations of the early success of this great measure. Keen-sighted and sagacious statesmen saw in the consummation of annexation, that many elements of mutual power and prosperity would accrue to both countries.
Failing to secure annexation, Houston was determined to conduct the Government on such principles as would secure confidence abroad and inspire hope at home. He resolved, therefore, to lay the foundations of the Republic of Texas deep and strong; to harmonize antagonistic factions, never to weaken the State with a public debt, to be the ruler of the nation and not of a party or a clique.
In no part of his public life did Gen. Houston show the exalted powers of a profound statesman in a more remarkable degree than in the policy which governed his intercourse with the Indian tribes occupying the territory of Texas. As a population, they then outnumbered all the inhabitants of Texas. They were ferocious and unconquerable. The Comanches, especially savage and numerous, lived in the saddle, fleetly moving with their women and children, wherever their necessities or passions might carry them. Up to the present hour they are the terror of civilized people. To cultivate and maintain friendly relations with powerful and warlike savage ​tribes on the frontier, Houston regarded as one of the chief objects of his administration. He had studied Indian character from his boyhood. His knowledge of Indian character was almost perfect. The letter and spirit of his treaties with savage nations he regarded so rigidly inviolable, that he saved the infant Republic from the invasions of Indians, and made them venerate and love his name. His correspondence with Indian tribes, some of which may be seen in another part of this work, exhibits a mastery of the nervous thought and terse language of uncultivated minds, and an adroitness in employing Indian phraseology, indicative of high genius. Some of his Indian talks are admirable specimens of Indian ideas in English words.
He had associated with the Indians so intimately that he had attained a complete knowledge of their character. In all his negotiations with them he ever treated them on the great principles of humanity and justice. During his two administrations in Texas, he carried out his just views of intercourse with Indian tribes with entire success. He never experienced the slightest difficulty in winning their friendship, and preserving their perpetual alliance, whenever he had an opportunity of giving the Indians evidence that he intended to treat them with good faith and common justice. How his treatment of the Indians was regarded by those who generously considered it, may be comprehended from the fact, that among the relics which survive him, is a cane of wood, brought from Asia Minor, on whose head in gold, is this inscription: "John S. Tappan to Gen. Sam Houston, of Texas, the friend of the red man."
The administration of the Government in its first years was, as might have been expected, a severe trial and a grand difficulty. There was no money in the treasury, and there was no credit on which to obtain loans. An army was in the field, with no means on which it could be supported. Still new projects were planned and cherished; among them, a grand campaign against Matamoras. All who were jealous of the influence of the President joined in this scheme, so that the army now numbered 2,400 men. The commander of the army, Gen. Felix Huston, came to Houston when the Congress met, to obtain authority to carry out the project. Without money in the treasury, without fiscal means, without currency except promissory notes struck on common paper, it was clearly inadvisable and impracticable to inaugurate such a campaign. To prevent disaster to the Republic in this crisis of affairs, the President resorted to a sagacious expedient. In the absence of Gen. Felix Huston, Col. Rodgers had been left in command of the army. He had caused it to be understood that if the volunteers ​did not obtain what they desired, that he would march to the seat of Government, "chastise the President, kick Congress out of doors, and give laws to Texas."
Gen. Houston determined to end this matter summarily. Knowing that Gen. Felix Huston occasionally indulged his men in what he called a Saturnalia, during which occasional murders had occurred in consequence of the brutal intoxication of the men, the President, having also understood what was transpiring in Congress, which he never visited except at the opening or close of the session, directed the Secretary of War to be ready to start at two o'clock the next morning for the camp. The Secretary carried sealed orders, with all possible dispatch, to be opened and read in camp. By these orders the Secretary was required to furlough the army by companies, until it was reduced to 600 men. The first company was furloughed to march to Dimitt's landing on Matagorda Bay; the second to the mouth of the Brazos; the third to Galveston, and thus the process was to continue till the reduction was made. The opportunity was thus afforded to the volunteers to go to the United States by water, and free the country from apprehensions. Unlimited furloughs were given, providing for recall of those furloughed at any time by proclamation, and that such as did not report within thirty days after the proclamation, should be considered and treated as deserters. Without paying the men off, which was impossible with no means of payment, and instructed by the attempt of Gen. Washington to disband the army of the Revolutionary war, Gen. Houston did not attempt to disband the army in form, although he successfully did it in fact, and in his own way. Subordination had been entirely broken down. Scenes of daring violence constantly occurred in camp. To commit high-handed depredations, many lawless and desperate men were banded together. While Houston manifested no alarm, the whole country was suffering from the most serious apprehensions, and the course which he pursued evinced his fears. The various companies reached their destinations, and made their way to the United States; having fared roughly and seen enough of military life, having exhausted the courage dangerous outside of the battle-field, and fearing that the proclamation of the President would end their furlough before they could depart,—all had disappeared before the thirty days had expired. Thus, by a bold and sagacious policy which none but a man like Sam Houston would have dared to attempt, he had saved the Republic from the deepest peril. Gen. Felix Huston plotted at the capital while Sam Houston's Secretary of War successfully disbanded the army of which he was the commander.
During the session of this Congress a land law was passed under ​which serious troubles about titles have since grown up. As its object was speculation, many, in anticipation of enormous gains, voted for its passage. In one of his ablest State papers, Gen. Houston vetoed it. The law was passed over the veto, and went into operation. A fruitful source of lasting litigation, it opened the door to all sorts of fraud. Malign and fatal fruits exhibited themselves in a few years. Reckless legislation too often characterized the Congresses of the Republic. The country was saved from terrible disaster by the clear mind and strong will of the firm and intelligent statesman at the head of the Government. During the two terms of his administration as President he issued not less than eighty vetoes, remarkable for conservative principles and opinions. In the want of currency, and governed by ill-judged ideas of finance, a bill was passed authorizing an excessive issue of promissory notes. Believing that if this measure prevailed, paper currency would depreciate ten to one, the President promptly vetoed the bill. The bad consequences were temporarily arrested, but under the administration of his immediate successor the bill was passed, approved, and abundantly fulfilled the prophecy of Houston.
Alarms of Mexican and Indian invasions occasionally agitated the country during the year 1837, but such was Gen. Houston's watchfulness that no invasions of any kind occurred. The people confided in the administration, just recovered from the shock and devastation of a powerful invading army; environed with Mexican and savage foes, they presented the beautiful spectacle of an industrious and increasing population in the quiet and successful prosecution of the arts of peace. A proclamation, printed and circulated in English and Spanish, announced trade and commerce between Mexico and Texas. Trade sprang up rapidly. The tide of emigration began to set in gradually toward the Mexican borders, and the frontier counties began to be repopulated. Large quantities of silver and merchandise, with caravans of horses and mules, came into Texas. Good feeling growing up continued to increase. Mexicans and Texans were alike anxious for peace. The people of Mexico had nothing to gain in battle, and had the renewal of hostilities been put to vote, a lasting peace would have blessed both countries.
Houston's administration of his first term in the Presidency was eminently successful and profitable to the country. Steadily had the proposition for annexation been pressed upon the U. S. Government at Washington. Little encouragement was given to the Texan ministers. Houston withdrew the proposition as soon as he discovered that no advantage could accrue to Texas from ​further negotiations. Foreign nations were likely to view Texas with ill-favor if attempts at annexation were continued with so little prospect of present consummation. The people generally approved of the withdrawal of the proposition. On the 12th December, 1838, the first Presidential term closed. Gen. Houston surrendered the keys of office with a government perfectly organized. Officers of ability, integrity, and economy were in charge of every department of the State. About $600,000 of promissory notes were in circulation. The debt of the Republic did not reach more than a million and a half. Peace had been established with the Indians, and commerce was profitable with Mexico. Promissory notes were of par value, a grand result of the wise government of an infant State. The feuds between Mexico and Texas were dying away, gradually and surely. At a time when there was little specie in the country, when no one knew how the " promissory notes " were to be redeemed, that the currency of the country should be good and adequate to general wants, was strong proof that Houston had conducted the Government with ability and integrity. The language of the people was, "As long as Old Sam is at the helm, the ship of State is safe."
Extraordinary difficulties embarrassed the beginning of the administration. A reckless people, who had looked to the right arm for protection, accustomed to the unrestrained liberty of frontier life, had to be withdrawn from the sway of anarchy and confusion and placed under the firm and mild sway of constitutional law. Even in the older settlements, during these revolutionary times, the ordinary course of justice had been suspended. It was not strange, therefore, that these men of the period should yield restive obedience to the high supremacy of constitutional law. AngloSaxons have ever been examples of a law-abiding people, but the elements which have made them the supporters of law and order have also made them most lawless frontiersmen. The justice of a jury is slow and not always sure, hence, frontiersmen, whose homes in forest or on prairie, afar from the homes of their nativity, are not often eager to transfer their protection from a rifle which seldom misses fire to the chance of the verdict of a petit jury. The history of Rome and the British Isles is but the history of Texas antecedents. Such was the personal influence of Sam Houston over reckless frontier settlers, that as easily as he ruled by the stern despotism of a camp, he governed them by the mild sceptre of civil law. While such benign changes were in course of successful accomplishment, and the grand structure of civil government was towering before the eyes of nations, petty intrigues harassed, and formidable combinations confronted him. Such has been the fate ​of all really great minds in Church and State. The same clique who refused him removal from the battle-field of San Jacinto, bleeding and comfortless, to the steamer which might bear him to remedies and recovery, busied themselves to undermine a castle which they could neither rear nor overthrow. Fruitless in efforts in thwarting his policy in detail, they cemented themselves in one grand organization for his destruction. But as their efforts were failures, so let the story and chronicle of their doings be transferred to the oblivion to which all such factions belong.
So warmly was Houston's conduct approved by the people, that, had he been eligible to the Presidency for the next term, he would have been the almost unanimous choice of the people. The second section of the third article of the Constitution of the Republic declared that "The first President elected by the people shall hold his office for the term of two years, and shall be ineligible during the next succeeding term."
Just before the election of his successor occurred, the two other candidates for the succession (James Collinsworth and Peter W. Grayson) died by suicide, and no other candidate was brought forward at this late period for the suffrages of the people. Under these circumstances, Mirabeau B. Lamar was elected to the Presidency, receiving 6,995 votes out of a total vote of 7,247. Some supposed, that with Houston's departure from office, his power with the people would be lost. A vast concourse, larger than ever had been assembled before in Texas, gathered to witness the closing scenes of his administration and the inauguration of a new President. The Inauguration Committee had made no arrangements on their programme for the delivery of his valedictory address. The assembled multitude, in a burst of indignation, clamored for the hero of San Jacinto. He came forward to the front of the Capitol. A wild shout of enthusiasm rent the sky as the people gazed upon his lofty, ample, and heroic form, relieved against the portrait of George Washington, which was suspended behind him.
For three hours he held the thousands before him under the force of his impetuous eloquence. The scroll of the history of Texas was unrolled, her future policy was portrayed; her future destiny, if a sound policy was pursued, was set forth in prophetic speech. Good faith with all nations was solemnly enjoined, individual and national economy was inculcated, the cultivation of peace with the Indians was earnestly urged, and the people were warned against faction and the rancor of party spirit. Instead of vesting hopes in annexation or treaties, he implored the people to rely on their own public and private virtue, and be magnanimous ​and just with all men and all nations. The tears streamed down his face as, in conclusion, he took farewell of the people he loved. Extending his broad arms over the people, he poured out, from his great heart, the benediction of a true patriot and invincible soldier. The vast multitude responded with tears to his tears. The still deep murmur of subdued feeling closed the excitement of the solemnly moving scene. Houston had demonstrated all the qualities of soldier, statesman, and orator, and in each character had placed his name on the rolls of immortality.