# History of the Fenian raid on Fort Erie with an account of the Battle of Ridgeway/Chapter 1

CHAPTER I.
ORIGIN OF THE INVASION.
About seven hundred years ago, Strongbow, Earl of Pembroke, at the head of his English archers, effected a landing on the coast of Ireland, and after various successes over the Irish chieftains, at last secured so firm a lodgment, that Henry II. of England compelled him to hold from him as his sovereign lord, the lands he had acquired by conquest. From that time until the present day, Ireland, or the greater part of it, has been an appendage of the British Crown. Looking back through the long course of years that have since elapsed, we find that the history of Ireland is little more than an account of a continual series of wars and insurrections, in which the native Irish, or the Celts, have endeavoured to throw off the yoke of their Saxon conquerors.
Although in England the Norman conquerors and the Saxon conquered have, through a series of centuries, so intermingled and united that at the present day an Englishman neither knows or cares which blood predominates in him; and although the Jacobite party and the causes which led to its formation, have ceased to exist in England, and the feelings to which they gave birth have been forgotten, yet in Ireland the very reverse has been the case.
There, the two parties, the Celts and the Saxons, have as bro d marks of distinction and are as utterly divided as in the wars of Cromwell and William the Third. Religion among them seems to form a grand distinguishing mark, by which the national feelings are kept alive, and their traditions of hostility confined to well known bounds. Since the reign of William III., Ireland has been gradually improving, and the feelings of the two parties becoming less intense than before. ​Nevertheless, the intrigues of the French Republic aiding the disaffected party in Ireland, caused an outbreak in 1798, which was soon put down by the Government, the rebels being dispersed, and a number of the leaders taken and executed.
In the year 1800 the Union of Great Britain and Ireland was effected. This measure was very distasteful to the National Irish party. They found their parliament taken away from them, their chief city deprived of its position as a capital, and their nation of its national character. It was not alone the effects of this measure which was so obnoxious to them, as the flagrant bribery with which they charged it was carried through the House. This feeling has led this party continually to regret what they call "the ancient glories of their race and country," and several attempts and agitations have been instituted in order to effect a repeal of the Union.
The more moderate men have endeavoured to effect this by legitimate means, by the means provided for in the constitution, and have agitated in this way to secure the end desired. The more enthusiastic and violent, those known better as the Young Ireland party, have endeavoured to effect the same end by violently dissolving the connection with Great Britain, and forming an independent government of a republican character. These attempts of both sections of the party have hitherto signally failed.
The unhappy state of affairs in Ireland, as well from these continual agitations as from a very severe period of famine under which they suffered, caused large numbers of the disaffected to emigrate to the United States of America, where many of the escaped rebels had also found a refuge. The emigration to the United States assumed immense proportions, and the increase of the people there, as well as constant additions, have so increased the Irish population that they are now numbered by millions.
The Irish race in America, living under republican institutions, and thriving in a country far richer and more prosperous ​than the land they had left, naturally became imbued with republican ideas and tendencies, and soon imbibed a hatred to England and the British Empire, not only from the nursing such a feeling would receive among a people who themselves had thrown off the English authority, but also from the teachings and urgings of the leaders who had escaped for their lives from Ireland, and who blamed England because their native land was not as prosperous as the land which gave them refuge.
This feeling on the part of the Irish people in America was made use of by the leaders of the rebellion of 1848, or at least by the most enthusiastic among them, who believed that by uniting their race in Ireland and America they would be in a position to realize their day-dream of having their country an independent republic, or at least a kingdom ruled over by some modern Brian Boru. In order to carry out this idea, a few of these men organized a small society in New York, which afterwards, enlarging in its dimensions, became the Fenian Brotherhood. James Stephens, one of the men of 1848, took upon himself the duty of organizing the brotherhood in Ireland, while the task of furthering its interests in America devolved upon Colonel O'Mahoney. This was about the year 1857. For some years after that its progress seems to have been very slow, and its movements were little known, and, if known or heard of, attracted but little attention.
When the war broke out in the United States, it gave a great impetus to the Fenian organization. Up to that time the present generation had not undergone any experience in war. After a lengthened peace men get so accustomed to peaceful pursuits, and the idea of war becomes so hateful to them, that the military spirit of a nation becomes almost extinct, or at least exceedingly sluggish in its action. When a people are in that condition, it is useless to attempt to get them to embark in any undertaking likely to lead to war and bloodshed.
After, or during a war, on the other hand, the military spirit is awakened, and in some instances even created, and after a ​time becomes very active: men who have left peaceful pursuits, and have become accustomed to the bustle of camps and the excitements of a soldier's life, return to their usual avocations with reluctance, and abandon their military duties with regret. Such men will generally be willing at any moment to re-engage in war, and will be always ready, upon a fair pretext, to join any cause which is likely to give them an opportunity of indulging their fondness for a soldier's life.
The leaders of the Fenian Brotherhood, fully appreciating this feeling, sought to turn it to their own advantage as well as to the benefit of the cause for which they were working. It was at once promulgated that the Fenian organization purposed attempting the deliverance of Ireland from the control of the British Government as soon as the United States authorities had succeeded in subduing the Confederate States of America. And it was also stated, in consideration of large numbers of Irishmen, with the consent of the Fenian body, enlisting in the armies of the Union in defence of the Union, and in support of its constitution, that the United States Government would, on the conclusion of its war, assist the Fenians in their designs against the British Empire.
Although there can be no doubt that the United States Government could not have authorized any such compact on its behalf, still it is much to be regretted that recruiting agents, lured by the large bounties offered, driven by the difficulty of getting recruits, and compelled by the urgent necessity of the case, often held out as an inducement to Irishmen to enlist the hope of assistance on their behalf when their own war was over. A more cruel and heartless expedient could scarcely be devised, or one more degrading to those engaged in it. If they never intended to help them, they were guilty of getting the life's blood of brave men to fight the battles of the Union on false pretences; and if the help was intended to be given, it was a conspiracy against a friendly nation—a conspiracy without cause, and one likely to embroil a peaceful country in a bloody and unprovoked war.
​Thus year by year, through the Civil War, the Fenian order prospered, its ranks were largely increased, its funds were improving day by day, and the spirit of its members becoming more enthusiastic. As soon us the war was over, and matters had partially settled down, the Fenian excitement began to increase. It became bolder in its movements, and made no secret as to its designs. A public organization was effected, a President and Senate appointed, and an Irish Republic, without a territory, was formally proclaimed. The public offices of state of this so-called Republic were filled up, and a large mansion in New York having been rented, the Irish Republic became the possessors of a "local habitation," the "name" having been previously assumed.
On these preliminary arrangements being completed, the Secretary of the Treasury of the new Republic, under the direction of the mock Government, issued a large amount of bonds, which were distributed for sale throughout the United States. They were bought up readily by the people, especially the Irish, for some time, and by this means large sums of money were obtained.
Soon, however, a disturbance took place among them, and the Secretary of War, General Sweeney, and the greater portion of the Senate, headed by Colonel Roberts, separated from Colonel O'Mahony and formed a new Republic, Colonel Roberts being President, and General Sweeney Secretary of War. The chief causes of dispute between the two factions seem to have been,—First: A dissatisfaction on the part of the Roberts-Sweeney faction as to the manner in which O'Mahony managed the financial affairs. Secondly: O'Mahony's plan of conquering Ireland, or, in other words, freeing her, was by sending men and money direct from the United States to Ireland, while the Roberts-Sweeney faction thought the true road to Ireland lay through Canada.
As far as regards the first cause very little is known, and even what is known is of no interest to those not engaged in the organization. With reference to the second cause of ​dispute, it might be well to consider the matter a little before the invasion itself is treated of.
There can be little doubt that O'Mahony's plan of sending men, arms, and money from New York to Ireland to compete with the whole power of the British Empire, is one of the wildest of wild schemes. The difficulty of evading the British fleet, the immense disadvantage at which stores could be sent to such a distance, and the facility with which England could concentrate her troops in Ireland, show the folly of O'Mahony's plan of operations.
On the other hand. General Sweeney considered that by attacking Canada he was attacking England, and attacking her in her weakest point, in a point far removed from her base, and along a frontier of a length difficult to be guarded. By attacking Canada he would be able to bring into play all or nearly all his men, and in all probability, from the feeling some citizens of the United States have against Canada, his forces would be largely augmented by recruits from that class. Again, if he was able to take a sufficient portion of Canada to enable him to form a belligerent government, one recognized by the United States, vessels could be sent to prey upon British commerce, and the offer might be made to the United States to give up Canada to them on condition of their giving assistance in freeing Ireland. Again, by attacking Canada they might have better opportunities of fomenting a war between the United States and England, which alone would give them any ultimate chance of success. By fighting England in Canada, a large number of the English regular troops would be occupied and prevented from fighting against the Fenians in Ireland, who, of course, would rise there simultaneously with the Canadian invasion, or at any rate with its probable success. For all these reasons, therefore. General Sweeney and his party decided upon directing all their efforts against Canada, and it is with a view of giving an account of the principal attack which was made by General Sweeney upon this province that the following pages are written.