# Oregon Historical Quarterly/Volume 11/Number 4

​TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I The Period of the Provisional Government — Introduc- tory. Chapter i. — Political Basis as Found in Settle- ment. Chapter 2. — American Self-Government. PART II The Period of the Territorial Government — Political Organization. Chapter 3. — Organization of the Oregon Democracy. Chapter 4. — Anti-Democratic Organization. Chapter 5. — The Democratic Regime. Chapter 6. — The Kansas-Nebraska Bill in Oregon Politics. Chapter 7. — The National Issue in Oregon in 1857. Chapter 8. — Democratic Discord. PART III The Period of State Government — Civil War Period. Chapter 9. — Political Maneuvering in 1859. Chapter 10. — The Political Revolution of i860. Chapter ii. — Treason, Statagems and Spoils (1860- 1861). Chapter 12. — The Union Movement of 1862. Chapter 13. — The Issues of War.
Part I
The Period of the Provisional Government
INTRODUCTORY
Chapter I
POLITICAL BASIS AS FOUND IN SETTLEMENT
No story of the political development of a people would be complete without some notice of the basis of that development as found in the conditions of the settlement of its territory. The sources and manner of settlement, the motives prompting it, the geographical relations, the effect of frontier environment—all contribute toward expressing the character of the state builders. From Jamestown and Plymouth onward, the study of such conditions has contributed largely to an understanding of American institutions.
Particularly is such study important where distinctive elements enter into the situation as is the case in the political beginnings of Oregon. Two, if not three, such elements are to be noted. First, that of geographic isolation. The history f the westward extension of the American frontier had been that of a steady and gradual movement from the known to the relatively unknown. No advance was so decided that the new frontier was not linked to an appreciable degree with the old. A forward advance from Missouri to the Pacific wrote a new chapter in the story of American expansion. The second distinctive element, related to that of distance, is found in the fact that it was a land emigration. The early colonization of America, involving great distances, was effected by the sea voyage. An overland journey, embracing months en route over desert wastes and obstructive mountain ranges and involving dangers from hostile peoples, produces problems peculiar to itself. These two elements are geographical. The third is political. The vast country toward which the settlers were making their way was not strictly American territory. It was at the same time either American or British and was neither. By the treaty of joint occupation concluded between Great Britain and the ​324 W. C. Woodward United States in 1818 and renewed in 1827, the two nations were to have equal rights of settlement in the Oregon country pending an agreement as to the ownership of the contested territory. The settlers were thus entering a partnership rela- tion solely on the chance that they would be able to oust the other partner and secure control. Any other sequel would render their venture a failure. What were some of the more general conditions affecting settlement? "The motives promoting it were varied, some old as the story of the race, some particular and local, but all to be taken into consideration as factors in that composite product — the future citizenship of Oregon. The one most widely appli- cable is doubtless to be found in the "force of the ever im- pelling westward movement — an inborn passion leading to new westward regions." 1 But this does not signify the pioneer to have been a mere first grade tramp — an irresponsible "wan- derer in the earth." If he responded to this potent Wander- lust, he had a reason for his action. This big, all-inclusive spirit and movement which has given the distinctive character to our American civilization is certainly not based on mere whim and caprice. Whatever else he may have been, the typical emigrant was preeminently a home seeker and a home builder ; not primarily a gold seeker, an explorer, a land speculator, nor an agent of political or religious dogma. This meant the possession of moral tone and stability. It gave the new community from the first that element of permanency as a sure basis for future political action. Various factors, more or less significant, entered into this general motif of home building. The greatest was doubtless economic. Many of the pioneers had lived in the interior, west of the Mississippi river, with few or no transportation facili- ties for taking their products to a market. They had thus borne the brunt of the hard times of the late thirties and were pre- iG. H. Atkinson, Address before the Oregon Pioneer Association, 1880. J. Q. Thornton, "Oregon and California," pp. 25-27. iP. S. Knight, Address before Oregon Pioneer Association, 1898. Proceed- ings, p. 37​Political Parties in Oregon 325 pared to give ready ear to the story of a new and fertile country where open waterway transportation to the sea was ample. 1 Coupled with this was the typical western attitude of mind that in a more or less vague way placed the responsibility of their bad financial situation upon the East, resulting in their nursing a sense of injury and in their desire to place them- selves beyond baleful tutelage. Land values were rising throughout the Middle West, necessitating smaller holdings. To a man of a large family for which he desired an adequate field of activity, the situation was becoming less and less desir- able. The pioneer method of agriculture is extensive. There is land in plenty and to spare and it is natural to seek the greatest returns with the minimum of effort. The extent of American areas had ever fostered this attitude and it has been a decisive factor in continually pushing westward the line of frontier. The farmer's land was rising in price. Taxes were increasing. Greater effort was required for making a com- fortable living. Debt followed financial stringency, with its relentless mortgage. Why not go to Oregon and begin again where free land was in prospect? The man with several sons rapidly approaching manhood wished them to have the oppor- tunity whicn had been his when as a young man he had taken up land on the then frontier. This opportunity was virtually promised in the far Northwest by the enlistment of such men as Benton and Linn in the effort to give the Oregon question an American solution. 2 The Linn Bill with its provision grant- ing six hundred and forty acres of land to every white male inhabitant who should cultivate the same for four years, had finally passed the Senate, February 3, 1843. It was an earnest of the future to those whose faces were set westward. The desire to "give the boys a chance," was not the least of those influences promoting settlement. 3 i Jesse Applegate, "Views of Oregon History," Ms. p. 31. 2 Jesse Applegate, "Views of Oregon History," Ms. p. 32. 3"Linn's bill in Congress was the first start that set me to thinking of coming here. . . Another inducement was to settle my family ... a family of boys and they were getting to be men and I was not able to settle them in Mis- souri. Land began to get up and it was hard to get, and I thought by moving to a new country my boys could shift for themselves." Wlm. Shaw, "Mississippi and Columbia River Valley Pioneer Life Compared," Ms. pp. 6, 7. ​326 W. C. Woodward A factor at once economic, political and social is found in that institution whose influence had already become dominant in American politics — slavery. The small land holder in the Southwest felt its blighting effect. Indeed, its influence was not limited by Mason's and Dixon's Line. As a three-fold factor it touched the life of the Southerners, while it was in its political phase first, and economic second, that it gave its impress northward. To the man who hesitated to raise his family in the vitiating atmosphere of slavery; to him who chafed under the growing abasement of free labor and the iniquities incident to a social system based in servitude ; to him who felt the great impending political and sectional struggle, the Oregon trail appeared as the road leading out of bondage. A concrete example is found in the expression of one of the foremost of Oregon's early settlers, Lindsey Applegate, to the effect that he came to Oregon because a pro-slavery mob, sustained by an intolerant public sentiment, drove him and his friends from the voting place in his native state in 1842. 1 To these general motives may be added others which apply in a more restricted manner. No inconsiderable number were drawn by religious zeal, quickened by the prospect of a new field of effort in the evangelization of the native races of the preat Northwest. The impress of this class was marked in the new community for years. Some sought a new and wider sphere of political activity in the hope of personal advancement, where youth would not be a reproach or where a mantle of charity would be thrown over the past ; where all might start anew on a common basis. There was a class of men who had preceded the bona fide settlers to the West — to the mountain districts especially. They came in quest of those fur bearing animals, the struggle to obtain which has had so great a sig- nificance in the winning of the West. Fur traders primarily, these men early became colonizers. On the other hand, follow- ing the earlier emigrant trains came the gold seekers and those drawn by opportunities offered in business and specula- 1C0I. Geo. B. Currey, Address before the Oregon Pioneer Association, 1887. Proceedings, p. 35. ​Political Parties in Oregon 327 tion. Finally, underlying and supporting these various motives generally, was that inborn, inbred instinct for adventure, very strong in the young and far from impotent in the older. The very element of uncertainty appealed strongly to those whose fathers, beginning at the Atlantic sea board, had pushed out into the unknown West, and step by step, had conquered their wilderness. Closely akin to this was the demand for personal freedom of action. Generations of pioneering breeds a strong individualism which chafed under conditions imposing restraint. This attitude of mind is clearly, though homely expressed in the words of the typical Westerner who said he came "because the thing wasn't fenced in and nobody dared to keep him off." 1 A general knowledge at least of the source of Oregon coloni- zation is necessary for the understanding of the political devel- opment of the future commonwealth. It is conceded that the greatest contribution was made by the Middle West. The popular idea, however, seems to attribute too much of this to the far West and South. Geo. H. Himes, Curator of the Ore- gon Historical Society collections, has secured memorandum cards giving detailed information concerning over seven thou- sand of the early settlers, as to birth, ancestry, home, place of departure, etc. A study of this data shows that many of the emigrants who are credited to Missouri and other far western territory, were rather transient residents. Their homes were in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Kentucky and Tennessee. They had started on the distant journey 'westward, in some cases with Oregon as the goal from the start. Misfortunes or financial considerations had compelled a stop by the way, sometimes for two or three years, in which fortunes were recruited and prep- arations renewed for the continued journey. In other cases the final destination was not in view from the first. Bona fide settlement had been made in Iowa or Missouri from states east of the Mississippi, but in a very short time, succumbing to the Oregon fever, the new settlers were found in the emigrant trains which rendezvoused in Western Missouri. In many i Col. Geo. B. Currey, Address before the Oregon Pioneer Association, 1887. Proceedings, p. 35. ​328 W. C. Woodward instances the way to the Columbia was made from some eastern state in three advances, as from New York to Illinois to Iowa ; West Virginia to Ohio to Missouri; or North Carolina to Tennessee to Missouri — and thence to Oregon. The signifi- cance of these facts will be noted presently. The distinctly agricultural population of the new community was largely middle western — principally from that part of the Mississippi Valley region limited by the parallels of latitude thirty-five to forty-two. The business or mercantile element in the new population came largely from New York and New England, and by sea, 1 as did also a part of the missionary element. 2 From the facts so far set forth, what can be deduced as to the general or composite character of the population which founded the distant state? First, those conditions spoken of as distinctive in its settlement are worthy of notice. The facts of geographic isolation and a land emigration may be taken together. The well-nigh appalling distance, taken into con- sideration with the difficulties and privations to be met over desert and mountains and the dangers from hostile Indians, " formed a selecting test of the kind of people who alone could come to Oregon." 3 The timorous and the weak were in a large measure eliminated. They gave way to the aggressive, the resolute, the venturesome, the resourceful, the physically fit; to the younger and middle aged. The distance and the length of time on the road, necessitated careful preparation in secur- ing adequate equipment. A good outfit meant an investment of several hundred dollars. This fact eliminated for the most part the indigent and extremely poor. The rich excluded them- selves and as a result we have a population between the two extremes, but below rather than above the middle line — moder- ately well-to-do only. iM. P. Deady, "Oregon History," pp. 39, 40. 2Mr. Himes finds that of Oregon's pioneer population, 6 per cent, came from New England, 50 per cent, from the Middle West, 33 per cent, from South of Mason's and Dixon's Line and 11 per cent, from 22 foreign countries, the great majority of the latter from the British Isles, Canada and Germany. 3TI10S. Condon, "Selection in Pioneer Settlement" in Oregon Historical Soci- ety Quarterly for March, 1900, pp. 60-65. ​Political Parties in Oregon 329 The distance from the Atlantic Coast naturally excluded the undesirable, floating element of foreign immigration which has readier access to the East. Of the pioneer foreign born population of Oregon, which for the most part was of a desirable nature, less than twenty-five per cent, came directly. This means that it had already become largely, if not wholly, Americanized. The element of uncertainty as to the ultimate ownership of Oregon served to deter the conservative and incite the polit- ically resolute. With personal interest was merged in different degrees an inherited spirit of active and aggressive patriotism which was eager to enter upon the conquest of new empire, particularly when the loser would be Great Britain. The ele- ment of risk and venture, allied with the national instinct, fostered by the treaty of joint occupation of the Oregon Terri- tory between Great Britain and the United States, acted as an incentive to the aggressive western American. In the various motives influencing settlement, heretofore recounted, may be found in large terms, the character of the colonizers. The home builder, with a high, serious purpose in view, acted with a sense of sober responsibility. He was not erratic and vacillating. The desire to escape the moral and political evils of slavery likewise added to the moral tone of the new community. The religious element of the population, with the missionaries as a nucleus, exerted a striking formative influence in the development of the country. With the dis- covery of gold and the advent of a different type of men, the result was temporarily to lower this high standard. Above all, independence and freedom of individual action, characterized the Oregon pioneer. He was typically a western man and the heir of several generations of pioneers through which individ- ualism had been steadily developed. This fact stands out prominently from the very first, when the emigrant train organ- ized and chose officers for the journey. Lieutenant Wm. Peel of the British Navy, who was in Oregon in 1845, impressed by this characteristic of the American colonists, remarked to ​330 W. C. Woodward Jesse Applegate that they would make the, best soldiers in the world. The latter, one of the leaders of the emigrant train of 1843, replied that "they were probably brave enough, but would never submit to discipline as soldiers. If the President himself had started across the Plains to command a company, the first time he would choose a bad camp or in any way offend them, they would turn him out and elect someone among them- selves who would suit them better." 1 The Westernism of the settlers was especially manifest in the political direction. The West had but recently come into its own as a power in national politics in the elevation of its popular hero Jackson to the executive chair. The first flush from the realization of that power had not passed. Every settler was a politician, and not in the mere sense of the word as used today when preceded by the word "practical." One fact which continually impresses one in studying this early period is the ease, fluency and pre- cision with which the average man could discuss the political issues of the time in their various phases. They were the em- bodiment of Aristotle's dictum that man is a political animal. The statement has been given that settlement was made not as largely from the extreme western frontier as has generally been presumed. This has political significance in the fact that the extreme individualistic tendencies of the nomadic, less responsible frontiersman, whose political theory if formulated, would have been to the effect that that government is best which governs least, was balanced by those who had become accustomed to stable political institutions and who had learned to value the same as the requisite of an endurable state of society. In a few words then, the Oregon settlers as a class, were plain, respectable, common people, in moderate circumstances, many of whom were fairly well educated but few of whom could be called cultivated. 2 They were independent, resolute, aggressive, national, with a natural gift for politics. They were scrupulously honest, fairly progressive, not usually given 1 Applegate, "Views of Oregon History," Ms. pp. 14, 15. 2Deady, "Oregon History," Ms. p. 71. ​Political Parties in Oregon 331 to overwork. 1 They were probably not more patriotic, less selfish or more heroic than the average American, but they were characterized by those qualities which the exigencies of the situation called forth and which adapted them for the work of state-making under the peculiar conditions which were to confront them in the Pacific Northwest. , One of the first results of the appearance of the vanguard of American independent colonization in Oregon was a sudden reversal of its policy of occupation on the part of the Hudson's Bay Company. To the English Company Oregon was nothing but a fur bearing district. Settlement was discouraged. Dis- charged employees were transported out of the country. Ore- gon must be preserved in its primeval state. But with the Americans in the field it was different. The Puget Sound Agri- cultural Company was organized in 1837, as rather an adjunct to the old organization, its purpose being to colonize the terri- tory with British subjects. But English colonization of Ore- gon was difficult. Not until 1841 did an emigration arrive from the British Red river settlement of the North and the failure of its attempt at settlement north of the Columbia dis- couraged future attempts in this direction. They had waited too long. 2 The Americans had found the way, had conquered its obstacles and were arriving in numbers as convincing as disheartening to the British officials. The two systems of industry were now in open competition, the fur trade versus agriculture, typifying the struggle for possession between the two nationalities which they repre- sented. There could be little question as to the result. It has always been the same. With the arrival of the farmer the fur trader soon disappears. As opposed to the industry which had marked English dominance, agriculture meant settlement, development and Americanization. And as surely as it displaced the former, so surely did American interests supplant those of the British. There was a question as to which nation had priority rights by discovery and exploration. But there could 1 Judge Wm. Strong, "Oregon History," Ms. 19, 20. 2H. O. Lang, "History of the Willamette Valley," p. 234. ​332 W. C. Woodward be no longer any question as to which had fulfilled the second condition for valid title, in occupation and settlement. The American settlers had won, for themselves and the United States. In the first place they were winners of empire ; in the second, builders of state. "This great movement of immigrants to Oregon from 1843 to 1846, inclusive, may not even now be thoroughly understood nor explained, but it is fully appre- ciated. With all its dangers and hardships, with all its mystery and simplicity and its commonplaces, it stands today one of the most daring colonizing movements for, and the most re- markable, interesting and romantic story of the settlement and upbuilding of any part of the continents of the two Americas." 1
Chapter II
AMERICAN SELF-GOVERNMENT
As the arrival of the Americans in Oregon placed two opposing systems of industry, representing opposing nationalities, in open and active competition, in the same manner were two conflicting ideals of government brought into contact. The purposes and ends of the British occupation in the Northwest called for centralized and arbitrary government. Primarily a commercial organization, the vast interests of the Hudson's Bay Company necessitated a strong political organization, which was necessarily autocratic in form and spirit. And as far as the English Government was concerned, the Company's law was the British Constitution in the Oregon Territory. The Hudson's Bay governor and his council had authority not only to punish their own offenders but also to try for any crimes in any of "the said Company's plantations, forts, factories or places of trade within the Hudson's Bay territory." For the furtherance and protection of the interests of the fur trade, the vast territory must be carefully policed, and thorough police organization is another expression for arbitrary authority. All of the employees of the Company were subject to the most rigid discipline, not less complete than in the British military organization itself. If exceptions were made to the rule forbidding settlement as in the case of the Canadian settlers on French Prairie, the relations established were in a large measure feudal. "Authority" was the keynote of British rule in the Northwest, and authority always exerted from above.
How anti-thetical was all this to the spirit and training of the American settler—the heir of generations of local self-government! Indeed, eliminating from the history of his fathers the story of their struggle for and their activities in, the exercise of self-government, there would be little worth the telling. The story of the movement of westward expansion is the story of the establishing and growth of free local institu​334 W. C. Woodward tions. As the Hudson's Bay officials had been trained in an atmosphere of absolutism at one extreme, the Western Ameri- can was thoroughly imbued with the spirit of independence and self sufficiency on the other. The two radically differing polit- ical ideals had largely moulded the temperament and person- ality of those holding them, rendering misunderstanding and friction almost inevitable. "The direction of the affairs of the Hudson's Bay Company was confined to a comparatively few men, and these were strongly influenced by aristocratic tenden- cies. Being themselves subject to rules adopted by the directors of the Company in London, they subjected all their servants down to the Canadian and Indian messenger to 'authority.' This tendency led the officers of the Company into many mis- takes in their dealings with the Western men." 1 That the Hudson's Bay officials clearly recognized from the first this irreconcilable difference in political attitude, and its import, is clear. When in 1844 an American attempted to establish a claim on the north side of the Columbia within the shadow of the Company's factory at Fort Vancouver, Governor John McLoughlin and Chief Factor James Douglas made strenuous protestation, candidly admitting that they feared that such proximity of American ideas and ways would tend to render their servants insubordinate. 2 It has been shown that through the Hudson's Bay Company the British Government followed its subjects with law into the debatable Oregon country. As far back as 1821 the English Parliament had passed a bill by the terms of which the laws of Canada were extended over English subjects operating in the territory to the South, those laws to be exercised or enforced at the hands of the Company officials as justices of the peace. 3 On the other hand what was the legal status of the immigrating Americans to be? It was unthinkable that they should subject themselves to the existing government, for reasons already 1 John Minto, "Early Days in Oregon," Ms., pp. 26, 27. 2lbid, pp. 28, 29. 3Text of Act found in J. H. Brown's "Political History of Oregon," pp. 24-29. ​Political Parties in Oregon 335 eiven and because such a course would defeat the very pur- pose for which they had come. Yet their own Government refrained from throwing over them the protection of it's laws and political institutions. This remissness was a cause of embarrassment, if not shame, with the settlers, before their English competitors. While in the westward expansion of our territory the people have always preceded the National Gov- ernment, the remoteness of the territory and the fact of joint ownership made the situation in Oregon peculiarly trying, and called for prompt action. When on the other hand unusual dilatoriness and hesitancy was shown by the Government at Washington, it was a cause of disappointment and irritation. 1 That this apparent neglect on the part of the United States Government was occasioned by a difficult international situa- tion, the Oregon colonists were in a poor position to realize. In 1842 Dr. Elijah White was appointed by the President as a sub-Indian agent in Oregon. This has been designated as the initial step of the Executive Department in reclaiming Oregon and treating it as a territory of the United States. 2 That it was so considered by the American settlers is evidenced by the minutes of a meeting held June 23, 1843, at Champoeg, in which the following resolution is found : "Resolved, That we, the citizens of Willamette Valley, are exceedingly happy in the consideration that the Government of the United States have manifested their intentions through their agent, Dr. E, White, of extending their jurisdiction and protection over this coun- try." 3 But for years this was to be but a token of future action and was not followed up in a way to assist the colonists in solving a puzzling problem. "The American immigrants were often doomed to feel that they occupied the extraordinary and in every way anomalous position of a people who, without hav- ing either renounced their country, or being renounced by it, were, nevertheless, without one." 4 1 Robertson, "Genesis of Political Authority in Oregon," p. 21. 2Elwood Evans, "History of Oregon," Ms. p. 252. cf. Dr. Elijah White's "Early Government in Oregon," Ms., pp. 14, 26-29. 3Brown's "Political History of Oregon," p. 97. 4J. Quinn Thornton, "Oregon and California," pp. 28-30. ​336 W. C. Woodward A steadily growing population made established government necessary. The situation of the colonists is clearly expressed officially in the message of the Executive Committee to the Legislative Committee, dated June 18, 1844 1 1 "The United States held out inducements to their citizens and indirectly encouraged the settlement of this country by them. Conse- quently we are now improving the country by their consent but without their protection. And it is self-evident that every community have a right to make laws for their mutual benefit and protection where no law exists . . . Although this colony is small and its resources feeble, yet the life, rights and liberties of an individual here are of equal value to him as to one in the city of Washington or London." The tenure of the land upon which the settlers were building homes was uncer- tain and anxiety to secure permanent titles to claims taken up and improved was a strong factor in the demand for a gov- ernment. The need of protection from the Indians, from pos- sible aggression on the part of the British, from the lawlessness of the floating element which is always found to some degree in a new community, the need of regulations to govern the grow- ing business relations, the inherited love of democratic institu- tions, the very sense of nationality itself, despite the lack of its encouragement — all combined to make established forms of government imperative. 2 If the United States declined to in- augurate these, fearing international complications which might result, there was but one course to be pursued. As often in the past in the advance of the frontier, the frontiersmen insti- tuted their own government, so now must those directly con- cerned rely upon themselves. But American pioneering had presented no problem with the peculiar complications and diffi- iUnpublished Documents, Oregon Archives, p. 17. 2"We found ourselves placed in a new and very embarrassing position. The right of sovereignty over the country was in dispute between the United States and Great Britain and neither country could establish any government over us. Our community was composed of American citizens and British subjects, occupy- ing the same country as neighbors with all their respective national prejudices and attachments, and so distant from the mother countries as to be of a great extent beyond the reach of home influences. We had, therefore, a difficult popu- lation to govern; but this fact only rendered government the more necessary." — Burnett, Peter H., "Recollections of the Past," Ms., Vol. 1, p. 144​Political Parties in Oregon 337 culties of this. The American genius for self-government had here a work worthy of all its achievements in the past. The story of the organization of the Provisional Government has been often told and will not be dwelt upon here. Those phases only of the movement and its period will be touched upon which affect the general question of the purely political capacities and tendencies of the founders of the first American government on the Pacific Coast. The movement was launched in February, 1841, but the allied opposition of the British and Catholic interests proved too strong to warrant immediate action. There was no unanimity of opinion and attitude among the Americans. There was a not unnatural jealousy existing between the missionary element of the population, the first in the field and in a measure subsidized by the Missionary Board of the M. E. Church, and the independent American settlers, placed absolutely upon their own resources. As the latter rap- idly became more numerous and their influence increased accordingly, the leaders of the former relaxed to some degree in their zeal in the cause which they themselves had first pro- moted. 1 To some it was questionable whether it would not be better, in order to enlist the co-operation of the British settlers as represented principally by the French Canadians, to organ- ize a government independent of any reference either to Great Britain or the United States. Even if this had generally been acceded to, as a matter of policy the continued attitude of aloof- ness on the part of the latter would have weakened such a position. The conflicting ideals of the two peoples, above referred to, is clearly shown in the "Address of the Canadian Citizens of Oregon" in protest against the proposed govern- ment. 2 In a long list of objections, they say: "We do not wish a provisional mode of government, too self-interested and full of degrees, useless to our power and overloading the colony instead of improving it. . . We wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the difficulties, punish the crimes iS. A. Clarke, "Pioneer Days of Oregon History," Vol. 2, pp. 660, 661. H. S. Lyman, "History of Oregon," Vol. 3, pp. 290, 291. 20regon Archives, pp. 12, 13. Compiled by L. F. Grover. ​338 W. C. Woodward (except capital penalties), and make the regulations suitable for the people . . . The more laws there are, the more opportunities for roguery for those who make a practice of it." Here we have a direct expression of the lack of confidence in the people to govern themselves wisely and of a preference for the autocratic, arbitrary rule to which they were accustomed under the Hudson's Bay regime. The all-absorbing question was finally brought to a direct issue at the historic Champoeg meeting of May 2, 1843, when by a vote of 52 to 50, organization was decided upon, which resulted in the withdrawal of the Canadians from the meeting. The Oregon Provisional Government then, was distinctly American in inception, in spirit and in form. This is openly avowed in the first section of the Organic Law : "We, the peo- ple of Oregon Territory, for purposes of mutual protection and to secure peace and prosperity among ourselves, agree to adopt the following laws and regulations, until such time as the United States of America extend their jurisdiction over us." The momentous decision reached, the work of organiza- tion was taken up with ability and dispatch. Officers, judicial, executive and military, were elected. A legislative committee of nine was appointed to draw up a form of government for the new commonwealth and report the same to another public meeting to be held July 5th. The committee, to which was entrusted this important work, was truly representative of the citizenship for which it acted. The members were typical pio- neers, plain men, somewhat rough and unassuming in exterior, unlettered in constitutional law but with much good common sense and equal to a situation. The Mountain men, the inde- dependent settlers and the Missionaries were all represented among them. Dividing themselves into sub-committees on judiciary, ways and means, military affairs, land claims and division of country into districts, the work was performed with system and promptness. Their report was accepted at the above mentioned meeting, the officers elected in May were sworn in, an executive committee chosen and the new govern​Political Parties in Oregon 339 ment was in operation. Under the constitution, the three de- partments were arranged for as follows : Executive — an elec- tive committee of three; Legislative — an elective committee of nine, representing the various districts according to their popu- lation; Judicial — a supreme court, consisting of a supreme judge and two justices of the peace, a probate court, and in justices of the peace. Various officials necessary to effective administration were provided for. Though the large reinforcement of 1843 was on the way, for the time, those owning allegiance to the new government were in the minority in Oregon. 1 Increasing population with growing interests demanded an enlargement of governmental machinery, with the result that amendments to the Constitu- tion were made in 1844 and again in 1845. The people showed themselves apt in their school of political experience, corrected mistakes made in the first organization and readily adapted their government to meet changing conditions. This Pro- visional Government, framed under such peculiar and difficult circumstances gave the new country order, peace and security for six years. Its markedly successful administration is the crowning glory of the Oregon pioneers. 2 Beginning with a minority of the people under its jurisdiction, it soon encom- passed all, including the British element itself. It provided regulations governing business and social relations, enforced its laws against criminals with despatch, provided for the settle- ment of lands, made internal improvements, prosecuted suc- cessfully an Indian war far from the scene of main settlement; and all with commendable economy and conservatism. No bet- ter example can be found of the political resourcefulness of the American frontier settler. 3 It did more than merely pro- iH. W. Scott, "The Provisional Government," in Oregon Historical Society Quarterly for June, 1901, pp. 108, 109. 2 The Provisional Government— the crowning glory of the Oregon pioneers,— a striking exhibit of patient submissiveness when the American settlers were in the minority — of the magnanimity and conservatism when in the majority. . . We must commend pluck, endurance, tact, their sturdy republicanism displayed in their persistent effort to secure the consent of the governed; . . . nor must we withhold our meed of praise for that scrupulous regard for the national prejudice of the British subject, who was their fellow citizen." — Elwood Evans, address before the Oregon Pioneer Association, in Proceedings for 1877. 3Robertson, "Social Evolution in Oregon," p. 31. ​340 W. C. Woodward vide local stability and security. From a national standpoint it completed the transition from the British to the American regime politically, which the settlers had begun industrially. What the United States Government had not felt free to ac- complish had been perfected by the colonists themselves and without foreign complication. 1 They had given the obvious solution to the Oregon Question. Let us see what political characteristics or tendencies of the pioneer state makers are observable as illustrated either in their form of government, its administration or in legislation enacted — what inclinations or prejudices they manifested which might be expected to influence the later political development of the state. It has been suggested that the self-constituted government was thoroughly American in form and spirit. This is readily seen in the general provisions of the Organic Law. The Bill of Rights and political guarantees generally are taken from the Constitution of the United States and provide for freedom of religious belief and worship, right of habeas corpus and trial by jury, of judicial procedure according to the course of common law, moderate fines and just punishment, the rights of property and other "inalienable rights" so dear to the Am- erican heart. This similarity to the National Constitution is still more marked in the revised constitution of 1845 which re- flects the influence of the aggressive nationalism of the pioneers of 1843 an d 1844. Additions are made to the Bill of Rights, indicating the strong sense of personal liberty and independ- ence in the cities of the embryo commonwealth. The article guaranteeing the encouragement of morality and knowledge, the maintenance of schools, the exercise of good faith and justice to the Indians, reproduces the language of the Ordi- nance of 1787, which document was used largely as a basis for the new frame of government. 2 1 Robertson, "Genesis of Political Authority," pp. 39, 40. Evans, "History of Oregon," Ms., p. 271. 2Applegate, "Views of Oregon History," Ms., p. 39. ​Political Parties in Oregon 341 Where the feeling for personal liberty is so strong, jealousy of executive authority is manifested in like degree and this is well illustrated in that provision of the Organic Law which created an executive committee. At the Champoeg meeting of May 2, 1843, after the action in, favor of political organiza- tion was taken, the first motion carried was that there should be no governor. 1 In view of the need of some form of execu- tive authority, this mandate of the people gave the Legislative Committee no little trouble, the expedient of a. committee of three being finally adopted. Even this was not sanctioned at the convention of July 5th, without vehement protest. In fact it was the only provision which met serious opposition. Gus- tavus Hines, who presided, characterized the triple executive as a "hydra-headed monster in the shape of an executive com- mittee which was but a repetition of the Roman Triumvirate — the Caesars upon a throne." 2 There were also other factors entering into the situation. The receptive candidates for gov- ernor were so numerous 3 that the selection of such an officer might have left too many sore spots when unanimity in pur- pose and action was so necessary to success. And then the un- dercurrent of suspicion existing between the Mission party and the independent settlers was such that a governor from the ranks of either would have weakened the allegiance of the other. The plethora of candidates for governor indicated a healthful state of political ambition which would give tone to future politics in Oregon. With the growth in strength of the new government, the people yielded their prejudices on this point and in 1845 substituted a governor for the impracti- cable committee. These typical frontiersmen were sensitive on the subject of taxation. The second motion passed at the Champoeg meeting was that no law should be passed to levy a tax. 4 This 1 Robert Newell, Annotations in copy of Grover's "Oregon Archives," in Ban- croft Library, University of California. 2J. Q. Thornton, "History of the Provisional Government" in Proceedings of Oregon Pioneer Association for 1874, p. 64. Clarke, "Pioneer Days," Vol. 2, p. 668. Lyman, "History of Oregon," Vol. 3, p. 304. 3Newell, Annotations. 4Newell, Annotations. ​342 W. C. Woodward resulted in the following report of the Legislative Committee upon Ways and Means, which was adopted July 5, 1843, as a means of financing the new government: "We, the sub- scribers, pledge ourselves to pay annually to the Treasurer of Oregon Territory, the sums affixed to our respective names, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of government — Provided, that in all cases, each individual subscriber may at any time withdraw his name from said subscription upon pay- ing up all arrearages and notifying the Treasurer of the colony of such desire to withdraw." 1 Here is a significant western interpretation of the theory of the Social Contract to the effect that the individual may return at pleasure to the "state of na- ture" from which he came. The thorough republican ideas of the framers of the government — their protest against financial obligations and restraint, are thus clearly set forth. 2 One year's trial of the free will offering method of maintaining government was sufficient, however. The Legislative Com- mittee of 1844 amended this provision and laid a light tax, providing that any person refusing to pay taxes should have no benefit from the laws of Oregon and should be disqualified from voting. 3 This rendered the traditional "state of nature" a condition rather than a theory and tended strongly to foster a wholesome appreciation of the blessings of established order. Jesse Applegate, close friend of Shortess who was the chief author of the Organic Law, says there was a political purpose not comprehended by the mass of American settlers in basing the scheme of government upon the Ordinance of 1787 — that purpose being to settle the slavery question west of the Rocky Mountains as the Ordinance had settled it in the Northwest States to the east of them, the anti-slavery provision of the Ordinance being copied in the new document. 4 Whether the 1 Oregon Archives, p. 27. 2"Thie fathers of the American Oregon not only acted upon the idea that all just governments derived their authority from the consent of the governed, but they granted to each citizen the power to judge of how much he was willing to contribute to the support of such government — how much he was willing to be restrained by becoming a part of that government." — Evans, "History of Oregon," Ms., pp. 275, 276. 3Bancroft, Vol. 1, p. 433. 4Applegate, "Views of Oregon History," Ms., pp. 39, 40. ​Political Parties in Oregon 343 people were conscious of it or not, they were fully in sympathy with the prohibition of slavery, each of their subsequent frames of government containing the same provision. But it was a protest not only against human servitude but against the Negro himself. The settlers in general had little sympathy with slavery but those who had been in direct contact with it in the Southwest had a greater aversion against free Negroes, 1 this attitude being crystalized in an act of the first legislative com- mittee prohibiting their presence in the new Territory. 2 Re- mote as Oregon was from the arena of contest, the early posi- tion of her people upon the great issue was to play a truly remarkable part in her history. The self-governing western men were chary of a too free delegation of authority to their representatives in political affairs and resented what they considered undue assumption of the same. The first general election was held May 2, 1844, as provided for in the Organic Law. The men elected to the Legislative Committee had, with the exception of two mem- bers, arrived in Oregon since the adoption of the instrument of government. 3 Recognizing defects in the latter, they pro- ceeded in their first session to make amendments to it gener- ally, assuming that the submission of the latter to the people was unnecessary. Though the changes made were doubtless on the whole salutary, the manner of making them created much dissatisfaction. The legislators, who had assumed the authority of constitution makers, were bitterly denounced for remodeling the Organic Law "without warrant" first obtained from the people and without submitting their work when done to their sanction or rejection." 4 When the legislative com- mittee of 1845 met it took the extreme position that it was not a constitutional body because the law under which it had been elected had not been submitted to the people and that it must appeal to the latter for authority to alter the fundamenal law. Accordingly, after drawing up a revised constitution, it ad- ilbid., p. 74. 2Bancroft, Vol. i, pp. 437-439. 3Bancroft, Vol. 1, p. 471. 4Applegate, "Views of Oregon History," Ms., p. 41. ​344 W. C. Woodward journed to a future date, awaiting the vote of the people on the same at a special election for which it had arranged. The fact was thus emphasized that the new government was to be government by the people. It was also tacitly declared by those provisions in the Organic Law making all the official positions elective and providing for annual elections. In a similar manner it was made known by the citizens of this self-sufficient commonwealth that they would have real representative government. When in September, 1846, the news came that Congress had passed a bill giving notice of an intention to discontinue the policy of joint occupancy of the Oregon Territory and that a bill providing for an extension of the government of the United States over the citizens of Oregon was up before that body, discussion at once arose over the propriety or necessity of sending a delegate to Washing- ton to see that the Provisional Government land law was recognized, to work for a Pacific-Atlantic railroad and to look after various interests of the Oregon country. 1 On September 26th a "meeting of the citizens of Oregon" 2 was held at Oregon City to discuss the general welfare of the country in the light of the recent action of Congress. It was decided to hold a convention in Oregon City on the first Monday in November for the purpose of drafting petitions or memorials to be cir- culated for the people to sign and to derive ways and means of forwarding the same, "whether by delegate or otherwise." The Spectator of November 26th gives the proceedings of the convention at which resolutions were passed denying the necessity of memorializing Congress or of sending a delegate. A year rolled round with no action on the part of the National Government. The people memorialized Congress in behalf of their needs, but the question of delegate was apparently avoided as liable to give rise to class or sectional differences. But in October, 1847, Governor Abernethy took upon himself the responsibility of secretly appointing and dispatching J. Quinn Thornton to Washington to represent the Territory, iOregon Spectator, September 17, 1846. 2lbid., October 1. ​Political Parties in Oregon 345 Thornton being recognized as friendly to the Missionary party, of which the governor was a member. 1 Such arbitrary pro- cedure was not consonant with the western ideal of represen- tative government. On the meeting of the legislature, on December 16th, J. W. Nesmith, expressing the general belief that Thornton had secretly been sent to Washington, de- nounced the action of Gov. Abernethy and voiced his senti- ments in resolutions in which were the words : "It is im- portant and desirable in all republican governments that the selection of all judicial and executive officers should meet the approbation and confidence of the majority of the people over which they are to exercise authority ; and be as far as possi- ble removed from the intrigue and influence of odious and secret factions." 2 The legislature prepared its own memorial and elected its own representative in Jos. L. Meek, to carry it to Washington. 3 As loyal as were these western Americans to their nation they gave evidence of that independence of attitude which signified that there was a limit to what they considered the neglect and abandonment they were called upon to suffer, beyond which they were prepared to take their political destiny wholly in their own hands. There seemed always an under- current of feeling in favor of independent government, fos- tered by the British element of the population. 4 Indeed in the early years of the Provisional Government there was the Independent party. This sentiment seems to be reflected in an act of the legislature on December 24th, 1844, calling for a popular vote on the question of calling a convention for the 1 Bancroft, Vol. i, pp. 619-621. 20regon Archives, pp. 225, 226, 228, 229, 231-234. Spectator, December 25, 1847. 3The situation presented by the Whitman massacre of November 29, 30, 1847, was the special subject of the mission of Meek. 4"A few persons, respectable for their character and influence in Oregon, dis- cussed about this time (1844) the question of the expediency and necessity of an independent instead of a provisional government. It was said that the geo- graphical position of the country . . . rendered it not only expedient but necessary. The real cause, however, for this movement was the discontent and even the resentment felt in consequence of their seeming to have been left without protection and in a state indicating abandonment by their country." — Thornton, "Oregon and California," pp. 34, 35. ​346 W. C. Woodward purpose of framing a constitution. 1 The convention project was defeated by a vote of 283 to 190. 2 This spirit of inde- pendence is illustrated in the reported stump speech of a can- didate for a seat in the legislature in 1846 in which he said that they as a separate people had a right, in common with all detached communities to govern themselves ; that he did not consider himself "a citizen of the United States or a subject of Great Britain" and could therefore take the oath to support the Organic Law of Oregon, without the qualifications. 3 As anxious as the people were to have the protection of the United States thrown over them in the form of a territorial organization, they had become so imbued with the idea of entire self-government that they took exception to the idea of being under the authority of appointive officers sent on from the East. It was understood by the colonists in 1847 that President Polk had his list of officials for Oregon already made out, in preparation for the passage of the territorial bill by Congress. There is therefore something decidedly im- pressive in the serene and unconscious audacity of these squat- ter sovereigns in calling a convention of delegates at the Falls of the Yamhill river "for the purpose of recommending to the Executive of the United States suitable persons to fill the various offices that will be created upon the passage of a bill establishing a territorial government in Oregon. 4 This action is thoroughly characteristic of the early people of Ore- gon and is demonstrated continually in the later history of the territorial organization. Aggressive and national though the American settlers were, the administration of affairs in Oregon under their govern- ment demonstrates the qualities of liberality, moderation and conservatism often under circumstances when a manifestation of opposite tendencies might be expected. When increasing numbers had made their influence dominant their attitude 1 Oregon Archives, p. 70. 2Lang, "History of the Willamette Valley," p. 286. 3Spectator, May 28, 1846. ^Spectator, October 14, 1847. ​Political Parties in Oregon 347 toward the Hudson's Bay people and the British population is worthy of notice. Friendly overtures were made to the latter to induce them to co-operate in the new government. To make such co-operation possible and thorough the legisla- tive session of June, 1845, modified the oath of office to read as follows : "I do solemnly swear that I will support the Organic Laws of the Provisional Government of Oregon, so far as said Organic Laws are consistent with my duties as a citizen of the United States or as a subject of Great Britain." 1 No attempt was made to control national allegiance by restric- tions and restraints and members of the British party were chosen for positions of trust. This spirit of moderation is manifested in a passage from the message of the Executive Committee to the legislature of December 17, 1844: "As descendants of the United States and Great Britain we should honor and respect the countries which gave us birth ; and as citizens of Oregon, we should, by a uniform course of pro- cedure and a strict observance of the rules of justice, equity and republican principles, without party distinction, use our best endeavors to cultivate the kind feelings, not only of our native countries, but of all the powers or States with whom we may have intercourse." 2 Though not subscribing to the idea set forth by their Ca- nadian neighbors that "the more laws there are, the greater opportunity for roguery," the colonists were conservative in the amount and kind of legislation enacted. The message of the Executive Committee to the legislature of 1845 sa Y s : "While we deem it important to invite your attention to a necessity of the revision and amendment of the Organic and other laws * * * and the framing of others that you may deem necessary at this time, we would not conceal the fact that great difficulty might arise from too much legisla- tion."* 1 Oregon Archives, p. 71. 20regon Archives, p. 71. 30regon Archives, Ms., p. 48. ​348 W. C. Woodward Sufficient has been said to indicate the high 01 der of politi- cal ability of these pioneer state builders. A few of them in after years became influential in the national councils, when their loyalty to established government as manifested in these days, was exerted in support of the national cause which their party had in the main deserted. 1 A few rose in ability to the position of real statesmen whose resourcefulness and quali- ties of mind and heart would have made them marked men anywhere. Such was Jesse Applegate. 2 The majority had that political aptitude which rendered them typical Americans — able to make any government work. Summing up the political characteristics of the Oregon pioneers, we find them to be thoroughly American and nation- alistic in their political ideals and tendencies, but at the same time thoroughly independent and ready to prove themselves self-sufficient on due occasion ; personally ambitious for politi- cal advancement ; suspicious of too freely exercised executive authority; slow to subject themselves to the financial burdens of government; opposed to the existence of slavery and the presence of the Negro ; determined that their government should be one by the people, and that their representatives should be truly representative ; conservative in legislation and liberal and moderate in administration ; possessed of a high order of political capability. As might be expected, there was no political alignment in the period of the Provisional Government except along local lines as were naturally drawn from the exigencies of the situa- tion in the isolated, jointly occupied territory. Making up the population we find: those connected directly with the Hud- son's Bay Company, the Catholic missionaries, the Protestant i Notably, J. W. Nesmith. 2Samuel Bowles, editor of the Springfield Republican, visited the Coast in 1866 and in his book "Across the Continent," p. 177, tells of visiting Applegate and "finding a vigorous old man. . . clear, strong and original in thought and its expression, with views upon our public affairs worthy the head of our wisest; every way indeed such a man as you wonder to find here in the woods, rejoice to find anywhere and hunger to have in his rightful position, conspicuous in the government." Cf. L. F. Grover, "Notable Things in a Public Life in Oregon," Ms., pp. 75, 80. M. P. Deady, annual address before Oregon Pioneer Association, 1875. Proceedings, p. 36. J. W. Nesmith, ibid., p. 62. ​Political Parties in Oregon 349 missionaries, the French Canadian settlers, the Mountain Men and the independent American settlers. The part which the Protestant missionaries early took in establishing American influence, strengthened what would have been at any rate the natural alliance between the Company and the Catholics. 1 With these two went the Canadians, the three elements mak- ing one main party variously denominated as the Hudson's Bay, English, or, after the latter had come in under the Pro- visional Government, the Independent party. On the other side, the independent American settlers, the Protestant mis- sionaries and the Mountain Men represented the American interests. In general these were the two main opposing par- ties or influences. There was a further division among the Americans into the Mission and American parties, with little local conditions and prejudices coming in from time to time to affect and modify this general alignment. The Missionary party was rather looked upon as representing the aristocracy and vested interests of the settlement from the United States. 2 The American party, made up of the Mountain Men and in- dependent settlers, opposed the tendencies toward independ- ent government and was strongly nationalistic . Though in a minority, the English or independent party held the balance of power. This is well demonstrated in the election of gov- ernors in 1845 an d again in 1847. ^ n the first case the candi- dates of the three parties were : American, A. L. Love joy ; Independent, Osborne Russell ; Mission, also denominated "American, " George Abernethy. The Independents, having no hope of success, and wishing to defeat the more aggressive of the American candidates, threw their support to Abernethy, who was elected, though the "American" party won a sweep- ing victory with its legislative ticket. 3 In 1847 Lovejoy and Abernethy again opposed each other and again the English element defeated the former. In the two counties north of iGrover, "Notable Things," etc., Ms., p. 90. A. G. Walling, "Southern Ore- gon," p. 135. 2Thornton, "History of the Provisional Government," pp. 50, 51. 3Bancroft, Vol. 1, pp. 471, 472. ​350 W. C. Woodward the Columbia, Vancouver and Lewis, the Independent strong- hold, Abernethy received in votes and Love joy but n. The latter was defeated by 16 votes only, in the whole Territory, which shows what a factor the British or Independent vote was in the result. 1 While the population of Oregon was grouped into parties as above outlined, there was practically no political or party organization and little or no unity of action. Under the cap- tion, "On the Stump," the Spectator of May 14th, 1846, makes the announcement: "On Monday next (18th) the several candidates of Clackamas county will address their fellow citi- zens from the stump in Oregon City. This will be something new in Oregon." A report of the innovation is found in the issue of May 28th, from which the reluctance of the political aspirants to appear in the role set for them is apparent. The only strictly party significance found in their informal remarks as reported was the frequent assertion or clever implication of their Americanism as opposed to the interests of the British party. Their remarks were mostly addressed to the local needs in legislation to which little political significance can be at- tached. This lack of political organization is further indicated in an editorial in the same issue on the immediately forthcom- ing annual election. "We were never really less able even to guess at the probable result," says the editor, H. A. G. Lee. "Although we have a numerous array of candidates in this county * * * still in the absence of positive party, no legular or territorial ticket having been formed, but each relying on his friends, to succeed the best he may, or in other words 'on his own hook/ the most shrewd conjectures must at best be vague." The political inertia and apathy which seem to exist in the other counties is greatly deplored and a tacit argument is made for political organization as a means of arousing a sense of civic responsibility. An event of great import in the growth of the new state was the starting of the first newspaper on the Pacific Coast. 1 Election returns found in Spectator, July 22, 1847. ​Political Parties in Oregon 351 It is its relation to the strictly political life of the community that is of concern here. On February 5th, 1846, appeared the first number of the Oregon Spectator, already referred to, published by the Oregon Printing Association, the latter gov- erned by a written constitution. Article 8 of the articles of Compact of that Constitution as published in the first issue of the Spectator reads: "The press owned by or in connec- tion with this association, shall never be used by any party for the purpose of propagating sectarian principles or doctrines, nor for the discussion of exclusive party politics." In the provision made for the amendment of the various articles, the 8th is expressly excepted. Among the officers the various elements of population are well represented. The policy and attitude of the paper, politically, is clearly set forth by the editor, W. G. T'Vault, in the following very significant saluta- tory : TO THE PUBLIC. "The printing press, type and materials are owned by the Oregon Printing Association and that Associa- tion has adopted a Constitution to govern the con- cerns of the Association as well as the publishing of the newspaper; consequently, the Spectator will have to keep within the pale of that Constitution, otherwise it violates the commands of its owners. A large ma- jority of the citizens of Oregon are emigrants from the United States, and for the last twenty years, poli- tics have there been the order of the day. * * * Hence it is to be presumed that a portion of the citizens of Oregon have brought with them their views of policy, entertained while residing in the United States. It might also be expected that the Oregon Spectator would be a political paper ; but reason and good sense argue differently. Situated as we are — remote from the civilized settlements of the United States, and at this time having no protection but that which is af- forded us by the Provisional Government of Oregon and having but one interest to represent and that in- terest the welfare of Oregon and the citizens unan- imously * * * it would be bad policy to break ​352 W. C. Woodward open old wounds and in doing so to create new ones, to discuss politics in the columns of the Spectator — notwithstanding we are now, as we have always been, and ever shall be, a democrat of the Jeffersonian school." The final self-assertive, half defiant declaration of the old democratic war horse is as significant as it is amusing. As far as the writer has found, here was the first public declara- tion on national politics and that in an article arguing that all such should be avoided. It was an earnest of how successful the censorship of the press would be in stifling political dis- cussion in a typical American community. That the personal avowal of political allegiance did not appeal to the owners of the paper as a logical conclusion to a declaration of political neutrality, is evident. Within two months appears T'Vault's defiant valedictory, in which he says: "The political senti- ments avowed were at war with some of the present aristocracy of the land notwithstanding the avowal that the columns of the Spectator should be kept within the construction of the Constitution of the printing association." 1 Having in mind apparently the American population, he continues : "That there is [sic] two distinct parties in Oregon no one will for a moment doubt, differing, however, not upon those great funda- mental principles * * * as is the case with our fellow- citizens in the United States, but upon subjects less worthy of name. We have amongst us a class of mungralls, neither American nor anti-American — a kind of foreign hypocritical go-betweens, as we would say in the states — fence men." T'Vault explains that while the excuse given for his dismissal was that his syntax and orthography were bad (alas, too true) the real reason was that he didn't boost the aforementioned aristocracy, referring doubtless to Governor Abernethy and the Missionary influence. He warns this "junto of aristocracy in and about Oregon City" who think they have the right to manage matters as best suit their views that they will have to i Spectator, April 2, 1846. ​Political Parties in Oregon 353 reckon with the hardy freemen who are rapidly settling Ore- gon and who are as independent as the air they breathe. As a parting shot he voices the 'hope that the next legislature will have nothing to do further than to be convened and to receive the valedictory of the present governor of Oregon and the inaugural of Gov. Atchison or some other good democrat sent by President Polk. Exit T'Vault. The new editor, H. A. G. Lee, named the subjects which could be discussed in the Spectator, including politics, but ex- plained — "Politics, as we understand the term, means the science of government and not the effervescence of fermenting partyism or the noisy froth of spouting demagogues." 1 Lee withdrew in August and in indicating the reason the Spectator show k s another factor in the situation to have been the English element. "Our paper will yet be edited to the satisfaction of at least a majority of the subscribers — that it will give satis- faction to certain individuals and their friends who are sub- scribers we do not flatter ourselves. But one thing we do venture to affirm, that, let it sink or swim, the columns of the Spectator shall be open for the publication of all matter that shall have for its object the advocating of American interests in this country and their right to the soil, in preference to any other nation on the globe — even to John Bull himself. That a paper published by Americans in Oregon and that paper too the only channel through which the interests and feelings of the Americans in Oregon can be made known to the world, should be restricted in its publications and so conducted as to meet the approbation and sav<* the feelings of some whose principles and views are to all intents and purposes anti-Am- erican, is preposterous in the extreme and not to be thought for a moment." 2 Editor number three was Geo. L. Curry; his announced policy: "It will be our aim to give this journal a firm and consistent American tone." 3 When Nesmith, in the legisla- ilbid., April 16, '46. 2 Spectator, August 20, '46. 3lbid., October 1, '46. ​354 W. C. Woodward ture of 1847 had introduced his resolutions denouncing the secret appointment of Thornton by Gov. Abernethy as agent of the Provisional Government at Washington, Curry secured them for publication in defiance of the Board of Directors and was forced out by the Abernethy following. In his lengthy adieu Curry says he refused to edit a one man paper edited in that man's own interest, as demanded ; hence his dismissal. He strongly deprecates the establishment of the censorship of the press in Oregon. 1 So much notice of the early editorial history and difficul- ties of the Spectator has been given for three or four reasons. It gives, through T'Vault, the first evidence of that linking of isolated Oregon with national politics which was to dominate her political future, to the minimizing of her natural local in- terests. It gives a striking picture of the political situation in Oregon during the period — of the party or sectional jealousies existing. It tells the story of the attempt to enforce the cen- sorship of the press in the new territory and indicates how futile such an attempt would be in a community of typical western Americans whose shibboleth was freedom and who had written "freedom of the press" as a guaranteed right in their fundamental law. It furnishes us the connecting link between two periods, the Provisional Government and the Territorial. The new paper, with all its problems, marks a transition from the old to the new — from the local and the isolated to the expansive and the national.
THE PETER SKENE OGDEN JOURNALS
Editorial Notes by T. C. Elliott
Our last view of Mr. Ogden was on July 18 th, 1827, at some point on Snake River near Huntington, Oregon (see Or. Hist. Quarterly for June, 1910, p. 222), as he was return- ing from the expedition of that year, which had taken him into parts of Oregon unknown to white men before that time. We now renew the acquaintance thirty-six days later at Fort Van- couver, when he starts for another Snake Country expedi- tion; this time to regions already familiar to him, in south- eastern Idaho. The journeyings this season are quite easily traced as to general direction and often as to particular locality. The Indian trail from the Walla Walla river across the Blue mountain range to the Grande Ronde valley can be quite cer- tainly identified and across southern Idaho from the mouth of Burnt river to the Portneuf many names are yet recogniz- able. The party keeps to the north of the line of the Oregon Short Line Railroad, up the course of Boise river (then Reed's river) to its source and then across Big Camas Prairie and the various water courses to the sinks of Lost river, and then makes a dash across the lava beds to the Snake and Portneuf. The canyon through which Little Lost river leaves the moun- tains was then evidently called Day's Defile. The winter of 1827-8 is a very long and severe one, and Thos. McKay, who is in charge of a detached trapping party on the waters of Salmon river, is unable to rejoin Mr. Ogden until May. So many horses are used for food or have died of exposure that Mr. Ogden builds canoes to carry his furs down the Snake river, but evidently abandoned that purpose. Unfortunately the record is silent for a whole month of the return journey. He reaches Fort Nez Perces, or Walla Walla, again on July 19th, 1828, with returns far exceeding his expectations, which must have meant more than three thousand beaver skins. While at Fort Vancouver the following month Mr. Ogden must have become acquainted with Jedediah S. Smith of the American fur traders (who reached there after disaster on the ​356 T. C. Elliott Umpqua river in southern Oregon) and learn at first hand of the experiences of Mr. Smith with the Mojave Indians, to which reference is made in the Journal for the following year. The chief value to history of this Journal, in connec- tion with the other three, is the further light thrown upon the relations between the American and the English fur trading companies ; and the assistance to a considerable degree in clearing the record of Gen. William H. Ashley, a prominent citizen of St. Louis, who for some years represented the State of Missouri upon the floor of Congress, whose rapid progress to wealth has by many been regarded with suspicion. In his valuable "Hist, of the Amer. Fur Trade," published by Harper in 1902, Maj. Chittenden states (p. 277) that the details of Mr. Ashley's transaction with Mr. Ogden "will probably re- main unknown until the world hears from Mr. Ogden through the records of the Hudson Bay Company." That is now partly available. We now knowi the exact date and the nature of Mr. Ogden's disaster that year, and have confirmation of the name of the leader of the American trappers who accom- plished it, who was a Mr. Gardner (*) and not Mr. Ashley at all ; and that the conduct of this Mr. Gardner was not ap- proved by those in authority in the Rocky Mountain Fur Company; and that the band of trappers under Mr. Gardner may have been free trappers not connected with Mr. Ashley (see entry of Feb. 19th, 1828, infra, for this). After the desertion of Mr. Ogden's men with their catch and outfits (which legally belonged to them) for whatever cause that may or may not have been, it may not have been incompati- ble with human nature on the plains at that time for Mr. Ashley to have acquired their furs, according to the manner they may have reached him; although any contrast with the treatment afforded Jedediah S. Smith as to his furs, by Dr. McLaughlin of the Hudson's Bay Company in August, 1828, is much in favor of the English company.
Mr. Ogden's fifth and last year (1828-9) at the head of the Snake Expedition takes him into regions unknown to him or to other traders, either American or English, before this time. It is then he discovers the Humboldt river and explores the country to the northwest of Great Salt Lake. By any one not personally conversant with the local topography it is mere speculation to attempt to identify in detail the journey, but his general course is easy to follow; and his record of the hardships calmly endured and the dangers encountered is un- usually interesting. Leaving Fort Walla Walla late in September, 1828, and lollowing the same route as the year previous as far as the mouth of the Malheur river, the party ascends that river and then turns eastward to the waters of the Owyhee, and by the first week of November is upon the streams draining into the Humboldt, or Unknown river as he termed it. There the beaver are plentiful and the trapping much to his liking, but cold weather and scarcity of food compel him to turn east- ward toward the buffalo country and by the last week of De- cember he is within sight of Great Salt Lake, but quite to the north of it. Continuing along from there to the familiar valley of the Portneuf about the middle of January he crosses southward to the Bear River valley and for the next two months is in the mountain valleys to the Northeast of Great Salt Lake, just where we do not yet know, except from the names left there in his honor. In April, detaching a party tor separate duty and with instructions to return home on their own account, Mr. Ogden with fourteen men only returns to Unknown river and after a narrow escape from death by the Modoc Indians in June and July returns to the Columbia by way of Malheur lake and the John Day river of Eastern Oregon. We miss the name of the veteran Thos. McKay as one of his party this year. With this Journal before us it is possible to speculate less as to the date when Mr. Ogden first visited Great Salt Lake and the locality bearing his name there. It will be remem​358 T. C. Elliott bered that in a previous Journal (Or. Hist. Quar., Dec, 1909), under date of June 2nd, 1826, is recorded; "Proceeded but a short distance when we met a Snake; this Indian I saw last year on Bear's River." (In the foot-note to that entry the word probably might better have read possibly) ; and that Maj. Chittenden independently suggests Cache Valley through which the Bear river flows as the scene of Mr. Ogden's dis- aster in the spring of 1825. It would seem unusual for so enthusiastic and well equipped a trader as was Mr. Ogden that spring to neglect the inviting streams tributary to Bear river and the Salt Lake valley, when so near at hand. Yet it seems equally unexplainable that, although in the years 1826 and 1828 for months immediately to the north of Great Salt Lake on the Portneuf and other streams, he makes no mention at all in his Journals of Great Salt Lake itself. He refers often to Salt Lake, meaning the headquarters of the American traders on Utah lake, but never to Great Salt lake until this present year. The record of that first expedition, of 1824-5, must be available before the desired fact can be known with certainty ; and the strong probability is that after the expedi- tion of 1824-5 and until 1828-9, after the renewal of the treaty of joint convention between England and the United States, the operations of the Snake river party were studiously con- fined within the limits of the Old Oregon Country, that is to the streams draining into the Columbia river. Ogden's Hole took its name without doubt in the same manner as did Jackson's Hole and Pierre's Hole and other similarly named mountain valleys of limited area frequented as rendezvous by the trappers. This Journal unfortunately contains no entry between January 17th, and March 29th, 1829, but a rude pen and ink map accompanying the Journal purports to show "Ogden's Track 1829," and this indicates that he fol- lowed the valley of Bear river very closely, but to the south of it, and this would have taken him into Cache valley and Ogden valley further to the southward and the stream known as Ogden river when the first settlers arrived in that ​Peter Skene Ogden Journals 359 • m region; those settlers took the name from the Indians and the retired trappers who lived here and there along the streams. Local tradition' has it that Mr. Ogden had trouble with the Indians when there and that one of his men named Weber was killed in the canyon now so named and through which the main line of the Union Pacific railroad is now built. There jis no confirmation of this, however, and the name Weber is American rather than French-Canadian. The flat valley where the city of Ogden is now located is more likely to have been the site of Ogden 's Hole, in the general acceptance of that term. It is there that the Ogden river comes out of a beautiful canyon of the same name — a canyon that was almost impassible until the river was put to commercial use and a fine boulevard constructed through it, connecting the city with the Ogden valley, eight or nine miles away. This canyon is now the pleasure resort of the citizens of Ogden and affords delightful opportunity for the entertain- ment of their guests. The Ogden valley is a stretch of meadow land rather narrow in width, but opening into other small valleys of the branch streams that form the Ogden river. The trail used by Indians and trappers in passing to and from this valley crossed a divide and followed a smaller and less pre- cipitous canyon opening at North Ogden, a few miles from the city of Ogden, and the early settlers understood Ogden's Hole to mean this smaller canyon and divide. It may also be remarked that the writer of H. H. Bancroft's History of Utah in a foot note mentions Ogden's Hole as the mountain resort of a noted desperado of that name. The publication of these two Journals completes the set of four, which was begun in the Or. Hist. Quarterly for Decem- ber, 1909. A sketch of the life and career of Mr. Ogden appears in the Quarterly for Sept., 1910. No one who has not seen the original of one of the Journals used by the trap- pers and traders when in the field can appreciate the difficulty in reading their contents. They were made of small sheets of beaver skin often indifferently cured and tied with a thong ; ​360 T. C. Elliott and the writing was done with a quill often under very un- certain conditions of weather or comfort. Unless conversant with the French language and with the names and terms com- mon to the country and trade, it is practically impossible to decipher the writing at times, which covers margins and out- side as well as inside of the sheets. The wonder is that these journals are so well preserved as to be deciphered at all, and blunders in the copying may well be overlooked, as it is quite often a question of interpretation, especially with proper names. ​JOURNAL OF PETER SKENE OGDEN; SNAKE EXPEDITION, 1827-1828 (As copied by Miss Agnes C. Laut in 1905, from original in Hudson's Bay Compay House, London, England) August 24. Left Ft. Vancouver for the Snake Country with 28 trappers and hopes far from sanguine. 1st Sept. we reached Nez Perces, 1 on 5th Sept. set off. Sept. 6, Friday, left Mr. Black and overtook the party encamped on W. Walow River 12 miles from fort. Tuesday 10th. commenced crossing over the Blue Mtns ; camped at 1 1 A. M. drenched in rain and fatigued from windfall. This is the best trail across the Blue Mtns. from the source of the Walla Walla. 2 Friday 13th. All hands employed making poles for leather tents. Saturday 14th. Reached Clay River 3 or River de Grande Ronde wh. dis- charges in s. branch of Columbia 2 days march from Nez Perces. A Cayouse reported a party of American trappers are on the way to Nez Perces Fort. Tuesday 17th. Crossed over the Fork of Powder River and encamped on main branch. Wednesday 18th. encamped on River Brule. 4 Saturday 21st. Mr. McKay to explore sources of Sandwich Island River, 5 with 11 men. 1 Fort Nez Perces or Walla Walla at mouth of the Walla Walla river, Mr. Samuel Black in command. 2Probably the trail from the forks of the Walla Walla river seven miles above Milton, Oregon, across to the Grand Ronde valley, afterward the regular toll gate road. 3Not a very frequent designation- for the Grand Ronde river. 4Burnt river. SOwyhee river, so named by Mr. Reed or Mr. Mackenzie of the Pac. Fur Company because some Islanders killed there. ​362 Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 Sunday 22nd. Camped opposite Wayer's (Wazer's) 1 River; commenced guarding our horses. Wednesday 25th. Trappers report traps of strangers set along this river. Shortly after an American by name Johnson appeared and informed us he and 5 others were on this stream. Their party consists of 40 men with a band of Nez Perces working in the direction Mr. McKay has taken. My sanguine hopes of beaver here are blasted. I shall send Sylvaille with 5 men to Payette's River; and proceed to Burnt and Day's River. En- camped in company with the Americans. The trappers were in every direction in quest of beaver. The Americans will not part with one. 2 Saturday 28th. Our traps gave but one otter. Before all were raised it was 10 A. M. Advanced south on the fork. 3 The Americans in- formed me it was their intention to follow me to the Columbia. I informed them I could not offer them better terms than my own men had. With this they were satisfied. Sunday 6th Oct. Reached Reed's River. 4 I have little hope as the American trappers are everywhere. Thursday 10th Oct. Only 8 beaver, consequently no longer necessary for us to remain. It was from Wazer's, Payette's and this river we ex- pected our returns and they have produced only 140 beaver. I must now reach another quarter after junction with Mr. Mc- Kay. Course s. from Reed's River. , Sunday 13th Oct. reached Prairie de Camasse, a fine stream discharging in Reed's River; course south. It is from near this point the 1 The Weiser river. 2Rather far west to find so many Amer. trappers and Mr. Ogden thinks of turning back in disgust, but decides finally to keep on. 3 Snake river. 4The Boise river, first called Reed's river after John Reed of the Pac. Fur Company. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 263 Snakes form into a body prior to their starting for buffalo; they collect camasse for the journey across the mountains. Their camp is 300 tents. In spring they scatter from this place for the salmon and horse thieving expeditions. Crossed streams that discharge in River au Malade. Sylvaille and party ap- peared with only 20 beaver. Thursday, 17th Oct. Crossed Camasse plains and encamped at Sunset on fork of Malade River. 1 Here we found a camp of Americans, 5 men of the same party who had joined us on Wazer's River. Thursday Oct. 24. The Americans being in want of supplies, applied for trade. They consented to % less than Indian tariff. I obtained 13 large beaver, 19 small, 25 musquash ; also received from Henry Goddin 35 large beaver in payment of his debt to the company. This man deserted 3 years ago. 2 Since the Americans have been with us they have taken only 13 beaver and are dis- couraged. Sunday 27th Oct. The trappers had advanced with their traps but gone only half an hour when all returned, having met a trapper who had been pursued by a party of Indians whether Blackfeet or Snakes he could not tell. 6 absent since yesterday; I am uneasy. Course s. e. November Thursday 1st. Reached the heights of land that separates Goddin's from Sickly (Malade) River, a steep ascent, most dangerous to man and beast, upwards of a foot of snow on top, the descent very gradual. Friday 2nd November. Stormy weather prevented starting. It is my intent to amuse the American party now with us so that McKay's men may have time to trap the beaver where the Americans purpose going. As they are not aware of this, it is so much the more 1 Not the Malade of extreme So. Idaho which drains into Great Salt Lake. 20n May 24th, 1825. See. Or. Hist. Quarterly, Dec., 1909, P- 333​364 Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 in our favor. Should McKay not appear at the appointed place Day's Defile there will be grass for our horses and buffalo for our support. Saturday 3rd. Followed down Goddin's River s. e. Ten buffalo killed this day. It is incredible the herds of antelope seen. Wednesday 7 Nov. Reached the Fork of Salmon 1 River called by Mr. Rose Ma- lade ( ) his men having been attacked with beaver illness here. S. E. 10 cows killed. Saturday 10 Nov. Reached Day's River at the point where Mr. McKay was to come. There being no buffalo nor a blade of grass I must push on. A camp of Snakes of upward of 300 tents 1500 souls have been here 3000 horses. I must proceed to Snake River for food. Sunday nth. I left a note for Mr. McKay telling him what route to fol- low. Proceeded along Day's Defile following Day's River to Mr. McKenzie's 2 winter encampment. Hunters killed 5 cows. Friday 16th Nov. Cold severe weather. At dawn we are in motion following Day's River over a 'barren plain till sunset when we reached the Great Barren Snake Plains in full view of Pilot Knobes 3 also S. Knobes in the centre of the plain, the former dividing the waters of Columbia from Missouri and Spanish River. The waters of Goddin's and Day's River disappear at the entrance of this plain and take a subterranean route to Snake River. 1 Difficult to positively identify these streams, but the river named Malade by Mr. Mackenzie seems to have been the Big Wood river of today, and that so called by Mr. Ross a fork of the Salmon; Goddin's river seems to be Big Lost river and Day's river to be Little Lost river of today's maps. 2Donald Mackenzie trapped here in 1819 and 1820, as member of the North- west Company of Canada. 3The Three Tetons, and the three buttes of the lava beds of Idaho west of Blackfoot ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 365 Sunday 18th. At three this morning all were in motion ; 2 P. M. reached Goddin's River ; see the tracks of a Snake camp. They have no doubt waited for the snow not daring to cross the plain without it. Course s. e. Wednesday 21st. At 3 A. M. I gave the call. 1 At 6 A. M. started, At 7 P. M. all reached the fountain, found 7 of the Snake horses standing in the plain exhausted. This plain is not less than 50 miles across E. S. E. Thursday 22nd. Reached Snake River at 11 A. M. crossed and camped on an island ; 50 Snakes paid us a visit also 7 Nez Perce's lately with American trappers. If the Snakes are not too trouble- some we shall remain some days. Sunday 25th. The chief of the lower Snakes with 300 followers paid me a visit, by name The Horse. He carries an American flag. I made him the following presents, 1 calico shirt, 2 scalpers, iy 2 lb. ball, y 2 powder, 1 looking glass, ft>. glass beads, 1 half axe, 2 awls, 3 flints. They departed but not without some petty thefts. Wednesday 28. Encamped on Fork Portneuf River, which draws its waters from hot springs. We are now 3 miles from Blackfeet Hill, 2 2 from Snake camp. Friday 30th. This morning the Americans who have been in company with us since 18th Oct. started for Salt Lake. 3 The beaver we have traded from them exceed 100. During the time they have been with us, they have trapped only 26, so they lost more by meeting with than we have. 1 Early start for the dash across the lava beds or desert of Idaho to the Snake river near Blackfoot or Pocatello. 2Still so designated on map of Idaho. 3Meaning Utah Lake or Sevier Lake, where Gen. Ashley and his successors had headquarters; some 200 miles by trail to the southward, by way of Portneuf and Green rivers. ​366 Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 [US] Saturday, Dec. L The day and month have begun with a wild storm of wind and snow. 5 Snake tents have joined our camp. I had rather they kept at a distance as they answer as a screen for horse thieves. Our numbers are but 12 men; the Snakes exceed 1500. We are completely at their mercy. I am on good terms with the chiefs and will try to remain so. I feel most anxious in regard to McKay's party, also the man I left on Sickly River. Now 4 inches of snow on the plains which helps our horses' feet. No trapper can do justice to his traps unless he has 4 good horses. My party average this ; but the horses too young to endure privations. One died today. Very severe cold. The trappers came in covered with ice and nearly froze. Tuesday 4 Dec. The Snake camp in motion towards Blackfoot Hill. A stolen trap restored to me today by the chief. It is the opinion of many that winters in the Snake country are mild ; but the bare- ness of the plains causes us to feel the cold greater than it is. In my leather hut with only willows for fire I find it far from pleasant. We now number 900 beaver. We shall raise camp in quest of buflalo tomorrow. Saturday 8 Dec. Followed down the fork to Portneuf River and this stream to its discharge on Snake River south and camped. 1 Have grass for our horses and wood for fires. It was my opinion that a trapper with his family could be fully equipped with a year's supplies for Snake country for £15, but I think now for blankets etc. it should be £25. Friday, 14 Dec. It would relieve me to hear of Mr. McKay. Mr. S. Mc- Gillvray's party from the east side of the mtns. 2 if no accident has happened ought to be in the waters of Salmon River. If 1 Not far west of Pocatello, Idaho; Fort Hall built near here by Nath. Wyeth six years later. 2lndicates that the H. B. Company sent trading parties from some Canadian Fort as well as from Vancouver. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 367 the same severe weather exists he will have to remain quiet till April and so lose the hunt. The hunters killed 12 buffalo, the greater part of the meat being left for the wolves and starving Snakes. The Snake camp 12 miles off laying up buffalo meat. Have never seen buffalo so numerous. Thursday 20 Dec. At mid-day 2 Americans of a party of 7 arrived and in- formed me two days since they separated from Mr. McKay and party in Day's Defile with perhaps 500 beaver. He can- not cross the mts. owing to the snow and the weak state of his horses. These Americans traded 49 horses from the Nez Perces at an extravagant rate averaging $50. They lost 19 crossing the plains from Day's Defile. They were obliged to eat 6. The Americans had 10 stolen by the Snakes ; one Ameri- can remained with Mr. McKay. They had commenced trap- ping Sandwich Island River when Mr. McKay joined them. Friday 21st. The Americans left to join the camp at Blackfoot Hill. Monday 24 Dec. Snow again last night. At an early hour, we were in motion ascending Snake River 2 miles and camped. The American party of 6 joined us, their leader a man named Tulloch 1 a decent fellow. He informed me his company would readily enter into an agreement regarding deserters. He informed me the conduct of Gardner's at our meeting 4 yrs. 2 since has not been approved. Tulloch speaks highly of the treatment he received from McKay. I shd. certainly be shocked if any man of principle approved of such conduct as Gardner's. Tuesday 25 Dec. Arrival of one of our men from Sickly River relieves me of anxiety. He reports they have 100 beavers and are not far. Our total number of beaver exceeds my expectations. 1 Samuel Tulloch; mentioned by Chittenden, but little known of him. 2Refers to expedition of 1824-5, concerning which see Or. Hist. Quar. for December, 1909; the Mr. Gardner may have been Johnson Gardner, who is men- tioned by Chittenden. ​
1828 January 1.
The men paid me their respects and were politely received. The Americans followed the example and received the same treatment. The Americans leave for Salt Lake. The hunters are now making snow shoes as the depth of snow keeps increasing. The others pass their time in gambling. No cards are sold to the men at Ft. Vancouver. Still they procure them.
Saturday 5th Jan.
It has ceased snowing but continues to blow a gale from the North. One of the party who accompanied the Americans as far as the source of Portneuf River arrived this A. M. and reported snow not so deep in that quarter numerous herds of buffalo crossing and recrossing. They have hope of succeeding in reaching Salt Lake. If so we may see them again 15 days. It is more than probable one of the chief traders of the company will return with them to arrange about deserters. This would be most desirable. Altho' our trappers have their goods on moderate terms, the price of their beaver is certainly low compared to Americans. With them, beaver large and small are averaged @ $5 each; with us $2 for large and $1 for small. Here is a wide difference. All to their liberty to trade with the natives. It is optional with them to take furs to St. Louis where they obtain $5½. One third of the American trappers followed this plan. Goods are sold to them at least 150 Pc. dearer than we do but they have the advantage of receiving them in the waters of the Snake country. An American trapper from the short distance he has to travel is not obliged to transport provisions requires only ½ the number of horses and very moderate in his advances. For 3 years prior to the last ones, General Ashley transported supplies to this country and in that period has cleared $80,000 and retired, selling the remainder of his goods in hand at an advance of 150 P cent, payable in 5-years in beaver @ $5 P beaver, or in cash optional with the purchasers. Three young men Smith, ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 369 Jackson and Subletz purchased them, who have in this first year made $20,000. It is to be observed, finding themselves alone, they sold their goods 1-3 dearer than Ashley did, but have held out a promise of a reduction in prices this year. What a contrast between these young men and myself. They have been only 6 yrs. in the country and without a doubt in as many more will be independent men. The state of uncer- tainty I am now in regarding the absent men and McKay's party and the gloomy prospects for a spring hunt make me wretched and unhappy. Wednesday 16th. The Americans are anxious to procure snow shoes, and I am equally so they should not as I am of opinion they are anxious to bring over a party of trappers to this quarter. I have given orders to all not to make any for the Americans. This day they offered $25 for one pair $20 for another but failed. 5 men traded leather with the Snakes. Friday 18 Jan. I proposed to one of the trappers to set off in quest of Mr. McKay and he consented without hesitation. The Americans continue offers for snow shoes but without success. Sunday 20th. Early this morning, Portneuf started to find Mr. McKay. I have given him information of the country with a map of the different streams. If McKay be on Goddin's River or Salmon River, I am in hopes he will find him. He would not consent to any one accompanying him, apprehending loss of time and discovery by Blackfeet. He is well provided with blankets and ammunition. I forwarded a general letter to the Columbia by him asking Mr. McKay to forward it to the Flat Heads. Tullock, the American, who failed to get thro' the snow to Salt Lake tried to engage an Indian to carry letters to the American depot at Salt Lake. This I cannot prevent. It is impossible for me to bribe so many Indians with my 1 On July 1 8th, 1826; see Hist. Amer. Fur Trade, p. 280. ​370 Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 party. I have succeeded in preventing them from procuring snow shoes. The Indian trade of the Columbia is one third less than it was. In Thompson River district not more than 200 skins were traded at the fort, and the returns not more than 2000. At present not one. These returns were procured by sending traders in every direction. Tuesday 22 Jan. A Snake arrived and informed the American trader one of their caches had been stolen by the Plains Snakes. From the manner he describes the place, no doubt remains of its being stolen. In my mind this fellow is one of the thieves. Prop- erty in it valued at about $600. How long will the Snakes be allowed to steal and murder I cannot say. The Americans are most willing to declare war against them and requested if they did in the spring would I assist them. To this I re- plied, if I found myself in company with them, I would not stand idle. I am most willing to begin but not knowing the opinion of the Company it is a delicate point to decide. Act- ing for myself, I will not hesitate to say I would willingly sacrifice a year or two to exterminate the whole Snake tribe, women and children excepted. In so doing I could fully justify myself before God and man. Those who live at a dis- tance are of a different opinion. My reply to them is : Come out and suffer and judge for yourselves if forbearance has not been carried beyond bounds ordained by Scripture and surely this is the only guide a Christian sh'd follow. A hunter to- day killed 22 antelope by driving them in a bank of snow and knifing them, not allowing one to escape. 200 of antelope have been killed wantonly in the last week, for not more than *4 of the meat has been brought to camp. No place is more suitable for a large party to winter than this. Wednesday 23rd. The American is now very low spirited. He cannot hire a man to go to his cache nor snow shoes, nor does he suspect that I prevented. This day he offered 8 beaver and $50 for a pair and a prime horse to anyone who would carry a letter ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 371 to the American camp. In this also he failed. I have supplied the American with meat as they cannot procure it without snow shoes. The Americans are starving on Bear River ac- cording to report, no buffalo in that quarter, they are reduced to eat horses and dogs. We could not learn from Indians if the American traders had come up from St. Louis. Friday 25th. Snow and storms continue, a terrible winter. A man who went in quest of lost traps arrived with reports of fearful distress of the Americans. Horses dead, caches rifled. I be- lieve this as a trapper saw calico among the Snakes, traded from the Snakes of the Plains. The Americans are determin- ed to proceed but find it is to no purpose these extravagant offers. They are making snow-shoes themselves wh. they ought to have done 2 wks. ago. I cannot ascertain the mo- tive of their journey south. I dread their returning with liquor. 1 A small quantity would be most advantageous to them but the reverse to me. I know not their intentions but had I the same chance they have, long since I would have had a good stock of liquor here, and every beaver in the camp would be mine. If they succeed in reaching their camp they may bring 20 or 30 trappers here which would be most in- jurious to my spring hunt. As the party have now only 10 traps, no good can result to us if they succeed in reaching their depot and returning here. We have this in our favor; they have a mountain to cross, and before the snow melts can convey but little property from the depot as with horses they cannot reach here before April. Saturday 26. The Snakes have now about 400 guns obtained in war excursions against Blackfeet and from trappers they have killed and stolen caches. In the plunder of Reid's Fort, 2 they secured 40. Still these villains are allowed to go unmolested iThis was what caused the trouble in May, 1825, already alluded to, if we understand correctly. 2 On what is now Boise river in January, 1814; built by John Reed. ​372 Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 In any other part of the world, the guilty are punished in England a man is executed. Power gives the right. Here we have both power and right, but dare not punish the guilty. Were proper statements sent to England or to the Honuble Hudson's Bay Com. I am confident greater power would be granted to Indian traders; and surely they would not make an improper use of them. This is the plan the American gentlemen adopt with tribes on the Missouri; the Spanish also. The missionaries have done but little : and murders are no longer heard of among the Spaniards.- Threats are of no avail among the Snakes. Sunday 27th. The Americans expect to start tomorrow. Their snow shoes are poor make-shifts and will give them trouble. It will be a month before they can return. Meanwhile there will be no beaver skins left among the Snakes. Monday 28. At midnight we were surprised to see Portneuf make his appearance. This man set out on the 20th to carry despatches to Mr. McKay and since his departure has only reached God- din's River wh. distance with our weak horses we performed in 2^/2. camps. On reaching the river he broke the cock of his rifle. Depth of snow, slow progress, sore eyes, he con- sidered it wisest to return. This is a cruel blow to my pros- pects. I shall make another attempt by sending three men as soon as I can have snow-shoes made. Only 3 men here have ever seen Salmon River. One is next to blind, the other 2 lame. One of the latter must go. Two Americans this day started for Salt Lake. They are not sanguine; as the man I sent out has failed. They have an arduous task, wretched snow-shoes and this is the first time they ever used them. I sent men with them as far as the Indian village, as they in- tend sleeping there to-night (in case of stray beaver skin). The ice is very weak. One of the Americans had a narrow escape, a minute more and he would have gone. He made a noble struggle for his life. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 18274828 373 Wednesday 30th. I fear the man I sent with the Americans has gone off with them. I sent a messenger to the Indian village after him. Thursday 31. The absent man arrived. February 1. Men started with express in quest of McKay. Monday 4th. The 2 Americans who left on 28th unexpectedly made their appearance. Most agreeable to me but a cruel disap- pointment to them. They could only reach the sources of Portneuf River, whence they returned. Wednesday 6th. The Americans again making preparations to start for their depot. From precautions taken they may succeed and reach Salt Lake. This will be their third attempt, and they will have no time to lose if they are to return for the spring hunt. Sunday 10. Men who started in quest of McKay arrived. Again have they failed. Their guide had to return on account of lame- ness. They reached Day's Defile. I am obliged to make an- other attempt. It is impossible to make spring arrangements without McKay's party. My men will start again. The 2 Am- ericans again set out for their cache. It is laughable, so many attempts on both sides and no success. Was it not I feared a strong American party here I shd undertake the jour- ney myself and would succeed. Tuesday 12th Feb. At dawn of day Payette and 2 men set out in quest of Mc- Kay. A war party of Blackfeet has taken the direction of Salt Lake. The Americans left here are alarmed at the news not only on account of the two men but for their camp in that quarter. The Americans have only 24 horses left, the rest dead from cold & of the 50 they brought I have no ​374 Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 hope one horse can escape, though covered with robes each night. It will be difficult to reach Nez Perce's without them. The distance from this place to Burnt River is 400 miles, with the exception of 80 the navigation is good and with time we could pack our property over this distance. Saturday 16th. The 2 Americans arrived this afternoon accompanied by one of their traders 1 and 2 men they met on Portneuf River near the source. They report a fight with the Blackfeet and old Pierre the Iroquois who deserted from me 4 yrs. ago was killed and cut in pieces. Pierre owes a debt to the company but as we have a mortgage on his property in Canada we shall recover. Their traders from St. Louis did not arrive last tall owing to the severe weather in Salt Lake region. All except the freemen of the Flat Heads reached the depot safely. The loss in horses by Blackfeet has been 60. It was a novel sight in this part of the world to see a party arrive with dogs and sleds; for seldom are 2 in. of snow to be found here. They informed me His Royal Highness the Duke of York was dead, and ofi course the old story that we shall soon be obliged to leave the Columbia. At all events tho' they have later news than I have, the treaty 2 does not expire before November. Then we shall know what to expect. Monday 18th. By the arrival of the Americans we have a new stock of cards in camp, eight packs. Some of the American trappers have already lost upwards of $400 equal to 200 beavers, or to the Americans 800 beavers. Old Goddin who left me in the fall is in a fair way of going to St. Louis having sold his 8 horses and 10 traps for $1500. He has his fall and spring hunt equal to 600 more wh. makes him an independent man. In the H. _l>. service with the strictest economy barring acci- dents in the course of 10 years he might collect that sum. Is 1 Robert Campbell; see entry of Feb. 19th infra and Hist, of Amer. Fur Trade, p. 260. 2The treaty of Joint Occupation between England and the U. S. agreed to in November, 18 18. Mr. Ogden did not know that it had already been renewed. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 375 i it surprising men give preference to the American service and pay extravagant prices for beavers? Tuesday 19th. More rain. The Americans are making preparations to go to the Flat Heads. Their trader, Mr. Campbell, informed me 2 of their trappers Goodrich and Johnson who joined my camp last fall are heavily indebted to his concern. I replied I had no knowledge of the same and that it was his duty to secure his men and debts also. I said my conduct to them was far different from theirs to me four years since. 1 He said it was regretted; that there was no regular company otherwise I shd. have received compensation. It may be so. At all events, dependent on me, they cannot acknowledge less. I have acted honorable and shall continue so. Wednesday 20th. The 2 trappers are to return to the Americans. 30 tents of Snakes are starving near us. Stormy weather prevents the Americans attempting to cross the Barren Plains. Saturday 23rd. American party left for the Flat Heads and perhaps the Kootenays. They have a long journey but are well provided, tho' very silent regarding the object of the journey. I be- lieve they intend trapping the forks of the Missouri for which they are strong enough in numbers. Two of our horses dying a day from cold. March 1828. Cloudy cold weather. Scarcely risen when Payette made his appearance with 2 of McKay's men. He found McKay camped on the forks of Salmon River. He had sent 3 times in quest of us, but without success. He reports beaver 350, loss of horses 8. They found snug winter quarters, buffalo numerous, only 6 inches of snow. The men arrived snow blind. iln the spring of 1825; see introductory notes. ​376 Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 Monday 3rd March. Two Americans off for Salt Lake. They do not intend to return. The Indian who started last fall with my express for McKay, and did not reach him, and I concluded he is dead. I wish my letter could reach the Columbia before the spring express starts for York. Monday 17. The Americans now 5 in number more or less starving do not attempt to take beaver but gamble from morning to night. May they continue. My trappers are not idle. One canoe is finished ; preparations for 2 more. Will take beaver with our canoes. Wednesday 26 March. Americans with us since December departed for Salt Lake. We separated on good terms. Thursday 27. Two Americans arrived from Salt Lake surprised not to find their party here, whom they came to assist across the mountains. They intend going to the Utahs and started for Portneuf River. Two of McKay's men arrived with a letter. He cannot reach Day's Defile owing to the great depth of snow. He despairs of joining me. It will be impossible for us to go to Henry's Fork. Our numbers are too weak to face the war tribes. I have ordered McKay to try and join me. Saturday 30th. Moved to Portneuf River opposite the American camp. Tuesday 1st Ap. Encamped at Snake River. 8th Tuesday. I have appointed Sylvaille to trap Sickly River with 6 men to be at Nez Perces by end of July. Tuesday 17 April. Encamped Snake River 100 yds. from Benoit's grave. I warned the trappers to on guard against the Blackfeet. I ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 377 have doubled day and night guard owing to the Blackfeet across the river. Wednesday 23rd. Encamped on Blackfoot Hills. Thursday 24th. Have completed our 2nd M of beaver, independent of Mc- Kay's success. If no accident happens Sylvaille's part, I might reach Vancouver with 4000. I have only 16 men and dare not go to the source of these streams. Friday 25th Ap. Fine weather at last, 2 of the trappers arrived having nar- rowly escaped the Blackfeet. I wish to God McKay's party would make their appearance, and relieve my anxiety. Shd. an accident happen us all is lost. Sunday 27 Apr. Crossed Blackfoot Hills and camped opposite side Black- foot River near to discharge in south branch. From the top of Blackfoot Hill I could see plainly the Barren Plains of Three Knobs and entrance of Day's Defile no appearance of snow. At a loss to account for McKay's delay. Tuesday 6 May. Began retracing steps for Ft. Vancouver from entrance of Blackfoot River. Heard 5 shots across river, sent to recon- noitre and found 5 of McKay's men who reported that gentle- man 5 miles distant. They have been detained by snow. Thursday 8th. McKay and party arrived with 440 beaver. This strengthens us against the Blackfeet. Saturday 10th May. Fine weather; saw the track of a large band of horses and suspect the Blackfeet have stolen them from the Americans. The day guard called to arms and at a distance we saw an armed party on horseback making for our camp. In a second we were in readiness and having secured horses advanced to ​378 Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 meet them but in lieu of Blackfeet they proved to be Plains Snakes returned from Henry Forks. They report 2 days since raiding a party of Blackfeet. In the loot were clothes, hunters hats shoes etc horses belonging to the Americans who wintered with us. The furs were left on the plains. A con- vincing proof the Americans have been murdered and pillaged, knowing how blood thirsty the Bl. are and how careless the Americans. The sight of this caused gloom in camp. We may be doomed to the same fate. God preserve us. The Snakes are on the way to Salt Lake to find Americans there and obtain reward for restoration of property. Saturday 24. Again a stormy night of rain. Trappers started at an early hour and soon 2 arrived with the alarm Blkft! that Louis La Valle was killed within half a mile of camp. I gave orders to secure the horses and sent McKay with 12 men to rescue 4 trappers in the same direction fearing they were also killed. At mid day he returned with the body of the deceased wh. he found naked on the plains but not scalped. The absent trapper also came in with him. After the Blk. had killed La Valle they were discovered by the trappers, who hid. The war party 60 in number have come from Salt Lake. They had a bale wrapper with the Am. Co's name on it. I had the body interred — valuable smart loss. He leaves a wife and 3 children, destitute. (The month of June spent in crossing back over the moun- tains.) Tuesday 8 July. At dawn of day Mr. McKay left with a man preceding us to Sandwich Island River to find Sylvaille whom he found at the Indian Fish Pen. Two had gone to Nez Perce's and they had been attacked by 150 Blkft. on May 20 one woman killed, one Blkft. killed all horses lost but 650 beaver concealed in a cache on Sickly River. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal, 1827-1828 379 Monday 14 July. Left South Branch of Snake River and reached Burnt River; joined by 40 Indians on the way to the fort. Thursday 17 July. Reached powder River were met by 20 men sent from Nez Perce's by Mr. Black. The interior brigade 1 has not yet reached Fort Nez Perce's. Leaving the brigade in charge of F. Payette, I shall to-morrow leave for the fort. Saturday 19th. Reached Nez Perce's — all well. Tuesday 22nd July. Brigade arrived safe. Mr. McKay's party will join us at Ft. Vancouver. So ends my 4th trip to the Snake Country and I have to regret the loss of lives. The returns far exceed my expectations. 1 Carrying the furs from Thompson river and Kootenai and Flathead districts down the river to Fort Vancouver. ​JOURNAL OF PETER SKENE OGDEN; SNAKE EXPEDITION, 1828-1829 (As copied by Miss Agnes C. Laut in 1905, from Original in Hudson's Bay Company House, London, England.) September Monday 22nd. This day at 8 A. M. I took my departure from Fort Nez Perces once more for the Snake Country, at 3 P. M. I joined my party at the foot of the mountains 1 waiting my arrival. We are well provided regarding horses and traps but of indiffer- ent quality. I am confident if we find beaver we shall always find ways of conveying them to> Columbia River. Tuesday 23rd. At sunrise horses were assembled two found missing as we have a long days march and hard roads, I gave orders to start, remaining in the rear to look for the strays, one of the men requested to return to the fort for medicine this I granted. At 10 we found the lost horses and I overtook camp in the middle of the mountain, 9 of our horses gave out. Wednesday Ag. 24. Our horses were soon found. At 7 A. M. we started and reached the entrance of Grand Rondeau 2 at sunset all safe with the exception of y 2 bg of pease lost by a horse taking fright. Thursday 25th. Late in the night, the sick man arrived from the fort. He obtained some relief. I reed a few lines from Mr. Black. He has no complaint. We remained to make our tent poles 3 beyond this is no wood fit for the purpose. Two of the trap- pers started with traps. Hunters also started in pursuit of game but returned without success. 1 The same place as the year before, probably near Milton, Oregon. 2Near Summerville, Union county, Oregon. 3These lodgepoles were destined to be dragged a long way and their marks across the plains and mountains served to mark the track of future wagon and stage and railroads. ​382 Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 Friday 26th. Started at an early hour 6 A. M. and encamped on the Grand Ronde at 2 P. M. our horses fatigued, 8 in the rear — wild horses are very unfit for a long journey. Two trappers joined us with 4 beaver. Saturday 27th. Started at 7 A. M. crossed the Grand Ronde, ascended high stony hills advanced 6 miles, encamped on a small creek, 12 trappers started with their traps. They are to join us in 2 days. Sunday Sept 28th. Reached the fork of Powder River. Trappers came in with 9 beaver. Monday Sept 29. Encamped on Powder River; heat very great; 7 beaver. Tuesday 30th Sept. Sent off 6 men with lodges to Burnt River from thence to go up River Malheur where we shall meet. Also sent off 5 men across country to rejoin us on the forks of Malheur. It is only by dividing that returns can be made. Encamped at the Fountain. 1 One trap gave us 11 beaver. Wednesday 1st Oct. Encamped on fork of Burnt River. Thursday 2nd Oct. Encamped half way down Burnt River, a hilly country; 10 beaver. Sunday 5th. Appointed Payette and 7 trappers and 3 Indians to pro- ceed to north and south branches. In case of seeing Ameri- cans I gave Payette a small trading assortment. Monday 6th. did not reach unfortunate Malheur River till 4 P. M. At this point a Snake Indian was to assist as guide but so far no sign. 1 Query: Where was this fountain or spring on Powder river? ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 383 Thursday 9th Oct. One of the 5 men who started on the 20th arrived with word 8 of their horses were stolen 2 nights ago, and success in beaver is not great. In three days I shall join this party. Saturday nth Oct. At dusk reached a small fall of River Malheur a stony hilly road. Friday 17 Oct. One of the party who separated from us on Powder River arrived. I shall proceed to Sandwich Island River. Our trip gave us 7 beaver. Sunday 26th Oct. Started at day break. Advanced six miles. Reached a long lake 1 not suspecting the water was salt we advanced, when discovering it, we were obliged to retrace our steps to a small brook and camped at 4 P. M. having travelled all day to little purpose. Course S. E. Monday 27th. Started at 7 A. M. following the banks of Salt Lake 9 miles long 4 wide without a discharge. We passed a hot spring in a boiling state strong smell of sulphur, tracks and huts of Indians. All have fled. Saturday 1st November. Started at 7 A. M. our tracks this day between mountains on both sides over a plain covered with worm wood. The men saw 2 Indians whom they secured and brought to camp. More stupid brutes I never saw nor could we make him un- derstand our meaning. Gave him a looking glass and his liberty. In less than 10 minutes he was far from us. Monday 3rd. Had not advanced 3 miles when we found 3 large lakes covered with wild fowl. The water's have the taste of Globular salts. 1 Evidently now on waters draining toward the south, and in a region not known to have been explored before this time. ​384 Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 Tuesday 4th Nov. The three men in advance discovered 4 Indians one of whom directed them to follow the trail to a large river and he ad- vanced some distance with them, then deserted. A cold night. Reached a bend of the river and camped. Indians are most numerous, their subsistence grass roots and wild fowl. They fly in all directions. We are the first whites they have seen and they think we have come with no good intentions. Wednesday 5th Nov. Sent out 6 men to ascend the mountains in the highest parts and reconnoitre, followed the Indian back to the sources of the river. Passed the night without supper or sleep unable to come back to camp. Friday 7 Nov. At 7 A. M. we crossed over the river wh. from running thro' a number of lakes I have named River of the Lakes, although not a wide stream certainly a long one. Saturday 8 Nov. Crossed a plain and reached a stream similar in size to the River of the Lakes. The banks of the river are lined with huts and the river has natives most numerous. Sunday 9th Nov. One of the hunters in advance returned with word this river discharges into a lake no water or grass beyond only hills of sand. Reached the lake and camped. Surprised to find tho' the river discharges in the lake and takes a subterranean pas- sage it appears again taking an easterly course. Had not advanced 4 miles when a large stream appeared lined with willows. So> glad was I to see it that at the risk of my life, over swamps, hills and rocks, I made all speed to reach it and the first thing I saw was a beaver house well stocked. Monday 10th Nov. Long before dawn of day every trap, trapper was in motion. As dawn came the camp was deserted, success to them. I ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 385 gave orders for all to ascend the river as the season is now advanced we may expect the river to be frozen. Should this river flow to Sandwich Island River I trust we shall have full time to trap it. Tuesday nth. To ascertain if possible what course this river takes, I started at daylight and continued down the river till one P. M. As far as I could see, it must return from whence it came. Found trappers had arrived at night with 50 beavers. Thursday 13th. Had a cold night. Half our trappers absent. Those that came in brought 30 beaver. 6 Indians paid us a visit and traded 3 beaver. On asking what they had done with other skins, they pointed to their shoes and examination showed them to be made of beaver. This accounts for beaver being so wild. They told us toward the sources we shall find beaver more numerous. Monday 17th Nov. Started with the camp to find grass for the horses. Ad- vanced 6 miles 6 of the trappers came in with 41 beaver. The river is scarce of wood. Tuesday 18 Nov. At this season last year, we were surrounded by snow and ice. Weather is mild as September and the rattlesnakes have not yet gone. This gives us hope the winter will be mild. Wednesday 19 Nov. At 8 A. M. we started following the stream advanced 10 miles and encamped as usual on the banks of the river lined with deserted Indian villages, no less than 50 tents. 150 In- dians paid us a visit, miserable looking wretches, with scarcely any covering, the greater part without bows and arrows with- out any defence. They were fat and in good condition. Six trappers came in with 58 beaver, and 10 traded from the Indians make 68. They report the river lined with Indians. On our arrival, they took us for a war party but are now con​386 Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 vinced we war only on the beaver. They annoy us and have stolen 2 traps. By following us they make the beaver very wild. Thursday 20th Nov. Again 6o beaver to skin and dress. I wish the same cause may often detain us. Recovered one trap. 300 Indians around our camp : very peacable. This river takes a southern course. Saturday 22nd. 52 beaver; the river still fine; dead water and willows in abundance : gale of wind from the south and appearances of rain. Sunday 23rd. Rain: three Snake Indians arrived and informed us they were from the Twin Falls 1 of the Snakes and that 2 mos. since 6 Americans had been killed there, by the Snake camp. I am confident it is not Payette's Party, as they were not to go in that direction. Course south, mountains visible in all direc- tions. We need 200 to complete our 1st thousand beaver. Tuesday 25th Nov. stormy night: 2 inches of snow. Bad weather and the ar- rival of one of the trappers late last night dangerously ill prevented us raising camp. This poor man stands but a slight chance of recovery. Wednesday Aug 26th. The sick man dangerously ill. On requesting if we could raise camp he replied he could not move and requested us as an act of charity to end his sufferings by throwing him in the river. I am not of opinion he will recover. Yet he may linger for days. Saturday 29th. Trappers started at dawn of day. I wish it was in my power to follow them but the sick man cannot stir. 1 Twin Falls is a more prominent locality now than then. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 387 Thursday 4 Dec. Cold severe. Sick man no better. If the weather would moderate I would make an attempt to move. It is the general opinion he cannot survive. At all events by care and attention we shall not hasten his death, nor prevent recovery; but are in a critical situation, our horses starving, our provisions low. Granting it may hasten the death of our sick man, we have no alternative left. God forbid it should hasten his death. At the same time the interests of the others who are now becom- ing most anxious from the low ebb of provisions must be at- tended to. So long as they had food, there was no murmur. Now it is the reverse and I cannot blame them. Saturday 6th Dec. With 2 men to assist the sick man, we raised camp, had a fire made and place cleared for his arrival. He did not suffer more than usual. One Snake tells us we shall soon reach buffalo. Monday 8th. At 9 A. M. we started. I gave the sick man 2 men to assist him and lead his horse, taking every precaution to have him well covered with robes and blankets as from the cold and our having a long point of land to cross over, we had a hilly road, snow 2 ft. deep, camp 3 P. M. Shortly after one of the men in charge of the sick man arrived and reported the horse had become so fatigued they could not advance. I sent off 2 horses to their aid. About 7 P. M. they arrived. He does not complain of having suffered. Course S. E. Tuesday 9th. From the sufferings of the man during the night, it was impossible to raise camp. Cold most severe. The river fast bound with ice. Provisions very low. Not a track of an animal to be seen. Wednesday 10th. Cold. 2 men came forward this A. M. and volunteered to remain with the sick man as the latter requested I would ​388 Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 consent to go on without him in quest of provisions and not apprehending danger from natives, I gave my consent. In fact there was no alternative. It is impossible for the whole party to remain here and feed on horse flesh for four months. ioo would scarcely suffice, and what would become of us after- wards? I secured an Indian to accompany us as guide, in- forming them of our intention to return and not to molest those I left behind, otherwise I would not only retaliate on them, but on the one who accompanied us. I gave the men a bag of pease and a 3 yr. old colt and strict orders of every precaution for their safety. At 10 A. M. we started along the banks of the River: crossed over on the ice and camped at sunset. Thursday 18 Dec. At 9 A. M. we started. Travelled over a level country until 2 P. M. when we crossed over a large range of high hills and descended a very high hill where we reached a fine level plain with scarcely any snow. Here we found a small lake and encamped at dusk. Course east. Our guide informed us we were near the Utas Country not far distant from. Salt Lake. I am fully aware we shall find nothing but salt water not palatable in our starving state. Friday 19th Dec. 10 A. M. started north east over a barren plain covered with worm wood at a good pace till night when finding snow in abundance I camped. 2 horses killed for food. A gloomy barren country. Except for tracks of wolves no other animals seen. Sunday 21st Our guide informed me by starting at an early hour we would find water for camp, which our horses stand greatly in need of. Tho' we travelled as fast as our worn out horses could, it was night ere we crossed the plain and reached a small brook and piercing the ice found the water too salt to drink but by melting the ice it was tolerable. This day the killed an antelope. A large herd seen but very wild. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 389 Monday 22nd. Our horses appeared to relish the salt water for we had difficulty driving them from it. At 2 P. M. fell on a large Indian track of not long since Snakes wh. appear to be travel- ling in the same direction as we, no doubt in pursuit of the same object. Tuesday 23rd. It was fortunate we had a track. Otherwise from the fog we should have been obliged to remain in camp. Wednesday 24th. Our guide quarrelled over horses and deserted. Friday 26th. Had a distant view of great Salt Lake, heavy fogs around it. Country is covered with cedars. From the tracks, buf- falo must be abundant. At present none. On the eve of camp- ing we were surprised to see our guide come in with a cheer- ful countenance. He informed us he had seen an Indian wl;o reported buffalo, not far off. I trust this is true, as we are wretched reduced to skin and bone. Hunters killed 3 antelope. This will assist, tho' poor food at this season, but far prefera- ble to horse flesh that die of disease. Sunday 28th. With my consent 8 men started in advance in quest of food, the party having been three days without food. Here we are at the end of Great Salt Lake having this season explored one half of the north side of it and can safely assert as the Am- ericans have of the south side that it is a barren country desti- tute of everything. Continued over a barren plain. Seeing it was impossible to reach the mountains we encamped. Monday 29th. Late ere our horses were found. Had not advanced more than half a mile when we found 2 springs of fresh water for our poor horses. We continued till 3 P. M. When we reached the mountains and camped. Here again disappointed, no ​390 Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 water. One of our horses fell down so weak and reduced he could rise no more. I had him killed and the meat gave those most in want. To be reduced to food of diseased horses is not desirable. Tuesday 30th. Descended into a level plain and found 2 camps of Snake Indians who can give little assistance in provisions. The men who started on the 28th succeeded in killing 2 buffalo. There was no appearance of any herd. Indians numerous but not troublesome. 1829 Thursday 1 Jan. One of the trappers left in charge of the sick man arrived with his horse fatigued and informed me that our sick man Joseph Paul died 8 days after we left suffering most severely, a young man only 29, steady and a first rate trapper. There remains now only one man of all the Snake men of 1829. 1 All have been killed with the exception of 2 who died a nat- ural death and are scattered over the Snake Country. It is incredible the number that have fallen in this country. I sent 2 horses back to assist the remaining man to camp. Saturday 3rd. This day kept by all as a feast and I gave all a dram and a foot of tobacco per man. I purpose remaining to rest our horses. They would require a month to have their feet healed. Sunday 4 Jan. Two men in the rear arrived but a woman two children and one pack of beaver 9 traps and 6 horses have been lost for 3 days. Among so many Indians I apprehend the worst and sent 4 men to the place she was last seen. Four Indians ar- rived well armed. Traps gave 1 1 beaver as good fur as in the Columbia. 1 Evidently a mistaken figure and the year 1819 intended, which was the first year the Northwesters, predecessors of the H. B. Co., sent a trapping party to the Snake Country. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 391 Monday 5th Jan. Truly glad to see the lost women with all the property. She blames herself for having gone astray. Day after she lost our tracks she fell in with 2 Indians who behaved most kindly towards her, defended her property from other Indians who attempted to molest her and rendered her every assistance. It is strange there should be beaver here as the Americans have been in this country for 4 years. I cannot ascertain if this stream 1 discharges in Salt Lake or in Bear River. 14 beaver. I omitted to assert that I sent 10 Indians to Snake River with a letter addressed to Mr. C. Grant intimat- ing I could not form a union with him owing to the low state of my horses recommending him to the South Branch, 2 send- ing this letter by a Snake Chief, but they inform me there are no traders in that quarter. So I suppose the York Factory 3 Snake expedition has been retarded; and the accounts they give of the Americans corresponds with the traders here — ■ they had all gone towards the Flat Head Country probably to the Blackfeet; no buffalo in the Snake River; but Blackfeet numerous. Monday 12th. A stormy night. Crossed over the height of land and camp- ed on the forks of Portneuf River. We must cross to the waters of Bear's River and if there be no Americans I expect to find buffalo. On the lower part of this river, the Snake camp is starving. Thursday 15th. We have commenced our 2nd thousand of beaver. I do not despair of completing 2 more before reaching Nez Perces. From Payette's party no accounts have come. Tuesday 17 Jan. The cold has not moderated for a month but on the increase : a sick man still complaining. I have given him all the purges 1 Probably the Malade river in Northern Utah. 2That is, Snake river. 3 See entry of Dec. 14th, 1827, in next previous journal. ​392 Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 I have and it is his duty to recover ; for he can expect no more assistance from me. 1 Monday 29th March. In sight of Salt Lake again. As there appears to be a defile for crossing- the mountains, I proposed for our men to fish and follow by track of 1826. The Blackfeet and Snakes are now scattered in quest of fish and roots. I am in hopes the party will collect 400 beaver. This leaves me only 14 men and if I may judge from what I saw last fall an unknown River, we shall require to be on our guard against Indians. It being the first year we have had any intercourse with the Indians they are very shy. Since starting from Fort Nez Perces my party is divided into three. God prosper us all! To the separating party I gave directions to reach the Colum- bia by the 30th of July, gave the charge to Plante. Tuesday 30th. This morning 12 men 24 horses and all our traps started for Unknown River. They will reach the river 8 days before me. I wish them success. All is now in motion. Reached Foggy Encampment, 1 the weather being clear had a good view of Salt Lake and Mountain Island 2 prom, point which from its snow must be very high. On both sides of the Salt Lake is high land surrounded by mountains. Beyond these mountains west tho' the lake has no discharge, there must be a large river in a bar- ren country. Thursday 8 Ap. At 11 A. M. we reached the forks of Unknown River, and found trappers awaiting with 43 beaver. Our trappers being at the upper part of the river and finding no beaver have gone down. Crossed over the river still very low and decended down the stream finding Indians fishing salmon trout. 1 Mr. Ogden should have been called Doctor Ogden. iTheir camp on Dec. 23rd last. 2Promontory Point? ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 393 Sunday n Ap. Reached the place where we left this river last fall. Three of the absent trappers arrived with 57 beaver. Tuesday 13 Apr. Continued our course down the river to within a mile of Paul's Grave where we found the other trappers with 50 beaver. We shall steer our course in quest of Sandwich Island River 4 days travel from Unknown River. All the Indians say we shall find beaver there. Paul's grave examined. All safe. Thursday 15 April: Crossed mtns. and plain and reached the junction of the forks of Sandwich Island River. Trappers took 32 beaver. Sunday 2nd May : Sandwich Island River has disappointed us in beaver. I must retrace our way to Unknown River. Saturday 7th May : Before starting this day, I learned 2 Indians who accom- panied us from the Columbia started last night on a horse thieving expedition. Hunting to-day they discovered tracks of horses and are gone in pursuit to rejoin us in 4 days. They stand a chance of losing their lives. Sunday 8th. Followed down Unknown River. Keep most strict watch day and night on our horses. The Snakes on this river dress in beaver skin. Trappers brought in 41 beaver. We require 300 to complete our 2nd M. The horse thieving Indians have come back, having been pursued and compelled to abandon the 5 horses they stole. Country is level as far as the eye can see. I am at a loss to know where this river discharges. Sunday 15th May : Started at dawn to escape the heat, the journey over beds of sand the horses sinking half leg deep, the country level tho' at distance hilly — course S. W. The Indians are not ​394 Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 numerous in this quarter, but from the number of fires seen on the mountains are fully aware of our presence, and we must look out for our horses. 75 traps produced 37 beaver. This is tolerable ; for we usually receive only a third. In no part have I found beaver so abundant. The total number of American trappers in this region 1 at this time exceeds 80. I have only 28 trappers, 15 in 2 parties, and shall be well pleased if one of the 2 parties escapes. The trappers now average 125 beaver a man and are greatly pleased with their success. Tuesday 17th May. large tracks of pelicans seen indicate a lake. If it prove salt ; beaver will be at an end. Two Indians seen at a distance. Thursday 21st May. Remained in camp to dry our beaver. One of the trappers in the rear visiting his traps had his horses stolen before he could come out of the bushes the Indian was nearly out of sight. Another trapper who had been to the lower part of the river to set traps was on his return when 4 Indians seized his gun and would have taken his life had he not escaped, 3 arrows being sent after him. This is a strong tribe of natives probably the same branch as in Pitts River very daring. 1 I have ordered; the trappers to go out only in twos and to be strictly on their guard. Friday 27th May. Encamped within a mile of a large lake. 2 The river is not half the size it was, no doubt spreading in the swamp we have passed. It is 2J/2 ft. deep and only 10 yds. wide. We may now think of retracing our steps. It is too far on in the season to proceed on discovery. Course S. W. Saturday 28th May. 3 of the trappers came in with word of more traps stolen. He pursued the thieves and punished them but could not re- cover the traps. A man who had gone to explore the lake at 1 Modoc Indians. 2Marked Unknown Lake on Ogden's map, and the place where 280 Indians attacked him and he turned back. ​Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 395 this moment dashed in and gave the alarm of the enemy. He had a most narrow escape, only the fleetness of his horse saved his life. When rounding a point within sight of the lake, 20 men on horse back gave the war cry. He fled. An Indian would have overtaken him, but he discharged his gun. He says the hills are covered with Indians. I gave orders to se- cure the horses, 10 men then started in advance to ascertain what the Indians were doing but not to risk a battle as we were too weak. They reported upwards of 200 Indians marching on our camp. They came on. Having signalled a spot for them about 500 yards from our camp, I desired them to be seated. This order was obeyed. 1 From their dress and drums and the fact only one elderly man was with them, I concluded it was a war party. If they had not been discovered, they had intended to attack us, weak as we were in guns — only 12 — they would have been successful. It was a narrow escape. They gave us the following information through the Snake interpreter: this river discharges in a lake which has no out- let. In 8 days, march (westward) there is a large river but no beaver, salmon abundant. There is also another river which must be Pitt's River. We saw rifles ammunition and arms among them and I think this must be the plunder of Smith's 2 party of 10, who were murdered here in the fall. They requested to be allowed to enter the camp. I refused. A more daring set I have not seen. Sunday 29 May. The night dark and stormy, but this morning all safe. The Indians had fires all night. As I do not wish to infringe on McLeod's territory, I gave orders to raise camp and return. McLeod's territory is the water discharging in the ocean. 3 1 Proves very conclusively that Mr. Ogden was a man of nerve. He had only fourteen men with him. 2Must refer to the experience of Jed. S. Smith with the Mohave Indians further to the south on his way to California in the Fall of 1827. 3The Mr. McLeod who was afterward a familiar figure in the Snake Country, representing the H. B. Co. at the annual rendezvous and showing kindness to the Amer. missionaries en route to Oregon. ​396 Peter Skene Ogden Journal. 1828-1829 If Mr. McLeod has succeeded in reaching Bona Ventura he must have crossed this stream. We have only 50 traps re- maining and my party are too weak to advance. I told the Indians in three months they would see us again. 1 Thursday 2nd of June. We are directing our course to Sylvaille's River Day's De- file and Snake River, Unknown River is known as Swampy River or Paul's River, 2 as he must remain here till the great trumpet shall sound. Sunday 5th June: Left Unknown River in the rear. Saturday 25th June : we are now across the Blue Mountains reaching a small fork of Day's River. Hope to reach Nez Perces in 12 days. Tuesday 5 July: As the track to Nez Perces is now well known, and no dan- ger to be apprehended, I shall to-morrow leave with 2 men for the fort. Thus ends my 5th trip to the Snake Country. We have no cause to complain of our returns. 3 1 Mr. Ogden kept his appointment. The following fall he passed this way on the way to California, of which journey we have no record. 2A few more names for this river, which should rightly be designated the Ogden river, instead of the Humboldt. Maj. Chittenden and others speak of it being called Mary's river, which evidently was merely a trapper's story similar to another told by Jos. V. Meek to Mrs. Victor; see Or. Hist. Quarterly for Nov., 1909. 3According to previous entry on the 15th of May the catch amounted to 125 beaver to the man or over 3500, with the two detached parties to hear from as to later success. The responsibility of getting these valuable furs to the Columbia in safety must have been considerable. One authority (John Keist Lord) states that they were transported in packs of sixty pounds each and two packs to the
CORRECTIONS
To the Editor:—
Two very minor inaccuracies have come to my notice in the "Peter Skene Ogden Fur Trader," article printed in Vol. XL No. 33, (Sept., 1910) number of the Quarterly, as follows:—
Page 253, line 15 should read thirty MILE instead of thirty league limit.
Page 274, line 7, should read AT LAKE instead of of Fort Stuart.
The second paragraph of page 262 also is rendered more valuable historically by an excerpt from a letter dated at Wai- ilatpu Oct. 26th, 1845, written by Marcus Whitman to the Sec. of the Amer. Board of Com. of Foreign Missions and now on file in their archives at Boston and copied there by the late Wm. I. Marshall and printed by him in his H. B. Co. Arch- ives pamphlet at page 26, as follows :
"Mr. Ogden passed down in August last, but was not able to visit us. But Mr. McKinlay, his son-in-law, came up im- mediately and gave us his kindest assurances, together with much interesting information. Mr. Ogden comes back to become the General Superintendent of the Company's busi- ness in this country and vicinity, and is to travel most of his time from Post to Post, while Mr. Douglas is to remain at Vancouver and succeed Dr. McLoughlin, who soon retires on his own private account and settles at the Falls of the Willa- mette on the S. side of which he is the proprietor."
This letter indicates clearly the relative positions in the H. B. Co. held by Mr. Ogden and Mr. Douglas after the retire- ment of Dr. McLoughlin from Fort Vancouver, which was the only Factory (where Factors resided) of the Company on the Columbia. Mr. Ogden's appointment as Chief Factor antedated that of Mr. Douglas by some five years.
T. C. Elliott.
DOCUMENT.
The following is the text of a letter that was written by Peter Skeen Ogden to Rev. Elkanah Walker just subsequent to Ogden's effecting the rescue of the survivors of the Whitman Mission massacre. The original is in the possession of Mr. S. T. Walker, who kindly made the copy for publication :
Nez Perce, Dec. 31, 1847.
Rev. E. Walker,
My Dear Sir: —
Mr. Stanley has promised you a recital of the melancholy massacre of the worthy Doctor his wife and nearly all of the inmates of the Mission. Receiving this account at Vancouver and that many unfortunate Individuals were still surviving the following day I started with 16 men and reached there on the 12 inst and since that period have been employed in rescu- ing the Captives and have succeeded in securing all that were taken prisoners and shall now take my departure for Van- couver in effecting this humane object I have endured many an anxious time and for the last two nights have not closed my eyes but thanks to the Almighty I have succeeded during the captivity of the Prisoners they have suffered every indig- nity but fortunately now all are provided with food. I have been enabled to effect this object without compromising myself or others and it now remains with the American Govt to take what measures they may most beneficial to sustain to sustain tranquility to this part of the Country and this I apprehend cannot be finally effected without blood being made to flow freely. So as not to compromise either party I have made a heavy sacrifice of goods but these are of indeed trifling value compared to the unfortunate beings I have rescued from the hands of these murderous wretches and I feel truly happy but let this suffice for the present.
On my arrival at the Dalles Mr. Hindman's (Alanson Hin- man — S. T. W.) mission the previous day had been plundered of four Horses in open day and in the presence of all the In- mates of Mission and on consulting me on the propriety of re​maining or removing under the present distracted state of the country I advised him to remove leaving a party of Indians on whom he could rely and who speak the English language to remain in charge of the Establishment and he would have started the same day I left it. I trust this arrangement will meet with your approbation under existing circumstances could not conscientiously give any other.
I duly received your friendly letter per Mr. Stanley but at present my thoughts are not sufficiently composed to make a suitable reply. The measles and dysentery were raging at Van- couver when I took my departure. 210 were on the sick list but fortunately not a death in other respects all quiet may I request you will give this every facility to reach Colville and with my kind regard to all the inmates of your hospitable Mission I remain yours truly
(Signed) Peter Sken Ogden.
From Dr. Whitman's mission, 6 men, 8 women, 37 children.
Part V
Use of Public Credit by the State of Oregon
INDEBTEDNESS DUE TO THE NEEDS OF PUBLIC DEFENSE Once only has Oregon dealt with the bond broker, and then the amount of bonds sold was but sixty thousand dollars/ Sev- eral issues of state bonds have been authorized; but they have been made over directly either to the individuals whose claims upon the state's bounty or relief were recognized, or to an agency undertaking a work of public improvement. The narrow limits within which the state has held itself in its use of its public credit have been justified on the ground that there has been no pressing exigency in its history war- ranting the shifting of any considerable burden upon a suc- ceeding generation; neither has any public work or public building been constructed of such monumental character as to make it seemly to share the cost with the generation that fol- lowed. Bond Issues to Volunteers During the Civil War Period — Bounty Bonds. Oregon was admitted as a state on the eve of the opening of the Civil War, but the mountainous mass of indebtedness that the meeting of this crisis brought upon other northern states Oregon to a large degree escaped. Its remote and lonely loca- tion in the Pacific Northwest for once was an advantage; participation in the fierce struggle between the states was denied it through the fact that a two-thousand-mile stretch of wilderness, unspanned by any iron way, lay between it and the scene of conflict. Furthermore, in the composition of its people it was essentially a border state. Neighborhoods were made up almost equally of sympathizers with the opposing sides. Sectional feelings were tense. The only safety lay in mutual restraint/ iLaws of Oregon, 1880, pp. 13-16. 2The anomalous state of the public mind in Oregon at this time is evinced in the history of the first attempt to raise federal troops in 1861. As the regulars had been called East so that only seven hundred remained to garrison the eight forts and temporary posts in Oregon and Washington, Colonel George Wright, com- manding the district of Oregon and Washington, made a requisition upon Governor Whiteaker in the summer of 1861 for a cavalry company to be enlisted for three years, unless sooner discharged. Hostile demonstrations of the Indians east of the Cascades was the special reason given for the call. The Governor had been openly and consistently opposed to "political views" of the party in power, but disavowed any intention of "trammeling the action" of the Government. When the Governor essayed through a recruiting officer, cherishing like sentiments with himself, to raise the troops there was little alacrity of response. The cause of reluctance to enlist might have been economic rather than political. Nevertheless, the national authorities after a few weeks ignored the Governor. The few men that had been enrolled were ordered disbanded and the War Department authorized Colonel Cornelius to raise a regiment for the Oregon District. — Governor's Message and Executive Correspondence, Appendix to House Journal, pp. 4" 2 S« ​404 F. G. Young There was, however, need for an effective marching and fighting force in the Pacific Northwest to discourage the In- dians from indulging their marauding propensities. The iso- lated settlers east of the Cascades, the miners pushing their prospecting activities far in all directions towards the Rockies, the scattered groups of immigrants trailing in on the last stretches of an exhausting season's march across the plains — all these were suffering as victims of savage cruelties. Reports of massacres were frequent. The work of patrolling the vast area of country between the Cascades and the Rockies was a responsibility that belonged to the national government. To insure effective protection against the treachery of the Indians of this region a force was needed quite as large as the quota due from the fifty thousand people who comprised the population of Oregon. The First Oregon Cavalry that had been recruited by Colonel Cornelius in the fall and winter of 1861 were putting in their three years' term of enlistment in this Indian watching-and-fighting service. It had meant pri- vations and hardships with none of the compensations inci- dent to participation in real fighting at the front in the South. By the summer of 1863 their ranks had become thinned and additional companies were called for. The efforts of Governor Gibbs, a most loyal Union sympathizer, to secure recruits were even less successful than had been those of Governor Whiteaker a few years before. Six additional companies were needed and some forty men in all were secured. Neither the prospec- tive service in the Indian country nor the pay was a sufficient inducement. 1 In the fall of 1864, when the terms of enlistment of the men of the First Oregon Cavalry were about to expire, there was still no prospect of securing their re-enlistment, or new recruits to take their places ; yet troops for this Northwest service must i "I am sorry to say that the recruiting for the six new companies of the Oregon Cavalry goes on slowly. The out-place and out-of -business population who were expected to fill up the ranks, have their eyes on the mines, more than the stripes and stars. True, we are an adventurous people, but equally commercial, and between the bayonet and the pick, we prefer to take the chances with the latter. The company recruiting at this point now numbers about 25, but I believe the recruiting officers at other places have so far made a waterhaul. There are a good many who offer to enlist as captains, and some few as lieutenants, but below that their aspirations do not descend. The progress in this respect may be well illustrated by the following anecdote: Not long since a little son of Gov. Gibbs was met on the street by an acquaintance of his father's, and was asked what the Governor was doing. The lad promptly replied that he was trying to raise volun- teers. 'With what success?' says the patronizing friend. 'Oh,' says Willie, with a face full of juvenile irony, 'he is doing very well; he has one captain, and thinks he knows where he can find another.' " — San Francisco Bulletin, Letter from Portland, February 25, 1863. ​Financial History of Oregon 405 be had. On October 20, 1864, Governor Gibbs was called upon by Major General Irwin McDowell, — commanding the Depart- ment of the Pacific, and acting under the authority of the War Department, — for a regiment of infantry, to be mustered into the service for three years, unless sooner discharged. This meant a draft with the alternative of raising the quota by enlistment. A state bounty as an inducement to secure enlistments had been suggested to Governor Gibbs by Brigadier General Al- vord, commanding the District of Oregon. The legislature was in session, though just about to adjourn. The Governor immediately on receiving the telegram from General McDow- ell sent in a special message announcing this call for a new regiment of infantry and suggested the passage of an act for the payment of a bounty for enlistment. There was no hesi- tation on the part of the legislature. A bounty of $150 to each volunteer enlisting for a term of three years was provided. This sum was to be paid in three installments of $50 each ; the first at the time of enlistment; the second at the end of the first year of service ; and the third at the expiration of service. The payment of each installment was in the form of a state bond issued to the claimant, due in twenty years and bearing interest at seven per cent, payable semi-annually. The principal and interest were to be paid in coin. A state tax of one mill was to be levied annually for securing funds to pay interest and principal. Whenever a surplus of $10,000 was thus accu- mulated from this tax it was to be used in redeeming bonds offered at rates not exceeding par value. 1 iThe following are the quotations from the letter of General Alvord used by the Governor in his special message of Oct. 20, 1864, asking for the passage of a bounty law : "For the defense of the frontier against Indians, it is necessary that the present military force in the district of Oregon should be maintained. I have been compelled to reduce Forts Colville and Lapwai to one company each, which is too small a force. The 1st Oregon Cavalry has performed the past summer efficient and admirable service in that part of Oregon south of the Columbia river and east of the Cascade Mountains. Traversed in every direction by thousands of miners the last summer, the presence and activity of the troops has been of the utmost importance, in protecting that region against the Snake Indians. I feel that it is very important for the public service, as I have continually repre- sented to you for a long time, that the legislature of Oregon should pass a law giving bounty to volunteers. Every state has passed such laws." Judge M. P. Deady, the Oregon correspondent to the San Francisco Bulletin, in his letter of October 22, made the following comment on this matter: "A few days since the Governor of this state received a telegram from Gen. McDowell calling for 1,000 men to take the place of the Oregon Cavalry, now about being mustered out of service. In other words, the draft was ordered in Oregon with the alternative of raising the quota by enlistment. The Governor at once sent a special message to the Assembly recommending the passage of a law for paying bounties for enlistment. The military committees went to work, and by midnight of the next day an act was passed appropriating $200,000 and offering a bounty of $150 to the man." See text of this act, "Acts and Resolutions, 1866, Appendix, "Unpublished Laws of 1864," pp. 98-104. ​406 F. G. Young A statistical abstract of the administration of this bounty bond issue is given herewith : SOLDERS' BOUNTY BONDS Authorized October 24, 1864 Date of Treasurers' Report Total Amount of Bonds Issued to Date Amount of Bonds Outstanding at the Beginning of Period Debt Reduction During Period Outlay in Payments of Principal Interest Payments Payment for Adver- oSf Total Payments on Debt During Period 18661 1868 1870 1872 1874 1876 1878 1880 1882 1884 1886 131,100 137,650 137,700 137,700 137,700 137,700 137,700 137,700 137,700 137,700 137,700 4,606.752 17,134.20 9.740.50 7,463.75 6,644.75 3,824.259 3,578.7510 4,110.7511 3,542.75 4,940.50 1,386.00 4,606.75 60,769.20 48,533.02 9,256.75 25,146.85 3,824.25 3,678.75 4,810.75 3,542.75 22,140.50 9,236.00 137,650 88,100 48,400 46,800 26,5008 26,500 26,400 25,85012 25,850 7,950 49,6003 39,700 1,600 18,300 43,635.00 4 38,712.52 5 1,593.50 6 18,300.00 7 80,00 199.50 202 .10 100 700 100 00 700 00 18,200 7,850 18,200.0013 7,850.0014 Soldiers' Bounty Bonds Notes. (j) The amount of Bounty Bonds authorized to be issued was $200,000. "Up to August 15, 1866, $131,000 of such bonds have been prepared and placed in the hands of the State Treasurer for payment to the soldier or his authorized agent. fo meet the entire obligation will require an issue of $4,000 more." — Report of Secretary of State, 1866, pp. 4-5. (2) Estimated amount of coupons outstanding and due, $4,591.00. — State Treasurer's Report, 1866, p. 35. (3) Treasurer's Report, 1868, p. 35. (4) Secretary of State's Report, 1868, p. 16. The Secretary states that the "bonds redeemed" amounted to $43,635.00. He confused the sum paid out in buying up bonds at varying rates of discount with the amount of the par value of the bonds redeemed. (5) Treasurer's Report, 1870, pp. 24, 28, and 33-35. The list' of the sixty bonds issued, but not delivered, is given on page 35. Twenty-six of the sixty are designated as "deserters." (6) Treasurer's Report, 1872, pp. 130-1, 138. Thirteen additional bonds had been delivered since the preceding reports. Cash on hand applicable to interest and redemption, $69,095.48. (7) Treasurer's Report, 1874, pp. 102-108. Seven additional bonds had been delivered. Cash on hand in fund available for interest payments and redemption of bonds was $21,613.97. (8 and 9) Treasurer's Report, 1876, pp. 116, 121. The forty bonds filled out, but not delivered, are not in this report, nor in the subsequent reports, included as "state indebtedness." (70) Treasurer's Report, 1878, pp. 149-150, 174. (11) Treasurer's Report, 1880, pp. viii, 82. The itemized statement of dis- bursements from the "Soldiers' Bounty Fund" includes items of bond redemption amounting to 14 bonds. The list of "Liabilties" of the state gives the sum of bounty bonds outstanding as $25,850. There is thus a discrepancy of $150. The delivery of three additional bonds would be a natural surmise, but the list of un- delivered bonds later given does not admit of this surmise. (12) State Treasurer's Report, 1882, p. 85. (13) State Treasurer's Report, 1885, pp. 10 and 103. The itemized statement of disbursements from the "Soldiers' Bounty Fund" includes items of bond redemption amounting to 364 bonds. The "List of Liabilities of the State of Oregon" gives the sum of bounty bonds outstanding as $7,950. This again could be harmonized with the statements of the two precedng reports only on the basis of the delivery of six additional bonds. The State Treasurer, however, forestalls ​Financial History of Oregon 407 such an explanation by saying that "a careful and complete revision of the con- dition of the Soldiers' Bounty Fund, that is, a comparison of bonds redeemed by former Treasurers and myself, with bonds issued, shows that there are still out- standing 159 bonds of this issue. * * * The apparent discrepancy between this and my report for 1882 arises from the fact that the report for that year, together with the report of 1880, was made upon the basis of the reports of former Treasurers, in each case the amount of bonds redeemed by myself being deducted from the amount of bonds reported as outstanding at the time the several reports were made." This statement still leaves the report of 1880 in a bad light and proves nothing as to the source of the discrepancy. (14) The Treasurer's Report, 1887, p. 129, shows that 157 bonds were redeemed, but the debt statement, p. 10, shows only one bond outstanding at the close of this period — one bond having been lost sight of. On page 161 of the report occurs the list of 40 persons for whom bounty bonds were issued but which had not been called for. 1890. The Treasurers' reports from 1887 to 1899 retain unchanged the item of "Soldiers' Bounty Bonds, $50." From 1893 on there stands in connection with it the announcement that "forty soldier bounty bonds of $50.00 each (exclusive of interest) still remain uncalled for, the same being issued under date of January 1, 1866." However, without explanation in 1899 the announcement reads: "Thirty- eight soldier bounty bonds of $50 each," etc. In 1899 a bounty bond (Face $50.00, Interest $68.25) was paid, p. 17 of report of 1901. The same report gets the interest due on the 38 bonds wrong, giving it as $2,612.50. The following report states it correctly as $2,593.50, making total liability on these 38 bonds to be $4,493.50. And so the matter still stands. Relief Bonds. It was eminently fitting that as a companion act to that granting bounties for future enlistments for the Indian fight- ing service should be one making similar substantial provision for the men of the First Oregon Cavalry whose terms of ser- vice were just expiring. An act known as "the Relief Act" was passed on the same day with the Bounty Act. It provided for the payment by the state of five dollars per month to each commissioned officer and enlisted soldier "of the companies of Oregon Volunteers raised in this state for the service of the United States to aid in repelling invasions, suppressing insur- rection, enforcing the laws and protecting public property, in addition to the pay allowed them by the United States." This "relief" was due after the term of enlistment had been served, or an honorable discharge granted. The payment took the form of a state bond due in ten years, bearing seven per cent interest, payable semi-annually ; interest and principal payable in coin. A tax of one-half mill was to be levied annually to meet payments of principal and interest. A provision, similar to that with the bounty fund, regarding the use of any accumulated surplus of ten thousand dollars or more, directed the application of such surplus towards the redemption of bon ds so as "to redeem the greatest number of bonds, until the amount of caslfon hand for redemption is exhausted." 1 iActs and Resolutions, 1866, Appendix, "Unpublished Laws of 1864, pp. 104-108. ​408 F. G. Young A statistical abstract of the administration of this issue of "relief bonds" follows : SOLDIERS' RELIEF BONDS Authorized October 24, 1864 Date of > Treasurers' Report Total Bonds Issued to date Amount of Bonds Outstanding at the Beginning of Period Debt Reduction During Period Outlay in Payments of Principal Interest Payments Payments for Advertising Call Total Payment* 1866 1868 1870 1872 1874 1876 1878 1886 81,474.00 92,395.00 93,637.00 93,637.00 93,637.00 93,637.00 93,637.00 93,637.00 5,633.63 12,815.49 9,353.31 8,669.25 6,675.67 1,597.85 5,633.63 23,070.99 29,361.52 23,693.53 32,148.77 21,583.85 81,474.00 82,242.00 61,183.00 46,027.00 20,747.00 761.00 761.00 11,395.00 21,059.00 15,156.00 25,280.00 19,986.00 10,255.50 19,936.21 14,935.28 25,280.00 29,986.00 72.00 89.00 193.10 141.53 141.53 141.53 Soldiers' Relief Bonds Notes. i 866. Secretary of State's Report, pp. 4-5. "The amount of bonds issued under the second, denominated 'Relief,' to Sept. 1st, 1866, is $81,484.00, and I am informed by the Adjutant General that two thousand dollars in addition will be required, exclusive of the amount due to the officers and soldiers who were in the service more than thirty-six months and hence entitled to pay." 1868. Treasurer's Report, 1868, p. 40. Amount of bonds redeemed is given as $11,395.00. The Secretary of State's Report, 1868, p. 16, gives the amount issued as $92,395.00. In computing the amount outstanding the Secretary sub- tracts $10,255.50, the sum paid in redeeming these bonds during this biennium, from $92,395.00. The outlay for redemptions is confused with face value of bonds redeemed. The bonds were redeemed at varying rates of discount. 1870. Treasurer's Report, 1870, p. 26. 1872. Treasurer's Report, 1872, pp. 132-8. "Cash on hand, applicable to inter- est and redemption, $14,370.96." 1874. Treasurer's Report, 1874, pp. 100-108. 1876. Treasurer's Report, 1876, p. 121. An error of 10c, making Outstand- ing Soldiers' Relef Bonds $761.10, instead of $761,00, is brought forward from this time on. 1886. Treasurer's Report, 1886, p. 129. A payment of $141.53 to W. H. Judson, "1 bond, 20 coupons," was made from Soldiers' Relief Fund, but the debt statement, p. 10, shows no reduction. Evidently this bond held by W. H. Judson had been lost sight of in the Soldiers' Relief Bonds account. 1901. The Treasurers' reports from 1876 on to 1901 give in their debt state- ment the item $761.10 as the amount due on the Soldiers' Relief Bonds. In the report for 1901, p. 105, and later ones the names of four holders of bonds out- standing are given and the whole amount due as $551.00. There is no explana- tion of disappearance of $210 of account. The essential character of the state's indebtedness repre- sented by the "bounty" and the "relief" bonds can probably be best brought out through a reference to the congressional policy of reimbursing states for all outlays incurred in securing the "common defense." It has become the rule of Congress to reimburse the states for all such military expenses. These payments originated with compensations for special expend​Financial History of Oregon 409 itures of the states connected with their raising their respec- tive quotas for the Union armies during the progress of the Civil War. But notably in the cases of Texas, Minnesota and Nevada the reimbursements were for expenditures upon troops mustered into service for the suppression of Indian outbreaks. The procedure in making a settlement with a state has been in several instances, first, to request the secretary of war to determine the actual outlay of the state ; compensation then followed through an appropriation by Congress of the amount reported. So far Oregon has not received a cent on account of outlays for bounties and relief granted in 1864. Certainly, if any reimbursement is due for bounties and additional pay granted by a state to its citizens mustered into service for affording protection against Indian atrocities, Oregon's claim against the nation should be a valid one. Modoc War Bonds. In the all of 1872 the fierce and wary tribe of Modoc Indians began to commit depredations and even to take the lives of the settlers of Klamath country. The Governor took steps to suppress the outbreak and to protect the inhabitants. No pro- vision was made for the payment of the soldiers enlisted and the other claims arising out of this war until the meeting of the legislature in the autumn of 1874. An issue of bonds was then ordered to the individual claimants as in the sixties. These bonds were "payable at the option of the state, on or before the first of January, 1880, with interest thereon, at the rate of seven per cent, payable semi-annually . . . "1 iGeneral Laws, 1874, pp. 35-36. ​410 F. G. Young A statistical abstract of this "Modoc War Bonds" issue is given herewith : MODOC WAR BONDS Authorized October 22, 1874 Date of Report Debt at Opening of Period Debt Reduction During Period Interest Payments During Period Toal Payments 1876 1878 1880 1882 1884 1886 1888 130,991.301 132,858.762 132,921.003 632.904 338.185 203.416 132,288.10 294.72 134.77 10,632.901 21,794.402 15,670.863 14,127.78 142.38 10,632.90 21,794.40 15,670.86 146,415.884 437.105 134.77 (/) Treasurer's Report, 1876, pp. 89-90, 121. (2) Treasurer's Report, 1878, pp. i27-8,_ 174. n (j) Treasurer's Report, 1880, pp. 72, viii. (4) Treasurer's Report, 1882, pp. 72, 8. (5) Treasurer's Report, 1885, pp. 99, 10. (6) Treasurer's Report, 1887, pp. 10, 161. From this on a Modoc War Bond is listed among "Unclaimed Bonds." It is in favor of Charles Sherlock. War- rant is filed with bond. Face of bond, $75.90; interest coupons, $27.52; interest on bond, $10.05. "Modoc War Bonds Outstanding" remained $203.41 until 1895, when item was raised to $317.75 without explanation. On Sept. 26, 1895, Frank O'Hara was paid on a Modoc War Bond, principal $13.85, interest $10.69; total $24.34. On August 5, 1897, John Ingram was paid on a Modoc War Bond $118.25. These payments did not affect size of "outstanding bonds" item. However, in 1901 report, without any payments on bonds given, the amount outstanding was reduced to principal, $103.84; interest, $11.48. Indian War Bonds. Again in 1878, because of trouble with various tribes of Indians east of the Cascade Mountains during the years 1877 and 1878, sums were due volunteers that had been called into the service of the state and to others for supplies needed to carry on the campaigns. The legislature had recourse to the customary procedure for satisfying the claimants. An issue of bonds was authorized, "payable at the option of the state on or before the first day of January, 1890, with interest thereon at the rate of seven per cent per annum, payable semi- annually . . " 1 1 General Laws, 1878, pp. 33-36. ​Financial History of Oregon 411 A statistical abstract of this "Indian War Bonds" issue fol- lows: INDIAN WAR BONDS Authorized October 7, 1878 Date of Report Debt at Open- ing of the Period Debt Reduction During the Period Interest Payments During the Period Total Payments 1880 1882 1885 1887 1889 5,137.83 7,083.64 6,442.83 5,137.83 21,649.16 36,648.94 45,475.51 30,910.00 704.89 650.894 14,565.511 30,206.112 8,670.233 4,212.28 (1) In the statement of disbursements from "Indian War Debt Fund," pp. 74-5, the total is $21,649.16. By adding items of principal payments and of interest payments of this account separately they are found to total, respectively, $15,391.99 and $6,257.17. The figures in the table are obtained through substract- ing amount of debt at close of period from amount at opening and counting as interest payments the difference between the debt payment so secured and the total payments for the period. (2) The payments of interest and of principal are not segregated. The figures of the table were secured by method indicated above in (1). (3) Treasurer's Report, 1887, p. 118, gives as "Indian War Fund" disburse- ments the sum of $8,670.23, though the total indebtedness on account of "Indian War Bonds" (principal) outstanding at opening of the period was only $704.89. In like manner the Treasurer's Report of 1889, p. 141, gives the sum of $4,212.28, though the total Indian War Bonds outstanding at the opening of the period was only $650.89. (4) Treasurers' Reports regularly list all outstanding bonds under the cap- tion "Liabilities of the State of Oregon," but no item of "Indian War Bonds" appears in the reports for periods, 1889-1890 and 1891-1892. From 1893 to 1901 and item of $700.94 is given. From then on it is $393.43. Oregon War Debt Bonds. As no provision had been made to meet the payment of the Modoc War bonds when they became due, January 1st, 1880, the legislature at its meeting in the fall of that year provided for the securing of funds for the payment of the sums due on these bonds through an authorization of an issue of bonds of such an amount which, with the surplus accumulated from a special tax levy for current indebtedness, would suffice to liquidate the matured bonds. The bonds of this last issue were "to be sold, but for not less than their par value." They were "to bear interest at a rate not greater than seven per cent," payable semi-annually, and were "payable on the first day of January, 1890, or sooner, at the option of the state , . ." 1 iGeneral Laws, 1880, pp. 13-16. ​412 F. G. Young The statistical abstract of this ' 'Oregon War Debt Bonds" issue follows : OREGON WAR DEBT BONDS Authorized October 25, 1880 Date of Report Amount of Debt at Beginning of Period Debt Reduction During Period Interest Payment During Period Total Payments 1882 1885 1887 $4,812.50 8,785.00 5,302.50 $ 4,812.50 23,785.00 50,302.50 $60,000.00 45,000.00 $15,000.00 45,000.00 It has no doubt been noted that on the different occasions when it was necessary to incur public defense indebtedness a strong predilection was shown by the state for tendering its creditors what amounted to an interest bearing warrant, the payment of which was deferred for a term of years. This was the invariable practice down to 1880. If these so-called "bonds" had found the recipients of them in position to hold these long term credits until maturity this policy would no doubt have been salutary. But the creditor, who was more commonly a volunteer, had neg- lected his farm and crops for the service of the state and when on returning home he received in hand a deferred payment order, his need of cash was most urgent. The inevitable hap- pened. He had to subject himself to the tender mercies of the bond broker. He had risked his life and property to pro- tect the public, but it shirked its fair responsibility of protecting him from the bond speculator. The state surely would have been in a much better position to drive a good bargain with him than the individual claimant of a sum due for services or supplies furnished during an Indian war. This regular pro- cedure in connection with the first four war-debt bond issues smacks strongly of the usual lame ultra-individualistic atti- tude and methods that have characterized the state's activities throughout. That the bonds of these several issues that went directly to the individual creditors were regularly sold to bond brokers ​Financial History of Oregon 413 is fully attested by the records of their redemption, and through several corroborative sources. The legislative investi- gating commission of 1872 found a scandalous state of affairs existing with reference to participation by several of the officials at the capital in this bond speculation. Inside infor- mation on the conditions of the surplus available for redemp- tion, as well as cash on hand in the general fund, were being utilized. 1 The redemption items in the biennial reports of these funds exhibit clearly to whom the individual claim-holders had taken their bonds to realize cash. What rates of discount they had been compelled to accept do not appear. 2 //. Internal Improvement Indebtedness. Oregon, like other American commonwealths, would be likely to have only two general classes of occasions for con- tracting bonded indebtedness: War, invasion or the suppres- sion of an insurrection would be one; the other would arise in connection with the undertaking of, or the participating in, a large enterprise of permanent public improvement. The occasions of the first class, and the use of its credit in meeting them, have been referred to. From a glance at the article of the state constitution on "Corporations and Internal Improvements" one would suppose tnat the history of Oregon's use of public credit for the pro- motion of internal improvements would be very brief. The disposition of the framers of the state constitution with regard to state aid towards, or state participation in, the work of internal improvement was there unmistakably declared. All possibility of the use of public credit in Oregon for any internal improvement would seem to have been forestalled. For the constitution enjoins that the "legislative assembly shall provide for the raising revenue sufficient to defray the expenses of the state for each fiscal year, and also a sufficient sum to pay inter- i Report of Investigating Commission, 1872, pp. 48-73. Treasurer's Report, p. 103. 2319 bonds were redeemed for one bank in 1887. ​414 F. G. Young est on the state debt, if there be any." 1 Also, "Whenever the expenses of any fiscal year shall exceed the income, the legis- lative assembly shall provide for levying a tax for the ensuing fiscal year, sufficient, with other sources of income, to pay the deficiency, as well as the estimated expense of the ensuing year."* And again, "The legislative assembly shall not loan the credit of the state, nor in any manner create any debts or liabilities, which shall singly or in the aggregate with previous debts or liabilities exceed the sum of fifty thousand dollars, except in case of war, or to repel invasion, or suppress insur- rection; and every contract of indebtedness entered into or assumed by or on behalf of the state, when its liabilities and debts amount to said sum, shall be void and of no effect." And finally, "The state shall never assume the debts of any county, town, or other corporation whatever, unless such debts shall have been created to repel invasion, suppress insurrection, or defend the state in war." 3 Notwithstanding these comprehensive constitutional restric- tions it seemed difficult for the successive legislative assem- blies to refrain from pledging the credit of the state in the aid of railroads and other enterprises of public improvement. In 1866 an act was passed pledging the state to pay the interest on the bonds of a railroad to connect the state with the trade centers of California. 4 This law was repealed at the following session of the legislature on the ground that it was in conflict with the constitution of the state. 5 This same legislative assembly, however, came to the aid of the "Willamette Falls Canal and Lock Company," organized for the purpose of constructing a canal and locks around the falls of the Willamette river at Oregon City. The faith of the state was pledged to pay this corporation $150,000 in annual installments of $25,000 in gold coin, after the satisfactory com- pletion of the work. The money for this aid was to be taken iArticle IX, Section 2. 2Article IX, Section 6. 3Article XI, Sections 7 and 8. 4General Laws, 1866, pp. 1-5. sGeneral Laws, 1868, pp. 44-45. ​Financial History of Oregon 415 out of the fund arising from the five per cent of the proceeds of the sales of public lands within the state; should this fund prove insufficient, the proceeds from the sales of the "internal improvements" grant should be used. 1 The proffered subsidy that was not to be available until after the "satisfactory completion" of the improvement did not secure the construction of the canal and locks. So at the next session of the legislature in 1870 it was enacted that state bonds to the amount of $200,000 should be issued and deliv- ered to this corporation on its giving surety to the amount of $300,000 that it would have the canal and locks completed at a date that gave about two years for the construction of the works. As with the preceding pledge, the means for the pay- ment of the interest and principal of the bonds were to be taken from the five per cent net proceeds fund and from the proceeds of the internal improvement grant. As these resources of the state were received from the national government for internal improvement purposes, and as this bond issue merely anticipated moneys that were certain to be forthcoming, the "canal and locks bonds" issue was not counted as indebtedness and hence not in violation of the restrictions of the constitu- tion. These bonds were payable in ten years, bearing interest at seven per cent, payable semi-annually, principal and interest payable in gold. These bonds were disposed of by the canal and lock company for some $160,000. The act granting the subsidy specified the rate of toll and provided as "the express condition" on which the subsidy was granted that the corpora- tion should pay ten per cent of its net profits into the common school fund of the state. The sum actually paid back into the state treasury in fulfillment of this provision of the grant was. $435, a payment made in 1873. So much did the state realize out of its "express condition." When recently the claims of the state in this matter were pressed, the courts decided that they had lapsed. There was a stipulation, too, in the grant giving the state the right to appropriate the works i General Laws, 1868, pp. 46-49. ​416 F. G. Young at the end of twenty years on payment to the company of their actual value/ The state did not avail itself of this privilege, but in 1907 an appropriation of $300,000 was made — renewed in 1909 — conditioned on an equal appropriation being made by Congress, for purchasing the canal and locks or constructing another passage on the opposite side of the river. The constitutional inhibition of the use of state credit for projects of internal improvement has no doubt been salutary. When emergencies arose so that it was necessary to secure the release of trade along natural channels from the throttling grasp of a monopoly the state has found itself able to inter- vene. It has through taxation secured the funds sufficient for portage railways, first at the Cascades of the Columbia and again more recently at The Dalles of the same river. It is very doubtful if the conditions as yet developed are such as to make any participation by it in public improvements with credit financiering advisable. Appreciation of the need of care- ful administration, of the wisdom of using the best expert service, is still an uncertain quantity. Then, too, the conditions are changing so rapidly that any work adequate for today would in a few years need replacement with a structure on a much larger scale, or one adjusted to a more economic process. i General Laws, 1870, pp. 14-17. ​Financial History of Oregon 417 WILLAMETTE FALLS CANAL ANDILOCK BONDS Authorized October 21, 1870 Amount of Debt at Opening of Period 200,000.00 200,000.00 200,000.00 160,000.00 160,000"00 151,500 00 68,000 006 Debt Reduction During Period 40,000.00 8,500 00 83,500 00 68,000 00 Interest Payments During Period from State Land Fund 23,572.00 26,425.00 29,575.0 21,455.00 16,660.00 11,246.44 15,347.50 Interest Payments During Period from 5 per cent. Receipts U. S. Land Sales Fund 945.00 5,460.0 Cost of Administration of Fund Currency, 130.46 Coin 3533.91 . Currency, 67.00 Coin 9,222.25 Currency, 8.00 Discount on Currency 6041.60 Coin 6930.83 Discount on Currency, 785.12 Coin 4246.21 1,752.97 2,947.14 1,070.01 Total Payments Currency, 130.46 Coin 27,105.91 Currency, 67.00 Coin 35,647.25 Currency, 8.00 Discount on Currency, 6041.60 Coin 76,505.83 Discount on Currency, 785.12 Coin 26.646.21 32,372.97 97,693.58 84,417.51 1872. Treasurer's Report, pp. 126-129, 138. "Drainage Warrants" to the amount of $14,732.17 were paid out of this fund during this period. 1874. Treasurer's Report, pp. 85-87, 108. Appropriation of $50,000 towards payment of exhausted; $1,575 of interest due July 14 unpaid. 1876. Treasurer's Report, pp. 1 01-103. 1878. Treasurer's Report, pp. 154-156. 1880. Treasurer's Report, p. 83. 1882. Treasurer's Report, p. 86. The interest item of $5,302.50 is placed with payments of principal and administrative warrants. The five per cent U. S. Land Sales Fund does not appear as a separate account. 1885. Treasurer's Report, p. 100. Principal and interest payments and ad- ministrative cost are bunched. ​418 F. G. Young TABULATED DIGEST OF STATE BONDED INDEBTEDNESS THAT HAS EXISTED IN OREGON Name When Amount Amount Loan Rate Provision for Payment of Debt Authorized Authorized Issued of Interest Soldiers' Bounty. . Oct. 24, $200,000.00 $137,700 00 20 years. 7% .001 tax on 1864, 1st Bonds ma- all prop- Ore. In- tured and erty. fantry. int. ceased July 1, '84 Soldiers' Oct. 24, 100,000 00 93,637 00 10 years. 7% .0005 tax Relief. . . . 1864, 1st Ore. Cav- Bonds ma- tured and interest ceased on all property. July 1, '78 Willamette Falls Canal and Lock .... Willamette 200,000 00 200,000 00 Bonds ma- 7% 5% U. S. Falls tured Jan. Land sales Canal and 1, 1881. and pro- Lock Co., ceeds 500,- Oct. 21, 000- acre 1870. grant. Modoc War Oct. 22, 131,000 00 130,991 30 Bonds ma- 7% Appropria- 1874. tured Jan. tions from 1, 1880. genl. fund. Indian War 1877-8 . . . Oct. 17, To amount 45,475 51 On or be- 7% Appropria- 1878. due claim- fore Jan. 1, tions from ants. 1890. genl. fund. Oregon War Re- funded. . . Oct. 25, Enough 60,000 00 On or be- Not .0005 tax 1880. with sur- fore Jan. greater and sur- plus cur- 1, 1890. than plus i rent funds 7% current to pay funds. matured. ​REVIEW British Columbia Coast Names, 1 592- 1 906; Their Origin and History By Captain John T. Walbrah (of Victoria) Published by authority of the Minister of Marine and Fisheries for the Geographic Board of Canada at the Government Printing Bureau, Ottawa This book offers a standard that would be difficult to attain unto, but an example which may well be followed. Would that some one would perform as good a service concerning the nomenclature along the coast line of Washington and Oregon, or the Columbia river and the waters of Puget Sound ! Encyclopaedias of biography and reference books of the "WHO IS WHO" class are useful and in many ways of value, but the scholar learns to use them in research work with great caution, for the reason that the information contained in them is usually contributed and not searched after or verified. Here, however, is a book of reference compiled with great care dur- ing a period of twelve years of personal research by the author and giving not only the names common to the entire Coast of British Columbia and its islands, but many biograph- ical facts concerning the persons or events or places from which the names arise ; a book that may be supplemented but will be very little amended ; a book that will be used by chil- dren of the next generation, and later. Moreover, there is a certain charm to the text. For it is quite infrequent that a sea captain has enjoyed carrying in his cabin the records left by the early navigators and explorers and consulting them as he entered harbors, channels and inlets under perhaps the same conditions of wind, weather and cur- rent. The book actually smells salty. Careful examination by competent scholars shows the errors of fact so few as to be hardly noticeable, and where the Captain has intruded upon general conclusion his opinion is worthy of new attention ; for instance, the reference to Juan de Fuca. In a few instances only do the authorities seem to suggest lack of the most posi- tive foundation. The book was not heralded by advance notices and appears in very quiet and even plain covers, with some fitting illus- trations ; for the Canadian Government recognized its worth and did Captain Walbran the honor of publication as a govern- ment document. A few copies are held for private purchase and another edition will undoubtedly have to follow. T. C. Elliott.
* ↑ In the discussion of the political development of Oregon, it is that territory comprising the present state which is under special consideration. However, in the study of the early period, the area of the state of Washington is included up to 1853, when the latter was set off from Oregon as a separate Territory.
* ↑ J. R. Robertson, "Genesis of Political Authority in Oregon," Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, March, 1900, p. 8.
* ↑ H. H. Bancroft, "History of Oregon," Vol. i, p. 48.
* ↑ Jedediah S. Smith, D. E. Jackson, or Wm. L. Sublette, proprietors of the Rocky Mt. Fur Company.
* ↑ This statement of numbers of the rescued, if written by Mr. Ogden, was written with a different pen and in much smaller letters. — S. T. Walker.