# A History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan/Volume 1/Book 3

BOOK III.
THE nations of Coromandel, accustomed to see Europeans assuming no other character than that of merchants, and paying as much homage to the Mogid government as was exacted from themselves, were astonished at the rapid progress of the French arms, and beheld with admiration the abilities of Mr. Dupleix, who had shewn himself at once as great an adept in the politics of Indostan, as if he had been educated a Mahomedan lord at the court of Delhi: knowing the rivalship which existed between the two nations, they were equally surprized at the indolence of the English, who, since the retreat of their troops from Mahomed-ally at Trivadi, had taken no measures to interrupt the progress of his schemes; and indeed this inactivity, at so critical a conjuncture, is difficult to be accounted for, unless it be imputed to their dread of engaging, without authority from England, in open hostilities against the French immediately after the conclusion of a general peace in Europe. Whatever might be the motives, their disposition to remain in peace was so great, that major Lawrence himself, who commanded the troops, and had great influence in their councils, left Fort St. David on some private concerns, and sailed for England in the month of October. The assassination of Nazir-jing and its consequences overwhelmed them with astonishment, and made them sensible, when too late, of the errors they had committed in not continuing a body of their troops with the army of that prince. There remained, even after his death, a means of snatching from the conquerors their laurels, and the fruits of their victory; for Murzafa​jing, with his uncle's treasures, moved from Gingee with only a detachment of his own army and 300 of the French troops, who marching without apprehension of danger, observed little military order: Mr. Benjamin Robins, at that time just arrived from England to superintend the company's fortifications as engineer-general, proposed to the governor, Mr. Saunders, that 800 Europeans should march out and attack them in their return: discovering in this advice the same sagacity which had distinguished his speculations in the abstruser sciences, and which renders his name an honour to our country; for there is the greatest probability that the attack, if well conducted, would have succeeded, and the treasures of Nazir-jing have been carried to Fort St. David, instead of Pondicherry. Mr. Saunders much approved the project, but when captain Cope, the commander of the troops, proposed it to the officers, they unanimously declared it rash and impracticable.
Mahomed-ally, still more perplexed and dispirited than the English, had no hopes of preservation but in their assistance, which he pressingly solicited at the same time that he was capitulating with Mr. Dupleix for the surrender of Tritchinopoly: and the English, apprehensive of the conclusion of such a treaty, which would have left them without any pretence to oppose Mr. Dupleix and Chunda-saheb, at last took the resolution of sending once more to Tritchinopoly a detachment to encourage Mahomed-ally to defend the city; it consisted of 280 Europeans, with 300 Sepoys, who arrived there under the command of captain Cope in the beginning of February.
About the same time Chunda-saheb marched from Pondicherry with an army of 8,000 men, horse and foot, which he had levied in the province, joined by a battalion of 800 Europeans; and with this force proceeded to Arcot, where he received homage as Nabob; and there was scarce a strong hold to the north of the river Coleroon of which the governor did not acknowledge his sovereignty. Mortiz-ally of Velore, who had temporized, and affected obedience to Nazir-jing from the time that prince entered the Carnatic, immediately after his death reassumed his connexion with his relation Chunda-saheb, and was the first to reacknowledge him; and his example determined most of the other chiefs. ​The countries lying between the Coleroon and the extremity of the peninsula did not openly throw off their allegiance to Mahomed-ally, but were lukewarm in his interests: he therefore sent 2500 horse, and 3000 Peans, under the command of his brother Abdul-rahim, together with a detachment of 30 Europeans, to settle the government of Tinivelty, a city lying 160 miles to the south of Tritchinopoly, and capital of a territory which extends to cape Comorin. Abdul-rahim met with no resistance from the people of the country, but found it difficult to restrain his troops from revolt; for most of the officers being renters, were indebted to their prince as much as he was indebted to their soldiers, and expected as the price of their defection that Chunda-saheb would not only remit what they owed to the government, but likewise furnish money for the pay of their troops. However, great promises, and the vigilance of lieutenant Innis, who commanded the English detachment, prevented them from carrying their schemes into execution; but the same spirit of revolt manifested itself more openly in another part of Mahomed-ally's dominions.
Allum Khan, a soldier of fortune, who had formerly been in the service of Chunda-saheb, and afterwards in that of the king of Tanjore, had lately left this prince and came to Madura, where his reputation as an excellent officer soon gained him influence and respect, which he employed to corrupt the garrison, and succeeded so well, that the troops created him governor, and consented to maintain the city under his authority for Chunda-saheb, whom he acknowledged as his sovereign.
The country of Madura lies between those of Tritchinopoly and Tinivelly, and is as extensive as either of them. The city was in ancient times the residence of a prince who was sovereign of all the three. Its form is nearly a square 4000 yards in circumference, fortified with a double wall and a ditch. The loss of this place, by cutting off the communication between Tritchinopoly and the countries of Tinivelly, deprived Mahomed-ally of more than one half of the dominions which at this time remained under his jurisdiction. On receiving the news, captain Cope offered his service to retake it. His detachment was ill equipped for a siege, for they had brought no battering cannon from Fort St. David, and there were but two ​serviceable pieces in the city: with one of these, three field pieces, two cohorns, and 150 Europeans, he marched away, accompanied by 600 of the Nabob's cavalry, commanded by another of his brothers Abdul-wahab Khan; and on the day that they arrived in sight of Madura, they were joined by the army returning from Tinivelly. There were several large breaches in the outward wall; the gunfired through one of them on the inward wall, and in two days demolished a part of it, although not sufficient to make the breach accessible without the help of fascines. Difficult as it was, it was necessary either to storm it immediately, or to relinquish the siege, for all the shot of the great gun were expended. The Sepoys, encouraged by a distribution of some money, and a promise of much more if the place should be taken, went to the attack with as much spirit as the Europeans. The first wall was passed without resistance, and at the foot of the breach in the second appeared three champions, one of them a very bulky man in compleat armour, who fought manfully with their swords, and wounded several of the forlorn hope, but were at last with difficulty killed. Whilst the troops were mounting the breach, they were severely annoyed by arrows, stones, and the fire of matchlocks; notwithstanding which they gamed the parapet, where the enemy had on each side of the entrance raised a mound of earth, on which they had laid horizontally some palm trees separated from each other, and through these intervals they thrust their pikes. At the bottom of the rampart within the wall, they had made a strong retrenchment, with a ditch; and three or four thousand men appeared ready to defend this work with all kinds of arms. The troops, wounded by the pikes as fast as they mounted, were not able to keep possession of the parapet, and after fighting until ninety men were disabled, relinquished the attack. Four Europeans were killed: the Sepoys suffered more, and four of their captains were desperately wounded. The next day captain Cope prepared to return to Tritchinopoly, and blew the cannon to pieces, for want of means to carry it away. The troops of Mahomed-ally, encouraged by this repulse, no longer concealed their disaffestien and 500 horse, with 1000 Peons, went over to Allum Khan before the English broke up their camp, and two or three days after near 2000 more horsemen ​deserted likewise to the enemy. At the same time that the army and dominions of Mahomed-ally were thus reduced, he received advice that Chunda-saheb was preparing to march from Arcot to besiege Tritchinopoly; he now more strenuously represented his distresses to the presidency of Fort St. David, offering to give the company a territory of considerable revenue contiguous to the bounds of Madrass, and promising likewise to defray all the expenses of their assistance.
It was the time of harvest, which on the coast of Coromandel is divided equally between the lord of the land and the cultivator; and Mr. Dupleix affected to distinguish his new acquisitions, by ordering small white flags to be planted almost in every field to which he laid claim: these flags were seen from Fort St. David extending round the bounds, and some of them were even planted within the company's territory: the insolence of these marks of sovereignty stung the English, and rouzed them from their lethargy: they concluded that Mr. Dupleix, from the same spirit of dominion, would not fail to impose extravagant duties on their trade passing through the countries of which he had taken possession; and this reflection convincing them that their own ruin would be blended with that of Mahomed-ally, they determined to accept the offers he made, and to support his cause to the utmost of their power.
In the beginning of April a body of 500 Europeans, of which 50 were cavalry, and 100 Caffres, 1000 Sepoy's, with eight field pieces, took the field under the command of captain Gingen, who was ordered to remain near Fort St. David until he should be joined by Mahomed-ally's troops from Tritchinopoly: for the English were determined not to appear as principals in the war. After waiting six weeks, captain Gingen was joined by 600 horse and 1000 Peons; he then proceeded to the westward, and came in sight of Verdachelum, a large and strong pagoda garrisoned by 300 of Chunda-saheb's troops: this place is situated 40 miles from the coast, and commands the high road; the reduction of it was therefore necessary to preserve the communication with Fort St. David: the garrison were summoned by the Nabob's officer to deliever up ​the place: they refused, and mann'd the walls. The English troops, under cover of a bank, fired at them for some hours, but finding that this attack made little impression, they prepared towards evening to make a general assault, when the sight of the scaling ladders induced the governor to surrender. Leaving a garrison of twenty Europeans and fifty Sepoys in the pagoda, they continued their march to the westward, and were soon after joined by 100 Europeans detached by captain Cope from Tritchinopoly, and 2000 horse, with 2000 foot, the remainder of the Nabob's troops, under the command of his brother Abdul-wahab Khan.
The army, after this junction came in sight of that of Chunda-saheb, which lay encamped in the neighbourhood of Vol-condah. This is a very strong fortress, 90 miles from the coast, situated in the great road between Arcot and Tritchinopoly: its principal defence is a rock 200 feet high, and about a mile in circumference at the bottom, where it is inclosed by a high and strong wall, mostly cut out of the solid rock; near the summit it is enclosed by another wall, and the summit itself is surrounded by a third: adjoining to the eastern side of the rock, on the plain, is a fort built of stone, contiguous to which lies a town slenderly fortified with a mud wall. The river Val-aru, after running due east, forms an angle about a mile to the north of Vol-condah, where it turns to the south, and in this direction passess close by the western side of the rock, and winding round it, reassumes its course to the eastward along the southern side of the fort and town. Captain Gingen encamped in a large grove about a mile and a half to the southwest of Vol-condah: and in this situation the advanced guards were in sight of those of Chunda-saheb, whose camp lay about four miles to the north of that part of the river which runs east before it strikes to the south. Here he had been some days endeavouring to persuade the governor to put him in possession of the fort; and Abdul-wahab Khan, equally sensible of the importance of the place, made offers likewise to induce him to deliver it up to Mahomed-ally. The man knowing the advantage of his post, had given evasive answers to Chunda-saheb; and replied to Abdul-wahab Kahn, that he waited to see a battle before he gave ​up his fort to either; but nevertheless he entered into a negociation with both, which lasted a fortnight, and during this time neither of the armies made any motion: at length captain Gingen, irritated by his prevarications, determined to treat him as an enemy; but before he proceeded to hostilities, posted the army about a mile to the north-west of the rock of Vol-condah, where they were in readiness to intercept the approach of Chunda-saheb; for it was not doubted that the governor would call him to his assistance, as soon as he should be attacked. This disposition being made, a large detachment of Europeans and Sepoys marched about nine in the evening, who easily got over the mud-wall, and then setting fire to the town, advanced to the stone fort; but this they found too strong to be assaulted before a breach was made, and therefore returned to the camp. The governor, as was foreseen, immediately sent a messenger to acquaint Chunda-saheb that he was ready to admit his troops into the place.
The next morning, at break of day, the French battalion was discovered marching towards the rock along the bed of the river, which was almost dry; and the Indian army of Chunda-saheb, which had been augmented at Arcot to 12,000 horse and 5,000 Sepoys, appeared at the same time. Notwithstanding these motions, the English officers wasted so much time in deliberation, that the French battalion arrived near the foot of the rock, and formed before any attempt was made to intercept them; when too late, it was determined to give the enemy battle. The troops had perceived the hesitations of the council of war, and were so much affected by them that they marched to the enemy with irresolution. As they approached, a cannonade ensued, and a shot struck one of the French tumbrils, which blowing up wounded some of their Europeans, and frightened so much a hundred more, who were posted near it, that they ran away with Mr. d'Auteuil at their head to the fort of Vol-condah, where they were admitted; and from hence they immediately began to fire from 14 pieces of of cannon upon the English battalion. This unexpected cannonade, notwithstanding that most of their shot flew too high, flung the troops into disorder, and some of the officers likewise discovering fear, the whole battalion were seized with a ​panic. The captains Gingen, Dalton, Kilpatrick, and lieutenant Clive, endeavoured to rally them, but in vain; for they retreated in great confusion, without stopping until they reached the camp. Abdul-wahab Khan rode up and upbraided them in the strongest terms for their cowardice, bidding them take example from his own troops, who still stood their ground: and to compleat the shame of this day, the company of Caffres remained likewise on the field for some time, and then marched off in good order, bringing away the dead and wounded. Had they behaved with common resolution, the enemy would probably have been defeated; for Abdul-wahab Khan had prevailed on one of their generals, who commanded 4,000 horse, to come over to him on the field of battle, which body was observed to separate from the rest as the enemy approached; and this appearance of defection flung Chunda-saheb into such perplexity, that he did not venture to pursue the English, over whom he would otherwise have had every advantage.
The panic did not cease with the day, but operated so strongly that captain Gingen, to avoid worse consequences, determined to remove the troops from the sight of an enemy they so much dreaded, and at midnight broke up the camp, and marching with great expedition in the road leading to Tritchinopoly, arrived the next evening at the streights of Utatoor, distant about 25 miles from that city: a part of the range of mountains which bounds the province of Arcot to the westward, forms one side of these streights, and some hills about a mile to the east, the other: the ground for several miles farther eastward is covered with rocks, which render them impassable to an army encumbered with carriages. The company of grenadiers consisting of 100 men, together with 100 Caffres and Topasses, with two field pieces, were left under the command of captain Dalton, in a village at the entrance of the streights: the main body encamped in the valley; and in order to secure the rear of the camp, some Europeans were placed in the fort of Utatoor, which lies about two miles south of the streights.
The next day the enemy took the same rout, and for the conveniency of water halted about eight miles from the streights. A few days ​after about 100 of their horse appeared in sight of the village riding about and flourishing their sabres in defiance: captain Gingen, with several of the principal officers of the battalion, happened at this time to be there, who were so much offended at this bravado, that seven of them mounted their horses, and sallied with 12 troopers and 100 Sepoys to attack the party: they retreated as the English approached, sometimes halting as if they intended to stand the shock and in this manner led them three miles from the village, when they galloped away at full speed and disappeared. The English had not proceeded a mile in their return to the camp, when they discovered a body of near 3,000 horse coming out of a neighbouring thicket, where they were posted in ambuscade, and from hence had detached the party which appeared at the village. The Sepoys were ordered to disperse, and the horsemen forming into a compact body, pushed forwards so briskly, that only four or five of the enemy's squadrons had time to fling themselves in their way: these were attacked sword in hand, and the troops cut their way through, but not without the loss of lieutenant Maskelyne and three troopers, who were made prisoners; the rest gained the village; but all the Sepoys were either killed or taken. Mr Maskelyne was soon after released by Chunda-saheb, to whom he gave his parole; for the French, who were at this time as cautious as the English of appearing principals in the war, affected to have no authority over the prisoners. The ill success of this inconsiderate excursion, encreased the diffidence which the soldiers entertained of their officers; who began likewise to disagree amongst themselves, concurring in nothing but in thinking that the enemy were much too strong for them.
The next day Chunda-saheb encamped within five miles of the village, and employed two days in reconnoitring the ground quite up to the streights. On the third, the 13th of July, their whole army was discovered advancing in battle-array. Several parties of cavalry preceded the line, and came on each flank of the village; and soon after appeared a body of 4,000 Sopoys with seven pieces of cannon, supported by a company of 100 Topasses; these marched up slowly and in good order: the cavalry brought up the rear; and were soon after rejoined by the other parties which had been sent forward, excepting a ​few squadrons which galloped on, and stationed themselves between the village and the streights. Captain Dalton had began to fire from his two field pieces, when he received orders to quit his post, and join the main body, which had advanced a little way from the camp to favour his retreat: the near approach of the enemy now rendered the execution of this order liable to many difficulties; however to conceal his intentions from them as long as possible, he first drew up the greatest part of his detachment out of their sight behind the village, and then ordered the two field pieces to be sent to him; after which the rest of the detachment marched through the village and joined him. Thus the whole body formed before the enemy discovered their intention: as soon as they were convinced of it, their Sepoys rushed through the village, and began to fire from the huts on the rear of the English party, who had scarcely got out of reach of this fire, when the enemy's whole cavalry, divided into two bodies, came galloping round each side of the village, and surrounded them: the men did not lose courage, and by a heavy fire obliged them to retreat into the village. The detachment moving slowly on toward the camp, had not proceeded far before the enemy, horse and foot, returned to the charge, and surrounded them again. The Caffres, Topasses, and a platoon of Europeans kept up a constant fire, whilst the grenadiers continually presented and recovered their arms, preserving their fire for the last extremity; and by this reserve constantly deterred the cavalry from charging: in this manner they made their retreat good to the entrance of the streights, where the ground being rocky, hindered the enemy's horse from continuing in compact squadrons. The detachment, now reinforced by two platoons from the main body, halted more frequently, giving their whole fire at once, and joined their army in good order, bringing off their killed and wounded, which were fifteen men. The enemy following them, were insensibly led within a small distance of the whole force now united with eight pieces of cannon in front; they at first appeared determined to stand their ground, and bring on a general action; but finding themselves severely galled by the artillery, which, together with the whole line, advanced upon them, they gave way, and lost 300 men before they got out. of cannon​shot: their cannon were ill served, and did but little damage, and the French battalion never appeared until the firing ceased, when they were discovered taking possession of the village, in the rear of which the rest of the army likewise pitched their tents.
Altho' the post in the straights was deemed defensible, it was feared from the great superiority of Chunda-saheb's cavalry and Sepoys that he would detach a body of men, and post it between the camp and Tritchinopoly, from which city the army drew all its provisions across the two largest rivers in the Carnatic. From this apprehension it was determined to retreat without delay, and the army decamped silently in the night; they never halted till two the nest day, fatigued to excess with a march of eighteen hours, performed without refreshment in the hottest season of this sultry climate, and after the fatigues they had endured in the action of the preceding day. Luckily the enemy's cavalry were so dispirited with the loss they then sustained, that they never attempted to interrupt the retreat: they however followed at a distance, and before night took post within three miles of the army, which was now arrived within sight of Tritchinopoly, and encamped close to the northern bank of the Coleroon. This river is a principal arm of another called the Caveri, which has its source in the mountains within thirty miles of Mangalore on the coast of Malabar, and passing through the kingdom of Mysore, runs 400 miles before it reaches Tritchinopoly. About five miles to the north-west of this city the Caveri divides itself into two principal arms. The northern is called the Coleroon, and disembogues at Devi-Cotah: the other retains the name of Caveri; and about twenty miles to the eastward of Tritchinopoly begins to send forth several large branches, all of which pass through the kingdom of Tanjore, and are the cause of the great fertility of that country. For several miles after the separation, the banks of the Coleroon and Caveri are in no part two miles asunder, in many scarcely one; and at Coiladdy, a fort fifteen miles to the east of Tritchinopoly, the two streams approach so near to each other, that the people of the country have been obliged to fling up a large and strong mound of earth to keep them from uniting again. The long slip of land enclosed by the two channels between Coiladdy and the place where ​the two streams first separate, is called the island of Seringham, famous throughout Indostan for the great pagoda from which it derives its name. This temple is situated about a mile from the western extremity of the island, at a small distance from the bank of the Coleroon: it is composed of seven square inclosures, one within the other, the walls of which are 25 feet high, and four thick. These inclosures are 350 feet distant from one another, and each has four large gates with a high tower; which are placed, one in the middle of each side of the inclosure, and opposite to the four cardinal points. The outward wall is near four miles in circumference, and its gateway to the south is ornamented with pillars, several of which are single stones 33 feet long, and nearly five in diameter; and those which form the roof are still larger: in the inmost inclosure are the chapels. About half a mile to the east of Seringham, and nearer to the Caveri than the Coleroon, is another large pagoda called Jumbakistna: but this has only one inclosure. The extreme veneration in which Seringham is held, arises from a belief that it contains that identical image of the god Wistchnu, which used to be worshipped by the god Brama. Pilgrims from all parts of the peninsula come here to obtain absolution, and none come without an offering of money; and a large part of the revenue of the island is allotted for the maintenance of the Bramins who inhabit the pagoda; and these, with their families, formerly composed a multitude, not less than 40,000 souls, maintained without labour by the liberality of superstition. Here, as in all the other great pagodas of India, the Bramins live in a subordination which knows no resistance, and slumber in a voluptuousness which knows no wants; and, sensible of the happiness of their condition, they quit not the silence of their retreats to mingle in the tumults of the state; nor point the brand, flaming from the altar, against the authority of the sovereign, or the tranquility of the government. This repose was now doomed to be much disturbed, and the temple to endure such pollutions as it had never before been exposed to.
The English battalion took possession of Pitchandah, a fortified pagoda situated on the northern bank of the Coleroon, about a mile to the east of Seringham: the rest of the army encamped along the ​river near the pagoda. The camp was only accessible by the high, road; for the rest of the ground was laid out in rice fields, which being at this season overflowed, formed a morass not to be passed by cavalry: but the army soon found difficulties in getting provisions which could now only be brought from the opposite shore under the protection of the guns of the camp, and it was feared that this distress would be greatly increased by the enemy's sending a strong detachment across the river to take possession of the great pagoda. It was therefore resolved to prevent them, and orders were given for the whole army to cross the river.
The Coleroon, like all the other rivers on the coast of Coromandel, is subject to very sudden and unforeseen alterations, which depend on the rains that fall on the mountains of the Malabar coast; so that in the space of twenty-four hours it often, from being fordable, becomes almost impassable even by boats; and at this time it was scarcely fordable, and very rapid. The ammunition and stores were transported before day-light in two large flat boats, kept by the government of Tritchinopoly to ferry over horses. The troops then followed with the field-pieces: and the retreat was not discovered by the enemy until the last boat, with four of the field pieces, was passing. This stuck upon a sand-bank, and the enemy brought down their guns, and cannonaded it; on which it was abandoned by the boatmen; but the grenadiers, who formed the rear-guard, brought it off, and the whole army passed without any other loss than that of two or three tumbrils, and one small iron gun belonging to the Nabob.
The English troops, as well as those of the Nabob, entered the pagoda, and were admitted with great reluctance into three of the first inclosures, which affording room much more than sufficient for their reception, they complied with the earnest sollicitations of the Bramins, imploring them to carry the stain of their pollutions no nearer the habitation of the idol. It was evident this post might have been defended against the enemy's whole force, since the cannon of Tritchinopoly and those in the pagoda were near enough to have kept the communication open: but the spirit of retreat still so strongly possessed the army, that they suspected the outward wall of Seringham to be in a ruinous condition, and thought the extent of it too great to he defended ​by so small a force. Indeed the English battalion was now reduced to 400 men, and the Nabob's troops could not be depended on. It was therefore determined, as the last resource, to take shelter under the walls of Tritchinopoly, and this resolution was put in execution two days after the army took possession of Seringham.
The city of Tritchinopoly lies about 90 miles inland from the coast, and is situated within half a mile of the southern bank of the Caveri, and about a mile and a half south-east from Seringham. It is a parallelogram, of which the east and west sides extend near 2000 yards, and the north and south about 1200. It has a double inclosure of walls, each of which are flanked by round towers, built at equal distances from one another: the outward wall is 18 feet high, and about five feet thick, without rampart or parapet: the inward is much stronger, being 30 feet high, with a rampart of stone decreasing by large steps from the ground to the top, where it is 10 feet broad, and has a thin parapet of stone about seven feet high, in which are loop holes to fire through. There is an interval between the two walls of 25 feet, and before the outward a ditch 30 feet wide and 12 deep, unequally supplied with water at different seasons, but never quite dry. In the northern part of the city stands a rock 150 feet high, from which the adjacent country is discovered for many miles round.
The English battalion encamped on the west side of the city close to the ditch, and the Nabob's troops on the southern side: captain Cope, with 100 of the Europeans sent thither in the beginning of the year, remained within the walls.
Chunda-saheb and the French took possession of Seringham, soon after it was evacuated by the Nabob's army; and in the beginning of August they sent a strong detachment to attack Coiladdy, a mud fort about a mile to the east of the great bank which terminates the island of Seringham, and the only post which still held out for the Nabob. Captain Gingen, informed of this motion, detached 20 Europeans and 100 Sepoys, under the command of ensign Trusler, to reinforce the garrison. This officer defended the fort very gallantly for several days, until it was so shattered as to be no longer tenable: he then received orders to draw off his men in the night; and a detachment ​of 200 Europeans were sent to post themselves opposite to the fort on the southern bank of the Caveri, in order to cover his retreat: but the Sepoys, instead of passing the river a few at a time, whilst the Europeans were firing from the wall to amuse the enemy, threw themselves precipitately into the water all together, every one pressing to get over to the covering party as fast as he could. Their noise in this confusion discovered them to the enemy, who increased it by firing upon them, and at the same time prepared to assault the fort; upon which the Europeans likewise plunged into the river, and throwing away their arms, with difficulty joined the covering party. This success determined Chunda-saheb to cross the Caveri, and leaving a garrison in Seringham, he encamped with the rest of his army to the east of Tritchinopoly.
The presidency of Fort St. David saw, with great anxiety, their efforts to support Mahomed-ally, frustrated by the retreat of his army out of the Carnatic, where he now no longer possessed a single district: and Verdachelum, the only fort to the north of the Coleroon which acknowledged him, was invested by the troops of a neighbouring polygar. The ships from Europe having brought some recruits, a detachment of 80 Europeans and 300 Sepoys, with a large convoy of stores, were sent from Fort St. David in the middle of July to relieve it; but every good officer being already in the field, there remained none in the garrison to whom such a command could be prudently intrusted. The governor Mr. Saunders therefore requested Mr. Pigot, one of the council, and a man of resolution, to proceed with the detachment until it should be out of risque of enemies, and then to send it forward under the command of the military officer to Tritchinopoly. Lieutenant Clive likewise resolved to accompany this detachment. This young man, soon after the reduction of Devi-Cotah, had reassumed the mercantile service of the company, in which he first went to India; and from that time had held the office of commissary for supplying the European troops with provisions. In the prosecution of this employment, as well as from his love of enterprise, he had accompanied the army from the beginning of this campaign, until they began to retreat before the enemy at Vol-condah. The detachment surprized the Polygar's troops at midnight, who took flight at the ​first fire, and the convoy entered Verdachelum without any loss. From hence Mr. Pigot sent the detachment through the country of Tanjore to reinforce the battalion at Tritchinopoly, which they joined without interruption; The French at this time not having crossed the Caveri. He then returned from Verdachelum to Fort St. David, accompanied by Mr. Clive, 12 Sepoys, and as many servants: in their way they were surrounded by the Polygar's troops, who with matchlocks harassed this little party some hours, and killed seven of the Sepoys, and several of the attendants. The ammunition of the rest being expended, they were ordered to disperse, and Mr. Pigot and Clive saved themselves by the speed of their horses from a party of cavalry, who pursued them several miles.
In the middle of July the presidency prepared to send another reinforcement to Tritchinopoly, where the discontent which prevailed amongst the officers made it necessary to remove several of them at a time when there were very few fit to succeed to their posts: a captain's commission was therefore given to Mr. Clive, who proceeded with a detachment into the country of Tanjore, where he was joined by another from Devi-Cotah, under the command of Captain Clarke, who took the command of the whole, which, united, consisted of Only 100 Europeans, and 50 Sepoys, with one small field piece. The king of Tanjore, like all other Indian princes, cautious of declaring whilst the event remained doubtful, suffered, both the English and French troops to march through his country to Tritchinopoly: and this being the only rout by which the English from the sea-coast could now gain the city, the fort of Devi-Cotah began to acquire an importance not foreseen when they took it. The French detached from Coiladdy 30 Europeans and 500 Sepoys, who came in sight of the English party near the village of Condore, situated ten miles to the north of Tanjore; the high road led through the village, and both anxious to get possession of it, entered it hastily at the same time at different ends. A skirmish ensued, in which the French officer was desperately wounded, and 10 of his Europeans were killed, on which the rest with the Sepoys took flight; and the English making a circuit of several miles to avoid the enemy's camp, arrived safe at the city. ​Notwithstanding these reinforcements, the English battalion at Tritchinopoly did not exceed 600 men; whereas the French had 1,000, and the troops of Chunda-saheb outnumbered the Nabob's ten to one. The strength of the city indeed rendered the reduction of it very difficult: but the Nabob's army, at the same time that they were incapable of retrieving his affairs, exhausted his treasures, and his revenues were daily cut off by the enemy taking possession of the countries which furnished them.
Captain Clive, on his return from Tritchinopoly in the beginning of August, represented this situation of affairs to the presidency, and proposed, as the only resource, to attack the possessions of Chunda-saheb in the territory of Arcot; offering to lead the expedition himself, which he doubted not would cause a diversion of part of the enemy's force from Tritchinopoly. Fort St. David and Madrass were left, the one with 100, the other with less than 50 men, in order to supply the greatest force that could be collected for this enterprize. The detachment, when compleated, nevertheless, consisted of no more than 300 Sepoys and 200 Europeans, with eight officers, six of whom had never before been in action, and four of these six were young men in the mercantile service of the company, who, inflamed by his example, took up the sword to follow him. This handful of men, with only three field pieces for their artillery, marched from Madrass on the 26th of August, and on the 29th arrived at Conjeveram, a considerable town with a large pagoda, lying about 40 miles inland, where they received intelligence that the fort of Arcot was garrisoned by 1100 men; on which captain Clive wrote to Madrass, desiring that two 18 pounders might be sent after him without delay. On the 31st he halted within 10 miles of Arcot, where the enemy's spies reported, that they had discovered the English marching with unconcern through a violent storm of thunder, lightning, and rain; and this circumstance, from their notions of omens, gave the garrison so high an opinion of the fortitude of the approaching enemy, that they instantly abandoned the fort, and a few hours after the English entered the city, which had no walls or defences; and marching through 100,000 spectators, who gazed on them with admiration and respect, took possession of the fort, in which they found a large quantity of lead and ​gun-powder, with 8 pieces of cannon, from 4 to 8 pounders. The merchants had, for security, deposited in the fort effects to the value of 50,000 pounds, but these were punctually restored to the owners; and this judicious abstemiousness conciliated many of the principal inhabitants to the English interest. The fort was inhabited by 3 or 4000 persons, who, at their own request, were permitted to remain in their dwellings.
Captain Clive made it his first care to collect such provisions and materials as might enable him to sustain a siege; and foreseeing that the enemy would soon recover from their fright, and return into the town, if he confined himself to the fort, determined to go in quest of them; and on the 4th of September marched out with the greatest part of his men, and four field pieces: in the afternoon he discovered the fugitive garrison, consisting of 600 horse and 500 foot, drawn up near Timery, a fort situated 6 miles south-west of the city. They had a field piece, managed by two or three Europeans, from which they fired at a great distance, and killed a camel and wounded a Sepoy: but as soon as they saw the English within musket-shot, retreated to the hills in their rear; upon which the English returned to the fort.
The troops marched out again on the 6th, and found the enemy drawn up within gun-shot of Timery, in a grove, inclosed with a bank and a ditch; about 50 yards in front of which was a large tank, surrounded likewise withabank much higher than that of the grove; but by age and neglect the tank itself was almost choaked up and dry. Their number now appeared to be 2000, and they had two field pieces, which fired smartly as the English advanced, and killed three Europeans; on which accident the line advanced more briskly towards the enemy, who frightened by the vivacity of their approach, did not think themselves safe in the grove, but hurried with precipitation into the tank, and began to fire from the banks, exposing so little of their bodies that the English fire did no execution amongst them, whilst theirs wounded several of the Europeans and Sepoys. The troops were therefore ordered to move behind some neighbouring buildings, from which ensign Glass was soon after detached with a platoon of 40 men, to attack one side of the tank, whilst another, under the command of lieutenant Bulkley, pushed to attack the enemy in front. Both gained the bank's, and gave ​their fire at the same instant, amongst numbers crowded together in the tank; which immediately put them to flight. The troops then took possession of the village under the walls of the fort, and summoned the governor. Messages passed, during which his spies discovered that the English had no battering cannon, which intelligence determined him not to surrender. Several shells were therefore thrown into the fort from a cohorn mortar, which proving ineffectual, the troops marched back to Arcot, and the enemy's cavalry hovered round them as they retreated, but kept out of the reach of their fire.
The garrison remained in the fort 10 days, diligently employed in many necessary works; and the enemy, now augmented to 3000 men, imputing this intermission of their sallies to fear, encamped within three miles of the town, giving out that they intended to besiege the fort. Captain Clive determined to take advantage of their security; and on the 14th of September marched out, two hours after midnight, with the greatest part of his garrison, and entering their camp by surprize, found them, as he expected, asleep. The troops beat up the camp from one end to the other, firing continually on numbers taking flight on all sides with shrieks and confusion: the terror was so great that very few made use of their arms, and even these few, after a single discharge made at random, mingled with the rest of the fugitives; and when the day broke, none of them remained in sight. This success was obtained without the loss of a man.
The two 18 pounders, which had been demanded from Madrass, with some military stores, were at this time on the road, but escorted only by a few Sepoys; and the enemy hoping to intercept them, sent a large detachment, which took possession of the great pagoda of Conjeveram: 30 Europeans and 50 Sepoys, with a field piece, were sent from the fort to dislodge them, and on then arrival found the pagoda abandoned; the enemy having retreated to a fort in the neighbourhood, where they were continually reinforced from the main body. Much depending on the safe arrival of the convoy, captain Clive, reserving only 30 Europeans and 50 Sepoys for the guard of the fort, sent all the rest to strengthen the detachment which escorted it. On this the enemy changed their design, and returned ​hastily to the city in expectation that an assault made on the fort during the absence of so great a part of the garrison, would encourage the inhabitants to rise; and in this confidence, their whole force, horse and foot, advanced as soon as it was dark, and surrounded the fort. Their musketry, from the adjacent houses, kept a continual fire upon the ramparts; and this attack producing no effect, a large body of horse and foot advanced promiscuously to the principal gate, endeavouring by outcries, and the noise of their military music, to confound the attention of the garrison, from whom they sustained several discharges of musketry without quitting their ground. At last some grenades were thrown amongst them, the explosion of which frightening the horses, flung their cavalry into such confusion that they galloped away, trampling over the foot: but within an hour they recovered their spirits, and made such another attack at the other gate where they were received and beaten off as at the first point. Their infantry continued their fire until day-break, when the English detachments, with the convoy, entered the town, upon which they abandoned it with precipitation. The inhabitants in the fort, satisfied with the treatment they had received from the garrison, betrayed no symptoms of insurrection during the attack.
The acquisition of the fort of Arcot soon produced the effect which had been expected from it. Chunda-saheb detached 4,000 of his troops, horse and foot, from Tritchinopoly, who in their rout were, joined by his son Raja-saheb, with 150 Europeans from Pondicherry, and together with the troops already collected in the neighbourhood of Arcot, entered the city on the 23d of September, aud Raja-saheb fixed his head-quarters in the palace of the Nabob.
Captain Clive finding himself on the point of being closely besieged, determined to make one vigorous effort to drive the enemy out of the town, which, if it did not succeed, might at least produce the good effect of impressing them with an opinion of the courage of his men. On the 24th at noon, the greatest part of the garrison, with the four field pieces, sallied out of the north-west gate: this faced at street which, after continuing about seventy yards in a direct line to the north, turned off to the east, and formed another street, at the end of which on the left hand was situated the Nabob's palace. This fronted another street, which striking to the south, continued on the eastern ​side of the fort. The square interval between these three streets and the northern wall of the fort was filled with buildings and inclosures. Captain Clive intending to place the enemy between two fires, ordered a platoon under the command of ensign Glass to march up the street on the eastern side of the fort, which led up to the palace, and advanced himself with the main body along the street leading from the north-west gate. The French troops, with four field pieces, were drawn up at the end of the cross street in front of the palace. Captain Clive's party no sooner came in sight of them than a hot cannonade ensued in the cross street, at the distance of only 30 yards. The French in a few minutes were driven from their guns, and ran into the palace; but by this time the troops of Raja-saheb had taken possession of all the houses in the street; and secure under this cover, kept up a continual fire from their musketry with such good aim, that 14 men, who pushed to bring away the French guns, were all either killed or wounded. There was on one side of the street a large Choultry: these are buildings intended for the reception of travellers, covered and inclosed on three sides with walls, but open in front, where, instead of a wall, the roof is supported by pillars. Captain Clive to preserve his men, relinquished the intention of bringing off the enemy's cannon, and ordered them to enter the Choultry; from hence the artillery men stepping out and retreating into it immediately after they had performed the services allotted to each of them, continued to load and fire their field pieces until they had recoiled into the north street. The troops then quitting the Choultry, joined their guns and proceeded to the fort without meeting any farther molestation. Ensign Glass's platoon returned at the same time: these had encountered and put to flight 3 or 400 of the enemy's Sepoys, whom they found posted as an advanced guard in an inclosure adjoining to the street through which they intended to pass to the palace; where, by this interruption, they were prevented from arriving in time to render the service expected from them. The garrison suffered this day the loss of 15 Europeans, who were either killed on the spot, or died afterwards of their wounds; amongst them was Lieutenant Trenwith, who perceiving a Sepoy from a window taking aim at captain Clive, pulled him on one side, ​upon which the Sepoy, changing his aim, shot lieutenant Trenwith through the body. Lieutenant Revel, the only artillery officer, with 16 other men, was likewise disabled. This sally would be condemned by the rules of war established in Europe, for they forbid the besieged to run such a risque, unless they are assured of greatly outnumbering the party they attack but it is not reasonable to strain the rules calculated for one system, to the service of another differing so widely from it, as the modes of war in Indostan differ from those in Europe.
The next day Raja-saheb was joined by 2000 men from Veloor, commanded by Mortiz-ally in person; and took possession of all the avenues leading to the fort, which seemed little capable of sustaining the impending siege. Its extent was more than a mile in circumference. The walls were in many places ruinous: the rampart too narrow to admit the firing of artillery; the parapet low and slightly built; several of the towers were decayed, and none of them capable of receiving more than one piece of cannon; the ditch was in most places fordable, in others dry, and in some choaked up: there was between the foot of the walls and the ditch a space about 10 feet broad, intended for a faussebray, but this had no parapet at the scarp of the ditch. The fort had two gates one to the north-west, the other to the east; both of which were large piles of masonry projecting 40 feet beyond the walls, and the passage from these gates was, instead of a draw-bridge, a large causeway crossing the ditch. The garrison had from their arrival employed themselves indefatigably to remove and repair as many of these inconveniences and defects as the smallness of their numbers could attend to. They had endeavoured to burn down several of the nearest houses, but without success; for these having no wood-work in their construction, excepting the beams which supported the ceiling, resisted the blaze: of these houses the enemy's infantry took possession, and began to fire upon the ramparts, and wounded several of the garrison before night, when they retired. At midnight, ensign Glass was sent with 10 men, and some barrels of gun-powder, to blow up two of the houses which most annoyed the fort. This party were let down by ropes over the walls, and entering the houses without being discovered, made the explosion, but with so little skill that it did not produce the intended effect: at their return the rope, ​by which ensign Glass was getting into the fort, broke, and he was by the fall rendered incapable of farther duty; so that, at the beginning of the siege, the garrison was deprived of the service of four of the eight officers who set out on the expedition; for one was killed, two wounded, and another returned to Madrass; and the troops fit for duty were diminished to 120 Europeans and 200 Sepoys: these were besieged by 150 Europeans, 2000 Sepoys, 3000 cavalry, and 5000 Peons.
The store of provision in the fort was only sufficient to supply the garrison sixty days, which rendered it necessary to send away all the inhabitants, excepting a few artificers, and the enemy permitted them to pass through their guards without molestation: amongst those who remained was a mason, who had for many years been employed in the fort; he gave information that there was an aqueduct under ground, known to very few, but which, if discovered by the enemy, would enable them to drain the only reservoir of water in the fort: the man was rewarded for this seasonable intelligence, and employed to prevent the mischief, by choaking up a part of the aqueduct within the walls. For 14 days, the enemy, not yet furnished with battering cannon, carried on the siege by firing from the houses with musketry; and a bombardment from four mortars. The bombardment did little damage, and to avoid the effect of the musketry, none of the garrison were suffered to appear on the ramparts, excepting the few immediately necessary to prevent a surprize: but notwithstanding this precaution, several were killed, and more wounded: for the enemy, secure in the houses, and firing from resting places, took such excellent aim, that they often hit a man when nothing but his head appeared above the parapet; and in this manner three Serjeants were killed, who at different times singly accompanied captain Clive in visiting the works. Mortiz-ally, a few days after his arrival, pretended to be dissatisfied with Raja-saheb, and removed his troops to a different part of the city, from whence he sent a messenger, inviting the garrison to make a sally on the quarters of Raja-saheb, in which he offered to assist them with his whole force. Captain Clive mistrusted his professions, but considering the advantage of keeping such a number of the enemy's troops inactive, pretended to approve ​of the proposal, and carried on for several days a correspondence, until Mortiz-ally, suspecting his scheme was detected, rejoined the army.
On the 24th of October, the French troops received from Pondicherry two 18 pounders, and seven pieces of smaller calibre, and immediately opened a battery to the north-west, which was so well served, that their very first shot dismounted one of the 18 pounders in the fort, and the next entirely disabled it. The garrison mounted the other 18 pounder; and this, after a few shot, was likewise dismounted: after which it was employed only in such parts of the fort, where it was not exposed to the enemy's artillery. The three field pieces were likewise cautiously reserved to repulse the enemy when they should storm; so that their battery firing without much opposition, in six days beat down all the wall lying between two towers, and made a practicable breach of fifty feet. In the mean time the garrison were employed in making works to defend it: a trench was dug just under the rampart, and behind that at some distance another; both of which were scattered with crows feet, and behind them the wall of a house was pulled down to the height of a breast-work; from whence a row of pallisadoes was carried along on each end of both trenches, and continued up the rampart to the parapet. A field piece was planted on one of the towers which flanked the breach without, and two small pieces of cannon on the flat roof of a house within the fort, opposite to the entrance. In these employments, as indeed in all others, the officers contributed their labour equally with the common men; and the enemy, informed of these preparations to defend the breach, did not think it safe to attack it before they had made another: they had by this time burst one of their 18 pounders, and removed the other, with one nine pounder, to a battery which they erected to the south-west.
The garrison intending to convince Raja-saheb that they were in a condition to execute even labours not indispensibly necessary, thickened the highest tower of the ramparts, and then raised on the top of it a mound of earth to such a height as commanded the palace over the interjacent houses. On the top of this mound they hoisted a vast piece of cannon, sent, according to the tradition of the fort, from ​Delhi, by Aureng-zebe, and said to have been drawn by 1000 yoke of oxen. There were several iron balls belonging to it, each weighing 72 pounds. The cannon was laid on the mound, and loaded with 30 pounds of powder, which was fired by a train carried to a considerable distance on the ground. The shot went through the palace, to the no small terror of Raja-saheb and his principal officers; and as this was the only effect intended, the cannon was fired only once in the day, at the time when the officers assembled at the head-quarters: on the fourth day it burst.
The enemy, as if they intended to retaliate this affront, filled up a house, which commanded the eastern gate, with earth well ramm'd down, and upon this base raised a square mound of earth to such a height as commanded not only the gate, but likewise every part within the fort: from hence they intended to fire on the rampart with musketry and two small pieces of cannon. They were suffered to go on with their work until they had compleated it and mounted the cannon, when the garrison began to fire from the reserved 18 pounder, and in less than an hour the mound gave way and tumbled at once with 50 men stationed on it; some of whom were killed and many disabled.
Notwithstanding the numbers of the enemy's guards which surrounded the fort, the garrison, by means of able spies, carried on a constant correspondence with Madrass and Fort St. David, where the company's agents were very sollicitous to relieve them, and having received some recruits from Europe, formed a party of 100 Europeans, who with 200 Sepoys, set out from Madrass under the command of lieutenant Innis. Before they had advanced 30 miles in their way to Arcot, they were surrounded in the town of Trivatore by 2000 of Raja-saheb's troops detached with 20 Europeans and two field pieces from the city. The English party having no cannon, were so severely annoyed by the enemy's, that lieutenant Innis, as the only resource, made a push with all his Europeans to drive them from their guns. The attempt succeeded, but not without a sharp contest, in which 20 of the English and two of their officers were killed, and a greater number wounded. This loss deterred the rest from continuing their march, and they retreated to Ponamalee, a fort built by the Moors, and at this time belonging to the company, 15 miles west of Madrass. ​On the 24th of October the enemy opened their battery to the south-west: the part of the wall against which they directed their fire was in a very ruinous condition, but it had the advantage of being much less exposed than any other to the fire from the houses. The garrison therefore kept up a constant fire of musketry against the battery, and several times drove the enemy out of it, but the breach notwithstanding increased every day.
The retreat of lieutenant Innis left the garrison little hopes of succour from the settlements; but at this time their spirits were raised by the hopes of other resources. A body of 6000 Morattoes, under the command of Morari-row, had lain for some time encamped at the foot of the western mountains, about 30 miles from Arcot: they had been lined to assist Mahomed-ally by the king of Mysore; but the retreat of the English, and the Nabob's troops to Tritchinopoly, had been represented in the neighbouring countries so much to their prejudice, that the Nabob's affairs were thought to be desperate, and his allies were suspected of having little intention to support him; and from this persuasion the Morattoes remained inactive. Captain Clive had found means to send a messenger to inform them of his situation, and to request their approach to his relief; the messenger returning safely to the fort, brought a letter from Morari-row, in which he said that he would not delay a moment to send a detachment of his troops to the assistance of such brave men as the defenders of Arcot, whose behaviour had now first convinced him that the English could fight.
Raja-saheb receiving intelligence of their intentions, sent a flag of truce on the 30th of October, with proposals for the surrender of the fort. He offered honourable terms to the garrison, and a large sum of money to captain Clive; and if his offers were not accepted, he threatened to storm the fort immediately, and put every man to the sword.
Captain Clive, in his answer, reproached the badness of Chunda-saheb's cause, treated Raja-saheb's offers of money with contempt; and said, that he had too good an opinion of his prudence to believe that he would attempt to storm, until he had got better soldiers than the rabble of which his army was composed. As soon as the messenger was dispatched, the flag of truce was pulled down; but the enemy not ​understanding the rules of European war, numbers of them remained near the ditch parleying with the Sepoys, and persuading them to desert. The croud was several times warned to retire, but continuing to disregard the injunction, were dispersed by a volley of small arms, which killed several of them.
Lieutenant Innis's party, reinforced to the number of 150 Europeans, and with four field pieces, was now advancing under the command of Capt. Killpatrick; and on the 9th of November a detachment of Morattoes arrived in the neighbourhood, and intercepted some ammunition going to the enemy. They likewise attempted to enter the town; but finding every street and avenue barricaded, they contented themselves with plundering and setting fire to some houses in the skirts of it, after which they retreated.
By this time the enemy had, from their battery to the south-west, made a breach much larger than that to the north-west, for it extended near 30 yards; but the ditch before it was full of water, and not fordable: and the garrison had counterworked this breach with the same kinds of defences as the other.
Rajah-saheb, exasperated by the answer he had received to his summons, and alarmed by the approach of the Morattoes, and the detachment from Madrass, determined to storm the fort. In the evening a, spy brought intelligence of this to the garrison, and at midnight another came with a particular account of all the enemy's dispositions, and of the hour of attack, which was to begin at the dawn of day by the signal of three bombs. Captain Clive, almost exhausted with fatigue, laid down to sleep, ordering himself to be awakened at the first alarm.
It was the 14th of November, and the festival which commemorates the murder of the brothers Hassein and Jassein happened to fall out at this time. This is celebrated by the Mahomedans of Indostan with a kind of religious madness, some acting and others bewailing the catastrophe of their saints with so much energy, that several die of the excesses they commit: they are likewise persuaded, that whoever falls in battle, against unbelievers, during any of the days of this ceremony, shall instantly be translated into the higher paradise, without stopping at any of the intermediate purgatories. ​To the enthusiasm of superstition was added the more certain efficacy of inebriation; for most of the troops, as is customary during the agitations of this festival, had eaten plentifully of bang, a plant which either stupifies, or excites the most desperate excesses of rage. Thus prepared, as soon as the morning broke, the army of Rajah-saheb advanced to the attack. Besides a multitude that came with ladders to every part of the walls that were accessible, there appeared four principal divisions. Two of these divisions advanced to the two gates and the other two were allotted to the breaches.
Captain Clive, awakened by the alarm, found his garrison at their posts, according to the dispositions he had made. The parties who attacked the gates drove before them several elephants, who, with large plates of iron fixed to their foreheads, were intended to break them down; but the elephants, wounded by the musketry, soon turned, and trampled on those who escorted them. The ditch before the breach to the north-west was fordable; and as many as the breach would admit, mounted it with a mad kind of intrepidity, whilst numbers came and sat down with great composure in the fausse-braye under the tower where the field piece was planted, and waited then to relieve those who were employed in the attack: these passed the breach, and some of them even got over the first trench before the defenders gave fire; it fell heavily, and every shot did execution and a number of muskets were loaded in readiness, which those behind delivered to the first rank as fast as they could discharge them The two pieces of cannon from the top of the house fired likewise or the assailants, who in a few minutes abandoned the attack, when another body, and then another succeeded, who were driven off in the same manner: in the mean time bombs, with short fusees, which had been prepared and lodged on the adjacent rampart, were thrown into the fausse-braye, and by their explosion drove the croud, who had seated themselves there, back again over the ditch. At the breach to the south-west the enemy brought a raft, and seventy men embarked on it to cross the ditch, which was flanked by two field pieces, one in each tower: the raft had almost gained the fausse-braye when captain Clive observing that the gunners fired with bad aim took the management of one of the field pieces himself, and in three ​or four discharges flung them into such confusion that they overset the raft, and tumbled into the ditch; where some of them where drowned, and the rest, intent only on their own preservation, swam back and left the raft behind.
In these different attacks the enemy continued the storm for an hour, when they relinquished all their attempts of annoyance at once, and employed themselves earnestly in carrying off their dead. Amongst these was the commander of their Sepoys, who fell in the fausse-braye of the northern breach: he had distinguished himself with great bravery in the attack, and was so much beloved by his troops, that one of them crossed the ditch and earned off his body, exposing himself during the attempt to the fire of 40 muskets, from which he had the good fortune to escape. It seemed as if the enemy expected that the garrison would permit them to fulfil this duty to their friends; but finding that they suffered severely in attempting it, they at last retreated and disappeared. Their loss during the storm was computed to be not less than 400 men killed and wounded, of which very few were Europeans, for most of the French troops were observed drawn up and looking on at a distance. Of the defenders, only four Europeans were killed and two Sepoys wounded. Many of the garrison being disabled by sickness or wounds, the number which repulsed the storm was no more than 80 Europeans, officers included, and 120 Sepoys; and these, besides, serving five pieces of cannon, expended 12,000 musket cartridges during the attack.
Two hours after the enemy renewed their fire upon the fort, both with their cannon and with musketry from the houses: at two in the afternoon they demanded leave to bury their dead, which was granted and a truce allowed until four: they then recommenced and continued their fire smartly till two in the morning, when on a sudden it ceased totally; and at day-break, intelligence was brought that the whole army had abandoned the town with precipitation. On receiving this joyful news, the garrison, immediately marched into the enemy's quarters, where they found four pieces of artillery, four mortars and a large quantity of ammunition, which they brought in triumph into the fort. During the time that the garrison were shut up in the ​fort, 45 Europeans and 30 Sepoys were killed, and a greater number of both wounded, most of whom suffered by the enemy's musketry from the houses.
Thus ended this siege, maintained 50 days, under every disadvantage of situation and force, by a handful of men in their first campaign, with a spirit worthy of the most veteran troops; and conducted by their young commander with indefatigable activity, unshaken constancy, and undaunted courage: and notwithstanding he had at this time neither read books, or conversed with men capable of giving him much instruction in the military art; all the resources which he employed in the defence of Arcot, were such as are dictated by the best masters in the science of war.
In the evening the detachment with captain Killpatrick entered the town, which the army of Raja-saheb no sooner quitted than all the troops, sent to his assistance by different chiefs, returned to their homes, and there remained with him only those which had been detached by his father from Tritchinopoly. With these and the French he retired to Velore, and pitching his camp close to the eastern side of the town, fortified it with strong entrenchments. Captain Clive leaving captain Killpatrick with a garrison in the fort, took the field on the 19th of November, with 200 Europeans, 700 Sepoys, and three field pieces, and marched to Timery, which the governor now surrendered on the first summons: a small garrison was left in this place, and the army returned and encamped near the western side of the city, waiting to be joined by the Morattoes. Of these 5000 horse, with Morari-row at their head, had proceeded to the southward, and 1000 under the command of Basin-row, a nephew of Morari-row, remained to assist captain Clive; but, instead of joining him immediately, they employed themselves some days in plundering the country.As they lay encamped with great negligence within a short march of Velore, the French troops with Raja-saheb attacked them with success in the night, killed 40 or 50 of their horses, and plundered their camp. After this defeat they came to the English camp, and intreated captain Clive to march to the place where they had suffered, in hopes of recovering their loss. Their request was complied with to keep them in temper; but nothing was recovered, for the enemy ​had carried off and secured the booty. At this time intelligence was received that a party of Europeans from Pondicherry were approaching towards Arni, a strong fort situated about 20 miles to the south of Arcot; on which captain Clive requested Basin-row to accompany him with his troops to intercept them before they should join Raja-saheb. The Morattoe seeing no probability of acquiring plunder, refused his assistance, and the English marched without him; but hearing that the French party had retreated to Chittapet, returned to their station near Arcot. Two or three days after, Raja-saheb quitted his encampment near Velore, and in the night made a forced march to Arni, where he was joined by the party from Chittapet. The Morattoes still continued unwilling to accompany the English in quest of the enemy: but, hearing from their spies that the enemy's reinforcement had brought a large sum of money for Raja-saheb, Basin-row now expressed as much eagerness to march against him as he had hitherto shewn reluctance. The troops immediately moved; but the Morattoe was not able to assemble more than 600 of his horsemen, the rest being employed in their usual excursions. The next afternoon, by a forced march of 20 miles, the army came in sight of the enemy, just as they were preparing to cross the river which runs to the north of Arni. The enemy, encouraged by the superiority of their force, which consisted of 300 Europeans, 2000 horse, and 2500 Sepoys, with four field pieces, immediately formed, and returned to meet them. Captain Clive halted to receive them in an advantageous post: the Morattoes were stationed in a grove of palm trees to the left; the Sepoys in a village to the right; and the Europeans, with the field pieces, in the center, in an open ground, which extended about three hundred yards between the grove and the village; in the front were rice fields, which at this time of the year were very swampy, and the approach of the enemy's cannon would have been impracticable, had there not been a causeway leading to the village on the right. The French troops, with about 1500 Sepoys, and their artillery, marched alqng the causeway; and the horse, amongst which the rest of the Sepoys were interspersed, moved in a separate body to the left, and attacked the Morattoes in the grove some time before the other' wing was engaged any other way than by cannonading ​at a distance. The Morattoes fought in a manner peculiar to themselves: their cavalry were armed with sabres, and every horseman was closely accompanied by a man on foot, armed with a sword and a large club; and some instead of a club carried a short strong spear: if a horse was killed and the rider remained unhurt, he immediately began to act on foot; and if the rider fell, and the horse escaped, he was immediately mounted, and pressed on again to the charge by the first foot-man who could seize him. Notwithstanding the difference of numbers, and the advantage of the enemy's disposition, they bebaved with great spirit, and made five successive charges, in every one of which they were repulsed by the fire of the enemy's Sepoys. In the mean time the other wing advanced towards the village; but their line of march along the causeway was so much galled and enfiladed by the English field pieces, that all but the artillery-men with the cannon, and two or three platoons to support them, quitted the causeway, and formed in the rice fields an extensive front, which reached almost to the grove, where their cavalry were engaged, who imagined that this motion was made to reinforce them. Upon this change in their disposition, two field pieces were sent to support the Morattoes; and the Sepoys, with two platoons of Europeans, were ordered to sally from the village and attack the enemy's artillery. This unexpected motion terrified those who remained to defend the cannon so much, that they immediately began to draw them off and retreat. Their example was followed by the Sepoys in the rice fields, and the retreat of these immediately dispirited the horse and foot fighting at the grove, who had suffered from the two field pieces sent thither; and this whole wing gave way and retreated likewise, pursued by the Morattoes. Capt. Clive, with his infantry and field pieces, advanced along the causeway in pursuit of the enemy, who made a stand at three different choultries in their rout, but were beaten out of each of them; when night coming on, the pursuit ceased. About 50 of the French, and 150 of the enemy's cavalry and Sepoys, were either killed or wounded in the action. The English lost no European, and only eight Sepoys; but of the Morattoes about fifty were either killed or disabled.
The enemy continuing their retreat, crossed the river, and entered ​the town of Arni: which at midnight they quitted in great disorder, intending to make the best of their way to Gingee; and the next morning the English entered the town, in which they found many tents, and a large quantity of baggage. The Morattoes set out in pursuit of the enemy, and, before night, returned with 400 horses, and Raja-saheb's military chest, in which they found 100,000 rupees. A great number of the enemy's Sepoys came and offered their service to captain Clive, who enlisted as many as brought good arms; of whom the number amounted to 600. Receiving intelligence from them that Raja-saheb had deposited some valuable effects in the fort of Arni, he summoned the governor to deliver them up, together with his fort; who, after some altercations, sent out an elephant and 15 horses, with a great quantity of baggage, and agreed to take the oath of fealty to Mahomed-ally, but refused to surrender his fort; which the army, having no battering cannon, was not in a condition to attack.
The French, during the siege of Arcot, had again taken possession of the great pagoda of Conjeveram, and placed in it a garrison of 30 Europeans and 300 Sepoys, who from hence interrupted the communication between Arcot and Madrass, and had surprized a party of disabled men, returning from the siege. Amongst these were the officers Revel and Glass, to whom the French gave quarter, after they had murdered five or six Europeans as they lay in their litters without arms, and incapable of making resistance. Captain Clive determined to avail himself of the dispersion of Raja-saheb's forces to reduce Conjeveram; and two or three days after his victory, marched thither at the head of his own force: for Basin-row, in obedience to orders which he had received from his uncle, proceeded with the Morattoes from Arni to Tritchinopoly. The French officer at Conjeveram was summoned to surrender; and none of the garrison understanding the English language, he ordered his prisoners, Revel and Glass, to write a letter, and acquaint captain Clive, that he intended to expose them on the walls, if the pagoda was attacked. They wrote this, but added, that they hoped no regard to their safety would induce him to discontinue his operations against the place. The army waited some days for two 18 pounders, which were coming from Madrass; and ​as soon as they arrived began to batter in breach at the distance of 200 yards: the enemy had no cannon, but fired very smartly with their musketry, which killed several men at the battery, and lieutenant Bulkley, reconnoitering the pagoda over a garden-wall in company with captain Clive, was shot through the head close by his side. The wall resisted three days before it began to give way, when the garrison, conscious of their demerits, and dreading the just resentment of the English, abandoned the pagoda in the night, but left behind the two prisoners. After ruining the defences of Conjeveram, captain Clive sent 200 Europeans and 500 Sepoys to Arcot, and returned in the middle of December with the rest to Madrass; from whence he went to Fort St. David, to give an account of his campaign to the presidency.
During these successes in the province of Arcot, Chunda-saheb beleaguered Tritchinopoly. The French battalion fixed their quarters at a village called Chuckly-pollam, on the southern bank of the Caveri, about two miles and a half from the east side of the town. The troops of Chunda-saheb, for the convenience of water, encamped likewise along the bank of the river, and to the eastward of Chuckly-pollam, which post secured one of the flanks of their camp, and at the other extremity of it, three miles distant, they raised a redoubt, on which they mounted two pieces of cannon. The French, on whom the operations of the siege principally depended, sent to then settlement of Karical for a train of battering artillery; and in the beginning of September they raised their principal battery a little to the south of the north-east angle of the town, and at the distance of 1200 yards from the walls. To save the fatigue of carrying on trenches between this post and the camp, they afterwards made the battery a regular redoubt, by inclosing it on both flanks and in the rear with a parapet and a deep ditch; here they mounted three 8 pounders, and three mortars, which were defended by a constant guard of 100 Europeans and 400 Sepoys. They likewise mounted two 18 pounders on a rock, which has ever since obtained the name of the French rock, and is situated about 2000 yards directly east from the south-east angle of the town; they also raised a battery of two guns on the island of Seringham, from which they fired across ​the Caveri at the northern gate of the city, to interrupt the communication of the inhabitants with the river; these guns, as well as those on the French rock, were at too great a distance to make any impression on the walls. By these works alone they hoped to reduce the city; the insufficiency of them soon raised in the English battalion a contempt of their courage and military abilities, and it was now that they began to be ashamed of having retreated before such an enemy; and judging, as usual, from events, to blame their commander for an excess of caution in his retreat, of which their own panicks had been the principal cause: for captain Gingen was undoubtedly a man of courage, and had seen much service in Europe; but having had no experience against an Indian army, fell into the error of imagining that the cavalry of Chunda-saheb would act with all the vigour of which their number and appearance seemed capable. His prudence, if improper before, became absolutely necessary now, as the French had taken possession of posts in which they could do no harm to the town, but from which they could not be driven without great loss: he therefore determined to preserve his men, whilst the enemy fatigued their troops and exhausted their ammunition to no purpose: and in this intention he kept the greatest part of the battalion and Sepoys encamped close to the western side of the town, where they were out of the reach of annoyance.
To save that part of the wall against which the enemy's principal battery fired, a glacis was raised to such a height as left nothing but the parapet exposed; and the grenadiers, commanded by captain Dalton, were posted behind this glacis: an entrenchment was flung up between the French rock and the south-east angle of the town, in which the company of Coffrees were posted, to protect from surprizes the Nabob's cavalry encamped to the south; and to oppose the enemy's battery in the island, two guns were mounted close to the southern bank of the river.
To infilade these, the French mounted two guns on the same side of the river; but were one night driven from this post by captain Dalton: they, a few days after, surprized the English entrenchment opposite to the Fyench rock, and carried off the captain and nine ​Coffrees; and these two were the only enterprizes made on either side during the month of October. The enemy's batteries fired indeed constantly and smartly every day, and damaged some houses, but made no impression on the defences of the town: they supplied the defenders with a great number of cannon-balls, all of which had the English mark, being the same that the ships had fired against Pondicherry, with as little effect as they were now thrown away against Tritchinopoly.
But although little was to be feared from the efforts of an enemy who seemed ignorant of the first principles of a regular attack, yet every thing was to be apprehended from the poverty to which the Nabob was reduced. His troops threatened to desert: the expences of the English battalion, which used to be furnished from his treasury, began to be defrayed by that of Fort St. David, and he had no reason to believe that they would continue to support him any longer than there was a probability of extricating him out of his distresses; and these he foresaw would increase every day, unless he could obtain an army equal to that of Chunda-saheb, whose superiority had hitherto deterred the English troops from making any vigorous efforts.
The only prince in the peninsula from whose situation, power, and inclination, the Nabob could expect the assistance which he stood so much in need of, was the king of Mysore. The territory of this Indian prince is bounded to the east by the southern part of the Carnatic, and the kingdom of Tritchinopoly; and to the west it extends, in some parts, within 30 miles of the sea-coast of Malabar. His annual revenue is computed at 20 millions of rupees; and the whole nation bore a mortal hatred to Chunda-saheb, who during the time that he governed Tritchinopoly, formed a design of conquering the country, and besieged for several months Caroor, the strongest of their frontier towns to the eastward. The king of Mysore being an infant, the government was administered by his uncle, who acted with unlimited power: to this regent, called in the country, the Dalaway of Mysore, Mahomed-ally applied for assistance; and finding that the dread of Chunda-saheb's successes was not alone a sufficient motive to induce him to take up arms, he agreed to all the terms which the Mysorean demanded, and these were very exorbitant. The Nabob ratified the ​treaty by his oath, and the Dalaway determined to assist him with efficacy. In consequence of this negociation, a party of seventy horsemen arrived at Tritchinopoly in the beginning of October from Seringapatnam, the capital of Mysore. They brought five hundred thousand rupees: great respect was shewn to their officer; and the day after his arrival a skirmish happened, which, although inconsiderable, gave him a favourable opinion of the Nabob's European allies. A platoon, with two or three companies of Sepoys, were sent to cut down wood at a grove situated about a mile and a half south-east from the city. The enemy having intelligence of this detachment, sent a large body of cavalry to cut off their retreat: their march being discovered from the rock in the city, the grenadiers, with some Sepoys, and one field piece, were sent to support the first party, and the troop of Mysoreans accompanied them. Captain Dalton meeting the wood-carts loaded, ordered them to proceed to the town by a distant road, and forming the two parties into one column, with the field piece in front, marched towards the enemy, instead of returning directly to the city. He first met the French dragoons, who halted on a small eminence to reconnoitre, and waited there until they received the fire of a platoon, on which they retreated to bring up the body of Chunda-saheb's cavalry, who remained at some distance in the rear. These came up some time after at full speed, flourishing then swords, and made a halt within point blank shot, to draw the fire of the English troops before they charged; but captain Dalton ordered his men to preserve it, and wait with fixed bayonets in close order. The field piece alone was fired, and the first shot dismounted three Moors, and a few more discharges put the whole body to flight. They left 22 horses killed on the plain, and the Mysoreans took five prisoners, together with their horses; which at their return, a few days after, they carried in a kind of triumph to their own country.
The French continued to bombard the town without any change in their position; and in the latter end of November the king of Mysore's army began to assemble, at Caroor, situated about 50 miles from Tritchinopoly, and 5 miles to the south of the Caveri; he likewise took into his pay 6000 Morattoes, under the command of Morari-row, often mentioned in this history: 1000 of them were sent to second, ​the efforts of captain Clive in the Arcot province; and in the beginning of December, 500 under the command of Innis-Khan, a brave and active officer, came to Tritchinopoly. The day after their arrival, they went boldly to reconnoitre the plain, where none of the Nabob's dispirited cavalry had ever ventured to shew themselves, and finding a small detached camp of about 200 horse, which had lain four months unmolested near the French rock, they rode into it sword in hand, and brought off every thing they found with the greatest composure, shewing no fear at the swarms of Chunda-saheb's cavalry, who mounted and marched towards them from their principal camp.
After this exploit, the Morattoes went out several days successively to reconnoitre; and Innis-Khan having observed that the French dragoons were much more alert than any of Chunda-saheb's cavalry, mounting and advancing on every alarm, he formed the design of drawing them into an ambuscade; and having communicated his plan to captain Gingen, a party of Europeans, with two field pieces, were detached before day, who entering a large and deep water-course, which runs across the plain to the south of the city, concealed themselves in it, within 400 yards of the French rock, and at the same time Innis-Khan, with 300 horsemen, marched out from his encampment on the west side of the town. The surface of the plain round Tritchinopoly is very uneven, and full of hollow ways. The Morattoe taking a large circuit, placed his men in a hollow, where, when dismounted, they could not be perceived either from the French rock or that in the city. Every thing remained quiet in both camps until noon, when 40 Morattoes, mounted on the best horses, set out from the camp, and keeping out of cannonshot of the French rock, proceeded to the eastward of it, and then galloped sword in hand directly to the enemy's camp, where they made no small hurry and confusion, either cutting down or driving all the foragers they met, quite up to the tents. This provoking the French, 60 dragoons sallied, and were followed slowly by 400 of Chunda-saheb's cavalry, The Morattoes retreated leisurely before them, halting as they halted, but always keeping at the distance of musket-shot from them: and in this manner they led the enemy as far ​as the French rock, when Mr. Pischard, a brave officer, exasperated at the repeated defiances of such a handful of men, formed his troop, and leaving the Moorish cavalry, set out in pursuit of them at full speed. They now flew before the dragoons, until they had led them insensibly out of the reach of the French artillery on the rock, and beyond their own party in ambuscade; when these mounting in an instant, sallied from the hollow way, and charged the dragoons impetuously in the rear, whilst the flying party wheeling, attacked them with equal fury in front. The action was over in an instant; the French had only time to discharge a few pistols, and were all cut to pieces, excepting 10, who had not been able to keep up with the rest. The detachment of Chunda-saheb's cavalry, either from cowardice, or suspicion of the stratagem, never stirred from the rock; but the officer who commanded in that post detached 100 men to succour his unfortunate friends. Lieutenant Trusler, posted in the entrenchment opposite the rock, seeing them march, and not knowing the success of the Morattoes, immediately advanced with the company of Coffrees to oblige the party to return, who finding all lost on the plain, hastened back and saved the rock, which Trusler was on the point of carrying. The success of this ambuscade dispirited the enemy so much, that they suffered their dead to lay on the plain without venturing out to bury them; and when, two days after, the English went to perform this charitable office, they found the bodies devoured by the jackals.
The Morattoes, on the other hand, were so much elevated, and conceived so despicable an opinion of the enemy, that they pressed their allies to march out and offer them battle: promising, that if the English battalion would engage the French, they would prevent it from being incommoded by Chunda-saheb's cavalry, although these were 12,000, and they themselves only 500. The reasonable objections made to this hardy proposal satisfied them, until the arrival of Basin-row with his body of 1000 men from the Arcot country, when thinking that this reinforcement rendered them a full match for the enemy, they aspired at the glory of finishing the war themselves, and became more and more sollicitous for a general engagement. ​in which they promised to charge the French battalion on both flanks; finding that the English still declined to put any thing to risque until the arrival of the Mysore army, and of a reinforcement expected from Fort St. David, they did not scruple to tell them, that they were not the same kind of men as those they had seen fighting so gallantly at Arcot.
In the mean time the army of Mysore, with 4000 Morattoes under Morari-row, had assembled on the frontier of Caroor; and the regent, after many delays, at last yielded to the pressing sollicitations of the Nabob, and prepared to march to Tritchinopoly; when the enemy having intelligence of his intention, ventured to detach a strong party of Europeans, cavalry and Sepoys, to the village of Kistnavaram, situated 30 miles to the west of the city in the high road to Mysore: they found the place, although fortified, without a garrison; and as soon as they were in possession of it, began to improve the defences, spreading a report that if the Mysoreans offered to move, they would attack them, and afterwards pillage their country. This stopped the regent's march, and he wrote to the Nabob desiring that a strong party of Europeans might be sent to his assistance without delay, as he was utterly ignorant of the manner in which he ought to conduct himself against white men who fought with musketry and cannon.
Lieutenant Trusler was detached on this service with 40 Europeans and 100 Sepoys; but it soon appearing that this force was insufficient, captain Cope proceeded with 100 more Europeans and two small field pieces. He was instructed to dislodge the enemy at all events, and found them posted in a much stronger situation than he expected. The village was inclosed by a mud wall, flanked by round towers, and in the center of it was a fort: the northern side was close to the bank of the Caveri, and the other sides were surrounded by a deep morass, passable only in one part to the westward; to defend which, the French had flung up on an eminence an entrenchment at the distance of gun-shot from the village. Captain Cope encamped to the west of this eminence, which he intended to attack before day-break, but by some mistake the troops were not ready before the sun was risen, by which time the enemy had reinforced the post, and had lined ​several banks and water-courses leading to it with Sepoys: he nevertheless persisted in his intention; but the forlorn-hope coming to a bank which sheltered them from the enemy's fire, could not be prevailed on to advance beyond it, and this example was followed by the rest. Lieutenant Felix received a shot through the body, as he stood encouraging them on the top of the bank; and soon after, captain Cope, returning with a platoon from the reserve, was mortally wounded: on which disasters the whole party retreated to their camp in disorder.
Captain Dalton was sent from Tritchinopoly to take the command, and found the detachment joined by the van of the Mysore army; and two days after the regent himself came up with the rest; the whole consisted of 12,000 horse and 8,000 foot, including the Morattoes. He immediately desired a conference with captain Dalton, whom he received with great politeness, admiring, not without astonishment, the martial appearance and regularity of the English troops; and forming naturally the same high opinion of the French, he declared, that he should neither expose his men, nor lose time, in attacking them, but proceed at midnight with half the army directly to Tritchinopoly by another road at some distance on the plain, leaving the rest with captain Dalton, whom he requested to divert the enemy's attention by a false attack until be was out of the reach of danger: and, not content with these precautions, he desired that some Europeans might accompany him as a safeguard to his person. These dispositions answering the purpose for which the detachment was sent, captain Dalton encouraged him in his resolution, and at midnight began to skirmish against the enemy's posts, which he kept alarmed until morning, by which time the rear of the regent's division was out of sight. This service proved to be much more necessary than it first appeared to be: for such was the military ignorance of the Mysoreans, that they were discovered in the night passing over the plain with ten thousand lights, as if they had been marching in the procession of an Indian wedding. The next day the rest of their army proceeded, desiring captain Dalton to remain before the village until they were out of sight, and promised to halt and wait for him; but they were no sooner out of danger than they hurried away to join the regent. Some hours after, the English detachment ​decamped, and passing by Kistnavaram without molestation from the garrison, returned to Tritchinopoly, where they arrived on the 6th of February, and the French soon after recalled their detachment.
The junction of the Mysoreans determined the king of Tanjore to declare for the Nabob; and soon after their arrival he sent to Tritchinopoly 3000 horse and 2000 foot under the command of his general Monack-jee. The Polygar Tondiman, whose country lies between Tanjore and Madura, likewise sent 400 horse and 3000 Colleries; these are a people, who, under several petty chiefs, inhabit the woods between Tritchinopoly and Cape Comorin; their name in their own language signifies Thieves, and justly describes their general character, which however has differences in different parts of the country. Those to the north of Madura are almost savage: their weapon is a pike 18 feet long, with which they creep along the ground, and use it with great address in ambuscades; but the principal service they render to an army is, by stealing or killing the horses of the enemy's camp. Thus the force of Mahomed-ally became on a sudden superior to that of Chunda-saheb; for the troops of his allies joined to his own, formed a body of 20,000 cavalry, 6000 of which were Morattoes, and of 20,000 infantry. The army of Chunda-saheb had likewise since their arrival before Tritchinopoly, been augmented to 15,000 horse and 20,000 foot, by the junction of 3000 horse commanded by Allum-Khan, the governor of Madura, and of 4000 Peons and Colleries belonging to the Polygar, Morawar, whose country lies to the south of the kingdom of Tanjore. The king of Mysore, impatient to be put in possession of the places which Mahomed-ally had agreed to give up to him in return for his assistance, pressed the English battalion to make a general attack on the enemy with the whole army, and Morari-row, the Morattoe, seconded him very strongly in this proposal; but captain Gingen knowing that these Indian troops were capable of rendering very little service against fortified posts, defended by Europeans, and considering that if the English battalion, on whom the brunt would lay, should suffer severely in these attacks, such a loss would be irreparable, he determined to wait until he was reinforced by a body of Europeans, which were preparing to take the field in the province of Arcot. ​Here the scattered troops of Rajah-saheb no sooner saw the English retire to their garrisons, after the taking of Conjeveram, than they reassembled and moved, in the beginning of January, down to the seacoast, carrying their ravages into the Company's territory of Ponamalee, where they burnt several villages, and plundered the country houses built by the English at the foot of St. Thomas's mount: after these hostilities, they returned to Conjeveram, and having repaired the damages which the pagoda had sustained from the English, they garrisoned it with 300 Sepoys, and then kept the field between this place and the fort of Ponamalee, which they sometimes threatened to attack. The violences they committed, and the contributions they levied, impaired the Nabob's as well as the Company's revenues so much, that the presidency determined to make an effort, with all the force they could assemble, to reduce this enemy, before they sent a reinforcement to Tritchinopoly. Captain Clive, appointed to this service, returned in the beginning of February to Madrass, where, whilst he was employed in levying Sepoys, a detachment of 100 Europeans arrived from Bengal: with these, and 80 more from the garrison of Madrass, he took the field the 22d of February, and was the same day joined by 200 Europeans and 500 Sepoys from the garrison of Arcot. His whole force united consisted of 380 Europeans, 1300 Sepoys, with six field pieces: the enemy were 2500 horse, 2000 Sepoys, and 400 Europeans, with a large train of artillery: and, notwithstanding this superiority, they no sooner heard of the preparations that the English were making to attack them, than they fortified themselves strongly in their camp at Vendalore, a village situated about 25 miles south-west of Madrass. Captain Clive marched towards them with an intent of attacking their camp by surprize in the rear; but had not proceeded far before he received information that they had suddenly abandoned it, and had dispersed with the appearance of people terrified by some disaster, insomuch that it was believed they had received news of some bad success at Tritchinopoly, and were hurrying thither to reinforce the army of Chunda-saheb. The English however continued their march, and took possession of the ground the enemy had quitted, where, some hours after, intelligence was received, that all the dispersed parties were re-united at ​Conjeveram. It was then not doubted that they had received advice of the weakness of the garrison at Arcot; and that they intended to take advantage of it by making a sudden assault on the fort. Captain Clive therefore made a forced march of 20 miles to Conjeveram, where the garrison of the pagoda surrendered on the first summons; and a few hours after, the conjecture which had been made of the enemy's intentions was verified by news that they were in full march, towards Arcot. The troops were too much fatigued to follow them immediately, but the next day took the same rout; and on their march a letter was received from the commanding officer at Arcot, advising that they had entered the town, and skirmished against the fort with musketry for several hours in expectation that the gates would have been opened to them by two officers of the English Sepoys, with whom they had carried on a correspondence; but that the plot had been discovered, and the enemy finding their signals not answered, had quitted the city with precipitation, and it was not yet known what rout they had taken. In this uncertainty it was determined to hasten to Arcot.
The army arrived in sight of Covrepauk at sun-set, when the van marching in the high road without suspicion, were fired upon from the right at no greater distance than 250 yards, by nine pieces of cannon. These were the French artillery, posted in a thick grove of mango trees, which had a ditch and a bank in front: the fire did some mischief before it could be either answered or avoided; but luckily there was a water-course at a little distance to the left of the road, in which the infantry were ordered to take shelter, and the baggage to march back half a mile with one of the field pieces and a platoon to defend it; and two field pieces, supported by a platoon of Europeans with 200 Sepoys, were detached to oppose Rajah-saheb's cavalry which appeared extending themselves on the plain to the left of the water-course; in the meantime the rest of the artillery, drawn up n the right, answered the enemy's fire from the grove; the French infantry entered the water-course, and advanced along it in a column of six men in front: the English formed in the same order, and a fire was kept up on both sides for two hours, by moon-light, during which neither ventured to come to the push of bayonet. The enemy's ​cavalry made several unsuccessful attacks both on the party opposed to them, and the baggage in the rear: but their artillery in the grove being answered only by three pieces of cannon, did execution in proportion to this superiority, and either killed or disabled so many of the English gunners that prudence seemed to dictate a retreat, unless their cannon could be taken. Captain Clive did not despair of this last resource, and at ten at night sent one Shawlum, a serjeant, who spoke the country languages, with a few Sepoys, to reconnoitre: he returned and reported that the enemy had posted no guards in the rear of the grove; on which intelligence 200 of the best Europeans and 400 Sepoys were immediately ordered to proceed thither under the command of lieutenant Keene, with Shawlum as their guide. Captain Clive himself accompanied the detachment half way, and on his return found the troops he had left fighting in the water-course so much dispirited by the departure of Keene's detachment, that they were on the point of taking flight, and some had already run away; he, however, not without difficulty, rallied them, and the firing was renewed. In the mean time Keene taking a large circuit, came directly opposite to the rear of the grove, and halted at the distance of 300 yards from it, whilst ensign Symmonds advanced alone to examine the enemy's disposition. This officer had not proceeded far before e came to a deep trench, in which a large body, consisting of all the enemy's Sepoys, whose service had not been demanded in the watercourse, were sitting down to avoid the random shots of the fight. They challenged Symmonds, and prepared at first to shoot him, but deceived by his speaking French, suffered him to pass as a French officer; he then went on to the grove, where he perceived, besides the men employed at the guns, 100 Europeans stationed to support them, who only kept a look-out towards the field of battle; and passing in his return at a distance to the right of the trench where he had found the enemy's Sepoys, he rejoined his own detachment; who immediately marched by the same way he had returned, and entering the grove unperceived, gave their fire in a general volley at the distance 30 yards. It fell heavy, and astonished the enemy so much that they did not return a single shot, but instantly abandoned their ​guns, every man endeavouring to save himself by precipitate flight. Many of them ran into a choultry in the grove, where they were so crowded together that they were not able to make use of their arms. The English drew up before the choultry, and to spare the impending slaughter of their fire, offered quarter, which was accepted with joy, and the Frenchmen coming out one by one, as they were ordered, delivered up their arms, and were made prisoners. The English troops fighting at the water-course were immediately convinced of the success of the detachment, by the sudden silence of the enemy's artillery: but the enemy's infantry remained ignorant of it, and continued the fight, until some of the fugitives from the grove informed them of the disaster, on which they immediately took flight, and their horse dispersed at the same time. The field being thus cleared, the whole army united, and remained under arms until day-break, when they found themselves in possession of nine field pieces, three cohorn mortars, and 60 European prisoners. They likewise counted 50 dead on the field, and not less than 300 Sepoys: for the enemy had exposed these troops more freely than the others. Of the English, 40 Europeans and 30 Sepoys were killed, and a great number of both wounded.
Pari of the fugitives took shelter in the neighbouring fort of Covrepauk, which was summoned to surrender; but the governor returned answer, that the troops of Raja-saheb were much more numerous than his garrison, and, contrary to his inclination, intended to defend the fort: a detachment was threfore sent to invest it, but before they arrived the fugitives abandoned it, upon which he submitted.
From hence the troops proceeded to Arcot, and the next day marched towards Velore, not in expectation of reducing the place, but in hopes that some hostilities would induce Mortiz-ally to pay a contribution, or at least to deliver up the elephants and baggage, which Raja-saheb had deposited in his fort soon after he had raised the siege of Arcot; but before the troops came in sight of Velore, captain Clive received an order from the presidency of Fort St. David, to repair thither with all his force, for it was now determined to send ​them to Tritchinopoly. He therefore changed his rout, and marching across the country, came to the spot where Nazir-jing had been killed: here he found a rising town projected by the vanity of Mr. Dupleix to commemorate that detestable action, and called Dupleix-Fateabad, or the town of Dupleix's victory: it is said, that he was preparing a column, with a pompous inscription in the French, Malabar, Persic, and Indostan languages, which he intended to erect in the middle of the town, where he had already caused coins struck with symbols of the victory to be buried. The troops did not quit this place until they had razed to the ground all that was erected, after which they proceeded to Fort St. David. During the whole march they no where met a single squadron of the enemy's troops. The defeat at Covrepauk succeeding to their former disgraces, intirely broke their force as well as their spirits: their horse either disbanded, or took service with the governors in the provinces who still acknowledged Chunda-saheb; and the French troops and Sepoys were, recalled to Pondicherry, where Mr. Dupleix was so incensed against Raja-saheb, that he would not suffer him for several days to appear in his presence. Thus the English successes in the Carnatic recovered to Mahomed-ally an extent of country 30 miles in breadth and 60 in length, the annual revenues of which, including that of the famous pagoda at Tripetti, amounted to 400,000 pagodas.
Three days after their arrival at Fort St. David, the troops were ready to take the field again under the command of captain Clive, when, on the 15th of March, Major Lawrence arrived from England, and two days after put himself at the head of the detachment. It consisted of 400 Europeans and 1100 Sepoys, with eight field pieces, who escorting a large quantity of military stores, marched through the king of Tanjore's country towards Tritchinopoly.
Here the Mysoreans and Morattoes were so much displeased with the precaution of captain Gingen, who constantly refused to attack the enemy's posts before he was joined by the expected reinforcement, that the Dalaway of Mysore, distressed by the great expences of his army, had more than once been on the point of returning to his own country: however, him the Nabob appeased, by making ​over the revenues of all the districts which had been recovered since his arrival: but Morari-row was so exasperated by this inactivity, which deprived his troops of opportunities to get plunder, and removed the prospect of more important acquisitions, which he expected from this war, that he meditated defection, and began to treat with Chunda-saheb.
Both armies were equally sollicitous of the fate of the approaching reinforcement, and Mr. Dupleix sent repeated orders to Mr. Law, who commanded the French battalion, to intercept them at all events. They arrived on the 26th of March at a fort belonging to the king of Tanjore, within 20 miles of Tritchinopoly; where they deposited such part of the stores, as would have retarded their march and embarassed their operations. The next day proceeding along the high road, which passeth within point blank shot of Coiladdy, major Lawrence received intelligence that the enemy had posted at this fort a strong party with artillery: on which he ordered his guides to look out for another road; but they, by some mistake, led him within reach of the very spot he wanted to avoid, and the troops were unexpectedly fired upon by six pieces of cannon from across the Caveri. To divert this fire from the baggage, among which it created no small confusion, it was answered from the rear division of guns consisting of four field pieces, supported by 100 Europeans, under the command of captain Clive, whilst the line marched on inclining to the left, which direction soon brought them out of the enemy's reach, but not before 20 Europeans were killed. They then halted, and were joined by the rear division, after which they continued their march without meeting any farther interruption, and in the evening halted within 10 miles of Tritchinopoly. From hence captain Gingen detached in the night 100 Europeans, with 50 dragoons, who joined the reinforcement before morning; and at day-break captain Dalton was likewise detached from the city with his own company of grenadiers, and another of the battalion, in all 200 Europeans, 400 Sepoys, and four field pieces, who were ordered to lie at a rock called the Sugarloaf, about three miles south of the French rock, from whence they were to join the reinforcement, as soon as it came in sight. ​In the mean time the major advanced towards Elimiserum. This is a rock with a fortified pagoda on the summit, where the French had mounted cannon: it is situated three miles to the south-east of the French rock; and between these two posts the greatest part of the enemy's army were drawn up in order of battle: the rest were in a line which extended from the French rock to the village of Chucklypollam by the river side. The major, informed of this disposition, made to surround him if he passed to the north of Elimiserum, directed his march to the south of it: and before he came in sight of the enemy, the whole of the confederate troops, employed for the Nabob, were in the field, and by their appearance deterred the enemy from making any detachments to attack the major. At noon, captain Dalton's party, with the Mysoreans and the Nabob's troops, met him half-way between Elimiserum and the sugar-loaf-rock, whilst Morari-row with the Morattoes remained kirmishing faintly with the enemy.
The sun striking excessively hot, the troops where ordered to halt and refresh themselves; but in less than half an hour the scouts came in at full speed, bringing intelligence that the whole of the enemy's army was advancing, and that the fire of their cannon had put the Morattoes to flight: these soon after came up, and forming with the rest of the allies in the rear of the Europeans and Sepoys, followed them slowly at a distance.
Captain Clive having reconnoitred the enemy, reported, that there was a large choultry, with some stone buildings, not far from the front of the French battalion, which they, busied in forming their line, had neglected to take possession of. On this advice he was ordered to proceed with the first division of artillery, supported by the grenadiers, as fast as possible to the choultry, whilst the rest of the column moved up slowly in regular order. The enemy, instead of sending forward a detachment to prevent them, contented themselves with cannonading as their battalion advanced, which had approached within 800 yards of the choultry by the time the English detachment arrived there: and now made a push against their artillery, which was so well pointed, that it kept them at a distance until the rest of the battalion and Sepoys came up. The confederate troops, unwilling to expose their horses to a cannonade, halted at a distance; but ​those of Chunda-saheb, commanded by Allum-Khan, the governor of Madura, kept close to the rear of the French. A cannonade ensued, the hottest without doubt, for the time it lasted, that had ever been seen on the plains of Indostan; for the French fired from 22 pieces of cannon and the English from nine. Such of the English troops as were not employed at the guns found shelter behind the choultry and the buildings near it, whilst the whole of the enemy's army stood exposed on the open plain, suffering in proportion to this disadvantage. The French battalion in half an hour began to waver, and drew off their guns to a greater distance, upon which the English advanced their artillery, and the men of the battalion who supported them were ordered to sit down with their arms grounded; by which precaution many lives were saved. They still continued to retreat, but Chunda-saheb's cavalry kept their ground for some time, and sustained the cannonade with much more firmness than had ever been observed in the troops of India: they were spirited by the example of their commander, Allum-Khan, whose head was at length taken off by a cannon-ball, as he was encouraging them to advance; on which disaster they gave way and retreated likewise. The Captains Clive and Dalton continuing to advance with the first division of artillery, followed the French, who flung themselves into a great water-course near the French rock, where they were on the point of being enfiladed by a fire that would have made great havock amongst them; when major Lawrence, satisfied with the advantages that had been gained, and unwilling to expose the men to more fatigue under such a burning sun, ordered the pursuit to cease. Seven men of the battalion were struck dead by the heat, and 14 were killed or disabled by the cannonade. The French lost about 40 men; and 300 of Chunda-saheb's troops, with 285 horses and an elephant, were found dead on the plain. The success of this day might have been much greater, had the confederate troops behaved with common activity, instead of which they remained at a distance, idle spectators, nor could they be prevailed on to make a single charge, even when the enemy's cavalry retreated. This inaction proceeded not from want of bravery, but from the treachery of Morari-row, who being at this time in treaty with Chunda-saheb, was unwilling to bring his Morattoes ​to action; and such was the opinion entertained of their courage, that none of the rest of the allies would venture to fight without them.
Major Lawrence continuing his march, arrived in the evening at Tritchinopoly, and the next day conferred with the Nabob and the other generals on the plan of their future operations: they concurred in opinion that a general attack should be made without delay on the enemy's camp; but when the time was to be fixed, he found both Moors and Indians so attached to lucky and unlucky days, that several were likely to be lost before they would agree in the notion of a fortunate hour, without which none of them thought it safe to risk an engagement. In the mean time, thinking it not prudent to suffer the enemy to recover from the impression which they had received on the day of his arrival, he determined to attempt as much against them as could be executed with his own force; and perceiving that the French posts were too strongly fortified to be carried without the assistance of the whole army, he resolved to attack the camp of Chunda-saheb, which extended along the river without entrenchments. On the 1st of April at night, captain Dalton, with 400 men, was ordered to march, and, by taking a large circuit, to come in at the eastern extremity of the enemy's camp, which he was to enter, beat up, and set fire to. The English troops, from their long inactivity, knew so little of the ground about Tritchinopoly, that they were obliged to trust to Indian guides; and these being ordered to conduct them out of the reach of the enemy's advanced posts, fell into the other extreme, and led them several miles out of their way, and through such bad roads, that when the morning star appeared, they found themselves between Elimiserum and the French rock, two miles from Chunda-saheb's camp, and in the center of all their posts. The approach of day not only rendered it impossible to surprize the enemy, as was intended, but likewise exposed the party, if they persisted, to the danger of being surrounded by their whole force: it was therefore determined to march back without delay to Tritchinopoly. The French discovered them as they were retreating, and guessing at the intention for which they had been sent, thought themselves no longer safe to the south of the Caveri, and took the resolution of retreating that ​very day to the pagodas on the island. Chunda-saheb strenuously opposed this resolution, for which indeed there appeared no necessity; but finding that he could not prevail on Mr. Law to alter it, he gave orders for his own troops to cross the river likewise. The retreat, as is usual when measures have not been previously concerted, was made with so much precipitation, that his army had time to transport only a part of their baggage, but none of the vast quantity of provisions with which they had stored their magazines; these they therefore set fire to. The French carrying off their artillery, abandoned all their posts excepting Elimiserum, and before the next morning the whole army was on the island, where Mr. Law took up his quarters in the pagoda of Jumbakistna; of Chunda-saheb's troops some went into the pagoda of Seringham, others encamped under the northern wall, and the rest extended farther eastward along the bank of the Coleroon.
The next day, captain Dalton was sent with the company of grenadiers, some Morattoes and Sepoys, to attack Elimiserum: the party had with them two pieces of cannon and a mortar, the transporting of which through bad roads prevented them from arriving near the place before night, when captain Dalton with two others advanced to reconnoitre. Discovering no centinels, and finding the gate of the wall which surrounds the foot of the rock open, they concluded that the place was abandoned, and entering, began to ascend the steps which led to the pagoda on the summit; but before they got there, the enemy, alarmed by the neighing of the horses, ran to their guns and fired upon the detachment, which they discovered, first by the light of their matches, and soon after by the blaze of some huts to which the Morattoes, as is there custom, had set fire. The smoke of the guns, and the darkness of the night, enabled captain Dalton and his companions to retreat unperceived; and as soon as he rejoined the detachment, he sent some men to lodge themselves under cover of a bank before the lower gate, where they were directed to remain until morning, in order to prevent the enemy from making their escape. But this party, desirous of signalizing themselves, imprudently exceeded their orders, and entering the lower gate, ran up the steps, and endeavoured to force the doors of the pagoda above; ​where they were received with a smart fire, which soon obliged them to retreat with five Europeans and ten Sepoys wounded. A reinforcement was immediately sent to take charge of the bank, and all remained quiet until morning, when the enemy, perceiving that preparations were making to bombard them, surrendered. Fifteen Europeans, thirty Sepoys, and two pieces of cannon, one of them a fine 18 pounder, were found here; the smaller piece of cannon, with some Sepoys, were left to garrison this post; the rest returned with the other gun to Tritchinopoly, which was presented to the Nabob, as the first which had been taken during the campaign. Two days after the grenadiers, who had always behaved with the spirit peculiar to this class of soldiers, gained another advantage. The great men of the allied army complained, that they were much disturbed in their daily ablutions in the Caveri, by a gun which fired from the choultry lying half-way between the pagoda of Seringham and the river. Captain Dalton was sent to attack this post who concealed his men behind an old wall on the bank of the river, where they waited till near noon, when the great heat of the sun induced a part of the enemy's guard to return to the camp, and the rest to retire into the choultry to sleep: the grenadiers then rushed across the river, which was fordable, and entered the post with so much rapidity that they took the gun before the enemy had time to fire it more than once: it was brought away without any opposition, for some field pieces had been sent to the river-side to cover the retreat.
Events of such a nature as the attacks of Elimiserum and the choultry, as well as several others, which appear in the course of this work, would have no influence in such sanguinary wars as most writers have only thought worthy of their attention: and these details may therefore by many be deemed equally tiresome and superfluous; but the stress of this Indian war lying on the European allies, who rarely have exceeded a thousand men on a side, the actions of a single platoon in India may have the same influence on the general success, as the conduct of a whole regiment in Europe: and to give a just idea of the superiority of European arms, when opposed to those of Indostan, is one of the principal intentions of this narrative. The new activity which began to appear in the English battalion, induced Morari-row ​to relinquish his correspondence with Chunda-saheb, and impressed the enemy with terrors equal to those which they had formerly raised both in the English and the Nabob's army: there seemed to be no sense in their councils. The whole Carnatic lay before them, and by retreating into it they might protract the war until the want of money should decide the contest; but instead of taking this step, they suffered themselves to be captivated by the apparent strength of the two pagodas, and determined to stand their ground in them, notwithstanding that, by the obstruction of their magazines, they were already reduced to the necessity of fetching their provisions from a great distance: they were afraid to fight, and ashamed to retreat.
At the same time nothing but a resolution, justified by very few examples, and bordering in appearance on rashness, seemed capable of putting a speedy end to the war, of which the expences had now greatly distressed the East India company's mercantile affairs. The intimacy and confidence with which major Lawrence distinguished capt. Clive, permitted this officer to suggest to him the resolution of dividing the army into two bodies, and detaching one of these under his command to the north of the Coleroon, whilst the other remained to the south of the Caveri: this was risquing the whole to gain the whole; for if the enemy should overpower one of these bodies, by attacking it with their whole force, the Nabob's affairs would again be reduced to the brink of ruin; and if they neglected or failed in this attempt, they would infallibly be ruined themselves. The proposal, hardy as it was, was adopted by the major without any hesitation; and with a spirit of equity rarely possessed by competitors for glory, he was so far from taking umbrage at the author of this masterly, advice, that he determined in his own mind to give him the command of the separate body, although he refrained from declaring his intention, until he could reconcile it to the rest of the captains in the battalion, who were all of them his superiors in rank; but the scheme was no sooner proposed to the Nabob and the generals of the alliance, than the Morattoes and Mysoreans removed the difficulty, by declaring that they would not make any detachments of their troops if they were to be commanded by any other person. It was necessary to reduce the posts of which the enemy were in possession to the north of the Coleroon: ​to intercept the reinforcements which might come from Pondicherry through the streights of Utatoor; and above all, that captain Clive's division should not be out of the reach of a forced march from the rest of the army encamped near Tritchinopoly, lest the whole of the enemy's force should fall upon him before major Lawrence could move to his assistance. It was therefore determined to chuse such a central situation between the streights of Utatoor and the Coleroon as would best answer all these intentions. Every thing being settled, captain Clive began his march in the night of the 6th of April with 400 Europeans, 700 Sepoys, 3000 Morattoes under the command of Innis-Khan, 1000 of the Tanjorine horse, and eight pieces of artillery, two of which were battering cannon, and six of them field pieces. To conceal their march, they crossed over into the island three miles to the eastward of Jumbakistna. The number of deep water-courses which intersected this part of it, rendered the transporting of the cannon difficult and laborious; and whilst the Europeans were employed at one of the water-courses, a body of the enemy's Sepoys, returning from Coiladdy with a convoy of oxen laden with provisions, came up, intending to pass at the same place; and before they could retreat, received two or three vollies, which killed several of them.
The troops having passed the Coleroon before morning, proceeded seven miles to the north of it, and took possession of the village of Samiavaram, in which are two pagodas about a quarter of a mile distant from each other, one on each side of the high road leading to Utatoor: these were allotted for the quarters of the Europeans and Sepoys; ravelins were immediately flung up before the gates, and a redoubt capable of receiving all the cannon was constructed to command the road to the north and south. The Morattoes and Tanjorines encamped round the pagodas.
Whilst the army were employed in these works, a party from Seringham took possession of Munsurpett, a pagoda situated near the high road between Pitchandah and Samiavaram. It commanded a view of the country several miles; which advantage, joined to that of its situation, rendered it the best advanced post that could be chosen by either side; a detachment was therefore immediately sent to dislodge ​the enemy, who defended themselves all day, killing an officer, three Europeans, and 10 Sepoys, and. in the night made their escape to Pitchandah undiscovered.
The next day a party of Sepoys, with a few Europeans, were detached to attack Lalguddy, a mud fort situated about seven miles to the east of Seringham, close to the bank of the Coleroon, and opposite to the eastern part of the enemy's late encampment to the south of the Caveri. They kept a garrison of Sepoys here, intending to make it an intermediate magazine of provisions, which were to be brought from hence to their camp on the island as opportunity offered. The Sepoy attacking the fort by escalade, carried it after a faint resistance, and found in it a quantity of grain sufficient for ten thousand men for two months.
Mr. Dupleix, against whose orders Mr. Law had retreated to the north of the Caveri, was much alarmed at the critical situation to which the army of Chunda-saheb and his own troops were reduced. He, however, with his usual perseverance and activity, determined to make the greatest efforts he was able to reinforce them; and immediately on receiving news that captain Clive was encamped at Samiavaram, detached 120 Europeans, 500 Sepoys, and four field pieces, with a large convoy of provisions and stores. This party was led by Mr. D'Auteuil, who was empowered to take the command from Mr. Law. They arrived on the 14th of April at Utatoor, and intended, by making a large circuit to the west of Samiavaram, to gain in the night the bank of the Coleroon. The fate of the two armies depended in a great measure upon the success or miscarriage of this convoy and reinforcement. Captain Clive, apprized of Mr. D'Auteuil's intention, set out the same night with the greatest part of his force to intercept him; but Mr. D'Auteuil receiving advice of his approach, immediately turned back and regained the fort; on which captain Clive returned with the utmost expedition to Samiavaram, where he arrived in the morning. In the afternoon, Mr. Law got intelligence of his march, without hearing of his return, which could not naturally be suspected, as Utatoor is 13 miles from Samiavaram: he therefore, as soon as it was dark, detached 80 Europeans, and 700 ​Sepoys, to attack the few troops he imagined to be remaining there: of these men forty were English deserters. This party arrived near the camp at midnight, when one of their spies informed the commanding officer that the troops which had marched against Mr. D'Auteuil were returned; but he, imputing the information either to cowardice, or treachery, gave no credit to the spy, and proceeded; they were challenged by the advanced guard of English Sepoys, on which the officer of the deserters, an Irishman, stept out and told them, that he was sent by major Lawrence to reinforce captain Clive: and the rest of the deserters speaking English likewise, confirmed the assertion and persuaded the Sepoys so fully, that they omitted the usual precaution of asking the counter word, which would certainly have discovered the stratagem: and sent one of their body to conduct the enemy to the head quarters. They continued their march through a part of the Morattoe camp, without giving or receiving any disturbance until they came to the lesser pagoda. Here they were challenged by the centinels, and by others who were posted in a neighbouring choultry to the north of it; in which captain Clive lay asleep. They returned the challenge by a volley into each place, and immediately entered the pagoda, putting all they met to the sword. Captain Clive starting out of his sleep, and not conceiving it possible that the enemy could have advanced into the center of his camp, imputed the firing to his own Sepoys, alarmed by some attack at the outskirts: he however ran to the upper pagoda, where the greatest part of his Europeans were quartered, who having likewise taken the alarm, were under arms; and he immediately returned with 200 of them to the choultry. Here he now discovered a large body of Sepoys drawn up facing the south, and filing at random. Their position, which looked towards the enemy's encampment, joined to their confusion, confirmed him in his conjecture that they were his own troops, who had taken some unnecessary alert. In this supposition he drew up his Europeans, within 20 yards of their rear, and then going alone amongst them, ordered the firing to cease, upbraiding some with the panic he supposed them to hare taken, and even striking others. At length one of the Sepoys, who understood a little of the French language, discovering that he was an ​Englishman, attacked and wounded him in two places with his sword; but finding himself on the point of being overpowered, ran away to the lower pagoda: captain Clive, exasperated at this insolence from a man whom he imagined to be in his own service, followed him to the gate, where, to his great surprize, he was accosted by six Frenchmen: his usual presence of mind did not fail him in this critical occasion, but suggesting to him all that had happened, he told the Frenchmen, with great composure, that he was come to offer them terms; and if they would lookout, they would perceive the pagoda surrounded by his whole army, who were determined to give no quarter if any resistance were made. The firmness with which these words were delivered, made such an impression, that three of the Frenchmen ran into the pagoda to carry this intelligence, whilst the other three surrendered their arms to captain Clive, and followed him towards the choultry, whither he hastened, intending to order the Europeans to attack the body of Sepoys, whom he now first knew to be enemies; but these had already discovered the danger of their situation, and had marched out of the reach of the Europeans, who imagining that they did this in obedience to captain Clive's orders, made no motion to interrupt or attack them. Soon after, eight Frenchmen, who had been sent from the pagoda to reconnoitre, fell in with the English troops, and were made prisoners; and these, with the other three which captain Clive had taken, were delivered to the charge of a Serjeant's party, who not knowing in this time of darkness and confusion, that the enemy were in possession of the lower pagoda, carried them thither; and on delivering them to the guard, found out their error; but such was also the confusion of the French in the pagoda, that they suffered the Serjeant and his party to return unmolested. The rest of the English troops had now joined the others, and captain Clive imagining that the enemy would never have attempted so desperate an enterprize without supporting it with their whole army, deemed it absolutely necessary to storm the pagoda before the troops who were in it could receive any assistance. One of the two folding doors of the gateway had for some time been taken down to be repaired, and the other was strongly stapled down, so that the remaining part of ​the entrance would admit only two men abreast: the English soldiers made the attack, and continued it for some time with great resolution; but the deserters within fought desperately, and killed an officer and fifteen men, on which the attack was ordered to cease until daybreak; and in the mean time such a disposition was made as might prevent those in the pagoda from escaping, and at the same time oppose any other body which might come to their relief. At daybreak the commanding officer of the French seeing the danger of his situation, made a sally at the head of his men, who received so heavy a fire, that he himself, with twelve others who first came out of the gateway were killed by the volley; on which the rest, ran back into the pagoda. Captain Clive then advanced into the porch of the gate to parly with the enemy, and being weak with the loss of blood, and fatigue, stood with his back to the wall of the porch, and leaned, stooping forward, on the shoulders of two Serjeants. The officer of the English deserters presented himself with great insolence, and telling Captain Clive with abusive language, that he would shoot him, fired his musket. The ball missed him, but went through the bodies of both the Serjeants on whom he was leaning, and they both fell mortally wounded. The Frenchmen had hitherto defended the pagoda in compliance with the English deserters, but thinking it necessary to disavow such an outrage, which might exclude them from any pretentions to quarter, their officer immediately surrendered. By this time the body of the enemy's Sepoys had passed out of the camp with as little interruption as they had entered it: but orders having been sent to the Morattoes to pursue them, Innis-Khan with all his men mounted at day-break, and came up with them in the open plain before they gained the bank of the Coleroon. The Sepoys no sooner perceived them than they flung away their arms, and attempted to save themselves by dispersing; but the Morattoes, who never figure so much as in these cruel exploits, exerted themselves with such activity, that, according to their own report, not a single man of 700 escaped alive; it is certain that none of them ever appeared to contradict this assertion. Besides the escapes already mentioned, captain Clive had another, which was not discovered until the hurry of the day was over, when it was found that the volley which the enemy ​fired into the choultry where he was sleeping had shattered a box that lay under his feet, and killed a servant who lay close to him.
Pitchandah and Utatoor were now the only posts which the enemy held to the north of the Coleroon, but they were in possession of Coiladdy, which commands the eastern extremity of the island; and lest Mr. Law should attempt to force his way on this side, major Lawrence detached Monack-jee the general of the Tanjorines to take it; and to the south of the Caveri, where the enemy had no posts, a line of troops were disposed, which extended five miles on each side of the city of Tritchinopoly.
Monack-jee on the 26th of April took Coiladdy, and the enemy losing here their last magazine of provisions, became every day more and more distressed; but the hopes of being joined by Mr. D'Auteuil kept up their spirits, and prevented them from making any attempts to get out of the island: he still remained at Utatoor watching some opportunity to make his way good to Seringham: it was therefore determined to attack him; but as the late attempt on Samiavaram shewed the necessity of keeping the army there intire, major Lawrence resolved to send a party from his own division on this service. Accordingly captain Dalton on the 9th of May crossed the rivers in the night with 150 Europeans, 400 Sepoys, 500 Morattoes, and four field pieces, one of them a 12 pounder; and halting some hours at Samiavaram, arrived at five the next evening at a choultry within two miles of Utatoor, where he intended to pass the night, as the troops were much fatigued. There was at some distance in front of the choultry a village, which appearing a proper post for an advanced guard, some dragoons were sent to reconnoitre it, who discovered that the enemy had already taken possession of it; on which a party of Europeans and Sepoys were sent to dislodge them; which they effected with so much ease, that, flushed with their success, they pursued the enemy beyond the village, until they came in sight of Mr. D'Auteuil marching out of Utatoor, who, instead of waiting to attack with his whole force, sent forward a party to fall upon the English whilst they were forming; a skirmish ensued, and the enemy was repulsed; but the English officer being mortally wounded, the detachment ​retreated to the village, where they remained, and sustained the fire of the enemy's cannon until the rest of the troops came up. It was almost dusk, and captain Dalton concluding that the enemy might he deceived in their opinion of his strength, and mistake it for he whole of captain Clive's force, ventured to divide his men into two bodies, who marched to attack each flank of the enemy's line, whilst a few Europeans left with the guns near the village cannonaded them in front. Mr. D'Auteuil no sooner perceived this disposition than it suggested to him the opinion it was intended to produce, and he retreated with great precipitation, pursued within a few yards of the walls of Utatoor: the English were on the point of getting possession of one of his guns, when they were obliged to halt and face about, to defend themselves against the enemy's cavalry, who taking advantage of the dusk of the evening, had made a circuit, and appeared unexpectedly in their rear. The Morattoes however galloping in, flung themselves between, and the two bodies of cavalry remained some time firing carabines and pistols, until one of the English 6 pounders came up, which after a few shot decided the contest, and obliged the enemy's horse to retreat; the Morattoes then charged them sword in hand, and drove them into the fort; but not without suffering themselves; for several of them returned much wounded. The English fired at the fort from the rocks which are close to the walls until eight o'clock, when they retreated back to the choultry, leaving an advanced guard of Europeans at the village, and 200 Morattoes, who promised to patrole all night, and give immediate information if the enemy should make any motion to abandon the fort.
Mr. D'Auteuil continuing in his mistake concerning the force which was come against him, no sooner found that they had returned to the choultry, than he quitted the fort with all his troops, and marched away to Volcondah, leaving behind in the hurry a great quantity of military stores and ammunition, as well as refreshments intended for the officers of, Mr. Law's army. The Morattoes performed the duty they had undertaken with so little vigilance, that captain Dalton did not hear of the enemies retreat until two in the ​morning, when it was too late to pursue them: he, however, marched to the fort, and took possession of the stores which the enemy had left in it.
Mr. Law received no intelligence of captain Dalton's march across the rivers; but the next morning discovering from the spire of Seringham, the detachment proceeding from Samiavaram towards Utatoor, imagined it to he a part of captain Olive's army; and on this supposition crossed the Coleroon with all his Europeans and Sepoys, and a large body of cavalry. Captain Clive immediately marched to meet him with all his troops, excepting the guards necessary to defend the approaches to his camp, and came in sight of the enemy just as their rear had crossed the river. Mr. Law, startled at the appearance of a force which so much exceeded his expectation, halted and formed his line in a strong situation along the bank of the river. Both armies remained in order of battle until evening, each having advantages which the other respected too much to venture to attack. Some skirmishes passed between the advanced Sepoys, and in the night the French re-crossed the river.
Captain Dalton remained two days at Utatoor, when he received orders to rejoin major Lawrence; but by this time the Coleroon was so much swelled as to be impassable, and the troops at Samiavaram were preparing to avail themselves of this opportunity to attack the enemy's post of Pitchandah, which could receive no succours from the island till the waters subsided: he therefore, to forward this service, put his detachment under captain Clive's command; and to prevent the disputes which might arise from the superiority of his rank, resolved to act himself as a volunteer. On the 14th at night the army moved down to the river-side.
There runs along the northern bank of the Coleroon, from Pitchandah to the ground opposite the great pagoda of Seringham, a large mound of earth 50 feet broad at the top, thrown up by the people of the country to resist the current of the river, which in this part sets strongly from the opposite shore whenever the waters rise. The enemy's camp on the island lay opposite and within cannon-shot of this mound; it was therefore determined to employ the artillery against them, until the battery against Pitchandah could be finished. ​Every common soldier in an Indian army is accompanied either by a wife or a concubine; the officers have several, and the generals whole seraglio's: besides these the army is encumbered by a number of attendants and servants exceeding that of the fighting men; and to supply the various wants of this enervated multitude, dealers, pedlars, and retailers of all sorts, follow the camp; to whom a separate quarter is allotted, in which they daily exhibit their different commodities in greater quantities and with more regularity than in any fair in Europe; all of them sitting on the ground in a line with their merchandises exposed before them, and sheltered from the sun by a mat supported by sticks.
The next morning, the 15th, at sun-rise, six pieces of cannon began to fire upon the camp from embrasures cut through the top of the mound, which sheltered them from the guns of Pitchandah. This unexpected annoyance soon created the greatest confusion: the enemy began immediately to strike their tents, and every one to remove every thing that was either valuable or dear to him: elephants, camels, oxen and horses, mingled with men, women and children affrighted and making lamentable outeries at the destruction which fell around them, pressed to get out of the reach of it in such a hurry as only served to retard their flight: however, in two hours not a tent was standing. The crowd first moved between the pagodas of Seringham and Jumbakistna, towards the bank of the Caveri, and from this side they were fired on by the guns of Tritchinopoly: they then homed to the eastward of Jumbakistna, where finding themselves out of the reach of danger, they began to set up their tents again. The garrison of Pitchandah attempted to interrupt the cannonade; and finding that their artillery had no effect to dismount the English guns covered by the mound, they made a sally to seize them, but had not proceeded far before they received the fire of a detachment, which captain Clive had taken the precaution to post in the way they were coming; and this instantly drove them back again, not without some loss.
During the rest of the day, the English troops were employed in erecting the battery in a ruined village, about 200 yards to the north of Pitchandah. The pagoda, like most others on the coast of Coromandel, is a square, of which the gateways projecting beyond the ​walls, flank the angles: the French had 70 Europeans, 200 Sepoys, and three pieces of cannon in the place. The attack began the next morning at day-break, from two pieces of battering cannon, which fired from embrasures cut through the wall of a brick house; the shock soon brought clown the wall, and left the artillery-men for some time exposed; but a large body of Sepoys being ordered to keep a constant fire on the parapet, the enemy were very cautious in making use either of their small arms or cannon. Some time after one of the English guns burst, and killed three Europeans, and wounded captain Dalton; the breach nevertheless was made practicable by four in the afternoon, when it was determined to storm the breach and escalade the walls at the same time. The enemy seeing the preparations for the assault, were discouraged, and beat the chamade. The Sepoys mistaking this signal of surrender for a defiance, fired a volley, which killed the drummer, and then giving a shout, ran to plant the colours on the breach. This motion was so rapid and unexpected, that they got to the top of it before any of the English officers were able to come up and inform them of their mistake, which they were unluckily confirmed in by the behaviour of some of the garrison, who drew up as fast as they could to defend themselves. A body of Europeans immediately marched after them, with orders to repress their violences, even by firing upon them, if necessary: but they did not arrive before the Sepoys had killed several of the garrison, and struck such a terror that 15 Frenchmen jumped over the walls into the Coleroon, where they were drowned. The rest surrendered to the Europeans, whose presence preserved them from another risque equal to that which they had just escaped; for the Morattoes, seeing the Sepoys in motion, imagined that they would carry off all the plunder of the place; and resolving to have a share of it themselves, they mounted and galloped up sword in hand to the breach: and several of them even rode up to the top of it. The enemy's army on the island were spectators of the whole attack, and fired, to very little effect, a great number of random shot at the village in which the English were posted.
By the reduction of Pitchandah, the enemy's communications with the country to the north of the Coleroon were intirely cut off, and their ​Indian camp became again exposed to a cannonade. The dread of this, and of the many other distresses which straitened the army more closely every day, determined the greatest part of Chunda-saheb's officers to quit his service; and they went in a body and informed him of this resolution. He heard it with great temper, and instead of reproaching them for deserting him, said, that if they had not prevented him, he should of himself have proposed what they desired; that although he was not able to discharge the whole of their arrears, they might be assured lie would punctually acquit himself of all his obligations whensoever his better fortune should return; and, as a proof of his sincerity, he offered to deliver up to them the greatest part of his elephants, camels, horses, and other military effects, which they received at a valuation in part of what he was indebted to them.
The next day these officers sent messengers to the confederates, some offering to take service, others desiring to pass through their posts: but the Indian allies, who had for some time regarded the whole of the enemy's baggage as a booty which could not escape them, hesitated to comply with their request; and the Morattoes particularly, who scarcely rate the life of a man at the value of his turban, were averse to the granting of any terms which might hinder them from exerting their sabres to get the spoil, being persuaded that, if hostilities were carried on to extremity, their activity would acquire much the larger share of it. The English frustrated these cruel intentions, by determining to give their own passports, if the rest of the allies persisted in refusing; upon which they consented to give theirs likewise.
Accordingly flags were planted on the banks of the Caveri and Coleroon, as a signal to the enemy's troops that they might pass over in security. Two thousand of Chunda-saheb's best horse, and 1500 Sepoys, joined captain Clive at Samiavaram; others went to the Mysoreans; very few to the Nabob: the troops of Morawar and Madura, and other independent bodies, returned into their own countries. On the 4th day not a tent was standing in the island; and there remained with Chunda-saheb no more than 2000 horse and 3000 foot, who ​took shelter in the pagoda of Seringham: amongst the foot were 1000 Rajpoots who, from a motive of religion, undertook to defend the inward temples against all intruders. The French battalion, with 2000 Sepoys, shut themselves up in Jumbakistna, giving out, as is the custom of that nation, that they intended to defend themselves to the last extremity. They preferred this to the other pagoda, because its outward wall was in a better condition, and its smaller extent better proportioned to the number of their troops.
The artillery of Tritchinopoly and the allied army furnishing no more than three pieces of battering cannon, a train was ordered from Devi Cotah; and to lose no opportunity of increasing the enemy's distresses before it arrived, major Lawrence on the 18th of May, the same day that the French withdrew into the pagoda, quitted his post at Chuckly-pollam, and encamping opposite to it on the island, immediately threw up an entrenchment from one river to the other: at the same time Monack-jee with the Tanjorines moving from the eastward, took possession of Chuckly-pollam; and the army at Samiavaram quitting that post, encamped along the northern bank of the Coleroon. The Mysoreans remained, as before, to the west of the city.
But although the obstacles which now surrounded the enemy were difficult to be overcome, they were not absolutely insurmountable. The troops in Jumbakistna outnumbered those in the major's camp two to one, and both the rivers swelling often at this season of the year, Mr. Law might force his way through it before any succours could come from the main land: if successful in this attempt, he might, as soon as the rivers began to fall, cross the Caveri at some pass farther to the eastward, before captain Clive's division would be able to pass the Coleroon, as this being the deeper channel, does not become fordable again so soon as the other: he might then by hasty marches make his way good to Karical, harassed indeed in his rout by Mysoreans and Morattoes, who, unsupported by the English troops, would probably make few vigorous efforts against a compact body of European infantry provided with a well-appointed train of artillery: but such a plan implied an option of difficulties not to be expected from troops dispirited ​by ill success, and commanded by officers of no great talents; nor does it appear that the French ever entertained any thoughts of carrying it into execution. They flattered themselves in their irresolute councils, that Mr. D'Auteuil would make his way good into the island, notwithstanding this attempt was now become more difficult than ever; and they hoped, with the supplies he was bringing, to protract the defence of the pagoda to the end of June, at which time ships were expected at Pondicherry with a considerable reinforcement of troops from France; however, for fear of the worst, Mr. Law determined to take such measures as he thought would place the person of Chunda-saheb out of danger.
Deserters informing the English how much the enemy's future resolutions depended on the arrival of Mr. D'Auteuil's convoy, it was determined to make another attempt against that reinforcement; but as it was reported that they were in possession of all the fortifications at Vol-condah, it was thought necessary, if possible, to bring the governor over to the Nabob's interest. A letter was written to him full of promises: the man changing sides with fortune, answered, that although he had permitted Mr. D'Auteuil to take up his quarters in the pettah, he had not suffered him to take possession either of the stone fort, or the fortifications of the rock; and that if any troops were sent to attack the French, he would assist to destroy them. About the same time Mr. D'Auteuil, pressed by the repeated sollicitations of Mr. Law, quitted Vol-condah, and to conceal some other plan gave out that he intended to retake the fort of Utatoor. Such an opportunity of attacking him was more to be relied on than the promises of the governor, and captain Clive marched against him without delay.
He left a strong garrison in Pitchandah, and in his camp a number of troops sufficient by well contrived dispositions, to prevent Mr. Law from suspecting the absence of the force he took with him, which consisted of 100 Europeans, 1000 Sepoys, and 2000 Morattoe horse, with six field pieces, They set out on the 27th of May in the evening, and arrived before morning at Utatoor, where they shut themselves up in the fort all that day and the ensuing night, in hopes ​that Mr. D'Auteuil would inadvertently come near enough to give them an opportunity of falling upon him on the plain before he could regain Vol-condah. He did indeed advance within seven miles of Utatoor; but either from some rumour, or suspicion, his courage failed him on a sudden, and he took the resolution of returning in great haste to the place from whence he came. Captain Clive was no sooner informed of his retreat than he set out in pursuit of him, and early in the morning sent the Morattoes before, instructing them to keep their main body out of sight, and to endeavour to harrass and retard the enemy's march with small parties, such as might be mistaken for detachments sent only in quest of plunder, and prevent them from suspecting any thing more. Some of them came up with the enemy in the afternoon, within a league of Vol-condah, and amused Mr. D'Auteuil so well, that he, hoping to entice them within reach of his fire, wasted some time in making evolutions; but greater numbers coming in sight, he began to suspect the stratagem, and forming his men in a column with two field pieces in front, retreated. By this time the whole body of Morattoes came up and hovered round him until he reached Vol-condah, where he drew up between the mud wall of the pettah and the river Valarru, which was almost dry. Soon after the Sepoys, who formed the van of the English column, appeared outmarching the Europeans at a great rate; 600 of them had, in the enemy's service, stormed the breaches at the assault of Arcot, and having since that time been employed in the English service in several actions under the command of captain Clive, entertained no small opinion of their own prowess when supported by a body of Europeans. These men no sooner came within cannon-shot of the enemy, than they ran precipitately to attack them, without regarding any order. They received the fire of the enemy's cannon, and musketry, which killed many of them, but did not check the rest from rushing on to the push of bayonet. The Morattoes, animated by such an example, galloped across the river, and charging the flanks, increased the confusion, which the Sepoys had made in the center. The attack was two general and impetuous to be long resisted, and the enemy retired hastily through ​the barrier into the pettah, where they began to make resistance again by firing over the mud wall. By this time the Europeans came up, and assaulting the barrier, soon forced their way and put the enemy to flight a second time, who now ran to take shelter in the stone fort, where the governor, according to his promise, shut the gate; but some of them getting over the walls with scaling ladders, in an unguarded part, opened the gate, in spite of the garrison, and let in their fellow fugitives. This passed whilst the English troops, cautious of dispersing in a place they were not acquainted with, were forming to follow them in order, and soon after the field pieces began to fire upon the gate, whilst the musketry under shelter, of the houses deterred the enemy from appearing on the ramparts. Mr. D'Auteuil therefore, as the last resource, attempted to get into the fortifications of the adjacent rock; but the governor, who was there in person, sent him word, that if he persisted in using any violence he would fire into the fort. In this perplexity, which the night increased, he consulted his officers, who unanimously agreed to surrender. The white flag was hung out, and the terms were soon settled. It was agreed, that the deserters should be pardoned, that the French commissioned officers should not serve against the Nabob for 12 months, and the private men remain prisoners of war at his discretion. The whole party consisted of 100 Europeans, of which 35 were English deserters, 400 Sepoys, and 340 horse. Their artillery was only three pieces of cannon, but there was found in the pettah three large magazines, which, besides a variety of other military stores, contained 800 barrels of gun-powder and 3000 muskets. It was known that Mr. D'Auteuil had with him a large sum of money, but he secreted great part of it amongst bis own baggage, which he was permitted to carry away without examination: the troops on both sides embezzled part of the remainder: so that only 50,000 rupees were regularly taken possession of for the use of the captors; whose booty, exclusive of the military stores, which were reserved for the Company, amounted to 10,000 pounds sterling: the horsemen and Sepoys were, as usual, disarmed and set at liberty, and captain Give returned to his camp with the rest of the prisoners. ​The French at Jumbakistna were apprized of the march of the troops to intercept Mr. D'Auteuil, and had before received from him such a description of the difficulties which obstructed his passage as destroyed the hopes they had too fondly entertained of this resource; their provisions likewise began to fail. The straits to which they were reduced had for sometime been foreseen by Chunda-saheb, and he had often represented to Mr. Law the necessity of making a vigorous effort to extricate themselves; but finding that his remonstrances were not heeded, the usual steadiness of his mind began to fail him, and he gave way to an anxiety, which increasing with the prospect of his distresses, greatly impaired his health. At the same time Mr. Law was not a little sollicitous about the safety of a person of such great importance, whom his own irresolute conduct had brought into the dangers which now surrounded him. He thought, and perhaps justly, that if Chunda-saheb should be obliged to surrender, the Nabob would never agree to spare the life of his rival; and from the prejudices of national animosity, he concluded that if the English got him into their power, they would not with-hold him from the Nabob's resentment: he therefore suggested to his ally the necessity of attempting to make his escape, by bribing some chief of the confederate army to permit him to pass through his quarters. Chunda-saheb, sensible of his desperate situation, consented to try this desperate remedy, forced by the severity of his fate to make an option on which his life depended, when every choice presented almost equal danger. The Nabob was out of the question; the Mysoreans he knew would make use of him as a means to oblige the Nabob to fulfil the agreements he had made with them, and the Morattoes would sell him to the highest bidder of the two: the Polygars were not strong enough, nor were then troops situated conveniently to favour his escape. There remained the Tanjorines; these had formerly received injuries from Chunda-saheb, and more lately had seen their capital besieged by him; so that had their troops been commanded by the king in person, it would have been as absurd to repose a confidence in them as in any other of the allies; but it was known that their general Monack-jee was at open variance with the prime minister. ​who had on all occasions prevented the king from distinguishing him with those marks of gratitude his military services deserved. It was therefore thought not impracticable to separate the interests of the general from those of his sovereign; and this feeble glimmering ray of hope was followed, only because no other presented itself.
Monack-jee received the overture, and carried on the correspondence with so much address and seeming complacence, as induced Mr. Law and Chunda-saheb to think they had gained him over to their interest: a large sum of money was paid, and much more, with every other advantage he thought proper to stipulate, promised: but the horn Chunda-saheb was to deliver himself into his hands was not fixed, when on the 31st of May the battering cannon arrived from Devi Cotah, and Mr. Law received a summons to surrender at discretion. Monack-jee now acting as a friend, sent at the same time a message advising Chunda-saheb to come over to him that very night, since, if he delayed to make his escape before the English advanced nearer the pagodas, which they were preparing to batter, his passage to Chuckly-pollam. would afterwards be subject to infinite risques.
In order therefore to prevent the English from taking any suspicions of this important resolution before it was carried into effect. Mr. Law, not unsagaciously, made use of the highest spirit of rodomontade in his answer to major Lawrence. He talked of defending the pagoda until the last extremity, unless he was permitted to march away with all the troops under his command wherever he pleased; insisting likewise, that no search should be made after any person under his colours. On these conditions he was willing to deliver up one half of his artillery.
As soon as it was night, Mr. Law himself repaired privately to Monack-jee's quarters, where, amongst other precautions, he demanded, that a considerable hostage should be delivered before Chunda-saheb put himself into Monack-jee's power. To this the Tanjorine answered with great calmness, that if any intentions of treachery were entertained, no hostage would be a check to them; and that by giving one, the secret would be divulged, and the escape rendered impracticable. He, however, took an oath, the most ​sacred of all to an Indian soldier, on his sabre and poniard, wishing they might be turned to his own destruction if he failed in his engagements, which were to send away Chunda-saheb as soon as he came into his quarters, with an escort of horse, to the French settlement of Karical. At the same time a Tanjorine officer assured Mr. Law that he was appointed to command the escort, and shewed the pallankin and other preparations which were intended for the journey. Mr. Law and the officer then repaired to a choultry, were Chunda-saheb himself, with a few attendants, waited the result of the conference. As soon as he had heard it related, he proceeded with the Tanjorine to Monack-jee's quarters, where, instead of the escort he expected, he was met by a guard patroling for him, who carried him with violence into a tent, where they immediately put him into irons.
The news was instantly communicated to the Nabob, the Mysorean and Morattoe, and kept them up all night debating on the fate of the prisoner. The next morning they repaired together with Monack-jee to major Lawrence's tent, in whose presence they held a council. Each of them insisted that Chunda-saheb ought to be delivered to himself, supporting the demand with the superior importance each thought he bore in the general cause; but Monack-jee firmly refused to give his prize out of his own hands. The major had hitherto remained silent, but finding that the dissention was irreconcileable, proposed that the English should have the care of him and keep him in one of their settlements. They were all of them averse to this scheme, and broke up the conference without coming to any resolution: the three competitors in high indignation against one another, and against Monack-jee, who had moreover the mortification of seeing that the treachery he had committed was so far from being acknowledged as a service rendered to the general cause, that the Mysorean, the Morattoe, and perhaps the Nabob himself, wished in the bottom of their hearts that Chunda-saheb had not been taken, since they had not the disposal of him in their own power.
Immediately after the conference, major Lawrence sent another summons to Mr. Law, more peremptory than the former: for a decisive answer was demanded before noon the next day: after which ​his flags of truce would be fired upon; and if the batteries once began to play, it was declared that every man in the pagoda should be put to the sword.
He had already been informd of the fate of his ally, and had heard a rumour of the defeat at Vol-condah, but this he did not entirely give credit to; when convinced of it by the report of one of his own officers who had seen Mr. D'Auteuil in the English camp, he desired a personal conference with major Lawrence, which, after several messages, was agreed to be held the next day.
He began, by asserting that the peace which existed between the two crowns, entitled him to expect from the English every mark of consideration for the French troops, since they were now left unconnected with any powers contending in the Carnatic, by the dispersion of Chunda-saheb's army, and the imprisonment of its leader; he therefore expected that the English would, instead of acting as enemies, contribute as allies to facilitate the retreat of his army into the French settlements. Major Lawrence replied, that he acted in the conference only as the interpreter of the Nabob's intentions, with whom the English were in close alliance; and as a justification of the Nabob's conduct, produced a letter in which Mr. Dupleix had declared that he would never cease to pursue him whilst a single Frenchman remained in India.
After several other altercations, which produced little change in the terms first proposed, the capitulation was signed. It was agreed that the pagoda of Jumbakistna should be delivered up, with all the guns, stores, and ammunition; that the officers should give their parole not to serve against the Nabob or his allies; that the private men of the battalion, Europeans, Coffrees and Topasses, should remain prisoners; and that the deserters should be pardoned.
The troops with captain Clive were then ordered to rejoin the major's division, and the next morning, before break of day, captain Dalton marched with 250 chosen men, who halted, beating their drums at an abandoned out-post within pistol-shot of the walls of Jumbakistna, whilst the major remained not far off with the rest of the troops' drawn up ready to prevent the effect of any treachery; ​but none was intended: for Mr. Law soon came out with some of his officers, and conducted the detachment into the pagoda, where they formed with their backs to the gate, opposite to the French troops, who immediately flung down their arms in a heap, and surrendered prisoners. The whole consisted of 35 commission officers, 725 battalion men bearing arms, besides 60 sick and wounded in the hospital, and 2000 Sepoys: their artillery were four 13 inch mortars, 8 cohorus, 2 petards, 31 pieces of cannon, of which 11 were for battering, mostly 18 pounders, and the rest field pieces: they had likewise a great quantity of ammunition, stores and carriages of all sorts in very good condition. The pagoda of Seringham was soon after delivered up, and the horse and foot who had taken refuge in it suffered to pass away without molestation; but the 1000 Rajpoots refused to quit the temple, and threatened their victors to cut them to pieces if they offered to enter within the third wall: the English, in admiration of their enthusiasm, promised to give them no occasion of offence.
Thus was this formidable army, whose numbers two months before were nearly equal to the confederates, reduced, without a battle, more effectually than it probably could have been by what is generally esteemed a total defeat in the field. The soldier who regards his profession as a science, will discover examples worthy of his meditation, both in the absurdity of the enemy's choice of their situation, and in the advantages which were taken of it. It is indeed difficult to determine whether the English conducted themselves with more ability and spirit, or the French with more irresolution and ignorance, after major Lawrence and captain Clive arrived at Tritchinopoly.
Still the fate of Chunda-saheb remained to be decided before the success of this day could be deemed complete. The anxiety which Monack-jee carried away from the conference in major Lawrence's tent was encreased every hour by the messages and proposals he received. The Mysorean promised money, the Nabob threatened resentment, and Morari-row, more plainly, that he would pay him a visit at the head of 6000 horse. Terrified at the commotions which would inevitably follow, if he, gave the preference to any one of the competitors he saw no method of finishing the contest but by putting an end to the life of his ​prisoner; however, as the major had expressed a desire that the English might have him in their possession, he thought it necessary to know whether they seriously expected this deference, and accordingly, on the same morning that the pagoda surrendered, went to the major; with whom he had a conference which convinced him that the English were his friends, and that they were resolved not to interfere any farther in the dispute. He therefore immediately on his return to Chuckly-pollam put his design into execution, by ordering the head of Chunda-saheb to be struck off.
The executioner of this deed was a Pitan, one of Monack-jee's retinue, reserved for such purposes. He found the unfortunate victim an aged man, stretched on the ground, from whence the infirmities of sickness rendered him unable to rear himself. The aspect and abrupt intrusion of the assassin instantly suggested to Chunda-saheb the errand on which he was sent. He waved his hand, and desired to speak to Monack-jee before he died, saying, that he had something of great importance to communicate to him: but the man of blood giving no heed to his words, proceeded to his work, and after stabbing him to the heart, severed his head from his body.
The head was immediately sent into Tritchinopoly to the Nabob, who now for the first time saw the face of his rival. After he had gratified his courtiers with a sight of it, they tied it to the neck of a camel, and in this manner it was carried five times round the walls of the city, attended by a hundred thousand spectators, insulting it with all the obscene and indecent invectives peculiar to the manners of Indostan. It was afterwards carefully packed up in a box, and delivered to an escort, who gave out that they were to carry it to be viewed by the Great Mogul at Delhi; a practice generally observed to heighten the reputation of the successful cause: but there is no season to believe that it was ever carried out of the Carnatic.
Such was the unfortunate and ignominious end of this man. The many examples of a similar fate, which are perpetually produced by the contests of ambition in this unsettled empire, have established a proverb, that fortune is a throne; and therefore he who falls in such contests is only reckoned unfortunate, without having the odium of ​rebellion or treachery charged on his memory, unless he opposes the sovereign of sovereigns, the Great Mogul; all the rest is reckoned the common course of politics: for there is scarcely throughout the empire a Nabob, who has not an open or latent competitor. It therefore only remains to speak of the private character of Chunda-saheb, in which he is generally acknowledged to have been a brave, benevolent, humane and generous man, as princes go in Indostan. His military abilities were much greater than are commonly found in the generals of India, insomuch that if he had an absolute command over the French troops, it is believed he would not have committed the mistakes which brought on his catastrophe, and the total reduction of his army.
But signal as these successes were, they were so far from being the means of restoring tranquillity to the Carnatic, that in the very principles which produced them were intermixed the seeds of another more dangerous and obstinate war: and this the Nabob had the anguish to know, whilst he was giving the demonstrations of joy expected from him on successes which appeared so decisive.
End of the Third Book.