OpenLLM-France/wikimedia huggingface dataset:
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Satz

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​ Satz, m., ‘sediment; sentence; set; wager,’ from MidHG. saz (gen. satzes), m.; a graded form of sitzen, signifying in MidHG. ‘place where something lies or is put, position, situation, mandate, law, purpose,’ &c.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Saum

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​ Saum (1.), m., ‘border,’ from MidHG. and OHG. soum, m., ‘sewn edge of a ​garment, border’; corresponding to Du. zoom, AS. seám, m., E. seam, OFris. sâm, OIc. saumr, m., ‘border, seam’ (Goth. *sauma- is by chance not recorded). A graded form of the Aryan root sû-, a variant of the root sī̆w, ‘to sew,’ discussed under Säule (2). Comp. Sans. sûtra, ‘thread.’
Saum (2.), ‘load,’ from MidHG. and OHG. soum, m., ‘load of a beast of burden’ (also as a measure of weight), ‘beast of burden’; corresponding to AS. seám, ‘horse-load,’ E. seam. Borrowed prior to the OHG. period, probably even before the AS. migration, from Low Lat. sauma (σάγμα), ‘pack-saddle,’ whence also Ital. salma, Fr. somme. —
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Lump

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​ Lump, m., ‘scamp, ragamuffin,’ ModHG. only; prop. identical with Lumpen, m., ‘rag, tatter,’ which in late MidHG. appears as lumpe with the same sense. It was probably introduced from LG.; comp. Du. lomp, ‘rag, tatter, patch,’ lomperd, ‘lout’ (to this OIc. leppr, ‘shield,’ is allied?); comp. Lappen and Lasse. — lumpen, vb., lit. ‘to treat or regard as a ragamuffin.’
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Lotse

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​ Lotse, m., ‘pilot,’ like löschen (2) ModHG. only; borrowed from LG. and Du. loots, loods, ‘pilot.’ Perhaps the word originated in E. in which loadsman, ‘steersman,’ occurs as an old compound of load, AS. lâd, ‘street, way’ (see leiten). With regard to the o in Lotse, see Boot.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Luke

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​ Luke, f., ‘dormer window, hole, hatchway,’ prop. a LG. word meaning ‘opening’; allied to Loch.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Lunte

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​ Lunte, f., ‘lunt, match,’ ModHG. only; corresponding to Du. lonte, E. lunt, Dan. lunte. In earlier ModHG. and in modern dials. it signifies ‘wick of a lamp’ (prop. ‘tow’?), allied to MidHG. lünden, ‘to burn’ (OHG. lunda, ‘tallow’?). Further cognates are uncertain. — Lunte, ‘brush of a fox,’ is a figurative sense of Lunte, ‘lunt’ (i.e., from its fiery colour).
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Lunge

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​ Lunge, f., ‘lung,’ from the equiv. MidHG. lunge, OHG. lungun (plur. lungunnâ), f.; corresponding to the equiv. Goth. *luggô, OIc. lunga, AS. lungen, E. lungs (prop. plur. on account of the two lobes), Du. long. Some etymologists connect these cognates with the OTeut. root ling, ‘to be light,’ which appears in leicht and gelingen. Comp. Port. leve, ‘lung,’ from Lat. levis, ‘light,’ E. lights from light, Russ. legkoe from legkij.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Luder

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​ Luder, n., ‘lure, decoy, bait,’ from MidHG. luoder, n., ‘bait, gluttony, dissolute life, loose woman’ (from an OTeut. lôþra- is derived Fr. leurre, ‘lure, bait’). Its connection with ModHG. laden is probable, since ‘bait’ is the orig. sense.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Lug

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​ Lug, m., Lüge, f., ‘lie, falsehood,’ from the equiv. MidHG. luc (g), lüge (lügene), OHG. lugin, f.; an abstract of lügen (dial. liegen), MidHG. liegen, OHG. liogan, str. vb. ‘to lie.’ Comp. OSax. lugina, ‘lie,’ from liogan, Du. leugen, logen, from liegen, AS. lyge (E. lie), from leógan, Goth. liugn, ‘lie,’ from liugan, str. vb. ‘to lie.’ —
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Luft

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​ Luft, f. (UpG. masc.), ‘air, breeze,’ from the equiv. MidHG. and OHG. luft, m. and f.; a common Teut. term; comp. Goth. luftus, OIc. lopt, AS. lyft (E. lift, dial. only), OSax. luft, Du. lucht, ‘air’. Whether OIc. lopt, ‘loft’ (comp. Laube), is a derivative of the same word remains dubious; nor is it of any help in determining the primit. sense of the specifically Teut. luftu-, especially as indubitable cognates in the non-Teut. languages are wanting.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Lotter-

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​ Lotter-, in compounds like Lotterbube, ‘vagrant, knave,’ from MidHG. loter, ‘slack, light-minded, frivolous, knave, ne'er-do-well, buffoon,’ OHG. lotar, ‘empty, vain’; comp. AS. loddêre, ‘villain.’ Allied to liederlich.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Luchs

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​ Luchs, m., ‘lynx,’ from the equiv. MidHG. and OHG. luhs, m.; corresponding to OSax. lox, Du. losch, AS. lox, m. The s of this OTeut. stem is a suffix, as in Fuchs; hence Swed. lô (Goth. *laúhô), and in the non-Teut. languages Lith. lúszis, Gr. λυγκ-, ‘lynx.’ It is probably related to the root luh in Licht (OIc. ljós, ‘light,’ AS. lîxan, ‘to give light’), since the sharp, gleaming eyes of the lynx may have given rise to the name.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume III/Apologetic/Apology/Chapter XIV

Chapter XIV.
I wish now to review your sacred rites; and I pass no censure on your sacrificing, when you offer the worn-out, the scabbed, the corrupting; when you cut off from the fat and the sound the useless parts, such as the head and the hoofs, which in your house you would have assigned to the slaves or the dogs; when of the tithe of Hercules you do not lay a third upon his altar (I am disposed rather to praise your wisdom in rescuing something from being lost); but turning to your books, from which you get your training in wisdom and the nobler duties of life, what utterly ridiculous things I find!—that for Trojans and Greeks the gods fought among themselves like pairs of gladiators; that Venus was wounded by a man, because she would rescue her son Æneas when he was in peril of his life from the same Diomede; that Mars was almost wasted away by a thirteen months’ imprisonment; that Jupiter was saved by a monster’s aid from suffering the same violence at the hands of the other gods; that he now laments the fate of Sarpedon, now foully makes love to his own sister, recounting (to her) former mistresses, now for a long time past not so dear as she. After this, what poet is not found copying the example of his chief, to be a disgracer of the gods? One gives Apollo to king Admetus to tend his sheep; another hires out the building labours of Neptune to Laomedon. A well-known lyric poet, too—Pindar, I mean—sings of Æsculapius deservedly stricken with lightning for his greed in practising wrongfully his art. A wicked deed it was of Jupiter—if he hurled the bolt—unnatural to his grandson, and exhibiting envious feeling to the Physician. Things like these should not be made public if they are true; and if false, they should not be fabricated among people professing a great respect for religion. Nor indeed do either tragic or comic writers shrink from setting forth the gods as the origin of all family calamities and sins. I do not dwell on the philosophers, contenting myself with a reference to Socrates, who, in contempt of the gods, was in the habit of swearing by an oak, and a goat, and a dog. In fact, for this very thing Socrates was condemned to death, that he overthrew the worship of the gods. Plainly, at one time as well as another, that is, always truth is disliked. However, when rueing their judgment, the Athenians inflicted punishment on his accusers, and set up a golden image of him in a temple, the condemnation was in the very act rescinded, and his witness was restored to its former value. Diogenes, too, makes utter mock of Hercules and the Roman cynic Varro brings forward three hundred Joves, or Jupiters they should be called, all headless.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume III/Apologetic/Apology/Chapter XLI

Chapter XLI.
You, therefore, are the sources of trouble in human affairs; on you lies the blame of public adversities, since you are ever attracting them—you by whom God is despised and images are worshipped. It should surely seem the more natural thing to believe that it is the neglected One who is angry, and not they to whom all homage is paid; or most unjustly they act, if, on account of the Christians, they send trouble on their own devotees, whom they are bound to keep clear of the punishments of Christians. But this, you say, hits your God as well, since He permits His worshippers to suffer on account of those who dishonour Him. But admit first of all His providential arrangings, and you will not make this retort. For He who once for all appointed an eternal judgment at the world’s close, does not precipitate the separation, which is essential to judgment, before the end. Meanwhile He deals with all sorts of men alike, so that all together share His favours and reproofs. His will is, that outcasts and elect should have adversities and prosperities in common, that we should have all the same experience of His goodness and severity. Having learned these things from His own lips, we love His goodness, we fear His wrath, while both by you are treated with contempt; and hence the sufferings of life, so far as it is our lot to be overtaken by them, are in our case gracious admonitions, while in yours they are divine punishments. We indeed are not the least put about: for, first, only one thing in this life greatly concerns us, and that is, to get quickly out of it; and next, if any adversity befalls us, it is laid to the door of your transgressions. Nay, though we are likewise involved in troubles because of our close connection with you, we are rather glad of it, because we recognize in it divine foretellings, which, in fact, go to confirm the confidence and faith of our hope. But if all the evils you endure are inflicted on you by the gods you worship out of spite to us, why do you continue to pay homage to beings so ungrateful, and unjust; who, instead of being angry with you, should rather have been aiding and abetting you by persecuting Christians—keeping you clear of their sufferings?
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume III/Apologetic/Apology/Chapter XLIV

Chapter XLIV.
Yes, and no one considers what the loss is to the common weal,—a loss as great as it is real, no one estimates the injury entailed upon the state, when, men of virtue as we are, we are put to death in such numbers; when so many of the truly good suffer the last penalty. And here we call your own acts to witness, you who are daily presiding at the trials of prisoners, and passing sentence upon crimes. Well, in your long lists of those accused of many and various atrocities, has any assassin, any cutpurse, any man guilty of sacrilege, or seduction, or stealing bathers’ clothes, his name entered as being a Christian too? Or when Christians are brought before you on the mere ground of their name, is there ever found among them an ill-doer of the sort? It is always with your folk the prison is steaming, the mines are sighing, the wild beasts are fed: it is from you the exhibitors of gladiatorial shows always get their herds of criminals to feed up for the occasion. You find no Christian there, except simply as being such; or if one is there as something else, a Christian he is no longer.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume III/Apologetic/Apology/Chapter XLIX

Chapter XLIX.
These are what are called presumptuous speculations in our case alone; in the philosophers and poets they are regarded as sublime speculations and illustrious discoveries. They are men of wisdom, we are fools. They are worthy of all honour, we are folk to have the finger pointed at; nay, besides that, we are even to have punishments inflicted on us. But let things which are the defence of virtue, if you will, have no foundation, and give them duly the name of fancies, yet still they are necessary; let them be absurd if you will, yet they are of use: they make all who believe them better men and women, under the fear of never-ending punishment and the hope of never-ending bliss. It is not, then, wise to brand as false, nor to regard as absurd, things the truth of which it is expedient to presume. On no ground is it right positively to condemn as bad what beyond all doubt is profitable. Thus, in fact, you are guilty of the very presumption of which you accuse us, in condemning what is useful. It is equally out of the question to regard them as nonsensical; at any rate, if they are false and foolish, they hurt nobody. For they are just (in that case) like many other things on which you inflict no penalties—foolish and fabulous things, I mean, which, as quite innocuous, are never charged as crimes or punished. But in a thing of the kind, if this be so indeed, we should be adjudged to ridicule, not to swords, and flames, and crosses, and wild beasts, in which iniquitous cruelty not only the blinded populace exults and insults over us, but in which some of you too glory, not scrupling to gain the popular favour by your injustice. As though all you can do to us did not depend upon our pleasure. It is assuredly a matter of my own inclination, being a Christian. Your condemnation, then, will only reach me in that case, if I wish to be condemned; but when all you can do to me, you can do only at my will, all you can do is dependent on my will, and is not in your power. The joy of the people in our trouble is therefore utterly reasonless.  For it is our joy they appropriate to themselves, since we would far rather be condemned than apostatize from God; on the contrary, our haters should be sorry rather than rejoice, as we have obtained the very thing of our own choice.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume III/Apologetic/Apology/Chapter XLIII

Chapter XLIII.
I will confess, however, without hesitation, that there are some who in a sense may complain of Christians that they are a sterile race: as, for instance, pimps, and panders, and bath-suppliers; assassins, and poisoners, and sorcerers; soothsayers, too, diviners, and astrologers. But it is a noble fruit of Christians, that they have no fruits for such as these. And yet, whatever loss your interests suffer from the religion we profess, the protection you have from us makes amply up for it. What value do you set on persons, I do not here urge who deliver you from demons, I do not urge who for your sakes present prayers before the throne of the true God, for perhaps you have no belief in that—but from whom you can have nothing to fear?
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume III/Apologetic/Apology/Chapter XLV

Chapter XLV.
We, then, alone are without crime. Is there ought wonderful in that, if it be a very necessity with us? For a necessity indeed it is. Taught of God himself what goodness is, we have both a perfect knowledge of it as revealed to us by a perfect Master; and faithfully we do His will, as enjoined on us by a Judge we dare not despise. But your ideas of virtue you have got from mere human opinion; on human authority, too, its obligation rests: hence your system of practical morality is deficient, both in the fulness and authority requisite to produce a life of real virtue. Man’s wisdom to point out what is good, is no greater than his authority to exact the keeping of it; the one is as easily deceived as the other is despised. And so, which is the ampler rule, to say, “Thou shalt not kill,” or to teach, “Be not even angry?” Which is more perfect, to forbid adultery, or to restrain from even a single lustful look?  Which indicates the higher intelligence, interdicting evil-doing, or evil-speaking? Which is more thorough, not allowing an injury, or not even suffering an injury done to you to be repaid? Though withal you know that these very laws also of yours, which seem to lead to virtue, have been borrowed from the law of God as the ancient model. Of the age of Moses we have already spoken. But what is the real authority of human laws, when it is in man’s power both to evade them, by generally managing to hide himself out of sight in his crimes, and to despise them sometimes, if inclination or necessity leads him to offend? Think of these things, too, in the light of the brevity of any punishment you can inflict—never to last longer than till death. On this ground Epicurus makes light of all suffering and pain, maintaining that if it is small, it is contemptible; and if it is great, it is not long-continued. No doubt about it, we, who receive our awards under the judgment of an all-seeing God, and who look forward to eternal punishment from Him for sin,—we alone make real effort to attain a blameless life, under the influence of our ampler knowledge, the impossibility of concealment, and the greatness of the threatened torment, not merely long-enduring but everlasting, fearing Him, whom he too should fear who the fearing judges,—even God, I mean, and not the proconsul.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume III/Apologetic/Apology/Chapter XIX

Chapter XIX.
Their high antiquity, first of all, claims authority for these writings. With you, too, it is a kind of religion to demand belief on this very ground. Well, all the substances, all the materials, the origins, classes, contents of your most ancient writings, even most nations and cities illustrious in the records of the past and noted for their antiquity in books of annals,—the very forms of your letters, those revealers and custodiers of events, nay (I think I speak still within the mark), your very gods themselves, your very temples and oracles, and sacred rites, are less ancient than the work of a single prophet, in whom you have the thesaurus of the entire Jewish religion, and therefore too of ours. If you happen to have heard of a certain Moses, I speak first of him: he is as far back as the Argive Inachus; by nearly four hundred years—only seven less—he precedes Danaus, your most ancient name; while he antedates by a millennium the death of Priam. I might affirm, too, that he is five hundred years earlier than Homer, and have supporters of that view. The other prophets also, though of later date, are, even the most recent of them, as far back as the first of your philosophers, and legislators, and historians. It is not so much the difficulty of the subject, as its vastness, that stands in the way of a statement of the grounds on which these statements rest; the matter is not so arduous as it would be tedious. It would require the anxious study of many books, and the fingers busy reckoning. The histories of the most ancient nations, such as the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, the Phœnicians, would need to be ransacked; the men of these various nations who have information to give, would have to be called in as witnesses. Manetho the Egyptian, and Berosus the Chaldean, and Hieromus the Phœnician king of Tyre; their successors too, Ptolemy the Mendesian, and Demetrius Phalereus, and King Juba, and Apion, and Thallus, and their critic the Jew Josephus, the native vindicator of the ancient history of his people, who either authenticates or refutes the others. Also the Greek censors’ lists must be compared, and the dates of events ascertained, that the chronological connections may be opened up, and thus the reckonings of the various annals be made to give forth light. We must go abroad into the histories and literature of all nations. And, in fact, we have already brought the proof in part before you, in giving those hints as to how it is to be effected. But it seems better to delay the full discussion of this, lest in our haste we do not sufficiently carry it out, or lest in its thorough handling we make too lengthened a digression.
# American Medical Biographies/Bell, John

​Bell, John (1796–1872)
John Bell, a Philadelphia surgeon, was born in Ireland in 1796, and died on August 19, 1872. He graduated M. D. from the University of Pennsylvania in 1817. There are not many details of his life available, but he was elected to the College of Physicians of Philadelphia in 1827; was a member of the Philadelphia Medical Society; lecturer on the institutes of medicine, Philadelphia Medical Institute; professor of the same in the Medical College of Ohio, and physician to the City Hospital.
He did some good work as a writer and editor, his first book being "A Treatise on Baths and Mineral Waters" (1831); "A History of the Chemical Composition and Medicinal Properties of the Chief Medical Springs of the United States and Canada" (1855); "A Practical Dictionary of Materia Medica"; "Dietetical and Medical Hydrology" and, with Dr. David Francis Condie, "A Report of the College of Physicians to the Board of Health," which contained all the material facts in the history of epidemic cholera. He also edited "Stokes' Lectures on the Theory and Practice of Physic" and Dr. Andrew Combe's "Treatise on Children."