# Portland, Oregon: Its History and Builders/Volume 1/Chapter 31

CHAPTER XXXI.
1850 — 1910.
The Social Life — Economics, Prices, and IV ages — Economics, Morals and Politics — The Political and Economic Drift — The Lesson of It All.
Having traced the development of a great city from its initial log cabin, and its hesitating first settlers, down to the period when it is carried along by a vigorous confident population of over two hundred thousand souls; when its business houses are towering to the height of fifteen stories of steel and porce- lain brick ; when its railroads are spreading in every direction ; and its ships and merchandise are carried on every sea; when its banks, manufactories, and mer- chants are prospering beyond the dreams of avarice ; and its organs of public opinion circulate far and near, let us see what effect this material prosperity has had upon the life of those who have wrought the work, or been carried along on the wave.
Notwithstanding the simple sturdy life of the pioneers, they had and en- joyed the relaxation of social pleasures. And although their pleasures were wholly unlike what is seen in surfeit on every hand in Portland in 1910, their daily lives were influenced by what they had, just as the wild riot of dissipation called pleasure is influencing the lives of the people, especially the young, to- day. If anybody thinks that hard work, plain food, and scanty clothing made the pioneers blue and misanthropic, they are greatly mistaken. From the time Fred Bickel (still with us) hung his "dress coat" — the only one in town — on the bushes for an airing, and ten minutes later looked out of his bachelor's quarters in an upper room to see a noble red man of the forest striding down Stark street with the coat on his back, to the infinite glee of all the town — down to the time when Tom Mountain, (also still with us) mixed up all the babies, changed their clothing around while in his charge on the grand excursion of the Jennie Clark, while the mothers were enjoying the dance, so that the said mothers did not know their own children — on down to the time that William Beck donated the silk "plug hat he had worn at the first bridge celebration to Skookum Charley of Grande Ronde. the sturdy pioneers had their fun, pleasures and recreation in plenty ; and thereby hangs a tale.
William Beck was about the last man in Oregon that would have bought a tall hat. But the bridge celebration was to be the big event of that generation ; and Joe Buchtel and Joe Strowbridge, made a point that the celebration could not possibly come off unless the president of the Bridge Company appeared at the head of the procession dressed cap-a-pie in the best Oregon could produce — and especially with the tall hat. So like a martyr to a good cause. William Beck yielded to the clamor of the "boomers and got the hat and wore it across the Morrison street bridge and back again to the gun store ; and then put it on a high shelf. But annoyed with the presence, of what he felt to be his only indulgence in a vanity, he resolved to get rid of that hat. The first customer ​
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coming in after that pious resolution was Skookum Charlie, an Indian Chief from the Grande Ronde reservation. After selling Charlie a gun, he thought of the hat, got it down from its high shelf, and offered it as a present to the Indian. Charlie did not take readily to the gift, thinking it was too much of a Boston man's hat. But Beck was not to be defeated in his benevolent enter- prise, and showed the chief how he could stick Eagle's feathers all around thicker than hat pins in a ladies hat of this day, and that it would be "big medi- cine" at Grande Ronde. The feather idea caught him, and he took the hat. and carried it back to the Indian village in the Grande Ronde in triumph. Prior to this Charlie had secured in Portland another treasure in the shape of a fine carriage. Making known his wants in the carriage line to a friend at Northrup's hardware store, and the fact that he had cash to purchase with, some wag, possi- bly, Ed. Northrup himself, directed the Indian Chief to Ewry and Garnold's undertaking shop, with a hint to them that they might sell the Indian a hearse. It was a capital idea. They had a hearse they did not need; in fact there was scarcely any use for a hearse those days, and they would sell it cheap ; a fine car- riage, glass side panels, fine seat in front, cloth curtains, tassels, etc., and the price not more than a dozen bear skins. And the Indian took and hauled it home, proud as a veritable lord of all the reservation. And then came Barnum with his circus. The circus is the event of a lifetime with an Indian; and Skookum Charlie must take the whole family in the new carriage to Portland to see the sights. The tall hat was brought out and decked all round with colored eagle's quills ; and they all started for Portland — the chief and wife number one on the driver's seat of the hearse carriage with a half dozen little Indians stowed away inside, gaz- ing out at the wonders of the world through the glass pannels. Arriving at Portland, they camped alongside of the circus in King's cow pasture, where the big apartment houses are now at King and Washington streets. The circus men were not slow to catch on to a good idea — they would have Sookum Charley drive in the grand parade down town with the show wagons. At first the chief demurred, as too much display, but with liberal gifts of candies to the little Indians, a circus rider ladies tinsel dress to the squaw, and free tickets to the whole family, the manager captured the piece d'resistence of the whole show — • and Charley got a prominent position in the parade with his ponies and hearse, the chief and wife on the driver's seat, the little brown faces flattening their noses against the glass panels, while the big boy stood up with his body protruding through a hole cut in the top of the hearse where he swung his candy cane to the cheering multitude on the sidewalks. It was a great day — and a great show — - and Portland got the worth of its money.
FIRST ASCENT OF MT. HOOD.
In those early days the whole country was wild, fresh, new and healthy. There were deer, elk, bear, grouse, pheasants, on every hill side and trout in every stream. The pioneers had the cream of Oregon. They were great eaters, and hunters and fighters. They took to the mountains every summer. The first attempt to scale the heights of Mt. Hood was made by Thos. J. Dryer, editor of the Oregonian on August 19th, 1854; and other efforts to get to the top of the mountain in 1857 and 1858; but none of these succeeded. But in the last days of July, 1859, Mr. Dryer and others, renewed the attempt and got safely up to the top of the mountain and down again without loss or injury to any one. We take from the Oregonian of August 5th, 1859, some account of the first successful ascent of Mt. Hood by white men.
(From the Weekly Oregonian, Saturday morning, July 16, 1859, T. J. Dryer, Editor.) ,
Personal: The editor will leave on Monday morning next for the mountains and will probably be absent two or three weeks. In the meantime, Mr. Henry Pittock, always to be found at the Oregonian office, is fully authorized ​act all business connected with the office. Our readers will hear from us as often as circumstances will permit.
(From the Weekly Oregonian, Portland, Oregon, Saturday morning. August 6th, 1859.)
TRIP IN THE MOUNTAINS.
We left this city on the 18th of July, in company with T. Myers, H. W. Davis, and J. M. Blossom; overtook our companions, C. Pickett, A. G. Myers, and M. McLaughlin, who had left on the Friday previous with pack animals, stores, etc., about 20 miles on the route toward the Cascade mountains. The advance party had encamped to await our coming. Upon our arrival we found the camp well stocked with grouse, pheasants, rabbits, squirrels, etc., upon which we all feasted to the entire satisfaction of a most voracious appetite.
The next morning at an early hour, our whole party, consisting of seven men and eleven horses, packed up and got under way, and proceeded towards the mountains. After several hours march, we left the main trail, known as the Barlow road, some five or six miles east of Philip Foster's, on a trail leading to a fine prairie about five miles south, where Mr. Foster informed us we would find an abundance of grass, good water, fine camping-ground and splendid hunting.
The next morning all the hunters left camp at an early hour, with an understanding to shoot any sort of game that wore hair or carried feathers. About noon Myers came in with a load of grouse and pheasants; Davis and Pickett soon followed, each with a respectable number; and Blossom still later with nothing, in consequence of conscientious scruples of firing a first-class yager at small game, and a determination to kill either an elk, bear, or deer or nothing.
After a considerable picking of feathers we enjoyed a good game supper, and prepared our mountain bed for the night. Proceeding on towards the mountain up Zigzag, Rock creek, Sandy and getting lost, the party finally made camp two days afterward as follows:
About two o'clock P. M. the whole party got into camp, where we found an abundance of grass and every convenience for comfort. Fishing-rods were cut, fines strung, and in a few minutes the frying-pans were over the fire, full of fine mountain-trout, weighing from a half to one and a half pounds each. They were no sooner cooked than despatched by as hungry a set of pleasure-seekers as ever surrounded a camp fire. Some of the party had shot a brace of grouse on their way in, and as trout were plenty within a few rods of the camp, and we were all very tired, it was decided that all would remain in camp and rest for the remainder of the day.
The next morning early Blossom, Pickett, McLaughlin, Davis and Young Myers started out for a hunt, leaving the elder Myers and ourself to keep camp and catch trout. We soon heard the echo of Blossom's yager on the mountain side, and soon after the signal—two shots from a revolver in quick succession — to come out. In less than half an hour we reached Blossom, where lay at his feet a fine, large fat black-tailed deer. It was soon packed into camp, and very soon several of his ribs stuck on sticks were before the camp fire. In the afternoon about a dozen grouse and pheasants were brought into camp, and several long strings of trout hung up on the camp poles. The next day being Sunday, was devoted to shaving, bathing, fishing, hunting, eating, drinking, reading, smoking, lounging, chatting and yarn telling.
​The next morning the two Myers, Blossom, Pickett, Davis and ourself mounted our riding horses and started for the summit at four o'clock. After five hours' "beating" as sailors would term it, we attained an altitude much higher than we were able to do on horseback last year, in consequence of the large quantity of snow yet on the mountain. We left our horses under the lee of a large ledge of rock and commenced the ascent on foot. At twelve and a half o'clock we had all reached the extreme summit in good condition, save somewhat jaded. The party partook of the lunch which each had brought with him, with a relish seldom enjoyed by the most fastidious epicure. After feasting our eyes for an hour or more upon the world below, until all were satisfied that no man who has never been on this mountain's top, can form the remotest idea of the grandeur and sublimity of the scene, and that no man can by language describe it intelligently to another, we resolved to return to camp. The descent for a portion of the way was far more difficult than the ascent. We were compelled to come down the main peak by the aid of a rope looped over the crags of rock. When all were down to a standpoint the rope was overhauled and again fastened, when one after another descended until finally we regained the snow where every man adopted his own way and pursued his own course in descending. Some of the party took it into their heads, after we had got down to where the snow was smoother and the angle about 45 or 50 degrees, to try another mode, to-wit: place the "seat of honor" on the snow, a mountain stafif in each hand drawn up closely under the arm as a drag, hoist your heels, and away you go with a speed equal to a locomotive. Thus several descended for a couple of miles in double-quick time. We reached our horses in safety and regained our camp, just as the sun was sinking into the Pacific ocean.
After a good supper, a good smoke, and listening to a great variety of opinions in relation to Mt. Hood, and a universal surprise expressed that people did not have a more correct idea about it, we retired to our blankets and were soon sound asleep, dreaming of towering mountains, fearful chasms, tumbling rocks, volcanoes, earthquakes, etc., etc."
Mountain exploration and climbing was reduced to a science later on by Mr. W. G. Steel who organized the society of the "Mazamas"—from "Mazame" — the 'Mexican for mountain goat. Through the efforts of Mr. Steel, and the organization of the Mazamas, headquarters at Portland, Oregon, nearly all the great mountains of Oregon and Washington have been ascended, explored and mapped, adding largely to the stock of knowledge of animal and vegetable life on these lofty uplands. Many young and even middle aged women have become members of the Mazama organization, and make enthusiastic and successful mountain climbers; although it is a most severe trial of physical strength and endurance to ascend a rugged mountain to the height of two and a half miles above sea level, covered with ice and snow, bearing immense glaciers, seamed with awful crevices, threatening life at every turn.
THE ROSE FESTIVAL.
Portland has the most unique annual festival of any city in the United States, lasting an entire week, with the opening of the roses in June of each year. One hundred thousand dollars was spent in producing this week of festivity in 1910. More than one-quarter of a million visitors were entertained at this jubilee in 1910. More than 5,000,000 beautiful roses were used in decoration. Portland has a thousand miles of roses. If set side by side, they would reach to Los Angeles.
Tokio is noted for its cherry blossom parades. Florence, Naples, Venice and Nice are famous for their floral carnivals, and New Orleans for its Mardi Gras. Portland with her peerless floral pageants has won world-wide renown as "The rose city."
W. G. STEEL, PRESIDENT OF THE MAZAMAS.—ASCENDING MOUNT HOOD
Portland was named "The rose city" by Mr. Frank E. Beach, president of the North Western Insurance Company. It was made "the rose city" by the indefatigable labors of Mr. Frederick V. Holman, an enthusiastic rose culturist, who talked, taught and wrote all about the culture of roses for years while he practiced law and wrote history.
"The rose festival" was proposed by Mr. E. W. Rowe, who was also the first president of the Rose Festival Association ; and was made the great success that it is by Mr. George L. Hutchin, who has always been the general manager of the festival, and by Mr. Ralph W. Hoyt, now president of the Rose Festival Association, and who has devoted his time and money freely to the work of raising funds and generally promoting the success of the grand annual festival.
George Washington's birthday anniversary, February 22d, is rose planting day at Portland, Oregon, and this patriotic remembrance of "the father of his country" is thus happily united with the festival that brings recreation, pleasure and joy to the hundreds of thousands of people who lay aside all business cares to rejuvenate health and strength.
Portland has in common with all other American cities, ample means of social culture, and society dissipation. Much of this has been noticed, but the great mass of what goes under the name of social culture is foreign to the purpose of this history. Portland has its "race" days, its hunt club, golf club, boating clubs, livestock shows, kennel clubs and shows, society columns in the Sunday papers, and newspaper pictures of loving maids and lovesick swains that get married ; all of which may be an index to various sorts of people.
The county clerk gives another view to the social "swim," and reports that during the year 1909 there were 2,726 marriage licenses issued at the court house in this city ; and during the same time 420 divorces granted by the courts at the same place. In the first four months of 1910 there were 794 marriage licenses issued and 147 divorces granted at the same seat of justice; in August, 1909, there were 29 divorces granted, but in August, 1910, the number jumped to 41 ; so that the divorce court is rapidly gaining on hymen at Portland, Oregon.
And as showing the difference betwen the policy of our own country, and that of our neighbor, Canada, with a population greater than all the Pacific coast states, we quote the following official statement for 1910:
"Canada has an average of 10 divorces a year, and does not propose to let down the bars to separation scandals, such as are furnished by the United States. The Dominion will fight any proposition that savors of an attempt to disrupt homes or to check the colonization of its vast area.
Recent efforts to establish divorce courts, where persons of moderate means could secure legal separation, have met with general opposition.
At the last session of parliament, there were granted by the senate 20 di- vorces. This was an increase of three over the previous year, and this small increase was viewed with alarm as a menace to the future development of the country's social life.
During the last eleven years the senate has granted 11 1 divorces, an average of ten each year. During the last three years the average has come up to 15 a year."
LABOR UNION CONTESTS.
From sports, recreation and social interests, to industry and hard work is but a single step in the life of a western city. Trade unions are organized to control the workers in every line and item of productive industry. There are hundreds of these unions in Portland, with an aggregate membership of 8,000. As in every other city, they seek to control the day's wage and the ​hours of
work, and exclude all non-union men from employment in the same trades. This has naturally produced friction and opposition not only from non-union workers, but from employers who favor freedom of employment, to secure which, a powerful organization called the "open shop" has been organized to protect non-union men and their employers. This organization has been strength- ened by the recent events of the teamsters' strike, during which many non-union teamsters were clubbed and beaten by the union men, so that the mayor and chief of police were compelled to put on an extra force of policemen to protect the non-union men; which extra force cost the city $18,000 for pay of men.
THE COXEY ARMY.
The first and severest trial of the patience and patriotism of the so-called laboring class in the city of Portland came to a crisis in May, 1894. The finan- cial panic, which had closed many of the banks, and a great many of the indus- tries in 1893 all over the United States, bore down heavily on the men who de- pended on their daily wage for their daily bread. The business houses and well to-do citizens of Portland met the crisis with large-hearted sympathy and gener- osity, contributing freely to the support of places to house and feed the desti- tute, as well as take care of the families of those in need. The winter of 1903-4 wore away without any special demonstration from the army of unemployed men ; but with the coming of spring there arose a new sensation in the land, which, while it did not help the penniless laborer, made him forget his troubles. A sporadic genius suddenly arose at Massillon, Ohio, like a comet in the sky, calling himself "General Coxey," and appealed to the unemployed throughout the land to form a grand army, "the Army of the Commonweal," and march to Washington city in such divisions as was convenient and demand relief from the president and congress. Armies formed all over the country ; one at Los Angeles, one at San Francisco, one at Portland, and one at Seattle. The Los Angeles army made the longest march, going to El Paso, Texas, thence to St. Louis, and finally reaching Indianapolis, where it disbanded. The San Fran- cisco army marching by Salt Lake and Omaha, reached Eddyville, Iowa, and dis- banded. The Seattle army marched as far east as Spokane and went to pieces. The Portland army under the lead of General Sheffler, got as far east as Coke- ville, Wyoming, got employment in the coal mines and disbanded. The only army that finally reached Washington was that commanded by Coxey himself ; marching on foot all the way from Massillon, Ohio, to the capital, where the General, being refused admission to the presence of congress, delivered a peti- tion for redress of the grievances of the laboring man to the sergeant-at-arms of the house of representatives at the east portico of the capitol.
These armies from the Pacific coast did not march much of the way on foot, but seized railroad trains and ran them as far as they could before being stopped. General Sheffler marched out of Portland with over 1,200 men, with their blankets on their backs, and a few days' rations. Following the line of the O. R. & N. Co. railroad, they halted at Cleone, 12 miles east of Portland, where they seized the first passenger train going east and ran it to Caldwell, Idaho, where it was halted by a detachment of U. S. soldiers, and most of the men rounded up into a stockade. But afterward, making terms with the railroad company, they got a train of box cars that carried them on to Cokeville, where they got employment. On all these marching lines the people sympathized with the marchers and furnished them food and shelter.
ECONOMICS, PRICES AND WAGES.
From the Spectator at Oregon City, of October 18, 1849, we learn that the price of beef on foot was given at 6 to 8 cents a pound ; in market 10 to 12 cents a pound, pork at market 16 to 20 cents per pound; butter 62 to 75 cents per pound; cheese, 50 cents; flour, $14 per barrel of 200 lbs.; wheat, $1.50 to $2.00 a bushel, and oats the same. Potatoes, $2.50 per bushel, and green apples $10 ​
a bushel. Groceries and dry goods were much less than formerly. The prices of provisions had been raised by the rush to the California gold mines, while store goods had fallen from increased importations.
PORTLAND PRICES.
1850 1870 1890
Apples, dried, per pound $ .50 $ .07 $ .06
Peaches, dried, per pound 50 ... .12
Beef, fresh at block, per pound 18 .12 .12
Pork, fresh at block, per pound 16 .10 .07
Hams .16 .12
Butter, fresh, per pound i.oo .30 .25
Cheese, per pound 50 .20 .14
Flour, per pound 10 .03 .02
Coffee, green, per pound 18 .25 .22
Sugar, brown, per pound 20 .12 .05
Sugar, loaf, white, per pound 50 .18 .07
Tea, per pound i .00 i .00 i .00
Molasses, per gallon 1.50 .75 .75
Tobacco, per pound 75 i.oo 1.50
Rice, per pound 20 .15 .06
Lard, per pound 40 .18 .10
Salt, per pound 06 .03 .02
Iron, per pound 16 .04 .04
Nails, per pound 18 .06 .05
Chickens, per dozen 4.00 6.00
Eggs, per dozen i.oo .35 .15
Wheat, per bushel 3.00 .80 .65
Potatoes, per bushel ". 6.00 .75 1.50
Oats, per bushel 1.50 .40 .38
Baled hay, per ton 1 1 .00 16.00
Rough lumber, per thousand 75-0o 14.00 10.00
Cooking stoves 75-00 30.00 25.00
Hops .20 .10
Whiskey, good, per gallon 1.50 4.00 5.00
1910
.08
•15 .20 .20 .20
.36 .18
•03 ,20
.10
.07 I.oo I.oo 2.00
•05
.20
.01
.02^ .04
/•50
•35 .90
1-25
•50 20.00
14.00
30.00
•15 6.00
WAGES IN PORTLAND, I9IO, COMPARED WITH SCALE IN OTHER LARGE CITIES.
Portland, Oregon. Wages.
Barbers, per week $16.00
Bartenders, per week 18.50
Carpenters, per day 3.50
Cigarmakers, per day 3.50
Electricians, per day 3.50
Longshoremen, per day 4-95
Painters, per day 3.50
Plasterers, per day 5-50
Plumbers, per day 5.00
Printers, per day 5.00
Steamfitters, per day 5-00
Structural iron workers, per day 4.50
Tailors, per day 3.00
Teamsters, per day 2.75
Tilesetters, per day 5-50
Waiters, per week 12.50
Waitresses, per week 9-00
Working hours per day.
10 10-12 8 8 8 9 — 10 8 8 8
7-7/2-8
8
8
8—10
9 10 IT
8
10 — 12 ​
10
Seattle, Butte, San Fran,
Wash. Mont. Cal.
Barbers, per week $17.00 $24.00 $16.00
Bartenders, per week 20.50 25.00 20.00
Carpenters, per day 4-50 5-00 5-00
Cigarmakers, per day 2.75 3.50 3.50
Electricians, per day 5.00 6.00 5.00
Longshoremen, per day 3.50 5-00
Painters, per day 4-5^ 5-50 4-50
Plasterers, per day 6.00 7.00 6.00
Plumbers, per day 6.50 8.00 6.00
Printers, per day 5.25 5.50 5.50
Steamfitters, per day 6.50 8.00 6.00
Structural Fn w'k'rs. per day 4.50 5.50 5.00
Tailors, per day 3.25 4.00 3.25
Teamsters, per day 2.25 3.50 3.50
Tilesetters, per day 5.50 6.00 6.00
Waiters, per week 12.00 21.00 12.00
Watresses, per week 9.50 16.00 9.00
9 to
Working , hours per day.
10
10-12
8
8
8
10
8
8
8
7-7/2-8
8
8
8 to 10
9-10-11
8
10-12
10
Los Phila- Working
Angeles delphia hours
Cal. 111. Penn. per day.
Barbers, per week $14.00 $14.00 $12.00 10
Bartenders, per week 20.00 10.00 16.00 10-12
Carpenters, per day 3.50 5.00 4.50 8
Cigarmakers, per day 3.00 3.00 2.50 8
Electricians, per day 3.50 5.00 4.00 8
Longshoremen, per day 4.50 , 6.00 3.50 9 to 10
Painters, per day 3.50 4.40 4.00 8
Plasterers, per day 5.00 5.50 4.50 8
Plumbers, per day 5.00 5.00 5.00 8
Printers, per day 4.50 5.00 4.75 7-7^-8
Steamfitters, per day 5.50 5.50 5.00 8
Structural Fn w'k'r's. per day 4.00 5.00 4.50 8
Tailors, per day 3.25 3.00 2.50 8 to 10
Teamsters, per day 2.25 3.50 2.50 9-10-11
Tilesetters, per day 4.00 5.50 4.25 8
Waiters, per week 10.00 10.00 9.00 10-12
Waitresses, per week 8.00 7.00 6.50 10
New York, Boston,
N. Y, Mass.
Barbers, per week $12.00 $12.00
Bartenders, per week 17.00 16.00
Carpenters, per day 5.00 4.50
Cigarmakers, per day 3.00 3.50
Electricians, per day 5.00 4.00
Longshoremen, per day 3.50 3.50
Painters, per day 5.00 4.00
Plasterers, per day 5.00 4.50
Plumbers, per day 5.00 5.00
Working Hours, p ​er day.
In London, England, on same dates, reported by United States consular agent, Henry Studmiczka:
Common laborers, $4.38 per week with board.
Common laborers, 12 cents per hour without board — average.
Stone masons, 21 cents per hour.
Brick layers, 21 cents per hour.
Plasterers, 22 cents per hour.
Plumbers, 22 cents per hour.
Carpenters, 21 cents per hour.
Painters, 18 cents per hour.
Furniture makers, 21 cents per hour.
Machinists, 20 cents to 28 cents per hour.
Boiler makers, 203^2 cents per hour.
Compositors, 20^ cents per hour.
Bakers, first-class hands, 13^^ cents per hour.
Iron Founders, 20 cents per hour.
Policemen, 21 cents per hour.
Letter carriers, $8.51 per week to old soldiers.
Teamsters, $1.60 per day of 15 hours, — average.
Street cleaners, 1.13 per day.
Street car conductors, 16 to 24 cents per hour.
Sailing vessel seamen, $14.60 per month.
Cost of living in London on same date:
ARTICLES.
Apples, second and third quality ; pound, 4 to 6 cents.
Bread, four pounds, 12 cents.
Butter, dairy, pound, 32 to 34 cents.
Cheese, Canadian, pound, 14 to 16 cents.
Coffee, pound, 16 to 36 cents.
Eggs, 12 to 16, 24 cents.
Salmon, pound, 6 to 8 cents.
Fish, various kinds, pound, 4 to 12 cents.
Flour, second quality, 3^ pounds, 9 to 10 cents.
Bacon, pound, 16 to 24 cents.
Beef, frozen, pound, 10 to 14 cents.
Beef, fresh, pound, 16 to 20 cents.
Pork, steak and ribs, pound, 12 to 16 cents.
Milk, fresh, pint, 4 cents.
Potatoes, pound, i to 2 cents.
Potatoes, per cwt., 72 to 96 cents.
Rice, lowest quality, pound, 4 cents.
Sugar, white, pound, 5 cents.
Sugar, yellow, pound, 4 cents.
Tea, pound, 20 to 60 cents.
Tomatoes, pound, 8 cents.
Vegetables, general, pound, 3 to 4 cents.
Not less than 75 families were visited, and from all the information gathered from these interviews, a family of man and wife and possibly two small children may subsist on the following foo ​d per week:
Articles Quantity
Pounds. Cost.
Bacon 2 $ .48
Bread 30 " -QO
Butter I .24
Cheese i -14
Coffee % -06
Currants i .06
Meat, frozen 6 .60
Milk 10 .40
Potatoes 14 -24
Rice or equivalent 3 .12
Sugar 5 -20
Tea i^ .12
Vegetables 5 -lo
Total $3-66
ECONOMICS, MORALS AND POLITICS.
For fully one-half the population of all American cities, the three subjects of economics, morals and politics is materially influenced by the habits and tastes of the people in the matters of amusements and patronage of alcoholic beverage dispensing saloons. The right to regulate these drinking places has been main- tained by every community for at least a hundred years ; and total prohibition of the manufacture and sale of ardent spirits has been enforced locally in a great many towns and counties, and in some of the states, and in about one-third of the state of Oregon. The retail liquor business in the city of Portland so far as trade statistics show it, stands as follows for the year 1910:
Number of Business licenses
issued.
Breweries 4
Wholesale liquor dealers 20
Wholesale liquor dealers and rectifiers 10
Saloons, dram drinking places 419
Groceries — liquor 10
Restaurants selling liquor 35
Theaters, first-class 8
Nickelodeons , 8
Nickelodeons 24
And as showing the size and influence of the liquor traffic in Portland and its close relations with the city government, the following statistics are quoted :
"Liquor licenses last year in Portland made up $360,800 of the general fund of $630,299.47, or $101,300.53 more than all other licenses, fees and moneys which go to make up the city's general fund.
"Liquor licenses have borne about the same ratio to the general fund in pre- vious years as last year and the present year. In 1901, liquor licenses made up $169,730.96 of the $234,422.40 in the general fund; in 1902, $193,084.06 of the $225,655.89 in the general fund; in 1903, $140,683.35 of the $294,280.98 in the general fund; in 1904, $163,799.75 of the $330,957.20; in 1905, $208,891.95 of the $383,464.75 in the general fund; in 1906, $218,166.60 of the $392,114.02 in the general fund; in 1907, $330,241.46 of the $504,065.25 in the general fund; in 1908, $367,425 of the $577,655.82 in the general fund; in 1909, $390,800 of the $630,299.47 in the general fund; in 1910, $364,939.95 of the $672,088 in the gener ​al fund."
In the political contest just closed (November 8, 1910) in this state, state prohibition was the paramount question with the great mass of the steady-going thinking voters. It is not the purpose of this book to discuss the policy or right- fulness of this or any other moral or political question, but simply to point out the trend and efforts of economic causes. The entire cost of operating the 419 saloons and the 40 or more cheap theaters, nickelodeons, etc., must be set down to economic waste, a waste of time, labor and capital. The sum total of cash expended and of waste of time cannot be less than three million dollars per annum.
But the waste of the money is not all of the results of this patronage of sa- loons and amusements. Those who profit and live by it are continually put on the defensive to defend it from the attacks of those that would destroy it. This compels the saloon interests to go into politics to protect a business rather than a political principle. And to the extent that any political party submits to control or influence by any special business interest, moral or immoral, it becomes the agent of personal rather than political policies. The same may be of course justly said of the financial interests represented by railroads, banks, or protected manufacturing monopolies. These influences modify the life and character of any community and of the children raised in such community.
It is easy to see, and capable of absolute proof by living examples of thou- sands of successful men, that any laboring man in this city of Portland, or else- where in Oregon, if working for only the lowest wage of two dollars per day, can save money enough in a few years, over and above the necessary cost of living in a decent, honorable way, to purchase land, or otherwise make himself independent of the daily grind of a wage servant and make himself an honorable, respected and useful member of society.
That the saloon and the cheap theater has an influence on the morals as well as the economics and politics of any community there can be no dispute. The Catholic church in America is the most liberal and broad-minded of all the re- ligious organizations on all questions of morals. And for both moral and econo- mic reasons, this great organization has taken, along with the Protestant churches, a positive and unyielding stand against the saloon. The question, then, of the advance or retreat of public opinion on the question of prohibition of the liquor traffic, becomes pertinent to any history of any community. The city has re- cently defeated by a majority of 6,500 votes, the proposed law to prohibit the saloon in Portland ; and recorded its voice and influence in favor of local regu- lation as against state prohibition.
But notwithstanding this decisive vote against total abstinence, there have not only been changes, but also progress. Forty years ago Portland had for two years a city council of nine members, six of whom were saloonkeepers ; and the mayor himself, Hamilton Boyd, was a patron of saloons; and the marshal (chief of police), James H. Lappeus, was also the proprietor of a saloon. There were at that time about thirty saloons in the town ; and it was a straight whiskey propo- sition. The marshal enforced the ordinances strictly, and the council gave the city a clean, honest government without grafting contractors of any kind. The saloon was not then used as an aid to gambling, robbery, or the debauchery of women. With the increase of population and strife for money, came the demor- alization that aroused the dormant conscience of the church, and the forethought of the parents of children, to place restrictions on the .saloon or destroy it al- together. This battle is now on throughout the nation. It will not cease. There are a hundred prohibitionists now to the one who preached to empty benche.-, forty years ago.
MORALITY, THE MUNICIPAL ASSOCIATION.
As a bond of union or connecting link between the vital interests of industry, morality and politics, the Portland Municipal Association deserves honorable mention in this chapter. Organized July 14th, 1903, the association acco ​mplished
a great work for public morality and civic virtue within the first four years of its existence. Its first board of directors was composed of F. S. Akin, J. W. Bell, W. H. Markell, E. C. Bronaugh, F. A. Frazier, Miller Murdoch, John A. Patterson, and W. L. Johnston ; and of which board, W. J. Honeyman was presi- dent, John Bain, secretary, and D. A. Patullo, treasurer. The membership of the association was about two thousand voters in the city; and the total income from membership dues and special contributions for the first four years was $4,453. The association justified its organization, and proceeded to active work upon the following principles :
"The welfare of the state is superior to the interests of any single enterprise or class.
Party politics should have no place in municipal government.
The vices of a city form the breeding-ground of graft.
The morality of a community is the foundation of its prosperity."
Upon the above platform, within its first four years, the association put an end to prize fighting in the city, open gambling, slot machine lotteries, restaurant and saloon "boxes," dance halls and combination "houses," closed the liquor saloons on Sundays, drove the social evil into hiding, and overthrew a city govern- ment presided over by the most distinguished and popular citizen of the state. No other citizen organization in the history of the city ever accomplished so much, and with so small an amount of money. Throughout this strenuous conflict for the four years, Mr. John Bain, the secretary, Miller Murdoch, the attorney, and David A. Patullo the treasurer bore the brunt of the battle.
The laws are enforced by the present mayor, Joseph Simon, and his chief of police, A. M. Cox. In the month of July, 1910, 25 convictions were secured in the police court against highly respected citizens for violating the speed law against automobilists.
Violations of the liquor and gambling regulations have been followed closely. Grill rooms where women were served have been put out of business. Violations of the Sunday closing law have shown diminution.
Fines and forfeitures collected in July will exceed $4,cxx), as against $1,831 for the corresponding month last year.
THE POLITICAL DRIFT.
For many years the political sentiments of the city presented a solid un- broken front in favor of the republican party. And like most all other American cities, the hosts of the dominant party were handled by a skillful restricted leader- ship. The official plums and juicy party patronage was distributed with a dis- criminating sagacity that suggested the vital importance of standing well with and close up to the party leader. As long as the fires of the southern rebellion could be worked to throw a halo over the partisan warwhoop, the republican lead- ers had little trouble in keeping their adherents in line. There came, however, a time when the issues of the civil war seemed to have been decently buried and the grass grown over their graves. Then came questionings and doubts as to the absolute necessity of always voting an absolutely straight ticket. Hard times came on and new political issues arose. The populist party was organized. It rushed on to the battlefield as the friend of the people, and as the defender of unlimited coinage of silver money. Its advent was resented by both the republican and democratic parties ; and they united to defeat the new party men — and did defeat them, and finally drove the populists from the field.
But they retired only to re-appear in another form. In their brief career as a party the populists had made a wide acquaintance among farmers, union labor men and small tradesmen. They were the people, and they appealed, not to millionaires, and great corporations but to men of moderate or humble circum- stances. They brought forth three new political propositions. First, a direct primary nomination of all candidates for public office, by the votes of the electors and not by the selection by a convention. Second, the making of laws by the ini​
tiative of the people upon petition filed with public officials, and voted upon direct by all the electors, and third, the referendum from the acts of the legislature, or law making body, whereby the electors at the next ensuing election could by ballot directly affirm or disapprove of any act of the legislature.
The first result of these innovations was to enable the people to propose and adopt laws that under the old regime could not get a hearing before the legislature. The second result was that the legislature, which never represented the average intelligence of the state, is reduced to a mere body of clerks to prepare laws for rference to a popular vote of the people. The third result is disorganization of both the old political parties.
Disorganization of the party starts at the primary election. With money in hand to foot political log rolling accounts, a skillful and unscrupulous political manager of one party may emasculate and corrupt the primary of the opposing party, by votes from the ranks of the opposition who falsely registered their po- litical party associations at the county registry ; and thus name for a party a can- didate or candidates that cannot poll the strength of the party at the general elec- tion. In such a pass, the machine manager puts forward an "all things to all men" candidate, and defeats the candidate he had already imposed upon the opposition party. This scheme has been twice successfully carried out in Oregon, on the most important offices in the state.
In the present (1911) legislature the republicans will have 13 senators and 30 representatives in favor of the assembly plan of suggesting candidates for office; and 14 senators and 27 representatives who are opposed to the assembly plan. Thus while it is possible for the anti-assembly republican senators, with the aid of three democratic senators, to organize the senate and pass such laws as they choose, the assembly members of the house of representatives holding one-half the vote of that body, can defeat any bill passed by the senate; and thus dead-lock the legislature on a question of purely party management. This dilemma is fur- ther complicated by the fact, that while the republicans having a registered voting electorate of 85,000 in the state to a registered democrat electorate of 26,000, the democrats have elected their candidate for governor by a majority of 6,000; and he will stand ready to cast his veto power, for or against legislative measures ac- cording to his view of their political influence on the future interests of his politi- cal friends. The questions of education, saloon regulation, taxation, corporation control, bank guarantee, pure food, or the tariff on foreigners or foreign goods, have now no certain standing and support in the legislature or before the people.
By making an issue and division inside the party lines, of "assembly" or "anti- assembly" for the suggestion of candidates, a political party is "slaughtered in the house of its friends." For if there can be no consultation and unity of action, the weakest and worst men in the party will be imposed on that party as its candidates by the action of the opposing party falsely registering, and falsely voting at the primary.
The effect of all this political "crookedness" does not end with the party that is divided and defeated. The corrupting practices cannot be made successful without demoralizing the party that contributed to their success ; and without ruin to many worthy and aspiring men in its own ranks. And sooner or later the dis- honorable trick planned to ruin the opponent will return to plague the inventor. The great mass of the electors intend to be honest and play fair. They may be hoodwinked and misled for a season, but eventually dishonesty in politics like dishonesty in business, will overwhelm the guilty parties. The famous saying of Lincoln will be verified over and over — that a part of the people can be fooled all the time; and all the people can be fooled part of the time; but all people cannot be fooled all the time.
THE LESSON OF IT ALL.
Soon after the adoption of the national constitution in 1789, Washington wrote a letter to his bosom friend, General LaFayette in France, from which the foHow- ing extract is taken : ​
"I expect that many blessings will be attributed to our new government, which are now taking their rise in that industry, and frugality, into the practice of which the people have been forced by necessity."
As many persons are prone to expect from the forms of government those benefits and blessings in life which can only come from industry, frugality and morality, it seems necessary to point to this eminently wise and good man, very properly named "The Father of His Country," as a teacher of that which is true, sound and safe on the subject of our municipal as well as national prosperity. No code of laws, form of government, or manner of its administration, can con- fer happiness and prosperity upon any people burdened with paupers, misled by ignorance or demoralized with vice or dissipation. Eminent for industry, frugality and all the virtues of private life, Washington had, more than any other man of his time, taken note of the things that made men strong, useful and successful, and clearly saw that while the new constitution and government was a necessity to bind the people together and found a nation, yet it was the virtues of the in- dividual man that must bring happiness and prosperity to all the people.
And with this index to the prosperity and happiness of our forefathers, we can see in the lives and acts of the pioneers of Oregon and Portland, the setting of the tide towards the prosperity and happiness of their descendants. Satisfied with the old fashioned simple ways of life, they devoted their energies to the development and cultivation of those qualities and virtues which promote the per- manent welfare of all men. They devoted their resources, economized their sav- ings, and freely gave of their substance to lay the foundations broad and deep to maintain the institutions of education, morality and religion. The pioneers clung to the never-failing all-conquering virtues of industry and frugality. Their lives would not adorn a modern novel. They may seem hard and uninteresting to their gregarious joy-riding, happy-go-lucky successors. But they had no need for a penitentiary, and nobody to lock up in an insane asylum ; no state wide convul- sions to restrain the demoralization of saloons, and no prosecutions of the un- speakable "white slave traffic." They wrought for the real, the enduring good of their fellow-men and women. Great wealth and vulgar display had no attrac- tions for them. They would fight for what they considered righteousness and jus- tice; and would not compromise for temporary gain. They professed a religion of fixed and unyielding dogmas, and lived up to its tenets as necessary to salva- tion. They established schools to teach what they believed, and that enforced a discipline that produced vigorous self-respecting men, and supported them with their own money and not that of the state. Football sluggers, college yells, and hazing ruffianism had no place in their curriculum.
In any comparison with present day conditions and people, the old pioneers will rest in honored graves and enjoy for all time an immortality of fame.
It would be interesting to inquire how far the pioneer spirit influenced present day conditions. The three questions that provoked the most discussion in the pro- visional government legslature (leaving out the national question) were those of education, temperance and morality. The impress of the pioneers in education comes down to the present in the three successful colleges they established — the Willamette, the Forest Grove, and the McMinnville; and the St. Paul's and St. Mary's seminaries. And these schools substantially hold to pioneer ideals in thor- oughness, high moral aims, and utilitarian results. The foot-ball craze does not in these schools overawe all other forms of training. From one of these schools graduated an editor of national reputation, and without a superior in the nation. From the same school graduated the state's most efficient member of congress in the past ; from another of these schools went the state's most efficient member of congress of today, and the third school sent forth a president of the American Medical Association, a United States senator, another congressman and a supreme judge; and a long list of other men of equal fame and honorable public service — all sons of pioneers. A long list of other men and women in addition to many names already noticed in this book might be made, showing the fiber and persis​
tence of the pioneer stock. What school of the modems can make any such show- ing? Not even the colleges of other states can send here men of equal ability, honorable record, and public service. And the test of public service can be fully equaled in all ranks and employments in the state where the sons and daughters of the pioneers have been brought into comparison with the standards and com- petitors produced by modern ideals and teachings.
It is not necessary to claim that the sons and daughters of the present era^ the actors on the present stage, have not equal natural ability with the children of the pioneers. It is not a question of abihty, but a question of training and environment. The moderns have not less ability, but different training. Just as the twig is inclined the tree is bent. The people of the present day have allowed themselves to be persuaded that a vast amount of training, the study of a great number of books, and "cramming" the youthful mind with a multitude of subjects is necessary to an education. It is not education at all, but dissipation. If a de- partment store brain and equipment for life is the aim of the parent, then he will get a department store clerk as the outcome of his boy in nineteen cases out of twenty. That will be the result of training.
As to environments, the conditions are even worse for the boy than the popular college. Called to take their places in the ranks of modern town society, the young man or woman finds themselves beset on every hand with all manner of in- fluences to divert their minds and attention from the real and serious things of life, to the dissipation of time and money on the "attractions — advantages of so- ciety." Many of these things occupy the mind to the exclusion of more useful and important concerns, and not a few of them are morally debasing. It will not be claimed that relaxation from study and business should not be indulged in. Neither will it be claimed that clean and healthful amusements have no value. All work and no play will make Jack a dull boy in the majority of cases. It is not the play, but the character of it, and the extent of it that dissipates the mind. Evil influence comes in where "money making" insinuates its graft on the minds and morals of the young. Fifty years ago, the idea of playing base ball for money, or "slugging" on a foot ball field for the gate fees, would have provoked the same horror to parents, as the Roman holiday, which two thousand years ago, cast malefactors and Christians alike to an arena of Numidian lions.
The one chief factor that has changed the standards of character and rectitude in modern times, from the standards of the pioneer days, east and west, is the cor- rupting influence of corruptly accumulated wealth. The old Jewish prophet was not mistaken when he declared that "the love of money was the root of all evil." Go back as far as you please, and you will find that the pioneer founders of all the abiding benefits of American civilization, were satisfied with a very modest amount of this world's goods and gear, as compared with their descendants of the third generation.
What do we see now ? Greater inequalities of wealth and position in the United States within 134 years after its founding, than in any European nation that is a thousand years old. Direct poverty alongside of single fortunes of two hundred million dollars accumulated in forty years. Working men clubbing and beating working women in a contest for labor and bread, in a city of two million people which is not yet two generations old ; and where men have accumulated fortunes of fifty million dollars, from the labor of their fellow men, in a single gen- eration. Combinations of capital to fix prices, and raise or depress wages, increase or decrease the supply of commodities, and drive out competition, with a more effective and autocratic power than was ever exercised by any absolute monarch of any old world dynasty. Unscrupulous adventurers, casting behind them all the restrictions of honor, decency and fair play, with millions accumulated from reck- less gambling or downright extortion, buying their way to the highest legislative or executive offices, to disport their vanity and corrupt the public conscience.
It is therefore, little wonder that the laws of nation, state, and municipality has had to be reformed, on a stricter basis than the Jewish lawgiver's ten com​
mandments. So that we now see the bounds of theft and robbery defined to the Hmits of a hair's breadth; and the tax payers compelled to support men to pre- vent short weights in every commodity, to prevent adulterations of every article of food that can be mixed, watered, sanded, diluted, or substituted. And with all the acumen of reformers, and the vigilance of honest voters, the purgation of cheats, frauds, and mountebanks has so far failed to reach that last refuge of the rascal — the patriot that buys his way into the United States senate.
Sixty years ago the banker, manufacturer, tradesman or farmer would have been horrified at the idea of a public officer set to watch his dealings and compel him to be honest. And in those halcyon days no voice or suspicion was ever raised or needed to be, that any public official was anything but the honest man his neighbors took him to be. There was not then any Aldriches in the United States senate voting millions of dollars into their private purses through tariflf taxes upon their neighbors; and there were no diletante golfers disgracing seats alongside of Daniel Webster, Henry Clay or honest old Tom Benton.
These observations do not apply any more to Portland than to other cities — not even as much. Look at old Virginia, when a colony of farmers, producing George Washington, Thomas Jefiferson, John Marshall, James Madison, James Monroe, Patrick Henry, John Randolph, "Light Horse Harry" and Richard Henry Lee. The world never before, or since, beheld such a group of intellectual giants. Every man of them reared on a farm. What is Virginia in the national councils today ? Nothing ! The same may be said of Massachusetts and any other of the eastern states. Ohio and-Io-wa are about the only states that can make tolerable comparisons of the present with the past ; and both states are very largely a state of farmers, small traders and artisans. New York with all its millions, has nothing to show but Roosevelt and Hughes. To be sure, there is Rockefeller, Morgan and Carnegie — but they will never be enrolled among the patriots or the saints.
That was a favorite piece of declamation among the boys and girls at the coun- try log school houses sixty years ago, where Edward Everett tells the American people, "We must educate, we must educate, or perish by our own prosperity." Edward Everett was the most perfect and conspicuous example of not only all that collegiate culture could do for a man, but he had, from favorite fortune been able to add thereto all that foreign travel and distinguished associates could con- fer. And he was the best specimen of the conservative statesman prominent in the public affairs of his era. He was willing to temporize with slavery in the south, even when Whittier's lines were burning up the fame of Webster, and Phillips and Garrison were shaking the fabric of national peace with their thundering appeals to the conscience of the people. How much of this character Everett owed to his inherited temperament, and how much to the environment that made him the polished man of letters it is useless to guess. He was a type of a large class of men who trusting more to books and colleges halted and hesitated to grapple the monster that threatened national unity to preserve national disgrace. In that supreme trial of all that was good, grand and heroic, in the patriot, the man who came to the front to save the nation knew nothing of collegiate culture, or even the advantages of the common schools. The character which placed him next to "The Father of His Country," was of the heart and conscience, rather than of the head or of culture, and education.
It was from principles of action rather than ability to act. The uneducated man with right principles is a safer citizen than the man with all knowledge and education, and no principles. "I am not bound to win, but I am bound to be true. I am not bound to succeed, but I am bound to live up to what light I have. I must stand with anybody that stands right; stand with him while he is right and part with him when he goes wrong."
Upon that platform the people gave Abraham Lincoln their supreme unre- served confidence and support. And with that principle, made the rule of action of every boy and girl, the city will be safe, clean, honored and prosperous for all
THE GLASGOW VOTER
(Scotland)
My city is governed by the Council and my ballot contains just the single office Councilor from my ward. I have one man to choose and it's so easy for me to itnow what I'm voting for that I never get buncoed. That's why Glas- gow is the best governed city In the world.
THE DES MOIXES (IOWA) VOTER
My city is governed by a commission of Five, and my ballot contains just those five offices. I have just five men to choose and you can't fool me into voting for a man I don't really want. No long ready-made tickets for me — I'm boss myself with this Short Bal- lot, and the politicians in this town are out of jobs.
(Scotland)
My city is governed by the Council and my ballot contains just the single office Councilor from my ward. I have one man to choose and it's so easy for me to know what I'm voting for that I never get buncoed. That's why Glasgow is the best governed city In the world.
THE DES MOINES (IOWA) VOTER
My city is governed by a commission of Five, and my ballot contains just those five offices. I have just five men to choose and you can't fool me into voting for a man I don't really want. No long ready-made tickets for me—I'm boss myself with this Short Ballot, and the politicians in this town are out of jobs.
THE PORTLAND, OREGON VOTER, WITH A BALLOT THREE FEET LONG
My city, county and state are governed by hundreds of elective officers and my ballot is so long with seventy-five candidates and thirty-two initiative laws, that no one but a professional politician can vote it intelligently. I'm voting half the time for men I wouldn't vote for if I could find out about them. My ballot is designed to favor the expert politicians and befudge the plain voter, and it succeeds. That's why I have government by politicians instead
'Tis but the same rehearsal of the past,
First, freedom, and then glory—when that fails. Wealth, vice, corruption—barbarism at last.
And history, with all her volumes vast, hath but one page."
But over against that is the life of the individual soul, or family, determined to not fail. Society and all its privileges, functions, advantages or drawbacks may have done its best, or its worst, yet anchored to the immutable principles of truth, justice and morality it rises above the base, the brute, the weakness of human na-ture, and mounts to the summit by slow and painful steps.
"By the things that are under feet;
By what we have mastered of good and gain;
And the vanquished ills that we hourly meet."
From the individual we turn to the state, from the unorganized mass to the concrete civic organization; and find under the new system of law making a reversal of the practice and experience of all American states since the formation of the federal union. Under the new system of law making provided by amendments to the state constitution, there are for the city of Portland, five separate, distinct and diverse law making powers.
    First: primarily, the electors of the city.
    Second: the common council of the city.
    Third: the port of Portland commission.
    Fourth: the legislature of the state.
    Fifth: the electors of the state.
All of these authorities have the power to levy taxes; one of the most important of sovereign powers. And each have also many other powers, and may have the power to extend their own authority. This is not settled, and the supreme court has apparently avoided an opinion on the point in cases which have come before it. A revision of the state constitution seems to be demanded to segregate and limit these authorities, and to harmonize and unify the local and municipal authorities with that of the state. And to the force or weakness of the above enactments is added the power of the electors to "recall" and remove from office any public official, or administrator of the law, no matter at what stage of his service, or in what measure he is endeavoring to carry out measures affecting the public welfare. How far such a "club" prevents the people from getting the services of the most capable and conscientious men, is an important question.
But it is not upon the technical statement of this new system or its administration, that we will dwell; but on its influence and possible results. It was the criticism of the historian Macaulay, that the Americans had set up a government that was all sail, and no ballast. And that as long as we had plenty of free land ​
to give away, all might go well ; but that as soon as the land was gone, and popula- tion began to press upon production for ease and comfort, then the trouble would come.
We are prone to think the ancients knew but little of value. !We throw aside the experience of older communities as worthless. The bible is voted a useless book. And proud of all the achievements of science put on all steam and sail, and breast the future with unconcern. But one thing — one unalterable unchanging truth, we forget — human nature does not change.
"Their climes they change, and not their minds, who sail across the sea." The conspiracies, fights and factions of ancient Greece and Rome are re- enacted in every modern nation.
"In yon field below, A thousand years of silenced factions sleep — The Forum, where the immortal accents glow. And still the eloquent air breathes — burns with Cicero."
The pendulum swings. From the Areopagus of Greece and the Forum of Rome to King John at Runnymede, was a thousand years. By slow and painful marches through every phase and graduation of power in the hands of the people, and to the hands of the King, Greece and Rome had fallen to rise no more ; and England had risen to the dignity of a nation that administered laws and justice through parliaments and courts.
The pendulum swings. From Runnymede to Philadelphia in 1776 was 560 years. By the invention of the magnetic compass, the art of printing, and the dis- covery of America, kings had been shorn of absolute power, parliaments had taken the place of mass meetings to make laws, and a new nation had been founded on the principle of representative government.
The pendulum swings. From the declaration of American independence to the settlement of the North American continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and the adoption of the principles of direct legislation by the people of Oregon, is 130 years ; and, the pendulum swings again — swings back 600 years to Gessler, Tell and the Swiss mountains ; back 2,000 years to the Caesars, to Pericles and law making, law executing by the decrees of the people in public mass meeting. No! not by the people in popular assemblies ; but by the people in divided, separated independent units and a secret ballot. Is this reform? Is this progress? Has all the experience of two thousand years, the statesmanship of Pericles, the wisdom of Cato, the learning of Bacon, the patriotism of Washington and the great heart of Lincoln — all, all gone for nothing? Is there no wisdom in counsel; no strength in combination? Is it now to be a factional scramble for place and power by antagonistic and diverse interests ; great capitalists, great corporations, multi-mil- lionaires, deft political schemers, all appealing to the ignorance, prejudices or self- interest of rival and incoherent bodies of unorganized voters?
Civil government is now on trial in Oregon, as never before, and the end is not yet.