# Outlines of the women's franchise movement in New Zealand/Chapter 9

CHAPTER IX.
THE Franchise Superintendent lost no time in vain regrets. Sure of a majority in the Lower House, every effort was devoted to creating a public opinion strong enough to storm the stronghold of the opponents in the Upper Chamber. A fresh petition was drawn up and circulated. Large quantities of leaflets were printed and distributed throughout the colony. Every Union was spurred up to renewed effort, and frequent correspondence held with the Franchise Leagues, of which there were now a number, thus ensuring united and harmonious ​action. Previous to the session of 1893, large and enthusiastic meetings were held in the principal towns, and the enfranchisement of women became the topic of the day. There was ground for hope, too. in the fact that twelve new members had been called to the Legislative Council. As the Government had incorporated the principle of Woman Suffrage in its Electoral Bill, it might fairly be supposed that the new Legislative Councillors would be staunch supporters of the Government measure in its entirety. Too much dependence, however, was not placed on this supposition, and the W.C.T.U. and the Franchise Leagues worked on without intermission until the assembling ​of Parliament. When the sheets of the petition were finally gathered up and the signatures counted, it was found to have been signed by 31,872 women, nearly one-third of the womanhood of the colony. When the difficulty of communication is considered, it will be agreed that this was a remarkable achievement.
On July 28th the Premier moved that the House go into committee on the Electoral Bill. Sir John Hall took the opportunity of presenting the petition, remarking that it was the most numerously signed petition ever presented to any Parliament in Australasia. After an attempt had been made to revive the question of "Electoral Rights" the Bill was committed.
​In the meantime, fearing that Womanhood Suffrage was being jeopardised by being included in the Electoral Bill, which bristled with points on which the two Houses might hold divergent views, Sir John Hall prepared and introduced a separate Woman Suffrage Bill.
On August 9th Sir John Hall moved the second reading of his Bill. An acrimonious debate followed, but the opponents of the franchise, realising the hopelessness of their efforts, abandoned the contest, and the second reading was carried by a practically unanimous vote. Two days after, the third reading of the Electoral Bill was debated.
The franchise question excited the keenest interest, and evinced ​the fact that there was great tension in the Government party. Charges of insincerity were freely levelled at the Premier, especially in connection with the new members of the Upper House, After a stormy debate, the third reading was agreed to on the voices.
On August 17th, Sir P. A. Buckley moved the second reading of the Bill in the Legislative Council. Here, too, the interest centred on the question of Womanhood Suffrage. The debate lasted for several days, and was at times very heated. The opposition to the extension of the franchise was led by the Hon. W. C. Walker (one of the newly appointed councillors and later Minister of Education) ​and the Hon. C. C. Bowen. The Government was again charged with insincerity, many Councillors asserting that the Bill had been sent up for the express purpose of being killed, the Premier not daring to oppose Womanhood Suffrage in an elected Assembly. Amendment after amendment was proposed and negatived, and the position of affairs was frequently most intricate. Many Councillors voted in a contrary direction to their opinions, some with the object of killing the Bill, and so getting rid of the hated Suffrage question, and some with the object of preserving this feature of the Bill at almost any cost. The Bill, however, emerged from the ordeal without serious loss, ​and the final trial of strength took place on September 8th. Mr Bowen's desparing effort, which took the shape of a motion to read the Bill six months later, failed, and the third reading was carried by a majority of two. The smallness of the majority, in view of the fact that the Government had created twelve new Councillors, left little doubt in most minds that the charges against Mr Seddon were painfully true.
Although the Bill had passed both Houses, the Governor's signature had yet to be appended before it could become law. Beaten in fair fight, the minority in the Legislative Council took an uncommon step. They signed and forwarded to ​the Governor a petition asking him to withhold his assent to the Bill on the following grounds:—"(1) It is a Bill of an extraordinarily important nature, and the rights and property of her Majesty's subjects not resident in the colony are seriously affected, as results may seriously embarrass the finances of the colony, thereby injuriously affecting the public creditor, who was unaware that such legislation was seriously contemplated. (2) We firmly believe that the majority of the settlers of both sexes are opposed to the measure. (3) There has been no opportunity yet afforded to the electors to express their opinions on the subject."
The first clause of the Councillors' petition was manifestly ​absurd at the moment, and has become even more so during the seven years of prosperity which have since elapsed. But with regard to the second and third clauses Mrs Sheppard felt that prompt action was necessary. She therefore wrote to the Earl of Glasgow as follows:—"On behalf of the 31,000 women whose petition I had the honour of forwarding to Parliament, I am empowered by my Executive to address your Excellency on the question of the protest urged by a minority of the Legislative Council against your Excellency's immediate assent to the enfranchisement of the women of the colony. I therefore beg to point out that on the eve of the last General Election a large ​majority in the House of Representatives affirmed the principle of Womanhood Suffrage, and that Sir John Hall was induced to withdraw the Woman's Franchise Bill, which would have given effect to the principle, solely on the ground that the question had not come before the constituencies and should be relegated to the country. Womanhood Suffrage was one of the most prominent questions raised at the last election, and every candidate, I believe without exception, declared himself as either favourable or antagonistic to the enfranchisement of women. The constituencies having elected a large majority of representatives who were avowedly supporters of ​Womanhood Suffrage, the assertion made in clause 3 of the protest forwarded to your Excellency is absolutely without foundation and contrary to fact. I sincerely trust that your Excellency will not allow the action taken by both Houses of Parliament in acceding to the petition of 31,000 women of the colony to be frustrated." Mrs Sheppard also telegraphed to the Unions and Franchise Leagues, urging swift action in the same direction. This was taken; meetings were held, and representations made to the Governor from many parts of the colony. The brewers and publicans were no less active, for they prepared a petition against Womanhood Suffrage, and also forwarded it ​to the Governor, A large number of names were placed upon it, and the shameless manner in which they were duplicated was a matter of comment in the daily papers. While the Governor's assent was still in suspense it was discovered that an omission had been made which concerned Maori electors. The Premier, however, announced that the Government would deal with the omission in a special Bill. On September 19th Mr Seddon forwarded to Mrs Sheppard the following telegram:—"The Electoral Bill assented to by his Excellency the Governor at a quarter to twelve this day," and the enfranchisement of every adult woman of New Zealand was at last achieved.