# Bohemia's case for independence/Appeal to the Powers of the Entente

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APPEAL TO THE POWERS OF THE ENTENTE
In face of the war the Czechs never hesitated, not waiting, as some of the neutrals have done, to see its probable result. Their whole past history indicated which side they should take. It was, in fact, this war, the fatal end of the history of the Austro-Hungarians, this fight to the death against the Allied nations, that constituted for the Czechs the necessary, logical, and fateful hour of their history.
There could be no possible doubt. Two years previously the heart of every Czech beat high on hearing the announcement of the glorious victories of his brothers the Serbs, and the entire nation hastened with the greatest enthusiasm to bring help to the brotherly Yugo-Slav nation. And now the two governments of Vienna and Budapest throw us into a tragic conflict by sending our soldiers to Serbia, Slavs to kill Slavs for the benefit of the Germans and Magyars. We could not fight against our Serbian and Russian brothers, nor could we contribute towards the crushing of the French and English for whom ​we have always entertained much love and respect.
Not only our feelings, our honour even was at stake.
Surrounded on all sides by our enemies, invaded by the Prussian army, strangled, persecuted, and wished, we responded to the call of our hearts. Knowing the Habsburgs, we know what awaits us if, after the war, Europe leaves us in the hands of our enemies. We rebelled as only one can rebel to-day, knowing that the fate reserved for us by the Prussians, the Austro-Magyars, and the Habsburgs will be that of our ancestors after the Battle of the White Mountain. True, the note of the Allied Powers of 10th January 1917, in answer to President Wilson's message, stating the objects of the Quadruple Entente in this war, speaks first of the Czecho-Slovaks, and gives a guarantee of their liberation. But without waiting for this, we have already ranged ourselves on the side of the Allies—the nation of John Hus, the nation of Comenius, Kollar, Palacký, could not act otherwise.
Thus we do not come to France and England to implore Europe to save us from being crushed under the Pan-German yoke. Whatever we have done, we have accomplished as our duty. We came to show by our deeds, our conduct, our past history, what our traditions have been, what ​struggles we have come through, and what are our actual desires. We wish to show Europe by undeniable proofs, that Austro-Magyars were incapable of acting differently, that a contrary line of conduct was for them unthinkable. We wish to make it understood, that all the cruelties of the present war will certainly be repeated, that the Austrians and Magyars, the Habsburgs and Hohenzollerns will unite on the first occasion finally to crush and enslave us. Why should they not, having persisted in the attempt for 1200 years? How could they suddenly become just, equitable, moderate, and mild, when for centuries they have been violent. criminal, and barbarous oppressors? If Europe is to-day astonished and revolted at the disheartening sight which the coalition of the Central Empires gives us, we Czechs are in no way surprised. In truth, we feel some sorrow to find that Western Europe knows Vienna and Budapest so little, and that the sentimental legends about the old Emperor of Schönbrunn and the illusions about the chivalrous policy of the Magyars have been believed by the simple-minded public.
We would have it understood that the only means of breaking the power of the Central Empires is completely to destroy the Austro-Magyar kernel, on which they base their policy. Europe must finally understand the history of this Empire and ​this dynasty. A State which has played such a part in history must disappear from the map of Europe!
Finally, we wish to make it clearly understood that Austria, to save her traditions and ancient character cannot do otherwise than give herself up to Prussia. A Pan-German Empire is the final end of the evolution of the Central European situation. There is, therefore, no means but to destroy Austria-Hungary, to arrest the Drang nach Osten of Prussia, and to break for ever the German hegemony in Europe. Moreover, an impassable barrier must he established against the Prussians to reduce them to their proper strength, so that they may easily be held in check if they should ever recommence their sinister schemes of to-day. This barrier—as we have already mentioned—may easily be realised. An independent Bohemia, supported in the north by a united and autonomous Poland, and in the south by the Yugo-Slav Empire, would form this impassable Slav barrier. The destruction of Austria which would follow, the reduction of the Magyars to their proper territory, comprising 8,000,000 inhabitants of exclusively Magyar nationality, and their separation from the Germans by Slav territories, would for ever render impossible a recurrence of the present world catastrophe.
This is what we would impress on the Powers of ​the Entente. We Czecho-Slovaks, who have borne so many bitter struggles and sufferings, to-day have full right to lead a complete and independent national existence. Our tenacity, our patience, our perseverance, and our incessant labours are the sure proofs that we will not fail in our mission.
But we have a wider conception of life. The fate of a nation who throughout its existence must fight without cessation against three formidable foes is indeed heartrending. We are sick of this vain struggle, we aim at higher things and ardently desire to continue in the traditions of our great ancestors; it is our heartfelt desire to throw all our energies into the great work for the advancement of civilisation and the amelioration of social conditions.