# Thoughts on civil liberty, on licentiousness, and faction/Section 10

SECT.X.
How far these Facts can properly be apply'd to the political State of Great Britain.
THOUGH the Study of History be often instructive and useful, yet, in one Respect, it becomes the Source of frequent Error, even when it is written with Impartiality and Truth. This ariseth from a mistaken Application of historical Facts. Errors of this Kind are apt to creep into all Reasonings, on every Subject, where Men and Manners are concerned: But they are liable to infect political Reasonings, above all others.
As the political Interests of Men form the principal Subject of History, the Reasoner on this Subject hath Recourse to Facts, as the best Support of his Argument. Yet, the Politician seems, of all others, most liable to be mistaken in the Application of History to his own ​Purpose; because the political Connexions and Interests of Men are, above all others, complicated and various.
Hence, as no two political Constitutions were ever the same in all their Circumstances, though similar in many; so, all Arguments drawn from a partial Resemblance, must be inadequate and inconclusive; unless when it appears, that no other Circumstances took Place, by which That partial Resemblance might be counteracted, and its Effects destroyed.
Yet, it hath been a Practice too common among political Reasoners, from a partial Resemblance between two States, to infer a total one; and because they have been like in some Respects, to draw Conclusions, as if they had been like in all.
Much Caution, therefore, is necessary, in the Application of historical Facts: Without This, we shall run into perpetual Error. Let us, then, remark some of the most essential Circumstances, in which the Constitution of the British State ​differs from those of Sparta, Athens, and Rome; and then draw such Conclusions, as may be consistent with these Distinctions.
1. We may lay it down as a fundamental Truth generally acknowledged, that the political Constitution of Great Britain, in its main Outline, is better modeled than those of Sparta, Athens, or Rome. The legislative and executive Powers are more equally balanced, and more clearly distinguished. Now, if Laws could support themselves, it would follow, that this political State must therefore be of longer Duration. But as it hath been made appear, that the Duration of free States depends not so much on their mere Form, as on the Manners and Principles which support them; so, nothing can be decided concerning the Duration of the British State, from its mere external Model.
2. The Christian Religion, established in Britain, is, in its own Nature, far ​superior to that of these ancient Commonwealths. The absolute Perfection and glorious Attributes of the Deity; the great Principle of universal Charity; the particular Duties of Man to Man, thence resulting; the Sanctions of future Reward and Punishment; all these tend to purify and exalt the Soul, far beyond the Rites of ancient Paganism: For This, even in its best Forms, was ever built on the History and Examples of deify'd Men, whose Lives had often been blotted with the most flagrant Crimes; and therefore, could never exalt the Heart of Man, beyond this weak Principle of Elevation.—But as the Power of a Religion depends, not only on its excellent Genius, but on its being effectually impressed on the Mind; so, no Consequence can be justly drawn, from the mere un-apply'd Excellence of its Nature.
3. That Self-Consistence, and perfect Unity of Parts which distinguished the Republic of Sparta, cannot be expected nor ​found in that of Britain. For the first was the entire Work of a single Legislator, struck out at one Heat; all its Institutions conspiring to one End, and centering (like the Radii of a Circle) in one single Point: To This, the outward Form of Government, the internal State of Education, of Religion, Manners and Principles, were uniformly subordinate. But at the Time of the Revolution, which was the first Æra of Britain's Freedom, many prior Institutions and Establishments, both in Religion and Policy, Manners and Principles, had taken Place: These had been formed on the fortuitous Events of Time; and had resulted from a Variety of contending Parties; of Power, fluctuating at different Periods, between the Kings, the Nobles, the Priesthood, and the People. All these it was impossible for human Art to remove and new-model, without shaking the State to its Foundations: Hence, though the Form of the British Constitution, civil and religious, be of ​unrivaled Excellence; yet in its very Birth it came attended with unalterable Weakness.—It wanted that general Self-Consistence, that entire Unity of Parts, as well as of established Habits, Manners and Principles, suited to the Genius of the State, which was the very Spirit and Support of the Spartan Commonwealth. In this Circumstance, it appears likewise inferior to the Roman Commonwealth; yet, perhaps, superior to that of Athens.
4. The British System of Polity and Religion, perfect in its leading Parts, but imperfectly united and supported, is not upheld in its native Power (like that of Sparta) by correspondent and effectual Rules of Education. The Fundamental Laws of our Country, the Principles and Duties of Christianity, are indeed occasionally explained and taught, in a certain Manner and Degree: But it is in the Power of every Private Man to educate his Child, not only without a Reverence for These, but in an absolute Contempt ​of them. It is much in every Parent's Option, whether he will impress his Childrens Hearts with such Habits and Principles as accord to the Genius of the State, or with Impunity suffer them to contract such Manners and Opinions as tend to its Dissolution. A Circumstance pregnant with Danger to this free State: For hence, Manners and Principles, its chief Support, are liable to be incurably perverted in the Heart, at that Time of Life, in which alone they can be effectually impressed.
5. In the important Circumstance of "the Admission of Change," or the "Principle of Adoption," the British Constitution is contrary to That of Sparta; and nearly on a Level with Those of Athens and Rome.—Foreign Commerce, foreign Travel, new Manners, new Principles, new Modes of Dress, of Amusement, of Luxury, are here adopted with a Degree of Avidity almost unbounded.—Happy would the Writer esteem his ​Labours; if this Principle, which in some Respects hath tended so much to the Improvement of his Country, could in any Degree be checked by his weak Admonitions, from degenerating into a Cause of its Destruction.
6. The last Circumstance of Note, here to be remarked, is "The Difference of Character among the several Ranks of the Community in these ancient free States, and That of Britain."
In Point of Knowledge and Ability, the Difference was great between the Nobles and the People, in these ancient States: In Britain, the Nobles and the People (in their legislative Capacity) are fairly on a Level. When Alcibiades addressed the legislative Body of the Athenian People, he addressed Coblers, Brasiers, Tanners, Tent-Makers. When the People of Rome retired in Discontent to the sacred Mountain, they were appeased by the Fable of the Belly, Head, and Hands. A Lord of Parliament would make but a sorry ​Figure, who should come armed with such an Apologue, for the Conviction of a British House of Commons.
Again: In each of these ancient Republics, the collective Body of the People were much of one uniform Character; being Inhabitants of the same City, and nearly on a Level with Respect to Employment and Property. In Athens, they were all Artisans or Tradesmen: In Sparta and Rome, they were all Soldiers. A low Degree of Knowledge was their general Lot: For much Knowledge can only be acquired by much Leisure; which their Occupations did not allow. The People of Sparta were intentionally virtuous: Those of Athens were corrupt: Those of Rome were of a mixed Character. As these free States voted not by Representatives, the Presence of the People was necessary, in all Decisions of a public Nature: Hence, such a People from their Ignorance, Wants, collective Presence, and Pride of Power, must ever and suddenly be ​swayed by the Eloquence of public Demagogues.
But the collective Body of the People of Britain are of a Nature and Character less uniform, and essentially different. They may properly be divided into two Classes; "The People of the Kingdom;" and "the Populace of its Cities."
The Populace of its Cities resemble Those of Athens in most Things; except only, that they are not possessed of the legislative Power. For the People of Athens were "a Body of Labourers and Mechanics, who earned their Bread with the Sweat of their Brows; too generally ignorant and ill-educated; too generally prosligate in Manners, and void of Principle."
But the People of this Kingdom, in their collective Body, are upon the Whole, of a quite different Character. For under this Title are properly comprehended "all Those who send Representatives for the Counties to Parliament." This Catalogue ​will include the landed Gentry, the beneficed Country Clergy, many of the more considerable Merchants and Men in Trade, the substantial and industrious Freeholders or Yeomen: A collective Body of Men, with all their incidental Failings, as different in Character from the Populace of any great City, as the Air of Richmond Hill from that of Billingsgate or Wapping.