# China in Revolt/The Prerequisites and Tasks of the Chinese Revolution

​will become the guardian of peace, the fighter against imperialist wars on the Pacific.
THE PREREQUISITES AND TASKS OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION.
A Speech Delivered by Comrade Bucharin at the Russian Party Conference.
I should now like to say a few words on China and the Chinese revolution, and must once more apologize for being compelled to quote a few figures, though for the last time in this report. This small crime can, however, scarcely be avoided in this case; it is objectively necessary. In the first place I must say that the fact of the Chinese revolution, and the present victorious advance of the united revolutionary troops, are in themselves factors of international importance. We all recollect very well how Comrade Lenin, in his last articles, prophesied that the broad masses of the Eastern peoples, and especially of China, would be drawn into the revolutionary stream. Our Party, and the Communist International, have long since discussed the principles upon which we are to meet such an eventuality. Taking the question in its most general form, I may recall to your memories Comrade Lenin's speech at the Second Congress of the Communist International, in which he pointed out the possibility that these. countries, in the course of their general ​development, might strike out a unique path for themselves. I need only remind you that Comrade Lenin, when discussing the whole question of colonial revolutions and of the revolutions in semi-colonial countries, laid down a thesis of extreme importance, one which we shall one day have to consider from the standpoint of practical politics. He laid down the thesis that, under certain historical conditions, a number of countries might pass through various stages of development at an accelerated speed. It need not be said that this an entirely general and far distant prospect. But none the less we must hold it in view. I put the question in a general form, as a distant possibility.
We must admit that we possess comparatively little information about the whole of the East, about the colonial movement, and even about such a mighty movement as the present national revolution in China. This revolution deals a heavy blow at the whole fabric of international capitalist stabilization. It is of historical importance for the whole world, the more that it is taking place in a country in which there exists the proletarian dictatorship.
Whilst we are so familiar with the principles of both the economics and politics of the countries of Western Europe that we even know the leading personalities of the bourgeoisie, of the social-democrats, and of the Communist Parties, we are, on the other hand so little informed on the Eastern countries that we are not even fully acquainted with the fundamental outlines of their economic and political structure. And without this knowledge it is extremely difficult to find a line of policy in any way likely to be correct. I should first like to say a few words on the economic structure of China. Concrete data are difficult to obtain, but such as are available clearly show the recent development and growth of capitalist conditions in this country, although this capitalist development has not yet advanced so far as to be of paramount importance for ​the estimation of the general situation in China. I have but very scanty data on hand, supplied me by Comrades who have devoted much attention to the Chinese question.
If we take the big industries for example, we find that these increased gradually between 1918–23. Thus, for instance, the number of spindles in work in the textile industry amounted to 478,000 in 1918, 1,749,000 in 1921, and 1,802,000 in 1923. It must further be observed that the big industrialist owners are of the following nationalities:
In 1924 the Chinese textile factories formed 61 per cent of the total number, Japanese 34 per cent, and British 5 per cent.
The output of coal also shows an increase, though not a very rapid one. The output was 18 million tons in 1918, 22,6 million tons in 1923
The nationalities of the mineowners are as follows (the number of mines is not given here, the amount of capital invested is taken as a standard): Fifty million dollars are in the hands of Chinese coal owners, 22 million dollars belong to the English, 27 million dollars to the Japanese, and 250,000 dollars to the German. The capital is thus in the hands of Chinese owners to about the amount of one half, the other half being in the possession of non-Chinese.
An inquiry into the social power represented by the working class is extremely difficult, the data referring to the number of the industrial proletariat are exceedingly contradictory, and reliable figures are not obtainable. It may be assumed that there are about 5 million industrial proletarians in China (agricultural labor thus not being included).
The question of the structure of the agrarian conditions in China is of much greater interest. You are aware that in a country like China, and in such a revolution as the present one, the peasantry is bound by the logic of events to play a leading part, and the ​peasant question is bound to be closely bound up with the agrarian question, that is, the land question. The extent to which these questions are interwoven with one another, and their relations to one another, are extremely difficult to ascertain. I shall therefore draw your attention, comrades, to only one comprehensive table, thus avoiding the necessity of quoting to you the whole of the figures for the separate provinces, which I am afraid would cause you to send me to China to more exact statistical information, (Laughter).
49,5 per cent of all farming undertakings consists of plots varying from 1 to 20 Mu in area. (If I am not mistaken, 1 Mu corresponds to a sixteenth of our desjatine. The desjatine is 2,5 acres.) These diminutive farms represent 15 to 16% of the total arable land. One half of the peasant population thus cultivates only about 16% of the total land. The Chinese regard pieces of land of 20 to 40 Mu as small farms; and such farms are owned by 23% of the peasant families, their land amounting to about 22% of the total area of the country. 15% of the families possess land to the extent of 40 to 75 Mu and 25% of the total land. 11% of the families own large farms of over 75 Mu, and thus possess 35,9%, in round figures 36%, of the total area. This characterizes the differentiation in the position of the peasants. In order to complete this survey, I must state that although China, taken on the whole, is a country of small farms, still there is a considerable quantity of land in the hands of large owners; and the conditions here obtaining are characteristically those of large land ownership. Large tracts of country are in the hands of the remnants of the one-time feudal landowning official bureaucrats, or in the hands of the present Generals. There are about 200 landowners each owning an area of more than ten thousand Mu. It may be assumed that there are about 30,000 landowners each owning more than one thousand Mu. You must understand, comrades, that when ​we speak of such a small dimensional unit as a Mu, we must not compare the economic value of this unit with our desjatine, since the Chinese cultivate their land by the most intensive methods, and a smaller area thus possesses a correspondingly greater economic value. As early as the time of the French revolution the Chinese methods of agriculture were recognized by economists as being the most intensive form of land cultivation.
Some of the Chinese provinces are to a great extent in the hands of large landowners. It must be emphasized that precisely the province in which Canton and Kwantung are situated is more divided up into large estates than the other provinces of China. 85 per cent of the total land in the northern, western, and eastern Yangtse valley belongs to large landowners. In the province of Hunan, in the Tschiante district, one third of the whole district belongs to the family of Yuang Schi Kai. I need not enumerate all these great land-owning families, but I may tell you that there are categories of landowners whose domestic servants alone, in the private service of the family, number more than a thousand persons. There are other tracts of land in the possession of the church, and the extent of this territory frequently exceeds that of the largest farming estates.
You will thus see that the peasant question is inevitably bound up with the agrarian. Thus we cannot say that in China there is no land question at present, and that this question may be struck out of the agenda of the Chinese revolution, since China is a land of small holders. This attitude would be entirely wrong.
The second question, closely affecting broad strata of the Chinese population, is the taxation question. At the present time the chief burden of taxation is borne by the broad masses of the workers, that is by the peasantry and artisans. I may here mention the fact that with respect to taxation China beats the record ​over any other country. The taxation differs in the various provinces, but nevertheless there are 18 different categories of taxes to be paid by the peasants.
Another characteristic fact is that different provinces, and various categories of peasantry, have to bear the burdens of the wars waged by the militarists. In some cases taxation has reached such a point that in several provinces the generals have had the taxes collected for 86 years in advance. (Voices: Oh and laughter.) Even the revolutionary governments have collected the taxes for some years in advance, though to a much less extent than the militarists.
There are some American writers who are of the opinion that the recent economic, political and other crises in China have devastated agriculture to the extent of about 40%. It is entirely impossible to test the accuracy of this assertion, but one thing is certain and incontestable: the result of the land poverty of the peasantry, of the enormous burden of taxation, and of the unexampled oppression of the population at the hands of foreigners, who have seized the ports, the duties, and the most important taxes, is that the peasantry is being impoverished at a rapid rate. This impoverishment is so appalling that the country is overrun with millions of declassed unfortunates, who form into bands, or wander about the country. In Peking itself the number of these declassed elements is exceedingly great, and though they demand nothing of life but its barest necessities, they are literally condemned to death by starvation. Thus they are readily enlisted by any militarist, and go over from one government to another, without feeling themselves socially bound in any way. This process is a symptom of a certain disintegration of the whole economy of the country, and is the expression of the frightful impoverishment of the Chinese peasantry.
And now, comrades, in view of this situation, what are the chief difficulties and main problems presented ​by the Chinese revolution in its present stage of development. The difficulties are the following: on the one hand it is perfectly clear that the striking force of the Chinese people, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, must direct its main blows against the foreign imperialists.
This is the main task: the struggle for the independent existence of China, the struggle for the national emancipation of the country. For the accomplishment of this task it is necessary to maintain the national revolutionary united front, which now consists not only of peasants, of workers, of artisans, nor only of the democratic and radical intelligentzia, but at the same time of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, of merchants and industrialists. It need not be said that not every merchant and every industrialist is joining in the struggle, but solely those who are not connected directly with foreign capital, those who are not to be counted among the compradores, or intermediaries between foreign capital and China. That section of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie which is now playing an objectively revolutionary part, and with whom it is necessary to form a bloc at the present stage of development if the greatest possible combined force is to be directed against the foreign imperialists—this section of the bourgeoisie is connected, through the government, with the semi-nobility and the big peasant elements in the villages.
It must be observed that in China the system of underleasing is still greatly in vogue. Large joint stock companies take a lease of land and then sub-lease it. The new tenant sub-leases it again, and so the process goes on. If this land ownership is disturbed the wave thus set vibrating runs at once up to the commercial and industrial circles. It is characteristic that in the province of Kwantung, this main stronghold of the Canton government, a large section of the land is owned by large landowners, these being ​connected with the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie supporting the Canton government. One touch suffices to set the whole in motion.
This is one of the greatest difficulties in the way of the Chinese revolution. The relation of forces within the Kuomintang are such that there are three wings: a right wing, a centre wing, and a left wing. The right wing of the Kuomintang relies upon this bourgeoisie, even upon its most Right inclined elements, and represents its class interests. On the other hand, the development of the revolution unavoidably demands the inclusion of the peasantry. It is not possible to govern against the peasantry and to win them at the same time, and the forces of the revolution cannot be organized without creating a peasant basis for this revolution.
These are the main difficulties of the present situation in China, and herein lies the greatest problem facing the Chinese revolution at the present juncture. Under the given circumstances it is imperatively necessary for the Communist Party of China to take up the struggle for agrarian reform with increased energy. Although the chief task continues to be the elimination of the foreign imperialists, and although it is of the utmost importance to maintain the national revolutionary united front, still the agrarian reform must be carried out, and the organization of the peasantry taken in hand. The interests of the Chinese revolution most urgently demand that these enormous reserves of the peasantry should be organized on its side, and these reserves are just beginning to realize the class struggle. And this of course, will bring with it unpleasant things in the shape of further vacillation on the part of the right wing of the Kuomintang. The danger is also incurred of certain Left infantile diseases, tendencies towards a premature upheaval, towards a premature split in the whole national bloc. This danger must be faced and fought.
​The situation is extremely complicated, and may be formulated as follows: Although we are fighting against foreign imperialists with the aid of a national revolutionary united front, an immediate agrarian reform must be carried out and the Chinese revolution placed on a broad peasant basis. It is not difficult to forecast the results of such a combination of forces. I shall not deal with this here. I need only observe that, should the Canton troops continue their victorious advance, and should further progress be made in the alliance of the national revolutionary forces in China, then it is not Utopian to assert that the victorious Chinese revolution will awaken a mighty echo in a great number of neighboring colonial countries—India, Indonesia, the Dutch Indies, where even now actual civil war is going on under exceedingly complicated conditions. All this makes China a magnetic centre of attraction to its colonial environment, and we must by no means fall into the error of under-estimating the immense importance of the movement in China, for it is one of the most important movements in the history of the world, and will strike a mighty blow at all capitalist stabilization.
This, comrades, is practically all I wished to say about the Chinese revolution, I had the intention of discussing a number of other problems, but it is impossible to do so in the time at my disposal.