# A Journal of the Plague Year

A
JOURNAL
OF THE
Plague Year, &c.
A
JOURNAL
OF THE
Plague Year:
BEING
Observations or Memorials,
Of the most Remarkable
OCCURRENCES,
As well
PUBLICK as PRIVATE,
Which happened in
LONDON
During the last
GREAT VISITATION In 1665.
Written by a Citizen who continued all the while in London. Never made publick before
LONDON
MEMOIRS
OF THE
PLAGUE.
T was about the Beginning of September 1664, that I, among the Rest of my Neighbours, heard in ordinary Discourse, that the Plague was return'd again in Holland; for it had been very violent there, and particularly at Amsterdam and Roterdam, in the Year 1663. whether they say, it was brought, some said from Italy, others from the Levant among some Goods, which were brought home by their Turkey Fleet; others said it was brought from Candia; others from Cyprus. It matter'd not, from whence it come; but all agreed, it was come into Holland again.
We had no such thing as printed News Papers in those Days, to spread Rumours and Reports of Things; and to improve them by the Invention of Men, as I have liv'd to see practis'd since. But such things as these were gather'd ​from the Letters of Merchants, and others, who correſponded abroad, and from them was handed about by Word of Mouth only; ſo that things did not ſpread inſtantly over the whole Nation, as they do now. But it ſeems that the Government had a true Account of it, and ſeveral Counſels were held about Ways to prevent its coming over; but all was kept very private. Hence it was, that this Rumour died off again, and People began to forget it, as a thing we were very little concern'd in, and that we hoped was not true; till the latter End of November, or the Beginning of December 1664, when two Men, ſaid to be French-men, died of the Plague in Long Acre, or rather at the upper End of Drury-Lane. The Family they were in, endeavour'd to conceal it as much as poſſible; but as it had gotten ſome Vent in the Diſcourſe of the Neighbourhood, the Secretaries of State gat Knowledge of it. And concerning themſelves to inquire about it, in order to be certain of the Truth, two Phyſicians and a Surgeon were order'd to go to the Houſe, and make Inſpection. This they did; and finding evident Tokens of the Sickneſs upon both the Bodies that were dead, they gave their Opinions publickly, that they died of the Plague: Whereupon it was given in to the Pariſh Clerk, and he alſo return'd them to the Hall; and it was printed in the weekly Bill of Mortality in the uſual manner, thus,
Plague 2. Pariſhes infected 1.
The People ſhew'd a great Concern at this, and began to be allarm'd all over the Town, and the more, becauſe in the laſt Week in December 1664, another Man died in the ſame ​Houſe; and of the ſame Diſtemper: And then we were eaſy again for about ſix Weeks, when none having died with any Marks of Infection, it was ſaid, the Diſtemper was gone; but after that; I think it was about the 22th of February, another died in another Houſe, but in the ſame Pariſh, and in the ſame manner.
This turn’d the Peoples Eyes pretty much towards that End of the Town; and the weekly Bills ſhewing an Encreaſe of Burials in St. Giles’s Pariſh more than uſual, it began to be ſuſpected, that the Plague was among the People at that End of the Town; and that many had died of it, tho' they had taken Care to keep it as much from the Knowlege of the Publick, as poſſible: This poſſeſs'd the Heads of the People very much, and few car'd to go thro’ Drury-Lane, or the other Streets ſuſpected, unleſs they had extraordinary Buſineſs, that obliged them to it.
This Encreaſe of the Bills ſtood thus; the uſual Number of Burials in a Week, in the Pariſhes of St. Giles’s in the Fields, and St. Andrew's Holborn were from 12 to 17 or 19 each few more or leſs; but from the Time that the Plague firſt began in St. Giles's Pariſh, it was obſerv'd, that the ordinary Burials encreaſed in Number conſiderably. For Example,
| From | Dec. | 27 | to | Jan. | 3. | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 16 |
| | | | | | | St. | Andrew’s | ——— | 17 |
| | Jan, | 3 | to | — | 10. | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 17 |
| | | | | | | St. | Andrew’s | ——— | 25 |
| | Jan, | 3 | to | — | 10. | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 18 |
| | | | | | | St. | Andrew’s | ——— | 18 ​ |
| From | Jan. | 17 | to | Jan. | 24. | St. | Giles's | ——— | 23 |
| | | | | | | St. | Andrews's | ——— | 16 |
| | Jan. | 24 | to | Jan. | 31. | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 24 |
| | | | | | | St. | Andrew's | ——— | 15 |
| | Jan. | 24 | to | Jan. | 31. | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 24 |
| | | | | | | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 15 |
| | Jan. | 30 | to | Feb. | 7. | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 21 |
| | | | | | | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 23 |
| | Feb. | 7 | to | ——— | 4. | St. | Giles’s | ——— | 24 |
| whereof one of the Plague. |||||||||||
The like Encreaſe of the Bills was obſerv’d in the Pariſhes of St. Brides, adjoining on one Side of Holborn Pariſh, and in the Pariſh of St. James Clarkenwell, adjoining on the other Side of Holborn; in both which Pariſhes the uſual Numbers that died weekly, were from 4 to 6 or 8, whereas at that time they were increas'd, as follows.
| From | Dec. | 20. | to | Dec. | 27. | St. | Brides | ——— | 0 |
| | | | | | | St. | James | ——— | 8 |
| | Dec | 27. | to | Jan. | 3. | St. | Brides | ——— | 6 |
| | | | | | | St. | James | ——— | 9 |
| | Jan. | 3. | to | ——— | 10. | St. | Brides | ——— | 11 |
| | | | | | | St. | James | ——— | 7 |
| | Jan. | 10. | to | ——— | 17. | St. | Brides | ——— | 12 |
| | | | | | | St. | James | ——— | 9 |
| | Jan. | 17. | to | ——— | 24. | St. | Brides | ——— | 9 |
| | | | | | | St. | James | ——— | 15 |
| | Jan. | 24. | to | ——— | 31. | St. | Brides | ——— | 8 |
| | | | | | | St. | James | ——— | 12 ​ |
| From | Jan. | 31. | to | Feb. | 7. | St. | Brides | ——— | 13 |
| | | | | | | St. | James | ——— | 5 |
| | Feb. | 7. | to | ——— | 14. | St. | Brides | ——— | 12 |
| | | | | | | St. | James | ——— | 6 |
Beſides this, it was obſerv'd with great Uneaſineſs by the People, that the weekly Bills in general encreas'd very much during theſe Weeks, altho' it was at a Time of the Year, when uſually the Bills are very moderate.
The uſual Number of Burials within the Bills of Mortality for a Week, was from about 240 or thereabouts, to 300. The laſt was eſteem'd a pretty high Bill; but after this we found the Bills ſucceſſively encreaſing, as follows,
| | | | | | | | Increaſed | Increaſed |
| Dec. the | 20. | to the | 27 | th, | Buried | 291. | ——— | |
| | 27. | to the | 3 | Jan. | ——— | 349. | ——— | 58 |
| January | 3. | to the | 10. | | ——— | 394. | ——— | 58 |
| | 10. | to the | 17. | | ——— | 415. | ——— | 21 |
| | 17. | to the | 24. | | ——— | 474. | ——— | 59 |
This laſt Bill was really frightful, being a higher Number than had been known to have been buried in one Week, ſince the preceeding Viſitation of 1656.
However, all this went off again, and the Weather proving cold, and the Froſt which began in December, ſtill continuing very ſevere, even till near the End of February, attended with ſharp tho' moderate Winds, the Bills decreas'd again, and the City grew healthy, and every body began to look upon the Danger as good as over; only that ſtill the Burials in St. Giles's continu'd high: From the Beginning of April eſpecially they ſtood at 25 each Week, till the Week from the 18th to the 25th, when there was buried in St. Giles's ​Pariſh 30, whereof two of the Plague, and 8 of the Spotted-Feaver, which was look'd upon as the ſame thing; likewiſe the Number that died of the Spotted-Feaver in the whole increaſed, being 8 the Week before, and 12 the Week abovenamed.
This alarm'd us all again, and terrible Apprehenſions were among the People, eſpecially the Weather being now chang'd and growing warm,and the Summer being at Hand: However, the next Week there ſeem'd to be ſome Hopes again, the Bills were low, the Number of the Dead in all was but 388, there was none of the Plague, and but four of the Spotted-Feaver.
But the following Week it return'd again, and the Diſtemper was ſpread into two or three other Pariſhes (viz.) St. Andrew's-Holborn, St. Clement's-Danes, and to the great Affliction of the City, one died within the Walls, in the Pariſh of St. Mary-Wool-Church, that is to ſay, in Bearbinder-lane neat the Stocks-market; in all there was nine of the Plague, and ſix of the Spotted-Feaver. It was however upon Inquiry found, that this Frenchman who died in Bearbinder-lane, was one who having liv'd in Long-Acre, near the infected Houſes, had removed for fear of the Diſtemper, not knowing that he was already infected.
This was the beginning of May, yet the Weather was temperate, variable and cool enough and People had ſtill ſome Hopes: That which encourag'd them was, that the City was healthy, the whole 97 Pariſhes buried but 54, and we began to hope, that as it was chiefly among the People at that End of the Town, it might go no farther; and the rather, becauſe the next Week which was from the 9th of May to the 16th there died but three, of which not one within the whole ​City or Liberties, and St. Andrew's buried but 15, which was very low: 'Tis true, St. Giles's buried two and thirty, but ſtill as there was but one of the Plague, People began to be eaſy, the whole Bill alſo was very low, for the Week before, the Bill was but 347, and the Week above-mentioned but 343: We continued in theſe Hopes for a few Days, But it was but for a few; for the People were no more to be deceived thus; they ſearcht the Houſes, and found that the Plague was really ſpread every way, and that many died of it every Day: So that now all our Extenuations abated, and it was no more to be concealed, nay it quickly appeared that the Infection had ſpread it ſelf beyond all Hopes of Abatement; that in the Pariſh of St. Giles's, it was gotten into ſeveral Streets, and ſeveral Families lay all ſick together; And accordingly in the Weekly Bill for the next Week, the thing began to ſhew it ſelf; there was indeed but 14 ſet down of the Plague, but this was all Knavery and Colluſion, for in St. Giles's Pariſh they buried 40 in all, whereof it was certain moſt of them died of the Plague, though they were ſet down of other Diſtempers; and though the Number of all the Burials were not increaſed above 32, and the whole Bill being but 385, yet there was 14 of the Spotted-Feaver, as well as 14 of the Plague; and we took it for granted upon the whole, that there was 50 died that Week of the Plague.
The next Bill was from the 23d of May to the 30th, when the Number of the Plague was 17: But the Burials in St. Giles's were 53, a frightful Number! of whom they ſet down but 9 of the Plague: But on an Examination more ſtrictly by the Juſtices of the Peace, and at the Lord Mayor's Requeſt, it was found there were 20 more, who were really dead of the Plague in that Pariſh, but ​had been ſet down of the Spotted-Feaver or other Diſtempers, beſides others concealed.
But thoſe were trifling Things to what followed immediately after; for now the Weather ſet in hot, and from the firſt Week in June, the Infection ſpread in a dreadful Manner, and the Bills riſe high, the Articles of the Feaver, Spotted-Feaver, and Teeth, began to ſwell: For all that could conceal their Diſtempers, did it to prevent their Neighbours ſhunning and refuſing to converſe with them; and alſo to prevent Authority ſhutting up their Houſes, which though it was not yet practiſed, yet was threatned, and People were extremely terrify'd at the Thoughts of it.
The Second Week in June, the Pariſh of St. Giles's, where ſtill the Weight of the Infection lay, buried 120, whereof though the Bills ſaid but 68 of the Plague; every Body ſaid there had been 100 at leaſt, calculating it from the uſual Number of Funerals in that Pariſh as above.
Till this Week the City continued free, there having never any died except that one Frenchman, who I mention'd before, within the whole 97 Pariſhes. Now there died four within the City, one in Wood-ſtreet, one in Fenchurch ſtreet, and two in Crooked-lane: Southwark was entirely free, having not one yet died on that Side of the Water.
I liv'd without Aldgate about mid-way between Aldgate Church and White-Chappel-Bars, on the left Hand or North-ſide of the Street; and as the Diſtemper had not reach'd to that Side of the City, our Neighbourhood continued very eaſy: But at the other End of the Town, their Conſternation was very great; and the richer ſort of People, eſpecially the Nobility and Gentry, from the Weſt-part of the City throng'd out of Town, with their Families and Servants in an unuſual Manner; and this was more particularly ſeen in White-Chapel; ​that is to ſay, the Broad-ſtreet where I liv'd: Indeed nothing was to be ſeen but Waggons and Carts, with Goods, Women, Servants, Children, &c. Coaches fill'd with People of the better Sort, and Horſemen attending them, and all hurrying away; then empty Waggons, and Carts appear'd and Spare-horſes with Servants, who it was apparent were returning or ſent from the Countries to fetch more People: Beſides innumerable Numbers of Men on Horſeback, ſome alone, others with Servants, and generally ſpeaking, all loaded with Baggage and fitted out for travelling, as any one might perceive by their Appearance.
This was a very terrible and melancholy Thing to ſee,and as it was a Sight which I cou'd not but look on from Morning to Night; for indeed there was nothing elſe of Moment to be ſeen, it filled me with very ſerious Thoughts of the Miſery that was coming upon the City, and the unhappy Condition of thoſe that would be left in it.
This Hurry of the People was ſuch for ſome Weeks, that there was no getting at the Lord-Mayor's Door without exceeding Difficulty; there was ſuch preſſing and crouding there to get paſſes and Certificates of Health, for ſuch as travelled abroad; for without theſe, there was no being admitted to paſs thro' the Towns upon the Road, or to lodge in any Inn: Now as there had none died in the City for all this time, My Lord Mayor gave Certificates of Health without any Difficulty to all thoſe who liv'd in the 97 Pariſhes, and to thoſe within the Liberties too for a while.
This Hurry, I ſay, continued ſome Weeks, that is to ſay, all the Month of May and June, and the more becauſe it was rumour'd that an order of the Government was to be iſſued out, to place Turn-pikes and Barriers on the Road, to prevent ​Peoples travelling; and that the Towns on the Road, would not ſuffer People from London to paſs, for fear of bringing the Infection along with them, though neither of theſe Rumours had any Foundation, but in the Imagination; eſpecially at firſt.
I now began to conſider ſeriouſly with my Self, concerning my own Caſe, and how I ſhould diſpoſe of my ſelf; that is to ſay, whether I ſhould reſolve to ſtay in London, or ſhut up my Houſe and flee, as many of my Neighbours did. I have ſet this particular down ſo fully, becauſe I know not but it may be of Moment to thoſe who come after me, if they come to be brought to the ſame Diſtreſs, and to the ſame Manner of making their Choice and therefore I deſire this Account may paſs with them, rather for a Direction to themſelves to act by, than a Hiſtory of my actings, ſeeing it may not be of one Farthing value to them to note what became of me.
I had two important things before me; the one was the carrying on my Buſineſs and Shop; which was conſiderable, and in which was embark'd all my Effects in the World; and the other was the Preſervation of my Life in ſo diſmal a Calamity, as I ſaw apparently was coming upon the whole City; and which however great it was, my Fears perhaps as well as other Peoples, repreſented to be much greater than it could be
The firſt Conſideration was of great Moment to me; my Trade was a Sadler, and as my Dealings were chiefly not by a Shop or Chance Trade, but among the Merchants, trading to the Engliſh Colonies in America, ſo my Effects lay very much in the hands of ſuch, I was a ſingle Man 'tis true, but I had a Family of Servants, who I kept at my Buſineſs, had a Houſe, Shop, and Ware-houſes fill'd with Goods; and in ſhort, to leave them all as things in ſuch a Caſe muſt be left, that is to ​ſay, without any Overſeer or Perſon fit to be truſted with them, had been to hazard the Loſs not only of my Trade, but of my Goods, and indeed of all I had in the World.
I had an Elder Brother at the ſame Time in London, and not many Years before come over from Portugal; and adviſing with him, his Anſwer was in three Words the ſame that was given in another Caſe quite different, (viz.) Maſter ſave thy ſelf. In a Word, he was for my retiring into the Country, as he reſolv'd to do himſelf with his Family; telling me, what he had it ſeems, heard abroad, that the beſt Preparation for the Plague was to run away from it. As to my Argument of loſing my Trade, my Goods, or Debts, he quite confuted me: He told me the ſame thing, which I argued for my ſtaying, (viz ) That I would truſt God with my Safety and Health, was the ſtrongeſt Repulſe to my Pretentions of loſing my Trade and my Goods; for, ſays he, is it not as reaſonable that you ſhould truſt God with the Chance or Riſque of loſing your Trade, as that you ſhould ſtay inſo imminent a Point of Danger, and truſt him with your Life?
I could not argue that I was in any Strait, as to a Place where to go, having ſeveral Friends and Relations in Northamptonſhire, whence our Family firſt came from; and particularly, I had an only Siſter in Lincolſhire, very willing to receive and entertain me.
My Brother, who had already ſent his Wife and two Children into Bedfordſhire, and reſolv'd to follow them, preſs'd my going very earneſtly; and I had once reſolv'd to comply with his Deſires, but at that time could get no Horſe: For tho' it is true, all the People did not go out of the City of London; yet I may venture to ſay, that in a manner all the Horſes did; for there was ​hardly a Horſe to be bought or hired in the whole City for ſome Weeks. Once I reſolv'd to travel on Foot with one Servant; and as many did, lie at no Inn, but carry a Soldiers Tent with us, and ſo lie in the Fields, the Weather being very warm, and no Danger from taking cold: I ſay, as many did, becauſe ſeveral did ſo at laſt, eſpecially thoſe who had been in the Armies in the War which had not been many Years paſt; and I muſt needs ſay, that ſpeaking of ſecond Cauſes, had moſt of the People that travelled, done ſo, the Plague had not been carried into ſo many Country-Towns and Houſes, as it was, to the great Damage, and indeed to the Ruin of abundance of People.
But then my Servant who I had intended to take down with me, deceiv'd me; and being frighted at the Encreaſe of the Diſtemper, and not knowing when I ſhould go, he took other Meaſures, and left me, ſo I was put off for that Time; and one way or other, I always found that to appoint to go away was always croſs'd by ſome Accident or other, ſo as to diſappoint and put it off again; and this brings in a Story which otherwiſe might be thought a needleſs Digreſſion, (viz.) about theſe Diſappointments being from Heaven.
I mention this Story alſo as the beſt Method I can adviſe any Perſon to take in ſuch a Caſe, eſpecially, if he be one that makes Conſcience of his Duty, and would be directed what to do in it, namely, that he ſhould keep his Eye upon the particular Providences which occur at that Time, and look upon them complexly, as they regard one another, and as altogether regard the Queſtion before him, and then I think, he may ſafely take them for Intimations from Heaven of what is his unqueſtion'd Duty to do in ſuch, a Caſe; ​I mean as to going away from, or ſtaying in the Place where we dwell, when viſited with an infectious Diſtemper.
It came very warmly into my Mind, one Morning, as I was muſing on this particular thing, that as nothing attended us without the Direction or Permiſſion of Divine Power, ſo theſe Diſappointments muſt have ſomething in them extraordinary; and I ought to conſider whether it did not evidently point out, or intimate to me, that it was the Will of Heaven I ſhould not go. It immediately follow'd in my Thoughts, that if it really was from God, that I ſhould ſtay, he was able effectually to preſerve me in the midſt of all the Death and Danger that would ſurround me; and that if I attempted to ſecure my ſelf by fleeing from my Habitation, and acted contrary to theſe Intimations, which I believed to be Divine, it was a kind of flying from God, and that he could cauſe his Juſtice to overtake me when and where he thought fit.
Theſe thoughts quite turn'd my Reſolutions again, and when I came to diſcourſe with my Brother again I told him, that I enclin'd to ſtay and take my Lot in that Station in which God had plac'd me; and that it ſeem'd to be made more eſpecially my Duty, on the Account of what I have ſaid.
My Brother, tho’ a very Religions Man himſelf, laught at all I had ſuggeſted about its being an Intimation from Heaven, and told me ſeveral Stories of ſuch fool-hardy People, as he call'd them, as I was; that thought indeed to ſubmit to it as a Work of Heaven, if I had been any way diſabled by Diſtempers or Diſeaſes, and that then not being able to go, I ought to acquieſce in the Direction of him, who having been my Maker, had an undiſputed Right of Soveraignity in diſpoſing ​of me; and that then there had been no Difficulty to determine which was the Call of his Providence, and which was not: But that I ſhould take it as an Intimation from Heaven, that I ſhould not go out of Town, only becauſe I could not hire a Horſe to go, or my Fellow was run away that was to attend me, was ridiculous, ſince at the ſame Time I had my Health and Limbs, and other Servants, and might, with Eaſe, travel a Day or two on foot, and having a good Certificate of being in perfect Health, might either hire a Horſe, or take Poſt on the Road, as I thought fit.
Then he proceeded to tell me of the miſcheivous Conſequences which attended the Preſumption of the Turks and Mahometans in Aſia and in other Places, where he had been (for my Brother being a Merchant, was a few Years before, as I have already obſerv'd, returned from abroad, coming laſt from Lisbon) and how preſuming upon their profeſs'd predeſtinating Notions, and of every Man's End being predetermin'd and unalterably before-hand decreed, they would go unconcern'd into infected Places, and converſe with infected Perſons, by which Means they died at the Rate of Ten or Fifteen Thouſand a-Week, whereas the Europeans, or Chriſtian Merchants, who kept themſelves retired and reſerv'd, generally eſcap'd the Contagion.
Upon theſe Arguments my Brother chang'd my Reſolutions again, and I began to reſolve to go, and accordingly made all things ready; for in ſhort, the Infection increaſed round me, and the Bills were riven to almoſt 700 a-Week, and my Brother told me, he would venture to ſtay no longer. I deſir'd him to let me conſider of it but till the next Day, and I would reſolve; and as I had already prepar'd every thing as well as I could, as to my Buſineſs, and who to ​enturſt my Affairs with, I had little to do but to reſolve.
I went Home that Evening greatly oppreſs'd in my Mind, irreſolute, and not knowing what to do; I had ſet the Evening wholly apart to conſider ſeriouſly about it, and was all alone; for already People had, as it were by a general Conſent, taken up the Cuſtom of not going out of Doors after Sun-ſet, the Reaſons I ſhall have Occaſion to ſay more of by-and-by.
In the Retirement of this Evening I endeavoured to reſolve firſt, what was my Duty to do, and I ſtated the Arguments with which my Brother had preſs'd me to go into the Country, and I ſet againſt them the ſtrong Impreſſions which I had on my Mind for ſtaying; the viſible Call I ſeem'd to have from the particular Circumſtance of my Calling, and the Care due from me for the Preſervation of my Effects, which were, as I might ſay, my Eſtate; alſo the Intimations which I thought I had from Heaven, that to me ſignify'd a kind of Direction to venture, and it occurr'd to me, that if I had what I might call a Direction to ſtay,; I ought to ſuppoſe it contain'd a Promiſe of being preſerved, if I obey'd.
This lay cloſe to me, and my Mind ſeemed more and more encouraged to ſtay than ever, and ſupported with a ſecret Satisfaction, that I ſhould be kept: Add to this that turning over the Bible, which lay before me, and while my Thoughts were more than ordinarily ſerious upon the Queſtion, I cry'd out, WELL, I know not what to do, Lord direct me! and the like; and that Juncture I happen'd to ſtop turning over the Book at the 19ſt Pſalm, and caſting my Eye on the ſecond Verſe, I read on to the 7th Verſe excluſive; and after that, included the 10th, as follows. I will ſay of the Lord, He is my refuge, and my foretreſs, ​my God, in him will I truſt. Surely he ſhall deliver thee from the ſnare of the fowler, and from the noiſom peſtilence. He ſhall cover thee with his feathers, and under his wings ſhalt thou truſt: his truth ſhall be thy ſhield and buckler. Thou ſhalt not be afraid for the terror by night, nor for the arrow that flieth by day: Nor for the peſtilence that walketh in darkneſs: nor for the deſtruction that waſteth at noon-day. A thouſand ſhall fall at thy ſide, and ten thouſand at thy right hand: but it ſhall not come nigh thee. Only with thine Eyes ſhalt thou behold and ſee the reward of the wicked. Becauſe thou haſt made the Lord which is my refuge, even the moſt High, thy habitation: There ſhall no evil befal thee, neither ſhall any plague come nigh thy dwelling, &c.
I ſcarce need tell the Reader, that from that Moment I reſolv'd that I would ſtay in the Town, and caſting my ſelf entirely upon the Goodneſs and Protection of the Almighty, would not ſeek any other Shelter whatever; and that as my Times were in his Hands, he was as able to keep me in a Time of the Infection as in a Time of Health; and if he did not think fit to deliver me, ſtill I was in his Hands, and it was meet he ſhould do with me as ſhould ſeem good to him.
With this Reſolution I went to Bed; and I was farther confirm'd in it the next Day, by the Woman being taken ill with whom I had intended to entruſt my Houſe and all my Affairs: But I had a farther Obligation laid on me on the ſame Side; for the next Day I found my ſelf very much out of Order alſo; ſo that if I would have gone away, I could not, and I continued ill three or four Days; and this intirely determin'd my Stay; ſo I took my leave of my Brother, who went away to Darking in Surry, and afterwards fetch'd a Round farther into Buckinghamſhire, or Bedfordſhire, to a Retreat he had found out there for his Family.
​It was a very ill Time to be ſick in, for if any one complain'd, it was immediately ſaid he had the Plague; and tho' I had indeed no Symptoms of that Diſtemper, yet being very ill, both in my Head and in my Stomach, I was not without Apprehenſion, that I really was infected; but in about three Days I grew better, the third Night I reſted well, ſweated a little, and was much refreſh'd; the Apprehenſions of its being the Infection went alſo quite away with my Illneſs, and I went about my Buſineſs as uſual.
Theſe Things however put off all my Thoughts of going into the Country; and my Brother alſo being gone, I had no more Debate either with him, or with my ſelf, on that Subject.
It was now mid-July, and the Plague which had chiefly rag'd at the other End of the Town, and as I ſaid before, in the Pariſhes of St. Giles's, St. Andrews Holbourn, and towards Weſtminiſter, began now to come Eaſtward towards the Part where I liv'd. It was to be obſerv'd indeed, that it did not come ſtrait on towards us; for the City, that is to ſay within the Walls, was indifferent healthy ſtill; nor was it got then very much over the Water into Southwark; for tho' there died that Week 1268 of all Diſtempers, whereof it might be ſuppos'd above 900 died of the Plague; yet there was but 28 in the whole City, within the Walls; and but 19 in Southwark, Lambeth Pariſh included; whereas in the Pariſhes of St. Giles, and St. Martins in the Fields alone, there died 421.
But we perceiv'd the Infection keept chiefly in the out-Pariſhes, which being very populous, and fuller alſo of Poor, the Diſtemper found more to prey upon than in the City, as I ſhall obſerve afterward; we perceiv'd I ſay, the Diſtemper to draw our Way; (viz.) by the Pariſhes of Clerken Well, ​Cripplegate, Shoreditch, and Biſhopſgate; which laſt two Pariſhes joining to Aldgate, White-Chapel, and Stepney, the Infection came at length to ſpread its utmoſt Rage and violence in thoſe Parts, even when it abated, at the Weſtern Pariſhes where it began.
It was very ſtrange to obſerve, that in this particular Week, from the 4th to the 11th of July, when, as I have obſerv'd, there died near 400 of the Plague in the two Pariſhes of St. Martin's, and St. Giles in the Fields only, three died in the Pariſh of Aldgate but four, in the Pariſh of White-Chapel three, in the Pariſh of Stepney but one.
Likewiſe in the next Week, from the 11th of July to the 18th, when the Week's Bill was 1761, yet there died no more of the Plague, on the whole Southwark Side of the Water than ſixteen.
But this Face of things ſoon changed, and it began to thicken in Cripplegate Pariſh eſpecially, and in Clerken-Well; ſo, that by the ſecond Week in Auguſt, Cripplegate Pariſh alone, buried eight hundred eighty ſix, and Clerken-Well 155; of the firſt eight hundred and fifty, might well be reckoned to die of the Plague; and of the laſt, the Bill it ſelf ſaid, 145 were of the Plague.
During the Month of July, and while, as I have obſerv'd, our Part of the Town ſeem'd to be orſpar'd, in Compariſon of the Weſt part, I went ordinarily about the Streets, as my Buſineſs requir'd, and particularly went generally, once in a Day, or in two Days, into the City, to my Brother's Houſe, which he had given me charge of, and to ſee if it was ſafe: And having the Key in my Pocket, I uſed to go into the Houſe, and over moſt of the Rooms, to ſee that all was well; for tho' it be ſomething wonderful to tell, that any ſhould have Hearts ſo hardned, in the midſt of ​such a Calamity, as to rob and steal; yet certain it is, that all Sorts of Villanies, and even Levities and Debaucheries were then practisd in the Town, as openly as ever, I will not say quite as frequently, because the Numbers of People were many ways lessen'd.
But the City it self began now to be visited too, I mean within the Walls; but the Number of People there were indeed extreamly lessen'd by so great a Multitude having been gone into the Country; and even all this Month of July they continu'd to flee, tho' not in such Multitudes as formerly. In August indeed, they fled in such a manner, that I began to think, there would be really none but Magistrates and Servants left in the City.
As they fled how out of the City, so I should observe, that the Court removed early, (viz.) in the Month of June, and went to Oxford, where it pleas'd God to preserve them; and the Distemper did not, as I heard of, so much as touch them; for which I cannot say, that I ever saw they shew'd any great Token of Thankfulness, and hardly any thing of Reformation, tho' they did not want being told that their crying Vices might, without Breach of Charity, be said to have gone far, in bringing that terrible Judgment upon the whole Nation.
The Face of London was now indeed ſtrangely alter'd, I mean the whole Mass of Buildings, City, Liberties, Suburbs, Westminster, Southwark and altogether; for as to the particular Part called the City, or within the Walls, that was not yet much infected; but in the whole, the Face of Things, I say, was much alter'd; Sorrow and Sadness sat upon every Face; and tho' some Part were not yet overwhelm'd, yet all look'd deeply concern'd; and as we saw it apparently coming on ​ſo every one look'd on himſelf, and his Family, as in the utmoſt Danger: were it poſſible to repreſent thoſe Times exactly to thoſe that did not ſee them, and give the Reader due Ideas of the Horror that every where preſented it ſelf, it muſt make juſt Impreſſions upon their Minds, and fill them with Surprize. London might well be ſaid to be all in Tears; the Mourners did not go about the Streets indeed, for no Body put on black, or made a formal Dreſs of Mourning for their neareſt Friends; but the Voice of Mourning was truly heard in the Streets; the ſhriecks of Women and Children at the Windows, and Doors of their Houſes, where their deareſt Relations were, pehaps dying, or juſt dead, were ſo frequent to be heard, as we paſſed the Streets, that it was enough to pierce the ſtouteſt Heart in the World, to hear them. Tears and Lamentations were ſeen almoſt in every Houſe, eſpecially in the firſt Part of the Viſitation; for towards the latter End, Mens Hearts were hardned, and Death was ſo always before their Eyes, that they did not ſo much concern themſelves for the Loſs of their Friends, expecting, that themſelves ſhould be ſummoned the next Hour.
Buſineſs led me out ſometimes to the other End of the Town, even when the Sickneſs was chiefly there; and as the thing was new to me, as well as to every Body elſe, it was a moſt ſurpriſing thing, to ſee thoſe Streets, which were uſally ſo thronged, now grown deſolate, and ſo few People to be ſeen in them, that if I had been a Stranger, and at a Loſs for my Way, I might ſometimes have gone the Length of a whole Street, I mean of the by-Streets, and ſee no Body to direct me, except Watchmen, ſet at the Doors of ſuch Houſes as were ſhut up; of which I ſhall ſpeak preſently.
​One Day, being at that Part of the Town, on ſome ſpecial Buſineſs, Curioſity led me to obſerve things more than uſually; and indeed I walk'd a great Way where I had no Buſineſs; I went up Holbourn, and there the Street was full of People; but they walk'd in the middle of the great Street, neither on one Side or other, becauſe, as I ſuppoſe, they would not mingle with any Body that came out of Houſes, or meet with Smells and Scents from Houſes that might be infected.
The Inns-of-Court were all ſhut up; nor were very many of the Lawyers in the Temple, or Lincolns-Inn, or Greyes-Inn, to be ſeen there. Every Body was at peace, there was no Occaſion for Lawyers; beſides, it being in the Time of the Vacation too, they were generally gone into the Countty. Whole Rows of Houſes in ſome Places, were ſhut cloſe up; the Inhabitants all fled, and only a Watchman or two left.
When I ſpeak of Rows of Houſes being ſhut up, I do non mean ſhut up by the Magiſtrates; but that great Numbers of Perſons followed the Court, by the Neceſſity of their Employments, and other Dependencies: and as others retir'd, really frighted with the Diſtemper, it was a mere deſolating of ſome of the Streets: But the Fright was not yet near ſo great in the City, abſtractly ſo called; and particularly becauſe, tho' they were at firſt in a moſt inexpreſſible Conſternation, yet as I have obſerv'd, that the Diſtemper intermitted often at firſt; ſo they were as it were, allarm'd, and unallarm'd again, and this ſeveral times, till it began to be familiar to them; and that even, when it appear'd violent, yet ſeeing it did not preſently ſpread into the City, or the Eaſt and South Parts, the People began to take Courage, and to be, as I may ſay, a little hardned: It is true, a vaſt many People fled, as I have ​obſerved, yet they were chiefly from the Weſt End of the Town; and from that we call the Heart of the City, that is to ſay, among the wealthieſt, of the People; and ſuch People as were unincumbred with Trades and Buſineſs: But of the reſt, the Generality ſtay'd, and ſeem'd to abide the worſt: So that in the Place we call the Liberties, and in the Suburbs, in Southwark, and in the Eaſt Part, ſuch as Wapping, Ratclif, Stepney, Rotherhith, and the like, the People generally ſtay'd, except here and there a few wealthy Families, who, as above, did not depend upon their Buſineſs.
It muſt not be forgot here, that the City and Suburbs were prodigiouſly full of People, at the time of this Viſitation, I mean, at the time that it began; for tho' I have liv'd to ſee a farther Encreaſe, and mighty Throngs of People ſettling in London, more than ever, yet we had always a Notion, that the Numbers of People, which the Wars being over, the Armies disbanded, and the Royal Family and the Monarchy being reſtor'd, had flock'd to London, to ſettle into Buſineſs; or to depend upon, and attend the Court for Rewards of Services, Preferments, and the like, was ſuch, that the Town was computed to have in it above a hundred thouſand people more than ever it held before; nay, ſome took upon them to ſay, it had twice as many, becauſe all the ruin'd Families of the royal Party, flock'd hither: All the old Soldiers ſet up Trades here, and abundance of Families ſettled here; again, the Court brought with them a great Flux of Pride, and new Faſhions; All People were grown gay and luxurious; and the Joy of the Reſtoration had brought a vaſt many Families to London.
I have often thought, as Jeruſalem was beſieg'd by the Romans, when the Jews were aſſembled together, to celebrate the Paſſover, by which means, ​an incredible Number of People were ſurpriz'd there, who would otherwiſe have been in other Countries: So the Plague entred London, when an incredible Increaſe of People had happened occaſionally, by the particular Circumſtances abovenam'd: As this Conflux of the People, to a youthful and gay Court, made a great Trade in the City, eſpecially in every thing that belong'd to Faſhion and Finery; So it drew by Conſequence, a great Number of Work-men, Manufacturers, and the like, being moſtly poor People, who depended upon their Labour, And I remember in particular, that in a Repreſentation to my Lord Mayor, of the Condition of the Poor, it was eſtimated, that, there were no leſs than an Hundred Thouſand Ribband Weavers in and about the City; the chiefeſt Number of whom, lived then in the Pariſhes of Shoreditch, Stepney, White-chapel, and Biſhopſgate; that namely, about Spittle-fields; that is to ſay, as Spittle-fields was then; for it was not ſo large as now, by one fifth Part.
By this however, the Number of People in the whole may be judg'd of; and indeed, I often wondred, that after the prodigious Numbers of People that went away at firſt, there was yet ſo great a Multitude left, as it appear'd there was.
But I muſt go back again to the Beginning of this Surprizing Time, while the Fears of the People were young, they were encreas'd ſtrangely by ſeveral odd Accidents, which put altogether, it was realy a wonder the whole Body of the People did not riſe as one Man, and abandon their Dwellings, leaving the Place as a Space of Ground deſigned by Heaven for an Akeldama, doom'd to be deſtroy'd from the Face of the Earth; and that all that would be found in it, would periſh with it. I ſhall Name but a few of theſe Things; but ſure they were ſo many, and ​ſo many Wizards and cunning People propagating them, that I have often wonder'd there was any, (Women eſpecially,) left behind.
In the firſt Place, a blazing Star or Comet appear'd for ſeveral Months before the Plague, as there did the Year after another, a little before the Fire; the old Women, and the Phlegmatic Hypocondriac Part of the other Sex, who I could almoſt call old Women too, remark'd (eſpecially afterward tho' not, till both thoſe Judgments were over,) that thoſe two Comets paſs'd directly over the City, and that ſo very near the Houſes, that it was plain, they imported ſomething peculiar to the City alone; that the Comet before the Peſtilence, was of a faint, dull, languid Colour, and its Motion very heavy, ſolemn and ſlow: But that the Comet before the Fire, was bright and ſparkling, or as others ſaid, flaming, and its Motion ſwift and furious; and that accordingly, One foretold a heavy Judgment, ſlow but ſevere, terrible and frightful, as was the Plague; But the other foretold a Stroak, ſudden, ſwift, and fiery as the Conflagration; nay, ſo particular ſome People were, that as they look'd upon that Comet preceding the Fire, they fancied that they not only ſaw it paſs ſwiftly and fiercely, and cou'd perceive the Motion with their Eye, but even they heard it; that it made a ruſhing mighty Noiſe, fierce and terrible, tho' at a diſtance, and but juſt perceivable.
I ſaw both theſe Stars; and I muſt confeſs, had ſo much of the common Notion of ſuch Things in my Head, that I was apt to look upon them, as the Forerunners and Warnings of Gods Judgments; and eſpecially when after the Plague had followed the firſt, I yet ſaw another of the like kind; I could not but ſay, God had not yet ſufficiently ſcourg'd the city.
​But I cou'd not at the ſame Time carry theſe Things to the heighth that others did, knowing too, that natural Cauſes are aſſign'd by the Aſtronomers for ſuch Things; and that their Motions, and even their Revolutions are calculated, or preded to be calculated; ſo that they cannot be ſo perfectly call'd the Fore-runners, or Fore-tellers, much leſs the procurers of ſuch Events, as Peſtilence, War, Fire, and the like.
But let my Thoughts, and the Thoughts of the Philoſophers be, or have been what they will, theſe Things had a more then ordinary Influence upon the Minds of the common People, and they had almoſt univerſal melancholly Apprehenſions of ſome dreadful Calamity and Judgment coming upon the City; and this principally from the Sight of this Comet, and the little Allarm that was given in December, by two People dying at St. Giles's, as above.
The Apprehenſions of the People, were likewiſe ſtrangely encreas'd by the Error of the Times; in which, I think, the People, from what Principle I cannot imagine, were more adicted to Propheſies, and Aſtrological Conjurations, Dreams, and old Wives Tales, than ever they were before or ſince: Whether this unhappy Temper was originally raiſed by the Follies of ſome People who got Money by it; that is to ſay, by printing Predictions, and Prognoſtications I know not; but certain it is, Book's frighted them terribly; ſuch as Lilly's Almanack, Gadbury's Alogical Predictions; Poor Robin's Almanack and the like; alſo ſeveral pretended religious Books; one entituled, Come out of her my People, leaſt you be partaker of her Plagues; another call'd, Fair Warning; another, Britains Remembrancer, and many ſuch; all, or moſt Part of which, foretold directly or covertly the Ruin of the City: Nay, ſome ​were ſo Enthuſiaſtically bold, as to run about the Streets, with their Oral Predictions, pretending they were ſent to preach to the City; and One in particular, who, like Jonah to Nenevah, cry'd in the Streets, yet forty Days, and LONDON ſhall be deſtroy'd, I will not be poſitive, whether he ſaid yet forty Days, or yet a few Days. Another run about Naked, except a pair of Drawers about his Waſte, crying Day and Night; like a Man that Joſephus mentions, who cry'd, woe to Jeruſalem! a little before the Deſtruction of that City: So this poor naked Creature cry'd, O! the Great, and the Dreadful God! and ſaid no more, but repeated thoſe Words continually, with a Voice and Countenance full of horror, a ſwift Pace, and no Body cou'd ever find him to ſtop, or reſt, or take any Suſtenance, at leaſt, that ever I cou'd hear of. I met this poor Creature ſeveral Times in the Streets, and would have ſpoke to him, but he would not enter into Speech with me, or any one elſe; but held on his diſmal Cries continually.
Theſe Things terrified the People to the laſt Degree; and eſpecially when two or three Times, as I have mentioned already, they found one or two in the Bills, dead of the Plague at St. Giles.
Next to theſe publick Things, were the Dreams of old Women: Or, I ſhould ſay, the Interpretation of old Women upon other Peoples Dreams; and theſe put abundance of People even out of their Wits: Some heard Voices warning them to be gone, for that there would be ſuch a Plague in London, ſo that the Living would not be able to bury the Dead: Others ſaw Apparitions in the Air; and I muſt be allow'd to ſay of both, I hope with out breach of Charity, that they heard Voices that never ſpake, and ſaw Sights that never appear'd; but the Imagination of the People ​was really turn'd wayward and poſſeſs'd: And no Wonder, if they, who were poreing continually at the Clouds, ſaw Shapes and Figures, Repreſentations and Appearances, which had nothing in them, but Air and Vapour. Here they told us, they ſaw a Flaming-Sword held in a Hand, coming out of a Cloud, with a Point hanging directly over the City, There they ſaw Herſes, and Coffins in the Air, carrying to be buried. And there again, Heaps of dead Bodies lying unburied, and the like; juſt as the Imagination of the poor terrify'd People furniſh'd them with Matter to work upon.
So Hypocondriac Fancy's repreſent Ships, Armies, Battles, in the Firmament; Till ſteady Eyes, the Exhalations ſolve, And all to its firſt Matter, Cloud, reſolve.
I could fill this Account with the ſtrange Relations, ſuch People gave every Day, of what they had ſeen; and every one was ſo poſitive of their having ſeen, what they pretended to ſee, that there was no contradicting them, without Breach of Friendſhip, or being accounted rude and unmannerly on the one Hand, and prophane and impenetrable on the other. One time before the Plague was begun, (otherwiſe than as I have ſaid in St. Giles's,) I think it was in March, ſeeing a Crowd of People in the Street, I join'd with them to ſatiſfy my Curioſity, and found them all ſtaring up into the Air, to ſee what a Woman told them appeared plain to her, which was an Angel cloth'd in white, with a fiery Sword in his Hand, waving it, or brandiſhing it over his Head. She deſcribed every Part of the Figure to the Life; ſhew'd them the Motion, and the Form; and the poor People came into it ſo eagerly, and with ſo much ​Readineſs; YES, I ſee it all plainly, ſays one: There's the Sword as plain as can be. Another ſaw the Angel. One ſaw his very Face, and cry'd out, What a glorious Creature he was! One ſaw one thing, and one another. I look'd as earneſtly as the reſt, but, perhaps, not with ſo much Willingneſs to be impos'd upon; and I ſaid indeed, that I could ſee nothing, but a white Cloud, bright on one Side, by the ſhining of the Sun upon the other Part. The Woman endeavour'd to ſhew it me, but could not make me confeſs, that I ſaw it, which, indeed, if I had, I muſt have lied: But the Woman turning upon me, look'd in my Face, and fancied I laugh'd; in which her Imagination deceiv'd her too; for I really did not laugh, but was very ſeriouſly reflecting how the poor People were terrify'd, by the Force of their own Imagination. However, ſhe turned from me, call'd me prophane Fellow, and a Scoffer; told me, that it was a time of God's Anger, and dreadful Judgments were approaching; and that Deſpiſers, ſuch as, ſhould wonder and periſh.
The People about her ſeem'd diſguſted as well as ſhe; and I found there was no perſwading them, that I did not laugh at them; and that I ſhould be rather mobb'd by them, than be able to undeceive them. So I left them; and this Appearance paſs'd for as real, as the Blazing Star it ſelf.
Another Encounter I had in the open Day alſo: And this was in going thro' a narrow Paſſage from Petty-France into Biſhopſgate Church Yard, by a Row of Alms-Houſes; there are two Church Yards to Biſbopſgate Church, or Pariſh; one we go over to paſs from the Place call'd Petty-France into Biſhopſgate Street, coming out juſt by the Church Door, the other is on the ſide of the narrow Paſſage, where the Alms-Houſes are on the left; and a ​Dwarf-wall with a Paliſadoe on it, on the right Hand; and the City Wall on the other Side, more to the right.
In this narrow Paſſage ſtands a Man looking thro' between the Paliſadoe's into the Burying Place; and as many People as the Narrowneſs of the Paſſage would admit to ſtop, without hindring the Paſſage of others; and he was talking mighty eagerly to them, and pointing now to one Place, then to another, and affirming, that he ſaw a Ghoſt walking upon ſuch a Grave Stone there; he deſcrib'd the Shape, the Poſture, and the Movement of it ſo exactly, that it was the greateſt Matter of Amazement to him in the World, that every Body did not ſee it as well as he. On a ſudden he would cry, There it is: Now it comes this Way: Then, 'Tis turn'd back; till at length he perſuaded the People into ſo firm a Belief of it, that one fancied he ſaw it, and another fancied he vaw it; and thus he came every Day making a ſtrange Hubbub, conſidering it was in ſo narrow a Paſſage, till Biſopſgate Clock ſtruck eleven; and then the Ghoſt would ſeem to ſtart; and as if he were call'd away, diſappear'd on a ſudden.
I look'd earneſtly every way, and at the very Moment, that this Man directed, but could not ſee the leaſt Appearance of any thing; but ſo poſitive was this poor man, that he gave the People the Vapours in abundance, and ſent them away trembling, and frighted; till at length, few People, that knew of it, car'd to go thro' that Paſſage; and hardly any Body by Night, on any Account whatever.
This Ghoſt, as the poor Man affirm'd, made Signs to the Houſes, and to the Ground, and to the People, plainly intimating, or elſe they ſo underſtanding it, that Abundance of the People, ſhould come to be buried in that Church-Yard; ​as indeed happen'd: But that he ſaw ſuch Aſpects, I muſt acknowledg, I never believ'd; nor could I ſee any thing of it my ſelf, tho' I look'd moſt earneſtly to ſee it, if poſſible.
Theſe things ſerve to ſhew, how far the People were really overcome with Deluſions; and as they had a Notion of the Approach of a Viſitation, all their Predictions run upon a moſt dreadful Plague, which ſhould lay the whole City, and even the Kingdom waſte; and ſhould deſtroy almoſt all the Nation, both Man and Beaſt.
Το this, as I said before, the Aſtrologers added Stories of the Conjunctions of Planets in a malignant Manner, and with a miſchievous Influence; one of which Conjunctions was to happen, and did happen, in October; and the other in November; and they filled the Peoples Heads with Predictions on theſe Signs of the Heavens, intimating, that thoſe Conjunctions fortold Drought, Famine, and Peſtilence; in the two fiſft of them however, they were entirely miſtaken, For we had no droughty Seaſon, but in the beginning of the Year; a hard Froſt, which laſted from December almoſt to March; and after that moderate Weather, rather warm than hot, with refreſhing Winds, and in ſhort, very ſeaſonable Weather; and alſo ſeveral very great Rains.
Some Endeavors were uſed to ſuppreſs the Printing of ſuch Books as terrify'd the People; and to frighten the diſperſers of them, ſome of whom were taken up, but nothing was done in it, as I am inform'd; The Government being unwilling to exaſperate the People, who were, as I may ſay, all out of their Wits already.
Neither can I acquit thoſe Miniſters, that in their Sermons, rather ſunk, than lifted up the Hearts of their Hearers; many of them no doubt did it for the ſtrengthning the Reſolution of the ​People; and eſpecially for quickning them to Repentance; but it certainly anſwer'd not their End, at leaſt not in Proportion to the injury it did another Way; and indeed, as God himſelf thro' the whole Scriptures, rather draws to him by Invitations, and calls to turn to him and live, than drives us by Terror and Amazement; So I muſt confeſs, I thought the Miniſters ſhould have done alſo, imitating our bleſſed Lord and Maſter in this, that his whole Goſpel, is full of Declarations from Heaven of Gods Mercy, and his readineſs to receive Penitents, and forgive them; complaining, ye will not come unto me, that ye may have Life; and that therefore, his Goſpel is called the Goſpel of Peace, and the Goſpel of Grace.
But we had ſome good Men, and that of all Perſuaſions and Opinions, whoſe Diſcourſes were full of Torror; who ſpoke nothing but diſmal Things; and as they brought the People together with a kind of Horror, ſent them away in Tears, propheſying nothing but evil Tidings; terrifying the People with the Apprehenſions of being utterly deſtroy'd, not guiding them, at leaſt not enough, to Cry to Heaven for Mercy.
It was indeed, a Time of very unhappy Breaches among us in matters of Religion: Innumerable Sects, and Diviſions, and ſeperate Opinions prevail'd among the People; the Church of England was reſtor'd indeed with the Reſtoration of tie Monarchy, about four Year before; but the Miniſters and Preachers of the Presbyterians, and Independants, and of all the other Sorts of Profeſſions, had begun to gather ſeperate Societies, and erect Altar againſt Altar, and all thoſe had their Meetings for Worſhip apart, as they have but not ſo many then, the Diſſenters being not thorowly form'd into a Body as they are ſince, and thoſe Congregations which were thus gather'd ​together, were yet but few;: and even thoſe that were, the Government did not allow, but endeavour'd to ſuppreſs them, and ſhut up their Meetings:
But the Viſitation reconcil'd them again, at leaſt for a Time, and many of the beſt and moſt valuable Miniſters and Preachers of the Diſſenters, were ſuffer'd to go into the Churches, where the Incumbents were fled away, as many were, not being able to ſtand it; and the People flockt without Diſtinction to hear them preach, not much inquiring who or what Opinion they were of: But after the Sickneſs was over, that Spirit of Charity abated, and every Church being again ſupply'd with their own Miniſters, or others preſented, where the Miniſter was dead, Things return'd to their old Channel again.
One Miſchief always introduces another: Theſe Terrors and Apprehenſions of the People, led them into a Thouſand weak, fooliſh, and wicked Things, which, they wanted not a Sort of People really wicked, to encourage them to; and this was running about to Fortune tellers, Cunning-men, and Aſtrologers, to know their Fortune, or, as 'tis vulgarly expreſs'd, to have their Fortunes told them, their Nativities calculated, and the like; and this Folly, preſently made the Town ſwarm with a wicked Generation of Pretenders to Magick, to the Black Art, as they call'd it, and I know not what; Nay, to a Thouſand worſe Dealings with the Devil, than they were really guilty of; and this Trade grew ſo open, and ſo generally practiſed, that it became common to have Signs and Inſcriptions ſet up at Doors; here lives a Fortune-teller; here lives an Aſtrologer; here you may have your Nativity calculated, and the like; and Fryar Bacons's Brazen-Head, which was the uſual Sign of theſe Peoples Dwellings, was to be ​ſeen almoſt in every Street, or elſe the Sign of Mother Shipton, or of Merlin's Head, and the like.
With what blind, abſurd, and ridiculous Stuff, theſe Oracles of the Devil pleas'd and ſatisfy'd the People, I really know not; but certain it is, that innumerable Attendants crouded about their Doors every Day; and if but a grave Fellow in a Velvet Jacket, a Band, and a black Cloak, which was the Habit thoſe Quack Conjurers generally went in, was but ſeen in the Streets, the People would follow them, in Crowds and ask them Queſtions, as they went along.
I need not mention, what a horrid Deluſion this was, or what it tended to; but there was no Remedy for it, till the Plague it ſelf put an End to it all; and I ſuppoſe, clear'd the Town of moſt of thoſe Calculators themſelves. One Miſchief was, that if the poor People ask'd theſe mock Aſtrologers, whether there would be a Plague, or no? they all agreed in the general to anſwer, Yes, for that kept up their Trade; and had the People not been kept in a Fright about that, the Wizards would preſently have been rendred uſfeleſs, and their Craft had been at an end: But they always talked to them of ſuch and ſuch Influences of the Stars, of the Conjunctions of ſuch and ſuch Planets; which muſt neceſſarily bring Sickneſs and Diſtempers, and conſequently the Plague: And ſome had the Aſſurance to tell them, the Plague was begun already, which was too true, tho' they that ſfaid ſo, knew nothing of the Matter.
The Miniſters, to do them Juſtice, and Preachers of moſt Sorts, that were ſerious and underſtanding Perſons, thundred againſt theſe, and other wicked Practiſes, and expoſed the Folly as well as the Wickedneſs of them together; And the moſt ſober and judicious People deſpis'd and abhor'd them: But it was impoſſlible to make any Impreſvion upon the ​midling People, and the working labouring Poor; their Fears were predominant over all their Paſſions; and they threw away their Money in a moſt diſtracted Manner upon thoſe Whymſies. Maid-Servants eſpecially and Men-Servants, were the chief of their Cuſtomers; and their Queſtion generally was, after the firſt demand of, Will there be a Plague? I ſay, the next Queſtion was, Oh, Sir! For the Lord's Sake, what will become of me? Will my Miſtreſs keep me, or will ſhe turn me off? Will ſhe ſtay here, or will ſhe go into the Country? And if ſhe goes into the Country, will ſhe take me with her, or leave me here to be ſtarv'd and undone. And the like of Men-Servants.
The Truth is, the Caſe of poor Servants was very diſmal, as I ſhall have occaſion to mention again by and by; for it was apparent, a prodigious Number of them would be turn'd away, and it was ſo; and of them abundance periſhed; and particuly of thoſe that theſe falſe Prophets had flattered with Hopes, that they ſhould be continued in their Services, and carried with their Maſters and Miſtreſſes into the Country; and had not publick Charity provided for theſe poor Creatures, whoſe Number was exceeding great, and in all Caſes of this Nature muſt be ſo, they would have been in the worſt Condition of any People in the City.
Theſe Things agitated the minds of the common People for many Months, while the firſt Apprehenſions, were upon them; and while the Plague, was not, as I may ſay, yet broken out: But I muſt alſo not forget, that the more ſerious Part of the Inhabitants behav'd after another Manner: The Government encouraged their Devotion, and appointed publick Prayers, and Days of faſting and Humiliation, to make publick Confeſſion of Sin, and implore the Mercy of God, to avert the dreadful Judgment, which hung over their Heads; and it is not to be expreſsd with what Alacrity the ​People of all perſuaſions enbraced the Occſion; how they flock'd to the Churches and Meetings, and they were all ſo throng'd, that there was often no coming near, no, not to the very Doors of the largeſt Churches; Alſo there were daily Prayers appointed Morning and Evening at ſeveral Churches, and Days of private praying at other Places; at all which the People attended, I ſay, with an uncommon Devotion: Several private Families alſo, as well of one Opinion as of another, kept Family Faſts, to which they admitted their near Relations only: So that in a Word, thoſe People, who were really ſerious and religious, apply'd themſelves in a truly Chriſtian Manner, to the proper Work of Repentance and Humiliation, as a Chriſtian People ought to do.
Again the publick ſhew'd, that they would bear their Share in theſe Things; the very Court, which was then Gay and Luxurious, put on a Face of juſt Concern, for the publick Danger: All the Plays and Interludes, which after the Manner of the French Court, had been ſet up, and began to encreaſe among us, were forbid to Act; the gaming Tables, publick dancing Rooms, and Muſic Houſes which multiply'd, and began to debauch the Manners of the People, were ſhut up and ſuppreſs'd; and the Jack-puddings, Merry-andrews, Puppet-ſhows, Rope-dancers, and ſuch like doings, which had bewitch'd the poor common People, ſhut up their Shops, finding indeed no Trade; for the Minds of the People, were agitated with other Things; and a kind of Sadneſs and Horror at theſe Things, ſat upon the Countenances, even of the common People; Death was before their Eyes, and every Body began to think of their Graves, not of Mirth and Diverſions.
But even thoſe wholeſome Reflections, which rightly manag'd; would have moſt happily led the ​People to fall upon their Knees, make Confeſſion of their Sins, and look up to their merciful Saviour for Pardon, imploreing his Compaſſion on them, in ſuch a Time of their Diſtreſs; by which, we might have been as a ſecond Nineveh, had a quite contrary Extreme in the common People; who ignorant and ſtupid in their Reflections, as they were brutiſhly wicked and thoughtleſs before, were now led by their Fright to extremes of Folly; and as I have ſaid before, that they ran to Conjurers and Witches, and all Sorts of Decievers, to know what ſhould become of them; who fed their Fears, and kept them always alarm’d, and awake, on purpoſe to delude them, and pick their Pockets: So, they were as mad, upon their running after Quacks, and Mountebanks, and every practiſing old Woman, for Medicines and Remedies; ſtoreing themſelves with ſuch Multitudes of Pills, Potions, and Preſervatives, as they were call’d; that they not only ſpent their Money, but even poiſon’d themſelves before-hand, for fear of the Poiſon of the Infection, and prepar’d their Bodies for the Plague, inſtead of preſerving them againſt it. On the other Hand, it is incredible, and ſcarce to be imagin’d, how the Poſts of Houſes, and Corners of Streets were plaſter’d over with Doctors Bills, and Papers of ignorant Fellows; quacking and tampering in Phyſick, and inviting the People to come to them for Remedies; which was generally ſet off, with ſuch flouriſhes as theſe, (viz.) INFALLIBLE preventive Pills againſt the Plague. NEVER-FAILING Preſervatives againſt the Infection. SOVERAIGN Cordials againſt the Corruption of the Air. EXACT Regulations for the Conduct of the Body, in Caſe of an Infection; Antipeſtilential Pills. INCOMPARABLE Drink againſt the Plague, never found ​out before. An UNIVERSAL Remedy for the Plague. The ONLY-TRUE Plague-Water. The ROYAL-ANTIDOTE againſt all Kinds of Infection; and ſuch a Number more that I cannot reckon up; and if I could, would fill a Book of themſelves to ſet them down.
Others ſet up Bills, to ſummons People to their Lodgings for Directions and Advice in the Caſe of Infection: Theſe had ſpacious Titles alſo, ſuch as theſe.
I take notice of theſe by way of Specimen: I could give you two or three Dozen of the like, and yet have abundance left behind. 'Tis ſufficient from theſe to appriſe any one, of the Humour of ​thoſe Times; and how a Set of Thieves and Pickpockets, not only robb'd and cheated the poor People of their Money, but poiſoned their Bodies with odious and fatal preparations; ſome with Mercury, and ſome with other things as bad, perfectly remote from the Thing pretended to; and rather hurtful than ſervicable to the Body in caſe an Infection followed.
I cannot omit a Subtilty of one of thoſe Quack-operators, with which he gull'd the poor People to croUd about him, but did nothing for them without Money. He had it ſeems, added to his Bills, which he gave about the Streets, this Advertiſement in Capital Letters, (viz.) He gives Advice to the Poor for nothing.
Abundance of poor People came to him accordingly, to whom he made a great many fine Speeches; examin'd them of the State of their Health, and of the Conſtitution of their Bodies, and told them many good things for them to do, which were of no great Moment: But the Iſſue and Concluſion of all was, that he had a preparation, which if they took ſuch a Quantity of, every Morning, he would pawn his Life, they ſhould never have the Plague, no, tho' they lived in the Houſe with PeopLe that were infected: This made the People all reſolve to have it; But then the Price of that was ſo much, I think 'twas half-a-Crown: But, Sir, ſays one poor Woman, I am a poor Alms-Woman, and am kept by the Pariſh, and your Bills ſay, you give the Poor your help for nothing. Ay, good Woman, ſays the Docter, ſo I do, as I publiſh'd there. I give my Advice to the Poor for nothing; but not my Phyſick. Alas, Sir! ſays ſhe, that is a Snare laid for the Poor then; for you give them your Advice for nothing, that is to ſay, you adviſe them gratis, to buy your Phyſick for their Money; ſo ​does every Shop-keeper with his Wares. Here the Woman began to give him ill Words, and ſtood at his Door all that Day, telling her Tale to all the People that came, till the Doctor finding ſhe turn'd away his Cuſtomers; was oblig'd to call her up Stairs again, and give her his Box of Phyſick for nothing, which, perhaps too was good for nothing when ſhe had it.
But to return to the people, whoſe Confuſions fitted them to be impos'd upon by all Sorts of Pretenders, and by every Mountebank. There is no doubt, but theſe quacking Sort of Fellows rais'd great gains oUt of the miſerable People; for we daily found, the Crouds that ran after them were infinitely greater, and their Doors were more thronged than thoſe of Dr. Brooks, Dr. Upton, Dr. Hodges, Dr. Berwick, or any, tho' the moſt famous Men of the Time: And I was told, that ſome of them got five Pound a Day by their Phyſick.
But there was ſtill another Madneſs beyond all this, which may ſerve to give an Idea of the diſtracted humour of the poor People at that Time; and this was their following a worſe Sort of Deceivers than any of theſe; for theſe petty Thieves only deluded them to pick their Pockets, and get their Money; in which their Wickedneſs, whatever it was, lay chiefly on the Side of the Deceiver's deceiving, not upon the Deceived: But in this Part I am going to mention, it lay chiefly in the People deceiv'd, or equally in both; and this was in wearing Charms, Philters, Exorciſms, Amulets, and I know not what Preparations, to fortify the Body with them againſt the Plague; as if, the Plague was not the Hand of God, but a kind of a Poſſeſion of an evil Spirit; and that it was to be kept off with Croſſings, Signs of the Zodiac, Papers tied up with ſo many Knots; and certain Words, or Figures written on them, as ​particularly the Word Abracadabra, form'd in Triangle, or Pyramid, thus.
ABRACADABRA ABRACADABR ABRACADAB ABRACADA ABRACAD ABRACA ABRAC ABRA ABR AB
Others had the Jeſuits Mark in a Croſs.
I H S
Others nothing but this Mark thus.
I might ſpend a great deal of Time in my Exclamations againſt the Follies, and indeed Wickedneſs of thoſe things, in a Time of ſuch Danger, in a matter of ſuch Conſequences as this, of a National Infection, But my Memorandums of theſe things relate rather to take notice only of the Fact, and mention that it was ſo: How the poor People found the Inſufficiency of thoſe things, and how many of them were afterwards carried away in the Dead-Carts, and thrown into the common Graves of every Pariſh, with theſe helliſh Charms and Trumpery hanging about their Necks, remains to be ſpoken of as we go along.
All this was the Effect of the Hurry the People were in, after the firſt Notion of the Plague being at hand was among them: And which may be ſaid to be from about Michaelmas 1664, but more particularly after the two Men died in St Giles's, in the Beginning of December. And again, after another Alarm in February; for when the Plague evidently ſpread it ſelf, they ſoon began to ſee the Folly of truſting to thoſe unperforming Creatures, who had Gull'd them of their ​Money, and then their Fears work'd another way, namely, to Amazement and Stupidity, not knowing what Courſe to take, or what to do, either to help or relieve themſelves; but they ran about from one Neighbours Houſe to another; and even in the Streets, from one Door to another with repeated Cries, of, Lord have Mercy upon us, what ſhall we do?
Indeed, the poor People were to be pity'd in one particular Thing, in which they had little or no Relief, and which I Deſire to mention with a ſerious Awe and Reflection; which perhaps, every one that reads this, may not reliſh: Namely, that whereas Death now began not, as we may ſay, to hover over every ones Head only, but to look into their Houſes, and Chambers, and ſtare in their Faces: Tho' there might be ſome ſtupidity, and dullneſs of the Mind, and there was ſo, a great deal; yet, there was a great deal of juſt Alarm, founded into the very inmoſt Soul, if I may ſo ſay of others; Many Conſciences were awakened; many hard Hearts melted into Tears; many a penitent Confeſſion was made of Crimes long concealed: would wound the Souls of any Chriſtian, to have heard the dying Groans of many a deſpairing Creature, and none durſt come near to comfort them: Many a Robbery, many a Murder, was then confeſt aloud, and no Body ſurviving to Record the Accounts of it. People might be heard even into the Streets as we paſs'd along, calling upon God for Mercy, thro' Jeſus Chriſt, and ſaying, I have been a Thief, I have been an Adulterer, I have been a Murderer, and the like; and none durſt ſtop to make the leaſt Inquiry into ſuch Things, or to adminiſter Comfort to the poor Creatures, that in the Anguiſh both of Soul and Body thus cry'd out. Some of the Miniſters did Viſit the Sick at firſt, and for a little while, but it was not to be done; it would ​have been preſent Death, to have gone into ſome Houſes: The very buryers of the Dead, who were the hardnedeſt Creatures in Town, were ſometimes beaten back, and ſo terrify'd, that they durſt not go into Houſes, where the whole Families were ſwept away together, and where the Circumſtances were more particularly horrible as ſome were; but this was indeed, at the firſt Heat of the Diſtemper.
Time enur'd them to it all; and they ventured every where afterwards, without Heſitation, as I Occaſion to mention at large hereafter.
I am ſuppoſing now, the Plague to be begun, as I have ſaid, and that the Magiſtrates begun to take the Condition of the People, into their ſerious Conſideration; what they did as to the Regulation of the Inhabitants, and of infected Families. I ſhall ſpeak to by it ſelf; but as to the Affair of Health, it is proper to mention it here, that having ſeen the fooliſh Humour of the People, in running after Quacks, and Mountebanks, Wizards, and Fortunes-tellers, which they did as above, even to Madneſs. The Lord Mayor, a very ſober and religious Gentleman appointed Phyſicians and Surgeons for Relief of the poor; I mean, the diſeaſed poor; and in particular, order'd the College of Phyſicians to publiſh Directions for cheap Remedies, for the Poor, in all the Circumſtances of the Diſtemper. This indeed was one of the moſt charitable and judicious Things that could be done at that Time; for this drove the People from haunting the Doors of every Diſperſer of Bills and from taking down blindly, and without Conſideration, Poiſon for Phyſick, and Death inſtead of Life.
This Direction of the Phyſicians was done by a Conſultation of the whole College, and as it was particularly calculated for the uſe of the Poor; and for cheap Medicines it was made publick, ​ſo that every Body might ſee it; and Copies were given gratis to all that deſired it: But as it is publick, and to be ſeen on all Occaſions, I need not give the Reader of this, the Trouble of it.
I ſhall not be ſuppoſed to leſſen the Authority or Capacity of the Phyſicians, when, I ſay, that the Violence of the Diſtemper, when it came to its Extremity, was like the Fire the next Year, The Fire which conſumed what the Plague could not touch, defy'd all the Application of Remedies; the Fire Engines were broken, the Buckets thrown away; and the Power of Man was baffled, and brought to an End; ſo the Plague defied all Medicince; the very Phyſicians were ſeized with it, with their Preſervatives in their Mouths; and Men went about preſcribing to others and telling them what to do, till the Tokens were upon them, and they dropt down dead, deſtroyed by that very Enemy, they directed others to oppoſe. This was the Caſe of ſeveral Phyſicians, even ſome of them the moſt eminent; and of ſeveral of the moſt skilful Surgeons; Abundance of Quacks too died, who had the Folly to truſt to their own Medicines, which they muſt needs be conſcious to themſelves, were good for nothing; and who rather ought, like other Sorts of Thieves, to have run away, ſenſible of their Guilt, from the Juſtice that they could not but expect ſhould puniſh them, as they knew they had deſerved.
Not that it is any Derogation from the Labour, or Application of the Phyſicans, to ſay, they fell in the common Calamity; nor is it ſo intended by me; it rather is to their Praiſe, that they ventured their Lives ſo far as even to loſe them in the Service of Mankind; They endeavoured, to do good, and to ſave the Lives of others, But ​we were not to expect, that the Phyſicians could ſtop God's Judgments, or prevent a Diſtemper eminently armed from Heaven, from executing the Errand it was ſent about,
Doubtleſs, the Phyſicians aſſifted many by their Skill, and by their Prudence and Applications, to the ſaving of their Lives, and reſtoring their Health: But it is no leſſening their Character, or their Skill, to ſay, they could not cure thoſe that had the Tokens upon them, or thoſe who were mortally infected before the Phyſicians were ſent for, as was frequently the Caſe.
It remains to mention now what publick Meaſures were taken by the Magiſtrates for the general Safety, and to prevent the ſpreading of the Diſtemper, when it firſt broke out: I ſhall have frequent Occaſion to ſpeak of their Prudence of the Magiſtrates, their Charity, the Vigilance for the Poor, and for preſerving good Order, furniſhing Proviſions, and the like, when the Plague was encreaſed, as it afterwards was. But I am now upon the Order and Regulations they publiſhed for the Government of infected Families.
I mention'd above ſhutting of Houſes up; and it is needful to ſay ſomething particularly to that; for this Part of the Hiſtory of the Plague is very melancholy, but the moſt grievous Story muſt be told.
About June the Lord Mayor of London, and the Court of Aldermen, as I have ſaid, began more particularly to concern themſelves for the Regulation of the City.
The Juſtices of Peace for Middleſex, by Direction of the Secretary of State, had begun to ſhut up Houſes in the Pariſhes of St. Giles's in the Fields, St. Martins, St. Clement Danes, &c. and it was with good Succeſs, for in ſeveral Streets, where the ​Plague broke out, upon ſtrict guarding the Houſes that were infected, and taking Care to bury thoſe that died, immediatly after they were known to be dead, the Plague ceaſed in thoſe Streets. It was alſo obſerv'd, that the Plague decreaſ'd ſooner in thoſe Pariſhes, after they had been viſited to the full, than it did in the Pariſhes of Biſbopſgate, Shoreditch, Aldgate, White-Chappel, Stepney, and others, the early Care taken in that Manner, being a great means to the putting a Cheque to it.
This ſhutting up of Houſes was a method firſt taken, as I underſtand, in the Plague, which happened in 1603, at the Coming of King James the Firſt to the Crown, and the Power of ſhutting People up in their own Houſes, was granted by Act of Parliament, entitled, An Act for the charitable Relief and Ordering of Perſons infected with the Plague. On which Act of Parliament, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, founded the Order they made at this Time, and which took Place the 1ſt of July 1665, when the Numbers infected within the City, were but few, the laſt Bill for the 92 Pariſhes being but four, and ſome Houſes having been ſhut up in the City, and ſome ſick People been removed to the Peſt-Houſe beyond Bunhill-Fields, in the Way to Iſlington, I ſay, by theſe Means, when there died near one thouſand a Week in the Whole, the Number in the City was but 28, and the City was preſerv'd more healthy in Proportion, than any other Places all the Time of the Infection.
'WHEREAS in the Reign of our late Sovereign King James, of happy Memory, an Act was made for the charitable Relief and ordering of Perſons infected with the Plague; whereby Authority was given to Juſtices of the Peace, Mayors, Bayliffs and other head Officers, to appoint within their ſeveral Limits, Examiners, Searchers, Watchmen, Keepers, and Buriers for the Perſons and Places infected, and to miniſter unto them Oaths for the Performance of their Offices. And the ſame Statute did alſo authorize the giving of other Directions, as unto them for the preſent Neceſſity ſhould ſeem good in their Diſcretions. It is now upon ſpecial Conſideration, thought very expedient for preventing and avoiding of Infection of Sickneſs (if it ſhall ſo pleaſe Almighty God) that theſe Officers following be appointed, and theſe Orders hereafter duly obſerved.
Examiners to be appointed in every Pariſh.
'FIRST, It is thought requiſite, and ſo ordered, that in every Pariſh there be one, two, or more Perſons of good Sort and Credit, choſen and appointed by the Alderman, his Deputy, and common-Council of every Ward, by the Name of Examiners, to continue in that Office the Space of two Months at leaſt: And if any fit Perſon ſo appointed, ſhall refuſe to ​undertake the ſame, the ſaid parties ſo refuſing, to he committed to Priſon until they ſhall conform themſelves accordingly.
The Examiners Office.
'THAT theſe Examiners be ſworn by the Aldermen, to enquire and learn from time to time what Houſes in every Pariſh be Viſited, and what Perſons be Sick, and of what Diſeaſes, as near as they can inform themſelves; and upon doubt in that Caſe, to command Reſtraint of Acceſs, until it appear what the Diſeaſe ſhall prove: And if they find any Perſon ſick of the Infection, to give order to the Conſtable that the Houſe be ſhut up; and if the Conſtable ſhall be found Remiſs or Negligent, to give preſent Notice thereof to the Alderman of the Ward.
Watchmen.
'THAT to every infected Houſe there be appointed two Watchmen, one for every Day, and the other for the Night: And that theſe Watchmen have a ſpecial care that no Perſon go in or out of ſuch infected Houſes, whereof they have the Charge, upon pain of ſevere Puniſhment. And the ſaid Watchman to do ſuch further Offices as the ſick Houſe ſhall need and require: and if the Watchmen be ſent upon any Buſineſs, to lock up the Houſe, and take the Key with him: And the Watchman by Day to attend until ten of the Clock at Night: And the Watchman by Night untill ſix in the Morning.
Searchers.
'THAT there be a ſpecial care to appoint Women-Searchers in every Pariſh, ſuch as are of honeſt Reputation, and of the beſt Sort as can be got in this kind: And theſe to be ſworn to ​make due Search, and true Report to the utmoſt of their Knowledge, whether the Perſons whoſe Bodies they are appointed to Search, do die of the Infection, or of what other Diſeaſes, as near as they can. And that the Phyſicians who ſhall be appointed for Cure and Prevention of the Infection, do call before them the ſaid Searchers, who are, or ſhall be appointed for the ſeveral Pariſhes under their reſpective Cares; to the end they may conſider, whether they are fitly qualified for that Employment; and charge them from time to time as they ſhall ſee Cauſe, if they appear defective in their Duties.
That no Searcher during this time of Viſitation, be permitted to uſe any publick Work or Employment, or keep any Shop or Stall, or be employed as a Landreſs; or in any other common Employment whatſoever.
Chirurgeons.
'FOR better aſſiſtance of the Searchers, for as much as there hath been heretofore great abuſe in miſreporting the Diſeaſe, to the further ſpreading of the Infection: It is therefore ordered, that there be choſen and appointed able and diſcreet Chirurgeons, beſides thoſe that do already belong to the Peſt-Houſe: Amongſt whom the City and Liberties to be quartered as the places lie moſt apt and convenient; and every of theſe to have one Quarter for his Limit: and the ſaid Chirurgeons in every of their Limits to join with the Searchers for the View of the Body, to the end there may be a true Report made of the Diſeaſe.
And further, that the ſaid Chirurgeons ſhall viſit and ſearch ſuch like Perſons as ſhall either ſend for them, or be named and directed unto them, by the Examiners of every Pariſh, and inform themſelves of the Diſeaſe of the ſaid Parties.
​And foraſmuch as the ſaid Chirurgeons are to be ſequeſtred from all other Cures, and kept only to this Diſeaſe of the Infection; It is order'd, That every of the ſaid Chirurgeons ſhall have Twelve-pence a Body ſearched by them, to be paid out of the Goods of the Party ſearched, if he be able, or otherwiſe by the Pariſh.
Nurſe-keepers.
'IF any Nurſe-keeper ſhall remove her ſelf out of any infected Houſe before twenty eight Days after the Deceaſe of any Perſon dying of the Infection, the Houſe to which the ſaid Nurſe-keeper doth ſo remove her ſelf, ſhall be ſhut up until the ſaid twenty eight Days be expired.
Orders concerning infected Houſes, and Perſons ſick of the Plague.
Notice to be given of the Sickneſs.
'THE Maſter of every Houſe, as ſoon as any one in his Houſe complaineth, either of Botch, or Purple, or Swelling in any part of his Body, or falleth otherwiſe dangerouſly Sick, without apparent Cauſe of ſome other Diſeaſe, ſhall give knowledge thereof to the Examiner of Health, within two Hours after the ſaid Sign ſhall appear.
Sequeſtration of the Sick.
'AS ſoon as any Man ſhall be found by this Examiner, Chirurgeon or Searcher to be ſick of the Plague, he ſhall the ſame Night be ſequeſtred in the ſame Houſe, and in caſe he be ſo ſequeſtred, then, though he afterwards die not, the Houſe wherein he ſickned, ſhould be ſhut up for a Month, ​after the uſe of the due Preſervatives taken by the reſt.
Airing the Stuff.
'FOR Sequeſtration of the Goods and Stuff of the Infection, their Bedding, and Apparel, and Hangings of Chambers, muſt be well aired with Fire, and ſuch Perſumes as are requiſite within the infected Houſe, before they be taken again to uſe: This to be done by the Appointment of the Examiner.
Shutting up of the Houſe.
'IF any Perſon ſhall have viſited any Man, known to be infected of the Plague, or entred willingly into any known infected Houſe, being not allowed: The Houſe wherein he inhabiteth, ſhall be ſhut up for certain Days by the Examiners Direction.
None to be removed out of infected Houſes, but, &c.
'ITEM, That none be remov'd out of the Houſe where he falleth ſick of the Infection, into any other Houſe in the City, (except it be to the Peſt-Houſe or a Tent, or unto ſome ſuch Houſe, which the Owner of the ſaid viſited Houſe holdeth in his own Hands, and occupieth by his own Servants) and ſo as Security be given to the Pariſh, whither ſuch Remove is made; that the Attendance and Charge about the ſaid viſited Perſons ſhall be obſerved and charged in all the Particularities before expreſſed, without any Coſt of that Pariſh, to which any ſuch Remove ſhall happen to be made, and this Remove to be done by Night: And it ſhall be lawful to any Perſon that hath two Houſes, to remove either his ſound or his infected People to his ſpare Houſe at his choice, ſo as if he ſend away firſt his Sound, he not after ſend thither the Sick, nor again unto the Sick the Sound. And that the ſame ​which he ſendeth, be for one Week at the leaſt ſhut up, and ſecluded from Company, for fear of ſome Infection, at the firſt not appearing.
Burial of the Dead.
'THAT the Burial of the Dead by this Viſitation, be at moſt convenient Hours, always either before Sun-riſing, or after Sun-ſetting, with the Privity of the Church-wardens or Conſtable; and not otherwiſe; and that no Neighbours not Friends be ſuffered to accompany the Corps to Church, or to enter the Houſe viſited, upon pain of having his Houſe ſhut up, or be impriſoned.
And that no Corps dying of Infection ſhall be buried, or remain in any Church in time of Common-Prayer, Sermon, or Lecture. And that no Children be ſuffered at time of burial of any Corps in any Church, Church-yard, or Burying-place to come near the Corps, Coffin, or Grave. And that all the Graves ſhall be at leaſt ſix Foot deep.
And further, all publick Aſſemblies at other Burials are to be forborn during the Continuance of this Viſitation.
No infected Stuff to be uttered.
'THAT no Clothes, Stuff, Bedding or Garments be ſuffered to be carried or conveyed out of any infectd Houſes, and that the Criers and Carriers abroad of Bedding or old Apparel to be ſold of pawned, be utterly prohibited and reſtrained, and no Brokers of Bedding or old Apparel be permitted to make any outward Shew, or hang forth on their Stalls, Shopboards or Windows towards any Street, Lane, Common-way or Paſſage, any old Bedding or Apparel to be ſold, upon pain of Impriſonment. And if any Broker or other Perſon that buy any Bedding, Apparel, or other Stuff out of any infected Houſe, within two Months after the Infection ​hath been there, his Houſe ſhall be ſhut up as Infected, and ſo ſhall continue ſhut up twenty Days at the leaſt.
No Perſon to be conveyed out of any infected Houſe.
'IF any Perſon viſited do fortune by negligent looking unto, or by any other Means, to come, or be conveyed from a Place infected, to any other Place, the Pariſh from whence ſuch Party hath come or been conveyed, upon notice thereof given, ſhall at their Charge cauſe the ſaid Party ſo viſited and eſcaped, to be carried and brought back again by Night, and the Parties in this caſe offending, to be puniſhed at the Direction of the Alderman of the Ward; and the Houſe of the Receiver of ſuch viſited Perſon, to be ſhut up for twenty Days.
Every viſited Houſe to be marked.
'THAT red Croſs of a Foot long, in the middle of the Door, evident to be ſeen, and with theſe uſual printed Words, that is to ſay, Lord have Mercy upon us, to be ſet cloſe over the ſame Croſs, there to continue until lawful opening of the ſame Houſe.
Every viſited Houſe to be watched.
'THAT the Conſtables ſee every Houſe ſhut up, and to be attended with Watchmen, which may keep them in, and miniſter Neceſſaries unto them at their own Charges (if they be able,) or at the common Charge, if they be unable: The ſhutting up to be for the ſpace of four Weeks after all be whole.
'That preciſe Order be taken that the Searchers, Chirurgeons, Keepers and Buriers are not to paſ the Streets without holding a red Rod or Wand of three Foot in Length in their Hands, open and evident to be ſeen, and are not to go into any other ​Houſe then into their own, or into that whereunto they are directed or ſent for; but to forbear and abſtain from Company, eſpecially when they have been lately uſed in any ſuch Buſineſs or Attendance.
Inmates.
'THAT where ſeveral Inmates are in one and the ſame Houſe, and any Perſon in that Houſe happens to be Infected; no other Perſon of Family of ſuch Houſe ſhall be ſuffered to remove him or themſelves without a Certificate from the Examiners of Health of that Pariſh; or in default thereof, the Houſe whither he or they ſo remove, ſhall be ſhut up as in caſe of Viſitation.
Hackney-Coaches.
'THAT care be taken of Hackney-Coach-men, that they may not (as ſome of them have been obſerved to do) after carrying of infected Perſons to the Peſt-Houſe, and other Places, be admitted to common uſe, till their Coaches be well aired, and have ſtood unemploy'd by the Space of five or ſix Days after ſuch Service.
Orders for cleanſing and keeping of the Streets Sweet.
The Streets to be kept clean.
'FIRST, it is thought neceſſary, and ſo ordered, that every Houſholder do cauſe the Street to be daily prepared before his Door, and ſo to keep it clean ſwept all the Week long.
That Rakers take it from out the Houſes.
'THAT the Sweeping and Filth of Houſes be daily carry'd away by the Rakers, and that the Raker ſhall give notice of his coming, by the ​the blowing of a Horn, as hitherto hath been done.
Layſtalls to be made far off from the City.
'THAT the Layſtalls be removed as far as may be out of the City, and common Paſſages, and that no Nightman or other be ſuffered to empty a Vault into any Garden near about the City.
Care to be had of unwholſome Fiſh or Fleſh, and of muſty Corn.
'THAT ſpecial care be taken, that no ſtinking Fiſh, or unwholeſome Fleſh, or muſty Corn, or other corrupt Fruits, of what Sort ſoever be ſuffered to be ſold about the City, or any part of the ſame.
'That the Brewers and Tippling-houſes be looked unto, for muſty and unwholſome Casks.
'That no Hogs, Dogs, or Cats, or tame Pigeons, or Conies, be ſuffered to be kept within any part of the City, or any Swine to be, or ſtray in the Streets or Lanes, but that ſuch Swine be impounded by the Beadle or any other Officer, and the Owner puniſhed according to Act of Common Council, and that the Dogs be killed by the Dog-killers appointed for that purpoſe.
ORDERS concerning looſe Perſons and idle Aſſemblies.
Beggers.
'FOr ras much as nothing is more complained of, than the Multitude of Rogues and wandring Beggars, that ſwarm in every place about the City, being a great cauſe of the ſpreading of the ​Infection, and will not be avoided, notwithſtanding any Order that have been given to the contrary: It is therefore now ordered, that ſuch Conſtables, and others, whom this Matter may any way concern, take ſpecial care that no wandring Begger be ſuffered in the Streets of this City, in any faſhion or manner, whatſoever, upon the Penalty provided by the Law to be duely and ſeverely executed upon them.
Plays.
'THAT all Plays, Bear-Baitings, Games, ſinging of Ballads, Buckler-play, or ſuch like Cauſes of Aſſemblies of People, be utterly prohibited, and the Parties offending ſeverely puniſhed by every Alderman in his Ward.
Feaſting Prohibited.
'THAT all publick Feaſting, and particularly by the Companies of this City, and Dinners at Taverns, Alehouſes, and other Places of common Entertainment be forborn till further Order and Allowance; and that the Money thereby ſpared, be preſerved and employed for the Benefit and Relief of the Poor viſited with the Infection.
Tipling-Houſes.
'THAT diſorderly Tipling in Taverns, Ale-houſes, Coffe-houſs, and Cellars be ſeverely looked unto, as the common Sin of this Time, and greateſt occaſion of diſperſing the Plague. And that no Company or Perſon be ſuffered to remain or come into any Tavern, Ale-houſe, or Coffe-houſe to drink after nine of the Clock in the Evening, according to the antient Law and Cuſtom of this City, upon the Penalties ordained in that Behalf.
​'And for the better execution of theſe Orders, and ſuch other Rules and Directions as upon further conſideration ſhall be found needful; It is ordered and enjoined that the Aldermen, Deputies, and Common-Council-men ſhall meet together weekly, once, twice, thrice, or oftner, (as cauſe ſhall require) at ſome one general Place accuſtomed in their reſpective Wards (being clear from Infection of the Plague) to conſult how the ſaid Orders may be duly put in Execution; not intending that any, dwelling in or near Places infected, ſhall come to the ſaid Meeting whiles their coming may be doubtful. And the ſaid Aldermen, and Deputies, and Common-Councilmen in their ſeveral Wards may put in Execution any other good Orders that by them at their ſaid Meetings ſhall be conceived and deviſed, for Preſervation of His Majeſty's Subjects from the Infection,'
| Sir John Lawrence Lord Mayor. | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ | Sir George Waterman | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ | Sheriffs, |
| Sir John Lawrence Lord Mayor. | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ | Sir Charles Doe. | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ | Sheriffs, |
I need not ſay, that theſe Orders extended only to ſuch Places as were within the Lord Mayor's jurisdiction; ſo it is requiſite to obſerve, that the Juſtices of Peace, within thoſe Pariſhes, and Places as were called the Hamlets, and Out-parts, took the ſame Method: As I remember, the Orders for ſhutting up of Houſes, did not take Place ſo ſoon on our Side, becauſe, as I ſaid before, the Plague did not reach to theſe Eaſtern Parts of the Town, at leaſt, nor begin to be very violent, till the beginning of Auguſt. For Example, the whole Bill from the 11th to the 18th of July, was 1761, yet there dy'd but 71 of the Plague, in all thoſe Pariſhes we call the Tower-Hamlets, and they were as follows.
| Algate | 14 | the next Week was, thus. | 34 | and to the, 1ſt of Aug., thus. | 65 |
| Stepney | 33 | the next Week was, thus. | 58 | and to the, 1ſt of Aug., thus. | 76 |
| White-Chappel | 21 | the next Week was, thus. | 48 | and to the, 1ſt of Aug., thus. | 79 |
| St. Kath. Tower | 2 | the next Week was, thus. | 4 | and to the, 1ſt of Aug., thus. | 4 |
| Trin. Minories | 1 | the next Week was, thus. | 1 | and to the, 1ſt of Aug., thus. | 4 |
| | 71 | | 145 | | 228 |
It was indeed, coming on a main; for the Burials that ſame Week, were in the next adjoining Pariſhes, thus,
| St. Len. Shorditch | 64 | the next Week prodigiouſly en- creaſed, | 84 | to the 1ſt of Aug. thus | 110 |
| St. But. Biſhopſg. | 65 | the next Week prodigiouſly en- creaſed, | 105 | to the 1ſt of Aug. thus | 116 |
| St. Giles Crippl. | 213 | the next Week prodigiouſly en- creaſed, | 421 | to the 1ſt of Aug. thus | 554 |
| | 342 | | 610 | | 780 |
This ſhutting up of houſes was at firſt counted a very cruel and Unchriſtian Method, and the poor People ſo confin'd made bitter Lamentations; Complaints of the Severity of it, were alſo daily brought to my Lord Mayor, of Houſes cauſeleſſly, (and ſome maliciouſly) ſhut up: I cannot ſay, but upon Enquiry, many that complained ſo loudly, were found in a Condition to be continued, and others again Inſpection being made upon the ſick Perſon, and the Sickneſs not appearing infections, or if uncertain, yet, on his being content to be carried to the Peſt-Houſe, were releaſed.
It is true, that the locking up the Doors of Peoples Houſes, and ſetting a Watchman there Night and Day, to prevent their ſtirring out, or any coming to them, when, perhaps, the ſound People, in the Family, might have eſcaped, if they had been remov'd from the Sick, looked very hard and cruel; and many People periſhed in theſe miſerable Confinements, which 'tis ​reaſonable to believe, would not have been diſtemper'd if they had had Liberty, tho' the Plague was in the Houſe; at which the People were very clamorous and uneaſie at firſt, and ſeveral Violences were committed, and Injuries offered to the Men, who were ſet to watch the Houſes ſo ſhut up; alſo ſeveral People broke out by Force, in many Places, as I ſhall obſerve by and by: But it was a publick Good that juſtified the private Miſchief; and there was no obtaining the leaſt Mitigation, by any Application to Magiſtrates, or Government, at that Time, at leaſt, not that I heard of. This put the People upon all Manner of Stratagem, in order, if poſſible, to get out, and it would fill a little Volume, to ſet down the Arts us'd by the People of ſuch Houſes, to ſhut the Eyes of the Watchmen, who were employ'd, to deceive them, and to eſcape, or break out from them, in which frequent Scuffles, and ſome Miſchief happened; of which by it ſelf.
As I went along Houndſditch one Morning, about eight a-Clock, there was a great Noiſe; it is true indeed, there was not much Croud, becaſe People were not very free to gather together, or to ſtay long together, when they were there, nor did I ſtay long there: But the Outcry was loud enough to prompt my Curioſity, and I call'd to one that look'd out of a Window, and ask'd what was the Matter.
A Watchman, it ſeems, had been employed to keep his Poſt at the Door of a Houſe, which was infected, or ſaid to be infected, and was ſhut up; he had been there all Night for two Nights together, as he told his Story, and the Day Watchman had been there one Day and was now come to relieve him: All this while no Noiſe had been heard in the Houſe, no Light had been ſee; they call'd for nothing, ſent him of no ​, which us'd to be the chief Buſineſs of the Watchman, neither had they given him any Diſturbance, as he ſaid, from the Monday afternoon, when he heard great crying and ſcreaming in the Houſe, which, as he ſuppoſed, was occaſioned by ſome of the Family dying juſt at that Time: it ſeems the Night before, the Dead-Cart, as it was called, had been ſtopt there, and a Servant-Maid had been brought down to the Door dead, and the Buriers or Bearers, as they were call'd, put her into the Cart, wrapt only in a green Rug, and carried her away.
The Watchman had knock'd at the Door, it ſeems, when he heard that Noiſe and Crying, as above, and no Body anſwered, a great while; but at laſt one look'd out and ſaid with an angry quick Tone, and yet a Kind of crying Voice, or a Voice of one that was crying, What d'ye want, that ye make ſuch a knocking? He anſwer'd, I am the Watchman! how do you do? What is the Matter? The Perſon anſwered, What is that to you? Stop the Dead-Cart. This it ſeems, was about one a-Clock; ſoon after, as the Fellow ſaid, he ſtopped the Dead-Cart, and then knock'd again, but no Body anſwer'd: He continued knocking, and the Bellman call'd out ſeveral Times, Bring out your Dead, but no Body anſwered, till the Man that drove the Cart being call'd to other Houſes, would ſtay no longer, and drove away.
The Watchman knew not what to make of all this, ſo he let them alone, till the Morning-Man, or Day Watchman, as they call'd him, came to relieve him, giving him an Account of the Particulars, they knock'd at the Door a great while, but no body anſwered; and they obſerv'd, that the Window, or Caſement, at which the Perſon had look'd out, who had anſwerd before, continued open, being up two Pair of Stairs.
​Upon this, the two Men to ſatisſy their Curioſity, got a long Ladder, and one of them went up to the Window, and look'd into the Room, where he faw a Woman lying dead upon the Floor, in a diſmal Manner, having no Cloaths on her but her Shift: But tho' he call'd aloud, and putting in his long Staff, knock'd hard on the Floor, yet no Body ſtirr'd or anſwered; neither could he hear any Noiſe in the Houſe.
He came down again, upon this, and acquainted his Fellow, who went up alſo, and finding it juſt ſo, they reſolv'd, to acquaint either the Lord Mayor, or ſome other Magiſtrate of it, but did not offer to go in at the Window: The Magiſtrate it ſeems, upon the Information of the two Men, ordered the Houſe to be broken open, a Conſtable, and other Perſons being appointed to be preſent, that nothing might be plundred,; and accordingly it was ſo done, when no Body was found in the Houſe, but that young Woman, who having been infected, and paſt Recovery, the reſt had left her to die by her ſelf, and were every one gone, having found ſome Way to delude the Watchman, and get open the Door, of get out at ſome Back Door, or over the Tops of the Houſes, ſo that he knew nothing of it, and as to thoſe Crys and Shrieks, which he heard, it was ſuppos'd, they were the paſſionate Cries of the Family, at t he bitter parting, which, to be ſure, it was to them all; this being the Siſter to the Miſtreſs of the Family. The Man of the Houſe, his Wife, ſeveral Children, and Servants, being all gone and fled, whether ſick or ſound, that I could never learn, nor, indeed, did I make much Enquiry after it.
Many ſuch eſcapes were made, out of infected Houſes, as particularly, when the Watchman was ſent of ſome Errand; for it was his Buſineſs to go ​of any Errand, that the Family ſent him of, that is to ſay, for Neceſſaries, ſuch as Food and Phyſick, to fetch Phyſicians, if they would come, or Surgeons, or Nurſes, or to order the Dead-Cart, and the like; But with this Condition too, that when he went, he was to lock up the Outer-Door of the Houſe, and take the Key away with him; to evade this, and cheat the Watchmen, People got two or three Keys made to their Locks, or they found Ways to unſcrew the Locks, ſuch as were ſcrew'd on, and ſo take off the Lock, being in the Inſide of the Houſe, and while they ſent away the Watchman to the Market, to the Bakehouſe, or for one Trifle or another, open the Door, and go out as often as they pleas'd: But this being found out, the Officers afterwards had Orders to Padlock up the Doors on the Outſide, and place Bolts on them as they thought fit.
At another Houſe, as I was inform'd, in the Street next within Algate, a whole Family was ſhut up and lock'd in, becauſe the Maid-Servant was taken ſick; the Maſter of the Houſe had complain'd by his Friends to the next Alderman, and to the Lord Mayor, and had conſented to have the Maid carried to the Peſt-Houſe, but was refuſed, ſo the Door was marked with a red Croſs, a Padlock on the Outſide, as above, and a Watchman ſet to keep the Door according to publick Order.
After the Maſter of the Houſe found there was no Remedy, but that he, his Wife and his Children were to be lockt up with this poor diſtempered Servant; he call'd to the Watchman, and told him, he muſt go then and fetch a Nurſe for them, to attend this poor Girl, for that it would be certain Death to them all to oblige them to nurſe her, and told him plainly, that if he would not do this, the Maid muſt periſh either of the ​Diſtemper, or be ſtarv'd for want of Food; for he was reſolv'd none of his Family, ſhould go near her; and ſhe lay in the Garret four Story high, where ſhe could not Cry out, or call to any Body for Help.
The Watchman conſented to that, and went and fetch'd a Nurſe as he was appointed, and brought her to them the ſame Evening; during this interval, the Maſter of the Houſe took his Opportunity to break a large Hole thro' his Shop into a Bulk or Stall, where formerly a Cobler had ſat, before or under his Shop-window; but the Tenant as may be ſuppoſed, at ſuch a diſmal Time as that, was dead or remov'd, and ſo he had the Key in his own keeping; having made his Way into this Stall, which he cou'd not have done, if the Man had been at the Door, the Noiſe he was obliged to make, being ſuch as would have alarm'd the Watchman; I ſay, having made his Way into this Stall, he ſat ſtill till the Watchman return'd with the Nurſe, and all the next Day alſo; but the Night following, having contriv'd to ſend the Watchman of another trifling Errand; which as I take it, was to an Apothecary's for a Plaſter for the Maid, which he was to ſtay for the making up, or ſome other ſuch Errand that might ſecure his ſtaying ſome Time; in that Time he conveyed himſelf, and all his Family out of the Houſe, and left the Nurſe and the Watchman to bury the poor Wench; that is, throw her into the Cart, and take care of the Houſe.
I cou'd give a great many ſuch Stories as theſe, diverting enough, which in the long Courſe of that diſmal Year, I met with, that is heard of, and which are very certain to be true, or very near the Truth; that is to ſay, true in the General, for no Man could at ſuch a Time, learn all the Particulars: There was likewiſe Violence uſed with ​the Watchmen, as was reported in abundance of Places; and I believe, that from the Beginning of the Viſitation to the End, there was not leſs than eighteen or twenty of them kill'd, or ſo wounded as to be taken up for Dead, which was snppos'd to be done by the People in the infected Houſes which were ſhut up, and where they attempted to come out, and were oppos'd. Nor indeed cou'd leſs be expected, for here were juſt ſo many Priſons in the Town, as there were Houſes ſhut up; and as the People ſhut up or impriſon'd ſo, were guilty of no Crime, only ſhut up becauſe miſerable, it was really the more intollerable to them.
It had alſo this Difference; that every Priſon, as we may call it, had but one Jaylor; and as he had the whole Houſe to Guard, and that many Houſes were ſo ſituated, as that they had ſeveral Ways out, ſome more, ſome leſs,and ſome into ſeveral Streets; it was impoſſible for one Man ſo to Guard all the Paſſages, as to prevent the eſcape of People, made deſperate by the fright of their Circumſtances, by the Reſentment of their uſage, or by the raging of the Diſtemper itſelf; ſo that they would talk to the Watchman on one Side of the Houſe, while the Family made their eſcape at another.
For example, in Coleman-ſtreet, there are abundance of Alleys, as appears ſtill; a Houſe was ſhut up in that they call Whites-Alley, and this Houſe had a back Window, not a Door into a Court, which had a Paſſage into Bell-Alley; a Watchman was ſet by the Conſtable, at the Door of this Houſe, and there he ſtood, or his Comrade Night and Day, while the Family went all away in the Evening, out at that Window into the Court, and left the poor Fellows warding, and watching, for near a Fortnight.
​Not far from the ſame Place, they blow'd up a Watchman with Gun-powder, and burnt the poor Fellow dreadfully, and while he made hidious Crys, and no Body would venture to come near to help him; the whole Family that were able to ſtir, got out at the Windows one Story high; two that were left Sick, calling out for Help; Care was taken to give them Nurſes to look after them, but the Perſons fled were never found, till after the Plague was abated they return'd, but as nothing cou'd be prov'd, ſo nothing could be done to them.
It is to be conſider'd too, that as theſe were Priſons without Barrs and Bolts, which our common Priſons are furniſh'd with, ſo the People let themſelves down out of their Windows, even in the Face of the Watchman, bringing Swords or Piſtols in their Hands, and threatening the poor Wretch to ſhoot him, if he ſtir'd, or call'd for Help.
In other Caſes, ſome had Gardens, and Walls, or Pales between them and their Neighbours; or Yards, and back-Houſes; and theſe by Friendſhip and Entreaties, would get leave to get over thoſe Walls, or Pales, and ſo go out at their Neighbour's Doors; or by giving Money to their Servants, get them, to let them thro' in the Night; ſo that in ſhort, the ſhutting up of Houſes, was in no wiſe to be depended upon; neither did it anſwer the End at all; ſerving more to make the People deſperate, and drive them to ſuch Extremities, as that, they would break out at all Adventures.
And that which was ſtill worſe, thoſe that did thus break out, ſpread the Infection farther by their wandring about with the Diſtemper upon them, in their deſperate Circumſtances, than they would otherwiſe have done; for whoever conſiders all the Particulars in ſuch Caſes muſt acknowlede; and we ​cannot doubt but the ſeverity of thoſe Confinements, made many People deſperate; and made them run out of their Houſes at all Hazards, and with the Plague viſibly upon them, not knowing either whither to go, or what to do, or indeed, what they did; and many that did ſo, were driven to dreadful Exigences and Extremeties, and Periſh'd in the Streets or Fields for meer Want, or drop'd down, by the raging violence of the Fever upon them: Others wandred into the Country, and went forward any Way, as their Deſperation guided them, not knowing whether they went or would go, till faint and tir'd, and not getting any Relief; the Houſes and Villages on the Road, refuſing to admit them to lodge, whether infected or no; they have periſh'd by the Road Side, or gotten into Barns and dy'd there, none daring to come to them, or relieve them, tho' perhaps not infected, for no Body would believe them.
On the other Hand, when the Plague at firſt ſeiz'd a Family, that is to ſay, when any one Body of the Family, had gone out, and unwarily or otherwiſe catch'd the Diſtemper and brought it Home, it was certainly known by the Family, before it was known to the Officers, who, as you will ſee by the Order, were appointed to examine into the Circumſtances of all ſick Perſons, when they heard of their being ſick.
In this Interval, between their being taken Sick, and the Examiners coming, the Maſter of the Houſe had Leiſure and Liberty to remove himſelf, or all his Family, if he knew whether to go, and many did ſo: But the great diſaſter was, that many did thus, after they were really infected themſelves, and ſo carry'd the Diſeaſe into the Houſes of thoſe who were ſo Hoſpitable as to receive them, which it muſt be confeſs'd was very cruel and ungrateful.
​And this was in Part, the Reaſon of the general Notion, or ſcandal rather, which went about of the Temper of People infected; Namely, that they did not take the leaſt care, or make any Scruple of infecting others; tho' I cannot ſay, but there might be ſome Truth in it too, but not ſo general as was reported. What natural Reaſon could be given, for ſo wicked a Thing, at a Time, when they might conclude themſelves juſt going to appear at the Barr of Divine Juſtice, I know not: I am very weil ſatisfy'd, that it cannot be reconcil'd to Religion and Principle, any more than it can be to Generoſity and Humanity; but I may ſpeak of that again.
I am ſpeaking now of People made deſperate, by the Apprehenſions of their being ſhut up, and their breaking out by Stratagem or Force, either before or after they were ſhut up, whoſe Miſery was not leſſen'd, when they were out, but ſadly encreaſed: On the other Hand, many that thus got away, had Retreats to go to, and other Houſes, where they lock'd themſelves up, and kept hid till the Plague was over; and many Families foreſeeing the Approach of the Diſtemper, laid up Stores of Proviſions, ſufficient for their whole Families, and ſhut them ſelves up, and that ſo entirely, that they were neither ſeen or heard of, till the Infection was quite ceaſed, and then came abroad Sound and Well: I might recollect ſeveral ſuch as theſe, and give you the Particular of their Management; for doubtleſs, it was the moſt effectual ſecure Step that cou'd be taken for ſuch, who ſe Circumſtance would not admit them to remove, or who had not Retreats abroad proper for the Caſe; for in being thus ſhut up, they were as if they had been a hundred Miles off: Nor do I remember, that any one of tho ſe Families miſcary'd; among theſe, ſeveral Dutch Merchants were ​particularly remarkable, who kept their Houſes like little Garriſons beſieged, ſuffering none to go in or out, or come near them; particularly one in a Court in Throckmorton Street, whoſe Houſe looked into Drapers Garden.
But I come back to the Caſe of Families infected, and ſhut up by the Magiſtrates, the Miſery of thoſe Families is not to be expreſs'd, and it was generally in ſuch Houſes that we heard the moſt diſmal Shrieks and Out-cries of the poor People terrified, and even frighted to Death, by the Sight of the Condition of their deareſt Relations,and by the Terror of being impriſoned as they were.
I remember, and while I am writing this Story, I think I hear the very Sound of it, a certain Lady had an only Daughter, a young Maiden about 19 Years old, and who was poſſeſſed of a very Conſiderable Fortune, they were only Lodgers in the Houſe where they were: The young Woman, her Mother, and the Maid, had been abroad on ſome Occaſion, I do not remember what, for the Houſe was not ſhut up; but about two Hours after they came home, the young Lady complain'd ſhe was not well; in a quarter of an Hour more, ſhe vomited, and had a violent Pain in her Head. Pray God, ſays her Mother in a terrible Fright, my Child has not the Diſtemper! The Pain in her Head increaſing, her Mother ordered the Bed to be warm'd, and reſolved to put her to Bed, and prepared to give her things to ſweat, which was the ordinary Remedy to be taken, which was the firſt Apprehenſions of the Diſtemper began.
While the Bed was airing, the Mother undreſſed the young Woman, and juſt as ſhe was laid, down in the Bed, ſhe looking upon her Body with a Candle, immediately diſcovered the fatal Tokens on the Inſide of her Thighs. Her Mother ​not being able to contain herſelf, threw down her Candle, and ſeriekt out in ſuch a frightful Manner, that it was enough to place Horror upon the ſtouteſt Heart in the World; nor was it one Skream, or one Cry, but the Fright, having ſeiz'd her Spirits, ſhe fainted firſt, then recovered, then ran all over the Houſe, up the Stairs and down the Stairs, like one diſtracted, and indeed really was diſtracted, and continued ſcreching and crying out for ſeveral Hours, void of all Senſe, or at leaſt, Government of her Senſes, and as I was told, never came throughly to herſelf again: As to the young Maiden, ſhe was a dead Corpſe from that Moment; for the Gangren which occaſions the Spots had ſpread her whole Body and ſhe died in leſs than two Hours: But ſtill the Mother continued crying out, not knowing any Thing more of her. Child, ſeveral Hours after ſhe was dead. It as ſo long ago, that I am not certain, but I think the Mother never recover'd, but died in two or three Weeks after.
This was an extraordinary Caſe, and I am therefore the more particular in it, becauſe I came ſo much to the Knowledge of it; but there were innumerable ſuch like Caſes; and it was ſeldom, that the Weekly Bill came in but there were two or three put in frighted, that is, that may well be call'd, frighted to Death: But beſides thoſe, who were ſo frighted to die upon the Spot there were great Numbers frighted to other Extreams, ſome frighted out of their Senſes, ſome out of their Memory, and ſome out of their Underſtanding: But I return to the ſhutting up of Hones.
As ſeveral People, I ſay, got out of their Houſes by Stratagem, after they were ſhut up, ſo others got out by bribing the Watchmen, and giving them Money to let them go privately out in the Night. I muſt confeſs, I thought it at that time, ​the moſt innocent Corruption, or Bribery, that any Man could be guilty of; and therefore could not but pity the poor Men, and think it was hard when three of thoſe Watchmen, were publickly whipt thro' the Streets, for ſuffering People to go out of Houſes ſhut up.
But notwithſtanding that Severity, Money prevail'd with the poor Men, and many Families found Means to make Salleys out, and eſcape that way after they had been ſhut up; but theſe were generally ſuch as had ſome Places to retreat to; and tho' there was no eaſie paſſing the Roads any whither, after the firſt of Augſt, yet there were many Ways of retreat, and particularly, as I hinted, ſome got Tents and ſet them up in the Fields, carrying Beds, or Straw to lie on, and Proviſions to eat, and ſo liv'd in them as Hermits in a Cell; for no Body would venture to come near them; and ſeveral Stories were told of ſuch; ſome comical, ſome tragical, ſome who liv'd like wandring Pilgrims in the Deſarts, and eſcaped by making themſelves Exiles in ſuch a Manner as is ſcarce to be credited, and who yet enjoyed more Liberty than was to be expected in ſuch Caſes.
I have by me a Story of two Brothers and their Kinſman, who being ſingle Men, but that had ſtay'd in the City too long to get away, and indeed, not knowing where to go to have any Retreat, nor having wherewith to travel far, took a Courſe for their own Preſervation, which, tho' in it ſelf at firſt, deſperate, yet was ſo natural, that it may be wondred, that no more did ſo at that Time. They were but of mean Condition, and yet not ſo very poor, as that they could not furniſh themſelves with ſome little Conveniencies, ſuch as might ſerve to keep Life and Soul together; and finding the Diſtemper increaſing ​in a terrible Manner, they reſolved to ſhift, as well as they could, and to be gone.
One of them had been a Soldier in the late Wars, and before that in the Low Countries, and having been bred to no particular Employment but his Arms, and beſides being wounded, and not able to work very hard, had for ſome Time been employ'd at a Baker's of Sea Bisket in Wapping.
The Brother of this Man was a Seaman too, but ſome how or other, had been hurt of one Leg, that he could not go to Sea, but had work'd for his Living at a Sail Makers in Wapping, or there abouts; and being a good Husband, had laid up ſome Money, and was the richeſt of the Three.
The third Man was a Joiner or Carpenter by Trade, a handy Fellow; and he had no Wealth, but his Box, or Basket of Tools, with the Help of which he could at any Time get his Living, ſuch a Time as this excepted, wherever he went, and he liv'd near Shadwel.
They all liv'd in Stepney Pariſh, which, as I have ſaid, being the laſt that was infected, or at leaſt violently, they ſtay'd there till they evidently ſaw the Plague was abating at the Weſt Part of the Town, and coming towards the Eaft where they livd.
The Story of thoſe three Men, if the Reader will be content to have me give it in their own Perſons, without taking upon me to either vouch the Particulars, or anſwer for any Miſtakes. I ſhall give as diſtinctly as I can, believing the Hiſtory will be a very good Pattern for any poor Man to follow, in caſe the like Publick Deſolation ſhould happen here; and if there may be no ſuch Occaſion, which God of his infinite Mercy grant us, ſhall the Story may have its Uſes ſo many Ways as that it will, I hope, never be ſaid, that the relating has been unprofitable.
​I ſay all this previous to the Hiſtory, having yet, for the preſent, much more to ſay before quit my own Part.
I went all the firſt Part of the Time freely about the Streets, tho' not ſo freely as to run my ſelf into apparent Danger, except when they dug the great Pit in the Church-Yard of our Pariſh of Algate; a terrible Pit it was, and I could not reſiſt my Curioſity to go and ſee it; as near as I may judge, it was about 40 Foot in Length, and about 15 or 16 Foot broad; and at the Time I firſt looked at it, about nine Foot deep; but it was ſaid, they dug it near 20 Foot deep afterwards, in one Part of it, till they could go no deeper for the Water: for they had it ſeems, dug ſeveral large Pits before this, for tho' the Plague was long a-coming to our Pariſh, yet when it did come, there was no Parſh in or about London, where it raged with ſuch Violence as in the two Pariſhes of Algate and White Chapel.
I ſay they had dug ſeveral Pits in another Ground, when the Diſtemper began to ſpread in our Parish, and eſpecially when the Dead-Carts began to go about, which, was not in our Pariſh, till the beginning of Auguſt. Into theſe Pits they had put perhaps 50 or 60 Bodies each, then they made larger Holes, wherein they buried all that the Cart brought in a Week, which by the middle, to the End of Auguſt, came to, from 200 to 400 Week; and they could not well dig them larger, becauſe of the Order of the Magiſtrates, confining them to leave no Bodies within ſix Foot of the Surface; and the Water coming on, at about 17 or 18 Foot, they could not well, I ſay, put more in one Pit; but now at the Beginning of September, the Plague raging in a dreadful Manner, and the Number of Burials in our Pariſh increaſing to more than was ever buried in any Pariſh about London, ​of no larger Extent, they ordered this dreadful Gulph to be dug; for ſuch it was rather than a Pit.
They had ſuppoſed this Pit would have ſupply'd them for a Month or more, when they dug it, and ſome blam'd the Church Wardens for ſuffering ſuch a frightful Thing, telling them they were making Preparations to bury the whole Pariſh, and the like; but Time made it appear, the Church-Wardens knew the Condition of the Pariſh better than they did; for the Pit being finiſhed the 4th of September, I think, they began to bury in it the 6th, and by the 20, which was juſt two Weeks they had thrown into it 1114 Bodies, when they were obliged to fill it up, the Bodies being then come to lie within ſix Foot of the Surface: I doubt not but there may be ſome antient Perſons alive in the Pariſh, who can juſtify the Fact of this, and are able to ſhew even in what Part of the ChurchYard, the Pit lay, better than I can; the Mark of it alſo was many Years to be ſeen in the Church-Yard on the Surface lying in Length, Parallel with the Paſſage which goes by the Weſt Wall of the Church-Yard, out of Houndſditch, and turns Eaſt again into White-Chappel, coming out near the three Nuns Inn.
It was about the 10th of September, that my Curioſity led, or rather drove me to go and ſee this Pit again, when there had been near 400 People buried in it; and I was not content to ſee it in the Day-time, as I had done before; for then there would have been nothing to have been ſeen but the looſe Earth; for all the Bodies that were thrown in, were immediately covered with Earth, by thoſe they call'd the Buryers, which at other Times were call'd Bearers; but I reſolv'd to go in the Night and ſee ſome of them thrown in.
There was a ſtrict Order to prevent People coming to thoſe Pits, and that was only to prevent Infection: But after ſome Time, that Order was ​more neceſſary, for People that were Infected, and near their End, and dilirious alſo, would run to thoſe Pits wrapt in Blankets, or Rugs, and throw themſelves in, and as they ſaid, bury themſelves: I cannot ſay, that the Officers ſuffered any willingly to lie there; bur I have heard, that in a great Pit in Finsbury, in the Pariſh of Cripplegate, it lying open then to the Fields; for it was not then wall'd about, came and threw themſelves in, and expired there, before they threw any Earth upon them; and that when they came to bury others, and found them there, they were quite dead, tho’ not cold.
This may ſerve a little to deſcribe the dreadful Condition of that Day, tho' it is impoſſible to ſay any Thing that is able to give a true Idea of it to thoſe who did not ſee it, other than this; that it was indeed very, very, very dreadful, and ſuch as no Tongue can expreſs.
I got Admittance into the Church-Yard by being acquainted with the Sexton, who attended, who tho' he did not refuſe me at all, yet earneſtly perſwaded me not to go; telling me very ſeriouſly, for he was a good religious and ſenſible Man, that it was indeed, their Buſineſs and Duty to venture, and to run all Hazards; and that in it they might hope to be preſerv'd; but that I had no apparent Call to it, but my own Curioſity, which he ſaid, he believ'd I would not pretend, was ſufficient to juſtify my running that Hazard. I told him I had been preſs'd in my Mind to go, and that perhaps it might be an Inſtructing Sight, that might not be without its Uſes. Nay, ſays the good Man, if you will venture upon that Score, 'Name of God go in; for depend upon it, ’twill be a Sermon to you, it may be, the beſt that ever you heard in your Life. 'Tis a ſpeaking Sight, ſays he, and has a Voice with it, and a loud one, to call us all to Repentance; and with that he opened the Door and ſaid, Go, if you will.
​His Diſcourſe had ſhock'd my Reſolution a little, and I ſtood wavering for a good while; but juſt at that Interval I ſaw two Links come over from the End of the Minories, and heard the Bell-man, and then appear'd a Dead-Cart, as they call'd it, coming over the Streets vo I could no longer reſiſt my Deſire of ſeeing it, and went in: There was no Body, as I could perceive at firſt, in the Church-Yard, or going into it, but the Buryers, and the Fellow that drove the Cart, or rather led the Horſe and Cart, but when they came up, to the Pit, they ſaw a Man go to and again, mufled up in a brown Cloak, and making Motions with his Hands, under his Cloak, as if he was in a great Agony; and the Buriers immediately gathered about him, ſuppoſing he was one of thoſe poor dilirious, or deſperate Creatures, that uſed to pretend, as I have ſaid, to bury themſelves; he ſaid nothing as he walk'd about, but two or three times groaned very deeply, and loud, and ſighed as he would break his Heart.
When the Buryers came up to him they ſoon found he was neither a Perſon infected and deſperate, as I have obſerved above, or a Perſon diſtempered in Mind, but one oppreſs'd with a dreadful Weight of Grief indeed, having his Wife and ſeveral of his Children, all in the Cart, that was juſt come in with him, and he followed in an Agony and exceſs of Sorrow. He mourned heartily, as it was eaſy to ſee, but with a kind of Maſculine Grief, that could not give it ſelf Vent by Tears, and calmly deſiring the Buriers to let him alone, ſaid he would only ſee the Bodies thrown in, and go away, ſo they left importuning him; but no ſooner was the Cart turned round, and the Bodies ſhot into the Pit promiſcuouſly, which was a Surprize to him, for he at leaſt expected they would have been decently laid in, tho' indeed he was afterwards ​convinced that was impractible; I ſay, no ſooner did he ſee the Sight, but he cry'd out aloud unable to contain himſelf; I could not hear what he ſaid, but he went backward two or three Steps, and fell down in a Swoon: the Buryers ran to him and took him up, and in a little While he came to himſelf, and they led him away to the Pye-Taverne over-againſt the End of Houndſditch, where, it ſeems, the Man was known, and where they took care of him. He look'd into the Pit again, as he went away, but the Buriers had covered the Bodies ſo immediately with throwing in Earth, that tho' there was Light enough, for there were Lantherns and Candles in them, plac'd all Night round the Sides of the Pit, upon the Heaps of Earth, ſeven or eight, or perhaps more, yet nothing could be ſeen.
This was a mournful Scene indeed, and affected me almoſt as much as the reſt; but the other was awful, and full of Terror, the Cart had in it ſixteen or ſeventeen Bodies, ſome were wrapt up in Linen Sheets, ſome in Rugs, ſome little other than naked, or ſo looſe, that what Covering they had, fell from them, in the ſhooting out of the Cart, and they fell quite naked among the reſt; but the Matter was not much to them, or the Indecency much to any one elſe, ſeeing they were all dead, and were to be huddled together into the common Grave of Mankind, as we may call it, for here was no Difference made, but Poor and Rich went together; there was no other way of Burials, neither was it poſſible there ſhould, for Coffins were not to be had for the prodigious Numbers that fell in ſuch a Calamity as this.
It was reported by way of Scandal upon the Buriers, that if any Corpſe was delivered to them, decently wound up as we call'd it then, in a Winding Sheet Ty'd over the Head and Feet, which ​ſome did, and which was generally of good Linen; I ſay, it was reported, that the Buriers were ſo wicked as to ſtrip them in the Cart, and carry them quite naked to the Ground: But as I can not eaſily credit any thing ſo vile among Chriſtians, and at a Time ſo fill'd with Terrors, as that was, I can only relate it and leave it undetermined.
Innumerable Stories alſo went about of the cruel Behaviours and Practiſes of Nurſes, who tended the Sick, and of their haſtening on the Fate of thoſe they tended in their Sickneſs: But I ſhall ſay more of this in its Place.
I was indeed ſhock'd with this Sight, it almoſt overwhelm'd me, and I went away with my Heart moſt afflicted and full of the afficting Thoughts, ſuch as I cannot deſcribe; juſt at my going out of the Church, and turning up the Street towards my own Houſe, I ſaw another Cart with Links, and a Bellman going before, coming out of Harrow-Alley, in the Butcher-Row, on the other Side of the Way, and being, as I perceived, very full of dead Bodies, it went directly over the Street alſo toward the Church: I ſtood a while, but I had no Stomach to go back again to ſee the ſame diſmal Scene over again, ſo I went directly Home, where I could not but conſider with Thankfulneſs, the Riſque I had run, believing I had gotten no Injury; as indeed I had not.
Here the poor unhappy Gentleman's Grief came into my head again, and indeed I could not but ſhed Tears in the Reflection upon it, perhaps more than he did himſelf; but his Caſe lay ſo heavy upon my Mind, that I could not prevail with my ſelf, but that I muſt go out again into the Street, and go to the Pye-Tavern, reſolving to enquire what became of him.
It was by this Time one a-Clock in the Morning, and yet the poor Gentleman was there; the ​Truth was, the People of the Houſe knowing him, had entertain'd him, and kept him there all the Night, notwithſtanding the Danger of being infected, by him, tho' it appear'd the Man was perfectly found in himſelf.
It is with Regret, that I take Notice of this Tavern; the People were civil, mannerly, and an obliging Sort of Folks enough, and had till this Time kept their Houſe open, and their Trade going on, tho' not ſo very publickly as formerly; but there was a dreadful Set of Fellows that uſed their Houfe, and who in the middle of all this Horror met there every Night, behaved with all the Revelling and roaring extravagances, as is uſual for ſuch People to do at other Times, and indeed to ſuch an offenſive Degree, that the very Maſter and Miſtreſs of the Houſe grew firſt aſham'd and then terrify'd at them.
They ſat generally, in a Room next the Street, and as they always kept late Hours, ſo when the Dead-Cart came croſs the Street End to go into Hounds-ditch, which was in View of the Tavern Windows; they would frequently open the Windows as ſoon as they heard the Bell, and look out at them; and as they might often hear ſad Lamentations of People in the Streets, or at their Windows, as the Carts went along, they would make their inpudent Mocks and Jeers at them, eſpecially if they heard the poor People call upon God to have Mercy upon them, as many would do at thoſe Times in their ordinary paſſing along the Streets.
Theſe Gentlemen being ſomething diſturb'd with the Clutter of bringing the poor Gentleman into the Houſe, as above, were firſt angry, and very high with the Maſter of the Houſe, for ſuffering ſuch a Fellow, as they call'd him, to be brought out of the Grave into their Houſe; but being anſwered, that the Man was a Neighbour, and that ​he was found, but overwhelmed with the Calamity of his Family, and the like, they turned their Anger into ridiculing the Man, and his Sorrow for his Wife and Children; taunted him with want of Courage to leap into the great Pit, and go to Heaven, as they jeeringly expreſs'd it, along with them, adding ſome very profane, and even blaſphemous Expreſſions.
They were at this vile Work when I came back to the Houſe, and as far as I could ſee, tho' the Man ſat ſtill, mute and diſconſolate, and their Affronts could not divert his Sorrow, yet he was both griev'd and offended at their Diſcourſe: Upon this; I gently reprov'd them, being well enough acquainted with their Characters, and not unknown in Perſon to two of them.
They immediately fell upon me with ill Language and Oaths; ask'd me what I did out of my Grave, at ſuch a Time when ſo many honeſter Men were carried into the Church-Yard? and why I was not at Home ſaying my Prayers, againſt the Dead-Cart came for me? and the like.
I was indeed aſtoniſhed at the Impudence of the Men, tho' not at all diſcompoſed at their Treatment of me; however I kept my Temper; I told them, that tho' I defy'd them, or any Man in the World to tax me with any Diſhoneſty, yet I acknowledg'd, that in this terrible Judgment of God, many better than I was ſwept away, and carried to their Grave: But to anſwer their Queſtion directly, the Caſe was, that I was mercifully preſerved by that great God, whoſe Name they had Blaſphemed and taken in vain, by curſing and ſwearing in a dreadful Manner; and that I believed I was preſerv'd in particular, among other Ends, of his Goodneſs, that I might reprove them for their audacious Boldneſs, in behaving in ſuch a Manner, and in ſuch an awful Time as this was, eſpecially, for ​their Jeering and Mocking, at an honeſt Gentleman, and a Neighbour, for ſome of them knew him, who they ſaw was overwhelm'd with Sorrow, for the Breaches which it had pleas'd God to make upon his Family.
I cannot call exactly to Mind the hellith abominable Rallery, which was the Return they made to that Talk of mine, being provoked, it ſeems, that I was not at all afraid to be free with them; nor if I could remember, would I fill my Account with any of the Words, the horrid Oaths, Curſes, and vile Expreſſions, ſuch, as at that time of the Day; even the worſt and ordinarieſt People in the Street would not uſe; (for except ſuch hardened Creatures as theſe, the moſt wicked wretches that could be found, had at that Time ſome Terror upon their Minds of the Hand of that Power which could thus, in a Moment deſtroy them.)
But that which was the worſt in all their devilliſh Language was, that they were not afraid to blaſpheme God, and talk Atheiſtically; making a Jeſt at my calling the Plague the Hand of God, mocking, and even laughing at the Word Judgment, as if the Providence of God had no Concern in the inflicting ſuch a deſolating Stroke; and that the People calling upon God, as they ſaw the Carts carrying away the dead Bodies was all enthuſiaſtick, abſurd, and impertinent.
I made them ſome Reply, ſuch as I thought proper, but which I found was ſo far from putting a Checque to their horrid Way of ſpeaking, that it made them rail the more, ſo that I confeſs it fill'd me with Horror, and a kind of Rage, and I came away, as I told them, left the Hand of that Judgment which had viſited the whole City ſhould glorify his Vengeance upon them, and all that were near them.
​They received all Reproof with the utmoſt Contempt, and made the greateſt Mockery that was poſible for them to do at me, giving me all the opprobrious inſolent Scoffs that they could think of for preaching to them, as they call'd it, which indeed, grieved me, rather than angred me; and I went away bleſſing God, however, in my Mind, that I had not ſpar'd them, tho' they had inſulted me ſo much.
They continued this wretched Courſe, three or four Day after this, continually mocking and jeering at all that ſhew'd themſelves religious, or ſerious, or that were any way touch'd with the Sence of the terrible Judgment of God upon us, and I was inform'd they flouted in the ſame Manner, at the good People, who, notwithſtanding the Contagion, met at the Church, faſted, and prayed to God to remove his Hand from them.
I ſay, they continued this dreadful Conrſe three or four Days, I think it was no more, when one of them, particularly he who ask'd the poor Gentleman what he did out of his Grave? was ſtruck from Heaven with the Plague, and died in a moſt deplorable Manner; and in a Word they were every one of them carried into the great Pit, which I have mentioned above, before it was quite fill'd up, which was not above a Fortnight or thereabout.
Theſe Men were guilty of many extravagances, ſuch as one would think, Human Nature ſhould have trembled at the Thoughts of, at ſuch a Time of general Terror, as was then upon us; and particularly ſcoffing and mocking at every thing which they happened to ſee, that was religious among the People, eſpecially at their thronging zealouſly to the Place of publick Worſhip, to implore Mercy from Heaven in ſuch a Time of Diſtreſs; and this Tavern, where they held their Club, being within View of the Church Door, they had the more particular Occaſion for their Atheiſtical profane Mirth.
​But this began to abate a little with them before the Accident, which I have related, happened; for the Infection increaſed ſo violently, at this Part of the Town now, that People began to be afraid to come to the Church, at leaſt ſuch Numbers did not reſort thither as was uſual; many of the Clergymen likewiſe were Dead, and others gone into the Country; for it really required a ſteady Courage, and a ſtrong Faith, for a Man not only to venture being in Town at ſuch a Time as this, but likewiſe to venture to come to Church and perform the Office of a Miniſter to a Congregation, of whom he had reaſon to believe many of them, were actually infected with the Plague, and to do this every Day, or twice a Day, as in ſome Places was done.
It is true, the People ſhew’d an extraordinary Zeal in theſe religious Exerciſes, and as the Church Doors were always open, People would go in ſingle at all Times, whether the Miniſter was officiating or no, and locking themſelves into ſeparate Pews, would be praying to God with great Fervency and Devotion.
Others aſſembled at Meeting-Houſes, every one as their different Opinions in ſuch Things guided, but all were promiſcuouſly the Subject of theſe Mens Drollery, eſpecially at the Beginning of the Viſitation.
It ſeems they had been check’d for their open inſulting Religion in this Manner, by ſeveral good People of every perſwaſion, and that, and the violent raging of the Infection, I ſuppoſe, was the Occaſion that they had abated much of their Rudeneſs, for ſome time before, and were only rous’d by the Spirit of Ribaldry,and Atheiſm, at the Clamour which was made,when the Gentleman was firſt brought in there, and perhaps, were agitated by the ſame Devil, when I took upon me to reprove them; tho’ I did it at firſt with all the Calmneſs, Temper, and Good-Manners that I could, which, for a while, they inſulted me the more for, thinking it had been in fear of their Reſentment, tho’ afterwards they found the contrary.
​I went Home indeed, griev’d and afflicted in my Mind, at the Abominable Wickedneſs of thoſe Men
not doubting, however, that they would be made dreadful Examples of God’s Juſtice; for I look’d upon this diſmal Time to be a particular Seaſon of Divine
Vengeance, and that God would, on this Occaſion, ſingle out the proper Objects, of his Diſpleaſure, in a more eſpecial and remarkable Manner, than at another Time; and that, tho’ I did believe that many good People would, and did, fall in the common Calamity, and that it was no certain Rule to judge of the
eternal State of any one, by their being diſtinguiſh’d in ſuch a Time of general Deſtruction, neither one Way or other; yet I ſay, it could not but ſeem reaſonable to believe, that God would not think fit to ſpare by his Mercy ſuch open declared Enemies, that ſhould inſult his Name and Being, defy his Vengeance, and mock at his Worſhip and Worſhipers, at ſuch a Time, no not tho’ his Mercy had thought fit to bear with, and ſpare them at other Times: That this was a Day of Viſitation; a Day of God’s Anger; and thoſe Words came into my Thought: Jer. v. 9. Shall I not viſit for theſe things, ſaith the Lord, and ſhall not my Soul be avenged of ſuch a Nation as this?
Theſe Things, I ſay, lay upon my Mind; and I went home very much griev’d and oppreſs’d with the Horror of theſe Mens Wickedneſs, and to think that any thing could be ſo vile, ſo hardened, and ſo notoriouſly wicked, as to inſult God and his Servants, and his Worſhip, in ſuch a Manner, and at ſuch a Time as this was; when he had, as it were, his Sword drawn in his Hand, on purpoſe to take Vengeance, not on them only, but on the whole Nation.
I had indeed, been in ſome Paſſion, at firſt, with
them, tho’ it was really raiſed, not by any Affront they had offered me perſonally, but by the Horror their blaſpheming Tongues fill’d me with; however, I was doubtful in my Thoughts, whether the Reſentment I retain’d was not all upon my own private
count, ​Account, for they had given me a great deal of ill Language too, I mean Perſonally; but after ſome Pauſe, and having a Weight of Grief upon my Mind, I retir’d my ſelf, as ſoon as I came home, for I ſlept not that Night, and giving God moſt humble Thanks for my Preſervation in the eminent Danger I had been in, I ſet my Mind ſeriouſly, and with the utmoſt Earneſtneſs, to pray for thoſe deſparate Wretches, that God would pardon them, open their Eyes, and effectually humble them.
By this I not only did my Duty, namely, to pray for thoſe who diſpitefully uſed me, but I fully try’d my own Heart, to my full Satisfaction; that it was not fill’d with any Spirit of Reſentment as they had offended me in particular; and I humbly recommend the Method to all thoſe that would know, or be certain, how to diſtinguiſh between their real Zeal for the Honour of God, and the Effects of their private Paſſions and Reſentment.
But I muſt go back here to the particular Incidents which occur to my Thoughts of the Time of the Viſitation, and particularly, to the Time of their ſhutting up Houſes, in the firſt Part of the Sickneſs; for before the Sickneſs was come to its Height, People had more Room to make their Obſervations, than they had afterward: But when it was in the Extremity, there was no ſuch Thing as Communication with one another, as before.
During the ſhutting up of Houſes, as I have ſaid, ſome Violence was offered to the Watchmen; as to Soldiers, there were none to be found; the few Guards which the King then had, which were nothing like the Number, entertain’d ſince, were diſperſs’d, either at Oxford with the Court, or in Quarters in the remoter Parts of the Country; ſmall detatchments excepted, who did Duty at the Tower, and at White-Hall, and theſe but very few; neither am I poſitive,
that there was any other Guard at the Tower, than the Warders, as they call’d them, who ſtand at the ​Gate with Gowns and Caps, the ſame as the Yeomen of the Guard; except the ordinary Gunners, who were 24, and the Officers appointed to look after the Magazine, who were call’d Armourers: as to Traind-Bands, there was no Poſſibility of raiſing any, neither if the Lieutenancy, either of London or Middleſex had ordered the Drums to beat for the Militia, would any of the Companies, I believe, have drawn together, whatever Riſque they had run.
This made the Watchmen be the leſs regarded, and perhaps, occaſioned the greater Violence to be uſed againſt them; I mention it on this Score, to obſerve that the ſetting Watchmen thus to keep the People in, was (1ſt) of all, not effectual, but that the People broke out, whether by Force or by Stratagem, even almoſt as often as they pleas’d: And (2d) that thoſe that did thus break out, were generally People infected, who in their Deſperation, running about from one Place to another, valued not who they injur’d, and which perhaps, as I have ſaid, might give Birth to Report, that it was natural to the infected People to deſire to infect others, which Report was really falſe.
And I know it ſo well, and in ſo many ſeveral Caſes, that I could give ſeveral Relations of good, pious, and religious People, who, when they have had the Diſtemper, have been ſo far from being forward to infect others, that they have forbid their own Family to come near them, in Hopes of their being preſerved; and have even died without ſeeing their neareſt Relations, left they ſhould be inſtrumental to give them the Diſtemper, and infect or endanger them: If then there were Caſes wherein the infected People were careleſs of the Injury they did to others, this was certainly one of them, if not the chief, namely, when People, who had the Diſtemper, had broken out from Houſes which were ſo ſhut up, and having been driven to Extremities for Proviſion, or for Entertainment, had endeavoured to conceal their Condition, and have been thereby Inſtrumental involuntarily to infect others who have been ignorant and unwary.
​This is one of the Reaſons why I believed them, and do believe ſtill, that the ſhutting up Houſes thus by Force, and reſtraining, or rather impriſoning People in their own Houſes, as is ſaid above, was of little or no Service in the Whole; nay, I am of Opinion, it was rather hurtful, having forc’d thoſe deſperate People to wander abroad with the Plague upon them, who would otherwiſe have died quietly in their Beds.
I remember one Citizen, who having thus broken out of his Houſe in Alderſgate-Street, or thereabout, went along the Road to Iſlington, he attempted to have gone in at the Angel-Inn, and after that, at the White-Horſe, two Inns known ſtill by the ſame Signs, but was refuſed; after which he came to the Pyed-Bull, an Inn alſo ſtill continuing the ſame Sign; he asked them for Lodging for one Night only, pretending to be going into Lincolnſhire, and aſſuring them of his being very ſound, and free from the Infection, which alſo, at that Time, had not reached much that Way.
They told him they had no Lodging that they could ſpare, but one Bed, up in the Garret, and that they could ſpare that Bed but for one Night, ſome Drovers being expected the next Day with Cattle; ſo, if he would accept of that Lodging, he might have it, which he did; ſo a Servant was ſent up with a Candle with him, to ſhew him the Room; he was very well dreſs’d, and look’d like a Perſon not uſed to lie in a Garret, and when he came to the Room he fech’d a deep Sigh, and ſaid to the Servant, I have ſeldom lain in ſuch a Lodging as this; however the Servant aſſuring him again, that they had no better. Well, ſays he, I muſt make ſhift; this is a dreadful Time, but it is but for one Night; ſo he ſat down upon the Bedſide, and bad the maid, I think it was, fetch him up a Pint of warm Ale; accordingly the Servant went for the Ale; but ſome Hurry in the Houſe, which perhaps, employed her otherways, put it out of her Head; and ſhe went up no more to him.
​The next Morning ſeeing no Appearance of the Gentleman, ſome Body in the Houſe asked the Servant that had ſhewed him up Stairs, what was become of him? She ſtarted; Alas ſays ſhe, I never thought more of him: He bad me carry him ſome warm Ale, but I forgot; upon which, not the Maid, but ſome other Perſon, was ſent up to ſee after him, who coming into the Room found him ſtark dead, and almoſt cold, ſtrerch’d out croſs the Bed; his Cloths were pulled off, his Jaw fallen, his Eyes open in a moſt frightful Poſture, the Rug of the Bed being graſped hard in one of his Hands; ſo that it was plain he died ſoon after the Maid left him, and ’tis probable, had ſhe gone up with the Ale, ſhe had found him dead in a few Minutes after he ſat down upon the Bed. The Alarm was great in the Houſe, as any one may ſuppoſe, they having been free from the Diſtemper, till that Diſaſter, which bringing the Infection to the Houſe, ſpread it immediately to other Houſes round about it. I do not remember how many died in the Houſe it ſelf, but I think the Maid Servant, who went up firſt with him, fell preſently ill by the Fright, and ſeveral others; for whereas there died but two in Iſlington of the Plague the Week before, there died 17 the Week after, whereof 14 were of the Plague; this was in the Week from the 11th of July to the 18th.
There was one Shift that ſome Families had and that not a few, when their Houſes happened to be infected, and that was this; The Families, who in the firſt breaking out of the Diſtemper, fled away into the Country, and had Retreats among their Friends, generally found ſome or other of their Neighbours or Relations to commit the Charge of thoſe Houſes to, for the Safety of the Goods, and the like. Some Honſes were indeed, entirely lock’d up, the Doors padlockt, the Windows and Doors having Deal-Boards nail’d over them, and only the Inſpection of them committed to the ordinary Watchmen and Pariſh Officers; but theſe were but few.
​It was thought that there were not leſs than 10000 Houſes forſaken of the Inhabitants in the City and Suburbs, including what was in the Out Pariſhes, and in Surrey, or the Side of the Water they call’d Southwark. This was beſides the Numbers of Lodgers, and of particular Perſons who were fled out of other Families; ſo that in all it was computed that about 200000 People were fled and gone in all: But of this I ſhall fpeak again: But I mention it here on this Account, namely, that it was a Rule with thoſe who had thus two Houſes in their Keeping, or Care, that if any Body was taken ſick in a Family, before the Maſter of the Family let the Examiners, or any other Officer, know of it, he immediately would ſend all the reſt of his Family whether Children or Servants, as it fell out to be, to ſuch other Houſe which he had ſo in Charge, and then giving Notice of the ſick Perſon to the Examiner, have a Nurſe, or Nurſes appointed, and have another Perſon to be ſhut up in the Houſe with them (which many for Money would do) ſo to take Charge of the Houſe, in caſe the Perſon ſhould die.
This was in many Cafes the ſaving a whole Family, who, if they had been ſhut up with the ſick Perſon, would inevitably have periſhed: But on the other Hand, this was another of the Inconveniencies of ſhutting up Houſes, for the Apprehenſions and Terror of being ſhut up, made many run away with the reſt of the Family, who, tho’ it was not publickly known, and they were not quite ſick, had yet the Diſtemper upon them; and who by having an uninterrupted Liberty to go about, but being obliged ſtill to conceal their Circumſtances, or perhaps not knowing it themſelves, gave the Diſtemper to others, and ſpread the Infection in a dreadful Manner, as I ſhall explain farther hereafter.
And here I may be able to make an Obſervation or two of my own, which may be of uſe hereafter to thoſe, into whoſe Hands this may come, if they ſhould ever ſee the like dreadful Viſitation. (1.) The ​Infection generally came into the Houſes of the Citizens, by the Means of their Servants, who, they were obliged to ſend up and down the Streets for Neceſſaries, that is to fſay, for Food,or Phyſick, to Bake-houſes, Brew-houſes, Shops, &c. and who going neceſſarily thro’ the Streets into Shops, Markets, and the like, it was impoſſible, but that they ſhould one way or other, meet with diſtempered people; who conveyed the fatal Breath in to them, and they brought it Home to the Families, to which they belonged. (2.) It was a great Miſtake, that ſuch a great City
as this had but one Peſt-Houſe; for had there been, inſtead of one Peſt-Houſe viz. beyond Bunhil-Fields, where, at moſt, they could receive, perhaps, 200 or 300 People; I ſay, had there inſtead of that one been ſeveral Peſt-houſes, every one able to contain a thouſand People without lying two in a Bed, or two Beds in a Room; and had every Maſter of a Family, as ſoon as any Servant eſpecially, had been taken ſick in his Houſe, been obliged to ſend them to the next Peſt-Houſe, if they were willing, as many were, and had the Examiners done the like among the poor People, when any had been ſtricken with the Infection; I ſay, had this been done where the People were willing, (not otherwiſe) and the Houſes not been ſhut, I am perſwaded, and was all the While of that Opinion, that not ſo many, by ſeveral Thouſands, had died, for it was obſerved, and I could give ſeveral Inſtances within the Compaſs of my own Knowledge, where a Servant had been taken ſick, and the Family had either Time to ſend them out, or retire from the Houſe, and leave the ſick Perſon, as I have ſaid above, they had all been preſerved; whereas, when upon one, or more, ſickning in a Family, the Houſe has been ſhut up, the whole Family have periſhed, and the Bearers been oblig’d to go in to fetch out the Dead Bodies, none being able to bring them to the Door; and at laſt none left to do it.
(2.) This put it out of Queſtion to me, that the ​Calamity was ſpread by Infection, that is to ſay, by ſome certain Steams, or Fumes, which the Phyſicians call Effluvia, by the Breath, or by the Sweat, or by the Stench of the Sores of the ſick Perſons, or ſome other way, perhaps, beyond even the Reach of the Phyſicians themſelves, which Effluvia affected the Sound, who come within certain Diſtances of the Sick, immediately penetrating the Vital Parts of the ſaid ſound Perſons, putting their Blood into an immediate ferment, and agitating their Spirits to that Degree which it was found they were agitated; and ſo thoſe
newly infected Perſons communicated it in the ſame Manner to others; and this I ſhall give ſome Inſtances of, that cannot but convince thoſe who ſeriouſly conſider it; and I cannot but with ſome Wonder, find ſome People, now the Contagion is over, talk of its being an immediate Stroke from Heaven, without the Agency of Means, having Commiſſion to ſtrike this and that particular Perſon, and none other: which look upon with Contempt, as the Effect of manifeſt Ignorance and Enthuſiaſm; likewiſe the Opinion of others, who talk of infection being carried on by the Air only, by carrying with it vaſt Numbers of Infects, and inviſible Creatures, who enter into the Body with the Breath, or even at the Pores with the Air, and there generate, or emit moſt accute Poiſons, or poiſonous Ovæ, or Eggs, which mingle themſelves with the Blood, and ſo infect the Body, a Diſcourſe full of learned Simplicity, and manifeſted to be ſo by univerſal Experience; but I ſhall ſay more to this Caſe in its Order.
I muſt here take farther Notice that Nothing was more fatal to the Inhabitants of this City, than the Supine Negligence of the People themſelves, who during the long Notice, or Warning they had of the Viſitation, yet made no Proviſion for it, by laying in Store of Proviſions, or of other Neceſſaries, by which they might have liv’d retir’d, and within their own Houſes, as I have obſerved, others did, ​and who were in a great Meaſure preſerv’d by that Caution; nor were they, after they were a little hardened to it ſo ſhye of converſing with one another, when actually infected, as they were at firſt, no tho’ they knew it.
I acknowledge I was one of thoſe thoughtleſs Ones, that had made ſo little Proviſion, that my Servants were obliged to go out of Doors to buy every Trifle by Penny and Halfpenny, juſt as before it begun, even till my Experience ſhewing me the Folly, I began to be wiſer ſo late, that I had ſcarce Time to Store my ſelf ſufficient for our common Subſiſtence for a Month.
I had in Family only an antient Woman, that managed the Houſe, a Maid-Servant, two Apprentices, and my ſelf; and the Plague beginning to encreaſe about us, I had many ſad Thoughts about what Courſe I ſhould take, and how I ſhould act; the many diſmal Objects, which happened everywhere as I went about the Streets, had fill’d my Mind with a great deal of Horror, for fear of the Diſtemper it ſelf, which was indeed, very horrible in it ſelf, and in ſome more than in others, the ſwellings which were generally in the Neck, or Groin, when they grew hard, and would not break, grew ſo painful, that it was equal to the moſt exquiſite Torture; and ſome not able to bear the Torment threw themſelves out at Windows, or ſhot themſelves, or otherwiſe made themſelves away, and I ſaw ſeveral diſmal Objects of that Kind: Others unable to contain themſelves, vented their Pain by inceſſant Roarings, and ſuch loud and lamentable Cries were to be heard as we walk’d along the Streets, that would Pierce the very Heart to think of, eſpecially when it was to be conſidered, that the ſame dreadful \ Scourge might be expected every Moment to ſeize upon our ſelves.
I cannot ſay, but that now I began to faint in in my Reſolutions, my Heart fail’d me very much, ​and ſorely I repented of my Raſhneſs: When I had been out, and met with ſuch terrible Things as theſe I have talked of; I ſay, I repented my Raſhneſs in venturing to abide in Town: I wiſh’d often, that I had not taken upon me to ſtay, but had gone away with my Brother and his Family.
Terrified by thoſe frightful Objects, I would retire Home ſometimes, and reſolve to go out no more, and perhaps, I would keep thoſe Reſolutions for three or four Days, which Time I ſpent in the moſt ſerious Thankfulneſs for my Preſervation, and the Preſervation of my Family, and the conſtant Confeſſion of my Sins, giving my ſelf up to God every Day, and applying to him with Faſting, Humiliation, and Meditation: Such intervals as I had, I employed in reading Books, and in writing down my Memorandums of what occurred to me every Day, and out of which, afterwards, I for moſt of this Work as it relates to my Obſervations without Doors: What I wrote of my private Meditations I reſerve for private life, and deſire it may not be made publick on any Account whatever.
I alſo wrote other Meditations upon Divine Subjects, ſuch as occurred to me at that Time, and were profitable to my ſelf, but not fit for any other View, and therefore I ſay no more of that.
I had a very good Friend, a Phyſician, whoſe Name was Heath, who I frequently viſited during this diſmal Time, and to whoſe Advice I was very much oblig’d for many Things which he directed me to take, by way of preventing the Infection when I went out, as he found I frequently did, and to hold in my Mouth when I was in the Streets; he alſo came very often to ſee me, and as he was a good Chriſtian, as well as a good Phyſician, his agreeable Converſation was a very great Support to me in the worſt of this terrible Time.
It was now the Beginning of Auguſt, and the Plague grew very violent and terrible in the Place ​where I liv’d, and Dr. Heath coming to viſit me, and finding that I ventured ſo often out in the Streets, earneſtly perſwaded me to lock my ſelf up and my Family, and not to ſuffer any of us to go out of Doors; to keep all our Windows faſt, Shutters and Curtains, cloſe, and never to open them; but firſt to make a very ſtrong Smoke in the Room, where the Window, or Door was to be opened, with Rozen and Pitch, Brimſtone, or Gunpowder, and the like, and we did this for ſome Time: But as I had not laid in a Store of Proviſion for ſuch a retreat, it was impoſſible that we could keep within Doors entirely; however, I attempted, tho’ it was ſo very late, to do ſomething towards it; and firſt, as I had Convenience both for Brewing and Baking, I went and bought two Sacks of Meal, and for ſeveral Weeks, having an Oven, we baked all our own Bread; alſo I bought Malt, and brew’d as much Beer as all the Casks I had would hold, and which ſeem’d enough to ſerve my Houſe for five or fix Weeks; alſo I laid in a Quantity of Salt-butter and Cheſhire Cheeſe, but I had no Fleſh-meat, and the Plague raged ſo violently among the Butchers, and Slaughter-Houſes, on the other Side of our Street, where they are known to dwell in great Numbers, that it was not adviſable, ſo much as to go over the Street among them.
And here I muſt obſerve again, that this Neceſſity of going out of our Houſes to buy Proviſions, was in a great Meaſure the Ruin of the whole City, for the People catch’d the Diſtemper, on thoſe Occaſions, one of another, and even the Proviſions themſelves were often tainted, at leaſt I have great Reaſon to believe ſo, and therefore I cannot ſay with Satisfaction what I know is repeated with great Aſſurance, that the Market People, and ſuch as brought Proviſions, to Town, were never infected; I am certain, the Butchers of White-Chapel where the greateſt Part of the Fleſh-meat was killed, were dreadfully viſited, and that at laſt to ſuch a Degree, that few ​of their Shops were kept open, and thoſe that remain d of them, kill’d their Meat at Mile-End, and that Way, and brought it to Market upon Horſes.
However, the poor People cou’d not lay up Proviſions, and there was a neceſſity, that they muſt go to Market to buy, and others to ſend Servants or their Children; and as this was a Neceſſity which renew’d it ſelf daily; it brought abundance of unſound People to the Markets, and a great many that went thither Sound, brought Death Home with them.
It is true, People us’d all poſſible Precaution, when any one bought a Joint of Meat in the Market, they would not take it of the Butchers Hand, but take it oft of the Hooks themſelves. On the other Hand, the Butcher would not touch the Money, but have it put into a Pot full of Vinegar which he kept for that purpoſe. The Buyer carry’d always ſmall Money to make up any odd Sum, that they might take no Change. They carry’d Bottles for
Scents, and Perfumes in their Hands, and all the Means that could be us’d, were us’d: But then the Poor cou’d not do even theſe things, and they went at all Hazards.
Innumerable diſmal Stories we heard every Day on this very Account: Sometimes a Man or Woman dropt down Dead in the very Markets; for many People that had the Plague upon them, knew nothing of it; till the inward Gangreen had affected
their Vitals and they dy’d in a few Moments; this caus’d, that many died frequently in that Manner in the Streets ſuddainly, without any warning: Others perhaps had Time to go to the next Bulk or Stall; or to any Door, Porch, and juſt ſit down and die, as I have ſaid before.
Theſe Objects were ſo frequent in the Streets, that when the Plague came to be very raging, On one Side, there was ſcarce any paſſing by the Streets, but that ſeveral dead Bodies would be lying here ​and there upon the Ground; on the other hand it is obſervable, that tho’ at firſt, the People would ſtop as they went along, and call to the Neighbours to come out on ſuch an Occaſion; yet, afterward, no Notice was taken of them; but that, if at any Time we found a Corps lying, go croſs the Way, and not come near it; or if in a narrow Lane or Paſſage, go back again, and ſeek ſome other Way to go on the Buſineſs we were upon; and in thoſe Caſes, the Corps was always left,
till the Officers had notice, to come and take them away; or till Night, when the Bearers attending the Dead-Cart would take them up, and carry them away: Nor did thoſe undaunted Creatures, who performed theſe Offices, fail to ſearch their Pockets, and ſometimes ſtrip off their Cloths, if they were well dreſt, as ſometimes they were, and carry off what they could get.
But to return to the Markets; the Butchers took that Care, that if any Perſon dy’d in the Market, they
had the Officers always at Hand, to take them up upon Hand-barrows, and carry them to the next Church-Yard; and this was ſo frequent that ſuch were not entred in the weekly Bill, found Dead in the Streets or Fields, as is the Caſe now; but they went into the general Articles of the great Diſtemper.
But now the Fury of the Diſtemper encreaſed to ſuch a Degree, that even the Markets were but very thinly furniſhed with Proviſions, or frequented with Buyers, compair’d to what they were before; and the Lord-Mayor cauſed the Country-People who brought Proviſions, to be ſtop’d in the Streets leading into the Town, and to ſit down there with their Goods, where they ſold what they brought, and went immediately away; and this Encourag’d the Country People greatly to do ſo, for they ſold their Proviſions at the very Entrances into the Town, and even in the Fields; as particularly in the Fields beyond White-Chappel, in Spittle fields. Note, Thoſe Streets now called Spittle-Fields, were then indeed open ​Fields: Alſo in St. George’s-fields in Southwork, in Bun-Hill Fields, and in a great Field, call’d Wood’s-Cloſe near Iſlington; thither the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and Magiſtrates, ſent their Officers and Servants to
buy for their Families, themſelves keeping within
Doors as much as poſſible; and the like did many other People; and after this Method was taken, the Country People came with great chearfulneſs, and brought Proviſions of all Sorts, and very ſeldom got any harm; which I ſuppoſe, added alſo to that Report of their being Miraculouſly preſerv’d.
As for my little Family, having thus as I have ſaid, laid in a Store of Bread, Butter, Cheeſe, and Beer, I took my Friend and Phyſician’s Advice, and lock’d my ſelf up, and my Family, and reſolv’d to ſuffer the hardſhip of Living a few Months without Fleſh-Meat, rather than to purchaſe it at the hazard of our Lives.
But tho’ I confin'd my Family, I could not prevail upon my unſatisfy’d Curioſity to ſtay within entirely my ſelf; and tho’ I generally came frighted and terriſied Home, yet I cou’d not reſtrain; only that indeed, I did not do it ſo frequently as at firſt.
I had ſome little Obligations indeed upon me, to go to my Brothers Houſe, which was in Coleman’s-ſtreet Pariſh, and which he had left to my Care, and I went at firſt every Day, but afterwards only once, or twice a Week.
In theſe Walks I had many diſmal Scenes before my Eyes, as particularly of Perſons falling dead in the Streets, terrible Shrieks and Skreekings of Women, who in their Agonies would throw open their Chamber Windows, and cry out in a diſmal Surpriſing Manner; it is impoſſible to deſcribe the Variety of Poſtures, in which the Paſſions of the Poor People would Expreſs themſelves.
Paſſing thro’ Token-Houſe-Yard in Lothbury, of a ſudden a Caſement violently opened juſt over my Head, and a Woman gave three frightful Skreetches, ​and then cry’d, Oh! Death, Death, Death! in a moſt inimitable Tone, and which ſtruck me with Horror and a Chilneſs, in my very Blood: There was no Body to be ſeen in the whole Street, neither did
any other Window openſ; for People had no Curioſity now in any Caſe; nor could any Body help one another; ſo I went on to paſs into Bell-Alley.
Juſt in Bell-Alley, on the right Hand of the Paſſage, there was a more terrible Cry than that, tho’ it was not ſo directed out at the Window, but the whole Family was in a terrible Fright, and I could hear Women and Children run skreaming about the Rooms like diſtracted, when a Garret Window opened, and ſome body from a Window on the other Side the Alley, call'd and ask’d, What is the Matter? upon which, from the firſt Window it was anſwered, O Lord, my Old Maſter has hang’d himſelf! The other
ask’d again, Is he quite dead? and the firſt anſwer’d, Ay, ay, quite dead , quite dead and cold! This Perſon was a Merchant, and a Deputy Alderman, and very rich. I care not to mention the Name, tho’ I knew his Name too, but that would be an Hardſhip to the Family, which is now flouriſhing again.
But, this is but one; it is ſcarce credible what dreadful Caſes happened in particular Families every Day; People in the Rage of the Diſtemper, or in the Torment of their Swellings, which was indeed intollerable, running out of their own Government,
raving and diſtracted, and oftentimes laying violent Hands upon themſelves, throwing themſelves out at their Windows, ſhooting themſelves, &c. Mothers murthering their own Children, in their Lunacy, ſome dying of meer Grief, as a Paſſion, ſome of meer Fright and Surprize, without any Infection at all; others frighted into Idiotiſm, and fooliſh Diſtractions, ſome into diſpair and Lunacy; others into mellancholy Madneſs.
The Pain of the Swelling was in particular very violent, and to ſome intollerable, the Phyſicians ​and Surgeons may be ſaid to have tortured many poor Creatures, even to Death. The Swelllings in ſome grew hard, and they apply’d violent drawing Plaſters, or Pultices, to break them; and if theſe did not do, they cut and ſcarified them in a terrible Manner: In ſome, thoſe Swellings were made hard, partly by the Force of the Diſtemper, and partly by their being too violently drawn, and were ſo hard, that no Inſtrument could cut them, and then they burnt them with Cauſticks, ſo that many died raving mad with the Torment; and ſome in the very Operation. In theſe Diſtreſſes, ſome for want of Help to hold them down in their Beds, or to look to them, laid Hands upon themſelves, as above. Some broke out into the Streets, perhaps naked, and would run directly down to the River, if they were not ſtopt by the Watchmen, or other Officers, and plunge themſelves into the Water, wherever they found it.
It often pierc’d my very Soul to hear the Groans and Crys of thoſe who were thus tormented, but of the Two, this was counted the moſt promiſing Particular in the whole Infection; for, if theſe Swellings could be brought to a Head, and to break and run, or as the Surgeons call it, to digeſt, the Patient generally recover’d; whereas thoſe, who like the Gentlewoman’s Daughter, were ſtruck with Death at the Beginning, and had the Tokens come out upon them, often went about indifferent eaſy, till a little before they died, and ſome till the Moment they dropt down, as in Appoplexies and Epelepſies, is often the Caſe; ſuch would be taken ſuddenly very ſick, and would run to a Bench or Bulk, or any convenient Place that offer’d it ſelf, or to their own Houſes, if poſſible, as I mentioned before, and there ſit down, grow faint and die. This kind of dying was much the ſame, as it was with thoſe who die of common Mortifications, who die ſwooning, and as it were, go away in a Dream; ſuch as died thus, had ​very little Notice of their being infected at all, till the Gangreen was ſpread thro’ their whole Body; nor could Phyſicians themſelves, know certainly how it was with them, till they opened their Breaſts, or other Parts of their Body, and ſaw the Tokens.
We had at this Time a great many frightful Stories told us of Nurſes and Watchmen, who looked after the dying People, that is to ſay, hir’d Nurſes, who attended infected People, uſing them barbarouly, ſtarving them, ſmothering them, or by other wicked Means, haſtening their End, that is to ſay, murthering of them: And Watchmen being ſet to guard Houſes that were ſhut up, when there has been but one perſon left, and perhaps, that one lying ſick, that they have broke in and murthered that Body, and immediately thrown them out into the Dead-Cart! and ſo they have gone ſcarce cold to the Grave.
I cannot ſay, but that ſome ſuch Murthers were committed, and I think two were ſent to Priſon for it, but died before they could be try’d; and I have heard that three others, at ſeveral Times, were excuſed for Murthers of that kind; but I muſt fay I believe nothing of its being ſo common a Crime, as ſome have ſince been pleas’d to ſay, nor did it ſeem to be ſo rational, where the People were brought ſo low as not to be able to help themſelves, for ſuch ſeldom recovered, and there was no Temptation to commit a Murder, at leaſt, none equal to the Fact where they were ſure Perſons would die in ſo ſhort a Time; and could not live.
That there were a great many Robberies and
wicked Praticſes committed even in this dreadful Time I do not deny; the Power of Avarice was ſo ſtrong in ſome, that they would run any Hazard to ſteal and to plunder, and particularly in Houſes where all the Families, or Inhabitants have been dead, and carried out, they would break in at all Hazards, and without Regard to the Danger of ​Infection, take even the Cloths off, of the dead Bodies, and the Bed-cloaths from others where they lay dead.
This, I ſuppoſe, muſt be the Caſe of a Family in Houndſditch, where a Man and his Daughter, the reſt of the Family being, as I ſuppoſe, carried away before by the Dead-Cart, were found ſtark naked, one in one Chamber, and one in another, lying Dead on the Floor; and the Cloths of the Beds, from whence, tis ſuppoſed they were roll’d off by Thieves, ſtoln, and carried quite away.
It is indeed to be obſerv’d, that the Women were in all this Calamity, the moſt raſh, fearleſs, and deſperate Creatures; and as there were vaſt Numbers that went about as Nurſes, to tend thoſe that were ſick, they committed a great many petty Thieveries in the Houfes where they were employed; and ſome of them were publickly whipt for it, when perhaps, they ought rather to have been hanged for Examples; for Numbers of Houſes were robbed on theſe Occaſions, till at length, the Pariſh Officers were ſent to recommend Nurſes to the Sick, and always took an Account who it was they ſent, ſo as that they might call them to account, if the Houſe had been abuſed where they were placed.
But theſe Robberies extended chiefly to Wearing-Cloths, Linen, and what Rings, or Money they could come at, when the Perſon dyed who was under their Care, but not to a general Plunder of the Houſes; and I could give an Account of one of theſe Nurſes, who ſeveral Years after, being on her Death-bed, confeſt with the utmoſt Horror, the Robberries ſhe had committed at the Time of her being a Nurſe, and by which ſhe had enriched her ſelf to a great Degree: But as for murthers, I do not find that there was ever any Proof of the Facts, in the manner, as it has been reported, except as above.
They did tell me indeed of a Nurſe in one place, that laid a wet Cloth upon the Face of a dying Patient, who ſhe tended, and ſo put an End ​to his Life, who was juſt expiring before: And another
that ſmother’d a young Woman ſhe was looking to, when ſhe was in a fainting fit, and would have come to her ſelf: Some that kill’d them by giving them one Thing, ſome another, and ſome ſtarved them by giving them nothing at all: But theſe Stories had two Marks of Suſpicion that always attended them, which cauſed me always to ſlight them, and to look on them as meer Stories, that People continually frighted one another with. (1.) That wherever it was that we heard it, they always placed the Scene at the farther End of the Town, oppoſite, or moſt remote from where you were to hear it: If you heard it in White-Chapel, it had happened at St. Giles's, or at Weſtminſter, or Holborn, or that End of the Town; if you heard of it at that End of the Town, then it was done in White-Chapel, or the Minories, or about Cripplegate Pariſh: If you heard of it in the City, why, then it had happened in Southwark; and if you heard of it in Southwark, then it was done in the City, and the like.
In the next Place, of what Part ſoever you heard the Story, the Particulars were always the ſame, eſpecially that of laying a wet double Clout on a dying Man’s Face, and that of ſmothering a young Gentle-woman; ſo that it was apparent, at leaſt to my Judgment, that there was more of Tale than of Truth in thoſe Things.
However, I cannot ſay, but it had ſome Effect upon the People, and particularly that, as I ſaid before, they grew more cautious who they took into their Houſes, and who they truſted their Lives with; and had them always recommended, if they could; and where they could not find ſuch, for they were not very plenty, they applied τὸ the Pariſh Officers.
But here again, the Miſery of that Time lay upon the Poor, who being infected, had neither Food or Phyſick; neither Phyſician or Appothecary to aſſiſt ​them, or Nurſe to attend them: Many of thoſe died calling for help, and even for Suſtenance out at their Windows, in a moſt miſerable and deplorable manner; but it muſt be added, that when ever the Caſes of ſuch Perſons or Families, were repreſented to my Lord-Mayor, they always were reliev’d.
It is true, in ſome Houſes where the People were not very poor; yet, where they had ſent perhaps their Wives and Children away; and if they had any Servants, they had been diſmiſt; I ſay it is true, that to ſave the Expences, many ſuch as theſe ſhut themſelves in, and not having Help, dy’d alone.
A Neighbour and Acquaintance of mine, having ſome Money owing to him from a Shopkeeper in White Croſs ſtreet, or there abouts, ſent his Apprentice, a youth about 18 Years of Age, to endeavour to get the Money: He came to the Door, and finding it ſhut, knockt pretty hard, and as he thought, heard ſome Body anſwer within, but was not ſure, So he waited, and after ſome ſtay knockt again, and then a third Time, when he heard ſome Body coming down Stairs.
At length the Man of the Houſe came to the Door; he had on his Breeches or Drawers, and a yellow Flannel Waſtcoat; no Stockings, a pair of Slipt-Shoes, a white Cap on his head; and as the young Man ſaid, Death in his Face.
When he open’d the Door, ſays he, what do you diſturb me thus for? the Boy, tho’ a little ſurpriz’d, reply’d, I come from ſuch a one, and my Maſter ſent me for the Money, which he ſays you know of: Very well Child, returns the living Ghoſt, call as you go by at Cripplegate Church, and bid them ring the Bell, and with thoſe Words, ſhut the Door again, and went up again and Dy’d, The ſame Day; nay, perhaps the ſame Hour: This, the young Man told me himſelf, and I have Reaſon to believe it. This was while the Plague was not come to a Height: I think it was in June; Towards the latter End of the Month, ​it muſt be before the Dead Carts came about, and while they uſed the Ceremony of Ringing the Bell for the Dead, which was over for certain, in that Pariſh at leaſt, before the Month of July; for by the 25th of July, there died 550 and upward in a Week, and then they cou’d no more bury in Form, Rich or Poor.
I have mention’d above, that notwithſtanding this dreadful Calamity; yet the Numbers of Thieves were abroad upon all Occaſions, where they had found any Prey; and that theſe were generally Women. It was one Morning about 11 a Clock, I had walk’d out to my Brothers Houſe in Coleman’s-ſtreet Pariſh, as I often did, to ſee that all was Safe.
My Brother’s Houſe had a little Court before it, and a Brick-Wall with a Gate in it; and within that, ſeveral Ware-houſes, where his Goods
of ſeveral Sorts lay: It happen’d, that in one of theſe Ware-houfſes, were ſeveral Packs of Womens high-Crown’d Hats, which came out of the Country; and were, as I ſuppoſe, for Exportation; whither I know not.
I was ſurpriz’d that when I came near my Brother’s Door, which was in a Place they call’d Swan-Alley, I met three or four Women with High-crown’d Hats on their Heads; and as I remembred afterwards, one, if not more, had ſome Hats likewiſe in their Hands: but as I did not ſee them come out at my Brothers Door, and not knowing that my Brother had any ſuch Goods in his Ware-houſe, I did not offer to ſay any Thing to them, but went croſs the Way to ſhun meeting them, as was uſual to do at that Time, for fear of the Plague. But when I came nearer to the Gate, I met another Woman with more Hats come out of the Gate. What Buſineſs Miſtreſs, ſaid I, have you had there? There are more People there, ſaid ſhe, I have had no more Buſineſs there than they. I was haſty to get to the Gate then, and ſaid no more to her; by which means ſhe ​got away. But juſt as I came to the Gate, I ſaw two more coming croſs the Yard to come out
with Hats alſo on their Heads, and under their Arms; at which I threw the Gate too behind me, which having a Spring Lock faſtened it ſelf; and turning to the Women, forſooth ſaid I, what are ye doing here? and ſeiz’d upon the Hats, and took them from them. One of them, who I confeſs, did not look like a Thief. Indeed ſays ſhe, we are wrong; but we were told, they were Goods that had no Owner; be pleas’d to take them again, and look yonder, there are more ſuch Cuſtomers as we: She cry’d and look’d. pitifully; ſo I took the Hats from her, and opened the Gate, and had them be gone, for I pity’d the Women indeed; But when I look’d towards the Ware-houſe, as ſhe directed, there were ſix or ſeven more all Women, fitting themſelves with Hats, as unconcerned and quiet, as if they had been at a Hatters Shop, buying for their Money.
I was ſurpriz’d, not at the Sight of ſo many Thieves only, but at the Circumſtances I was in; being now to thruſt my ſelf in among ſo many People, who for ſome Weeks, had been ſo ſhye of my ſelf, that if I met any Body in the Street, I would croſs the Way. from them.
They were equally ſurpriz’d, tho’ on another Account: They all told me, they were Neighbours, that they had heard any one might take them, that they were no Bodies Goods, and the like. I talk’t big to them at firſt; went back to the Gate, and took out the Key; ſo that they were all my Priſoners; threaten’d to Lock them all into the Warehouſe, and go and fetch my Lord Mayor's Officers for them,
They beg’d heartily, proteſted they found the Gate open, and the Ware-houſe Door open; and that it had no— oubt been broken open by ſome, who expected to find Goods of greater Value; ​which indeed, was reaſonable to believe, becauſe the Lock was broke, and a Padlock that hung to the
Door on the out-ſide alſo looſe; and not abundance of the Hats carry’d away.
At length I conſider'd, that this was not a Time to be Cruel and Rigorous; and beſides that, it would neceſſarily oblige me to go much about, to have ſeveral People come to me, and I go to ſeveral, whoſe Circumſtances of Health, I knew nothing of; and that even, at this Time the Plague was ſo high, as that there dy’d 4000 a Week; ſo that in ſhowing my Reſentment, or even in ſeeking Juſtice for my Brother’s Goods, I might loſe my own Life; ſo I contented my ſelf, with taking the Names and Places where ſome of them lived, who were really Inhabitants in the Neighbourhood; and threatning that my Brother ſhould call them to an Account for it, when he return’d to his Habitation.
Then I talk’d a little upon another Foot with them; and ask’d them how they could do ſuch Things as theſe, in a Time of ſuch general Calamity; and as it were, in the Face of Gods moſt dreadful Judgments, when the Plague was at their very Doors; and it may be in their very Houſes; and they did not know, but that the Dead-Cart might ſtop at their Doors in a few Hours, to carry them to their Graves.
I cou’d not perceive that my Diſcourſe made much Impreſſion upon them all that while; till it happened, that there came two Men of the Neighbourhood, hearing of the Diſturbance, and knowing my Brother, for they had been both dependants upon his Family, and they came to my Aſſiſtance: Theſe being as I ſaid Neighbours, preſently knew three of the Women, and told me who they were, and where they liv’d; and it ſeems, they had given me a true Account of themſelves before.
This brings theſe two Men to a farther Remembrance: The Name of one was Johnn Hayward, who was at that Time under-Sexton, of the Pariſſh of St. ​Stephen Coleman-ſtreet; by under Sexton, was underſtood at that Time Grave-digger and Bearer of the Dead. This Man carry’d or aſſiſted to carry all the Dead to their Graves, which were bury’d in that large Pariſh, and who were carried in Form; and after that Form of Burying was ſtopt, went with the Dead Cart and the Bell, to fetch the dead Bodies from the Houſes where they lay, and fetch’d many of them out of the Chambers and Houſes; for the Pariſh was, and is ſtill remarkable, particularly above all the Pariſhes in London, for a great Number of Alleys, and Thorough fares very long, into which no Carts cou'd come, and where they were oblig’d to go and fetch the Bodies a very long Way; which Alleys now remain to Witneſs it; ſuch as Whites-Alley, Croſs-Key-Court, Swan-Alley, Bell-Alley, White-Horſe-Alley, and many more: Here they went with a kind of Hand-Barrow, and lay’d the Dead Bodies on it, and carry’d them out to the Carts; which work he performed, and never had the Diſtemper at all, but liv’d above 20 Year after it, and was Sexton of the Pariſh to the Time of his Death. His Wife at the ſame, time was a Nurſe to infected People, and tended many that died in the Pariſh, being for her honeſty recommended by the Pariſh Officers, yet ſhe never was infected neither.
He never uſed any Preſervative againſt the Infection, other than holding Garlick and Rue in his Mouth, and ſmoaking Tobacco; this I alſo had from his own Mouth; and his Wife’s Remedy was waſhing her Head in Vinegar, and ſprinkling her Head-Cloths ſo with Vinegar, as to keep them always Moiſt; and if the ſmell of any of thoſe ſhe waitd on was more than ordinary Offenſive, ſhe ſnuft Vinegar up her Noſe, and ſprinkled Vinegar upon her Head-Cloths, and held a Handkerchief weted with Vinegar to her Mouth.
It muſt be confeſt, that tho’ the Plague was chiefly among the Poor; yet, were the Poor the moſt ​Venturous and Fearleſs of it, and went about their Employment, with a Sort of brutal Courage; I muſt call it ſo, for it was founded neither on Religion or Prudence; ſcarſe did they uſe any Caution, but run
into any Buſineſs, which they could get Employment in, tho’ it was the moſt hazardous; ſuch was that of tending the Sick, watching Honſes ſhut up, carrying infected Perſons to the Peſt-Houſe; and which was ſtill worſe, carrying the Dead away to their Graves,
It was under this John Hayward’s Care, and within his Bounds, that the Story of the Piper, with which People have made themſelves ſo merry, happen’d, and he aſſur’d me that it was true. It is ſaid, that it was a blind Piper; but as John told me, the Fellow was not blind, but an ignorant weak poor Man, and uſually walked his Rounds about 10 a Clock at Night, and went piping along from Door to Door, and the People uſually took him in at Public Houſes where they knew him, and would give him Drink and Victuals, and ſometimes Farthings; and he in Return, would Pipe and Sing, and talk ſimply, which diverted the People, and thus he liv’d: It was but a very bad Time for this Diverſion, while Things were as I have told; yet the poor Fellow went about as uſual, but was almoſt ſtarv’d; and when any Body ask’d how he did, he would anſwer, the Dead Cart had not taken him yet, but that they had promiſed to call for him next Week.
It happen’d one Night, that this poor Fellow,
whether ſome body had given him too much Drink or no, John Hayward ſaid, he had not Drink in his Houſe; but that they had given him a little more Victuals than ordinary at a Public Houſe in Coleman-ſtreet; and the poor Fellow having not uſually had a Belly-full, or perhaps not a good while, was laid all along upon the Top of a Bulk or Stall, and faſt a ſleep at a Door, in the Street near London-Wall, towards Cripple ​gate, and that upon the ſame Bulk or Stall, the People of ſome Houſe, in the Alley of which the Houſe was a Corner, hearing a Bell, which they always rung before the Cart came, had laid a Body really dead of the Plague juſt by him, thinking too, that this poor Fellow had been a dead Body as the other was, and laid there by ſome of the Neighbours.
Accordingly when John Hayward with his Bell and the Cart came along, finding two dead Bodies lie upon the Stall they took them up with the Inſtrument they uſed, and threw them into the Cart; and all this while the Piper ſlept ſoundly.
From hence they paſſed along, and took in other dead Bodies, till, as honeſt John Hayward told me, they almoſt burried him alive, in the Cart, yet all this While he ſlept ſoundly; at length the Cart came to the Place where the Bodies were to be thrown into the Ground, which, as I do remember, was at Mount-mill; and as the Cart uſually ſtopt ſome Time before they were ready to ſhoot out the melancholly Load they had in it, as ſoon as the Cart ſtop’d, the Fellow awaked, and ſtruggled a little to get his Head out from among the dead Bodies, when raiſing himſelf up in the Cart, he called out, Hey! where am I? This frighted the Fellow that attended about the Work, but after ſome Pauſe John Hayward recovering himſelf ſaid, Lord bleſs us. There’s ſome Body in the Cart not quite dead! So another call'd to him and ſaid, Who are you? the Fellow anſwered, I am the poor Piper. Where am I? Where are you! ſays Hayward; why, you are in the Dead-Cart, and we are a-going to bury you. But I an’t dead tho’, am I? ſays the Piper; which made them laugh a little, tho’ as John ſaid, they were heartily frighted at firſt; ſo they help’d the poor Fellow down, and he went about his Buſineſs.
I know the Story goes, he ſet up his Pipes in the Cart, and frighted the Bearers, and others, ſo that they ran away; but John Hayward did not tell the Story ſo, nor ſay any Thing of his Piping at all; but ​that he was a poor Piper, and that he was carried away as above I am fully ſatisfied of the Truth of.
It is to be noted here, that the Dead Carts in the City were not not confin’d to particular Pariſhes, but one Cart went thro’ ſeveral Pariſhes, according as the Numbers of Dead preſented; nor were they ty’d to carry the Dead to their reſpective Pariſhes, but many of the Dead, taken up in the City, were carried to the Burying-Ground in the Out-parts, for want of Room.
I have already mentioned the Surprize, that this Judgment was at firſt among the People, I muſt be allowed to give ſome of my Obſervations on the more ſerious and religious Part. Surely never City, at leaſt, of this Bulk and Magnitude, was taken in a Condition ſo perfectly unprepar’d for ſuch a dreadful Viſitation, whether I am to ſpeak of the Civil
Preparations, or Religious; they were indeed, as if they had had no Warning, no Expectation, no Apprehenſions, and conſequently the leaſt Proviſion imaginable, was made for it in a publick Way; for Example,
The Lord Mayor and Sheriffs had made no Proviſion as Magiftrates, for the Regulations which were to be obſerved; they had gone into no Meaſures for Relief of the Poor.
The Citizens had no publick Magazines, or Store-Houſes for Corn, or Meal, for the Subſiſtence of the Poor; which, if they had provided themſelves, as in ſuch Caſes is done abroad, many miſerable Families, who were now reduc’d to the utmoſt Diſtreſs, would have been reliev’d, and that in a better Manner, than now could be done.
The Stock of the City’s Money, I can ſay but little to, the Chamber of London was ſaid to be exceeding rich; and it may be concluded, that they were ſo, by the vaſt Sums of Money iſſued from thence, in the re-building the publick Edifices after the Fire of London, and in Building new Works, ſuch as, for a ​firſt Part, the Guild-Hall, Blackwell-Hall, Part of Leaden-Hall, Half the Exchange, the Seſſion-Houſe, the Compter; the Priſons of Ludgate, Newgate, &c. ſeveral of the Wharfs, and Stairs, and Landing-places on the River; all which were either burnt down or damaged by the great Fire of London, the next Year after the Plague; and of the ſecond Sort, the Monument, Fleet-ditch with its Bridges, and the Hoſpital of Bethlem, or Bedlam, &c. But poſſibly the Managers of the City’s Credit, at that Time, made more Conſcience of breaking in upon the Orphan’s Money; to ſhew Charity to the diſtreſs’d Citizens, than the Managers in the following Years did, to beautify the City, and reedify the Buildings, tho’ in the firſt Caſe, the Loſers would have thought their Fortunes better beſtow’d, and the Publick Faith of the City have been leſs ſubjected to Scandal and Reproach.
It muſt be acknowledg’d that the abſent Citizens, who, tho’ they were fled for Safety into the Country, were yet greatly intereſted in the Welfare of thoſe who they left behind, forgot not to contribute liberally to the Relief of the Poor, and large Sums were alſo collected among Trading-Towns in the remoteſt Parts of of England; and as I have heard alſo, the Nobility and the Gentry, in all Parts of England, took the deplorable Condition of the City into their Conſideration, and ſent up large Sums of Money in Charity, to the Lord Mayor and Magiſtrates, for the Relief of the Poor; the King alſo, as I was told, ordered a thouſand Pounds a Week to be diſtributed in four Parts; one Quarter to the City and Liberties of Weſtminſter: one Quarter, or Part, among the Inhabitants of the Southwark Side of the Water; one Quarter to the Liberty and Parts within, of the City, excluſive of the City, within the Walls; and, one fourth Part to the Suburbs in the County of Middleſex, and the Eaſt and North Parts of the City: But this latter I only ſpeak of as a Report.
​Certain it is, the greateſt Part of the Poor, or Families, who formerly liv’d by their Labour, or by Retail-Trade, liv’d now on Charity; and had there not been prodigious Sums of Money given by charitable, well-minded Chriſtians, for the Support of ſuch, the City could never have ſubſiſted. There were, no Queſtion, Accounts kept of their Charity, and of the juſt Diſtribution of it by the Magiſtrates: But as ſuch Multitudes of thoſe very Officers died, thro’ whoſe Hands it was diſtributed; and alſo that, as I have been told, moſt of the Accounts of thoſe Things were loſt in the great Fire which happened in the very next Year, and which burnt even the Chamberlain’s Office, and many of their Papers; ſo I could never come at the particular Account, which I uſed great Endeavours to have ſeen.
It may, however, be a Direction in Caſe of the Approach of a like Viſitation, which God keep the City from; I ſay, it may be of uſe to obſerve that by the Care of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, at that Time, in diſtributing Weekly, great Sums of Money, for Relief of the Poor, a Multitude of People, who would otherwiſe have periſhed, were relieved, and their Lives preſervd. And here let me enter into a brief State of the Caſe of the Poor at that Time, and what Way apprehended from them, from whence may be judg’d hereafter, what may be expected, if the like Diſtreſs ſhould come upon the City.
At the Beginning of the Plague, when there was now no more Hope, but that the whole City would be viſited, when, as I have ſaid, all that had Friends or Eſtates in the Country, retired with their Families, and when, indeed, one would have thought the very City it ſelf was running out of the Gates, and that there would be no Body left behind. You may be ſure, from that Hour, all Trade, except ſuch as related to immediate Subſiſtence, was, as it were, at a full Stop.
​This is ſo lively a Caſe, and contains in it ſo much of the real Condition of the People; that I think, I cannot be too particular in it; and therefore I deſcend to the ſeveral Arrangements or Claſſes of People, who fell into immediate Diſtreſs upon this Occaſion: For Example,
1. All Maſter Work-men in Manufactures, eſpecially ſuch as belong’d to Ornament, and the leſs neceſſary Parts of the People dreſs Cloths and Furniture for Houſes; ſuch as Riband Weavers, and other Weavers, Gold and Silverlace-makers, and Gold and Silverwyer-drawers, Seemſtreſſes, Milleners, Shoe-makers, Hat-makers and Glove-makers: Alſo Upholdſterers, Joyners, Cabinet-makers, Looking-glaſs-makers; and innumerable Trades which depend upon ſuch as theſe, I ſay the Maſter Workmen in ſuch, ſlopt ther Work, diſmiſt their Journeymen, and Workmen, and all their Dependants.
2. As Merchandizing was at a full ſtop, for very few Ships ventur’d to come up the River, and none at all went out; ſo all the extraordinary Officers of the Cuſtomes, likewiſe the Watermen, Carmen, Porters, and all the Poor, whoſe Labour depended upon the Merchants, were at once diſmiſt, and put out of Buſineſs.
3. All the Tradeſmen uſually employ’d in building or repareing of Houſes, were at a full Stop, for the People were far from wanting to build Houſes, when ſo many thouſand Houſes were at once ſtript of their Inhabitants; ſo that this one Article turn’d all the ordinary Work-men of that Kind out of Buſineſs; ſuch as Brick-layers, Maſons, Carpenters, Joyners, Plaſterers, Painters, Glaziers, Smiths, Plumbers; and all the Labourers depending on ſuch.
4. As Navigation was at a Stop; our Ships neither coming in, or going out as before; ſo the Seamen were all out of Employment, and many of them in the laſt and loweſt Degree of Diſtreſs, and with the Seamen, were all the ſeveral Tradeſmen, and Workmen belonging to and depending upon the building, and fitting out of Ships; ſuch as Ship Carpenters, Caulkers, Rope-makers, Dry-Coopers,
Sail-makers, Anchor-Smiths, and other Smiths; Block-makers, Carvers, Gun Smiths, Ship-Chandlers, Ship-Carvers and the like; The Maſters of thoſe perhaps might live upon their Subſtance; but the Traders were
Univerſally at a Stop, and conſequently all their Work. men diſcharged: Add to theſe, that the River was in a manner without Boats, and all or moſt part of the Watermen, Lightermen, Boat-builders, and Lighter-builders in like manner idle, and laid by.
5. All Families retrench’d their living as much as poſſible as well thoſe that fled, as thoſe that ſtay’d; ſo that an innumerable Multitude of Footmen, ſerving Men, Shop-keepers, Journey-men, Merchants-Book-keepers, and ſuch Sort of People, and eſpecially poor Maid Servants were turn’d off, and left Friendleſs and Helpleſs without Employment, and without Habitation; and this was really a diſmal Article.
I might be more particular as to this Part: But it may ſuffice to mention in general; all Trades being ſtopt, Employment ceaſed; the Labour, and by that, the Bread of the Poor were cut off; and at firſt indeed, the Cries of the poor were moſt lamentable to hear; tho’ by the Diſtribution of Charity, their Miſery that way was greatly abated: Many indeed fled into the Countries; but thouſands of them having ſtay’d in London, till nothing but Deſperation ſent them away; Death overtook them on the Road, and they ſerv’d for no better than the Meſſengers of Death, indeed, others carrying the Infection along with them; ſpreading it very unhappily into the remoteſt Parts of the Kingdom.
Many of theſe were the miſerable Objects of Diſpair which I have mention’d before, and were remov’d by the Deſtruction which followed; theſe might be ſaid to periſh, not by the Infection it ſelf, but by the Conſequence of it; indeed, namely, by Hunger and Diſtreſs, and the Want of all Things; being without Lodging, without Money, without ​Friends, without Means to get their Bread, or without any one to give it them, for many of them were without what we call legal Settlements, and ſo could not claim of the Pariſhes, and all the Support they had, was by Application to the Magiſtrates tor Relief, which Relief was, (to give the Magiſtrates their Due) carefully and chearfully adminiſtred, as they found it neceſſary; and thoſe that ſtay’d behind never felt the Want and Diſtreſs of that Kind, which they felt, who went away in the manner above-noted.
Let any one who is acquainted with what Multitudes of People, get their daily Bread in this City by their Labour, whether Artificers or meer Workmen; I ſay, let any Man conſider, what muſt be the miſerable Condition of this Town, if on a ſudden, they ſhould be all turned out of Employment, that Labour ſhould ceaſe, and Wages for Work be no more.
This was the Caſe with us at that Time, and had not the Sums of Money, contributed in Charity by well diſpoſed People, of every Kind, as well abroad as at home, been prodigiouſly great, it had not been in the Power of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs, to have kept the Publick Peace; nor were they without Apprehenſions as it was, that Deſparation should puſh the People upon Tumults, and cauſe them to rifle the Houſes of rich Men, and plunder the Markets of Proviſions; in which Caſe the Country People, who brought Proviſions very freely and boldly to Town, would ha’ been terrified from coming any more, and the Town would ha’ ſunk under an unavoidable Famine.
But the Prudence of my Lord Mayor, and the Court of Aldermen within the City, and of the Juſtices of Peace in the Out-parts was ſuch, and they were ſupported with Money from all Parts ſo well, that the poor People were kept quiet, and their Wants every where reliev’d, as far as was poſſible to be done.
Two Things, beſides this, contributed to prevent the Mob doing any Miſchief: One was, that really the Rich themſelves had not laid up Stores of ​Proviſions in their Houſs, as indeed, they ought to have done, and which if they had been wiſe enough to have done, and lock’d themſelves entirely up, as ſome few did, they had perhaps eſcaped the Diſeaſe better: But as it appear’d they had not, ſo the Mob had no Notion of finding Stores of Proviſions there, if they had broken in, as it is plain they were: ſometimes very near doing, and which, if they had, they had finiſh’d the Ruin of the whole City, for there were no regular Troops to ha’ withſtood them, nor could the Traind-Bands have been brought together to defend the City, no Men being to be found to bear Arms,
But the Vigilance of the Lord Mayor, and ſuch Magiſtrates as could be had, for ſome, even of the Aldermen were Dead, and ſome abſent, prevented this; and they did it by the moſt kind and gentle Methods they could think of, as particularly by relieving the moſt deſperate with Money, and putting others into Buſineſs, and particularly that Employment of watching Houſes that were infected and ſhut up; and as the Number of theſe were very great, for it was ſaid, there was at one Time, ten thouſand Houſes ſhut up, and every Houſe had two Watchmen to guard it, viz. one by Night, and the other by Day; this gave Opportunity to employ a very great Number of poor Men at a Time.
The Women, and Servants, that were turned of from their Places, were likewiſe employed as Nurſes to tend the Sick in all Places; and this took off a very great Number of them.
And, which tho’ a melancholy Article in it ſelf, yet was a Deliverance in its Kind, namely, the Plague which raged in a dreadful Manner from the Middle of Auguſt? to the Middle of October, carried off in that Time thirty or forty Thouſand of theſe very People, which had they been left, would certainly have been an unſufferable Burden, by their Poverty, that is to ſay, the whole City could not have ſupported the Expence of them, or have provided Food for ​them; and they would in Time have been even driven to the Neceſſity of plundering either the City it ſelf, or the Country adjacent, to have ſubſiſted them ſelves, which would firſt or laſt, have put the whole Nation, a well as the City, into the utmoſt Terror and Confuſion.
It was obſervable then, that this Calamity of the People made them very humble; for now, for about nine Weeks together, there died near a thouſand a-Day, one Day with another, even by the Account of the weekly Bills, which yet I have Reaſon to be aſſur’d never gave a full Account, by many thouſands; the Confuſion being ſuch, and the Carts working in the Dark, when they carried the Dead, that in ſome Places no Account at all was kept, but they work’d on; the Clerks and Sextons not attending for Weeks together, and not knowing what Number they carried. This Account is verified by the following Bills of Mortality.
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | | Of all Diſeaſes. | Of the Plague. |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Aug. 8 to Aug. 15 | 5319 | 3880 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 22 | 5568 | 4237 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 29 | 7496 | 6102 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Aug. 29 to Sept. 5 | 8252 | 6988 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 12 | 7690 | 6544 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 19 | 8297 | 7165 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 26 | 6460 | 5533 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Sept. 26 to Oct. 3 | 4720 | 4929 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 10 | 5068 | 4227 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | | ——— | ——— |
| | | 59870 | 49703 |
So that the Groſs of the People were carried off in theſe two Months; for as the whole Number which was brought in, to die of the Plague, was but 68590 here, is fifty thouſand of them, within a Trifle, in two Months; I ſay 50000, becauſe, as there wants 295 in the Number above, ſo there wants two Days of two Months, in the Account of Time.
Now when, I ſay, that the Pariſh Officers did not give in a full Account, or were not to be depended upon for their Account, let any one but confider how ​Men could be exact in ſuch a Time of dreadful Diſtreſs, and when many of them were taken ſick themſelves, and perhaps died in the very Time when their Accounts were to be given in, I mean the Pariſh-Clerks; beſides inferior Officers; for tho’ theſe poor Men ventured at all Hazards, yet they were far from being exempt from the common Calamity, eſpecially, if it be true, that the Pariſh of Stepney had within the Year, one hundred and ſixteen Sextons, Grave-diggers, and their Aſſiſtants, that is to ſay, Bearers, Bell-men, and Drivers of Carts, for carrying off the dead Bodies.
Indeed the Work was not of a Nature to allow them Leiſure, to take an exact Tale of the dead Bodies, which were all huddled together in the Dark into a Pit; which Pit, or Trench, no Man could come nigh, but at the utmoſt Peril. I obſerv’d often, that in the Pariſhes of Algate, and Cripplegate, White-Chappel and Stepney, there was five, ſix, ſeven, and eight hundred in a Week, in the Bills, whereas if we may believe the Opinion of thoſe that liv’d in the City, all the Time, as well as I, there died ſometimes 2000 a-Week in thoſe Pariſhes; and I ſaw it under the Hand of one, that made as ſtrict an examination into that Part as he could, that there really died an hundred thouſand People of the Plague, in it that one Year, whereas the Bills, the Articles of the Plague, was but 68590.
If I may be allowed to give my Opinion, by what I ſaw with my Eyes, and heard from other People © that were Eye Witneſſes, I do verily believe the ſame, viz. that there died, at leaſt, 100000 of the Plague only, beſides other Diſtempers, and beſides thoſe which died in the Fields, and High-ways, and ſecret Places, out of the Compaſs of the Communication, as it was called; and who were not put down in the Bills, tho’ they really belonged to the Body of the Inhabitants. It was known to us all, that abundance of poor diſpairing Creatures, who had the Diſtemper upon them, and were grown ſtupid, or ​melancholly by their Miſery, as many were, wandred away into the Fields, and Woods, and into ſecret uncouth Places, almoſt any where to creep into a Buſh, or Hedge, and DIE.
The Inhabitants of the Villages adjacent would in Pity, carry them Food, and ſet it at a Diſtance, that they might fetch it, if they were able, and ſometimes they were not able; and the next Time they went, they ſhould find the poor Wretches lie dead, and the Food untouch’d. The Number of theſe miſerable Objects were many, and I know ſo many that periſh'd thus, and ſo exactly where, that I believe I could go to the very Place and dig their Bones up ſtill; for the Country People would go and dig a Hole at a Diſtance from them, and then with long Poles, and Hooks at the End of them, drag the Bodies into theſe Pits, and then thro’ the Earth in Form as far as they could caſt it to cover them; taking notice how the Wind blew, and ſo coming on that Side which the Seamen call to-Wind-ward, that the Scent of the Bodies might blow from them; and thus great Numbers went out of the World, who were never known or any Account of them taken, as well within the Bills of Mortality as without.
This indeed I had, in the main, only from the Relation of others; for I ſeldom walk’d into the Fields, except towards Bednal-green and Hackney; or as hereafter: But when I did walk I always ſaw a great many poor Wanderers at a Diſtance, but I could know little of their Caſes; for whether it were in the Street, or in the Fields, if we had ſeen any Body coming, it was a general Method to walk away; yet I believe the Account is exactly true.
As this puts me upon mentioning my walking the Streets and Fields, I cannot omit taking notice what a deſolate Place the City was at that Time: The great Street I liv’d in, which is known to be one of the broadeſt of all the Streets of London. I mean of the Suburbs as well as the ​Liberties; all the Side where the Butchers lived, eſpecially without the Bars was more like a green Field than a paved Street, and the People generally went in the middle with the Horſes and Carts: It is true, that the fartheſt End towards White-Chappel Church, was not all pav’d, but even the Part that was pav'd was full of Graſs alſo; but this need not ſeem ſtrange ſince the great Streets within the City, ſuch as Leaden-hall-Street, Biſhopgate-Street, Cornhill, and even the Exchange it ſelf, had Graſs growing in them, in ſeveral Places; neither Cart or Coach were ſeen in the Streets from Morning to Evening, except ſome Country Carts to bring Roots and Beans, or Peaſe, Hay and Straw, to the Market, and thoſe but very few, compared to what was uſual: As for Coaches they were ſcarce uſed, but to carry ſick People to the Peſt-Houſe, and to other Hoſpitals; and ſome few to carry Phyſicians to ſuch Places as they thought fit to venture to viſit; for really Coaches were dangerous things, and People did not Care to venture into them, becauſe they did not know who might have been carried in them laſt; and ſick infected People were, as I have ſaid, ordinarily carried in them to the Peſt-Houſes, and ſometimes People expired in them as they went along.
It is true, when the Infection came to ſuch a Height as I have now mentioned, there were very few Phyſicians, which car’d to ſtir abroad to ſick Houſes, and very many of the moſt eminent of the Faculty were dead as well as the Surgeons alſo, for now it was indeed a diſmal time, and for about a Month together, not taking any Notice of the Bills of Mortality, I believe there did not die leſs than 1500 or 1700 a-Day, one Day with another.
One of the worſt Days we had in the whole Time, as I thought, was in the Beginning of September, when indeed good People began to think, that God was reſolved to make a full End of the People in this miſerable City. This was at that Time when the ​Plague was fully come into the Eaſtern Pariſhes: The Pariſh of Algate, if I may give my Opinion buried above a thouſand a Week for two Weeks, tho’ the Bills did not ſay ſo many; but it ſurrounded me at ſo diſmal a rate, that there was not a Houſe in twenty uninfected; in the Minories, in Houndſditch, and in thoſe Parts of Algate Pariſh about the Butcher-Row, and the Alleys over againſt me, I ſay in thoſe places Death reigned in every Corner. White Chapel Pariſh was in the ſame Condition, and tho’ much leſs than the Pariſh I liv’d in; yet bury’d near 600 a Week by the Bills; and in my Opinion, near twice as many; whole Families, and indeed, whole Streets of Families were ſwept away together; inſomuch, that it was frequent for Neighbours to call to the Bellman, to go to ſuch and ſuch Houſes, and fetch out the People, for that they were all Dead.
And indeed, the Work of removing the dead Bodies by Carts, was now grown ſo very odious and dangerous, that it was complain’d of, that the Bearers did not take Care to clear ſuch Houſes, where all the Inhabitants were dead; but that ſometimes the Bodies lay ſeveral Days unburied, till the neighbouring Families were offended with the Stench, and conſequently infect’d; and this neglect of the Officers was ſuch, that the Church Wardens and Conſtables were ſummon’d to look after it; and even the Juſtices of the Hamlets, were oblig’d to venture their Lives among them, to quicken and encourage them; for innumerable of the Bearers dy’d of the Diſtemper, infected by the Bodies they were oblig’d to come ſo near; and had it not been, that the Number of poor People who wanted Employment, and wanted Bread, (as I have ſaid before,) was ſo great, that Neceſſity drove them to undertake any Thing, and venture any thing, they would never have found People to be employ’d; and then the Bodies of the dead would have lain above Ground, and have periſhed and rotted in a dreadful Manner.
But the Magiſtrates cannot be enough commended in this, that they kept ſuch good Order for the ​burying of the Dead, that as faſt as any of thoſe they employ’d to carry off, and bury the dead, fell ſick or dy’d, as was many Times the Caſe, they immediately ſupply’d the places with others; which by reaſon of the great Number of Poor that was left out of Buſineſs, as above, was not hard to do: This occaſion’d, that notwithſtanding the infinite Number of People which dy’d, and were ſick almoſt all together, yet, they were always clear’d away, and carry’d off every Night; ſo that it was never to be ſaid of London, that the living were notable to bury the Dead.
As the Deſolation was greater, during thoſe terrible Times, ſo the Amazement of the People encreas’d; and a thouſand unaccountable Things they would do in the violence of their Fright, as others did the ſame in the Agonies of their Diſtemper, and this part was very affecting; ſome went roaring, and crying, and wringing their Hands along the Street; ſome would go praying, and lifting up their Hands to Heaven, calling upon God for Mercy. I cannot ſay indeed, whether this was not in their Diſtraction; but be it ſo, it was ſtill an indication of a more ſerious Mind, when they had the uſe of their Senſes, and was much better, even as it was, than the frightful yellings and cryings that every Day, and eſpeciaily in the Evenings, were heard
in ſome Streets. I ſuppoſe the World has heard of the famous Soloman Eagle an Enthuſiaſt: He tho’ not infected at all, but in his Head; went about denouncing of Judgment upon the City in a frightful manner; ſometimes quite naked, and with a Pan of burning Charcoal on his Head: What he ſaid or pretended, indeed I could not learn.
I will not ſay, whether that Clergyman was diſtracted or not: Or whether he did it in pure Zeal for the poor People who went every Evening thro’ the Streets of White-Chapel; and with his Hands lifted up, repeated that Part of the Liturgy of the Church continually; Spare us good Lord, ſpare thy People whom thou haſt redeemed with thy moſt precious Blood, I ſay, I cannot ſpeak ​poſitively of theſe Things; becauſe theſe were only the diſmal Objects which repreſented themſelves to me as I look’d thro’ my Chamber Windows (for I ſeldom opened the Caſements) while I confin’d my ſelf within Doors, during that moſt violent rageing of the Peſtilence; when indeed, as I have ſaid, many began to think, and even to ſay, that there would none eſcape; and indeed, I began to think ſo too; and therefore kept within Doors, for about a Fortnight, and never ſtirr’d out: But I cou’d not hold it: Beſides, there were ſome People, who notwithſtanding the Danger, did not omit publickly to attend the Worship of God, even in the moſt dangerous Times; and tho’ it is true, that a great many Clergymen did ſhut up their Churches, and fled as other People did, for the ſafety of their Lives; yet, all did not do ſo, ſome ventur’d to officiate, and to keep up the Aſſemblies of the People by conſtant Prayers; and ſometimes Sermons, or Brief Exhortations to Repentance and Reformation, and this as long as any would come to hear them; and Diſſenters did the like alſo, and even in the very Churches, where the Pariſh Miniſters were either Dead or fled, nor was there any Room for making Difference, at ſuch a Time as this was.
It was indeed a lamentable Thing to hear the miſerable Lamentations of poor dying Creatures, calling out for Miniſters to Comfort them, and pray with them, to Counſel them, and to direct them, calling out to God for Pardon and Mercy, and confeſſing aloud their paſt Sins. It would make the ſtouteſt Heart bleed to hear how many Warnings were then given by dying Penitents, to others not to put off and delay their Repentance to the Day of Diſtreſs, that ſuch a Time of Calamity as this, was no Time for Repentance; was no Time to call upon God. I with I could repeat the very Sound of thoſe Groans, and of thoſe Exclamations that I heard from ſome poor dying Creatures, when in the Hight of their Agonies and Diſtreſs; and that I could make him that read this hear, as I imagine I now hear them, for the Sound ſeems ſtill to Ring in my Ears. If ​If I could but tell this Part, in ſuch moving Accents as ſhould alarm the very Soul of the Reader, I ſhould rejoice that I recorded thoſe Things, however ſhort and imperfect.
It pleaſed God that I was ſtill ſpar’d, and very hearty and found in Health, but very impatient of being pent up within Doors without Air, as I had been for 14 Days or thereabouts; and I could not reſtrain my ſelf, but I would go to carry a Letter for my Brother to the Poſt-Houſe; then it was indeed, that I obſerv’d a profound Silence in the Streets; when I came to the Poſt-Houſe, as I went to put in my Letter, I ſaw a Man ſtand in one Corner of the Yard, and talking to another at a Window; and a third had open’d a Door belonging to the Office; In the middle of the Yard lay a ſmall Leather Purſe, with two Keys hanging at it, and Money in it, but no Body would meddle with it: I ask’d how long it had lain there; the Man at the Window ſaid, it had lain almoſt an Hour; but that they had not meddled with it, becauſe they did not know, but the Perſon who dropt it, might come back to look for it. I had no ſuch need of Money, nor was the Sum ſo big, that I had any Inclination to meddle with it, or to get the Money at the hazard it might be attended with; ſo I ſeem’d to go away, when the Man who had open’d the Door, ſaid, he would take it up; but ſo, that if the right Owner came for it, he ſhould be ſure to have it: So he went in, and fetched a pail of Water, and ſet it down hard by the Purſe; then went again, and fetch’d ſome Gun-powder, and caſt a good deal of Powder upon the Purſe, and then made a Train from that which he had thrown looſe upon the Purſe; the train reached about two Yards; after this he goes in a third Time, and fetches out a pair of Tongues red hot, and which he had prepar’d, I ſuppoſe on purpoſe; and firſt ſetting Fire to the Train of Powder, that ſing’d the Purſe and alſo ſmoak’d the Air ſufficiently: But he was not content with that; but he then takes up ​the Purſe with the Tongs, holding it ſo long till the Tongs burnt thro’ the Purſe, and then he ſhook the Money out into the Pail of Water, ſo he carried it in. The Money, as I remember, was about thirteen Shillings, and ſome ſmooth Groats, and Braſs Farthings.
There might perhaps, have been ſeveral poor People, as I have obſerv’d above, that would have been hardy enough to have ventured for the ſake of the Money; but you may eaſily ſee by what I have obſerv’d, that the few People, who were ſpar’d, were very careful of themſelves, at that Time when the Diſtreſs was ſo exceeding great.
Much about the ſame Time I walk’d out into the Fields towards Bow; for I had a great mind to ſee how things were managed in the River, and among the Ships; and as I had ſome Concern in Shipping, I had a Notion that it had been one of the beſt Ways of ſecuring ones ſelf from the Infection to have retir’d into a Ship, and muſing how to ſatisfy my Curioſity, in that Point, I turned away over the Fields, from Bow to Bromley, and down to Blackwall, to the Stairs, which are there for landing, or taking Water.
Here I ſaw a poor Man walking on the Bank, or Sea-wall, as they call it, by himſelf, I walked a while alſo about, ſeeing the Houſes all ſhut up; at laſt I fell into ſome Talk, at a Diſtance, with this poor Man; firſt I asked him, how People did thereabouts? Alas, Sir! ſays he, almoſt all deſolate; all dead or ſick: Here are very few Families in this Part, or in that Village, pointing at Poplar, where half of them ave not dead already, and the reſt ſick. Then he pointed to one Houſe, There they are all dead, ſaid he, and the Houſe ſtands open; no Body dares go into it. A poor Thief, ſays he, ventured in to ſteal ſomething, but he paid dear for his Theft; for he was carried to the Church Yard too, laſt Night. Then he pointed to ſeveral other Houſes. There, ſays he, they are all dead; the Man and his Wife, and five Children. There, ſays he, they are ſhut up, you ſee a Watchman at the Door; and ſo of other Houſes. Why, ſays I, What do you here all alone? ​Why, ſays he, I am a poor deſolate Man; it has pleaſed God I am not yet viſited, tho’ my Family is, and one of my Children dead. How do you mean then, ſaid I, that you are not viſited. Why, ſays he, that’s my Houſe, pointing to a very little low boarded Houſe, and there my poor Wife and two Children live, ſaid he, if they may be ſaid to live, for my Wife and one of the Children are viſited, but I do not come at them. And with that Word I ſaw the Tears run very plentifully down his Face; and ſo they did down mine too, I aſſure you.
But ſaid I, Why do you not come at them? How can you abandon your own Fleſh, and Blood? Oh, Sir! ſays he, the Lord forbid; I do not abandon them; I work for them as much as I am able; and bleſſed be the Lord, I keep them from Want; and with that I obſerv’d, he lifted up his Eyes to Heaven, with a Countenance that preſently told me, had happened on a Man that was no Hypocrite, but a ſerious, religions good Man, and his Ejaculation was an Expreſſion of Thankfulneſs, that in ſuch a Condition as he was in, he ſhould be able to ſay his Family did not want. Well, ſays I, honeſt Man, that is a great Mercy as things go now with the Poor: But how do you live then, and how are you kept from the dreadful Calamity that is now upon us all? Why Sir, ſays he, I am a Waterman, and there’s my Boat, ſays he, and the Boat ſerves me for a Houſe; I work in it in the Day, and I ſleep in it in the Night; and what I get, I lay down upon that Stone, ſays he, ſhewing me a broad Stone on the other Side of the Street, a good way from his Houſe, and then, ſays he, I halloo, and call to them till I make them hear; and they come and fetch it.
Well Friend, ſays I, but how can you get any Money as a Waterman? does any Body go by Water theſe Times? Yes Sir, ſays he, in the Way I am employ’d there does. Do you ſee there, ſays he, five Ships lie at Anchor, pointing down the River, a good way below the Town,
and Owners, and ſuch like, who have lock’d themſelves up, and live on board, cloſe ſhut in, for fear of the Infection; and I tend on them to fetch Things for them, carry Letters, and do what is abſolutely neceſſary, that they may not be obliged to come on Shore; and every Night I faſten my Boat on board one of the Ship’s Boats, and there I ſleep by my ſelf, and bleſſed be God, I am preſerv’d hitherto.
Well, ſaid I, Friend, but will they let you come on board, after you have been on Shore here, when this is ſuch a terrible Place, and ſo infected as it is?
Why, as to that, ſaid he, I very ſeldom go up the Ship Side, but deliver what I bring to their Boat, or lie by the Side, and they hoiſt it on board; if I did, I think they are in no Danger from me, for I never go into any Houſe on Shore, or touch any Body, no, not of my own Family; But I fetch Proviſions for them.
Nay, ſays I, but that may be worſe, for you muſt have thoſe Proviſions of ſome Body or other; and ſince all this Part of the Town is ſo infected, it is dangerous ſo much as to ſpeak with any Body; for this Village, ſaid I, is as it were, the Beginning of London, tho’ it be at ſome Diſtance from it.
That is true, added he, but you do not underſtand me Right, I do not buy Proviſions for them here; I row up to Greenwich and buy freſh Meat there, and ſometimes I row down the River to Woolwich and buy there; then I go to ſingle Farm Houſes on the Kentiſh Side, where I am known, and buy Fowls and Eggs, and Butter, and bring to the Ships, as they direct me, ſometimes one, ſometimes the other; I ſeldom come on Shore here; and I came now only to call to my Wife, and hear how my little Family do, and give them a little Money, which I receiv'd laſt Night.
Poor Man! ſaid I, and how much haft thou gotten for them?
I have gotten four Shillings, ſaid he, which is a great Sum, as things go now with poor Men; but they have given me a Bag of Bread too, and a Salt Fiſh and ſome Fleſh; ſo all helps out.
Well, ſaid I, and have you given it them yet?
No, ſaid he, but I have called, and my Wife has anſwered, that ſhe cannot come out yet, but in Half an Hour ſhe hopes to come, and I am waiting for her: Poor Woman! ſays he, ſhe is brought ſadly down; ſhe has a Swelling, and
it is broke, and I hope ſhe will recover; but I fear the Child will die; but it is the Lord! ——— Here he ſtopt, and wept very much.
Well, honeſt Friend, ſaid I, thou haſt a ſure Comforter, if thou haft brought thy ſelf to be reſign'd to the will of God, he is dealing with us all in Judgment.
Oh, Sir, ſays he, it is infinite Mercy, if any of us are ſpar'd; and who am I to repine!
Sayeſt thou ſo, ſaid I, and how much leſs is my Faith than thine? And here my Heart ſmote me, ſuggeſting how much better this Poor Man’s Foundation was, on which he ſtaid in the Danger, than mine; that he had no where to fly; that he had a Family to bind him to Attendance, which I had not; and mine was meer Preſumption, his a true Dependance, and a Courage reſting on God: and yet, that he uſed all poſſible Caution for his Safety.
I turn’d a little way from the Man, while theſe Thoughts engaged me, for indeed, I could no more refrain from Tears than he.
At length, after ſome farther Talk, the poor Woman opened the Door, and call’d, Robert, Robert; he anſwered and bid her ſtay a few Moments, and he would come; ſo he ran down the common Stairs to his Boat, and fetch’d up a Sack in which was the Proviſions he had brought from the Ships; and when he returned, he hallooed again; then he went to the great Stone which he ſhewed me, and emptied the Sack, and laid all out, every Thing by themſelves, and then retired; and his Wife came with a little Boy to fetch them away; and he calld, and ſaid, ſuch a Captain had ſent ſuch a Thing, and ſuch a Captain ſuch a Thing, and at the End adds, God has ſent it all, ​give Thanks to him. When the Poor Woman had taken up all, ſhe was ſo weak, ſhe could not carry it at once in, tho’ the Weight was not much neither; ſo ſhe left the Biſcuit which was in a little Bag, and left a little Boy to watch it till ſhe came again.
Well, but ſays I to him, did you leave her the four Shillings too, which you ſaid was your Week's Pay?
YES, YES, ſays he, you ſhal hear her own it. So he calls again, Rachel, Rachel, which it ſeems was her Name, did you take up the Money? YES, ſaid the. How much was it, ſaid he? Four Shillings and a Groat, ſaid ſhe. Well, well, ſays he, the Lord keep you all; and ſo he turned to go away.
As I could not refrain contributing Tears to this Man’s Story, ſo neither could I refrain my Charity for his Aſſiſtance; ſo I call’d him, Hark thee Friend, faid I, come hither; for I believe thou art in Health, that I may venture thee; ſo I pull’d out my Hand, which was in my Pocket before, here, ſays I, go and call thy Rachel once more, and give her a little more Comfort from me. God will never forſake a Family that truſt in him as thou doſt; ſo I gave him four other Shillings, and had him go lay them on the Stone and call his Wife.
I have not Words to expreſs the poor Man’s thankfulneſs, neither could he expreſs it himſelf; but by Tears running down his Face; he call’d his Wife, and told her God had mov’d the Heart of a Stranger upon hearing their Condition, to give them all that Money; and a great deal more ſuch as that, he ſaid to her. The Woman too, made Signs of the like Thankfulneſs, as well to Heaven, as to me, and joyfully pick’d it up; and I parted with no Money all that Year, that I thought better beſtow’d.
I then ask’d the poor Man if the Diſtemper had not reach’d to Greenwich: He ſaid it had not, till about a Fortnight before; but that then he feared it had; but that it was only at that End of the Town, which lay South towards Deptford-Bridge; that he went only to a Butchers-Shop, and a Grocers, where he ​generally bought ſuch Things as they ſent him for; but was very careful.
I ask’d him then, how it came to paſs, that thoſe People who had ſo ſhut themſelves up in the Ships, had not laid in ſufficient Stores of all things neceſſary? He ſaid ſome of them had, but on the other Hand, ſome did not come on board till they were frighted into it, and till it was too dangerous for them to go to the proper People, to lay in Quantities of Things, and that he waited on two Ships which he ſhewed me, that had lay’d in little or nothing but Biſcuit Bread, and Ship-Beer; and that he had bought every Thing elſe almoſt for them. I ask’d him, if there was any more Ships that had ſeparated themſelves, as thoſe had done. He told me yes, all the way up from the Point, right againſt Greenwich, to within the Shore of Lime houſe and Redriff, all the Ships that could have Room, rid two and two in the middle of the Stream; and that ſome of them had ſeveral Families on Board, I ask’d him, if the Diſtemper had not reached them? He ſaid he believ’d it had not, except two or three Ships, whoſe People had not been ſo watchful, to keep the Seamen from going on Shore as others had been; and he ſaid it was a very fine Sight to ſee how the Ships lay up the Pool.
When he ſaid he was going over to Greenwich, as ſoon as the Tide began to come in. I ask’d if he would let me go with him, and bring me back, for that, I had a great mind to ſee how the Ships were ranged as he had told me? He told me if I would aſſure him on the Word of a Chriſtian, and of an honeſt Man, that I had not the Diſtemper, he would: I aſſur’d him, that I had not, that it had pleaſed God to preſerve me, That I liv’d in White-Chapel, but was too Impatient of being ſo long within Doors, and that I had ventured out ſo far for the Refreſhment of a little Air; but that none in my Houſe had ſo much as been touch’t with it.
​Well, Sir, ſays he, as your Charity has been mov'd to pity me and my poor Family; ſure you cannot have ſo little pity left, as to put your ſelf into my Boat if you were not Sound in Health, which would be nothing leſs than killing me, and ruining my whole Family. The poor Man troubled me ſo much, when he ſpoke of his Family with ſuch a ſenſible Concerns and in ſuch an affectionate Manner, that I cou’d not ſatisfy my ſelf at firſt to go at all. I told him, I would lay aſide my Curioſity, rather than make him uneaſy; tho’ I was ſure, and very thankful for its that I had no more Diſtemper upon me, than the freſheſt Man in the World: Well, he would not have me put it off neither, but to let me ſee how confident he was, that I was juſt to him, he now importuned me to go; ſo when the Tide came up to his Boat, I went in, and he carry’d me to Greenwich: While he bought the Things which he had in his Charge to buy, I walk’d up to the Top of the Hill, under which the Town ſtands, and on the Eaſt-Side of the Town, to get a Proſpect of the River: But it was a ſurpriſing Sight to ſee the Number of Ships which lay in Rows, two and two, and ſome Places,
two or three ſuch Lines in the Breadth of the Rivers and this not only up quite to the Town, between the Houſes which we call Ratclif and Redriff, which they name the Pool, but even down the whole River; as far as the Head of Long-Reach, which is as far as the Hills give us Leave to ſee it.
I cannot gueſs at the Number of Ships, but I think there muſt be ſeveral Hundreds of Sail; and I could not but applaud the Contrivance; for ten thouſand
People, and more, who attended Ship Affairs, were certainly ſheltered here from the Violence of the Contagion, and liv’d very ſafe and very eaſy.
I returned to my own Dwelling very well ſatisfied with my Days Journey; and particularly with the poor Man; alſo I rejoyced to ſee that ſuch little Sanctuaries were provided for ſo many Families,in a Time ​of ſuch Deſolation. I obſerv’d alſo, that as the Violence of the Plague had encreaſed, ſo the Ships which had Families on Board, remov’d and went farther off, till, as I was told, ſome went quite away to Sea, and put into ſuch Harbours, and ſafe Roads on the North Coaſt, as they could beſt come at.
But it was alſo true, that all the People, who thus left the Land, and liv’d on Board the Ships, were not entirely ſafe from the Infection, for many died, and were thrown over-board into the River, ſome in Coffins, and ſome, as I heard, without Coffins, whoſe Bodies were ſeen ſometimes to drive up and down, with the Tide in the River.
But I believe; I may venture to ſay, that in thoſe Ships which were thus infected, it either happened where the People had recourſe to them too late, and
did not fly to the Ship till they had ſtayed too long on Shore, and had the Diſtemper upon them, tho’ perhaps, they might not perceive it, and ſo the Diſtemper did not come to them, on Board the Ships, but they really carried it with them; OR it was in theſe Ships, where the poor Waterman ſaid they had not had Time to furniſh themſelves with Proviſions, but were obliged to ſend often on Shore to. buy what they had Occaſion for, or ſuffered Boats to come to them from the Shore; and ſo the Diſtemper was brought inſenſibly among them.
And here I cannot but take notice that the ſtrange Temper of the People of London at that Time contributed extremely to their own Deſtruction. The Plague began, as I have obſerved, at the other End of the Town, namely, in Long-Acre, Drury-Lane, &c. and came on towards the City very gradually and ſlowly. It was felt at firſt in December, then again in February, then again in April, and always but a very little at a Time; then it ſtopt till May, and even the laſt Week in May, there was but 37, and all at that End of the Town; and all this while, even ſo long, as till there died above 3000 a-Week; yet had the ​People in Redriff, and in Wapping, and Ratcliff on both Sides the River, and almoſt all Southwark-Side, a mighty Fancy, that they ſhould not be viſited, or at leaſt, that it would not be ſo violent among them: Some People fancied, the ſmell of the Pitch and Tar, and ſuch other things, as Oil and Roſin, and Brimſtone, which is ſo much uſed by all Trades relating to Shipping, would preſerve them. Others argued it, becauſe it was in its extreameſt Violence in Weſtminſter, and the Pariſhes of St. Giles’s and St. Andrew’s, &c. and began to abate again, before it came among them, which was true indeed, in Part: For Example.
| From the 8th to the 15th of Auguſt. | From the 8th to the 15th of Auguſt. | From the 8th to the 15th of Auguſt. | From the 8th to the 15th of Auguſt. | Total this Week |
| St. Giles's in the Fields $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ | 242 | Stepney | 197 | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ 4030 |
| St. Giles's in the Fields $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ | 242 | St. Mag. Bermondſey | 24 | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ 4030 |
| Cripplegate | 886 | Rotherhith | 3 | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ 4030 |
| From the 15th to the 22d of Auguſt. | From the 15th to the 22d of Auguſt. | From the 15th to the 22d of Auguſt. | From the 15th to the 22d of Auguſt. | Total this Week. |
| St. Giles's in the Fields $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ | 175 | Stepney | 273 | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ 5319 |
| St. Giles's in the Fields $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ | 175 | St. Mag. Bermondſey | 36 | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ 5319 |
| Cripplegate | 847 | Rotherhith | 2 | $\scriptstyle {\left.{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right\}\,$ 5319 |
N. B. That it was obſerv’d the Numbers mention’d in Stepney Parith, at that time, were generally all on that Side where Stepney Pariſh joined to Shoreditch, which we now call Spittle-fields, where the Pariſh of Stepney, comes up to the very Wall of Shoreditch Church-Yard, and the Plague at this Time was abated at St. Giles’s in the Fields, and raged moſt violently in Cripplegate; Bifhopſgate and Shoreditch Pariſhes, but there was not 10 People a-Week that died of it in all that Part of Stepney Pariſh, which takes in Lime-Houſe, Ratcliff-high-way, and which are now the Pariſhes of Shadwell and Wapping, even to St. Katherines by the Tower, till after the whole Month of Auguſt was expired; but they paid for it afterwards, as I ſhall obſerve by and by.
This, I ſay, made the People of Redriff and Wapping, Ratcliff and Lime-Houſe ſo ſecure, and flatter ​themſelves ſo much with the Plague’s going off, without reaching them, that they took no Care, either to fly into the Country, or ſhut themſelves up; nay, ſo far were they from ſtirring, that they rather receiv’d their Friends and Relations from the City into their Houſes; and ſeveral from other Places really took Sanctuary in that Part of the Town, as a Place of Safety, and as a Place which they thought God would paſs over and not viſit as the reſt was viſited.
And this was the Reaſon, that when it came upon them they were more ſurprized, more unprovided and more at a Loſs what to do than they were in other Places, for when it came among them really, and with Violence, as it did indeed, in September and October, there was then no ſtirring out into the Country, no Body would ſuffer a Stranger to come near them, no nor near the Towns where they dwelt; and as I have been told, ſeveral that wandred into the Country on Surry Side were found ſtarv’d to Death in the Woods and Commons, that Country being more open and more woody, than any other Part ſo near London; eſpecially about Norwood, and the Pariſhes of Camberwell, Dullege, and Luſum, where it ſeems no Body durſt relieve the poor diſtreſs’d People for fear of the Infection.
This Notion having, as I ſaid, prevailed with the People in that Part of the Town, was in Part the Occaſion, as I ſaid before, that they had Recourſe to Ships for their Retreat; and where they did this early, and with Prudence, furniſhing themſelves ſo with Proviſions, that they had no need to go on Shore for Supplies, or suffer Boats to come on Board to bring them; I ſay where they did ſo they had certainly the ſafeſt Retreat of any People whatſoever: But the Diſtreſs was ſuch, that People ran on Board in their Fright without Bread to eat, and ſome into Ships, that had no Men on Board to remove them farther off, or to take the Boat and go down the River to buy Proviſions where it might be done ſafely; and ​theſe often ſuffered, and were infected on board as much as on Shore.
As the richer Sort got into Ships, ſo the lower Rank got into Hoys, Smacks, Lighters, and Fiſhing boats; and many, eſpecially Watermen, lay in their Boats; but thoſe made ſad Work of it, eſpecially the latter, for going about for Proviſion, and perhaps to get their Subſiſtence, the Infection got in among them and made a fearful Havock; many of the Watermen died alone in their Wherries, as they rid at their Roads, as well above-Bridge as below, and were not found ſometimes till they were not in Condition for any Body to touch or come near them.
Indeed the Diſtreſs of the People at this Sea-faring End of the Town was very deplorable, and deſerved the greateſt Commiſeration: But alas! this was a a Time when every one’s private Safety lay ſo near them, that they had no Room to pity the Diſtreſſes of others; for every one had Death, as it were, at his Door, and many even to their Families, and knew not what to do, or whither to fly.
This, I ſay, took away all Compaſſion; ſelf Preſervation indeed appear’d here to be the firſt Law. For the Children ran away from their Parents, as they lauguiſhed in the utmoſt Diſtreſs: And in ſome Places, tho’ not ſo frequent as the other, Parents did the like to their Children; nay, ſome dreadful Examples there were, and particularly two in one Week of diſtreſſed Mothers, raveing and diſtracted, killing their own Children; one whereof was not far off from where I dwelt; the poor lunatick Creature not living herſelf long enough to be ſenſible of the Sin of what ſhe had done, much leſs to be puniſh’d for it.
It is not indeed to be wondred at, for the Danger of immediate Death to ourſelves, took away all Bowels of Love, all Concern for one another: I ſpeak in general, for there were many Inſtances of immovable Affection, Pity, and Duty in many, and ſome that came to my Knowledg; that is to ſay, by here-ſay:
For I ſhall not take upon me to vouch the Truth of the Particulars.
​To introduce one, let me firſt mention; that one of the moſt deplorable Caſes, in all the preſent Calamity, was, that of Women with Child; who when they came to the Hour of their Sorrows, and their Pains came upon them, cou’d neither have help of one Kind or another; neither Midwife or Neigbouring Women to come near them; moſt of the Midwives were dead; eſpecially, of ſuch as ſerv’d the poor; and many, if not all the Midwives of Note were fled into the Country: So that it was next to impoſſible for a poor Woman that cou’d not pay an immoderate Price to get any Midwife to come to her, and if they did, thoſe they cou’d get were generally unskilful and ignorant Creatures; and the Conſequence of this was, that a moſt unuſual and incredible Number of Women were reduc’d to the utmoſt diſtreſs. Some were deliver’d and ſpoil’d by the raſhneſs and ignorance of thoſe who pretended to lay them. Children without Number, were, I might ſay murthered by the ſame, but a more juſtifiable ignorance, pretending they would ſave the Mother, whatever became of the Child; and many Times, both Mother and Child were loſt in the ſame Manner; and eſpecially, where the Mother had the Diſtemper, there no Body would come near them, and both ſometimes periſh’d: Sometimes the Mother has died of the Plague; and the Infant, it may be half born, or born but not parted from the Mother. Some died in the very Pains of their Travel, and not deliver’d at all; and ſo many were the Caſes of this Kind, that it is hard to Judge of them.
Something of it will appear in the unuſual Numbers which are put into the Weekly Bills (tho’ I am far from allowing them to be able to give any Thing of a full Account) under the Articles of
Child-Bed.
Abortive and Stilborn.
Chriſoms and Infants.
​Take the Weeks in which the Plague was moſt violent, and compare them with the Weeks before the Diſtemper began, even in the ſame Year: For Example: Child bed. Abort. Stil-born.
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | | Child bed. | Abort. | Stil-born |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Jan. 3 to Jan. 10 | 7 | 1 | 13 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 17 | 8 | 6 | 11 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 24 | 9 | 5 | 15 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 31 | 3 | 2 | 9 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Jan. 31 to Feb. 7 | 3 | 3 | 8 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 14 | 6 | 2 | 11 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 21 | 5 | 2 | 13 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 28 | 2 | 2 | 10 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Feb. 7 to March. 7 | 5 | 1 | 10 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | | 48 | 24 | 100 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Aug. 1 to Aug. 8 | 25 | 5 | 11 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 15 | 23 | 6 | 8 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 22 | 28 | 4 | 4 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 29 | 40 | 6 | 10 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Aug. 1 to Sept. 5 | 38 | 2 | 11 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 12 | 39 | 23 | 00 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 19 | 42 | 5 | 17 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | to 26 | 42 | 6 | 10 |
| From $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \\\ \ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Aug. 1 to Octob. 3 | 14 | 4 | 9 |
| | | 291 | 61 | 80 |
To the Diſparity of theſe Numbers, is to be conſidered and allow’d for, that according to our uſual Opinion, who were then upon the Spot, there were not one third of the People in the Town, during the Months of August and September, as were in the Months of January and February: In a Word, the uſual Number that uſed to die of theſe three Articles; and as
I hear, did die of them the Year before, was thus:
| 1664 $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Child bed. | 189 | 1665 $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Child bed. | 625 |
| 1664 $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Abortive and Stil-born | 458 | 1665 $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | Abortive and Stil-born | 617 |
| | | 647 | | | 1242 |
​This inequallity, I ſay, is exceedingly augmented, when the Numbers of People are conſidered: I pretend not to make any exact Calculation of the Numbers of People, which were at this Time in the City; but I ſhall make a probable Conjecture at that part by and by: What I have ſaid now, is to explain the miſery of thoſe poor Creatures above; ſo that it might well be ſaid as in the Scripture. Wo! be to thoſe who are with Child; and to thoſe which give ſuck in that Day. For indeed, it was a Wo to them in particular.
I was not converſant in many particular Families where theſe things happen’d; but the Out-cries of the miſerable, were heard afar off. As to thoſe who were with Child, we have ſeen ſome Calculation made 291 Women dead in Child bed in nine Weeks; out of one third Part of the Number, of whom there uſually dy'd in that Time, but 48 of the ſame Diſaſter. Let the Reader calculate the Proportion.
There is no Room to doubt, but the Miſery of thoſe that gave Suck, was in Proportion as great. Our Bills of Mortality cou’d give but little Light in this; yet, ſome it did, there were ſeveral more than uſual ſtarv’d at Nurſe, But this was nothing: The Miſery was, where they were (1ſt) ſlarved for want of a Nurſe, the Mother dying, and all the Family and the infants found dead by them, meerly for want; and it may ſpeak my Opinion, I do believe, that many hundreds of Poor helpleſs Infants periſh’d in this manner. (2dly) Not ſtarved (but poiſon’d) by the Nurſe, Nay even where the Mother has been Nurſe, and having receiv'd the Infection, has poiſon’d, that is, infected the Infant with her Milk, even before they knew they were infected themſelves; nay, and the Infant has dy’d in ſuch a Caſe before the Mother. I cannot but remember to leave this Admonition upon Record, if ever ſuch another dreadful Viſitation ſhould happen in this City; that all Women that are with Child or that give Suck ſhould be gone, if they have any ​poſſible Means out of the Place; becauſe their Miſery if infected, will ſo much exceed all other Peoples.
I could tell here diſmal Stories of living Infants being found ſucking the Breaſts of their Mothers, or Nurſes, after they have been dead of the Plague. Of a Mother, in the Pariſh where I liv’d, who having a Child that was not well, ſent for an Apothecary to View the Child, and when he came, as the Relation goes, was giving the Child ſuck at her Breaſt, and to all Appearance, was her ſelf very well: But when the Apothecary came cloſe to her, he ſaw the Tokens upon that Breaſt, with which ſhe was ſuckling the Child. He was ſurpriz’d enough to be ſure; but not willing to fright the poor Woman too much, he deſired ſhe would give the Child into his Hand; ſo he takes the Child, and going to a Cradle in the Room lays it in, and opening its Cloths, found the Tokens upon the Child too, and both dy’d before he cou’d get Home, to fend a preventative Medicine to the Father of the Child, to whom he had told their Condition; whether the Child infected the Nurſe-Mother, or the Mother the Child was not certain, but the laſt the moſt likely.
Likewiſe of a Child brought Home to the Parents from a Nurſe that had dy’d of the Plague; yet, the tender Mother would not refuſe to take in her Child, and lay’d it in her Boſom, by which ſhe was infected, and dy’d with the Child in her Arms dead alſo.
It would make the hardeſt Heart move at the Inſtances that were frequently found of tender Mothers, tending and watching with their dear Children, and even dying before them, and ſometimes taking the Diſtemper from them, and dying when the Child, for whom the affectionate Heart had been ſacrified, has got over it and eſcap’d.
The like of a Tradeſman in Eaſt-Smith-field, whoſe Wife was big with Child of her firſt Child, and fell in Labour, having the Plague upon her: He cou'd neither get Midwife to aſſiſt her, or Nurſe to tend ​her; and two Servants which he kept fled both from her. He ran from Houſe to Houſe like one diſtracted, but cou’d get no help; the utmoſt he could get was, that a Watchman who attended at an infected Houle ſhut up, promis’d to ſend a Nurſe in the Morning: The poor Man with his Heart broke, went back, aſſiſted his Wife what he con’d, acted the part of the Midwife; brought the Child dead into the World; and his Wife in about an Hour dy’d in his Arms, where he held her dead Body faſt till the Morning, when the Watchman came and brought the Nurſe as he had promiſed; and coming up the Stairs, for he had left the Door open, or only latched: They found the Man fitting with his dead Wife in his Arms; and ſo overwhelmed with Grief, that he dy’d in a few Hours after, without any Sign of the Infection upon him, but meerly ſunk under the Weight of his Grief.
I have heard alſo of ſome, who on the Death of their Relations, have grown ſtupid with the inſupportable Sorrow, and of one in particular, who was ſo abſolutely overcome with the Preſſure upon his Spirits, that by Degrees, his Head ſunk into his Body, ſo between his Shoulders, that the Crown of his Head was very little ſeen above the Bones of his Shoulders; and by Degrees, loſeing both Voice and Senſe, his Face looking forward, lay againſt his Collar-Bone, and con’d not be kept up any otherwiſe, unleſs held up by the Hands of other People; and the poor Man never came to himſelf again, but languiſhed near a Year in that Condition and died: Nor was he ever once ſeen to life up his Eyes, or to look upon any particular Object.
I cannot undertake to give any other than a Summary of ſuch Paſſages as theſe, becauſe it was not poſſible to come at the Particulars, where ſometimes the whole Families, where ſuch Things happen’d, were carry’d off by the Diſtemper: But there were innumerable Caſes of this Kind, which preſented to ​the Eye, and the Ear; even in paſſing along the Streets, as I have hinted above, nor is it eaſy to give any Story of this, or that Family, which there was not divers parallel Stories to met with of the fame Kind,
But as I am now talking of the Time, when the Plague rag’d at the Eaſter-moſt Part of the Town; how for a long Time the People of thoſe Parts had flattered themſelves that they ſhould eſcape; and how they were ſurprized, when it came upon them as it did; for indeed, it came upon them like an armed Man, when it did come, I ſay, this brings me back to the three poor Men, who wandered from Wapping, not knowing whether to go, or what to do, and who I mention’d before; one a Biſcuit-Baker, one a Sail-Maker, and the other a Joiner; all of Wapping, or thereabouts.
The Sleepineſs and Security of that Part as I have obſerv’d, was ſuch; that they not only did not ſhift for themſelves as others did; but they boaſted of being ſafe, and of Safety being with them; and many People fled out of the City, and out of the infected Suburbs, to Wapping, Ratcliff, Lime-houſe, Poplar, and ſuch Places, as to Places of Security; and it is not at all unlikely, that their doing this, help’d to bring the Plague that way faſter, than it might otherwiſe have come. For tho’ I am much for Peoples flying away and emptying ſuch a Town as this, upon the firſt Appearance of a like Viſitation, and that all People that have any poſſible Retreat, ſhould make uſe of it in Time, and begone; yet, I muſt ſay, when all that will fly are gone, thoſe that are left and muſt ſtand it, ſhould ſtand ſtock ſtill where they are, and not shift from one End of the Town, or one Part of the Town to the other; for that is the Bane and Miſchief of the whole, and they carry the Plague from Houſe to Houſe in their very Clothes.
Wherefore, were we ordered to kill all the Dogs and Cats: But becauſe as they were domeſtick ​Animals, and are apt to run from Houſe to Houſe, and from Street to Street; ſo they are capable of carrying the Effluvia or Infectious Steams of Bodies infected, even in their Furrs and Hair; and therefore, it was that in the beginning of the Infection, an Order was publiſhed by the Lord Mayor, and by the Magiſtrates, according to the Advice of the Phyſicians; that all the Dogs and Cats ſhould be immediately killed, and an Officer was appointed for the Execution.
It is incredible, if their Account is to be depended upon, what a prodigious Number of thoſe Creatures were deſtroy’d: I think they talk’d of forty thouſand Dogs, and five times as many Cats, few Houſes being without a Cat, and ſome having ſeveral, and ſometimes five or ſix in a Houſe. All poſſible Endeavours were us’d alſo to deſtroy the Mice and Rats, eſpecially the latter; by laying Rats-Bane, and other Poiſons for them, and a prodigious multitude of them were alſo deſtroy'd.
I often reflected upon the unprovided Condition, that the whole Body of the People were in at the firſt coming of this Calamity upon them, and how it was for Want of timely entring into Meaſures, and Managements, as well publick as private, that all the Confuſions that followed were brought upon us; and that ſuch a prodigious Number of People ſunk in that Diſaſter, which if proper Steps had been taken, might, Providence concurring, have been avoided, and which, if Poſterity think fit, they may take a Caution, and Warning from: But I ſhall come to this Part again.
I come back to my three Men: Their Story has a Moral in every Part of it, and their whole Conduct, and that of ſome who they join’d with, is a Patern for all poor Men to follow, or Women either, if ever ſuch a Time comes again; and if there was no other End in recording it, I thing this a very juſt one, whether my Account be exactly according to Fact or no.
Two of them are ſaid to be Brothers, the one an old Soldier, but now a Biſcuit Baker; the other a ​lame Sailor, but now a Sail-Maker; the Third a Joiner. Says John the Biſcuit Baker, one Day to Thomas his Brother, the Sail-maker, Brother Tom, what will become of us? The Plague grows hot in the City, and encreaſes this way: What shall we do?
Truly, ſays Thomas, I am at a great Loſs what to do, for I find, if it comes down into Wapping, I ſhall be turn'd out of my Lodging: And thus they began to talk of it
beforehand.
John, Turn’d out of your Lodging, Tom! if you are, I don't know who will take you in; for People are ſo afraid of one another now, there's no getting a Lodging any where.
Tho. Why? The People where I lodge are good civil People, and have Kindneſs enough for me too; but they ſay I go abroad every Day to my Work, and it will be dangerous; and they talk of locking themſelves up, and letting no Body come near them.
John, Why, they are in the right to be ſure, if they reſolve to venture ſtaying in Town.
Tho. Nay, I might e’en reſolve to ſtay within Doors too, for, except a Suit of Sails that my Maſter has in Hand, and which I am juſt a finiſhing, I am like to get no more Work a great while; there’s no Trade ſtirs now; Workmen and Servants are turned off every where, ſo that I might be glad to be lock’d up too: But I do not ſee they will be willing to conſent to that, any more than to the other.
John, Why, what will you do then Brother? and what ſhall I do? for I am almoſt as bad as you; the People where I lodge are all gone into the Country but a Maid, and for us to go next Week, and to ſhut the Houſe quite up, ſo that I ſhall be turn’d a drift to the wide World before you, and I am reſolved to go away too, if I knew but where to go.
Tho. We were both diſtracted we did not go away at firſt, then we might ha’ travelled any where; there's no ſtirring now; we ſhall be ſtarv'd if we pretend to go out of Town; they won't let us have Vituals, no, not for our Money, nor let us come into the Towns, much leſs into their Houſes.
​John, And that which is almoſt as bad, I have but little Money to help my ſelf with neither.
Tho. As to that we might make ſhift; I have a little, tho’ not much; but I tell you there’s no ſtirring on the Road. I know a Couple of poor honeſt Men in our Street have attempted to travel, and at Barnet, or Whetſton, or there about, the People offered to fire at them if they pretended to go forward; ſo they are come back again quite diſcourag’d.
John, I would have ventured their Fire, if I had been there; If I had been denied Food for my Money they ſhould ha’ ſeen me take it before their Faces; and if I had tendred Money for it, they could not have taken any Courſe with me by Law.
Tho. You talk your old Soldier's Language, as if you were in the Low-Countris now, but this is a ſerious thing. The People have good Reaſon to keep any Body off, that they are not ſatisfied are ſound, at ſuch a Time as this; and we muſt not plunder them.
John, No Brother, you miſtake the Caſe, and miſtake me too, I would plunder no Body; but for any Town upon the Road to deny me Leave to paſs thro’ the Town in the open High-Way, and deny me Proviſions for my Money, to ſay the Town has a Right to ſtarve me to Death, which cannot be true.
Tho. But they do not deny you Liberty to go back again from whence you came, and therefore they do not ſtarve you.
John, But the next Town behind me will by the ſame Rule deny me leave to go back, and ſo they do ſtarve me between them; beſides there is no Law to prohibit my travelling wherever I will on the Road.
Tho. But there will be ſo much Difficulty in diſputing with them at every Town on the Road, that it is not for poor Men to do it, or to undertake it at ſuch a Time as this is eſpecially.
John, Why Brother? Our Condition at this Rate is worſe than any Bodies elſe; for we can neither go away nor ſtay here; I am of the ſame Mind with the Lepers of Samaria, If we ſtay here we are ſure to die; I mean eſpecially, as you and I are ſtated, without a Dwelling-Houſe of our ​own, and without Lodging in any Bodies elſe; there is no lying in the Street at ſuch a Time as this; we had as good go into the Dead-Cart at once: Therefore I ſay, if we ſtay here we are ſure to die, and if we go away we can but die: I am reſolv’d to be gone.
Tho. You will go away: Whither will you go? and what can you do? I would as willingly go away as you, if I knew whither: But we have no Acquaintance, no Friends. Here we were born, and here we muſt die.
John, Look you Tom, the whole Kingdom is my Native Country as well as this Town. You may as well ſay, I muſt not go out of my Houſe if it is on Five, as that I muſt not go out of the Town I was born in, when it is infected with the Plague. I was born in England, and have a Right to live in it if I can.
Tho. But you know every vagrant Perſon may by the Laws of England, be taken up, and paſs’d back to their laſt legal Settlement.
John, But how ſhall they make me vagrant; I deſire only to travel on, upon my lawful Occaſions.
Tho. What lawful Occaſions can we pretend to travel, or rather wander upon, they will not be put off with Words.
John, Is not flying to ſave our Lives, a Lawful Occaſion! and do they not all know that the Fact is true: We cannot be ſaid to diſſemble.
Tho. But ſuppoſe they let us paſs, Whither ſhall we go?
John, Any where to ſave our Lives: It is Time enough to conſider that when we are got out of this Town. If I am once out of this dreadful Place I care not where I go.
Tho. We ſhall be driven to great Extremities. I know not what to think of it.
John, Well Tom, conſider of it a little.
This was about the Beginning of July, and tho’ the Plague was come forward in the Weſt and North Parts of the Town, yet all Wapping, as I have obſerved before, and Redriff, and Ratcliff, and Lime-Houſe, and Poplar, in ſhort, Deptford and Greenwich, ​all both Sides of the River from the the Hermitage, and from over againſt it, quite down to Blackwall, was intirely free, there had not one Perſon died of the Plague in all Stepwey Pariſh, and not one on the South Side of White Chappel Road, no, not in any Pariſh; and yet the Weekly Bill was that very Week riſen up to 1006.
It was a Fortnight after this, before the the two Brothers met again, and then the Caſe was a little altered, and the Plague was exceedingly advanced; and the Number greatly encreaſed, the Bill was up at 2785, and prodigiouſly encreaſing, tho’ ſtill both Sides of the River, as below, kept pretty well: But ſome began to die in Redriff, and about five or fix in Ratclif-High-Way, when the Sail Maker came to his Brother John, expreſs, and in ſome Fright, for he was abſolutely warn’d out of his Lodging, and had only a Week to provide himſelf. His Brother John was in as bad a Caſe for he was quite out, and had only beg’d Leave of his Maſter the Biſcuit Baker to lodge in an Out-Houſe belonging to his Work-houſe, where he only lay upon Straw, with ſome Biſcuit Sacks, or Bread-Sacks, as they call’d them, laid upon it, and ſome of the ſame Sacks to cover him.
Here they reſolved, ſeeing all Employment being at an End, and no Work, or Wages to be had, they would make the beſt of their Way to get out of the Reach of the dreadful Infection; and being as good Husbands as they could, would endeavour to live upon what they had as long as it would laſt, and then work for more, if they could get Work any where, of any Kind, let it be what it would.
While they were conſidering to put this Reſolution in Practice, in the beſt Manner they could; the third Man, who was acquainted very well with the Sail Maker, came to know of the Deſign, and got Leave to be one of the Number, and thus they prepared to ſet out.
​It happened that they had not an equal ſhare of Money, but as the Sail-maker, who had the beſt Stock, was beſides his being Lame, the moſt unfit to expect to get any thing by Working in the Country, ſo he was content that what Money they had ſhould all go into one publick Stock, on Condition, that whatever any one of them could gain more than another, it ſhould, without any grudging, be all added to the ſame publick Stock.
They reſolv’d to load themſelves with as little Baggage as poſſible, becauſe they reſolv’d at firſt to travel on Foot; and to go a great way, that they might, if poſſible, be effectually Safe; and a great many Conſultations they had with themſelves, before they could agree about what Way they ſhould travel, which they were ſo far from adjuſting, that even to the Morning they ſet out, they were not reſolv’d on it.
At laſt the Seaman put in a Hint that determin’d
it; Firſt, ſays he, the Weather is very hot, and therefore I am for travelling North, that we may not have the Sun upon our Faces and beating on our Breaſts, which will heat and ſuffocate us; and I have been told, ſays he, that it is not good to over-heat our Blood at a Time when, for ought we know, the Infection may be in the very Air. In the next Place, ſays he, I am for going the Way that may be contrary to the Wind as it may blow when we ſet out; that we may not have the Wind blow the Air of the City on our Backs as we go. Theſe two Cautions were approv'd of; if it could be brought ſo to hit, that the Wind might not be in the South when they ſet out to go North.
John the Baker, who had been a Soldier, then put in his Opinion; Firſt, ſays he, we none of us expect to get any Lodging on the Road, and it will be a little too hard to lie juſt in the open Air; tho’ it be warm Weather, yet it may be wet, ​and damp, and we have a double Reaſon to take care of our Healths at ſuch a time as this; and therefore, ſays he, you, Brother Tom. that are a Sail-maker, might eaſily make us a little Tent, and I will undertake to ſet it up every Night, and take it down, and a Fig for all the Inns in England; if we have a good Tent over our Heads, we ſhall do well enough.
The Joyner oppos’d this, and told them, let them leave that to him, he would undertake to build them a Houſe every Night with his Hatchet and Mallet, tho’ he had no other Tools, which ſhould be fully to their ſatisfaction, and as good as a Tent.
The Soldier and the Joyner diſputed that Point ſome time, but at laſt the Soldier carry’d it for a Tent; the only Objection againſt it was, that it muſt be carry’d with them, and that would encreaſe their Baggage too much, the Weather being hot; but the Sail-maker had a piece of good Hap fell in which made that eaſie, for, his Maſter who he work’d for having a Rope-Walk as well as his Sail-making Trade, had a little poor Horſe that he made no uſe of then, and being: willing to aſſiſt the three honeſt
Men, he gave them the Horſe for the carrying their
Baggage; alſo for a ſmall Matter of three Days Work that his Man did for him before he went, he let him
have an old Top-gallant Sail that was worn out, but was ſufficient and more than enough to make a very good Tent: The Soldier ſhew’d how to ſhape it, and they ſoon by his Direction made their Tent, and fitted it with Poles or Staves for the purpoſe, and thus they were furniſh’d for their Journey; viz. three Men, one Tent, one Horſe, one Gun, for the Soldier would not go without Arms, for now he ſaid he was no more a Biſcuit-Baker, but a Trooper.
The Joyner had a ſmall Bag of Tools, ſuch as might be uſeful if he ſhould get any Work abroad, as well for their Subſiſtence as his own: What Money they ​had, they brought all into one publick Stock, and thus they began their Journey. It ſeems that in the Morning when they ſet out, the Wind blew as the Saylor ſaid by his Pocket Compaſs, at N. W. by W. So they directed, or rather reſolv’d to direct their Courſe N. W.
But then a Difficulty came in their Way, that as they ſet out from the hither end of Wapping near the Hermitage, and that the Plague was now very Violent, eſpecially on the North ſide of the City, as in Shoreditch and Cripplegate Pariſh, they did not think it ſafe for them to go near thoſe Parts; ſo
they went away Eaſt through Radcliff High-way, as far as Radcliff-Croſs, and leaving Stepney Church ſtill on their Left-hand, being afraid to come up from Radcliff-Croſs to Mile-end, becauſe they muſt come juſt by the Church-yard, and becauſe the Wind that ſeemed to blow more from the Weſt, blow’d directly from the ſide of the City where the Plague was hotteſt. So I ſay, leaving Stepney, they fetched a long Compaſs, and going to Poplar and Bromley, came into the great Road juſt at Bow.
Here the Watch plac’d upon Bow Bridge would have queſtion’d them; but they croſſing the Road into a narrow Way that turns out at the hither End of the Town of Bow to Old-Ford, avoided any Enquiry there, and travelled to Old-Ford. The Conſtables every where were upon their Guard, not ſo much it ſeems to ſtop People paſſing by, as to ſtop them from taking up their Abode in their Towns, and withal becauſe of a Report that was newly rais’d at that time, and that indeed was not very improbable, viz. That the poor People in London being diſtreſs’d and ſtarv’d for want of Work, and by that means for want of Bread, were up in Arms, and had raiſed a Tumult, and that they would come out to all the Towns round to plunder for Bread. This, I ſay, was only a Rumour, and it was very well it ​was no more; but it was not ſo far off from being a Reality, as it has been thought, for in a few Weeks more the poor People became ſo Deſperate by the Calamity they ſuffer’d, that they were with great difficulty kept from running out into the Fields and Towns, and tearing all in pieces where-ever they came; and, as I have obſerved before, nothing hinder’d them but that the Plague rag’d ſo violently, and fell in upon them ſo furiouſly, that they rather went to the Grave by Thouſands than into the Fields in Mobs by Thouſands: For in the Parts about the Pariſhes of St. Sepulchres, Clerkenwell, Cripplegate, Biſhopſgate and Shoreditch, which were the Places where the Mob began to threaten, the Diſtemper came on ſo furiouſly, that there died in thoſe few Pariſhes, even then, before the Plague was come to its height, no leſs than 5361 People in the firſt three Weeks in Auguſt, when at the ſame time, the Parts about Wapping, Radcliffe, and Rotherhith, were, as before deſcrib’d, hardly touch’d, or but very lightly; ſo that in a Word, tho’, as I ſaid before, the good Management of the Lord Mayor and Juſtices did much to prevent the Rage and Deſperation of the People from breaking out in Rabbles and Tumults, and in ſhort, from the Poor plundering the Rich; I ſay, tho’ they did much, the Dead Carts did more, for as I have ſaid, that in five Pariſhes only there died above 5000 in 20 Days, ſo there might be probably three times that Number Sick all that time; for ſome recovered, and great Numbers fell ſick every Day and died afterwards. Beſides, I muſt ſtill be allowed to ſay, that if the Bills of Mortality ſaid five Thouſand, I always believ’d it was near twice as many in reality; there being no room to believe that the Account they gave was right, or that indeed, they were, among ſuch Confuſions as I ſaw them in, in any Condition to keep an exact Account.
​But to return to my Travellers; Here they were only examined, and as they ſeemed rather coming from the Country than from the City, they found the People the eaſier with them; that they talk’d to them, let them come into a publick Houſe where the Conftable and his Warders were, and gave them Drink and ſome Victuals, which greatly refreſhed and encourag’d them; and here it came into their Heads to ſay, when they ſhould be enquir’d of afterwards, not that they came from Loudon, but that they came out of Eſſex.
To forward this little Fraud, they obtain’d ſo much Favour of the Conſtable at Old Ford, as to give them a Certificate of their paſſing from Eſſex thro’ that Village, and that they had not been at London; which tho’ falſe in the common acceptation of London in the County, yet was literally true; Wapping or Radeliff being no part either of the City or Liberty.
This Certificate directed to the next Conſtable that was at Hummerton, one of the Hamlets of the Pariſh of Hackney, was ſo ſerviceable to them, that it procured them not a free Paſſage there only, but a full Certificate of Health from a Juſtice of the Peace; who, upon the Conſtable’s Application, granted it without much Difficulty; and thus they paſs’d through the long divided Town of Hackney, (for it lay then in ſeveral ſeparated Hamlets) and travelled on till they came into the great North Road on the top of Stamford-Hill.
By this time they began to be weary,and ſo in the back Road from Hackney a little before it opened into the ſaid great Road, they reſolv’d to ſet up their Tent and encamp for the firſt Night; which they did accordingly, with this addition, that finding a Barn, or a Building like a Barn, and firſt ſearching as well as they could to be ſure there was no Body in It, they ſet up their Tent, with the Head of it againſt the Barn; this they did alſo becauſe the Wind blew ​that Night very high, and they were but young at ſuch a way of Lodging, as well as at the managing their Tent.
Here they went to Sleep, but the Joyner, a grave and ſober Man, and not pleaſed with their lying at this looſe rate the firſt Night, could not ſleep, and reſolv’d, after trying to Sleep to no purpoſe, that he would get out, and taking the Gun in his Hand ſtand Centinel and Guard his Companions: So with the Gun in his Hand he walk’d to and again before the Barn, for that ſtood in the Field near the Road, but within the Hedge. He had not been long upon the Scout, but he heard a Noiſe of People coming on as if it had been a great Number, and they came on, as he thought, directly towards the Barn. He did not preſently awake his Companions, but in a few Minutes more their Noiſe growing louder and louder, the Biſcuit-Baker call’d to him and ask’d him what was the Matter, and quickly ſtarted out too: The other being the Lame Sail-maker and moſt weary, lay ſtill in the Tent.
As they expected, ſo the People who they had heard, came on directly to the Barn, when one of our Travellers challenged, like Soldiers upon the Guard, with Who comes there? The People did not Anſwer immediately, but one of them ſpeaking to another that was behind him, Alas! Alas! we are all diſappointed, ſays he, here are ſome People before us, the Barn is taken up.
They all ſtopp’d upon that as under ſome Surprize, and it ſeems there was about Thirteen of them in all, and ſome Women among them: They conſulted together what they ſhould do, and by their Diſcourſe our Travellers ſoon found they were poor diſtreſs’d People too like themſelves, ſeeking Shelter and Safety; and beſides, our Travellers had no need to be afraid of their coming up to diſturb them; for as ſoon as they heard the Words, Who ​comes there, theſe could hear the Women ſay, as if frighted, Do not go near them, how do you know but they may have the Plague? And when one of the Men ſaid, Let us but ſpeak to them; the Women ſaid, No, don’t by any means, we have eſcap'd thus far by the Goodneſs of God, do not let us run into. Danger now, we beſeech you.
Our Travellers found by this that they were a good ſober ſort of People and flying for their Lives: as they were; and, as they were encourag’d by it, ſo John ſaid to the Joyner his Comrade, Let us Encourage them too as much as we can: So he called to them, Hark ye good People ſays the Joyner, we find by your Talk,
that you are fleeing from the ſame dreadful Enemy as we are, do not be afraid of us, we are only three poor Men of us, if you are free from the Diſtemper you ſhall not be hurt by us; we are not in the Barn, but in a little Tent here in the outſide, and we will remove for you, we can ſet up our Tent again immediately any where elſe; and upon this a Parly began between the Joyner, whoſe Name was Richard,. and one of their Men, who ſaid his Name was Ford.
Ford. And do you aſſure us that you are all Sound Men.
Rich. Nay, we are concern’d to tell you of it, that you may not be uneaſy, or think your ſelves in Danger; but you ſee we do not deſire you ſhould put your ſelves into any Danger; and therefore I tell you, that as we have not made uſe of the Barn, ſo we will remove from it, that you may be Safe and we alſo.
Ford. That is very kind and charitable; But, if we have Reaſon to be ſatisfied that you are Sound and free from the Viſitation, why ſhould we make you remove now you are ſettled in your Lodging, and it may be are laid down to Reſt? we will go into the Barn if you pleaſe, to reſt our ſelves a while, and we need not diſturb you.
​Rich. Well, but you are more than we are, I hope you will aſſure us that you are all of you Sound too, for the Danger is as great from you to us, as from us to you.
Ford. Bleſſed be God that ſome do eſcape tho’ it is but few; what may be our Portion ſtill we know not, but hitherto we are preſerved.
Rich. What part of the Town do you come from? Was the Plague come to the Places where you liv’d?
Ford. Ay ay, in a moſt frightful and terrible manner, or elſe we had not fled away as we do; but we believe there will be very few left alive behind us. Rich. What Part do you come from?
Ford. We are moſt of us of Cripplegate Pariſh, only two or three of Clerkenwell Pariſh, but on the hither ſide.
Rich. How then was it that you came away no ſooner?
Ford. We have been away ſome time, and kept together as well as we could at the hither End of Iſlington, where we got leave to lie in an old uninhabited Houſe, and had ſome Bedding and Conveniencies of our own that we brought with us, but the Plague is come up into Iſlington too, and a Houſe next Door to our poor Dwelling was Infected and ſhut up, and we are come away in a Fright.
Rich. And what Way are you going?
Ford. As our Lott ſhall caſt us, we know not whither, but God will Guide thoſe that look up to him.
They parlied no further at that time, but came all up to the Barn, and with ſome Difficulty got into it: There was nothing but Hay in the Barn, but it was almoſt full of that, and they accommodated themſelves as well as they cou’d, and went to Reſt; but our Travellers obſerv’d, that before they went to Sleep, an antient Man, who it ſeems was ​Father of one of the Women, went to Prayer with | all the Company, recommending themſelves to the Bleſſing and Direction of Providence, before they went to Sleep.
It was ſoon Day at that time of the Year; and as Richard the Joyner had kept Guard the firſt part of the Night, ſo John the Soldier Reliev’d him, and he had the Poſt in the Morning, and they began to be acquainted with one another. It ſeems, when they left Iſlington, they intended to have gone North away to Highgate, but were ſtop’d at Holloway, and there they would not let them paſs; ſo they croſs’d over the Fields and Hills to the Eaſtward, and came out at the Boarded-River, and ſo avoiding the Towns, they left Hornſey on the left Hand, and Newington on the right Hand, and came into the great Road about Stamford-Hill on that ſide, as the three Travellers had done on the other ſide: And now they had Thoughts of going over the River in the Marſhes, and make forwards to Epping Foreſt, where they hoped they ſhould get leave to Reſt. It ſeems they were not Poor, at leaſt not ſo Poor as to be in Want; at leaſt they had enough to ſubſiſt them moderately for two or three Months, when, as they ſaid, they were in Hopes the cold Weather would check the Infection, or at leaſt the Violence of it would have ſpent itſelf, and would abate, if it were only for want of People left alive to be Infected.
This was much the Fate of our three Travellers; only that they ſeemed to be the better furniſh’d for Travelling, and had it in their View to go further off; for as to the firſt, they did not propoſe to go farther than one-Day’s Journey, that ſo they might have Intelligence every two or three Days how Things were at London.
But here our Travellers found themſelves under an unexpected Inconvenience, namely, that of their Horſe, for by means of the Horſe to carry their Baggage, they were obliged to keep ​keep in the Road, whereas the People of this other Band went over the Fields or Roads, Path or no Path, Way or no Way, as they pleaſed; neither had they any Occaſion to paſs thro’ any Town, or come near any Town, other than to buy ſuch Things as they wanted for their neceſſary Subſiſtence, and in that indeed they were put to much Difficulty: Of which in its Place.
But our three Travellers were oblig’d to, keep the Road, or elſe they muſt commit Spoil and do the Country a great deal of Damage in breaking down Fences and Gates, to go over encloſed Fields, which they were loth to do if they could help it.
Our three Travellers however had a great Mind to join themſelves to this Company, and take their Lot with them; and after ſome Diſcourſe, they laid aſide their firſt Deſign which look’d Northward, and reſolv’d to follow the other into Effex; ſo in the Morning they took up their Tent and loaded their Horſe, and away they travelled all together.
They had ſome Difficulty in paſſing the Ferry at the River ſide, the Ferry-Man being afraid of them; but after ſome Parly at a Diſtance, the Ferry-Man was content to bring his Boat to a Place diſtant from the uſual Ferry, and leave it there for them to take it; ſo putting themſelves over, he directed them to leave the Boat, and he having another Boat, ſaid he would fetch it again, which it ſeems however he did not do for above Eight Days.
Here giving the Ferry-Man Money before-hand, they had a ſupply of Victuals and Drink, which he brought and left in the Boat for them, but not without, as I ſaid, having receiv’d the Mony before-hand. But now our Travellers were at a great Loſs and Difficulty how to get the Horſe over, the Boat being ſmall and not fit for it, and at laſt cou’d not do it without unloading the Baggage, and making him ſwim over.
​From the River they travelled towards the Foreſt, but when they came to Walthamſtow the People of that Town denied to admit them, as was the Caſe every where: The Conſtables and their Watchmen kept them off at a Diſtance, and Parly’d with them; they gave the ſame Account of themſelves as before, but theſe gave no Credit to what they ſaid, giving it for a Reaſon that two or three Companies had already come that Way and made the like Pretences, but that they had given ſeveral People the Diftemper in the Towns where they had paſs’d, and had been afterwards ſo hardly us’d by the Country, tho’ with Juſtice too, as they had deſerv’d; that about Brent-Wood or that Way, ſeveral of them Periſh’d in the Fields, whether of the Plague, or of mere Want and Diſtreſs, they could not tell.
This was a good Reaſon indeed why the People of Walthamſtow ſhou’d be very cautious, and why they ſhou’d reſolve not to entertain any Body that they were not well ſatisfied of. But as Richard the Joyner, and one of the other Men who parly’d with them told them, it was no Reaſon why they ſhould block up the Roads, and refuſe to let People paſs thro’ the Town, and who ask’d nothing of them, but to go through the Street: That if their People were afraid of them, they might go into their Houſes and ſhut their Doors, they would neither ſhow them Civility nor Incivility, but go on about their Buſineſs.
The Conſtables and Attendants, not to be perſwaded by Reaſon, continued Obſtinate, and wou’d
hearken to nothing; ſo the two Men that talk’d with them went back to their Fellows, to conſult what was to be done: It was very diſcouraging in the whole, and they knew not what to do for a good while: But at laſt John the Soldier and Biſcuit-Baker conſidering a-while, Come, ſays he, leave the reſt of the Parly to me; he had not appear’d yet, ſo he ſets the Joyner Richard to Work to cut ſome Poles ​out of the Trees, and hape them as like Guns as he could, and in a little time he had five or ſix fair. Muskets, which at a Diſtance would not be known; and about the Part where the Lock of a Gun is he cauſed them to wrap Cloths and Rags, ſuch as they had, as Soldiers do in wet Weather, to preſerve the Locks of their Pieces from Ruſt, the reſT was diſcolour’d with Clay or Mud, ſuch as they could get; and all this while, the reſt of them ſat under the Trees by his Direction, in two or three Bodies, where they made Fires at a good Diſtance from one another.
While this was doing, he advanc’d himſelf and two or three with him, and ſet up their Tent in the Lane within ſight of the Barrier which the Town’s Men
had made, and ſet a Centinel juſt by it with the real Gun, the only one they had, and who walked to and fro with the Gun on his Shoulder, ſo as that the People of the Town might ſee them; alſo he ty’d the Horſe to a Gate in the Hedge juſt by, and got ſome dry Sticks together and kindled a Fire on the other ſide of the Tent, ſo that the People of the Town cou’d ſee the Fire and the Smoak, but cou’d not ſee what they were doing at it.
After the Country People had look’d upon them very earneſtly a great while, and by all that they could ſee, cou’d not but ſuppoſe that they were a great many in Company, they began to be uneaſie, not for their going away, but for ſtaying where they were; and above all perceiving they had Horſes and Arms, for they had ſeen one Horſe and one Gun at the Tent, and they had ſeen others of them walk about the Field on the inſide of the Hedge, by the ſide of the Lane with their Muskets, as they took them to be, Shoulder’d: I ſay, upon ſuch a Sight as this,you may be aſſured they were Alarm’d and terribly Frighted; and it ſeems they went to a Juſtice of the Peace to know what they ſhould do; what the Juſtice advis'd them to I know not, ​but towards Evening they call’d from the Barrier, as above, to the Centinel at the Tent.
What do ye want? ſays John
Why, what do ye intend to do? ſays the Conſtable.
To do, ſays John, What wou'd you have us to do?
Conſt. Why don’t you be gone? what do you ſtay there for?
John. Why do you ſtop us on the King’s Highway, and pretend to refuſe us Leave to go on our Way?
Conſt. We are not bound to tell you our Reaſon, though we did let you know, it was becauſe of the Plague.
John. We told you we were all found, and free from the Plague, which we were not bound to have ſatisfied you of, and yet you pretend to ſtop us on the Highway.
Conſt. We have a Right to ſtop it up, and our own Safety obliges us to it; beſides this is not the King’s Highway, ‘tis a Way upon Sufferance; you ſee here is a Gate, and if we do let People paſs here, we make them pay Toll?
John. We have a Right to ſeek our own Safety as well as you, and you may ſee we are flying for our Lives, and ’tis very unchriſtian and unjuſt to ſtop us.
Conſt. You may go back from whence you came; we do not hinder you from that.
John. No, it is a ſtronger Enemy than you that keeps us from doing that; or elſe we ſhould not ha’ come hither.
Conſt. Well, you may go any other way then.
​John. No, no: I ſuppoſe you ſee we are able to ſend you going, and ail the People of your Pariſh, and come thro’ your Town, when we will; but ſince you have ſtopt us here, we are content; you ſee, we have encamp’d here, and here we will live: we hope you will furniſh us with Victuals.
Conſt: We furniſh you! What mean you by that?
John. Why you would not have us Starve, would you? If you ſtop us here, you muſt keep us.
Conſt. You will be ill kept at our Maintenance.
John. If you ſtint us, we ſhall make ourſelves the better Allowance.
Conſt. Why you will not pretend to quarter upon us by Force, will you?
John. We have offer’d no Violence to you yet, why do you ſeem to oblige us to it? I am an old Soldier, and cannot ſtarve, and if you think that we all be obliged to go back for want of Proviſions, you are miſtaken.
Conſt. Since you threaten us, we ſhall take Care to be ſtrong enough for you: I have Orders to raiſe the County upon you.
John. It is you that threaten, not we: And ſince you are for Miſchief, you cannot blame us, if we do not give you time for it; we ſhall begin our March in a few Minutes.
Conſt. What is it you demand of us?
John. At firſt we deſir’d nothing of you, but Leave to go thro’ the Town; we ſhould have offer’d no Injury to any of you, neither would you have had any Injury or Loſs by us. We are not Thieves, but poor People in diſtreſs, and flying from the dreadful ​Plague in London, which devours thouſands every Week: We wonder how you, could be ſo unmerciful!
Conſt. Self-preſervation obliges us.
John. What! to ſhut up your Compaſſion in a Caſe of ſuch Diſtreſs as this?
Conſt. Well, if you will paſs over the Fields on your Left-hand, and behind that part of the Town, I will endeavour to have Gates open’d for you.
John. Our Horſemen cannot paſs with our Baggage that Way; it does not lead into the Road that we want to go; and why ſhould you force us out of the Road? beſides, you have kept us here all Day without any proviſions but ſuch as we brought with us; I think you ought to ſend us ſome Proviſions for our Relief.
Conſt. If you will go another Way, we will ſend you ſome Proviſions.
John. That is the way to have all the Towns in the County ſtop up the Ways againſt us.
Conſt. It they all furniſh you with Food, what will you be the worſe, I ſee you have Tents, you want no Lodging.
John. Well, what quantity of Proviſions will you ſend us?
Conſt. How many are you?
John. Nay, we do not ask enough for all our Company, we are in three Companies; if you will ſend us Bread for twenty Men, and about ſix or ſeven Women for three Days, and ſhew us the Way over the Field you ſpeak of, we deſire not to put your People into any fear for us, we will go out of our Way to oblige you, tho’ we are as free from Infection as you are.
​Conſt. And will you aſſure us that your other People ſhall offer us no new Diſturbance.
John. No, no, you may depend on it.
Conſt. You muſt oblige your ſelf too that none of your People ſhall come a ſtep nearer than where the Proviſions we fend you ſhall be ſet down.
John. I anſwer for it we will not.
Accordingly they ſent to the Place twenty Loaves of Bread, and three or four large pieces of good Beef, and opened ſome Gates thro’ which they paſs’d, but none of them had Courage ſo much as to look out to ſee them go, and, as it was Evening,
if they had looked they cou’d not have ſeen them ſo as to know how few they were.
This was John the Soldier’s Management. But this gave ſuch an Alarm to the County, that had they really been two or three Hundred, the whole County would have been rais’d upon them, and they wou'd ha’ been ſent to Priſon, or perhaps knock’d on the Head.
They were ſoon made ſenſible of this, for two Days afterwards they found ſeveral Parties of Horſemen and Footmen alſo about, in purſuit of three Companies of Men arm’d, as they ſaid, with Muskets, who were broke out from London, and had the Plague upon them: and that were not only ſpreading the Diſtemper among the People, but plundering the Country.
As they ſaw now the Conſequence of their Caſe, they ſoon ſee the Danger they were in, ſo they reſolv’d by the Advice alſo of the old Soldier, to divide themſelves again. John and his two ​Comrades with the Horſe, went away as if towards Waltham; the other in two Companies, but all a little aſunder, and went towards Epping.
The firſt Night they Encamp’d all in the Foreſt, and not far off of one another, but not ſetting up the Tent, leſt that ſhould diſcover them: On the other hand Richard went to work with his Axe and his Hatchet, and cutting down Branches of Trees, he built three Tents or Hovels, in which they all Encamp’d with as much Convenience as they could expect.
The Proviſions thy had had at Walthamſtow ſerv’d them very plentifully this Night, and as for the next they left it to Providence, they had far’d ſo well with the old Soldier’s Conduct, that they now willingly made him their Leader; and the firſt of his Conduct appear’d to be very good: He told them that they were now at a proper Diſtance enough from London; that as they need not be immediately beholden to the County for Relief, ſo they ought to be as careful the Country did not infect them, as that they did not infect the Country; that what little Money they had they muſt be as frugal of as they could; that as he would not have them think of offering the Country any Violence, ſo they muſt endeavour to make the Senſe of their Condition go as far with the Country as it could: They all referr’d themſelves to his Direction; ſo they left their 3 Houſes ſtanding, and the next Day went away towards Epping; the Captain alſo, for ſo they now called him, and his two Fellow Travellers laid aſide their Deſign of going to Waltham, and all went together.
When they came near Epping they halted, chooſing out a proper Place in the open Foreſt, not very near the High-way, but not far out of it on the North-ſide, under a little cluſter of low Pollard-Trees: Here they pitched their little Camp, which conſiſted of three large Tents or Hutts made of Poles, which their Carpenter, and ſuch as were his ​Aſſiſtants, cut down and fix’d in the Ground in a Circle; binding all the ſmall Ends together at the Top, and thickning the ſides with Boughs of Trees and Buſhes, ſo that they were compleatly cloſe and warm. They had beſides this, a little Tent where the Women lay by themſelves, and a Hutt to put the Horſe in.
It happened that the next day, or next but one was Market-day at Epping; when Capt John, and one of the other Men, went to Market, and bought ſome Proviſions, that is to ſay Bread, and ſome Mutton and Beef; and two of the Women went ſeparately, as if they had not belong’d to the reſt, and bought more. John took the Horſe to bring it Home, and the Sack (which the Carpenter carry’d his Tools in) to put it in: The Carpenter went to Work and made them Benches and Stools to ſit on, ſuch as the Wood he cou’d get wou’d afford, and a kind of a Table to dine on.
They were taken no Notice of for two or three Days, but after that, abundance of People ran out of the Town to look at them, and all the Country was alarmed about them. The People at firſt ſeem’d afraid to come near them, and on the other Hand they deſir’d the People to keep off, for there was a Rumour that the Plague was at Waltham, and that it had been in Epping two or three Days. So John called out to them not to come to them, For, ſays he, we are all whole and ſound People here, and we would not have you bring the Plague among us, nor pretend we brought it among you.
After this the Pariſh Officers came up to them: and parly’d with them at a Diſtance, and deſir’d to know who they were, and by what Authority they pretended to fix their Stand at that Place? John anſwered very frankly, they were poor diſtreſſed People from London, who foreſeeing the Miſery they ſhould be reduc’d to, if the Plague ſpread into the ​City, had fled out in time for their Lives, and having no Acquaintance or Relations to fly to, had firſt taken up at Iſlington, but the Plague being come into that Town, were fled further, and as they ſuppos’d that the People of Epping might have refus'd them coming into their Town, they had pitch’d their Tents thus in the open Field, and in the Foreſt, being willing to bear all the Hardſhips of ſuch a diſconſolate Lodging, rather than have any one think or be afraid that they ſhould receive Injury by them.
At firſt the Epping People talk’d roughly to them, and told them they muſt remove; that this was no Place for them; and that they pretended to be Sound and Well, but that they might be infected with the Plague for ought they knew, and might infect the whole Country, and they cou’d not ſuffer them there.
John argu’d very calmly with them a great while, and told them, 'That London was the Place by which they, that is, the Townſmen of Epping and all the Country round them, ſubſiſted; to whom they ſold the produce of their Lands, and out of whom they made the Rent of their Farms; and to be ſo cruel to the Inhabitants of London, or to any of thoſe by whom they gain’d ſo much was very hard, and they would be loth to have it remembered hereafter, and have it told how barbarous, how unhoſpitable and how unkind they were to the People of London, when they fled from the Face of the moſt terrible Enemy in the World; that it would be enough to make the Name of an Epping-Man hateful thro’ all the City, and to have the Rabble Stone them in the very Streets, whenever they came ſo much as to Market; that they were not yet ſecure from being Viſited themſelves, and that as he heard, Waltham was already that they would think it very hard ​that when any of them fled for Fear before they were touch’d, they ſhould be deny’d the Liberty of lying ſo much as in the open Fields.'
The Epping Men told them again, That they, indeed, ſaid they were ſound and free from the Infection, but that they had no aſſurance of it; and that it was reported, that there had been a great Rabble of People at Walthamſtow, who made ſuch Pretences of being ſound, as they did, but that they threaten’d to plunder the Town, and force their Way whether the Pariſh Officers would or no; That they were near 200 of them, and had Arms and Tents like Low-Country Soldiers, that they extorted Proviſions from the Town by threatning them with living upon them at free Quarter, ſhewing their Arms, and talking in the Language of Soldiers; and that ſeveral of them being gone away towards Rumford and Brent-Wood, the Country had been infected by them, and the Plague ſpread into both thoſe large Towns, ſo that the People durſt not go to Market there as uſual; that it was very likely they were ſome of that Party, and if ſo, they deſerv’d to be ſent to the County Jail, and be ſecur’d till they had made Satisfaction for the Damage they had done, and for the Terror and Fright they had put the Country into.
John anſwered, That what other People had done was nothing to them; that he aſſured them they were all of one Company, that they had never been more in Number than they ſaw them at that time; (which by the way was very true) that they came out in two ſeperate Companies, but joyn’d by the Way, their Caſes being the ſame; that they were ready to give what Account of themſelves any Body cou’d deſire of them, and to give in their Names and Places of Abode, that ſo they might be call’d to an Account for any Diſorder that they might be guilty of; that the Townſmen ​might ſee they were content to live hardly, and only deſir’d a little Room to breath in on the Foreſt where it was wholſome, for where it was not they cou’d not ſtay, and wou’d decamp if they found it otherwiſe there.
But, ſaid the Townſmen, we have a great charge of Poor upon our Hands already, and we muſt take care not to encreaſe it; we ſuppoſe you can give us no Security againſt your being chargeable to our Pariſh and to the Inhabitants, any more than you can of being dangerous to us as to the Infection.
'Why look you,' ſays Fohn, 'as to being chargeable to you, we hope we ſhall not; if you will relieve us with Proviſions for our preſent Neceſſity, we will be very thankful; as we all liv’d without Charity when we were at Home, ſo we will oblige ourſelves fully to repay you, if God pleaſe to bring us back to our own Families and Houſes in Safety, and to reſtore Health to the People of London.'
'As to our dying here, we aſſure you, if any of us die, we that ſurvive, will bury them, and put you to no Expence, except it ſhould be that we ſhould all die, and then indeed the laſt Man not being able to bury himſelf, would put you to that ſingle Expence, which I am perſwaded,' ſays John, 'he would leave enough behind him to pay you for the Expence of.'
'On the other Hand,' ſays John, 'if you will ſhut up all Bowels of Compaſſion and not relieve us at all, we ſhall not extort any thing by Violence, or ſteal from any one; but when what little we have is ſpent, if we periſh for want, God’s Will be done.'
John wrought ſo upon the Townſmen by talking thus rationally and ſmoothly to them, that they went away; and tho’ they did not give any conſent to their ſtaying there, yet they did not moleſt them; ​and the poor People continued there three or four Days longer without any Diſturbance. In this time they had got ſome remote Acquaintance with a Victualling-Houſe at the out-skirts of the Town, to whom they called at a Diſtance to bring ſome little Things that they wanted, and which they caus’d to to be ſet down at a Diſtance, and always paid for very honeſtly.
During this Time, the younger People of the Town came frequently pretty near them, and wou’d ſtand and look at them, and ſometimes talk with them at ſome Space between; and particularly it was obſerved, that the firſt Sabbath Day the poor People kept retir’d, worſhip’d God together, and were heard to ſing Pſalms.
Theſe Things and a quiet inoffenſive Behaviour, began to get them the good Opinion of the Country, and People began to pity them and ſpeak very well of them; the Conſequence of which was, that upon the occaſion of a very wet rainy Night, a certain Gentleman who liv’d in the Neighbourhood, ſent them a little Cart with twelve Truffles or Bundles of Straw, as well for them to lodge upon, as to cover and thatch their Huts, and to keep them dry: The Miniſter of a Pariſh not far off, not knowing of the other, ſent them alſo about two Buſhels of Wheat, and half a Buſhel of white Peas.
They were very thankful to be ſure for this Relief, and particularly the Straw was a very great Comfort to them; for tho’ the ingenious Carpenter had made Frames for them to lie in like Troughs,and fill’d them with Leaves of Trees, and ſuch Things as they could get, and had cut all their Tent-cloth out to make them Coverlids, yet they lay damp, and hard, and unwholeſome till this Straw came, which was to them like Feather-beds, and, as John ſaid, more welcome than Feather-beds wou’d ha’ been at another time.
​This Gentleman and the Miniſter having thus begun and given an Example of Charity to thee Wanderers, others quickly followed, and they receiv'd every Day ſome Benevolence or other from the People, but chiefly from the Gentlemen who dwelt in the Country round about; ſome ſent them Chairs, Stools, ſTables, and ſuch Houſhold Things as they gave Notice they wanted; ſome ſent them Blankets, Rugs and Coverlids; ſome Earthen-ware; and ſome Kitchin-ware for ordering their Food.
Encourag’d by this good Uſage, their Carpenter in a few Days, built them a large Shed or Houſe with Rafters, and a Roof in Form, and an upper Floor in which they lodged warm, for the Weather began to be damp and cold in the beginning of September; But this Houſe being very well Thatch’d, and the Sides and Roof made very thick, kept out the Cold well enough: He made alſo an earthen Wall at one End, with a Chimney in it; and another of the Company, with a vaſt deal of Trouble and Pains, made a Funnel to the Chimney to carry out the Smoak.
Here they liv’d very comfortably, tho’ coarſely, till the beginning of September, when they had the bad News to hear, whether true or, not, that the Plague, which was very hot at Waltham-Abby on one ſide, and at Rumford and Brent-Wood on the other ſide; was alſo come to Epping, to Woodford, and to moſt of the Towns upon the Foreſt, and which, as they ſaid, was brought down among them chiefly by the Higlers and ſuch People as went to and from London with Proviſions.
If this was true, it was an evident Contradiction to that Report which was afterwards ſpread all over England, but which, as I have ſaid, I cannot confirm of my own Knowledge, namely, That the Market People carrying Proviſions to the City, never got the ​Infection or carry’d it back into the Country; both which I have been aſſured, has been falſe.
It might be that they were preſerv’d even beyond Expectation, though not to a Miracle, that abundance went and come, and were not touch’d, and that was much for the Encouragement of the poor People of London, who had been compleatly miſerable, if the People that brought Proviſions to the Markets had not been many times wonderfully preſerv’d, or at leaſt more preſerv’d than cou'd be reaſonably expected.
But now theſe new Inmates began to be diſturb’d more effectually, for the Towns about them were really infected, and they began to be afraid to truſt one another ſo much as to go abroad for ſuch things as they wanted, and this pinch’d them very hard; for now they had little or nothing but what the charitable Gentlemen of the Country ſupply’d them with: But for their Encouragement it happen’d, that other Gentlemen in the Country who had not ſent em any thing before, began to hear of them and ſupply them, and one ſent them a large Pig, that is to ſay a Porker; another two Sheep; and another ſent them a Calf: In ſhort, they had Meat enough, and, ſometimes had Cheeſe and Milk, and all ſuch things; They were chiefly put to it for Bread, for when the Gentlemen ſent them Corn they had no where to bake it, or to grind it: This made them eat the firſt two Buſhel of Wheat that was ſent them in parched Corn, as the Iſraelites of old did without grinding or making Bread of it.
At laſt they found means to carry their Corn to a Windmill near Woodford, where they had it ground; and afterwards the Biſcuit Baker made a Hearth ſo hollow and dry that he cou’d bake Biſcuit Cakes tolerably well; and thus they came into a Condition to live without any aſſiſtance or ſupplies from the Towns; and it was well they did, for the Country was ſoon after fully Infected, and about 120 were ​ſaid to have died of the Diſtemper in the Villages near them, which was a terrible thing to them.
On this they call’d a new Council, and now the Towns had no need to be afraid they ſhould ſettle near them, but on the contrary ſeveral Families of the poorer ſort of the Inhabitants quitted their Houſes, and built Hutts in the Foreſt after the ſame manner as they had done: But it was obſerv’d, that ſeveral of theſe poor People that had ſo remov’d, had the Sickneſs even in their Hutts or Booths; the Reaſon of which was plain, namely, not becauſe they removed into the Air, but becauſe they did not remove time enough, that is to ſay, nor till by openly converſing with the other People their Neighbours, they had the Diſtemper upon them, or, (as may be ſaid) among them,and ſo carry'd it about them whither they went: Or, (2.) Becauſe they were not careful enough after they were ſafely removed out of the Towns, not to come in again and mingle with the diſeaſed People.
But be it which of theſe it will, when our Travellers began to perceive that the Plague was not only in the Towns, but even in the Tents and Huts on the Foreſt near them, they began then not only to be afraid, but to think of decamping and removing; for had they ſtay’d, they wou’d ha’ been in manifeſt Danger of their Lives.
It is not to be wondered that they were greatly afflicted, as being obliged to quit the Place where they had been ſo kindly receiv’d, and where they had been treated with ſo much Humanity and Charity; but Neceſſity, and the hazard of Life, which they came out ſo far to preſerve, prevail’d with them, and they ſaw no Remedy. John however thought of a Remedy for their preſent Misfortune, namely, that he would firſt acquaint that Gentleman who was their principal Benefactor, with the Diſtreſs they were in, and to crave his Aſſiſtance and Advice.
​The good charitable Gentleman encourag'd them to quit the Place, for fear they ſhould be cut off from any Retreat at all, by the Violence of the Diſtemper; but whither they ſhould go, that he found very hard to direct them to. At laſt John ask'd of him, whether he (being a Juſtice of the Peace) would give them Certificates of Health to other Juſtices who they might come before, that ſo whatever might be their Lot they might not be repulſed now they had been alſo ſo long from London. This his Worſhip immediately granted, and gave them proper Letters of Health, and from thence they were at Liberty to travel whither they pleaſed.
Accordingly they had a full Certificate of Health, intimating, That they had reſided in a Village in the County of Eſſex ſo long, that being examined and ſcrutiniz'd ſufficiently, and having been retir'd from all Corverſation for above 40 Days, without any appearance of Sickneſs, they were therefore certainly concluded to be Sound Men, and might be ſafely entertain'd any where, having at laſt remov'd rather for fear of the Plague, which was come into ſuch a Town, rather than for having any ſignal of Infection upon them, or upon any belonging to them.
With this Certificate they remov'd, tho' with great Reluctance; and John inclining not to go far from Home, they mov'd towards the Marſhes on the ſide of Waltham: But here they found a Man, who it ſeems kept a Weer or Stop upon the River, made to raiſe the Water for the Barges which go up and down the River, and he terrified them with diſmal Stories of the Sickneſs having been ſpread into all the Towns on the River, and near the River, on the ſide of Middleſex and Hertfordſhire; that is to ſay, into Waltham, Waltham-Croſs, Enfield and Ware, and all the Towns on the Road, that they were afraid to go that way; tho' it ſeems the Man impos'd upon them, for that the thing was not really true.
​However it terrified them, and they reſolved to move croſs the Foreſt towards Rumford and Brent-Wood; but they heard that there were numbers of People fled out of London that way, who lay up and down in the Foreſt call’d Henalt Foreſt, reaching near Rumford, and who having no Subſiſtence or Habitation, not only liv’d oddly, and ſuſſered great Extremities in the Woods and Fields for want of Relief, but were ſaid to be made ſo deſperate by thoſe Extremities, as that they offer’d many Violences to the County, robb’d and plunder’d, and kill’d Cattle, and the like; that others building Hutts and Hovels by the Road-ſide Begg’d, and that with an Importunity next Door to demanding Relief; ſo that the County was very uneaſy, and had been oblig’d to take ſome of them up.
This, in the firſt Place intimated to them, that they would be ſure to find the Charity and Kindneſs of the County, which they had found here where they were before, hardned and ſhut up againſt them; and that on the other Hand, they would be queſtion’d where-ever they came, and would be in Danger of Violence from others in like Caſes as themſelves.
Upon all theſe Conſiderations, John, their Captain, in all their Names, went back to their good Friend and Benefactor, who had reliev’d them before, and laying their Caſe truly before him, humbly ask’d his Advice; and he as kindly adviſed them to take up their old Quarters again, or if not, to remove but a little further out of the Road, and directed them to a proper Place for them; and as they really wanted ſome Houſe rather than Huts to ſhelter them at that time of the Year, it growing on towards Michaelmas, they found an old decay’d Houſe, which had been formerly ſome Cottage or little Habitation, but was ſo out of repair as ſcarce habitable, and by the conſent of a Farmer ​to whoſe Farm it belong’d, they got leave to make what uſe of it they could.
The ingenious Joyner and all the reſt by his Directions, went to work with it, and in a very few Days made it capable to ſhelter them all in caſe of bad Weather, and in which there was an old Chimney, and an old Oven, tho’ both lying in Ruins, yet they made them both fit for Uſe, and raiſing Additions, Sheds, and Leantoo’s on every ſide, they ſoon made the Houſe capable to hold them all.
They chiefly wanted Boards to make Window-ſhutters, Floors, Doors, and ſeveral other Things; but as the Gentlemen above favour’d them, and the Country was by that Means made eaſy with them, and above all, that they were known to be all ſound and in good health, every Body help’d them with what they could ſpare.
Here they encamp’d for good and all, and reſolv’d to remove no more; they ſaw plainly how terribly alarm’d that County was every where, at any Body that came from London; and that they ſhould have no admittance any where but with the utmoſt Difficulty, at leaſt no friendly Reception and Aſſiſtance as they had receiv’d here.
Now altho’ they receiv’d great Aſſiſtance and Encouragement from the Country Gentlemen and from the People round about them, yet they were put to great Straits, for the Weather grew cold and wet in October and November, and they had not been us’d to ſo much hardſhip; ſo that they got Colds in their Limbs, and Diſtempers, but never had the Infection: And thus about December they came home to the City again.
I give this Story thus at large, principally to give an Account what became of the great Numbers of People which immediately appear’d in the City as ſoon as the Sickneſs abated: For, as I have ſaid, great Numbers of thoſe that were able and had ​Retreats in the Country, fled to thoſe Retreats; So when it was encreaſed to ſuch a frightful Extremity as I have related, the midling People who had not Friends, fled to all Parts of the Country where they cou’d get ſhelter, as well thoſe that had Mony to relieve themſelves; as thoſe that had not. Thoſe that had Mony always fled fartheſt, becauſe they were able to ſubſiſt themſelves; but thoſe who were empty, ſuffer’d, as I have ſaid, great Hardſhips, and were often driven by Neceſſity to relieve their Wants at the Expence of the Country: By that Means the Country was made very uneaſie at them, and ſometimes took them up, tho’ even then they ſcarce knew what to do with them, and were always very backward to puniſh them, but often too they forced them from Place to Place, till they were oblig’d to come back again to London.
I have, ſince my knowing this Story of John and his Brother, enquir’d and found, that there were a great many of the poor diſconſolate People, as above, fled into the Country every way, and ſome of them got little Sheds, and Barns, and Qut-houſes to live in, where they cou’d obtain ſo much Kindneſs of the Country, and eſpecially where they had any the leaſt ſatisfactory Account to give of themſelves, and particularly that they did not come out of London too late. But others, and that in great Numbers, built themſelves little Hutts and Retreats in the Fields and Woods, and liv’d like Hermits in Holes and Caves, or any Place they cou’d find; and where, we may be ſure, they ſuffer’d great Extremities, ſuch that many of them were oblig’d to come back again whatever the Danger was; and ſo thoſe little Huts were often found empty, and the Country People ſuppos’d the Inhabitants lay Dead in them of the Plague, and would not go near them for fear, no not in a great while; nor is it unlikely but that ſome of ​the unhappy Wanderers might die ſo all alone, ever ſometimes for want of Help, as particularly in one Tent or Hutt, was found a Man dead, and on the Gate of a Field juſt by, was cut with his Knife in uneven Letters, the following Words, by which it may be ſuppos'd the other Man eſcap’d, or that one dying firſt, the other bury’d him as well as he could;
O mIsErY!
We BoTH ShaLL DyE,
WoE, WoE.
I have given an Account already of what I found to ha’ been the Caſe down the River among the Sea-faring Men, how the Ships lay in the Offing, as ’tis call’d, in Rows or Lines a-ſtern of one another, quite down from the Pool as far as I could ſee, I have been told, that they lay in the ſame manner quite down the River as low as Graveſend, and ſome far beyond, even every where, or in every Place where they cou’d ride with Safety as to Wind and Weather; Nor did I ever hear that the Plague reach’d to any of the People on board thoſe Ships, except ſuch as lay up in the Pool, or as high as Deptford Reach, altho’ the People went frequently on Shoar to the Country Towns and Villages, and Farmers Houſes, to buy freſh Proviſions, Fowls, Pigs, Calves, and the like for their Supply.
Likewiſe I found that the Watermen on the River above the Bridge, found means to convey themſelves away up the River as far as they cou’d go;
and that they had, many of them, their whole Families in their Boats, cover’d with Tilts and Bales, as they call them, and furniſh’d with Straw within for their Lodging; and that they lay thus all along by the Shoar in the Marſhes, ſome of them ſetting _ up little Tents with their Sails, and ſo lying under them on Shoar in the Day, and going into their ​Boats at Night; and in this manner, as I have heard, the River-ſides were lin’d with Boats and People as long as they had any thing to ſubſiſt on, or cou’d get any thing of the Country; and indeed the Country People, as well Gentlemen as others, on theſe and all other Occaſions, were very forward to relieve them, but they were by no means willing to receive them into their Towns and Houſes, and for that we cannot blame them.
There was one unhappy Citizen, within my Knowledge, who had been Viſited in a dreadful manner, ſo that his Wife and all his Children were Dead, and himſelf and two Servants only left, with an elderly Woman a near Relation, who had nurs'd thoſe that were dead as well as ſhe could: This diſconſolate Man goes to a Village near the Town, tho’ not within the Bills of Mortality, and finding an empty Houſe there, enquires out the Owner, and took the Houſe: After a few Days he got a Cart and loaded it with Goods, and carries them down to the Houſe; the People of the Village oppos’d his driving the Cart along, but with ſome Arguings, and ſome Force, the Men that drove the Cart along, got through the Street up to the Door of the Houſe, there the Conſtable reſiſted him again, and would not let them be brought in. The Man caus’d the Goods to be unloaden and lay’d at the Door, and ſent the Cart away; upon which they carry’d the Man before a Juſtice of Peace; that is to ſay, they commanded him to go, which he did. The Juſtice order’d him to cauſe the Cart to fetch away the Goods again, which he refuſed to do; upon which the Juſtice order’d the Conſtable to purſue the Carters and fetch them back, and make them re-load the Goods and carry them away, or to ſet them in the Stocks till they came for farther Orders; and if they could not find them, nor the Man would not conſent to take them away, they ſhould cauſe them ​to be drawn with Hooks from the Houſe-Door and burnt in the Street. The poor diſtreſs’d Man upon this fetch’d the Goods again, but with grievous Cries and Lamentations at the hardſhip of his Caſe, But there was no Remedy; Self-preſervation oblig’d the People to thoſe Severities, which they wou’d not otherwiſe have been concern’d in: Whether this poor Man liv’d or dy’d I cannot tell, but it was reported that he had the Plague upon him at that time; and perhaps the People might report that to juſtify their Uſage of him; but it was not unlikely, that either he or his Goods, or both, were dangerous, when his whole Family had been dead of the Diſtemper ſo little a while before.
I kno’ that the Inhabitants of the Towns adjacent to London, were much blamed for Cruelty to the poor People that ran from the Contagion in their Diſtreſs; and many very ſevere things were done, as maybe ſeen from what has been ſaid; but I cannot but ſay alſo that where there was room for Charity and Aſſiſtance to the People, without apparent Danger to themſelves, they were willing enough to help and relieve them. But as every Town were indeed Judges in their own Caſe, ſo the poor People who ran a-broad in their Extremities, were often ill-uſed and driven back again into the Town; and this cauſed infinite Exclamations and Out-cries againſt the Country Towns, and made the Clamour very popular.
And yet more or leſs, maugre all their Caution, there was not a Town of any Note within ten (or I believe twenty) Miles of the City, but what was more or leſs Infected, and had ſome died among them. I have heard the Accounts of ſeyeral; ſuch as they were reckon’d up as follows.
| In Enfield | 32 | Hertford | 90 | Brent-Wood | 70 |
| In Hornſey | 58 | Ware | 160 | Rumford | 109 |
| In Newington | 17 | Hodſdon | 30 | Barking abt. | 200 |
| In Tottenham | 42 | Waltham Ab. | 23 | Branford | 432 |
| In Edmonton | 19 | Epping | 26 | Kingſton | 122 |
| In Barnet and Hadly | 43 | Deptford | 623 | Stanes | 82 |
| In St. Albans | 121 | Greenwich | 231 | Chertſey | 18 |
| In Watford | 45 | Eltham and Luſum | 85 | Windſor | 103 |
| In Uxbridge | 117 | Croydon | 61 | cum aliis. | cum aliis. |
Another thing might render the Country more ſtrict with reſpect to the Citizens, and eſpecially with reſpect to the Poor; and this was what I hinted at before, namely, that there was a ſeeming propenſity, or a wicked Inclination in thoſe that were Infected to infect others.
There have been great Debates among our Phyſicians, as to the Reaſon of this; ſome will have it to be in the Nature of the Diſeaſe,and that it impreſſes every one that is ſeized upon by it, with a kind of a Rage, and a hatred againſt their own Kind, as if there was a malignity, not only in the Diſtemper to communicate it ſelf, but in the very Nature of Man, prompting him with evil Will, or an evil Eye, that as they ſay in the Caſe of a mad Dog, who tho’ the gentleſt Creature before of any of his Kind, yet then will fly upon and bite any one that comes next him and thoſe as ſoon as any, who had been moſt obſerv’d by him before.
Others plac’d it to the Account of the Corruption of humane Nature, which cannot bear to fee itſelf more miſerable than others of its own Specie, and has a kind, of involuntary Wiſh, that all Men were as unhappy, or in as bad a Condition as itſelf.
Others ſay, it was only a kind of Deſperation, not knowing or regarding what they did, and conſequently unconcern’d at the Danger or Safety, not only of any Body near them, but even of themſelves ​alſo: And indeed when Men are once come to a Condition to abandon themſelves, and be unconcern’d for the Safety; or at the Danger of themſelves, it cannot be ſo much wondered that they ſhould be careleſs of the Safety of other People.
But I chooſe to give this grave Debate a quite different turn, and anſwer it or reſolve it all by ſaying, That I do not grant the Fact. On the contrary, I ſay, that the Thing is not really ſo, but that it was a general Complaint rais’d by the People inhabiting the out-lying Villages againſt the Citizens, to juſtify, or at leaſt excuſe thoſe Hardſhips and Severities ſo much talk’d of, and in which Complaints, both Sides may be ſaid to have injur’d one another; that is to ſay, the Citizens preſſing to be received and harbour’d in time of Diſtreſs, and with the Plague upon them, complain of the Cruelty and Injuſtice of the Country People, in being refuſed Entrance,and forc’d back again with their Goods and Families; and the Inhabitants finding themſelves ſo impoſed upon, and the Citizens breaking in as it were upon them whether they would or no, complain, that when they were infected, they were not only regardleſs of others, but even willing to infect them; neither of which were really true, that is to ſay, in the Colours they were deſcrib’d in.
It is true, there is ſomething to be ſaid for the frequent Alarms which were given to the Country, of the reſolution of the People in London to come out by Force, not only for Relief, but to Plunder and Rob, that they ran about the Streets with the Diſtemper upon them without any control; and that no Care was taken to ſhut up Houſes, and confine the ſick People from infecting others; whereas, to do the Londoners Juſtice, they never practifed ſuch things, except in ſuch particular Caſes as I have mention’d above, and ſuch-like. On the other Hand every thing was managed with ſo much Care, and ſuch excellent Order was obſerv’d in the whole City and ​Suburbs, by the Care of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen; and by the Juſtices of the Peace, Churchwardens, &c. in the out-Parts; that London may be a Pattern to all the Cities in the World for the good Government and the excellent Order that was every where kept, even in the time of the moſt violent Infection; and when the People were in the utmoſt Conſternation and Diſtreſs. But of this I ſhall ſpeak by itſelf.
One thing, it is to be obſerv’d, was owing principally to the Prudence of the Magiſtrates, and ought to be mention’d to their Honour, (viz.) The Moderation which they uſed in the great and difficult Work of ſhutting up of Houſes: It is true, as I have mentioned, that the ſhutting up of Houſes was a great Subject of Diſcontent, and I may ſay indeed the only Subject of Diſcontent among the People at that time; for the confining the Sound in the ſame Houſe with the Sick, was counted very terrible, and the Complaints of People ſo confin’d were very grievous; they were heard into the very Streets, and they were ſometimes ſuch that called for Reſentment, tho’ oftner for Compaſſion; they had no way to converſe with any of their Friends but out at their Windows, where they wou’d make ſuch piteous Lamentations, as often mov’d the Hearts of thoſe they talk’d with, and of others who paſſing by heard their Story; and as thoſe Complaints oftentimes reproach’d the Severity, and ſometimes the Inſolence of the Watchmen plac’d at their Doors, thoſe Watchmen wou’d anſwer ſaucily enough; and perhaps be apt to affront the People who were in the Street talking to the ſaid Families; for which, or for their ill Treatment of the Families, I think ſeven or eight of them in ſeveral Places were kill’d; I know not whether I ſhou’d ſay murthered or not, becauſe I cannot enter into the particular Caſes. It is true, the Watchmen were on their Duty, and acting in the Poſt where they were plac’d by a lawful Authority; and killing any publick legal Officer in the Execution of his Office, ​is always in the Language of the Law call’d Murther. But as they were not authoriz’d by the Magiſtrate’s Inſtructions, or by the Power they acted under, to be injurious or abuſive, either to the People who were under their Obſervation, or to any that concern’d themſelves for them; ſo when they did ſo, they might be ſaid to act themſelves, not their Office; to act as private Perſons, not as Perſons employ’d; and conſequently if they brought Miſchief upon themſelves by ſuch an undue Behaviour, that Miſchief was upon their own Heads; and indeed they had ſo much the hearty Curſes of the People, whether they deſerv’d it or not, that whatever befel them nobody pitied them, and every Body was apt to ſay, they deſerv’d it, whatever it was; nor do I remember that any Body was ever puniſh’d, at leaſt to any conſiderable Degree, for whatever was done to the Watchmen that guarded their Houſes.
What variety of Stratagems were uſed to eſcape and get out of Houſes thus ſhut up, by which the Watchmen were deceived or overpower’d, and that the People got away, I have taken notice of already, and ſhall ſay no more to that: But I ſay the Magiſtrates did moderate and eaſe Families upon many Occaſions in this Caſe,and particularly in that of taking away,or ſuffering to be remov’d the ſick Perſons out of ſuch Houſes,when they were willing to be remov’d either to a Peſt-Houſe, or other Places, and ſometimes giving the well Perſons in the Family ſo ſhut up, leave to remove upon Information given that they were well, and that they would confine themſelves in ſuch Houſes where they went, ſo long as ſhould be requir’d of them. The Concern alſo of the Magiſtrates for the ſupplying ſuch poor Families as were infected; I ſay, ſupplying them with Neceſſaries, as well Phyſick as Food, was very great, and in which they did not content themſelves with giving the neceſſary Orders to the Officers appointed, but the Aldermen in Perſon, and on Horſeback frequently ​rid to ſuch Houſes, and caus’d the People to be ask’d at their Windows, whether they were duly attended, or not? Alſo, whether they wanted anything that was neceſſary, and if the Officers had conſtantly carry’d their Meſſages, and fetch’d them ſuch things as they wanted, or not? And if they anſwered in the Affirmative, all was well; but if they complain’d, that they were ill ſupply’d, and that the Officer did not do his Duty, or did not treat them civilly, they (the Officers) were generally remov’d, and others plac’d in their ſtead.
It is true, ſuch Complaint might be unjuſt, and if the Officer had ſuch Arguments to uſe as would convince the Magiſtrate,that he was right,and that the People had injur’d him, he was continued, and they reproved. But this part could not well bear a particular Inquiry, for the Parties could very ill be brought face to face, and a Complaint could not be well heard and anſwer’d in the Street, from the Windows, as was the Caſe then; the Magiſtrates therefore generally choſe to favour the People, and remove the Man, as what ſeem’d to be the leaſt Wrong, and of the leaſt ill Conſequence; ſeeing, if the Watchman was injur’d yet they could readily make him amends by giving him another Poſt of the like Nature; but if the Family was injur’d, there was no Satisfaction could be made to them, the Damage perhaps being irreparable, as it concern’d their Lives.
A great variety of theſe Caſes frequently happen’d between the Watchmen and the poor People ſhut up, beſides thoſe I formerly mention’d about eſcaping; ſometimes the Watchmen were abſent, ſometimes drunk, ſometimes aſleep when the People wanted them, and ſuch never fail’d to be puniſh’d ſeverely, as indeed they deſerv’d.
But after all that was or could be done in theſe Caſes, the ſhutting up of Houſes, ſo as to confine thoſe that were well, with thoſe that were ſick, had very great Inconveniences in it, and ſome that were very ​tragical, and which merited to have been conſider'd if there had been room for it; but it was authoriz’d
by a Law, it had the publick Good in view, as the End chiefly aim’d at, and all the private Injuries that were done by the putting it in Execution, muſt be put to the account of the publick Benefit.
It is doubtful to this days whether in the whole it contributed any thing to the ſtop of the Infection, and indeed, I cannot ſay it did; for nothing could run with greater Fury and Rage than the Infection did when it was in its chief Violence; tho’ the Houſes infected were ſhut up as exactly, and
as effectually as it was poſſible. Certain it is, that if all the infected Perſons were effectually ſhut in, no ſound Perſon could have been infected by them, becauſe they could not have come near them. But the Caſe was this, and I ſhall only touch it here, namely, that the Infection was propagated inſenſibly, and by ſuch Perſons as were not viſibly infected, who neither knew who they infected, or who they were infected by.
A Houſe in White-Chapel was ſhut up for the ſake of one infected Maid, who had only Spots, not the Tokens come out upon her, and recover’d ; yet theſe People obtain’d no Liberty to ſtir, neither for Air or Exerciſe forty Days; want of Breath, Fear, Anger, Vexation, and all the other Griefs attending ſuch an injurious Treatment, caſt the Miſtreſs of the Family into a Fever, and Viſitors came into the Houſe, and ſaid it was the Plague, tho’ the Phyſicians declar’d it was not; however the Family were oblig’d to begin their Quarantine anew, on the Report of the Viſitor or Examiner, tho’ their former Quarantine wanted but a few Days of being finiſh'd. This oppreſs’d them ſo with Anger and Grief, and, as before, ſtraiten’d them alſo ſo much as to Room, and for want of Breathing and free Air, that moſt of the Family fell ſick, one of one Diſtemper, one of another, chiefly Scorbutick Ailments; only one a violent Cholick, ​'till after ſeveral prolongings of their Confinement, ſome or other of thoſe that came in with the Viſitors to inſpect the Perſons that were ill, in hopes of releaſing them, brought the Diſtemper with them, and infected the whole Houſe, and all or moſt of them died, not of the Plague, as really upon them before, but of the Plague that thoſe People brought them, who ſhould ha’ been careful to have protected them from it; and this was a thing which frequently happen’d, and was indeed one of the worſt Conſequences of ſhutting
Houſes up.
I had about this time a little Hardſhip put upon me, which I was at firſt greatly afflicted at, and very much diſturb’d about; tho’ as it prov’d, it did not expoſe me to any Diſaſter; and this was being appointed by the Alderman of Portſoken Ward, one of the Examiners of the Houſes in the Precinct where I liv'd; we had a large Pariſh, and had no leſs than eighteen Examiners, as the Order call’d us, the People call’d us Viſitors. I endeavour’d with all my might to be excus’d from ſuch an Employment,and uſed many Arguments with the Alderman’s Deputy to be excus'd; particularly I alledged, that I was againſt ſhutting up Houſes at all, and that it would be very hard to oblige me, to be an Inſtrument in that which was againſt my Judgment, and which I did verily believe would not anſwer the End it was intended for, but all the Abatement I could get was only, that whereas the Officer was appointed by my Lord Mayor to continue two Months, I ſhould be obliged to hold it but three Weeks, on Condition, nevertheleſs that I could then get ſome other ſufficient Houſe-keeper to ſerve the reſt of the Time for me, which was, in ſhort, but a very ſmall Favour, it being very difficult to get any Man to accept of ſuch an Employment, that was fit to be intruſted with it.
It is true that ſhutting up of Houſes had one Effect, which I am ſenſible was of Moment, namely, it confin’d the diſtemper’d People, who would ​otherwiſe have been both very troubleſome and very dangerous in their running about Streets with the Diſtemper upon them, which when they were dilirious, they would have done in a moſt frightful manner; and as indeed they began to do at firſt very much, 'till they were thus reſtrain’d; nay, ſo very open they were, that the Poor would go about and beg at peoples Doors, and ſay they had the Plague upon them, and beg Rags for their Sores, or both, or any thing that dilirious Nature happen’d to think of.
A poor unhappy Gentlewoman, a ſubſtantial Citizen’s Wife was (if the Story be true) murther'd by one of theſe Creatures in Alderſgate-ſtreet, or that Way: He was going along the Street, raving mad to be ſure, and ſinging, the People only ſaid, he was drunk; but he himſelf ſaid, he had the Plague upon him, which, it ſeems, was true; and meeting this Gentlewoman, he would kiſs her; ſhe was terribly frighted as he was only a rude Fellow, and ſhe run from him, but the Street being very thin of People, there was no body near enough to help her: When ſhe ſee he would overtake her, ſhe turn’d, and gave him a Thruſt ſo forcibly, he being but weak, and puſh’d him down backward: But very unhappily, ſhe being ſo near, he caught hold of her, and pull’d her down alſo; and getting up firſt, maſter’d her, and kiſs'd her; and which was worſt of all, when he had done, told her he had the Plague, and why ſhould not ſhe have it as well as he. She was frighted enough before, being alſo young with Child; but when ſhe heard him ſay, he had the Plague, ſhe ſcream’d out and fell down in a Swoon, or in a Fit, which tho’ ſhe recover’d a little, yet kill’d her in a very few Days, and I never heard whether ſhe had the Plague or no.
Another infected Perſon came, and knock’d at the Door of a Citizen’s Houſe, where they knew him very well; the Servant let him in, and being told the Maſter of the Houſe was above, he ran up, and came ​into the Room to them as the whole Family was at upper: They began to riſe up a little ſurpriz’d, not knowing what the Matter was, but he bid them ſit ſtill, he only came to take his leave of them. They ask’d him, Why Mr. —— where are you going? Going, ſays he, I have got the Sickneſs, and ſhall die to morrow Night. Tis eaſie to believe, though not to deſcribe the Conſternation they were all in, the Women and the Man’s Daughters which were but little Girls, were frighted almoſt to Death, and got up, one running out at one Door, and one at another, ſome down-Stairs and ſome up-Stairs, and getting together as well as they could, lock’d themſelves into their Chambers, and ſcreamed out at the Window for Help, as if they had been frighted out of their Wits: The Maſter more compos’d than they, tho’ both frighted and provok’d, was going to lay Hands on him, and thro’ him down Stairs, being in a Paſſion, but then conſidering a little the Condition of the Man and the Danger of touching him, Horror ſeiz’d his Mind, and he ſtood ſtill like one aſtoniſhed. The poor diſtemper’d Man all this while, being as well diſeas’d in his Brain as in his Body, ſtood ſtill like one amaz’d; at length he turns round, Ay! ſays he, with all the ſeeming calmneſs imaginable, Is it ſo with you all! Are you all diſturb’d at me? why then I'll e'en go home and die there. And ſo he goes immediately down Stairs: The Servant that had let him in goes down after him with a Candle, but was afraid to go paſt him and open the Door, ſo he ſtood on the Stairs to ſee what he wou’d do; the Man went and open’d the Door, and went out and flung the Door after him: It was ſome while before the Family recover’d the Fright, but as no ill Conſequence attended, they have had occaſion ſince to ſpeak of it (you may be ſure) with great Satisfaction. Tho’ the Man was gone it was ſome time, nay as I heard, ſome Days before they recover’d themſelves of the Hurry they were in, nor ​did they go up and down the Houſe with any aſſurance, till they had burnt a great variety of Fumes and Perfumes in all the Rooms, and made a great many Smoaks of Pitch, of Gunpowder, and of Sulphur, all ſeparately ſhifted; and waſhed their Clothes, and the like: As to the poor Man whether he liv’d or dy’d I don’t remember.
It is moſt certain, that if by the Shutting up of Houſes the ſick had not been confin’d, multitudes who in the height of their Fever were Dilirious and Diftracted, wou'd ha’ been continually running up and down the Streets, and ever as it was, a very great number did ſo, and offer’d all ſorts of Violence to thoſe they met, even juſt as a mad Dog runs on and bites at every one he meets; nor can I doubt but that ſhou’d one of thoſe infected diſeaſed Creatures have bitten any Man or Woman, while the Frenzy of the Diſtemper was upon them, they, I mean the Perſon ſo wounded, wou’d as certainly ha’ been incurably infected, as one that was ſick before and had the Tokens upon him.
I heard of one infected Creature, who running out of his Bed in his Shirt, in the anguiſh and agony of his Swellings, of which he had three upon him, got his Shoes on and went to put on his Coat, but the
Nurſe reſiſting and ſnatching the Coat from him, he threw her down, run over her, run down Stairs and into the Street directly to the Thames in his Shirt, the Nurſe running after him, and calling to the Watch to ſtop him; but the Watchmen frighted at the Man, and afraid to touch him, let him go on; upon which he ran down to the Still-yard Stairs, threw away his Shirt, and plung’d into the Thames, and, being a good ſwimmer, ſwam quite over the River; and the Tide being coming in, as they call it, that is running Welt-ward, he reached the Land not till he came about the Falcon Stairs, where landing, and finding no People there, it being in the Night, he ran about the Streets there, Naked as he was, for ​a good while, when it being by that time High-water, he takes the River again, and ſwam back to the Still-yard, landed, ran up the Streets again to his own Houſe, knocking at the Door, went up the Stairs, and into his Bed again; and that this terrible Experiment cur’d him of the Plague, that is to ſay, that the violent Motion of his Arms and Legs ſtretch’d the Parts where the Swellings he had upon him were, that is to ſay under his Arms and his Groin, and cauſed them to ripen and break; and that the cold of the Water abated the Fever in his Blood.
I have only to add, that I do not relate this any more than ſome of the other, as a Fact within my own Knowledge, ſo as that I can vouch the Truth of them, and eſpecially that of the Man being cur’d by the extravagant Adventure, which I confeſs I do not think very poſſible, but it may ſerve to confirm the many deſperate Things which the diſtreſs’d People falling into, Diliriums, and what we call Lightheadedneſs, were frequently run upon at that time, and how infinitely more ſuch there wou’d ha’ been, if ſuch People had not been confin’d by the ſhutting up of Houſes; and this I take to be the beſt, if not the only good thing which was perform’d by that ſevere Method.
On the other Hand, the Complaints and the Murmurings were very bitter againſt the thing itſelf. It would pierce the Hearts of all that came by to hear the piteous Cries of thoſe infected People, who being thus out of their Underſtandings by the Violence of their Pain, or the heat of their Blood, were either ſhut in, or perhaps ty’d in their Beds and Chairs, to prevent their doing themſelves Hurt, and who wou’d make a dreadful outcry at their being confin’d, and at their being not permitted to die at large, as they call’d it, and as they wou’d ha’ done before.
This running of diſtemper’d People about the Streets was very diſmal, and the Magiſtrates did their utmoſt to prevent it, but as it was generally in ​the Night and always ſudden, when ſuch attempts were made, the Officers cou’d not be at hand to prevent it, and even when any got out in the Day, the Officers
appointed did not care to meddle with them, becauſe, as they were all grievouſly infected to beſure when they were come to that Height, ſo they were more than ordinarily infectious, and it was one of the moſt dangerous Things that cou’d be to touch them; on the other Hand, they generally ran, on not knowing what
they did, till they dropp’d down ſlark Dead, or till they had exhauſted their Spirits ſo, as that they wou’d
fall and then die in perhaps half an Hour or an Hour, and which was moſt piteous to hear, they were ſure
to come to themſelves intirely in that half Hour or Hour, and then to make moſt grievous and piercing Cries and Lamentations in the deep afflicting Senſe of the Condition they were in. This was much of it before the Order for ſhutting up of Houſes was ſtrictly put in Execution, for at firſt the Watchmen were not ſo vigorous and ſevere, as they were afterward in the keeping the People in; that is to ſay, before they were, I mean ſome of them, ſeverely puniſh’d for their Neglect, failing in their Duty, and letting People who were under their Care ſlip away, or conniving at their going abroad whether ſick or well. But after they ſaw the Officers appointed to examine into their Conduct, were reſolv’d to have them do their Duty, or be puniſh’d for the omiſſion, they were more exact, and the People were ſtrictly reſtrain'd; which was a thing they took ſo ill, and bore ſo impatiently, that their Diſcontents can hardly be deſcrib’d: Bet there was an abſolute Neceſſity for it, that muſt be confeſs’d, unleſs ſome other Meaſures had been timely enter’d upon, and it was too late for that.
Had not this particular of the Sick’s been reſtrain’d as above, been our Caſe at that time, London wou’d ha’ been the moſt dreadful Place that ever was in the World, there wou’d for ought I kno’ have as ​many People dy’d in the Streets as dy’d in their Houſes; for when the Diſtemper was at its height,
it generally made them Raving and Dilirious, and when they were ſo, they wou’d never be perſwaded to keep in their Beds but by Force; and many who were not ty'd,threw themſelves out of Windows, when they found they cou’d not get leave to go out of their Doors.
It was for want of People converſing one with another, in this time of Calamity, that it was impoſſible any particular Perſon cou’d come at the Knowledge of all the extraordinary Cafes that occurr’d in different Families; and particularly I believe it was never known to this Day how many People in their Diliriums drowned themſelves in the Thames, and in the River which runs from the Marſhes by Hackney, which we generally call’d Ware River, or Hackney River; as to thoſe which were ſet down in the Weekly Bill, they were indeed few; nor cou’d it be known of any of thoſe, whether they drowned themſelves by Accident or not: But I believe, I might reckon up more, who, within the compaſs of my Knowledge or Obſervation, really drowned themſelves in that Year, than are put down in the Bill of all put together, for many of the Bodies were never found, who, yet were known to be ſo loſt; and the like in other Methods of Self-Deſtruction. There was alſo One Man in or about Whitecroſs-ſtreet, burnt himſelf to Death in his Bed; ſome ſaid it was done by himſelf, others that it was by the Treachery of the Nurſe that attended him; but that he had the Plague upon him was agreed by all.
It was a merciful Diſpoſition of Providence alſo, and which I have many times thought of at that time, that no Fires, or no conſiderable ones at leaſt, happen’d in the City, during that Year, which, if it had been otherwiſe, would have been very dreadful; and either the People muſt have let them alone unquenched, or have come together in great Crowds ​and Throngs, unconcern’d at the Danger of the Infection, not concerned at the Houſes they went into, at the Goods they handled, or at the Perſons or the People they came among: But ſo it was that excepting that in Cripplegate Pariſh, and two or three little Eruptions of Fires, which were preſently extinguiſh’d, there was no Diſaſter of that kind happen'd in the whole Year. They told us a Story of a Houſe in a Place call’d Swan-Alley, paſſing from Goſwell-ſtreet near the End of Oldſtreet into St. John-ſtreet, that a Family was infected there, in ſo terrible a Manner that every one of the Houſe died; the laſt Perſon lay dead on the Floor, and as it is ſuppoſed, had laid her ſelf all along to die juſt before the Fire; the Fire, it ſeems had fallen from its Place, being of Wood, and had taken hold of the Boards and the Joiſts they lay on, and burnt as far as juſt to the Body, but had not taken hold of the dead Body, tho’ ſhe had little more than her Shift on, and had gone out of itſelf, not hurting the Reſt of the Houſe, tho’ it was a ſlight Timber Houſe. How true this might be, I do not determine, but the City being to ſuffer ſeverely the next Year by Fire, this Year it felt very little of that Calamity.
Indeed conſidering the Deliriums, which the Agony threw People into, and how I have mention’d in their Madneſs, when they were alone, they did many deſperate Things; it was very ſtrange there were no more Diſaſters of that kind.
It has been frequently ask’d me, and I cannot ſay, that I ever knew how to give a direct Anſwer to it, How it came to paſs that ſo many infected People appear’d abroad in the Streets, at the ſame time that the Houſes which were infected were ſo vigilantly ſearched, and all of them ſhut up and guarded as they were.
I confeſs, I know not what Anſwer to give to this, unleſs it be this, that in ſo great and populous a City as this is, it was impoſſible to diſcover every Houſe ​that was infected as ſoon as it was ſo, or to ſhut up all the Houſes that were infected: ſo that People had the Liberty of going about the Streets, even where they pleaſed, unleſs they were known to belong to ſuch and ſuch infected Houſes.
It is true, that as ſeveral Phyſicians told my Lord Mayor, the Fury of the Contagion was ſuch at ſome particular Times, and People ſicken’d ſo faſt, and died ſo ſoon, that it was impoſſible and indeed to no purpoſe to go about to enquire who was ſick and who was well, or to ſhut them up with ſuch Exactneſs, as the thing required; almoſt every Houſe in a whole Street being infected, and in many Places every Perſon in ſome of the Houſes; and that which was ſtill worſe, by the time that the Houſes were known to be infected, moſt of the Perſons infected would be ſtone dead, and the reſt run away for Fear of being ſhut up; ſo that it was to very ſmall Purpoſe, to call them infected Houſes and ſhut them up; the Infection having ravaged, and taken its Leave of the Houſe, before it was really known, that the Family was any way touch’d.
This might be ſufficient to convince any reaſonable Perſon, that as it was not in the Power of the Magiſtrates, or of any humane Methods or Policy, to prevent the ſpreading the Infection; ſo that this way of ſhutting up of Houſes was perfectly inſufficient for that End. Indeed it ſeemed to have no manner of publick Good in it, equal or proportionable to the grievous Burthen that it was to the particular Families, that were ſo ſhut up; and as far as I was employed by the publick in directing that Severity, I frequently found occaſion to ſee, that it was incapable of anſwering the End. For Example as I was deſired as a Viſitor or Examiner to enquire into the Particulars of ſeveral Families which were infected, we ſcarce came to any Houſe where the Plague had viſibly appear’d in the Family, but that ſome of the Family were Fled and gone; the ​Magiſtrates would reſent this, and charge the Examiners with being remiſs in their Examination or Infpection: But by that means Houſes were long infected before it was known. Now, as I was in this dangerous Office but half the appointed time, which was two Months, it was long enough to inform myſelf, that we were no way capable of coming at the Knowledge of the true ſtate of any Family, but by enquiring at the Door, or of the Neighbours; as for going into every Houſe to ſearch, that was a part, no Authority wou’d offer to impoſe on the Inhabitants, or any Citizen wou’d undertake, for it wou'd
ha’ been expoſing us to certain Infection and Death, and to the Ruine of our own Families as well as of ourſelves, nor wou’d any Citizen of Probity, and that cou’d be depended upon, have ſtaid in the Town, if they had been made liable to ſuch a Severity.
Seeing then that we cou’d come at the certainty of Things by no Method but that of Enquiry of the Neighbours, or of the Family, and on that we cou’d not juſtly depend, it was not poſſible, but that the incertainty of this Matter wou’d remain as above.
It is true, Maſters of Families were bound by the Order, to give Notice to the Examiner of the Place
wherein he liv’d, within two Hours after he ſhou’d diſcover it, of any Perſon being ſick in his Houſe, that is to ſay, having Signs of the Infection, but they
found ſo many ways to evade this, and excuſe their Negligence, that they ſeldom gave that Notice, till they had taken Meaſures to have every one Eſcape out of the Houſe, who had a mind to Eſcape, whether they were Sick or Sound; and while this was ſo, it is eaſie to ſee, that the ſhutting up of Houſes was no way to be depended upon, as a ſufficient Method for putting a ſtop to the Infection, becauſe, as I have ſaid elſewhere, many of thoſe that ſo went out of thoſe infected Houſes, had the Plague really upon them, tho’ they might really think themſelves Sound: And ſome of theſe were the People that walk’d the ​Streets till they fell down Dead, not that they were ſuddenly ſtruck with the Diſtemper, as with a Bullet that kill’d with the Stroke, but that they really had the Infection in their Blood long before, only, that, as it prey’d ſecretly on the Vitals, it appear’d not till it ſeiz’d the Heart with a mortal Power, and the Patient died in a Moment, as with a ſudden Fainting, or an Apoplectick Fit.
I know that ſome, even of our Phyſicians, thought,
for a time, that thoſe People that ſo died in the Streets, were ſeiz’d but that Moment they fell, as if they had been touch’d by a Stroke from Heaven, as Men are kill’d by a flaſh of Lightning; but they found Reaſon to alter their Opinion afterward; for upon examining the Bodies of ſuch after they were Dead, they always either had Tokens upon them, or other evident Proofs of the Diſtemper having been longer upon them, than they had otherwiſe expected.
This often was the Reaſon that, as I have ſaid, we, that were Examiners, were not able to come at the Knowledge of the Infection being enter’d into a Houſe, till it was too late to ſhut it up; and ſometimes not till the People that were left, were all Dead. In Petticoat-Lane two Houſes together were infected, and ſeveral People ſick; but the Diftemper was ſo well conceal’d, the Examiner, who was my Neighbour, got no Knowledge of it, till Notice was ſent him that the People were all Dead, and that the Carts ſhould call there to fetch them away. The two Heads of the Families concerted their Meaſures, and ſo order’d their Matters, as that when the Examiner was in the Neighbourhood, they appeared generally one at a time, and anſwered, that is, lied for one another, or got ſome of the Neighbourhood to ſay they were all in Health, and perhaps knew no better, till Death making it impoſſible to keep it any longer as a Secret, the dead-Carts were call’d in the Night, the Houſes to both, and ſo it became ​publick: But when the Examiner order’d the Conſtable to ſhut up the Houſes, there was no Body left
in them but three People, two in one Houſe, and one in the other juſt dying, and a Nurſe in each Houſe, who acknowledg’d that they had buried five before, that the Houſes had been infected nine or ten Days, and that for all the reſt of the two Families, which were many, they were gone, ſome ſick, ſome well, or whether ſick or well could not be known.
In like manner, at another Houſe in the ſame Lane, a Man having his Family infected, but very unwilling to be ſhut up, when he could conceal it no longer, ſhut up himſelf; that is to ſay, he ſet the great red Croſs upon his Door with the words Lord have Mercy upon us; and ſo deluded the Examiner, who ſuppos’d it had been done by the Conſtable, by Order of the other Examiner, for there were two Examiners to every Diſtrict or Precinct; by this means he had free egreſs and regreſs into his Houſe again, and out of it, as he pleas’d notwithſtanding it was infected; till at length his Stratagem was found out, and then he, with the ſound part of his Servants and Family, made off and eſcaped; ſo they were not
Theſe things made it very hard, if not impoſſible, as I have ſaid, to prevent the ſpreading of an Infection by the ſhutting up of Houſes, unleſs the People would think the ſhutting up of their Houſes no Grievance, and be ſo willing to have it done, as that they wou’d give Notice duly and faithfully to the Magiſtrates of their being infected, as ſoon as it was known by themſelves: But as that can not be expected from them, and the Examiners can not be ſuppoſed, as above, to go into their Houſes to viſit and ſearch, all the good of ſhutting up Houſes, will be defeated, and few Houſes will be ſhut up in time, except thoſe of the Poor, who can not conceal it, and of ſome People who will be diſcover’d by ​the Terror and Conſternation which the Thing put them into.
I got myſelf diſcharg’d of the dangerous Office I was in, as ſoon as I cou’d get another admitted, who I had obtain’d for a little Mony to accept of it; and ſo, inſtead of ſerving the two Months, which was directed, I was not above three Weeks in it; and a great while too, conſidering it was in the Month of Auguſt, at which time the Diſtemper began to rage with great Violence at our end of the Town.
In the execution of this Office, I cou’d not refrain ſpeaking my Opinion among my Neighbours, as to this ſhutting up the People in their Houſes; in which we ſaw moſt evidently the Severities that were uſed tho’ grievous in themſelves, had alſo this particular Objection againſt them, namely, that they did not anſwer the End, as I have ſaid, but that the diſtemper’d People went Day by Day about the Streets; and it was our united Opinion, that a Method to have removed the Sound from the Sick in Caſe of a particular Houſe being viſited, wou’d ha' been much more reaſonable on many Accounts, leaving no Body with the ſick Perſons, but ſuch as ſhou’d on ſuch Occaſion requeſt to ſtay and declare themſelves content to be ſhut up with them.
Our Scheme for removing thoſe that were Sound from thoſe that were Sick, was only in ſuch Houſes as were infected, and confining the ſick was no Confinement; thoſe that cou’d not ſtir, wou’d not complain, while they were in their Senſes, and while they had the Power of judging: Indeed, when they came to be Dilirious and Light-headed, then they wou’d cry out of the Cruelty of being confin’d; but for the removal of thoſe that were well, we thought it highly reaſonable and juſt, for their own ſakes, they ſhou’d be remov’d from the Sick, and that, for other People’s Safety, they ſhou’d keep retir’d fora while, ​to fee that they were found, and might not infedct others; and we thought twenty or thirty Days enough for this.
Now certainly, if Houſes had been provided on purpoſe for thoſe that were found to perform this demy Quarantine in, they wou’d have much leſs Reaſon to think themſelves injur’d in ſuch a reſtraint, than in being confin’d with infected People, in the Houſes where they liv’d.
It is here, however, to be obſerv’d, that after the Funerals became ſo many, that People could not Toll the Bell, Mourn, or Weep, or wear Black for one another, as they did before; no, nor ſo much as
make Coffins for thoſe that died; ſo after a while the fury of the Infection appeared to be ſo encreaſed, that in ſhort, they ſhut up no Houſes at all; it ſeem’d enough that all the Remedies of that Kind had been uſed till they were found fruitleſs, and that the Plague ſpread itſelf with an irreſiſtible Fury, ſo that, as the Fire the ſucceeding Year, ſpread itſelf and burnt with ſuch Violence, that the Citizens in Deſpair, gave over their Endeavours to extinguiſh it, ſo in the Plague, it came at laſt to ſuch Violence that the People ſat ſtill looking at one another, and ſeem’d quite abandon’d to Deſpair; whole Streets ſeem’d to be deſolated, and not to be ſhut up only, but to be emptied of their Inhabitants; Doors were left open, Windows ſtood ſhattering with the Wind in empty Houſes, for want of People to ſhut them: In a Word, People began to give up themſelves to their Fears, and to think that all regulations and Methods were in vain, and that there was nothing to be hoped for, but an univerſal Defolation; and it was even in the height of this general Deſpair, that it pleaſed God to ſtay his Hand, and to ſlacken the Fury of the Contagion, in ſuch a manner as was even ſurprizing like its beginning, and demonſtrated it to be his own particular Hand, and that above, if ​not without the Agency of Means, as I ſhall take Notice of in its proper Place.
But I muſt ſtill ſpeak of the Plague as in its height, raging even to Deſolation, and the People under the moſt dreadful Conſternation, even, as I have ſaid, to Deſpair. It is hardly credible to what Exceſſes the Paſſions of Men carry’d them in this Extremity of the Diſtemper; and this Part, I think, was as moving as the reſt; What cou’d affect a Man in his full Power of Reflection; and what could make deeper Impreſſions on the Soul, than to ſee a Man almoſt Naked and got out of his Houſe, or perhaps out of his Bed into the Street, come out of Harrow-Alley, a populous Conjunction or Collection of Alleys, Courts, and Paſſages, in the Butcher-row in Whitechappel? I ſay, What could be more Affecting, than to ſee this poor Man come out into the open Street, run Dancing and Singing, and making a thouſand antick Geſtures, with five or fix Women and Children running after him, Crying, and calling upon him, for the Lord’s ſake to come back, and entreating the help of others to bring him back, but all in vain, no Body daring to lay a Hand upon him, or to come near him.
This was a moſt grievous and aſſlicting thing to me, who ſee it all from my own Windows; for all this while, the poor afflicted Man, was, as I obſerv’d it, even then in the utmoſt Agony of Pain, having, as they ſaid, two Swellings upon him, which cou’d not be brought to break, or to ſuppurate; but by laying ſtrong Cauſticks on them, the Surgeons had, it ſeems, hopes to break them, which Cauſticks were then upon him, burning his Fleſh as with a hot Iron: I cannot ſay what became of this poor Man, but I think he continu’d roving about in that manner till he fell down and Died.
No wonder the Aſpect of the City itſelf was frightful, the uſual concourſe of People in the Streets, ​and which uſed to be ſupplied from our end of the Town, was abated; the Exchange was not kept ſhut indeed, but it was no more frequented; the Fires were loſt; they had been almoſt extinguiſhed for ſome Days by a very ſmart and haſty Rain: But that was not all, ſome of the Phyſicians inſiſted that they were not only no Benefit, but injurious to the Health of People: This they made a loud Clamour about, and complain’d to the Lord Mayor about it: On the other Hand, others of the ſame Faculty, and Eminent too, oppos’d them, and gave their Reaſons why the Fires were and muſt be uſeful to aſſwage the Violence of the Diſtemper. I cannot give a full Account of their Arguments on both Sides, only this I remember, that they cavil’d very much with one another; ſome were for Fires, but that they muſt be made of Wood and not Coal, and of particular forts of Wood too, ſuch as Fir in particular, or Cedar, becauſe of the ſtrong effluvia of Turpentine; Others were for Coal and not Wood, becauſe of the Sulphur and Bitumen; and others were for neither one or others. Upon the whole, the Lord Mayor ordered no more Fires, and eſpecially on this Account,namely, that the Plague was ſo fierce that they ſaw evidently it defied all Means,and rather ſeemed to encreaſe than decreaſe upon any application to check and abate it; and yet this Amazement of the Magiſtrates, proceeded rather from want of being able to apply any Means ſucceſsfully, than from any unwillingneſs either to expoſe themſelves, or undertake the Care and Weight of Buſineſs; for, to do them Juſtice, they neither ſpared their Pains or their Perſons; but nothing anſwer’d, the Infection rag’d, and the People were now frighted and terrified to the laſt Degree, ſo that, as I may ſay, they gave themſelves up, and, as I mention’d above, abandon’d themſelves to their Deſpair.
​But let me obſerve here, that when I ſay the People abandon’d themſelves to Deſpair, I do not mean to what Men call a religious Deſpair, or a Deſpair of their eternal State, but I mean a Deſpair of their being able to eſcape the Infection, or to out-live the Plague, which they ſaw was ſo raging and ſo irreſiſtible in its Force, that indeed few People that
were touch’d with it in its height about Auguſt, and September, eſcap’d: And, which is very particular, contrary to its ordinary Operation in June and July, and the beginning of Auguſt, when, as I have obſerv’d many were infected, and continued ſo many Days, and then went off, after having had the Poiſon in their Blood a long time; but now on the contrary, moſt of the People who were taken during the two laſt Weeks in Auguſt, and in the three firſt Weeks in September, generally died in two or three Days at fartheſt, and many the very ſame Day they were taken; Whether the Dog-days, or as our Aſtrologers pretended to expreſs themſelves, the Influence of the Dog-Star had that malignant Effect; or all thoſe who had the ſeeds of Infection before in them, brought it up to a maturity at that time altogether I know not; but this was the time when it was reported, that above 3060 People died in one Night; and they that wou'd have us believe they more critically obſerv'd it, pretend to ſay, that they all died within the ſpace of two Hours, (viz.) Between the Hours of One and three in the Morning.
As to the Suddenneſs of People’s dying at this time more than before, there were innumerable Inſtances of it, and I could name ſeveral in my Neighbourhood; one Family without the Barrs, and not far from me, were all ſeemingly well on the Monday, being Ten in Family, that Evening one Maid and one Apprentice were taken ill, and dy’d the next Morning, when the other Apprentice and two Children ​were touch’d, whereof one dy’d the ſame Evening, and the other two on Wedneſday: In a Word, by Saturday at Noon, the Maſter, Miſtreſs, four Children and four Servants were all gone, and the Houſe left entirely empty, except an ancient Woman, who came in to take Charge of the Goods for the Maſter of the Family’s Brother, who liv’d not far off, and who had not been ſick.
Many Houſes were then left deſolate, all the People being carry’d away dead, and eſpecially in an Alley farther, on the ſame Side beyond the Barrs,
going in at the Sign of Moſes and Aaron; there were ſeveral Houſes together, which (they ſaid) had not one Perſon left alive in them, and ſome that dy’d laſt in ſeveral of thoſe Houſes, were left a little too long before they were fetch’d out to be bury’d; the Reaſon of which was not as ſome have written very untruly, that the living were not ſufficient to bury the dead; but that the Mortality was ſo great in the Yard or
Alley, that there was no Body left to give Notice to the Buriers or Sextons, that there were any dead Bodies there to be bury’d. It was ſaid, how true I know not, that ſome of thoſe Bodies were ſo much corrupted, and ſo rotten, that it was with Difficulty they were carry’d; and as the Carts could not come any nearer than to the Alley-Gate in the high Street, it
was ſo much the more difficult to bring them along; but I am not certain how many Bodies were then left, I am ſure that ordinarily it was not ſo.
As I have mention’d how the People were brought into a Condition to deſpair of Life and abandon
themſelves, ſo this very Thing had a ſtrange Effect among us for three or four Weeks, that is, it made them bold and venturous, they were no more ſhy of one another, or reſtrained within Doors, but went any where and every where, and began to converſe; one would fay to another, I do not ask you how you are, or ſay how I am, it is certain we ſhall all go, ​ſo 'tis no Matter who is ſick or who is ſound, and ſo
they run deſperately into any Place or any Company.
As it brought the People into publick Company, ſo it was ſurprizing how it brought them to crowd into the Churches, they inquir’d no more into who they ſat near to, or far from, what offenſive Smells they met with, or what condition the People ſeemed to be in, but looking upon themſelves all as ſo many dead Corpſes, they came to the Churches without the leaſt Caution, and crowded together, as if their Lives were of no Conſequence, compar’d to the Work which they came about there: Indeed, the Zeal which they ſhew’d in Coming, and the Earneſtneſs and Affection they ſhew’d in their Attention to what they heard, made it manifeſt what a Value People would all put upon the Worship of God, if they thought every Day they attended at the Church
that it would be their Laſt.
Nor was it without other ſtrange Effects, for it took away all Manner of Prejudice at, or Scruple about the Perſon who they found in the Pulpit when they came to the Churches. It cannot be doubted, but that many of the Miniſters of the Pariſh-Churches were cut off among others in ſo common and ſo dreadful a Calamity; and others had not Courage enough to ſtand it, but removed into the Country as they found Means for Eſcape, as then ſome Pariſh-Churches were quite vacant and forſaken, the People made no Scruple of deſiring ſuch Diſſenters as had been a few Years before depriv’d of their Livings, by Virtue of the Act of Parliament call’d, The Act of Uniformity to preach in the Churches, nor did the Church Miniſters in that Caſe make any Difficulty of accepting their Aſſiſtance, ſo that many of thoſe who they called ſilenced Miniſters, had their Mouths open’d on this Occaſion, and preach’d publickly to the People.
​Here we may obſerve, and I hope it will not be amiſs to take notice of it, that a near View of Death would ſoon reconcile Men of good Principles one to another, and that it is chiefly owing to our eaſy Scituation in Life, and our putting theſe Things far from us, that our Breaches are fomented, ill Blood continued, Prejudices, Breach of Charity and of Chriſtian Union ſo much kept and ſo far carry’d on among us, as it is: Another Plague Year would reconcile all theſe Differences, a cloſe converſing with Death, or with Diſeaſes that threaten Death, would ſcum off the Gall from our Tempers, remove the Animoſities among us, and bring us to ſee with differing Eyes, than thoſe which we look’d on Things with before; as the People who had been uſed to join with the Church, were reconcil’d at this Time, with the admitting the Diſſenters to preach to them: So the Diſſenters, who with an uncommon Prejudice, had broken off from the Communion of the Church of England, were now content to come to their Pariſh-Churches, and to conform to the Worſhip which they did not approve of before; but as the Terror of the Infection abated, thoſe Things all returned again to their leſs deſirable Channel, and to the Courſe they were in before.
I mention this but hiſtorically, I have no mind to enter into Arguments to move either, or both Sides to a more charitable Compliance one with another; I do not ſee that it is probable ſuch a Diſcourſe would be either ſuitable or ſucceſsful; the Breaches ſeem rather to widen, and tend to a widening farther, than to cloſing, and who am I that I ſhould think myſelf able to influence either one Side or other? But this I may repeat again, that 'tis evident Death will reconcile us all; on the other Side the Grave we ſhall be all Brethren again: In Heaven, whether, I hope we may come from all ​Parties and Perſwaſions, we ſhall find neither Prejudice or Scruple; there we ſhall be of one Principle and of one Opinion, why we cannot be content to go Hand in Hand to the Place where we ſhall join
Heart and Hand without the leaſt Heſitation, and with the moſt compleat Harmony and Affection; I ſay, why we cannot do ſo here I can ſay nothing to, neither ſhall I ſay any thing more of it, but that it remains to be lamented.
I could dwell a great while upon the Calamities of this dreadful time, and go on to deſcribe the Objects that appear’d among us every Day, the dreadful Extravagancies which the Diſtraction of ſick People drove them into, how the Streets began now to be fuller of frightful Objects, and Families to be made even a Terror to themſelves: But after I have told you, as I have above, that One Man being tyed in his Bed, and finding no other Way to deliver himſelf, ſet the Bed on fire with his Candle, which unhappily ſtood within his reach, and Burnt himſelf in his Bed. And how another, by the inſufferable Torment he bore, daunced and ſung naked in the Streets, not knowing one Extaſie from another, I ſay, after I have mention’d theſe Things, What can be added more? What can be ſaid to repreſent the Miſery of theſe Times, more lively to the Reader, or to give him a more perfect Idea of a complicated Diftreſs?
I muſt acknowledge that this time was Terrible, that I was ſometimes at the End of all my Reſolutions, and that I had not the Courage that I had at the Beginning. As the Extremity brought other
People abroad, it drove me Home, and except, having made my Voyage down to Blackwall and Greenwich, as I have related, which was an Excurſion, I kept afterwards very much within Doors, as I had for about a Fortnight before; I have ſaid already, that I repented ſeveral times that I had ​ventur'd to ſtay in Town, and had not gone away with my Brother, and his Family, but it was too late for that now; and after I had retreated and ſtay’d within Doors a good while, before my Impatience led me Abroad, than they call’d me, as I have ſaid, to an ugly and dangerous Office, which brought me out again; but as that was expir’d, while the hight of the Diſtemper laſted, I retir’d again, and continued cloſe ten or twelve Days more. During which many diſmal Spectacles repreſented themſelves in my View, out of my own Windows, and in our own Street, as that perticularly from Harrow-Alley, of the poor outrageous Creature which danced and ſung in his Agony, and many others there were: Scarſe a Day or Night paſs’d over, but ſome diſmal Thing or other happened at the End of that Harrow-Alley, which was a Place full of poor People, moſt of them belonging to the Butchers, or to Employments depending upon the Butchery.
Sometimes Heaps and Throngs of People would burſt out of that Alley, moſt of them Women, making a dreadful Clamour, mixt or Compounded of Skreetches, Cryings and Calling one another, that we could not conceive what to make of it; almoſt all the dead Part of the Night the dead Cart ſtood at the End of that Alley, for if it went in it could not well turn again, and could go in but a little Way. There, I ſay, it ſtood to receive dead Bodys, and as the Church-Yard was but a little Way off, if it went away full it would ſoon be back again : It is impoſſible to deſcribe the moſt horrible Cries and Noiſe the poor People would make at their bringing the dead Bodies of their Children and Friends out to the Cart, and by the Number one would have thought, there had been none left behind, or that theſe were People enough for a ſmall City liveing in thoſe Places: Several times they cryed Murther, ſometimes Fire; but ​it was eſie to perceive it was all Diſtraction, and the Complaints of Diſtreſs’d and diſtemper’d People.
I believe it was every where thus at that time, for the Plague rag’d for ſix or ſeven Weeks beyond all that I have expreſs’d; and came even to ſuch a height, that in the Extremity, they began to break into that excellent Order, of which I have ſpoken ſo much, in behalf of the Magiſtrates, namely, that no dead Bodies were ſeen in the Streets or Burials in the Day-time, for there was a Neceſſity, in this Extremety, to bear with its being otherwiſe, for a little while.
One thing I cannot omit here, and indeed I thought it was extraordinary, at leaſt, it ſeemed a remarkable Hand of Divine Juſtice, (viz) That all the Predictors, Aſtrologers, Fortune-tellers, and what they call’d cunning-Men, Conjurers, and the like; calculators of Nativities, and dreamers of Dreams, and ſuch People, were gone and vaniſh’d, not one of them was to be found: I am, verily, perſwaded that a great Number of them fell in the heat of the Calamity, having ventured to ſtay upon the Proſpect of getting great Eſtates; and indeed their Gain was but too great for a time through the Madneſs and Folly of the People; but now they were ſilent, many of them went to their long Home, not able to foretel their own Fate, or to calculate their own Nativities; ſome have been critical enough to ſay, that every one of them dy’d; I dare not affirm that; but this I muſt own, that I never heard of one of them that ever appear’d after the Calamity was over.
But to return to my particular Obſervations, during this dreadful part of the Viſitation: I am now come, as I have ſaid, to the Month of September, which was the moſt dreadful of its kind, I believe, that ever London ſaw; for by all the ​Accounts which I have ſeen of the preceding Viſitations which have been in London, nothing has been like it; the Number in the Weekly Bill amounting to almoſt 40,000 from the 22d of Auguſt, to the 26th of September, being but five Weeks, the particulars of the Bills are as follows, (viz.)
| From Auguſt the 22d to the 29th | 7496 |
| To the 7th of September | 8252 |
| To the 12th | 7690 |
| To the 19th | 8207 |
| To the 26th | 6460 |
| | 33195 |
This was a prodigious Number of itſelf, but if I ſhould add the Reaſons which I have to believe that this Account was deficient, and how deficient it was, you would with me, make no Scruple to believe that there died above ten Thouſand a Week for all thoſe Weeks, one Week with another, and a proportion for ſeveral Weeks both before and after: The Confuſion among the People, eſpecially within the City at that time, was inexpreſſible; the Terror was ſo great at laſt, that the Courage of the People appointed to carry away the Dead, began to fail them; nay, ſeveral of them died altho’ they had the Diſtemper before, and were recover’d; and ſome of them drop’d down when they have been carrying the Bodies even at the Pitſide, and juſt ready to throw them in; and this Confuſion was greater in the City, becauſe they had flatter’d themſelves with Hopes of eſcaping: And thought the bitterneſs of Death was paſt: One Cart they told us, going up Shoreditch, was forſaken of the Drivers, or being left to one Man to drive, he died in the Street, and the Horſes going on, overthrew the Cart, and left the Bodies, ſome thrown out here, ſome there, in a diſmal manner; Another Cart was it ſeems found in the great ​Pit in Finsbury Fields, the Driver being Dead, or having been gone and abandon’d it, and the Horſes running too near it, the Cart fell in and drew the Horſes in alſo: It was ſuggeſted that the Driver was thrown in with it, and that the Cart fell upon him, by Reaſon his Whip was ſeen to be in the Pit among the Bodies; but that, I ſuppoſe, cou’d not be certain.
In our Pariſh of Aldgate, the dead-Carts were ſeveral times, as I have heard, found ſtanding at the Church-yard Gate, full of dead Bodies, but neither Bell man or Driver, or any one elſe with it; neither in theſe, or many other Caſes, did they know what Bodies they had in their Cart, for ſometimes they were let down with Ropes out of Balconies and out of Windows; and ſometimes the Bearers brought them to the Cart, ſometimes other People; nor, as the Men themſelves ſaid, did they trouble themſelves to keep any Account of the Numbers.
The Vigilance of the Magiſtrate was now put to the utmoſt Trial, and it muſt be confeſs'd, can never be enough acknowledg’d on this Occaſion alſo, whatever Expence or Trouble they were at, two Things were never neglected in the City or Suburbs either.
1. Proviſions were always to be had in full Plenty, and the Price not much rais’d neither, hardly worth ſpeaking.
2. No dead Bodies lay unburied or uncovered; and if one walk’d from one end of the City to another, no Funeral or ſign of it was to be ſeen in the Day-time, except a little, as I have ſaid above, in the three firſt Weeks in September.
This laſt Article perhaps will hardly be believ’d, when ſome Accounts which others have publiſhed ſince that ſhall be ſeen, wherein they ſay, that the Dead lay unburied, which I am aſſured was utterly ​falſe; at leaſt, if it had been any where ſo, it muſt
ha’ been in Houſes where the Living were gone from the Dead, having found means, as I have obſerved, to Eſcape, and where no Notice was given to the Officers: All which amounts to nothing at all in the Caſe in Hand; for this I am poſitive in, having myſelf been employ’d a little in the Direction of that part in the Pariſh in which I liv’d, and where as great a Deſolation was made in proportion to the Number of Inhabitants as was any where. I ſay, I am ſure that there were no dead Bodies remain’d unburied; that is to ſay, none that the proper Officers knew of; none for want of People to carry them off, and Buriers to put them into the Ground and cover them; and this is ſufficient to the Argument; for what might lie in Houſes and Holes as in Moſes and Aaron Ally is nothing; for it is moſt certain, they were buried as ſoon as they were found. As to the firſt Article, namely, of Proviſions, the ſcarcity or dearneſs, tho’ have mention’d it before, and ſhall ſpeak of it again; yet I muſt obſerve here,
(1.) The Price of Bread in particular was not much raiſed; for in the beginning of the Year (viz.) In the firſt Week in March, the Penny Wheaten Loaf was ten Ounces and a half; and in the height of the Contagion, it was to be had at nine Ounces and an half, and never dearer, no not all that Seaſon: And about the beginning of November it was ſold ten Ounces and a half again; the like of which, I believe, was never heard of in any City, under ſo dreadful a Viſitation before.
​(2.) Neither was there (which I wondred much at) any want of Bakers or Ovens kept open to ſupply the People with Bread; but this was indeed alledg’d by ſome Families, viz. That their Maid-Servants going to the Bake-houſes with their Dough to be
baked, which was then the Cuſtom, ſometimes came Home with the Sickneſs, that is to ſay, the Plague upon them.
In all this dreadful Viſitation, there were, as I have ſaid before, but two Peſt-houſes made uſe of, viz. One in the Fields beyond Old-Street, and one in Weſtminſter; neither was there any Compulſion us’d in carrying People thither: Indeed there was no need of Compulſion in the Caſe, for there were Thouſands of poor diſtreſſed People, who having no Help, or Conveniences, or Supplies but of Charity, would have been very glad to have been carryed thither, and been taken Care of, which indeed was
the only thing that, I think, was wanting in the whole publick Management of the City; ſeeing no Body was here allow’d to be brought to the Peſt-houſe, but where Money was given, or Security for Money, either at their introducing, or upon their being cur’d and ſent out; for very many were ſent out again whole, and very good Phyſicians were appointed to thoſe Places, ſo that many People did very well there, of which I ſhall make Mention again. The principal Sort of People ſent thither were, as I have ſaid, Servants, who got the Diftemper by going of Errands to fetch Neceſſaries to the Families where they liv’d; and who in that Caſe, if they came Home ſick, were remov’d to preſerve the reſt of the Houſe; and they were ſo well look’d after there in all the time of the Viſitation, that there was but 156 buried in all at the London Peſt-houſe, and 159 at that of Weſtminſter.
By having more Peſt-houſes, I am far from meaning a forcing all People into ſuch Places. Had the ​ſhutting up of Houſes been omitted, and the Sick hurried out of their Dwellings to Peſt-houſes, as ſome propoſed it ſeems, at that time as well as ſince, it would certainly have been much worſe than it was; the very removing the Sick, would have been a ſpreading of the Infection, and the rather becauſe that removing could not effectually clear the Houſe, where the ſick Perſon was, of the Diſtemper, and the reſt of the Family being then left at Liberty would certainly ſpread it among others.
The Methods alſo in private Families, which would have been univerſally uſed to have concealed the Diſtemper, and to have conceal’d the Perſons being ſick, would have been ſuch, that the Diſtemper would ſometimes have ſeiz’d a whole Family before any Viſitors or Examiners could have known of it: On the other hand, the prodigious Numbers which would have been ſick at a time, would have exceeded all the Capacity of publick Peſt-houſes to receive them, or of publick Officers to diſcover and remove them.
This was well conſidered in thoſe Days, and I have heard them talk of it often: The Magiſtrates had enough to do to bring People to ſubmit to having their Houſes ſhut up, and many Ways they deceived the Watchmen, and got out, as I have obſerved: But that Difficulty made it apparent, that they would have found it impracticable to have gone the other way to Work; for they could never have forced the ſick People out of their Beds and out of their Dwellings; it muſt not have been my Lord Mayor’s Officers, but an Army of Officers that muſt have attempted it; and the People, on the other hand, would have been enrag’d and deſperate, and would have kill’d thoſe that ſhould have offered to have meddled with them or with their Children and Relations, whatever had befallen them for it; ſo that they would have made the People, who, as it was, were in the moſt terrible Diſtraction imaginable; I ​ſay, they would have made them ſtark mad; whereas the Magiſtrates found it proper on ſeveral Accounts to treat them with Lenity and Compaſſion, and hot with Violence and Terror, ſuch as dragging the Sick out of their Houſes, or obliging them to remove themſelves would have been.
This leads me again to mention the Time, when the Plague firſt began, that is to ſay, when it became certain that it would ſpread over the whole Town, when, as I have ſaid, the better ſort of People firſt took the Alarm, and began to hurry themſelves out of Town: It was true, as I obſerv’d in its Place, that the Throng was ſo great, and the Coaches, Horſes, Waggons and Carts were ſo many, driving and dragging the People away, that it look’d as if all the City was running away; and had any Regulations been publiſh’d that had been terrifying at that time, eſpecially ſuch as would pretend to diſpoſe of the People, otherwiſe than they would diſpoſe of themſelves, it would have put both the City and Suburbs into the utmoſt Confuſion.
But the Magiſtrates wiſely caus’d the People to be encourag’d, made very good By-Laws for the regulating the Citizens, keeping good Order in the Streets, and making every thing as eligible as poſſible to all Sorts of People.
In the firſt Place, the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs, the Court of Aldermen, and a certain Number of the Common Council-Men, or their Deputies came to a Reſolution and publiſhed it, viz. "That they would not quit the City themſelves, but that they would be always at hand for the preſerving good Order in every Place, and for the doing Juſtice on all Occaſions; as alſo for the diſtributing the publick Charity to the Poor; and in a Word, for the doing the Duty, and diſcharging the Truſt repos’d in them by the Citizens to the utmoſt of their Power."
​In Purſuance of theſe Orders, the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, &c. held Councils every Day more or leſs, for making ſuch Diſpoſitions as they found needful for preſerving the Civil Peace; and tho’ the uſed the People with all poſſible Gentleneſs and Clemency, yet all manner of preſumptuous Rogues, ſuch as Thieves, Houſe-breakers, Plunderers of the Dead, or of the Sick, were duly puniſh’d, and ſeveral Declarations were continually publiſh’d by the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen againſt ſuch.
Alſo all Conſtables and Church-wardens were enjoin’d to ſtay in the City upon ſevere Penalties, or to depute ſuch able and ſufficient Houſe-keepers, as the Deputy Aldermen, or Common Council-men of the Precinct ſhould approve, and for whom they ſhould give Security; and alſo Security in caſe of Mortality, that they would forthwith conſtitute other Conſtables in their ſtead.
Theſe things re-eſtabliſh’d the Minds of the People very much, eſpecially in the firſt of their Fright, when they talk’d of making ſo univerſal a Flight, that the City would have been in Danger of being entirely deſerted of its Inhabitants, except the Poor, and the Country of being plunder’d and laid waſte by the Multitude. Nor were the Magiſtrates deficient in performing their Part as boldly as they promiſed it; for my Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs were continually in the Streets, and at places of the greateſt Danger; and tho’ they did not care for having too great a Reſort of People crouding about them, yet, in emergent Caſes, they never denyed the People Acceſs to them, and heard with Patience all their Grievances and Complaints; my Lord Mayor had a low Gallery built on purpoſe in his Hall, where he ſtood a little remov’d from the Croud when any
Complaint came to be heard, that he might appear with as much Safety as poſſible.
​Likewiſe the proper Officers, call’d my Lord Mayor's Officers, conſtantly attended in their Turns, as they were in waiting; and if any of them were ſick or infected, as ſome of them were, others were inſtantly employed to fill up and officiate in their Places, till it was known whether the other ſhould live or die.
In like manner the Sheriffs and Aldermen did in their ſeveral Stations and Wards, where they were placed by Office; and the Sheriff’s Officers or Sergeants were appointed to receive Orders from the reſpetive Aldermen in their Turn; ſo that Juſtice was executed in all Caſes without Interruption. In the next Place, it was one of their particular Cares, to ſee the Orders for the Freedom of the Markets obſerv’d; and in this part either the Lord Mayor, or one or both of the Sheriffs, were every Market-day on Horſeback to ſee their Orders executed, and to ſee that the Country People had all poſſible Encouragement and Freedom in their coming to the Markets, and going back again; and that no Nuſances or frightful Objects ſhould be ſeen in the Streets to terrify them, or make them unwilling to come. Alſo the Bakers were taken under particular Order, and the Maſter of the Bakers Company was, with his Court of Aſſiſtance, directed to ſee the Order of my Lord Mayor for their Regulation put in Execution, and the due Aſſize of Bread, which was weekly appointed by my Lord Mayor, obſerv’d, and all the Bakers were oblig’d to keep their Ovens going conſtantly, on pain of loſing the Privileges of a Freeman of the City of London.
By this means, Bread was always to be had in Plenty, and as cheap as uſual, as I ſaid above; and Proviſions were never wanting in the Markets, even to ſuch a Degree, that I often wonder’d at it, and reproach’d my ſelf with being ſo timorous and ​cautious in ſtirring abroad, when the Country People came freely and boldly to Market, as if there had been no manner of Infection in the City, or Danger of catching it.
It was indeed one admirable piece of Conduct in the ſaid Magiſtrates, that the Streets were kept conſtantly clear, and free from all manner of frightful Objects, dead Bodies, or any ſuch things as were indecent or unpleaſant, unleſs where any Body fell down ſuddenly or died in the Streets, as I have ſaid above, and theſe were generally covered with ſome Cloth or Blanket, or remov'd into, the next Church-yard, till Night: All the needful Works, that carried Terror with them, that were both diſmal and dangerous, were done in the Night; if any diſeas'd Bodies were remov'd, or dead Bodies buried, or infected Cloths burnt, it was done in the Night; and all the Bodies, which were thrown into the great Pits, in the ſeveral Church-yards, or burying Grounds, as has been obſerv'd, were ſo remov'd in the Night; and every thing was covered and cloſed before Day: So that in the Day-time there was, not the leaſt Signal of the Calamity to be ſeen or heard of, except what was to be obſerv'd from the Emptineſs of the Streets, and, ſometimes from the paſſionate Outcries and Lamentations of the People, out at their Windows, and from the Numbers of Houſes, and Shops ſhut up.
Nor was the Silence and Emptineſs of the Streets ſo much in the City as in the Out-parts, except juſt at one particular time, when, as I have mention'd, the Plague came Eaſt, and ſpread aver all the City: It was indeed a merciful Diſpoſition of God, that as the Plague began at one End of the Town firſt, as has been obſerv'd at large, ſo it proceeded progreſſively to other Parts, and did not come on this way or Eaſtward, till in had ſpent its Fury in the Weſt part of ​the Town; and ſo as it came on one way, it abated another. For Example.
It began at St. Giles’s and the Weſtminſter End of the Town, and it was in its Height in all that part by about the Middle of July, viz. in St. Giles in the Fields, St. Andrew's Holborn, St. Clement-Danes, St. Martins in the Fields, and in Weſtminſter: The latter End of July it decreaſed in thoſe Pariſhes, and coming Eaſt, it encreaſed prodigiouſly in Cripplegate, St. Sepulchers, St. Ja. Clarkenwell, and St. Brides, and Alderſgate; while it was in all theſe Pariſhes, the City and all the Pariſhes of the Southwark Side of the Water, and all Stepney, White-Chapel, Aldgate, Wapping, and Ratcliff were very little touch’d; ſo that People went about their Buſineſs unconcern’d, carryed on their Trades, kept open their Shops, and converſed freely with one another in all the City, the Eaſt and North-Eaſt Suburbs, and in Southwark, almoſt as if the Plague had not been among us.
Even when the North and North-weft Suburbs were fully infected, viz. Cripplegate, Clarkenwell, Biſhopſgate, and Shoreditch, yet ſtill all the reſt were tolerably well. For Example,
From 25th July to 1$^{ſt}$ Auguſt the Bill ſtood thus of all Diſeaſes;
| St. Giles Cripplegate | 554 |
| St. Sepulchers | 250 |
| Clarkenwell | 103 |
| Biſhopſgate | 116 |
| Shoreditch | 110 |
| Stepney Pariſh | 127 |
| Aldgate | 92 |
| White-Chappel | 104 |
| All the 97 Pariſhes within the Walls | 228 |
| All the Pariſhes in Southwark | 207 |
| | 1889 |
​So that in ſhort there died more that Week in the two Pariſhes of Cripplegate and St. Sepulchers by 48 than in all the City, and all the Eaſt Suburbs, and all the Southwark Pariſhes put together: This cauſed the Reputation of the City’s Health to continue all over England, and eſpecially in the Counties and Markets adjacent, from whence our Supply of Proviſions chiefly came, even much longer than that Health it ſelf continued; for when the People came into the Streets from the Country, by Shoreditch and Biſhopſgate, or by Oldſtreet and Smithfield, they would ſee the out Streets empty, and the Houſes and Shops ſhut, and the few People that were ſtirring there walk in the Middle of the Streets; but when they came within the City, there things look’d better, and the Markets and Shops were open, and the People walking about the Streets as uſual, tho’ not quite ſo many; and this continued till the latter End of Auguſt, and the Beginning of September.
But then the Caſe alter’d quite, the Diſtemper abated in the Weſt and North-Weſt Pariſhes, and the Weight of the Infecttion lay on the City and the Eaſtern Suburbs and the Southwark Side, and this in a frightful manner.
Then indeed the City began to look diſmal, Shops to be ſhut, and the Streets deſolate; in the High-Street indeed Neceſſity made People ſtir abroad on many Occaſions; and there would be in the middle of the Day a pretty many People, but in the Mornings and Evenings ſcarce any to be ſeen, even there, no not in Cornhill and Cheapſide.
Theſe Obſervations of mine were abundantly confirm’d by the Weekly Bills of Mortality for thoſe Weeks, an Abſtract of which, as they reſpect the Pariſhes which I have mention’d, and as they make the Calculations I ſpeak of very evident, take as follows.
The Weekly Bill, which makes out this Decreaſe of the Burials in the Weſt and North ſide of the City, ſtand thus.
From the 12th of September to the 19th.
| St. Giles’s Cripplegate | 456 |
| St. Giles in the Fields | 140 |
| Clarkenwell | 77 |
| St. Sepulchers | 214 |
| St. Leonard Shoreditch | 183 |
| Stepney Pariſh | 716 |
| Aldgate | 623 |
| White-Chapel | 732 |
| In the 97 Pariſhes within the Walls | 1493 |
| In the 8 Pariſhes on Southwark Side | 1636 |
| | 6060 |
Here is a ſtrange change of Things indeed, and a ſad Change it was, and had it held for two Months more than it did, very few People would have been left alive: But then ſuch, I ſay, was the merciful Diſpoſition of God, that when it was thus the Weſt and North part which had been ſo dreadfully viſited at firſt, grew as you ſee, much better; and as the People diſappear’d here, they began to look abroad again there; and the next Week or two altered it ſtill more, that is, more to the Encouragement of the other Part of the Town. For Example:
From the 19th of September to the 26th;
| St. Giles’s Cripplegate | 277 |
| St. Giles in the Fields | 119 |
| Clarkenwell | 76 |
| St. Sepulchers | 193 |
| St. Leonard Shoreditch | 146 |
| Stepney Pariſh | 616 |
| Aldgate | 496 |
| White-Chapel | 346 |
| In the 97 Pariſhes within the Walls | 268 |
| In the 8 Pariſhes on Southwark Side | 1390 |
| | 4900 |
From the 26th of Septemb. to the 3$^d$ of October.
| St. Giles’s Cripplegate | 196 |
| St. Giles in the Fields | 95 |
| Clarkenwell | 48 |
| St. Sepulchers | 137 |
| St. Leonard Shoreditch | 128 |
| Stepney Pariſh | 674 |
| Aldgate | 372 |
| White-Chapel | 328 |
| In the 97 Pariſhes within the Walls | 1149 |
| In the 8 Pariſhes on Southwark Side | 1201 |
| | 4328 |
And now the Miſery of the City, and of the ſaid Eaſt and South Parts was complete indeed; for as
you ſee the Weight of the Diſtemper lay upon thoſe Parts, that is to ſay, the City, the eight Pariſhes over the River, with the Pariſhes of Aldgate, White-Chapel, and Stepney, and this was the Time that the Bills came up to ſuch a monſtrous Height, as that I mention’d before; and that Eight or Nine, and, as I believe, Ten or Twelve Thouſand a Week died; for 'tis my ſettled Opinion, that they never could come at any juſt Account of the Numbers, for the Reaſons which I have given already.
Nay one of the moſt eminent Phyſicians, who has ſince publiſh’d in Latin an Account of thoſe Times, and of his Obſervations, ſays, that in one Week there died twelve Thouſand People, and that particularly there died four Thouſand in one Night; tho’ I do not remember that there ever was any ſuch particular Night, ſo remarkably fatal, as that ſuch a Number died in it: However all this confirms what I have ſaid above of the Uncertainty of the Bills of Mortality, &c. of which I ſhall ſay more hereafter.
​And here let me take leave to enter again, tho’ it may ſeem a Repetition of Circumſtances, into a Deſcription of the miſerable Condition of the City it ſelf, and of thoſe Parts where I liv’d at this particular Time: The City, and thoſe other Parts, notwithſtanding the great Numbers of People that were gone into the Country, was vaſtly full of People, and perhaps the fuller, becauſe People had for a long time a ſtrong Belief, that the Plague would not come into the City, nor into Southwark, no nor into Wapping, or Ratcliff at all, nay ſuch was the Aſſurance of the People on that Head, that many remov’d from the Suburbs on the Weſt and North Sides, into thoſe Eaſtern and South Sides as for Safety, and as I verily believe, carry’d, the Plague amongſt them there, perhaps ſooner than they would otherwiſe have had it.
Here alſo I ought to leave a farther Remark for the uſe of Poſterity, concerning the Manner of Peoples infecting one another; namely, that it was not the ſick People only, from whom the Plague was immediately receiv’d by others that were found, but THE WELL. To explain my ſelf; by the ſick People I mean thoſe who were known to be ſick, had taken their Beds, had been under Cure, or had Swellings and Tumours upon them, and the like; theſe every Body could beware of, they were either in their Beds, or in ſuch Condition as cou’d not be conceal’d.
By the Well, I mean ſuch as had received the Contagion, and had it really upon them, and in their Blood, yet did. not ſhew the Conſequences of it in their Countenances, nay even were not ſenſible of it themſelves, as many were not for ſeveral Days: Theſe breathed Death in every Place, and upon every Body who came near them; nay their very Cloaths retained the Infection, their Hands would infect the Things they touch’d, eſpecially if they were warm ​and ſweaty, and they were generally apt to ſweat too.
Now it was impoſſible to know theſe People, nor did they ſometimes, as I have ſaid, know themſelves to be infected: Theſe were the People that ſo often dropt down and fainted in the Streets; for oftentimes they would go about the Streets to the laſt, till on a ſudden they would ſweat, grow faint, ſit down at a Door and die: It is true, finding themſelves thus, they would ſtruggle hard to get Home to their own Doors, or at other Times would be juſt able to go in to their Houſes and die inſtantly; other Times they would go about till they had the very Tokens come out upon them, and yet not know it, and would die in an Hour or two after they came Home, but be well as long as they were Abroad: Theſe were the dangerous People, theſe were the People of whom the well People ought to have been afraid; but then on the other ſide it was impoſſible to know them.
And this is the Reaſon why it is impoſſible in a Viſitation to prevent the ſpreading of the Plague by the utmoſt human Vigilance, (viz.) that it is impoſſible to know the infected People from the ſound; or that the infected People ſhould perfectly know themſelves: I knew a Man who converſed freely in London all the Seaſon of the Plague in 1665, and kept about him an Antidote or Cordial, on purpoſe to take when he thought himſelf in any Danger, and he had ſuch a Rule to know, or have warning of the Danger by, as indeed I never met with before or ſince, how far it may be depended on I know not: He had a Wound in his Leg, and whenever he came among any People that were not ſound, and the Infection began to affect him, he ſaid he could know it by that Signal, (viz.) That his Wound in his Leg would ſmart, and look pale and white; ſo as ſoon as ever he felt it ſmart, it ​was time for him to withdraw, or to take care of himſelf, taking his Drink, which he always carried about him for that Purpoſe. Now it ſeems he found his Wound would ſmart many Times when he was in Company with ſuch, who thought themſelves to be
ſound, and who appear’d ſo to one another; but he would preſently riſe up, and ſay publickly, Friends, here is ſome Body in the Room that has the Plague, and ſo would immediately break up the Company. This was indeed a faithful Monitor to all People, that the Plague is not to be avoided by thoſe that converſe promiſcuouſly in a Town infected, and People have it when they know it not, and that they likewiſe give it to others when they know not that they have it themſelves; and in this Caſe, ſhutting up the WELL or removing the SICK will not do it, unleſs they can go back and ſhut up all thoſe that the Sick had Convers’d with, even before they knew themſelves to be ſick, and none knows how far to carry that back, or where to ſtop; for none knows when, or where, or how they may have received the Infection, or from whom.
This I take to be the Reaſon, which makes ſo many People talk of the Air being corrupted and infected, and that they need not be cautious of whom they converſe with, for that the Contagion was in the Air. I have ſeen them in ſtrange Agitations and Surpriſes on this Account, I have never come near any infected Body! ſays the diſturbed Perſon, I have Convers’d with none, but ſound healthy People, and yet I have gotten the Diſtemper! I am ſure I am ſtruck from Heaven, ſays another, and he falls to the ſerious Part; again the firſt goes on exclaiming, I have come near no Infection, or any infected Perſon, I am ſure it is in the air; We draw in Death. when we breath, and therefore ’tis the Hand of God, there is no withſtanding it; and this at laſt made many People, being hardened to the Danger, ​grow leſs concern’d at it, and leſs Cautious towards the latter End of the Time, and when it was come to its height, than they were at firſt; then with a kind of a Turkiſh Predeſtinarianiſm, they would ſay, if it pleas’d God to ſtrike them, it was all one whether they went Abroad or ſtaid at Home, they cou’d not eſcape it, and therefore they went boldly about even into infected Houſes, and infected Company; viſited ſick People, and in ſhort, lay in the Beds with their Wives or Relations when they were infected; and what was the Conſequence? But the ſame that is the Conſequence in Turkey, and in thoſe Countries where they do thoſe Things; namely, that they were infected too, and died by Hundreds and Thouſands.
I would be far from leſſening the Awe of the Judgments of God, and the Reverence to his Providence, which ought always to be on our Minds on ſuch Occaſions as theſe; doubtleſs the Viſitation it ſelf is a Stroke from Heaven upon a City, or Country, of Nation where it falls; a Meſſenger of his Vengeance, and a loud Call to that Nation, or Country, or City, to Humiliation and Repentance, according to that of the Prophet Jeremiah xviii. 7,8. At what inſtant I ſhall ſpeak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom to pluck up, and to pull down, and deſtroy it: If that Nation againſt whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them. Now to prompt due Impreſſions of the Awe of God on the Minds of Men on ſuch Occaſion is, and not to leſſen them it is that I have left thoſe Minutes upon Record.
I ſay, therefore I reflect upon no Man for putting the Reaſon of thoſe Things upon the immediate Hand of God, and the Appointment and Direction of his Providence, nay, on the contrary, there were many wonderful Deliverances of Perſons from Infection, and Deliverances of Perſons when ​Infected, which intimate ſingular and remarkable Providence, in the particular Inſtances to which they refer, and I eſteem my own Deliverance to be one next to miraculous, and do record it with Thankfulneſs.
But when I am ſpeaking of the Plague, as a Diſtemper ariſing from natural Cauſes, we muſt conſider it as it was really propagated by natural Means, nor is it at all the leſs a Judgment for its being under the Conduct of humane Cauſes and Effects; for as the divine Power has form’d the whole Scheme of Nature, and maintains Nature in its Courſe; ſo the ſame Power thinks fit to let his own Actings with Men, whether of Mercy or Judgment, go on in the ordinary Courſe of natural Cauſes, and he is pleaſed to act by thoſe natural Cauſes as the ordinary Means; excepting and reſerving to himſelf nevertheleſs a Power to act in a ſupernatural Way when he ſees occaſion: Now ’tis evident, that in the Caſe of an Infection, there is no apparent extraordinary occaſion for ſupernatural Operation, but the ordinary Courſe of Things appears ſufficiently arm’d, and made capable of all the Effects that Heaven uſually directs by a Contagion. Among theſe Cauſes and Effects this of the ſecret Conveyance of Infection imperceptible, and unavoidable, is more than ſufficient to execute the Fierceneſs of divine Vengeance, without putting it upon Supernaturals and Miracle.
The acute penetrating Nature of the Diſeaſe it ſelf was ſuch, and the Infection was receiv’d ſo imperceptibly, that the moſt exact Caution could not ſecure us while in the Place: But I muſt be allowed to believe, and I have ſo many Examples freſh in my Memory, to convince me of it, that I think none can reſiſt their Evidence; I ſay, I muſt be allowed to believe, that no one in this whole Nation ever ſreceiv’d the Sickneſs or Infection, but who ​receiv’d it in the ordinary Way of Infection from ſome Body, or the Cloaths, or touch, or ſtench of ſome Body that was infected before.
The Manner of its coming firſt to London, proves this alſo, (viz.) by Goods brought over from Holland, and brought thither from the Levant; the firſt breaking of it out in a Houſe in Long-Acre, where thoſe Goods were carried, and firſt opened; its ſpreading from that Houſe to other Houſes, by the viſible unwary converſing with thoſe who were ſick, and the infecting the Pariſh Officers who were employed about the Perſons dead, and the like; theſe are known Authorities for this great Foundation Point, that it went on, and proceeded from Perſon to Perſon, and from Houſe to Houſe, and no otherwiſe: In the firſt Houſe that was infected there died four Perſons, a Neighbour hearing the Miſtreſs of the firſt Houſe was ſick, went to viſit her, and went Home and gave the Diſtemper to her Family, and died, and all her Houſhold. A Miniſter call’d to pray with the firſt ſick Perſon in the ſecond Houſe, was ſaid to ſicken immediately, and die with ſeveral more in his Houſe: Then the Phyſicians began to conſider, for they did not at firſt dream of a general Contagion. But the Phyſicians being ſent to inſpect the Bodies, they aſſur’d the People that it was neither more or leſs than the Plague with all its terrifying Particulars, and that it threatned an univerſal Infection, ſo many People having already convers’d with the Sick or Diſtemper’d, and having, as might be ſuppos’d, received Infection from them, that it would be impoſſible to put a ſtop to it.
Here the Opinion of the Phyſicians agreed with my Obſervation afterwards, namely, that the Danger was ſpreading inſenſibly; for the Sick cou’d infect none but thoſe that came within reach of the ſick Perſon; but that one Man, who may have ​really receiv’d the Infection, and knows it not, but goes Abroad, and about as a ſound Perſon, may give the Plague to a thouſand People, and they to greater Numbers in Proportion, and neither the Perſon giving the Infection, or the Perſons receiving it, know any thing of it, and perhaps not feel the Effects of it for ſeveral Days after.
For Example, Many Perſons in the Time of this Viſitation never perceiv’d that they were infected, till they found to their unſpeakable Surprize, the Tokens come out upon them, after which they ſeldom liv’d
ſix Hours; for thoſe Spots they call’d the Tokens were really gangreen Spots, or mortified Fleſh in ſmall Knobs as broad as a little ſilver Peny, and hard as a piece of Callous or Horn; ſo that when the Diſeaſe was come up to that length, there was nothing could follow but certain Death, and yet as I ſaid they knew nothing of their being Infected, nor found themſelves ſo much as out of Order, till thoſe mortal Marks were upon them: But every Body muſt allow, that they were infected in a high Degree before, and muſt have been ſo ſome times and conſequently their Breath, their Sweat, their a Cloaths were contagious for many Days before.
This occaſion’d a vaſt Variety of Caſes, which Phyſicians would have much more opportunity to remember than I; but ſome came within the Compaſs of my Obſervation, or hearing, of which I ſhall name a few.
A certain Citizen who had liv’d ſafe, and untouch’d, till the Month of September, when the Weight of the Diſtemper lay more in the City than it had done before, was mighty chearful, and ſomething too bold, as I think it was, in his Talk of how ſecure he was, how cautious he had been, and how he had never come near any ſick Body: Says another Citizen, a Neighbour of his to him, ​one Day, Do not be too confident Mr. —— it is hard to ſay who is ſick and who is well, for we ſee Men alive, and well to outward Appearance one Hour, and dead the next. That is true, ſays the firſt Man, for he was not a Man preſumptuouſly ſecure, but had eſcap’d a long while, and Men, as I ſaid above, eſpecially in the City, began to be over-eaſie upon that Score. That is true, ſays he, I do not think my ſelf ſecure, but I hope I have not been in Company with any Perſon that there has been any Danger in. No! Says his Neighbour, was not you at the Bull-head Tavern in Gracechurch Street with Mr. —— the Night before laſt: Yes, ſays the firft, I was, but there was no Body there, that we had any Reaſon to think dangerous: Upon which his Neigbour ſaid no more, being unwilling to ſurprize him; but this made him more inquiſitive, and as his Neighbour appear’d backward, he was the more impatient, and in a kind of Warmth, ſays he aloud, why he is not dead, is he! upon which his Neighbour ſtill was ſilent, but caſt up his Eyes, and ſaid ſomething to himſelf; at which the firſt Citizen turned pale,
and ſaid no more but this, then I am a dead Man too, and went Home immediately, and ſent for a neighbouring Apothecary to give him ſomething preventive, for he had not yet found himſelf ill; but the Apothecary opening his Breaſt, fetch’d a Sigh, and ſaid no more, but this, look up to God; and the Man died in a few Hours.
Now let any Man judge from a Caſe like this, if it is poſſible for the Regulations of Magiſtrates, either by ſhutting up the Sick, or removing them, to ſtop an Infection, which ſpreads itſelf from Man to Man, even while they are perfectly well, and inſenſible of its Approach, and may be ſo for many Days.
It may be proper to aſk here, how long it may be ſuppoſed, Men might have the Seeds of the ​Contagion in them, before it diſcover’d it ſelf in this fatal Manner; and how long they might go about ſeemingly whole, and yet be contagious to all thoſe that came near them? I believe the moſt experienc’d Phyſicians cannot anſwer this Queſtion directly, any more than I can; and ſomething an ordinary Obſerver may take notice of, which may paſs their Obſervation. The opinion of Phyſicians Abroad ſeems to be, that it may lye Dormant in the Spirits, or in the Blood Veſſels, a very conſiderable Time; why elſe do they exact a Quarentine of thoſe who come into their Harbours, and Ports, from ſuſpected Places? Forty Days is, one would think, too long for Nature to ſtruggle with ſuch an Enemy as this, and not conquer it, or yield to it: But I could not think by my own Obſervation that they can be infected ſo, as to be contagious to others, above fifteen or ſixteen Days at fartheſt; and on that ſcore it was, that when a Houſe was ſhut up in the City, and any one had died of the Plague, but no Body appear’d to be ill in the Family for ſixteen or eighteen Days after, they were not ſo ſtrict, but that they would connive at their going privately Abroad; nor would People be much afraid of them afterward, but rather think they were fortified the better, having not been vulnerable when the Enemy was in their own Houſe; but we ſometimes found it had lyen much longer conceal’d.
Upon the foot of all theſe Obſervations, I muſt ſay, that tho’ Providence ſeem’d to direct my Conduct to be otherwiſe; yet it is my opinion, and I muſt leave it as a Preſcription, (viz.) that the beſt Phyſick againſt the Plague is to run away from it. I know People encourage themſelves, by ſaying, God is able to keep us in the midſt of Danger, and able to overtake us when we think our ſelves out of Danger; and this kept Thouſands in the Town, whoſe Carcaſſes went into the great Pits by Cart ​Loads; and who, if they had fled from the Danger, had, I believe, been ſafe from the Diſaſter; at leaſt 'tis probable they had been ſafe.
And were this very Fundamental only duly conſider’d by the People, on any future occaſion of this, or the like Nature, I am perſuaded it would put them upon quite different Meaſures for managing the People, from thoſe that they took in 1665, or than any that have been taken Abroad that I have heard of; in a Word, they would conſider of ſeperating the People into ſmaller Bodies, and removing them in Time farther from one another, and not let ſuch a Contagion as this, which is indeed chiefly dangerous, to collected Bodies of People, find a Million of People in a Body together, as was very near the Caſe before, and would certainly be the Caſe, if it ſhould ever appear again.
The Plague like a great Fire, if a few Houſes only are contiguous where it happens, can only burn a few Houſes , of if it begins in a ſingle, or as we call it a loan Houſe, can only burn that loan Houſe where it begins: But if it begins in a cloſe built Town, or City, and gets a Head, there its Fury encreaſes, it rages over the whole Place, and conſumes all it can reach.
I could propoſe many Schemes, on the foot of which, the Government of this City, if ever they ſhould be under the Apprehenſions of ſuch another Enemy, (God forbid they ſhould) might eaſe themſelves of the greateſt Part of the dangerous People that belong to them; I mean ſuch as the begging, ſtarving, labouring Poor, and among them chiefly thoſe who in Caſe of a Siege, are call’d the uſeleſs Mouths; who being then prudently, and to their own Advantage diſpos’d of, and the wealthy Inhabitants diſpoſing of themſelves, and of their Servants, and Children, the City, and its adjacent Parts would be ſo effectually evacuated, that there ​would not be above a tenth Part of its People left together, for the Diſeaſe to take hold upon: But ſuppoſe them to be a fifth Part, and that two Hundred and fifty Thouſand People were left, and if it did ſeize upon them, they would by their living ſo much at large, be much better prepar’d to defend themſelves againſt the Infection, and be leſs liable to the Effects of it, than if the ſame Number of People lived cloſe together in one ſmaller City, ſuch as Dublin, or Amſterdam, or the like.
It is true, Hundreds, yea Thouſands of Families fled away at this laſt Plague, but then of them, many fled too late, and not only died in their Flight, but carried the Diſtemper with them into the Countries where they went, and infected thoſe whom they went among for Safety; which confounded the Thing, and made that be a Propagation of the Diſtemper, which was the beſt means to prevent it; and this too is an Evidence of it, and brings me back to what I only hinted at before, but muſt ſpeak more fully to here; namely, that Men went about apparently well, many Days after they had the taint of the Diſeaſe in their Vitals, and after their Spirits were ſo ſeiz’d, as that they could never eſcape it; and that all the while they did ſo, they were dangerous to others. I say, this proves, that ſo it was; for ſuch People infected the very Towns they went thro’, as well as the Families they went among, and it was by that means, that almoſt all the great Towns in England had the Diſtemper among them, more or leſs; and always they would tell you ſuch a Londoner or ſuch a Londoner brought it down.
It muſt not be omitted, that when I ſpeak of thoſe People who were really thus dangerous, I ſuppoſe them to be utterly ignorant of their own Condition; for if they really knew their Circumſtances to be ſuch as indeed they were, they muſt have been a kind of ​willful Murtherers, if they would have gone Abroad among healthy People, and it would have verified indeed the Suggeſtion which I mention'd above, and which I thought ſeem’d untrue, (viz.) that the infected People were utterly careleſs as to giving the Infection to others, and rather forward to do it than not; and I believe it was partly from this very Thing that they raiſed that Suggeſtion, which I hope was not really true in Fact.
I confeſs no particular Caſe is ſufficient to prove a general, but I cou’d name ſeveral People within the Knowledge of ſome of their Neighbours and Families yet living, who ſhew’d the contrary to an extream. One Man, a Maſter of a Family in my Neighbourhood, having had the Diſtemper, he thought he had it given him by a poor Workman whom he employ’d, and whom he went to his Houſe to ſee, or went for ſome Work that he wanted to have finiſhed, and he had ſome Apprehenſions even while he was at the poor Workman’s Door, but did not diſcover it fully, but the next Day it diſcovered it ſelf, and he was taken very ill; upon which he immediately cauſed himſelf to be carried into an out Building which he had in his Yard, and where there was a Chamber over a Work-houſe, the Man being a Brazier; here he lay, and here he died, and would be tended by none of his Neighbours, but by a Nurſe from Abroad, and would not ſuffer his Wife, or Children, or Servants, to come up into the Room left they ſhould be infected, but ſent them his Bleſſing and Prayers for them by the Nurſe, who {poke it to them at a Diſtance, and all this for fear of giving them the Diſtemper, and without which, he knew as they were kept up, they could not have.”
And here I muſt obſerve alſo, that the Plague, as I ſuppoſe all Diſtempers do, operated in a different ​Manner, on differing Conſtitutions; ſome were immediately overwhelm’d with it, and it came to violent Fevers, Vomitings, unſufferable Head-achs, Pains in the Back, and ſo up to Ravings and Ragings with thoſe Pains. Others with Swellings and Tumours in the Neck or Groyn, or Arm-pits which till they could be broke, put them into inſufferable Agonies and Torment; while others, as I have obſerv’d, were ſilently infected, the Fever preying upon their Spirits inſenſibly, and they ſeeing little of it, till they fell into ſwooning, and faintings, and Death without pain.
I am not Phyſician enough to enter into the particular Reaſons and Manner of theſe differing Effects of one and the ſame Diſtemper, and of its differing Operation in ſeveral Bodies; nor is it my Buſineſs here to record the Obſervations, which I really made, becauſe the Doctors themſelves, have done that part much more effectually than I can do, and becauſe my opinion may in ſome things differ from theirs: I am only relating what I know, or have heard, or believe of the particular Caſes,and what fell within the Compaſs of my View, and the different Nature of the Infection, as it appeared in the particular Caſes which I have related; but this may be added too, that tho’ the former Sort of thoſe Caſes, namely thoſe openly viſited, were the worſt for themſelves as to Pain, I mean thoſe that had ſuch Fevers, Vomitings, Head-achs, Pains and Swellings, becauſe they died in ſuch a dreadful Manner, yet the latter had the worſt State of the Diſeaſe; for in the former they frequently recover’d, eſpecially if the Swellings broke, but the latter was inevitable Death; no cure, no help cou’d be poſſible, nothing could follow but Death; and it was worſe alſo to others, becauſe as, above, it ſecretly, and unperceiv’d by others, or by themſelves, communicated Death to thoſe they convers’d with, ​the penetrating Poiſon inſinuating it ſelf into their Blood in a Manner, which it is impoſſible to deſcribe, or indeed conceive.
This infecting and being infected, without ſo much as its being known to either Perſon, is evident from two Sorts of Caſes, which frequently happened at that Time; and there is hardly any Body living who was in London during the Infection, but muſt have known ſeveral of the Caſes of both Sorts.
1. Fathers and Mothers have gone about as if they had been well, and have believ’d themſelves to be ſo, till they have inſenſibly infected, and been the Deſtruction of their whole Families: Which they would have been far from doing, if they had the leaſt Apprehenſions of their being unſound and dangerous themſelves. A Family, whoſe Story I have heard, was thus infected by the Father, and the Diſtemper began to appear upon
ſome of them, even before he found it upon himſelf; but ſearching more narrowly, it appear’d he had been infected ſome Time, and as ſoon as he found that his Family had been poiſon’d by himſelf, he went diſtracted, and would have laid violent Hands upon himſelf, but was kept from that by thoſe who look’d to him, and in a few Days died.
2. The other Particular is, that many People having been well to the beſt of their own Judgment, or by the beſt Obſervation which they could make of themſelves for ſeveral Days, and only finding a Decay of Appetite, or a light Sickneſs upon their Stomachs; nay, ſome whoſe Appetite has been ſtrong, and even craving, and only a light Pain in their Heads; have ſent for Phyſicians to know what ail’d them, and have been found to their great Surprize, at the brink of Death, the Tokens upon them, or the Plague grown up to an incurable Height.
​It was very ſad to reflect, how ſuch a Perſon as this laſt mentioned above, had been a walking Deſtroyer, perhaps for a Week or Fortnight before that; how he had ruin’d thoſe, that he would have hazarded his Life to ſave, and had been breathing Death upon them, even perhaps in his tender Kiſſing and Embracings of his own Children: Yet thus certainly it was, and often has been, and I cou’d give many particular Caſes where it has been ſo; if then the Blow is thus inſenſibly ſtricken; if the Arrow flies thus unſeen, and cannot be diſcovered; to what purpoſe are all the Schemes for ſhutting up or removing the ſick People? thoſe Schemes cannot take place, but upon thoſe that appear to be ſick, or to be infected; whereas there are among them, at the ſame time, Thouſands of People, who ſeem to be well, but are all that while carrying Death with them into all Companies which they come into.
This frequently puzzled our Phyſicians, and eſpecially the Apothecaries and Surgeons, who knew not how to diſcover the Sick from the Sound; they all allow'd that it was really ſo, that many People had the Plague in their very Blood, and preying upon their Spirits, and were in themſelves but walking putrified Carcaſſes, whoſe Breath was infectious, and their Sweat Poiſon,; and yet were as well to look on as other People, and even knew it not themſelves: I ſay, they all allowed that it was really true in Fact, but they knew not how to propoſe a Diſcovery.
My Friend Doctor Heath was of Opinion that it might be known by the ſmell of their Breath; but then, as he ſaid, who durſt Smell to that Breath for his Information? Since to know it, he muſt draw the Stench of the Plague up into his own Brain, in order to diſtinguiſh the Smell! I have heard, it was the opinion of others, that it might be diſtinguiſh’d by the Party’s breathing upon a piece of ​Glaſs, where the Breath condenſing, there might living Creatures be ſeen by a Microſcope of ſtrange monſtrous and frightful Shapes, ſuch as Dragons, Snakes, Serpents, and Devils, horrible to behold: But this I very much queſtion the Truth of, and we had no Microſcopes at that Time, as I remember, to make the Experiment with.
It was the opinion alſo of another learned Man, that the Breath of ſuch a Perſon would poifon, and inſtantly kill a Bird; not only a ſmall Bird, but even a Cock or Hen, and that if it did not immediately kill the latter, it would cauſe them to be roupy as they call it, particularly that if they had laid any Egos at that Time, they would be all rotten: But thoſe are Opinions which I never found ſupported by any Experiments, or heard of others that had ſeen it; ſo I leave them as I find them, only with this Remark; namely, that I think the Probabilities are very ſtrong for them.
Some have propoſed that ſuch Perſons ſhould breath hard upon warm Water, and that they would leave an unuſual Scum upon it, or upon ſeveral other things, eſpecially ſuch as are of a glutinous Subſtance and are apt to receive a Scum and ſupport it.
But from the whole I found, that the Nature of this Contagion was ſuch, that it was impoſſible to diſcover it at all, or to prevent its ſpreading from one to another by any human Skill.
Here was indeed one Difficulty, which I could never throughly get over to this time, and which there is but one way of anſwering that I know of, and it is this, viz. The firſt Perſon that died of the Plague was in Decemb. 20th, or thereabouts 1664, and in, or about Long-acre, whence the firſt Perſon had the Infection, was generally ſaid to be, from a Parcel of Silks imported from Holland, and firſt opened in that Houſe.
But after this we heard no more of any Perſon dying of the Plague, or of the Diſtemper being in that ​Place, till the 9th of February; which was about 7 Weeks after, and then one more was buried out of the ſame Houſe: Then it was huſh’d, and we were perfectly eaſy as to the publick, for a great while; for there were no more entred in the Weekly Bill to be dead of the Plague, till the 22nd of April, when there was 2 more buried not out of the ſame Houſe, but out of the ſame Street; and as near as I can remember, it was out of the next Houſe to the firſt: this was nine Weeks aſunder, and after this we had No more till a Fortnight, and then it broke out in ſeveral Streets and ſpread every way. Now the Queſtion ſeems to lye thus, where lay the Seeds of the Infection all this while? How came it to ſtop ſo long, and not ſtop any longer? Either the Diſtemper did not come immediately by Contagion from Body to Body, or if it did, then a Body may be capable to continue infected, without the Diſeaſe diſcovering itſelf, many Days, nay Weeks together, even not a Quarentine of Days only, but Soixantine, not only 40 Days but 60 Days or longer.
It’s true, there was, as I obſerved at firſt, and is well known to many yet living, a very cold Winter, and a long Froſt, which continued three Months, and this, the Doctors ſay, might check the Infection; but then the learned muſt allow me to ſay, that if according to their Notion, the Diſeaſe was, as I may ſay, only frozen up, it would like a frozen River, have returned to its uſual Force and Current when it thaw’d, whereas the principal Receſs of this Infection,
which was from February to April, was after the Froſt was broken, and the Weather mild and warm.
But there is another way of ſolving all this Difficulty, which I think my own Remembrance of the thing will ſupply; and that is, the Fact is not granted, namely, that there died none in thoſe long Intervals, viz. from the 20th of December to the 9th of February, and from thence to the 22$^d$ of April. ​The Weekly Bills are the only Evidence on the other ſide, and thoſe Bills were not of Credit enough, at leaſt with me, to ſupport an Hypotheſis, or determine a Queſtion of ſuch Importance as this: For it was our receiv’d Opinion at that time, and I believe upon very good Grounds, that the Fraud lay in the Pariſh Officers, Searchers, and Perſons appointed to give Account of the Dead, and what Diſeaſes they died of: And as People were very loth at firſt to have the Neighbours believe their Houſes were infected, ſo they gave Money to procure, or otherwiſe procur’d the dead Perſons to be return’d as dying of other Diſtempers; and this I know was practis’d afterwards in many Places, I believe I might ſay in all Places, where the Diſtemper came, as will be ſeen by the vaſt Encreaſe of the Numbers plac’d in the Weekly Bills under other Articles of Diſeaſes, during the time of the Infection: For Example, in the Month of July and Auguſt, when the Plague was coming on to its higheſt Pitch; it was very ordinary to have from a thouſand to twelve hundred, nay to almoſt fifteen Hundred a Week of other Diſtempers; not that the Numbers of thoſe Diſtempers were really encreaſed to ſuch a Degree: But the great Number of Families and Houſes where really the Infection was, obtain’d the Favour to have their dead be return’d of other Diſtempers to prevent the ſhutting up their Houſes. For Example,
Dead of other Diſeaſes beſides the Plague.
| to the 25th July | 942 |
| to the 1ſt Auguſt | 1004 |
| to the 8th | 1213 |
| to the 15th | 1439 |
| to the 22d | 1331 |
| to the 29th | 1304 ​ |
| to the 5th September | 1264 |
| to the 12th | 1056 |
| to the 10th | 1132 |
| to the 26th | 927 |
Now it was not doubted, but the greateſt part of theſe, or a great part of them, were dead of the Plague, but the Officers were prevail’d with to return them as above, and the Numbers of ſome particular Articles of Diſtempers diſcover’d is, as follows;
| From the 1ſt to the 8th of Aug. | From the 1ſt to the 8th of Aug. | to the 15th. | to the 22. | to the 29. |
| Fever | 314 | 353 | 348 | 383 |
| Spotted Fever | 174 | 190 | 166 | 165 |
| Surfeit | 85 | 87 | 74 | 99 |
| Teeth | 90 | 113 | 111 | 133 |
| | 663 | 743 | 699 | 780 |
| From Auguſt 2gth to the 5th Sept. | From Auguſt 2gth to the 5th Sept. | to the 12. | to the 19. | to the 26. |
| Fever | 364 | 332 | 309 | 268 |
| Spotted Fever | 157 | 97 | 101 | 65 |
| Surfeit | 68 | 45 | 49 | 36 |
| Teeth | 138 | 128 | 121 | 112 |
| | 728 | 602 | 580 | 481 |
There were ſeveral other Articles which bare a Proportion to theſe, and which it is eaſy to perceive, were increaſed on the ſame Account, as Aged, Conſumptions, Vomitings, Impoſthumes, Gripes, and the like, many of which were not doubted to be infected People; but as it was of the utmoſt Conſequence to Families not to be known to be infected, if it was poſſible to avoid it, ſo they took all the meaſures they could to have it not believ’d; and if any died in their Houſes to get them return’d to the ​Examiners, and by the Searchers, as having died of other Diſtempers.
This, I ſay, will account for the long Interval, which, as I have ſaid, was between the dying of the firſt Perſons that were returend in the Bill to be dead of the Plague, and the time when the Diſtemper ſpread openly, and could not be conceal’d.
Beſides, the Weekly Bills themſelves at that time. evidently diſcover this Truth; for while there was no Mention of the Plague, and no Increaſe, after it had been mentioned, yet it was apparent, that there was an Encreaſe of thoſe Diſtempers which bordered neareſt upon it, for Example there were Eight, Twelve, Seventeen of the Spotted Fever in a Week, when there were none, or but very few of the Plague; whereas before One, Three, or Four, were the ordinary Weekly Numbers of that Diſtemper; likewiſe, as I obſerved before, the Burials increaſed Weekly in that particular Pariſh, and the Pariſhes adjacent, more than in any other Pariſh, altho’ there were none ſet down of the Plague; all which tells us, that the Infection was handed on, and the Succeſſion of the Diſtemper really preſerv’d, tho’ it ſeem’d to us at that time to be ceaſed, and to come again in a manner ſurpriſing.
It might be alſo, that the Infection might remain in other parts of the ſame Parcel of Goods which at firſt it came in, and which might not be perhaps opened, or at leaſt not fully, or in the Cloths of the firſt infected Perſon; for I cannot think, that any Body could be ſeiz’d with the Contagion in a fatal and mortal Degree for nine Weeks together, and ſupport his State of Health ſo well, as even not to diſcover it to themſelves; yet if it were ſo, the Argument is the ſtronger in Favour of what I am ſaying; namely, that the Infection is retain’d in Bodies
apparently well, and convey’d from them to thoſe they ​converſe with, while it is known to neither the one nor the other.
Great were the Confuſions at that time upon this very Account; and when People began to be convinc’d that the Infection was receiv’d in this ſurpriſing manner from Perſons apparently well, they began to be exceeding ſhie and jealous of every one that came near them. Once in a publick Day, whether a Sabbath Day or not I do not remember, in Aldgate Church in a Pew full of People, on a ſudden, one fancy’d ſhe ſmelt an ill Smell, immediately ſhe fancies the Plague was in the Pew, whiſpers her Notion or Suſpicion to the next, then riſes and goes out of the Pew, it immediately took with the next, and ſo to them all; and every one of them, and of the two or three adjoining Pews, got up and went out of the Church, no Body knowing what it was offended them or from whom.
This immediately filled every Bodies Mouths with one Preparation or other, ſuch as the old Women directed, and ſome perhaps as Phyſicians directed, in order to prevent Infection by the Breath of others; inſomuch that if we came to go into a Church, when it was any thing full of People, there would be ſuch a Mixture of Smells at the Entrance, that it was much more ſtrong, tho’ perhaps not ſo wholeſome, than if you were going into an Apothecary’s or Druggiſt’s Shop; in a Word, the whole Church was like a ſmelling Bottle, in one Corner it was all Perfumes, in another Aromaticks, Balſamicks, and Variety of Drugs, and Herbs; in another Salts and Spirits, as every one was furniſh’d for their own Preſervation; yet I obſerv’d, that after People were poſſeſs'd, as I have ſaid, with the Belief or rather Aſſurance, of the Infection being thus carryed on by Perſons apparently in Health, the Churches and Meeting-Houſes were much thinner of People than ​at other times before that they us’d to be; for this is to be ſaid of the People of London, that during the whole time of the Peſtilence, the Churches or Meetings were never wholly ſhut up, nor did the People decline coming out to the public Worſhip of God, except only in ſome Pariſhes when the Violence of the Diſtemper was more particularly in that Pariſh at that time; and even then no longer, than it continued to be ſo.
Indeed nothing was more ſtrange, than to ſee with what Courage the People went to the public Service of God, even at that time when they were afraid to ſtir out of their own Houſes upon any other Occaſion; this I mean before the time of Deſperation, which I have mention’d already; this was a Proof of the exceeding Populouſneſs of the City at the time of the Infection, notwithſtanding the great Numbers that were gone into the Country at the firſt Alarm, and that fled out into the Foreſts and Woods when they were farther terrifyed with the extraordinary Increaſe of it. For when we came to ſee the Crouds and Throngs of People, which appear’d on the Sabbath Days at the Churches, and eſpecially in thoſe parts of the Town where the Plague was abated, or where it was not yet come to its Height, it was amazing. But of this I ſhall ſpeak again preſently; I return in the mean time to the Article of infecting one another at firſt; before People came to right Notions of the Infection, and of infecting one another, People were only ſhye of thoſe that were really ſick, a Man with a Cap upon his Head, or with Cloths round his Neck, which was the Caſe of thoſe that had Swellings there; ſuch was indeed frightful: But when we ſaw a Gentleman dreſs’d, with his Band on and his Gloves in his Hand, his Hat upon his Head, and his Hair comb’d, of ſuch we had not the leaſt Apprehenſions; and People ​People converſe a great while freely, eſpecially with their Neighbours and ſuch as they knew. But when the Phyſicians aſſured us, that the Danger was as well from the Sound, that is the ſeemingly ſound, as the Sick; and that thoſe People, who thought themſelves entirely free, were oftentimes the moſt fatal; and that it came to be generally underſtood, that People were ſenſible of it, and of the reaſon of it: Then I ſay they began to be jealous of every Body, and a vat Number of People lock’d themſelves up, ſo as not to come abroad into any Company at all, nor ſuffer any, that had been abroad in promiſcuous Company, to come into their Houſes, or near them; at leaſt not ſo near them, as to be within the Reach of their Breath, or of any Smell from them; and when they were oblig’d to converſe at a Diſtance with Strangers, they would always have Preſervatives in their Mouths, and about their Cloths to repell and keep off the Infection.
It muſt be acknowledg’d, that when People began to uſe theſe Cautions, they were leſs expoſed to Danger, and the Infection did not break into ſuch Hoiſes ſo furiouſly as it did into others before, and thouſands of Families were preſerved, ſpeaking with due Reſerve to the Direction of Divine Providence, by that Means.
But it was impoſſible to beat any thing into the Heads of the Poor, they went on with the uſual Impetuoſity of their Tempers full of Outcries and Lamentations when taken, but madly careleſs of themſelves, Fool-hardy and obſtinate, while they were well: Where they could get Employment they puſh’d into any kind of Buſineſs, the moſt dangerous and the moſt liable to Infection; and if they were ſpoken to, their Anſwer would be, I muſt truſt to God for that; if I am taken, then I am provided for, and there is an End of me, and the like: Or Thus, Why, What muſt I do? I can't ſtarve, I had as ​good have the Plague as periſh for want. I have no Work, what could I do? I muſt do this or beg: Suppoſe it was burying the dead, or attending the Sick, or watching infected Houſes, which were all terrible Hazards but their Tale was generally the ſame. It is true Neceſſity was a very juftiſiable warrantable Plea, and nothing could be better; but their way of Talk was much the ſame, where the Neceſſities were not the ſame: This adventurous Conduct of the Poor was that which brought the Plague among them in a moſt furious manner, and this join’d to the Diſtreſs of their Circumſtances, when taken, was the reaſon why they died ſo by Heaps; for I cannot ſay, I could obſerve one jot of better Huſbandry among them, I mean the labouring Poor, while they were well and getting Money, than there was before, but as laviſh, as extravagant, and as thoughtleſs for to Morrow as ever; ſo that when they came to be taken ſick, they were immediately in the utmoſt Diſtreſs as well for want, as for Sickneſs, as well for lack of Food, as lack of Health.
This Miſery of the Poor I had many Occaſions to be an Eye-witneſs of, and ſometimes alſo of the charitable Aſſiſtance that ſome pious People daily gave to ſuch, ſending them Relief and Supplies both of Food, Phyſick and other Help, as they found they wanted; and indeed it is a Debt of Juſtice due to the Temper of the People of that Day to take Notice here, that not only great Sums, very great Sums of Money were charitably ſent to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen for the Aſſiſtance and Support of the poor diſtemper’d People; but abundance of private People daily diſtributed large Sums of Money for their Relief, and ſent People about to enquire into the Condition of particular diſtreſſed and viſited Families, and relieved them; nay ſome pious Ladies were ſo tranſported with Zeal in ſo good a ​Work, and ſo confident in the Protection of Providence in Diſcharge of the great Duty of Charity, that they went about in perſon diſtributing Alms to the Poor, and even viſiting poor Families, tho’ ſick and infected in their very Houſes, appointing Nurſes to attend thoſe that wanted attending, and ordering Apothecaries and Surgeons, the firſt to ſupply them with Drugs or Plaiſters, and ſuch things as they wanted; and the laſt to lance and dreſs the Swellings and Tumours, where ſuch were wanting; giving their Bleſſing to the Poor in ſubſtantial Relief to them, as well as hearty Prayers for them.
I will not undertake to ſay, as ſome do, that none of theſe charitable People were ſuffered to fall under the Calamity itſelf; but this I may ſay, that I never knew any one of them that miſcarried, which I mention for the Encouragement of others in caſe of the like Diſtreſs; and doubtleſs, if they that give to the Poor, lend to the Lord, and he will repay them; thoſe that hazard their Lives to give to the Poor, and to comfort and aſſiſt the Poor in ſuch a Miſery as this, may hope to be protected in the Work.
Nor was this Charity ſo extraordinary eminent only in a few; but, (for I cannot lightly quit this Point) the Charity of the rich as well in the City and Suburbs as from the Country, was ſo great, that in a Word, a prodigious Number of People, who muſt otherwiſe inevitably have periſhed for want as well as Sickneſs, were ſupported and ſubſiſted by it; and tho’ I could never, nor I believe any one elſe come to a full Knowledge of what was ſo contributed, yet I do believe, that as I heard one ſay, that was a critical Obſerver of that Part, there was not only many Thouſand Pounds contributed, but many hundred thouſand Pounds, to the Relief of the Poor of this diſtreſſed afflicted City; nay one Man affirm’d to me that he could reckon up above one hundred ​thouſand Pounds a Week, which was diſtributed by the Church Wardens at the ſeveral Pariſh Veſtries, by the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen in the ſeveral Wards and Precincts, and by the particular Direction of the Court and of the Juſtices reſpectively in the parts where they reſided; over and above the private Charity diſtributed by pious Hands in the manner I ſpeak of, and this continued for many Weeks together.
I confeſs this is a very great Sum; but if it be true, that there was diſtributed in the Pariſh of Cripplegate only 17800 Pounds in one Week to the Relief of the Poor, as I heard reported, and which I really believe was true, the other may not be improbable.
It was doubtleſs to be reckon’d among the many ſignal good Providences which attended this great City, and of which there were many other worth recording; I ſay, this was a very remarkable one, that it pleaſed God thus to move the Hearts of the People in all parts of the Kingdom, ſo chearfully to contribute to the Relief and Support of the poor at London; the good Conſequences of which were felt many ways, and particularly in preſerving the Lives and recovering the Health of ſo many thouſands, and keeping ſo many Thouſands of Families from periſhing and ſtarving.
And now I am talking of the merciful Diſpoſition of Providence in this time of Calamity, I cannot but mention again, tho’ I have ſpoken ſeveral times of it already on other Account, I mean that of the Progreſſion of the Diſtemper; how it began at one end of the Town, and proceeded gradually and ſlowly from one Part to another, and like a dark Cloud that paſſes over our Heads, which as it thickens and overcaſts the Air at one End, clears up at the other end: So while the Plague went on raging from Weſt to Eaſt, as it went forwards Eaſt, it abated ​in the Weſt, by which means thoſe parts of the Town, which were not ſeiz’d, or who were left, and where it had ſpent its Fury, were (as it were) ſpar’d to help and aſſiſt the other; whereas had the Diſtemper ſpread it ſelf over the whole City and Suburbs at once, raging in all Places alike, as it has done ſince in ſome Places abroad, the whole Body of the People muſt have been overwhelmed,and there would have died twenty thouſand a Day, as they ſay there did at Naples, nor would the People have been able to have help’d or aſſiſted one another.
For it muſt be obſerv’d that where the Plague was in its full Force, there indeed the People were very miſerable, and the Conſternation was inexpreſſible. But a little before it reach’d even to that place, or preſently after it was gone, they were quite another Sort of People, and I cannot but acknowledge, that there was too much of that common Temper of Mankind to be found among us all at that time; namely to forget the Deliverance, when the Danger is paſt: But I ſhall come to ſpeak of that part again.
It muſt not be forgot here to take ſome Notice of the State of Trade, during the time of this common Calamity, and this with reſpect to Foreign Trade, as alſo to our Home-trade.
As to Foreign Trade, there needs little to be ſaid; the trading Nations of Europe were all afraid of us, no Port of France, or Holland, or Spain, or Italy would admit our Ships or correſpond with us; indeed we ſtood on ill Terms with the Dutch, and were in a furious War with them, but tho’ in a bad Condition to fight abroad, who had ſuch dreadful Enemies to ſtruggle with at Home.
Our Merchants accordingly were at a full Stop, their Ships could go no where, that is to ſay to no place abroad; their Manufactures and Merchandiſe, ​that is to ſay, of our Growth, would not be touch’d abroad; they were as much afraid of our Goods, as they were of our People; and indeed they had reaſon, for our woolen Manufactures are as retentive of Infection as human Bodies, and if pack’d up by Perſons infected would receive the Infection, and be as dangerous to touch, as a Man would be that was infected; and therefore when any Engliſh Veſſel arriv’d in Foreign Countries, if they did take the Goods on Shore, they always cauſed the Bales to be opened and air’d in Places appointed for that
Purpoſe: But from London they would not ſuffer them to come into Port, much leſs to unlade their Goods upon any Terms whatever; and this Strictneſs was eſpecially us’d with them in Spain and Italy, in Turkey and the Iſlands of the Arches indeed as they are call’d, as well thoſe belonging to the Turks as to the Venetians, they were not ſo very rigid; in the firſt there was no Obſtruction at all; and four Ships, which were then in the River loading for Italy, that is for Leghorn and Naples, being denyed Product, as they call it, went on to Turkey, and were freely admitted to unlade their Cargo without any Difficulty, only that when they arriv’d there, ſome of their Cargo was not fit for Sale in that Country, and other Parts of it being conſign’d to Merchants at Leghorn, the Captains of the Ships had no Right nor any Orders to diſpoſe of the Goods; that great Inconveniences followed to the Merchants. But this was nothing but what the Neceſſity of Affairs requir’d, and the Merchants at Leghorn and at Naples having Notice given them, ſent again from thence to take Care of the Effects, which were particularly conſign’d to thoſe Ports, and to bring back in other Ships ſuch as were improper for the Markets at Smyrna and Scanderoon.
The Inconveniences in Spain and Portugal were ſtill greater; for they would, by no means, ſuffer ​our Ships, eſpecially thoſe from London, to come into any of their Ports, much leſs to unlade; there was a Report, that one of our Ships having by Stealth delivered her Cargo, among which was ſome Bales of Engliſh Cloth, Cotton, Kerſyes, and ſuch like Goods, the Spaniards cauſed all the Goods to be burnt, and puniſhed the Men with Death who were concern’d in carrying them on Shore. This I believe was in Part true, tho’ I do not affirm it: But it is not at all unlikely, ſeeing the Danger was really very great, the Infection being ſo violent in London.
I heard likewiſe that the Plague was carryed into thoſe Countries by ſome of our Ships, and particularly to the Port of Faro in the Kingdom of Algarve, belonging to the King of Portugal; and that ſeveral Perſons died of it there, but it was not confirm’d.
On the other Hand, tho’ the Spaniards and Portugueſe were ſo ſhie of us, it is moſt certain, that the Plague, as has been ſaid, keeping at firſt much at that end of the Town next Weſtminſter, the merchandiſing part of the Town, ſuch as the City and the Water-ſide, was perfectly ſound, till at leaſt the Beginning of July; and the Ships in the River till the Beginning of Auguſt, for to the 1$^{ſt}$ of July, there had died but ſeven within the whole City, and but 60 within the Liberties; but one in all the Pariſhes of Stepney, Aldgate, and White-Chappel; and but two in all the eight Pariſhes of Southwark. But it was the ſame thing abroad, for the bad News was gone over the whole World, that the City of London was infected with the Plague; and there was no inquiring there, how the Infection proceeded, or at which part of the Town it was begun, or was reach’d to.
Beſides, after it began to ſpread, it increaſed ſo faſt, and the Bills grew ſo high, all on a ſudden, ​that it was to no purpoſe to leſſen the Report of it, or endeavour to make the People abroad think it better than it was, the Account which the Weekly Bills gave in was ſufficient; and that there died two thouſand to three or four thouſand a Week, was ſufficient to alarm the whole trading part of the World, and the following time being ſo dreadful alſo in the very City it ſelf, put the whole World, I ſay, upon their Guard againſt it.
You may be ſure alſo, that the Report of theſe things loft nothing in the Carriage, the Plague was it ſelf very terrible, and the Diſtreſs of the People very great, as you may obſerve by what I have ſaid: But the Rumor was infinitely greater, and it muſt not be wonder’d, that our Friends abroad, as my Brother’s Correſpondents in particular were told there, namely in Portugal and Italy where he chiefly traded, that in London there died twenty thouſand in a Week; that the dead Bodies lay unburied by Heaps; that the living were not ſufficient to bury the dead, or the Sound to look after the Sick; that all the Kingdom was infected likewiſe, ſo that it was an univerſal Malady, ſuch as was never heard of in thoſe parts of the World; and they could hardly believe us, when we gave them an Account how things really were, and how there was not above one Tenth part of the People dead; that there was 500000 left that lived all the time in the Town; that now the People began to walk the Streets again, and thoſe, who were fled, to return, there was no Miſs of the uſual Throng of people in the Streets, except as every Family might miſs their Relations and Neighbours, and the like; I ſay they could not believe theſe things; and if Enquiry were now to be made in Naples, or in other Cities on the Coaſt of Italy, they would tell you that there was a dreadful Infection in London ſo many Years ago; ​in which, as above, there died Twenty Thouſand in a Week, &c. Juſt as we have had it reported in London, that there was a Plague in the City of Naples, in the Year 1656, in which there died 20000 People in a Day, of which I have had very good Satisfaction, that it was utterly falſe.
But theſe extravagant Reports were very prejudicial to our Trade as well as unjuſt and injurious in themſelves; for it was a long Time after the Plague was quite over, before our Trade could recover it ſelf in thoſe parts of the World; and the Flemings and Dutch, but eſpecially the laſt, made very great Advantages of it, having all the Market to themſelves, and even buying our Manufactures in the ſeveral Parts of England where the Plague was not, and carrying them to Holland, and Flanders, and from thence tranſporting them to Spain, and to Italy, as if they had been of their own making.
But they were detected ſometimes and puniſh’d, that is to ſay, their Goods confiſcated, and Ships alſo, for if it was true, that our Manufactures, as well as our People, were infected, and that it was dangerous to touch or to open, and receive the Smell of them; then thoſe People ran the hazard by that clandeſtine Trade, not only of carrying the Contagion into their own Country, but alſo of infecting the Nations to whom they traded with thoſe Goods; which, conſidering how many Lives might be loſt in Conſequence of ſuch an Action, muſt be a Trade that no Men of Conſcience could ſuffer themſelves to be concern’d in.
I do not take upon me to ſay, that any harm was
done, I mean of that Kind, by thoſe People: But I doubt, I need not make any ſuch Provifo in the Caſe of our own Country; for either by our People of London, or by the Commerce, which made their converſing with all Sorts of People in every ​County, and of every conſiderable Town, neceſſary, I ſay, by this means the Plague was firſt or laſt ſpread all over the Kingdom, as well in London as in all the Cities and great Towns, eſpecially in the trading Manufacturing Towns, and Sea-Ports; ſo that firſt or laſt, all the conſiderable Places in England were viſited more or leſs, and the Kingdom of Ireland in ſome Places, but not ſo univerſally; how it far'd with the People in Scotland, I had no opportunity to enquire.
It is to be obſerv'd, that while the Plague continued ſo violent in London, the out Ports, as they are call'd, enjoy'd a very great Trade, eſpecially to the adjacent Countries, and to our own Plantations, for Example, the Towns of Colcheſter, Yarmouth, and Hull, on that ſide of England, exported to Holland and Hamburgh, the Manufactures of the adjacent Counties for ſeveral Months after the Trade with London was as it were entirely ſhut up; likewiſe the Cities of Briſtol and Exeter with the Port of Plymouth, had the like Advantage to Spain, to the Canaries, to Guinea, and to the Weſt Indies; and particularly to Ireland; but as the Plague ſpread it ſelf every way after it had been in London, to ſuch a Degree as it was in Auguſt and September; ſo all, or moſt of thoſe Cities and Towns were infected firſt or laſt, and then Trade was as it were under a general Embargo, or at a full ſtop, as I ſhall obſerve farther, when I ſpeak of our home Trade.
One thing however muſt be obſerved, that as to Ships coming in from Abroad, as many you may be ſure did, ſome,who were out in all Parts of the World a conſiderable while before, and ſome who when they went out knew nothing of an Infection, or at leaſt of one ſo terrible; theſe came up the River boldly, and delivered their Cargoes as they were oblig'd to do, except juſt in the two Months of Auguſt and ​September, when the Weight of the Infection lying, as I may ſay, all below Bridge, no Body durſt appear in Buſineſs for a while: But as this continued but for a few Weeks, the Homeward bound Ships, eſpecially ſuch whoſe Cargoes were not liable to ſpoil, came to an Anchor for a Time, ſhort of The POOL, or freſh Water part of the River, even as low as the River Medway, where ſeveral of them ran in, and others lay at the Nore, and in the Hope below Graveſend: So that by the latter end of October, there was a very great Fleet of Homeward bound Ships to come up, ſuch as the like had not been known for many Years.
Two particular Trades were carried on by Water Carriage all the while of the Infection, and that with little or no Interruption, very much to the Advantage and Comfort of the poor diſtreſſed People of the City, and thoſe were the coaſting Trade for Corn, and the Newcaſtle Trade for Coals.
The firſt of theſe was particularly carried on by ſmall Veſſels, from the Port of Hull, and other Places in the Humber, by which great Quantities of Corn were brought in from Yorkſhire and Lincolnſhire: The other part of this Corn-Trade was from Lynn in Norfolk, from Wells, and Burnham, and from Yarmouth, all in the ſame County; and the third Branch was from the River Medway, and from Milton, Feverſham, Margate, and Sandwich, and all the other little Places and Ports round the Coaſt of Kent and Eſſex.
There was alſo a very good Trade from the Coaſt of Suffolk with Corn, Butter and Cheeſe; theſe Veſſels kept a conſtant Courſe of Trade, and without Interruption came up to that Market known ​ſtill by the Name of Bear-Key, where they ſupply’d the City plentifully with Corn, when Land Carriage began to fail, and when the People began to be ſick of coming from many Places in the Country.
This alſo was much of it owing to the Prudence and Conduct of the Lord Mayor, who took ſuch care to keep the Maſters and Seamen from Danger, when they came up, cauſing their Corn to be bought off at any time they wanted a Market, (which however was very ſeldom) and cauſing the Corn-Factors immediately to unlade and deliver the Veſſels loaden with Corn, that they had very little occaſion to come out of their Ships or Veſſels, the Money being always carried on Board to them, and put into a Pail of Vinegar before it was carried.
The ſecond Trade was, that of Coals from Newcaſtle upon Tyne; without which the City would have been greatly diſtreſſed; for not in the Streets only, but in private Houſes and Families, great Quantities of Coals were then burnt, even all the Summer long, and when the Weather was hotteſt, which was done by the Advice of the Phyſicians; ſome indeed oppos’d it, and inſiſted that to keep the Houſes and Rooms hot, was a means to propagate the Diſtemper, which was a Fermentation and Heat already in the Blood, that it was known to ſpread, and increaſe in hot Weather, and abate in cold, and therefore they alledg’d that all contagious Diſtempers are the worſe for Heat, becauſe the Contagion was nouriſhed, and gain’d Strength in hot Weather, and was as it were propagated in Heat.
Others ſaid, they granted, that Heat in the Climate might propagate Infection, as ſultry hot Weather fills the Air with Vermine, and nouriſhes innumerable Numbers, and Kinds of venomous Creatures, which breed in our Food, in the Plants, and even in our Bodies, by the very ſtench of which, Infection ​may be propagated; alſo, that heat in the Air, or heat of Weather, as we ordinarly call it, makes Bodies relax and faint, exhauſts the Spirits, opens the Pores, and makes us more apt to receive Infection, or any evil Influence, be it from noxious peſtilential Vapors, or any other Thing in the Air: But that the heat of Fire, and eſpecially of Coal Fires kept in our Houſes, or near us, had a quite different Operation, the Heat being not of the ſame Kind, but quick and fierce, tending not to nouriſh but to conſume, and diſſipate all thoſe noxious Fumes, which the other kind of Heat rather exhaled, and ſtagnated, than ſeparated, and burnt up; beſides it was alledg’d, that the ſulphurous and nitrous Particles, that are often found to be in the Coal, with that bituminous Subſtance which burns, are all aſſifting to clear and purge the Air, and render it wholſom and ſafe to breath in, after the noctious Particles as above are diſpers’d and burnt up.
The latter Opinion prevail’d at that Time, and as I muſt confeſs I think with good Reaſon, and the Experience of the Citizens confirm’d it, many Houſes which had conſtant Fires kept in the Rooms, having never been infected at all; and I muſt join my Experience to it, for I found the keeping good Fires kept our Rooms ſweet and wholſom, and I do verily believe made our whole Family ſo, more than would otherwiſe have been.
But I return to the Goals as a Trade, it was with no little difficulty that this Trade was kept open, and particularly becauſe as we were in an open War with the Dutch, at that Time, the Dutch Capers at firſt took a great many of our Collier Ships, which made the reſt cautious, and made them to ſtay to come in Fleets together: But after ſome time, the Capers were either afraid to take them, or their Maſters, the States, were afraid they ſhould, and forbad them, left the Plague ſhould be ​among them, which made them fare the better.
For the Security of thoſe Northern Traders, the Coal Ships were order’d by my Lord Mayor, not to come up into the Pool above a certain Number at a Time, and order’d Lighters, and other Veſſels, ſuch as the Wood-mongers, that is the Wharf Keepers, or Coal-Sellers furniſhed, to go down, and take out the Coals as low as Deptford and Greenwich, and ſome farther down.
Others deliver’d great Quantities of Coals in particular Places, where the Ships cou’d come to the Shoar, as at Greenwich, Blackwal, and other Places, in vaſt Heaps, as if to be kept for Sale; but were then fetch’d away, after the Ships which brought them were gone; ſo that the Seamen had no Communication with the River-Men, nor ſo much as came near one another.
Yet all this Caution, could not effectually prevent the Diſtemper getting among the Colliery, that is to ſay, among the Ships, by which a great many Seamen died of it; and that which was ſtill worſe, was, that they carried it down to Ipſwich, and Yarmouth, to Newcaſtle upon Tyne, and other Places on the Coaſt; where, eſpecially at Newcaſtle and at Sunderland, it carried off a great Number of People.
The making ſo many Fires as above, did indeed conſume an unuſual Quantity of Coals; and that upon one or two ſtops of the Ships coming up, whether by contrary Weather, or by the Interruption of Enemies, I do not remember, but the Price of Coals was exceeding dear, even as high as 4 l. a Chalder, but it ſoon abated when the Ships came in, and as afterwards they had a freer Paſſage, the Price was very reaſonable all the reſt of that Year.
The publick Fires which were made on theſe Occaſions, as I have calculated it, muſt ​have coſt the City about 200 Chalder of Coals a Week, if they had continued, which was indeed a very great Quantity; but as it was, thought neceſſary, nothing was ſpar’d; however as ſome of the Phyſicians cry’d them down, they were not kept a-light above four or five Days; the Fires were order’d thus.
One at the Cuſtom-houſe, one at Billingſgate, one at Queen-hith, and one at the Three Cranes, one in Black Friers, and one at the Gate of Bridewel, one at the Corner of Leadenbal Street, and Grace-church, one at the North, and one at the South Gate of the Royal Exchange, one at Guild Hall, and one at Blackwell-hall Gate, one at the Lord Mayor’s Door, in St. Helens, one at the Weſt Entrance into St. Paul’s, and one at the Entrance into Bow Church: I do not remember whether there was any at the City Gates, but one at the Bridge foot there was, juſt by St. Magnus Church.
I know, ſome have quarrell’d ſince that at the Experiment, and ſaid, that there died the more People, becauſe of thoſe Fires; but I am perſuaded thoſe that ſay fo, offer no Evidence to prove it, neither can I believe it on any Account whatever.
It remains to give ſome Account of the State of Trade at home in England during this dreadful Time, and particularly as it relates to the Manufactures, and the Trade in the City: At the firſt breaking out of the Infection, there was, as it is eaſie to ſuppoſe, a very great fright among the People, and conſequently a general ſtop of Trade; except in Proviſions and Neceſſaries of Life, and even in thoſe Things, as there was a vaſt Number of People fled, and a very great Number always ſick, beſides the Number which died, ſo there could not be above two Thirds, if above one Half of the Conſumption of Proviſions in the City as uſed to be.
​It pleas’d God, to ſend a very plentiful Year of Corn and Fruit, but not of Hay or Graſs; by which means, Bread was cheap, by Reaſon of the Plenty of Corn: Fleſh was cheap, by Reaſon of the Scarcity of Graſs; but Butter and Cheeſe were dear for the ſame Reaſon, and Hay in the Market juſt beyond White-Chapel Bars, was ſold at 4 l. per Load. But that affected not the Poor; there was a moſt exceſſive Plenty of all Sorts of Fruit, ſuch as Apples, Pears, Plumbs, Cherries, Grapes; and they were the cheaper, becauſe of the want of People; but this made the Poor eat them to exceſs, and this brought them into Fluxes, griping of the Guts, Surfeits, and the like, which often precipitated them into the Plague.
But to come to Matters of Trade; firſt, Foreign Exportation being ſtopt, or at leaſt very much interrupted, and rendred difficult; a general Stop of all thoſe Manufactories followed of Courſe, which were uſually bought for Exportation; and tho’ ſometimes Merchants Abroad were importunate for Goods, yet little was ſent, the Paſſages being ſo generally ſtop’d, that the Engliſh Ships would not be admitted, as is ſaid already, into their Port.
This put a ſtop to the Manufactures, that were for Exportation in moſt Parts of England, except in ſome out Ports; and even that was ſoon ſtop’d, for they all had the Plague in their Turn: But tho’ this was felt all over England, yet what was ſtill worſe, all Intercourſe of Trade for Home Conſumption of Manufactures, eſpecially thoſe which uſually circulated thro’ the Londoners Hands, was ſtop’d at once, the Trade of the City being ſtop’d.
All Kinds of Handicrafts in the City, &c. Tradeſmen and Mechanicks, were, as I have ſaid before, out of Employ, and this occaſion’d the putting off, and diſmiſſing an innumerable Number of Journey-men, and Work-men of all Sorts, ſeeing
~ ​nothing was done relating to ſuch Trades, but what might be ſaid to be abſolutely neceſſary.
This cauſed the Multitude of ſingle People in London to be unprovided for; as alſo of Families, whoſe living depended upon the Labour of the Heads of thoſe Families; I ſay, this reduced them to extream Miſery; and I muſt confeſs it is for the Honour of the City of London, and will be for many Ages, as long as this is to be ſpoken of, that they were able to ſupply with charitable Proviſion, the Wants of ſo many Thouſands of thoſe as afterwards fell ſick, and were diſtreſſed, ſo that it may be ſafely aver’d that no Body periſhed for Want, at left that the Magiſtrates had any notice given them of.
This Stagnation of our Manufacturing Trade in the Country, would have put the People there to much greater Difficulties, but that the Maſter-Workmen, Clothiers and others, to the uttermoſt of their Stocks and Strength, kept on making their Goods to keep the Poor at Work, believing that as ſoon as the Sickneſs ſhould abate, they would have a quick Demand in Proportion to the Decay of their Trade at that Time: But as none but thoſe Maſters that were rich could do thus, and that many were poor and not able, the Manufacturing Trade in England ſuffer’d greatly, and the Poor were pinch’d all over England by the Calamity of the City of London only.
It is true, that the next Year made them full amends by another terrible Calamity upon the City; ſo that the City by one Calamity impoveriſhed and weaken’d the Country, and by another Calamity even terrible too of its Kind, enrich’d the Country and made them again amends: For an infinite Quantity of Houſhold Stuff, wearing Apparel, and other Things, beſides whole Ware-houſes fill’d with Merchandize and Manufacturies, ſuch as come from ​all Parts of England, were conſum’d in the Fire of London, the next Year after this terrible Viſitation: It is incredible what a Trade this made all over the whole Kingdom, to make good the Want, and to ſupply that Loſs: So that, in ſhort, all the manufacturing Hands in the Nation were ſet on Work, and were little enough, for ſeveral Years, to ſupply the Market and anſwer the Demands; all Foreign Markets, alſo were empty of our Goods, by the ſtop which had been occaſioned by the Plague, and before an open Trade was allow’d again; and the prodigious Demand at Home falling in join’d to make a quick Vent for all Sorts of Goods; ſo that there never was known ſuch a Trade all over England for the Time, as was in the firſt ſeven Years after the Plague, and after the Fire of London.
It remains now, that I ſhould ſay ſomething of the merciful Part of this terrible Judgment: The laſt Week in September, the Plague being come to its Criſis, its Fury began to aſſwage. I remember my Friend Doctor Heath coming to ſee me the Week before, told me, he was ſure that the Violence of it would aſſwage in a few Days; but when I ſaw the weekly Bill of that Week, which was the higheſt of the whole Year, being 8297 of all Diſeaſes, I upbraided him with it, and aſk’d him, what he had made his Judgment from? His Anſwer, however, was not ſo much to ſeek, as I thought it would have been; look you, ſays he, by the Number which are at this Time ſick and infected,there ſhould have been twenty Thouſand dead the laſt Week, inſtead of eight Thouſand, if the inveterate mortal Contagion had been, as it was two Weeks ago; for then it ordinarily kill’d in two or three Days, now not under Fight or Ten; and then not above One in Five recovered; whereas I have obſerv’d, that now not above Two in Five miſcarry; and obſerve it from me, the next Bill wilt decreaſe, and you ​will ſee many more People recover than uſed to do; for tho’ a vaſt Multitude are now every where infected, and as many every Day fall ſick; yet there will not ſo many die as there did, for the Malignity of the Diſtemper is abated, adding, that he began now to hope, nay more than hope, that the Infection had paſs‘d its Criſis,and was going off; and accordingly ſo it was, for the next Week being, as I ſaid, the laſt in September, the Bill decreaſed almoſt two Thouſand.
It is true, the Plague was ſtill at a frightful Height, and the next Bill was no leſs than 6460, and the next to that 5720; but ſtill my Friend’s Obſervation was juſt, and it did appear the People did recover faſter, and more in Number, than they uſed to do; and indeed if it had not been ſo, what had been the Condition of the City of London? for according to my Friend there were not fewer than ſixty Thouſand People at that Time infected, whereof, as above, 20477 died,and near 40000 recovered; whereas had it been as it was before, Fifty thouſand of that Number would very probably have died, if not more, and 50000 more would have ſickned; for in a Word, the whole Maſs of People began to ſicken, and it look’d as if none would eſcape.
But this Remark of my Friend’s appear’d more evident in a few Weeks more; for the Decreaſe went on, and another Week in October it decreas’d 1849. So that the Number dead of the Plague was but 2665, and the next Week it decreaſed 1413 more, and yet it was ſeen plainly, that there was abundance of People ſick, nay abundance more than ordinary, and abundance fell ſick every Day, but (as above ) the Malignity of the Diſeaſe abated.
Such is the precipitant Diſpoſition of our People, whether it is ſo or not all over the World, that’s none of my particular Buſineſs to enquire; but I ſaw it apparently here, that as upon the firſt ​Fright of the Infection, they ſhun’d one another, and fled from one another’s Houſes, and from the City with an unaccountable, and, as I thought, unneceſſary Fright; ſo now upon this Notion ſpreading, (viz.) that the Diſtemper was not ſo catching as formerly, and that if it was catch’d, it was not ſo mortal, and ſeeing abundance of People who really fell ſick, recover again daily, they took to ſuch a precipitant Courage, and grew ſo entirely regardleſs of themſelves, and of the Infection, that they made no more of the Plague than of an ordinary Fever, nor indeed ſo much; they not only went boldly into Company, with thoſe who had Tumours and Carbuncles upon them, that were running, and conſequently contagious, but eat and drank with them, nay into their Houſes to viſit them, and even, as I was told, into their very Chambers where they lay ſick.
This I cou’d not ſee rational; my Friend Doctor Heath allow’d, and it was plain to Experience, that the Diſtemper was as catching as ever, and as many fell ſick, but only he alledg’d, that ſo many of thoſe that fell ſick did not die; but I think that while many did die, and that, at beſt, the Diſtemper it ſelf was very terrible, the Sores and Swellings very tormenting, and the Danger of Death not left out of the Circumſtance of Sickneſs, tho’ not ſo frequent as before; all thoſe things, together with the exceeding Tediouſneſs of the Cure, the Loathſomneſs of the Diſeaſe, and many other Articles, were enough to deter any Man living from a dangerous Mixture with the ſick People,and make them as anxious almoſt to avoid the Infection as before.
Nay there was another Thing which made the meer catching of the Diſtemper frightful, and that was the terrible burning of the Cauſticks, which the Surgeons laid on the Swellings to bring them to break, and to run; without which the Danger ​of Death was very great, even to the laſt; alſo the unſufferable Torment of the Swellings, which tho’ it might not make People raving and diſtracted, as they were before, and as I have given ſeveral Inſtances of already, yet they put the Patient to inexpreſſible Torture; and thoſe that fell into it, tho' they did eſcape with Life, yet they made bitter Complaints of thoſe, that had told them there was no Danger, and ſadly repented their Raſhneſs and Folly in venturing to run into the reach of it.
Nor did this unwary Conduct of the People end here, for a great many that thus caſt off their Cautions ſuffered more deeply ſtill; and tho’ many eſcap’d, yet many died; and at leaſt it had this publick Miſchief attending it, that it made the Decreaſe of Burials ſlower than it would otherwiſe have been; for as this Notion run like Lightning thro’ the City, and People Heads were poſſeſs’d with it, even as ſoon as the firſt great Decreaſe in the Bills appear’d, we found, that the two next Bills did not decreaſe in Proportion; the Reaſon I take to be the Peoples running ſo raſhly into Danger, giving up all their former Cautions, and Care, and all the Shyneſs which they uſed to practiſe; depending that the Sickneſs would not reach them, or that if it did, they ſhould not die.
The Phyſicians oppos’d this thoughtleſs Humour of the People with all their Might, and gave out printed Directions, ſpreading them all over the City and Suburbs, adviſing the People to continue reſerv’d,and to uſe ſtill the utmoſt Caution in their ordinary Conduct, notwithſtanding the Decreaſe of the Diſtemper, terrifying them with the Danger of bringing a Relapſe upon the whole City, and telling them how ſuch a Relapſe might be more fatal and dangerous than the whole Viſitation that had been already; with many Arguments and Reaſons to explain and prove that part to them, and which are too long to repeat here.
​But it was all to no Purpoſe, the audacious Creatures were ſo poſſeſs’d with the firſt Joy, and ſo ſurpriz’d with the Satisfaction of ſeeing a vaſt Decreaſe in the weekly Bills, that they were impenetrable by any new Terrors, and would not be perſuaded, but that the Bitterneſs of Death was paſs’d; and it was to no more purpoſe to talk to them, than to an Eaſt-wind; but they open’d Shops, went about Streets, did Buſineſs, and converſed with any Body that came in their Way to converſe with, whether with Buſineſs, or without, neither inquiring of their Health, or ſo much as being Apprehenſive of any Danger from them, tho’ they knew them not to be found.
This imprudent raſh Conduct coſt a great many their Lives, who had with great Care and Caution ſhut themſelves up, and kept retir’d as it were from all Mankind, and had by that means, under God’s Providence, been preſerv'd thro’ all the heat of that Infection.
This raſh and fooliſh Conduct, I ſay, of the People went ſo far, that the Miniſters took notice to them of it at laſt, and laid before them both the Folly and Danger of it; and this check’d it a little, ſo that they grew more cautious, but it had another Effect, which they cou’d not check; for as the firſt Rumour had ſpread not over the City only, but into the Country, it had the like Effect, and the People were ſo tir’d with being ſo long from London, and ſo eager to come back, that they flock’d to Town without Fear or Forecaſt, and began to thew themſelves in the Streets, as if all the Danger was over: It was indeed ſurpriſing to ſee it, for tho’ there died full from a Thouſand to eighteen Hundred a Week, yet the People flock’d to Town, as if all had been well.
The Conſequence of this was, that the Bills encreas’d again Four Hundred the very firſt Week in ​November, and if I might believe the Phyſicians,. there was above three Thouſand fell ſick that Week, moſt of them new Comers too.
One JOHN COCK, a Barber in St. Martins le Grand, was an eminent Example of this; I mean of the haſty Return of the People, when the Plague was abated: This John Cock had left the Town with his whole Family, and lock’d up his Houſe, and was gone in the Country, as many others did, and finding the Plague ſo decreas’d in November, that there died but 905 per Week of all Diſeaſes, he ventur’d home again; he had in his Family Ten Perſons, that is to ſay, himſelf and Wife, five Children, two Apprentices, and a Maid Servant; he had not been return’d to his Houſe above a Week, and began to open his Shop, and carry on his Trade, but the Diſtemper broke out in his Family, and within about five Days they all died, except one, that is to ſay, himſelf, his Wife, all his five Children, and his two Apprentices, and only the Maid remain’d alive.
But the Mercy of God was greater to the reſt than had Reaſon to expect; for the Malignity, as I have ſaid, of the Diſtemper was ſpent, the Contagion was exhauſted, and alſo the Winter Weather came on a pace, and the Air was clear and cold, with ſome ſharp Froſts; and this encreaſing ſtill, moſt of thoſe that had fallen ſick recover’d, and the Health of the City began to return: There were indeed ſome Returns of the Diſtemper, even in the Month of December, and the Bills encreaſed near a Hundred, but it went off again and ſo in a ſhort while, Things began to return to their own Channel. And wonderful it was to ſee how populous the City was again all on a ſudden; ſo that a Stranger could not miſs the Numbers that were loſt, neither was there any miſs of the Inhabitants as to their Dwellings: Few or no empty Houſes were to be ſeen, or if there ​were ſome, there was no want of Tenants for them.
I wiſh I cou’d ſay, that as the City had a new Face, ſo the Manners of the People had a new Appearance: I doubt not but there were many that retain’d a ſincere Senſe of their Deliverance, and that were heartily thankful to that ſovereign Hand, that had protected them in ſo dangerous a Time; it would be very uncharitable to judge otherwiſe in a City ſo populous, and where the People were ſo devout, as they were here in the Time of the Viſitation it ſelf; but except what of this was to be found in particular Families, and Faces, it muſt be acknowlede’d that the general Practice of the People was juſt as it was before, and very little Difference was to be ſeen.
Some indeed ſaid Things were worſe, that the Morals of the People declin’d from this vere time; that the People harden’d by the Danger they had been in, like Sea-men after a Storm is over, were more wicked and more ſtupid, more bold and hardened in their Vices and Immoralities than they were before; but I will not carry it ſo far neither: It would take up a Hiſtory of no ſmall Length, to give a Particular of all the Gradations, by which the Courſe of Things in this City came to be reſtor’d again, and to run in their own Channel as they did before.
Some Parts of England were now infected as violently as London had been; the Cities of Norwich, Peterborough, Lincoln, Colcheſter, and other Places were now viſited; and the Magiſtrates of London began to ſet Rules for our Conduct, as to correſponding with thoſe Cities: It is true, we could not pretend to forbid their People coming to London, becauſe it was impoſſible to know them aſſunder, ſo after many Conſultations, the Lord Mayor, and Court of Aldermen were oblig’d to drop it: All they cou’d do, ​was to warn and caution the People, not to entertain in their Houſes, or converſe with any People who they knew came from ſuch infected Places.
But they might as well have talk’d to the Air, for the People of London thought themſelves ſo Plague-free now, that they were paſt all Admonitions; they ſeem’d to depend upon it, that the Air was reſtor’d, and that the Air was like a Man that had had the Small Pox, not capable of being infected again; this reviv’d that Notion, that the Infection was all in the Air, that there was no ſuch thing as Contagion from the ſick People to the Sound; and ſo ſtrongly did this Whimſy prevail among People, that they run all together promiſcuouſly, ſick and well; not the Mahometans, who, prepoſſeſs’d with the Principle of Predeſtination value nothing of Contagion, let it be in what it will, could be more obſtinate than the People of London; they that were perfectly ſound, and came out of the wholeſome Air, as we call it, into the City, made nothing of going into the fame Houſes and Chambers nay even into the ſame Beds, with thoſe that had the Diſtemper upon them, and were not recovered.
Some indeed paid for their audacious Boldneſs with the Price of their Lives; an infinite Number fell ſick, and the Phyſicians had more Work than ever, only with this Difference, that more of their Patients recovered; that is to ſay, they generally recovered, but certainly there were more People infected, and fell ſick now, when there did not die above a Thouſand, or Twelve Hundred in a Week, than there was when there died Five or Six Thouſand a Week; ſo entirely negligent were the People at that Time, in the great and dangerous Caſe of Health and Infection; and ſo ill were they able to take or accept of the Advice of thoſe who cautioned them for their Good.
​The People being thus return’d, as it were in general, it was very ſtrange to find, that in their inquiring after their Friends, ſome whole Families were ſo entirely ſwept away, that there was no Remembrance of them left; neither was any Body to be found to poſſeſs or ſhew any Title to that little they had left; for in ſuch Caſes, what was to be found was generally embezzled, and purloyn’d ſome gone one way, ſome another.
It was ſaid ſuch abandon’d Effects, came to the King as the univerſal Heir, upon which we were told, and I ſuppoſe it was in part true, that the King granted all ſuch as Deodands to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen of London, to be applied to the uſe of the Poor, of whom there were very many: For it is to be obſerv’d, that tho the Occaſions of Relief, and the Objects of Diſtreſs were very many more in the Time of the Violence of the Plague, than now
after all was over; yet the Diſtreſs of the Poor was more now, a great deal than it was then, becauſe all the Sluces of general Charity were now ſhut; People ſuppos’d the main Occaſion to be over, and ſo ſtop’d their Hands; whereas particular Objects were ſtill very moving, and the Diſtreſs of thoſe that were Poor, was very great indeed.
Tho’ the Health of the City was now very much reſtor’d, yet Foreign Trade did not begin to ſtir, neither would Foreigners admit our Ships into their Ports for a great while; as for the Dutch, the Miſunderftandings between our Court and them had broken out into a War the Year before; ſo that our Trade that way was wholly interrupted; but Spain and Portugal, Italy and Barbary, as alſo Hamburgh, and all the Ports in the Baltick, theſe were all ſhy of us a great while, and would not reſtore Trade with us for many Months.
The Diſtemper {weeping away ſuch Multitudes, as I have obſerv’d, many, if not all the out Pariſhes ​were oblig’d to make new burying Grounds, beſides that I have mention’d in Bunhil-Fields, ſome of which were continued, and remain in Uſe to this Day; but others were left off, and which, I confeſs, I mention with ſome Reflection, being converted into other Uſes, or built upon afterwards, the dead Bodies were diſturb’d, abus’d, dug up again, ſome even before the Fleſh of them was periſhed from the Bones, and remov’d like Dung or Rubbiſh to other Places; ſome of thoſe which came within the Reach of my Obſervation, are as follow.
1. A piece of Ground beyond Goſwel Street, near Mount-Mill, being ſome of the Remains of the old Lines or Fortifications of the City, where Abundance were buried promiſcuouſly from the Pariſhes of Alderſgate, Clerkenwell, and even out of the City. This Ground, as I take it, was ſince made a Phyſick Garden, and after that has been built upon.
2. A piece of Ground juſt over the Black Ditch, as it was then call’d, at the end of Holloway Lane, in Shoreditch Pariſh; it has been ſince made a Yard for keeping Hogs, and for other ordinary Uſes, but is quite out of Uſe as a burying Ground.
3. The upper End of Hand-Alley in Biſhopſgate Street, which was then a green Field, and was taken in particularly for Biſhopſgate Pariſh, tho’ many of the Carts out of the City brought their dead thither alſo, particularly out of the Parith of St.
All-hallows on the Wall; this Place I cannot mention without much Regret, it was, as I remember, about two or three Year after the Plague was ceas’d that Sir Robert Clayton came to be poſſeſt of the Ground; it was reported, how true I know not, that it fell to the King for want of Heirs, all thoſe who had any Right to it being carried off by the Peſtilence, and that Sir Robert Clayton obtain’d a Grant of it ​from King Charles II. But however he came by it, certain it is, the Ground was let out to build on, or built upon by his Order: The firſt Houſe built upon it was a large fair Houſe ſtill ſtanding, which faces the Street, or Way, now call’d Hand-Alley, which, tho’ call’d an Alley, is as wide as a Street: The Houſes in the ſame Row with that Houſe Northward, are built on the very ſame Ground where the poor People were buried, and
the Bodies on opening the Ground for the Foundations, were dug up, ſome of them remaining ſo plain to be ſeen, that the Womens Sculls were diſtinguiſh’d by their long Hair, and of others, the Fleſh was not quite periſhed; ſo that the People began to exclaim loudly againſt it, and ſome ſuggeſted
that it might endanger a Return of the Contagion: After which the Bones and Bodies, as faſt as they came at them, were carried to another part of the ſame Ground, and thrown all together into a deep Pit, dug on purpoſe, which now is to be known, in that it is not built on, but is a Paſſage to another Houſe, at the upper end of Roſe Alley, juſt againſt the Door of a Meeting-houſe, which has been built there many Years ſince; and the Ground is paliſadoed off from the reſt of the Paſſage, in a little ſquare, there lye the Bones and Remains of near Two thouſand Bodies, carried by the Dead-Carts to to their Grave in that one Year.
4. Beſides this, there was a piece of Ground in Moorfields, by the going into the Street which is now call’d Old Bethlem, which was enlarg’d much, tho’ not wholly taken in on the fame occaſion.
N.B. The Author of this Journal, lyes buried in that very Ground, being at his own Deſire, his Sifter having been buried there a few Years, before.
5. Stepney Pariſh, extending it ſelf from the Eaſt part of London to the North, even to the very ​Edge of Shoreditch Church-yard, had a piece of Ground taken in to bury their Dead, cloſe to the ſaid Church-yard; and which for that very Reaſon was left open,and is ſince, I ſuppoſe, taken into the ſame Church-yard; and they had alſo two other burying Places in Spittlefields, one where ſince a Chapel or Tabernacle has been built for eaſe to this great Pariſh, and another in Petticoat-lane.
There were no leſs than Five other Grounds
made uſe of for the Pariſh of Stepney at that time; one where now ſtands the Pariſh Church of St. Paul’s Shadwel, and the other, where now ſtands the Pariſh Church of St. John at Wapping, both which had not the Names of Pariſhes at that time, but were belonging to Stepney Pariſh.
I cou’d name many more, but theſe coming within my particular Knowledge, the Circumfſtance I thought made it of Uſe to record them; from the whole, it may be obſerv’d, that they were oblig’d in this Time of Diſtreſs, to take in new burying Grounds in moſt of the out Pariſhes, for laying the prodigious Numbers of People which died in ſo ſhort a Space of Time; but why Care was not taken to keep thoſe Places ſeparate from ordinary Uſes, that fo the Bodies might reſt undiſturb’d, that I cannot anſwer for, and muſt confeſs, I think it was wrong; who were to blame, I know not.
I ſhould have mention’d, that the Quakers had at that time alſo a burying Ground, ſet a-part to their Uſe, and which they ſtill make uſe of, and they had alſo a particular dead Cart to fetch their Dead from their Houſes; and the famous Solomon Eagle, who, as I mentioned before, had predicted the Plague as a Judgment, and run naked thro’ the Streets, telling the People, that it was come upon them, to puniſh them for their Sins, had his own Wife died the very next Day of the Plague, ​and was carried one of the firſt in the Quakers dead Cart, to their new burying Ground.
I might have throng’d this Account with many more remarkable Things, which occur’d in the Time of the Infection, and particularly what paſs’d between the Lord Mayor and the Court, which was then at Oxford, and what Directions were from time to time receiv’d from the Government for their Conduct on this critical Occaſion. But really the Court concern’d themſelves ſo little, and that little they did was of ſo ſmall Import, that I do not ſee it of much Moment to mention any Part of it here, except that of appointing a Monthly Faſt in the City, and the ſending the Royal Charity to the Relief of the Poor, both which I have mention’d before.
Great was the Reproach thrown on thoſe Phyſicians who left their Patients during the Sickneſs, and now they came to Town again, no Body car’d to employ them; they were call’d Deſerters, and frequently Bills were ſet up upon their Doors, and written, Here is a Doctor to be let! So that ſeveral of thoſe Phyſicians were fain for a while to ſit ſtill and look about them, or at leaſt remove their Dwellings, and ſet up in new Places, and among new Acquaintance; the like was the Caſe with the Clergy, who the People were indeed very abuſive to, writing Verſes and ſcandalous Reflections upon them, ſetting upon the Church Door, here is a Pulpit to be let, or ſometimes to be ſold, which was worſe.
It was not the leaſt of our Misfortunes, that with our Infection, when it ceaſed, there did not ceaſe the Spirit of Strife and Contention, Slander and Reproach, which was really the great Troubler of the Nation’s Peace before: It was ſaid to be the Remains of the old Animoſities, which had ſo lately involv’d us all in Blood and Diſorder. But as the late Act of Indemnity had laid aſleep the Quarrel it ſelf, ſo the ​Government had recommended Family and Perſonal Peace upon all Occaſions, to the whole Nation.
But it cou’d not be obtain’d, and particularly after the ceaſing of the Plague in London, when any one that had ſeen the Condition which the People had been in, and how they careſs’d one another at that time, promis’d to have more Charity for the future, and to raiſe no more Reproaches: I ſay, any one that had ſeen them then, would have thought they would have come together with another Spirit at laſt. But, I ſay, it cou’d not be obtain’d; the Quarel remain’d, the Church and the Preſbyterians were incompatible; as ſoon as the Plague was remov’d, the diſſenting outed Miniſters who had ſupplied the Pulpits, which were deſerted by the Incumbents, retir’d, they cou’d expect no other; but that they ſhould immediately fall upon them, and harraſs them, with their penal Laws, accept their preaching while they were ſick, and perſecute them as ſoon as they were recover’d again, this even we that were of the Church thought was very hard, and cou’d by no means approve of it.
But it was the Government, and we cou’d ſay nothing to hinder it; we cou’d only ſay, it was not our doing, and we could not anſwer for it.
On the other Hand, the Diſſenters reproaching thoſe Miniſters of the Church with going away, and deſerting their Charge, abandoning the People in their Danger, and when they had moſt need of Comfort and the like, this we cou’d by no means approve; for all Men have not the ſame Faith, and the ſame Courage, and the Scripture commands us to judge the moſt favourably, and according to Charity.
A Plague is a formidable Enemy, and is arm’d with Terrors, that every Man is not ſufficiently fortified to reſiſt, or prepar’d to ſtand the Shock ​againſt: It is very certain, that a great many of the Clergy, who were in Circumſtances to do it, withdrew, and fled for the Safety of their Lives; but ’tis true alſo, that a great many of them ſtaid, and many of them fell in the Calamity, and in the Diſcharge of their Duty.
It is true, ſome of the Diſſenting turn’d out Miniſters ſtaid, and their Courage is to be commended, and highly valued, but theſe were not abundance; it cannot be ſaid that they all ſtaid, and that none retir’d into the Country, any more than it can be ſaid of the Church Clergy, that they all went away; neither did all thoſe that went away, go without ſubſtituting Curates, and others in their Places, to do the Offices needful, and to viſit the Sick, as far as it was practicable; ſo that upon the whole, an Allowance of Charity might have been made on both Sides, and we ſhould have conſider’d, that ſuch a time as this of 1665, is not to be parallel’d in Hiſtory, and that it is not the ſtouteſt Courage that will always ſupport Men in ſuch Caſes; I had not ſaid this, but had rather choſen to record the Courage and religious Zeal of thoſe of both Sides, who did hazard themſelves for the Service of the poor People in their Diſtreſs, without remembring that any fail’d in their Duty on either ſide. But the want of Temper among us, has made the contrary to this neceſſary; ſome that ſtaid, not only boaſting too much of themſelves, but reviling thoſe that fled, branding them with Cowardice, deſerting their Flocks, and acting the Part of the Hirleing, and the like: I recommend it to the Charity of all good People to look back, and reflect duly upon the Terrors of the Time; and whoever does ſo will ſee, that it is not an ordinary Strength that cou’d ſupport it, it was not like appearing in the Head of an Army, or charging a Body of Horſe in the Field; but it was charging Death it ſelf ​on his pale Horſe; to ſtay was indeed to die, and it could be eſteemed nothing leſs, eſpecially as things appear’d at the latter End of Auguſt, and the Beginning of September, and as there was reaſon to expect them at that time; for no Man expected, and I dare ſay, believed, that the Diſtemper would take ſo ſudden a Turn as it did, and fall immediately 2000 in a Week, when there was ſuch a prodigious Number of People ſick at that Time, as it was known there was; and then it was that many ſhifted away, that had ſtay’d moſt of the time before.
Beſides, if God gave Strength to ſome more than to others, was it to boaſt of their Ability to abide the Stroak, and upbraid thoſe that had not the ſame Gift and Support, or ought not they rather to have been humble and thankful, if they were render’d more uſeful than their Brethren?
I think it ought to be recorded to the Honour of ſuch Men, as well Clergy as Phyſicians, Surgeons, Apothecaries, Magiſtrates and Officers of every kind,as alſo all uſeful Peoples who ventur’d their Lives in Diſcharge of their Duty, as moſt certainly all ſuch as ſtay’d did to the laſt Degree, and ſeveral of all theſe Kinds did not only venture but loſe their Lives on that ſad Occaſion.
I was once making a Liſt of all ſuch, I mean of all thoſe Profeſſions and Employments, who thus died, as I call it, in the way of their Duty, but it was impoſſible for a private Man to come at a Certainty in the Particulars; I only remember, that there died ſixteen Clergy-men, two Aldermen, five Phyſicians, thirteen Surgeons, within the City and Liberties before the beginning of September: But this being, as I ſaid before, the great Criſis and Extremity of the Infection, it can be no compleat Liſt: As to inferior People, I think there died ſix and forty ​Conſtables and Headboroughs in the two Pariſhes of Stepney and White-Chapel; but I could not carry my Liſt on, for when the violent Rage of the Diſtemper in September came upon us, it drove us out of all Meaſures: Men did then no more die by Tale and by Number, they might put out a Weekly Bill, and call them ſeven or eight Thouſand, or what they pleas’d; ’tis certain they died by Heaps, and were buried by Heaps, that is to ſay without Account; and if I might believe ſome People, who were more abroad and more converſant with thoſe things than I, tho’ I was public enough for one that had no more Buſineſs to do than I had, I ſay, if I may believe them, there was not many leſs buried thoſe firſt three Weeks in September than 20000 per Week; however the others aver the Truth of it, yet I rather chuſe to keep to the public Account; ſeven and eight thouſand per Week is enough to make good all that I have ſaid of the Terror of thoſe Times; and it is much to the Satisfaction of me that write, as well as thoſe that read, to be able to ſay, that every thing is ſet down with Moderation, and rather within Compaſs than beyond it.
Upon all theſe Accounts I ſay I could with, when we were recover’d, our Conduct had been more diſtinguiſh’d for Charity and Kindneſs in Remembrance of the paſt Calamity, and not ſo much a valuing our ſelves upon our Boldneſs in ſtaying, as if all Men were Cowards that fly from the Hand of God, or that thoſe, who ſtay, do not ſometimes owe their Courage to their Ignorance, and deſpiſing the Hand of their Maker, which is a criminal kind of Deſperation, and not a true Courage.
I cannot but leave it upon Record, that the Civil Officers, ſuch as Conſtables, Headboroughs, Lord Mayor’s, and Sheriff’s-men, as alſo Pariſh-Officers, whoſe Buſineſs it was to take Charge of the Poor, ​did their Duties in general with as much Courage as any, and perhaps with more, becauſe their Work was attended with more Hazards; and lay more among the Poor, who were more ſubject to be infected and in the moſt pitiful Plight when they were taken with the Infection: But then it muſt be added too, that a great Number of them died, indeed it was ſcarce poſſible it ſhould be otherwiſe.
I have not ſaid one Word here about the Phyſick or Preparations that we ordinarily made uſe of on this terrible Occaſion, I mean we that went frequently abroad up and down Street, as I did; much of this was talk’d of in the Books and Bills of our Quack Doctors, of whom I have ſaid enough already. It may however be added, that the College of Phyſicians were daily publiſhing ſeveral Preparations, which they had confider’d of in the Proceſs of their Practice, and which being to be had in Print, I avoid repeating them for that reaſon.
One thing I could not help obſerving, what befell one of the Quacks, who publiſh’d that he had a moſt excellent Preſervative againſt the Plague, which whoever kept about them, ſhould never be infected, or liable to Infection; this Man, who we may reaſonably ſuppoſe, did not go abroad without ſome of this excellent Preſervative in his Pocket, yet was taken by the Diſtemper, and carry’d off in two or three Days.
I am not of the Number of the Phyſic-Haters, or Phyſic-Deſpiſers; on the contrary, I have often mentioned the regard I had to the Dictates of my particular Friend Dr. Heath; but yet I muſt acknowledge, I made uſe of little or nothing, except as I have obſerv’d; to keep a Preparation of ſtrong Scent to have ready, in caſe I met with any thing of offenſive Smells; or went too near any burying place, or dead Body.
​Neither did I do, what I know ſome did, keep the Spirits always high and hot with Cordials, and Wine, and ſuch things, and which, as I obſerv’d, one learned Phyſician uſed himſelf ſo much to, as that he could not leave them off when the Infection was quite gone, and ſo became a Sot for all his Life after.
I remember, my Friend the Doctor us’d to ſay, that there was a certain Set of Drugs and Preparations, which were all certainly good and uſeful in the caſe of an Infection; out of which, or with which, Phyſicians might make an infinite Variety of Medicines, as the Ringers of Bells make ſeveral Hundred different Rounds of Muſick by the changing and Order of Sound but in ſix Bells; and that all theſe Preparations ſhall be really very good; therefore, ſaid he, I do not wonder that ſo vaſt a Throng of Medicines is offer’d in the preſent Calamity; and almoſt every Phyſician preſcribes or prepares a different thing, as his Judgment or Experience guides him: but, ſays my Friend, let all the Preſcriptions of all the Phyſicians in London be examined; and it will be found, that they are all compounded of the ſame things, With ſuch Variations only, as the particular Fancy of the Doctor leads him to; ſo that, ſays he, every Man judging a little of his own Conſtitution and manner of his living, and Circumſtances οὗ his being infected, may direct his own Medicines out of the ordinary Drugs and Preparations: Only that, ſays he, ſome recommend one thing as moſt ſovereign,and ſome another; ſome, ſays he, think that Pill. Ruff which is call’d itſelf the Anti-peſtilential Pill, is the beſt Preparation that can be made; others think, that Venice Treacle is ſufficient of it ſelf to reſiſt the Contagion, and I, ſays he, think as both theſe think, viz. that the laſt is good to take beforehand to prevent it, and the laſt, if touch’d, to expel it. According to this Opinion. I ​ſeveral times took Venice Treacle and a ſound Sweat upon it, and thought my ſelf as well fortified againſt the Infection as any one could be fortifyed by the Power of Phyſic.
As for Quackery and Mountebank, of which the Town was ſo full, I liſtened to none of them, and have obſerv’d often ſince with ſome Wonder, that for two Years after the Plague, I ſcarcely ſaw or heard of one of them about Town. Some fancied they were all ſwept away in the Infection to a Man, and were for calling it a particular Mark of God’s Vengeance upon them, for leading the poor People into the Pit of Deſtruction, merely for the Lucre of a little Money they got by them; but I cannot go that Length neither; that Abundance of them died is certain, many of them came within the Reach of my own Knowledge; but that all of them were ſwept off I much queſtion; I believe rather, they fled into the Country, and tryed their Practices upon the People there, who were in Apprehenſion of the Infection, before it came among them.
This however is certain, not a Man of them appear’d for a great while in or about London; there were indeed ſeveral Doctors, who publiſhed Bills, recommending their ſeveral phyſical Preparations for cleanſing the Body, as they call it, after the Plague, and need, as they ſaid, for ſuch People to take, who had been viſited and had been cur’d; whereas I muſt own, I believe that it was the Opinion of the moſt eminent Phyſicians at that time, that the Plague was itſelf a ſufficient Purge; and that thoſe who eſcaped the Infection needed no Phyſic to cleanſe their Bodies of any other things; the running Sores, the Tumors, &c. which were broke and kept open by the Directions of the Phyſicians, having ſufficiently cleanſed them; and that all other Diſtempers and Cauſes of Diſtempers were effectually carried that Way; and as the ​Phyſicians gave this as their Opinions, wherever they came, the Quacks got little Buſineſs.
There were indeed ſeveral little Hurries, which happen’d after the Decreaſe of the Plague, and which whether they were contriv’d to fright and diſorder the People, as ſome imagin’d, I cannot ſay, but ſometimes we were told the Plague would return by ſuch a Time; and the famous Solomon Eagle the naked Quaker, I have mention’d, prophety’d evil Tidings every Day; and ſeveral others telling: us that London had not been ſufficiently ſcourg’d, and the ſorer and fſeverer Strokes were yet behind; had they ſtop’d there, or had they deſcended to Particulars, and told us that the City should the next Year be deſtroyed by Fire; then indeed, when we had ſeen it come to paſs, we ſhould not have been to blame to have paid more than a common Reſpect to their Prophetick Spirits, at leaſt we ſhould have wonder’d at them, and have been more ſerious in our Enquiries after the meaning of it, and whence they had the Fore-knowledge: But as they generally told us of a Relapſe into the Plague, we have had no Concern ſince that about them; yet by theſe frequent Clamours, we were all kept with ſome kind of Apprehenſions conſtantly upon us, and if any died ſuddenly, or if the ſpotted Fevers at any time increaſed, we were preſently alarm’d; much more if the Number of the Plague encreaſed, for to the End of the Year, there were always between 2 and 300 of the Plague; on any of theſe Occaſions, I ſay, we were alarm’d anew.
Thoſe, who remember the City of London before the Fire, muſt remember, that there was then no ſuch Place as that we now call. Newgate-Market. But that in the Middle of the Street, which is now calld Blow-bladder Street, and which had its Name from the Butchers, who us'd to kill and dreſs their ​Sheep there; (and who it ſeems had a Cuſtom to blow up their Meat with Pipes to make it look thicker and fatter than it was, and were puniſh’d, there for it by the Lord Mayor) I ſay, from the End of the Street towards Newgate, there ſtood two long Rows of Shambles for the ſelling Meat.
It was in thoſe Shambles, that two Perſons falling down dead, as they were buying Meat, gave Rife to a Rumor that the Meat was all infected, which tho’ it might affright the People, and ſpoil’d the Market for two or three Days; yet it appear’d plainly afterwards, that there was nothing of Truth in the Suggeſtion: But no Body can account for the Poſſeſſion of Fear when it takes hold of the Mind.
However it pleas’d God by the continuing of the Winter Weather to reſtore the Health of the City, that by February following, we reckon’d the Diſtemper quite ceas’d, and then we were not ſo eaſily frighted again.
There was ſtill a Queſtion among the Learned, and at firſt it perplex’d the People a little, and that was, in what manner to purge the Houſes and Goods,
where the Plague had been; and how to render them habitable again, which had been left empty during the time of the Plague; Abundance of Perfumes and Preparations were preſcrib’d by Phyſicians, ſome of one kind and ſome of another, in which the People, who liſtened to them, put themſelves to a great, and indeed in my Opinion, to an unneceſſary Expence; and the poorer People, who only ſet open their Windows Night and Day, burnt Brimſtone, Pitch, and Gun-powder and ſuch things in their Rooms, did as well as the beſt; nay, the eager People, who as I ſaid above, came Home in haſt and at all Hazards, found little or no Inconvenience in their Houſes nor in the Goods, and did little or nothing to them.
​However, in general, prudent cautious People did enter into ſome Meaſures for airing and ſweetning their Houfes, and burnt Perfumes, Incenſe, Benjamin, Rozin, and Sulphur in the Rooms cloſe ſhut up, and then let the Air carry it all out with a Blaſt of Gun-powder; others cauſed large Fires to be made all Day and all Night, for ſeveral Days and Nights; by the ſame Token, that two or three were pleas’d to ſet their Houſes on Fire, and ſo effectually ſweetned them by burning them down to the Ground; as particularly one at Ratcliff, one in Holbourn, and one at Weſtminſter; beſides two or three that were ſet on Fire, but the Fire was happily got out again, before it went far enough to burn down the Houſes; and one Citizen’s Servant, I think it was in Thames Street, carryed ſo much Gunpowder into his Maſter’s Houſe for clearing it of the Infection, and managed it ſo fooliſhly, that he blew up part of the Roof of the Houſe. But the Time was not fully come, that the City was to be purg’d by Fire, nor was it far off; for within Nine Months more I ſaw it all lying in Aſhes; when, as ſome of our Quacking Philoſophers pretend, the Seeds of the Plague were entirely deſtroy’d and not before; a Notion too ridiculous to ſpeak of here, ſince, had the Seeds of the Plague remain’d in the Houſes, not to be deſtroyed but by Fire, how has it been, that they have not ſince broken out? Seeing all thoſe Buildings in the Suburbs and Liberties, and in the great Pariſhes of Stepney, White-Chapel, Aldgate, Biſhopſgate, Shoreditch, Cripplegate and St. Giles’s, where the Fire never came, and where the Plague rag’d with the great-it Violence, remain ſtill in the ſame Condition they were in before.
But to leave theſe things juſt as I found them, it was certain, that thoſe People, who were more than ​ordinarily cautious of their Health, did take particular Directions for what they called Seaſoning of their Houſes, and Abundance of coſtly Things were conſum’d on that Account, which, I cannot but ſay, not only ſeaſoned thoſe Houſes, as they deſir’d, but fill’d the Air with very grateful and wholeſome Smells, which others had the Share of the Benefit of, as well as thoſe who were at the Expences of them.
And yet after all, tho’ the Poor came to Town very precipitantly, as I have ſaid, yet I muſt ſay, the rich made no ſuch Haſte; the Men of Buſineſs indeed came up, but many of them did not bring their Families to Town, till the Spring came on, and that they ſaw Reaſon to depend upon it, that the Plague would not return.
The Court indeed came up ſoon after Chriſtmas, but the Nobility and Gentry, except ſuch as depended upon, and had Employment under the Adminiſtration, did not come ſo ſoon.
I ſhould have taken Notice here, that notwithſtanding the Violence of the Plague in London and in other Places, yet it was very obſervable, that it was never on Board the Fleet; and yet for ſome time there was a ſtrange Preſs in the River, and even in the Streets for Sea-Men to man the Fleet. But it was in the Beginning of the Year, when the Plague was ſcarce begun, and not at all come down to that part of the City, where they uſually preſs for Seamen; and tho’ a War with the Dutch was not at all grateful to the People at that time, and the Seamen went with a kind of Reluctancy into the Service, and many complain’d of being drag’d into it by Force, yet it prov’d in the Event a happy Violence to ſeveral of them, who had probably periſh’d in the general Calamity, and who after the Summer Service was over, tho’ they had Cauſe to ​lament the Deſolation of their Families, who, when they came back, were many of them in their Graves; yet they had room to be thankful, that they were carried out of the Reach of it, tho’ ſo much againſt their Wills; we indeed had a hot War with the Dutch that Year, and one very great Engagement at Sea, in which the Dutch were worſted; but we loſt a great many Men and ſome Ships. But, as I obſerv’d, the Plague was not in the Fleet, and when they came to lay up the Ships in the River, the violent part of it began to abate.
I would be glad, if I could cloſe the Account of this melancholy Year with ſome particular Examples hiſtorically; I mean of the Thankfulneſs to God our Preſerver for our being delivered from this dreadful Calamity; certainly the Circumſtances of the Deliverance, as well as the terrible Enemy we were delivered from, call’d upon the whole Nation for it; the Circumſtances of the Deliverance were indeed very remarkable, as I have in part mention’d already, and particularly the dreadful Condition, which we were all in, when we were, to the Surprize of the whole Town, made joyful with the Hope of a Stop of the Infection.
Nothing, but the immediate Finger of God, nothing, but omnipotent Power could have done it; the Contagion deſpiſed all Medicine, Death rag’d in every Corner; and had it gone on as it did then, a few Weeks more would have clear’d the Town of all, and every thing that had a Soul: Men every where began to deſpair, every Heart fail’d them for Fear, People were made deſperate thro’ the Anguiſh of their Souls, and the Terrors of Death ſat in the very Faces and Countenances of the People.
In that very Moment, when we might very well ſay, Vain was the Help of Man; I ſay in that very ​Moment it pleaſed God, with a moſt agreeable Surprize, to cauſe the Fury of it to abate, even of it ſelf, and the Malignity declining, as I have ſaid, tho’ infinite Numbers were ſick, yet fewer died; and the very firſt Week’s Bill decreaſed 1843, a vaſt Number indeed!
It is impoſſible to expreſs the Change that appear’d in the very Countenances of the People, that Thurſday Morning, when the Weekly Bill came out; it might have been perceived in their Countenances, that a ſecret Surprize and Smile of Joy ſat on every Bodies Face; they ſhook one another by the Hands in the Streets, who would hardly go on the ſame Side of the way with one another before; where the Streets were not too broad, they would open their Windows and call from one Houſe to another, and aſk’d how they did, and if they had heard the good News, that the Plague was abated; Some would return when they ſaid good News, and aſk, what good News? and when they anſwered, that the Plague was abated, and the Bills decreaſed almoſt 2000, they would cry out, God be praiſed; and would weep aloud for Joy, telling them they had heard nothing of it; and ſuch was the Joy of the People that it was as it were Life to them from the Grave. I could almoſt ſet down as many extravagant things done in the Exceſs of their Joy, as of their Grief, but that would be to leſſen the Value of it.
I muſt confeſs my ſelf to have been very much dejected juſt before this happen’d; for the prodigious Number that were taken ſick the Week or two before, beſides thoſe that died, was ſuch, and the Lamentations were ſo great every where, that a Man muſt have ſeemed to have acted even againſt his Reaſon, if he had ſo much as expected to eſcape; and as there was hardly a Houſe, but mine, in all my Neighbourhood, but what was infected; ſo had it gone on, ​it would not have been long, that there would have been any more Neighbours to be infected; indeed it is hardly credible, what dreadful Havock the laſt three Weeks had made, for if I might believe the Perſon, whoſe Calculations I always found very well grounded, there were not leſs than 30000 People dead, and near 100 thouſand fallen ſick in the three Weeks I ſpeak of; for the Number that ſickened was ſurpriſing, indeed it was aſtoniſhing, and thoſe whoſe Courage upheld them all the time before, ſunk under it now.
In the Middle of their Diſtreſs, when the Condition of the City of London was ſo truly calamitous, juſt then it pleaſed God, as it were, by his immediate Hand to diſarm this Enemy; the Poyſon was taken out of the Sting, it was wonderful, even the Phyſicians themſelves were ſurprized at it; wherever they viſited, they found their Patients better, either they had ſweated kindly, or the Tumours were broke, or the Carbuncles went down, and the Inflammations round them chang’d Colour, or the Fever was gone, or the violent Headach was aſſwag’d, or ſome good Symptom was in the Caſe; ſo that in a few Days, every Body was recovering, whole Families that were infected and down, that had Miniſters praying with them, and expected Death every Hour, were revived and healed, and none died at all out of them.
Nor was this by any new Medicine found out, or new Method of Cure diſcovered, or by any Experience in the Operation, which the Phyſicians or Surgeons had attain’d to; but it was evidently from the ſecret inviſible Hand of him, that had at firſt ſent this Diſeaſe as a Judgment upon us; and let the Atheiſtic part of Mankind call my Saying this what they pleaſe, it is no Enthuſiaſm; it was acknowledg’d at that time by all Mankind; the ​Diſeaſe was enervated, and its Malignity ſpent, and let it proceed from whenceſoever it will, let the Philoſophers ſearch for Reaſons in Nature to account for it by, and labour as much as they will to leſſen the Debt they owe to their Maker; thoſe Phyſicians, who had the leaſt Share of Religion in them, were oblig’d to acknowledge that it was all ſupernataral, that it was extraordinary, and that no Account could be given of it.
If I ſhould ſay, that this is a viſible Summons to us all to Thankfulneſs, eſpecially we that were under the Terror of its Increaſe, perhaps it may be thought by ſome, after the Senſe of the thing was over, an officious canting of religious things, preaching a Sermon inſtead of writing a Hiſtory, making my ſelf a Teacher inſtead of giving my Obſervations of things; and this reſtrains me very much from going on here, as I might otherwiſe do: But if ten Leapers were healed; and but one return’d to give Thanks, I deſire to be as that one, and to be thankful for my ſelf.
Nor will I deny, but there were Abundance of People who to all Appearance were very thankful at that time; for their Mouths were ſtop’d, even the Mouths of thoſe, whoſe Hearts were not extraordinary long affected with it: But the Impreſſion was ſo ſtrong at that time, that it could not be reſiſted, no not by the worſt of the People.
It was a common thing to meet People in the Street, that were Strangers, and that we knew nothing at all of, expreſſing their Surprize. Going one Day thro’ Aldgate, and a pretty many People being paſſing and repaſſing, there comes a Man out of the End of the Minories, and looking up a little. up the Street and down, he throws his Hands abroad, Lord, what an Alteration is here! Why, laſt Week I came along here, and hardly any Body ​was to be ſeen; another Man, I heard him, adds to his Words, ’tis all wonderful, ’tis all a Dream: Bleſſed be God, ſays a third Man, and let us give Thanks to him; for ’tis all his own doing: Human Help and human Skill was at an End. Theſe were all Strangers to one another: But ſuch Salutations as theſe were frequent in the Street every Day; and in Spight of a looſe Behaviour, the very common People went along the Streets, giving God Thanks for their Deliverance.
It was now, as I ſaid before, the People had caſt off all Apprehenſions, and that too faſt; indeed we were no more afraid now to paſs by a Man with a white Cap upon his Head, or with a Cloth wrapt round his Neck, or with his Leg limping, occaſion’d by the Sores in his Groyn, all which were frightful to the laſt Degree, but the Week before; but now the Street was full of them, and theſe poor recovering Creatures, give them their Due, appear’d very ſenſible of their unexpected Deliverance; and I ſhould wrong them very much, if I ſhould not acknowledge, that I believe many of them were really thankful; but I muſt own, that for the Generality of the People it might too juſtly be ſaid of them, as was ſaid of the Children of Iſrael, after their being delivered from the Hoſt of Pharaoh, when they paſſed the Red-Sea, and look’d back, and ſaw the Egyptians overwhelmed in the Water, viz. That they ſang his Praiſe, but they ſoon forgot his Works.
I can go no farther here, I ſhould be counted cenſorious, and perhaps unjuſt, if I ſhould enter into the unpleaſant Work of reflecting, whatever Cauſe there was for it, upon the Unthankfulneſs and Return of all manner of Wickedneſs among us, which I was ſo much an Eye-Witneſs of my ſelf; ​I shall conclude the Account of this calamitous Year therefore with a coarse but sincere Stanza of my own, which I plac'd at the End of my ordinary Memorandums, the same Year they were written:
A dreadful Plague in London was,
In the Year Sixty Five,
Which swept an Hundred Thousand Souls
Away; yet I alive!
H. F.
FINIS.
* ↑ It ſeems John was in the Tent, but hearing them call he ſteps out, and taking the Gun upon his Shoulder, talk’d to them as if he had been the Centinel plac’d there upon the Guard by ſome Officer that was his Superior.
* ↑ This frighted the Conſtable and the People that were with him, that they immediately chang’d their Note.
* ↑ They had but one Horſe among them.
* ↑ That Part of the River where the Ships lye up when they come Home, is call'd the Pool, and takes in all the River on both Sides of the Water, from the Tower to Cuckold's Point, and Limehouſe.
Layout 2
This work was published before January 1, 1929, and is in the public domain worldwide because the author died at least 100 years ago.
Public domainPublic domainfalsefalse