# The Lessons of the German Events/Chapter 6

VI
THE COMMISSION AND THE DECISIONS
At the session of January 12, after the speech of Comrade Zinoviey, it was proposed not to continue the discussion in the Plenum of the Presidium but to set up a commission. Comrade Zinoviev proposed that the commission should be composed of representatives of the majority (Centre) and the Left of the German Communist Party, and of one representative of the Communist International. The Commission should aim at arriving at a project for a common resolution which would thus be the first attempt at collaboration by the majority and the Left.
This proposal gave rise to a debate, in which Comrades Radek, Pieck, and Clara Zetkin demanded that representatives of the Right and Comrade Radek should also take part in the Commission.
On a vote, the proposal of Comrade Zinoviey was adopted, all voting in favour, with the exception of Comrades Radek and Zetkin. The following were selected as members of the Commission: Kuusinen, Pieck, Remmele, Koenen, Maslov. Thälmann.
In the vote on the resolution in principle only Comrades Radek and Zetkin, and of the German comrades, Brandler and Walcher voted against; Pieck refrained from voting.
A supplementary resolution by Comrade Walsky on the united front was rejected.
The resolution as a whole was voted on by the Presidium and was adopted against the votes of Comrades Radek and Zetkin. The representative of the Young Communist International voted in favour. Of the German comrades, the following voted for the resolution: Remmele, Koenen, Fischer, Maslov, Hesse, Thälmann, König: and the following against: Brandler, Pieck, Walcher, Jannack, Hammer, Kisenberger.
The final session of the Presidium was held on January 21. The resolution on organisation and the theses on the trade union question were adopted unanimously. Comrade Hesse refrained from voting on the trade union theses.
In voting on the instructions for the organisation of factory nuclei in Germany, Comrades Maslov, Fischer, Hesse, König, and Thälmann at first voted against Point 4, but in the general vote, the instructions were adopted unanimously.
Comrade Zinoviev then made a final declaration, which was followed by declarations by a number of other comrades.
Comrade Zinoviev: Comrades, we have now reached the end. It would perhaps be useful, now that the complete work is before us—not only the political resolution but also the resolution on the trade unions and the organisations—to make another summary vote, a vote upon the whole result of the discussion. In my opinion this would be desirable. I should like. however, to say a very few words beforehand.
​In my opinion, comrades, the most important question is whether we are confronted by a rising or a falling wave. This, of course, is still, uncertain; nobody can be a prophet in such a situation. A mistake may be easily made. We must be prepared for the worse alternative. And I think that our decisions are right just because they hold the worse alternative in view.
The resolution has brought clarity into many questions; in others not entirely. For instance, on the question of the united front, I think the resolutions have already brought sufficient clarity. In other questions, especially the question of the October crisis, complete clarity has not yet been attained. We can now see clearer than we did a month ago, and in three months we shall see clearer still. Opinions have clashed on the question as to whether the retreat was absolutely necessary or not; whether it arose out of a real situation, or whether it was a mistake. I can understand that in the given situation opinions were bound to clash. But I think that in our resolution everything that needed to be said was said clearly. The retreat was absolutely essential, not only because of errors and weaknesses in the party, but also because of the weakness of the working class. Of course, there will always be a number of workers who will say that the moment had been lost.
As to the factional conflict, I must say quite honestly that I do not know whether we have put an end to it, or whether a new conflagration will break out. I have seen such things often in our own Party leadership: a resolution is adopted unanimously, and then the crises and factional conflicts really begin. I sincerely hope that such will not happen in this case. All sides have learnt something; even the Left has much to learn and has learned much. We have here recognised its strong side. If a factional strife now breaks out, I believe that in the present situation in Germany, no good will come of it for any faction. The working class masses—and you must remember that we are a mass party—do not want factional fights. They are too depressed by the reverse. The situation is too difficult. What is now required is that after the errors of all sides have been recognised, the decisions of the International here taken shall be carried into effect as quickly as possible.
I will therefore not prophesy as to whether the conflict has been really settled or not. One thing, however, is clear. The faction that begins a conflict now will gain no advantage from it even from a factional point of view.
(A Voice: Quite right!)
We have here made a change of attitude against the Right, against the relics of Social-Democracy in the German Party. We are trying in this way to pull the Party together. We must now pass from words to deeds. We shall follow events very carefully, and shall be happy if not need arises for us to interfere before the Party Congress. It is in the composition of the Central Committee particularly that we are anxious to see what the Party decided for ​itself. Let it for once decide upon its Central Committee itself. You have the material for a very good Central Committee. But, of course, if things do not go right, we shall most certainly, however unwillingly, intervene. We shall assume full responsibility, in order to save the working class of Germany from a fight between tendencies. Social democracy, I believe, is historically lost; that will be clear in a very short time. But if crises begin again in our Party, we shall be lending it fresh blood.
Well comrades, if you think it desirable I shall now take a summary vote.
When the political resolutions are published, I propose to write a very brief introduction.
Comrade Zetkin: I have to make a statement in the name of all the members of the majority delegation.
If a vote is to be taken upon the total work of the Commission, we are prepared to vote in favour of the three theses together as one whole. The important thing for us is the fact that in the two resolutions on the trade union questions and on organisation, our point of view, the point of view of the majority of the Party, is completely expressed. Further, there is the statement of Comrade Zinoviev that he intends to write an introduction to the theses in which he will describe what in his opinion the situation is. According to his statement, the introduction will meet our point of view on two important points: firstly, the assertion, in Comrade Zinoviev's opinion, as frequently expressed, that the retreat was necessary, and, secondly, that mistakes were also made by, and great defects exist in, the so-called Left opposition. On these grounds we are prepared in the summary vote to vote in favour of the total work of the Commission. But naturally we shall at the same time retain all our views regarding the political theses.
Comrades, although we maintain our views on the political theses and, as we have stated, will explain in a written declaration why we rejected the political theses, nevertheless in the summary voting we shall vote in favour of all the theses as one whole. This we are doing from conviction that it is extremely essential, that the Party ideologically and organisationally should be a firm block, a block of granite, against which our enemies will break their heads. We need unity, harmony, and resoluteness. I can assure you that in spite of our differing opinions on certain subjects we, for our part, are prepared to exercise the strictest discipline and to support with all our might the Central Committee in leading the Party unitedly and resolutely along a clear political line.
Because we are of the opinion that it must be remembered more than ever before that the masses will bring the struggle about, and not party actions alone, however valuable and indispensable party actions are, they cannot displace mass action; we are penetrated with the consciousness of the mighty world-shattering and world-renewing power of mass actions—mass actions inspired by the highest activities of the Party as ​the leader of the masses. For this reason and to this end we shall in the summary vote, vote in favour of the total work of the session.
Comrade Layer (Poland): We shall vote for all the resolutions. We shall later hand in a written declaration to be included in the protocol.
Comrade Mastov: The speech of Comrade Zetkin has in my mind made many things clear and left many things unclear. It may be that a man may vote against a resolution on one day, and for certain reasons in favour of the resolution on the next. That may happen. In justification Comrade Zetkin pleads a new state of affairs. There is no new state of affairs. The resolution is exactly the same as it was. A second reason is that Comrade Zinoviev will write a foreword to the material, and therefore she will vote for the resolution. I make note of that, but I should like to ask Comrade Zinoviev whether the comrade may vote in principle for a resolution she has rejected.
Comrade Remmele: The German comrades who sent me and Kienen here are of the opinion that the draft of Comrade Zinoviev on the question of the united front has drawn such a clear and unambiguous line that it must at all costs be supported. They object, however, that in the later theses which were drawn up without collaboration this clear line is not maintained.
The comrades in Germany have been engaged on two problems, the Russian and the German, and they have arrived at the conclusion that both in the Russian and in the German the attitude of the Russian Central Committee was correct, and therefore they support it. For this reason Comrade G was sent here to emphasise and vigorously to support this line of policy.
What has here been accepted as the basis for the policy both of the Russian Central Committee and of the Executive, this turn to the Left, we shall carry into effect in Germany with all our strength, by our activities, at the Party discussions, and by thorough explanations.
Comrade Radek: We have always acted as a united Executive externally. Therefore I shall vote at the summary vote for the decisions of the Executive. Comrade Zinoviey has said that perhaps in three months' time we shall see things differently. I make that my claim. Externally, I regard it as my duty in German matters not to make the work of the Party difficult. Therefore I will vote for.
Comrade Kleine: I must say that the Party is now addressing itself very seriously to these questions, not only the officials but also the rank and file members. When we spoke yesterday in the Commission on the question of the Party Congress, it was not our intention that the discussion should in any way be discouraged. There can be no doubt that the German Party, can make a successful revolution only if it ruthlessly clarifies every question. But it is a fact that there is to-day another danger, ​namely, that in spite of the decisions, and in spite of the very useful discussions we shall have discussions in Germany which will not help matters forward but will rather put them back. The differences within the party have remained. The majority of the party holds the point of view of what is here called the Centre. The Centre has only just arisen. The comrades here have often departed from their point of view. They have become crystallised in the course of the last few weeks. And it is no chance that in Germany all the comrades of the Central Committee, all the leaders who hold this point of view, have taken up a more consistent attitude towards the theses than has been the case in Moscow. It is a fact that there has been no hesitation on this question, The theses of Radek and Brandler were rejected.
If all the three groups return to Germany with the will and belief that the German Party needs a swing to the left as it does bread and air—
(Radek: Quite right.)
(Brandler: Quite right.)
(Radek: Brandler Says, quite right!)
That the theses formulated by Zinoviev are correct and give a foundation for the struggle; if they do not act as factions, tendencies and groups; if all groups are prepared to take up new positions in view of the new facts, and if we are able to bring the party up to the proper political level, then I think the Moscow consultation will help us forward.
The resolutions were then voted on jointly and were carried unanimously, without abstentions.