# The Story of Bohemia/Chapter 6

Chapter VI.
FROM SIGMUND TO FERDINAND I, OR TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HAPSBURG DYNASTY.
THE REIGN OF SIGMUND.
Sigmund was sixty-eight years of age, when, after a struggle of seventeen years, he finally ascended the throne of his fathers.
As the Compactata was not yet confirmed by the Council, there was much confusion in the country; nor was this removed when, a year later, the delegates brought the news of its confirmation to Bohemtia. There were great rejoicings in the country, but, as will be seen later, these rejoicings were premature. Sigmund was a bigoted Catholic and a dishonest character; and although he made many plausible promises when he had the crown to gain, the prize once in his possession, he made little effort to keep them. Among other things, he agreed to see to it that Rokycan was confirmed by the Pope in his office of Archbishop of Bohemia. He did send letters to Rome urging the Pope to grant the confirmation; but at the same time he sent a secret message wherein the Pope was asked to delay the matter, that perhaps the Bohemians themselves would help them out of the difficulty by murdering Rokycan. And, again, although he had promised to have his counselors composed partly of Calixtines and partly of Catholics, he evaded this promise by choosing only those who were very lukewarm in ​their professions and the avowed enemies of Rokycan. Whenever it was possible, Catholic instead of Calixtine priests were placed in positions, and thus gradually the Protestant party was weakened, and the Catholic strengthened.
SIGMUND AND THE TARORITES.
The power of the Taborites as a military organization was broken by the defeat at Lipan; but there still remained many people who were as devoted to their teachings as in the days of Žižka. When Sigmund was accepted King of Bohemia, it became a grave question with them whether they ought to render him obedience, or still continue to hold themselves aloof. When Sigmund was on his way to Iglau, he met Frederick, one of their chief priests, and held a long discussion with him; but the amiability he showed, instead of immediately winning the Taborites, made them suspicious; but finally they decided to make a treaty with him. Æneas Silvius speaks of them thus: “And yet those sacrilegious and most rascally people, whom the Emperor Sigmund ought to have exterminated, or relegated to the ends of the world to dig and break stones, received from him several rights and immunities, being subject only to a small tax, which was an act both disgraceful and injurious to the kingdom, since as a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump, so the dregs of these people have corrupted the whole nation.” This was what was done with the more moderate Taborites, but their warriors met with quite a different fate. By fair promises Sigmund induced thousands of them to enlist into the army then preparing to go against the Turks, and it ​is needless to add that they never again returned. A still sadder fate was reserved for one of their brave leaders, Rohac of Dub, and his trusted warriors. Not approving of the alliance made with Sigmund, he and his followers left Tabor, and fortified themselves upon an elevation near Kuttenberg, which they called Mount Zion.
The emperor sent a strong force under Hynce Ptaček to take this fortress and humble these rebellious subjects. The place was so well fortified, and the approach to it so difficult, that Ptaček spent four months before it, exhausting every ingenuity of war. When it was finally taken, the garrison fought desperately, preferring to die rather than to be taken prisoners. Nevertheless, the leader, with fifty-two men, was taken, and sent to Prague to be tried. When Sigmund heard of the capture of Rohac, he was so rejoiced that he ordered all the bells of the city to be rung. A horrible fate was reserved for the unfortunate prisoners. After suffering fearful tortures, they were all hanged upon a gallows put up for the occasion. Rohac, as their leader, was dressed in a lordly robe, had a gold belt put around his waist, and was hanged upon a golden chain, a little higher than the others. Thus Sigmund added to his barbarous cruelty, shameful mockery, bringing upon himself the contempt and hatred of a large number of his subjects, who, for a long time after, could not speak of the unfortunate victims without tears.
King Sigmund doubtless imagined that by this signal punishment he would strike terror into the hearts of his subjects, and thus crush at one blow all further opposition to his government; but in this he ​was greatly mistaken. New storms arose. A large number of noblemen entered into a conspiracy against him, and war broke out in several places at the same time. Nor was this all. At the very time he ordered the execution of Rohac and his men, he was seized with “sacer ignis” in his toe, and, after enduring extreme agony, was obliged to have it amputated. Other diseases came on, and to this was added domestic trouble. His wife, Barbara, plotted against him, aiming to secure the throne for her nephew. Sigmund had determined that his successor should be his son-in-law, Albert of Austria; therefore he determined to resign the government into his hands. He now left Prague, determined to meet Albert and Elizabeth, and establish them upon the throne. “Some followed him from the city with sorrow, but others rejoiced, hoping he might never return.”
When the party reached Znoima, the emperor called the Hungarian and Bohemian lords of that city to him, and commended to their favor the royal heirs. This duty done, he grew rapidly worse, and, knowing that his end was approaching, he resolved to die like a king. Being dressed in his imperial robes, his crown upon his head, he had mass served before him; and as soon as this was done, he had his burial robes put upon him, and so died, December 9, 1437.
Æneas Silvius thus characterizes Sigmund: “He had a fine figure, bright eyes, a broad forehead, florid complexion, a long and full beard. He desired to accomplish great things, but was unstable in mind; he enjoyed jests, and was very fond of wine; he was ardent in desire, being guilty of thousands of adulteries; prone to anger, but easily pacified; generous, but still ​promising far more than he ever fulfilled. Indeed, he was guilty of innumerable deceptions.”
THE REIGN OF ALBERT.
Although Sigmund had done all in his power to secure the succession to his son-in-law, the Bohemians would not accept him without some further negotiations. Knowing how strong a Catholic he was, they feared that, like his father-in-law, he would try to evade the keeping of the provisions of the Compactata. Moreover, he was so repulsive in person, so rough in manner, that he never won the love of his subjects. There was, however, one thing in his favor—he was more just than Sigmund, and more apt to keep a promise. The nobility were ready to accept Albert without any delay; but the popular party, led by Hynce Ptaček, made such a strong opposition, that the nobles, fearing a revolution, agreed to draw up certain articles for Albert to sign before he should be accepted King of Bohemia. According to this agreement, Albert promised to stand faithfully by the Compactata, to keep all the promises made by his predecessor, as well as all the good old laws and customs of the realm as they had existed under Charles IV and his son Václav.
As Albert had gone to Hungary to obtain possession of his throne in that country, it was some time before all the negotiations could be completed, so that it was not till June 8, 1438, that he was formally accepted King of Bohemia. In the meantime he had also been chosen by the electors King of the Romans.
Although so much precaution had been taken in choosing the new ruler, his reign lasted hardly a year. ​Going on an expedition against the Turks, who began to invade Hungary, he was taken ill, and died October 27, 1439.
In the German States, Albert was greatly beloved. At the news of his death the country was plunged into the most profound grief. It was said that when the news reached Frankfort some of the delegates there assembled at the Diet fainted from grief. The Hungarians, like the Bohemians, did not love Albert, and only tolerated him on account of his wife, whom they regarded as the rightful heir to the throne. Still the premature death of this ruler was a great misfortune, since he was a man of considerable ability, and it was believed would have made a good king.
The year 1439 is memorable on account of the great plague The Plague.that swept over the country. About 51,000 people perished in Bohemia during the summer.
Among the victims of the plague was Filibert, the Bishop of Constance, and at this time the legate of the Council of Basil to Bohemia. He was also acting Archbishop of Bohemia, and in this capacity, he had consecrated many churches, confirmed thousands of children, and ordained many priests, both Catholic and Utraquist. On account of the latter fact, and because, being a Catholic, he did not hesitate to give the cup in communion to those who desired it, he was a great favorite among all the people, and his loss was sincerely mourned.
THE INTRERREGNUM.
King Albert left two daughters, but no son, and thus Bohemia was again reduced to the necessity of choosing a ruler. Although Queen Elizabeth was a ​woman of much strength of character and energy of will, neither the Hungarians nor the Bohemians seemed disposed to be satisfied with her government; for in those stormy times it seemed that nothing but the strong hand of a man could be intrusted to guide the helm of the ship of state. The Hungarians elected Vladislav, the King of Poland, to be their ruler, on condition that he marry Queen Elizabeth. Elizabeth was thirty years of age, and the young prince but sixteen; consequently the proposed marriage was most repugnant to both parties. When it was first proposed to Vladislav, he would not listen to it for a moment; but after the envoys and counselors showed him the danger threatening Christendom from the Turks, he finally consented, but with bitter tears and the feeling that he was offering himself as a sacrifice. He was, however, saved from this unhappy fate by the birth of a son to Queen Elizabeth. The moment Elizabeth saw that the child was a boy, hence heir to the throne, she broke off the negotiations, and would hear nothing more of the Polish marriage. The Hungarians, however, insisted upon having Vladislav as their king, and the result was a war between them and Queen Elizabeth.
The birth of the prince gave an heir to the Bohemian throne; but in the unsettled state of the country a ruler was needed at once, it being impossible to wait till the child should reach maturity.
At this time there were two parties in Prague, the National, or popular, headed by Ptaček, who, it will be remembered, had opposed the election of Albert without some guarantee for the keeping of the Compactata; and the side of the aristocracy, headed by Menhart of Hradetz and Ulric of Rosenberg, two of the most pop​ular lords of the kingdom, but hated by the people since they had tried to deprive them of their dearly-purchased liberties.
The two parties held a Diet at Prague, when, to the surprise of all, the nobles agreed to the demands of the popular side; viz., to stand by the Compactata, to guard the privileges granted by Sigmund, and to try to secure the confirmation of Rokycan as archbishop
Another Diet was appointed for the same year, where a king was to be elected. In the meantime the execution of the laws was placed in the hands of lieutenants chosen by the various districts. The need of some strong executive was sorely felt on account of the gangs of noblemen that devastated the country as robbers. Indeed, this evil had increased to such an extent that the first business of the lieutenants was to fit out expeditions against these robbers. Many strong fortresses were taken and destroyed, and the owners, irrespective of their noble blood, condemned to end their life upon the gallows.
At this time there were in Bohemia thirteen districts; and four of the most important ones formed a union, choosing Hynce Ptaček as their lieutenant. Prague was in the hands of Menhart of Hradetz, who exercised unlimited power in the city, having usurped most of the rights and privileges of other officials.
In 1440 the Diet met as agreed, and proceeded to the election of a king. The choice fell upon Albert, the Duke of Bavaria. This was a very wise choice. Duke Albert was well acquainted with the politics of Bohemia, having spent many years at the court of King Václav, and was a man of much ability. Unfortunately, the deputation sent him with the offer of the ​crown was headed by the treacherous Ulric of Rosenberg, who, by false representation of the affairs of Bohemia, influenced Albert to refuse the crown, although he pretended to be trying to persuade him to accept it. This noble favored the claims of Elizabeth in behalf of the young prince, Ladislav, because in this way he had hopes that he himself could rule the country. Disappointed here, the popular side offered the crown to Frederick of Styria, who, at the death of Albert of Austria, had assumed the government of that country for Elizabeth, and was also the guardian of the young prince. Influenced by the party of Ulric of Rosenberg, he, too, refused. The crown was then offered him under other conditions, and as he did not wish to lose his influence in Bohemia by openly refusing it, he gave plausible replies, which was only to gain time. When, in 1442, Queen Elizabeth died, he was asked to rule the country as regent, but he did not accept immediately, and in this unsettled state of the country the troubles caused by petty wars among the nobility greatly increased, causing much distress among the common people.
THE RELIGIOUS POWER OF THE TABORITES BROKEN.
In the year 1437, during the insurrection against Sigmund, John Kolda, a famous Taborite general, gained possession of the fortress of Nachod, and from there carried on a petty war against the district of Hradetz and Silesia. This war finally grew to such dimensions that a strong force was found to be necessary to oppose him. Silesia, Hradetz, the four districts tuled by Ptaček, and Prague, united their forces to oppose the daring chief. His old friends, the Taborites, ​could not resist the temptation to go to Kolda’s assistance, which unwise act proved the cause of their moral ruin. Ulric of Rosenberg embraced this favorable moment to destroy forever the power of his hated neighbors, and so he turned his armies against the cities that were faithful to the Taborite doctrine. The war that followed, although lasting but six weeks, was very destructive to life and property.
When peace was made, the Taborites were requested to come to some agreement in matters of faith with the established Church. The Taborite priests replied that they could not be expected to do this, since the other parties themselves disagreed in matters of faith. As this charge was well founded, Ptaček decided that they must first come to some understanding before they could consistently persecute the Taborites. July, 1443, the Taborites were called to a Diet held at Kuttenberg to defend their doctrines and hear the decision of the priests there assembled.
The main point in which the Taborites differed from the Calixtines was in regard to the Lord’s Supper. They insisted that Christ was present in the bread and wine spiritually, and that to worship these tokens was idolatry as base as the worship of stocks and stones. The Calixtines, on the other hand, firmly believed in the doctrine of transubstantiation, and looked upon the belief of the Taborites as rank heresy.
A committee was appointed to draw up a series of resolutions in regard to the doctrine of the Taborites. This was done with so much craft and one-sidedness, that it succeeded in putting the stigma of heresy upon that sect, which rendered them so unpopular that they were deserted by almost all the cities that had thus far ​been loyal to their cause. Ptaček and his party very wisely refrained from persecuting them, knowing that this would at once enlist many friends in their cause. There is no question that in some respects the Taborites were very fanatical, but neither can it be denied that many of their beliefs were far more rational than those of their opponents. There is something very peculiar in those disputes with the Taborites; many of their priests were married, and yet this is never brought up against them.
In regard to the threatened wat against Kolda himself, it never took place, the matter being settled by arbitration, Kolda being left in possession of the fortress of Nachod.
GEORGE PODĚBRAD.
In the year 1444, a severe misfortune befell the country in the death of its able and patriotic leader, Hynce Ptaček of Bergstein. George Poděbrad, at this time a young man enjoying considerable popularity, was accepted as his successor.
George Poděbrad was the son of Victorin Poděbrad, who had distinguished himself in the battle of Vyšehrad, 1420. It was a common report that Žižka was his godfather, which is quite probable, since his father was a zealous Hussite and a warm friend of that great warrior. In 1441, George had married Kunhut, the daughter of Sir Smil Holicky of Sternberg, who belonged to the Orphans, and was much beloved for his sincerity and faithfulness. These facts, doubtless, influenced the Taborites to join the Poděbrad party, which soon became known as the Poděbrad League.
Æneas Silvius says of Poděbrad: “He was a man ​of great and many-sided gifts, of exhaustless energy and enterprise, of keen intuition, so that he seldom made a mistake, when compelled to decide a question on the spur of the moment; he was a man of agreeable manners, just and upright in his dealings, but somewhat contaminated by heresy.”
With a man of so much energy of character at the head of public affairs, a great change for the better soon manifested itself. A General Diet was called at Prague, but the Poděbrad League would not attend, and held a Diet of their own at Nimburg. However, they sent a letter to the Diet at Prague, stating their grievances. The pressing needs of the country were the keeping of the Compactata, the confirmation of Rokycan as archbishop, and the ordination of Utraquist priests. Since the death of Filibert, no such priests were ordained, the Bishops of Lytomysl and Olmutz refusing to perform this office in direct violation of the provisions of the Compactata. Whenever a Diet was held in Prague, the delegates acted in a very insincere manner; they agreed to everything, but when it came to carrying out their decisions, they made excuses, invented new and unheard-of objections, and thus thwarted the wishes of the greater part of the nation.
In reply to this, the Diet of Prague sent a conciliatory defense of themselves. In regard to Rokycan, they said it was his own fault that he was not confirmed as archbishop; that had he obeyed Sigmund and gone to Basil, he would have been archbishop long ago.
Rokycan truly had been urged to go to Basil; but he refused, knowing both the emperor and the fathers ​to be his avowed enemies, and that his life would be in danger.
The Bohemians in their perplexity, decided to turn to Cardinal Julian for the confirmation of Rokycan; but while the discussions were still going on, that great prelate was no more. He fell in the battle of Varney while on an expedition with King Vladislav of Hungary against the Turks. Then they turned to Pope Eugene; but he gave an evasive reply, which was, in fact, a denial. The great enemy that baffled all their plans was that treacherous nobleman, Sir Ulric of Rosenberg. Indeed, this man was so selfish and false that he received a reprimand from the Pope on account of his double dealing.
The man who honestly tried to serve the country was George Poděbrad, and, as might be supposed, these two became rivals, each striving to gain entire control of public affairs. The friends of Poděbrad formed a union, whose aim was to thwart the plans of the nobility as represented by Ulric of Rosenberg, and thus there was fought a duel upon a grand scale. The fighting was not done with soldiers and munitions of war, but with moral qualities, statesmanlike genius, and narrow diplomatic intrigues and endless negotiations. The duel was the more interesting since Sir Ulric was the uncle of Poděbrad.
In 1446 a Diet was held in Prague, where the appointment of a governor with royal powers was discussed. The example for this was set by the Hungarians, who, after the death of King Vladislav, had elected General Huniades governor. Although the Diet approved the proposal, as yet no governor was appointed.
​In 1447, another delegation was sent to Rome, to ask for the confirmation of Rokycan. The answer given was significant as showing the attitude of the Church toward Bohemia.
Henry Kalteisen, famed as one of the most eloquent doctors at the Council of Basil, said to the delegates: “There is much that is tangled in Bohemia; it would take an Italian, or some one equally wise, to devise some remedy. Therefore, beseech the Pope to send you such a one; for, indeed, he will never consent to confirm Rokycan, unless he abjure the chalice.
“The German States hold you as heretics, trying on all occasions to prove this. There are those here that declare that the document you bring is not from the whole nation; and if this be the case, you shall pay the penalty in fire. If Rokycan will be obedient in all things, accepting the teachings of Rome, he will be confirmed; but if not, he will be excommunicated with all his adherents. Give up that chalice, and conform yourself to the Church of Rome; for as long as you do not, the Germans will storm, and the time will come when you shall be compelled to do it. Various things are said of that Rokycan; I shall investigate the matter when I get to your country; but if he give up the chalice, he shall be archbishop, and obtain whatever other dignity he desire.”
From the tone of the above address, it is needless to add that the delegation was fruitless of results.
The same year that the delegation went to Rome another also went to Vienna, to try to induce the emperor to come to some terms in regard to the young prince; but he, as before, sought refuge in procrastination.
​George Poděbrad and his party now decided that the time had come, not to treat, but to act. A secret meeting was held in Kuttenberg, where it was agreed to raise an army, seize Prague, and establish some form of government. As an army could not be drilled in secret, a plausible pretext was soon found. The Princes of Saxony, Frederick and William, were at war with each other. William, the younger brother, called to his aid a force of 9,000 Bohemians; but ere they reached their destination the brothers were at peace, and the soldiers were dismissed without any remuneration, suffering great privations on their way back to Bohemia. When they reached home, they were full of indignation, and loudly clamored that either Prague or Poděbrad should take up their cause, and lead them back to avenge their honor. This incident, therefore, was now used as an excuse for raising and equipping an army. These warlike preparations disturbed the mind of Emperor Frederick, and he sent messengers to Rosenberg to inquire the meaning of them; but that noble had been kept in such complete ignorance of what was going on, that when Poděbrad asked him to accept an embassy to Vienna he at once consented, suspecting nothing. This sagacious and powerful nobleman out of the way, the Poděbrad party could carry out its plots without any opposition. Before the plans could be carried out, an event happened in Prague that precipitated matters, and made the people all the more willing to accept Poděbrad as a deliverer.
The Pope had sent his legate, Cardinal Carvajal, to settle the difficulties in Bohemia. The people, expecting that he would confirm Rokycan, and see that the Compactata was better carried out, received him ​with joy, giving him a right royal welcome. But, to their bitter disappointment, they soon discovered that Cardinal Carvajal differed in no way from the other dignitaries of Rome, and that he would confirm nothing. When the news of this spread through the city, the people gathered together, seized what weapons they could find, and drove the cardinal with his attendants out of the city. Suddenly a cry arose that he was carrying off the precious document of the Compactata. The mob became furious, and the prelate, together with all his attendants, would doubtless have been cut to pieces, had he not immediately given up the stolen paper
The whole city was in an uproar, and, to pacify the people, the officers called all the priests into the Carolinam, and ordered that they obey the articles of the Compactata, and, whether Catholics or Utraquists, give the communion in both kinds.
THE CAPTURE OF PRAGUE BY GEORGE PODĚBRAD.
The army being prepared, and the most formidable enemy being out of the country, war was declared on the first of September (1448) against the city of Prague, or rather against those who had control of the city. The chief of these was Menhart of Hradetz, who, as burgerave of the citadel of the Hradschin, had so much power that he had been virtual dictator of the city for about ten years; but at this time was the mere tool of Ulric of Rosenberg.
The army of Poděbrad reached Prague September 3d, and prepared to attack it from several directions at the same time. The Royalists, being taken entirely by surprise, made a pretense of resistance, ​and then fled-in all directions. Menhart, however, was taken prisoner, and afterwards confined in the fortress of Poděbrad.
As the people looked upon Poděbrad as their deliverer, there would scarcely have been any bloodshed, but that the mob embraced the favorable moment to attack and plunder the Jews. This unfortunate race, on all such occasions, was sure to suffer from the fanaticism and cruelty of the Christians.
The capture of Prague by George Poděbrad brought a great change to the city. From the time the war ended, there was a continual tendency to return to pre-Hussite faith and customs, so that at this time the city was more Catholic than Calixtine; but with the arrival of Poděbrad, all this was changed. The city officers were selected from faithful Utraquists, who would see that the articles of the Compactata were followed. The Chapter of Prague, seeing that they could not control matters, removed to Pilsen, and the German professors and students, of whom a large number had again settled in the city, also moved away. John Rokycan, who for a long time had been in exile, was now recalled, and honored with a welcome even more splendid than had been accorded to Cardinal Carvajal.
As Poděbrad was the virtual governor of Prague, and it seemed probable that he would soon become ruler of all Bohemia, the unruly elements began to submit to his authority, and peace and public security were at once restored. There is no question that Poděbrad was a usurper; but the miseries caused by the state of anarchy that had so long prevailed were so great that the people were rejoiced to have the ​laws again well administered, little caring by whom. Then, too, Poděbrad acted with a great deal of prudence. To conciliate the Catholics, he appointed Zdenek of Sternberg, a Catholic nobleman, burggrave of the citadel of Hradschin.
The first opposition that Poděbrad encountered was from Ulric of Hradetz, the son of the imprisoned Menhart. The young nobleman demanded the release of his father, which being denied, he immediately prepared for war. Menhart took his imprisonment so hard that he had become ill, and, although he enjoyed every comfort, he kept growing worse, till Poděbrad, fearing he might die on his hands, and he be blamed for his death, released him; but it was already too late; for he died soon after, and the report was spread that he had been foully dealt with.
Shortly after this (February, 1449), the chief noblemen of the country met at Strakonitz, and organized a league, wherein they bound themselves to resist all illegal government, and all infringement upon the rights of their class. In distinction of the Poděbrad Union, this was called the Strakonitz League.
Civil war broke out afresh; the success being quite variable. Poděbrad invited the members of the Strakonitz League to a General Diet to be held in Prague; but they refused to venture into a city entirely in the hands of their enemies; but, in their turn, they proposed a Diet at Pilsen, and again the other party refused to go to a city so ultra-Catholic. Finally it was agreed to hold a Diet at Iglau, a neutral city. In this Diet, not only Bohemia and Moravia were to be represented, but also Silesia and Lusatia.
The Diet was held as agreed upon; but as each ​party feared to compromise itself by making concessions, nothing of importance was accomplished, and war was resumed. In 1451 another Diet was held in Prague, where the main question to be settled was the governorship of the country. The common people were unanimous in their desire to have this honor conferred upon Poděbrad; but the nobility opposed this, for they both feared and hated him.
It will be remembered that the nobility, headed by the Lord of Rosenberg, persistently opposed all agreements with the Emperor Frederick in regard to Prince Ladislav; but now, seeing the government in the hands of their enemies, they were as anxious to get the prince into the country as they had been before to keep him out. Poděbrad, feeling confident that even then he should not lose his hold upon the government, did not oppose them.
Under the benign influence of good order, the country increased in prosperity. The implements of war were gradually laid aside, giving place to implements of peace; and trade, agriculture, and business everywhere revived. The change for the better was noticed abroad, and all, enemies as well as friends, acknowledged Poděbrad the author of these beneficent changes. Consequently, whenever the question of governorship arose, all turned their eyes to Poděbrad as the one man in the kingdom fully competent to stand at the head of the government.
A delegation was again sent to Vienna, asking the emperor to give up the young prince; but he replied that since they had already waited twelve years, they could wait a few years longer, till Ladislav should become more mature.
​In April, 1452, a Diet was held in Prague, and George Poděbrad duly elected Governor of Bohemia. He was to be assisted by a Council of Twelve, and to exercise all the powers and prerogatives of a king.
At first some of the nobles, and also some cities, refused to acknowledge his authority; but seeing that his government was becoming more and more established they finally submitted.
THE MONK CAPISTRAN.
A history of the times would hardly be complete without some account of the Monk Capistran. This strange man was a Franciscan monk, born in Naples in 1385. As a monk he drew the attention of his brethren upon himself by the zeal with which he performed his religious tasks. At the Council of Florence he distinguished himself by trying to bring about a union between the Greek and the Latin Churches. But he was mostly famous as a missionary. He made long missionary tours through Germany, Poland, and Moravia, everywhere attracting crowds of people by the austerity of his life and the eloquence of his discourses. It was said that his eloquence was so great, that, as soon as he began to preach, the people began to weep, although they did not understand a word he said, his discourses being in Latin, and translated to the audience at the close of the sermon. It was estimated that Capistran converted to the Catholic faith about 16,000 Calixtines, and this while preaching along the boundaries of the country, being forbidden by Poděbrad to come into Bohemia. For this indignity he revenged himself upon the Bohemians by representing ​them in Germany as frightful heretics, deserving the abhorrence of all faithful Christians.
THE EMBASSY TO CONSTANTINOPLE.
When the Bohemians were continually disappointed in their hopes to see Rokycan confirmed as archbishop, and also some provisions made for the carrying out of the Compactata, they concluded that it would be a good plan to seek help from the Greek Church in the East. An embassy was, therefore, fitted out to Constantinople. The delegates were received with the greatest kindness, and strong hopes were entertained of bringing the undertaking to a successful issue, when all these hope were dashed to the ground by the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453.
KING LADISLAV.
In 1453, Frederick, taking with himself the Prince Ladislav, went to Rome to be crowned Emperor of Germany.
During his absence his lords rose in rebellion, gained possession of many cities, so that when he returned, he found himself surrounded by all manner of difficulties. The Bohemians embraced this opportunity to induce him to give up their prince. In the same year Ladislav was declared King of Bohemia, and George Poděbrad was appointed his regent, with the provision that he was to hold the governorship six years longer. This agreement put an end to all trouble; for Poděbrad’s government, backed by royal authority, was unquestionably accepted by all.
In the fall of 1453 the youthful king came to ​Iglau, where he was met by a party from Prague, sent to act as an honorable escort to the royal party to Prague. Upon the borders of Bohemia he took a solemn oath, promising to keep the rights and liberties of the country.
As soon as King Ladislav arrived in Prague he was crowned with great magnificence in the presence of the States from Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia. All the more important towns were represented, except Breslau, whose citizens, roused by the preaching of the Monk Capistran, refused to enter into the “heresy-accursed city of Prague.”
Ladislav was a tall, beautiful youth, having a fair complexion, bright eyes, and an abundance of golden locks. His demeanor was dignified and pleasing, his morals pure, and he seemed to have a natural dislike to all rough sports. But in childhood, missing a mother’s tender care, and subject to the constant espionage of the guards his uncle placed about him, he early learned to be reserved and to practice the art of dissimulation.
At first he looked with distrust upon the Bohemians as contaminated by heresy; but he was soon convinced of the disinterestedness of Poděbrad’s motives, and gradually a warm friendship sprang up between them. Ladislay called Poděbrad “father,” and the regent called the king “son.” Such friendship and confidence was especially difficult to maintain, since the other noblemen were constantly on the lookout to create dissensions and arouse the suspicions of the king against the regent.
During the short reign of Ladislav, no events of great importance happened; but there was a constant ​growth in good order and prosperity. In 1457 the Council of Twelve decided that it would be advisable for the young king to marry, and Magdalen, the daughter of the King of France, was selected as the bride; but before she could be brought into the country, Ladislav was taken ill of the plague, and died, November 23, 1457.
When on his death-bed, Poděbrad tried to comfort him, telling him to be of good cheer, that he would soon be better; but Ladislav replied: “My dear George, I have long ago learned to appreciate thy virtues and thy loyalty. Thou wast the chief cause that I was chosen King of Bohemia. I had indeed hoped to rule in this kingdom that thou hast made ready for me; but our Heavenly Father has determined otherwise. I must die; the government will be in thy hands. I ask of thee two favors: First, that thou shouldst strive to preserve peace with the other nations, and that thou shouldst rule the people of this kingdom in righteousness, that widows, orphans, and the poor should have justice, and thy hand be stretched out to protect them; the second, that those that came here with me from Austria should be allowed to return unharmed to their country.” As Poděbrad still hoped the illness would not prove fatal, he tried to comfort Ladislav; but the latter seized his hand, and implored him to promise, with so much earnestness, that he promised all. The king then became calm, and awaited his end with resignation.
GEORGE PODĚBRAD—KING OF BOHEMIA.
At the death of King Ladislav, Poěbrad announced to the States that his term of office as regent had not ​yet expired, so he was allowed to resume the government of the country.
The Bohemian throne, according to the agreement with Sigmund, was to fall to the house of Austria, now to the Emperor Frederick III; but that ruler making no effort to secure the prize, the Bohemians were left to choose their own king. Under the wise administration of Poděbrad, the country was brought to such a state of prosperity that now there were many candidates. It will be remembered how, a few years before, no prince could be found to accept the crown, thinking that the troubles coming with it would be greater than the honors. Now all this was changed. Poděbrad at this proved himself a skillful diplomat. All the candidates were received with great honor, were given opportunity to present their claims and receive a fair hearing, and then, to the amazement of all, Poděbrad was unanimously elected by the Diet as King of Bohemia. Even the two great Catholic lords, Zdenek of Sternberg, and John, the son of Ulric of Rosenberg, voted for him, he having won their favor by placing them in high positions during his regency. Indeed, the first one that hailed him king was Zdenek of Sternberg. Kneeling before him he exclaimed: “Long live George, our gracious king and master!” Poděbrad thanked them for the election in a few well-chosen words, at which they were moved to tears. Some one in the assembly began to sing “Te Deum Laudamus.” This was joined in by others, the news got outside, the church-bells were rung, the people gathered in groups eager to hear the joyful tidings, and soon the whole city was engaged in all manner of joyful demonstra​tions. Poděbrad was escorted to the Teyn church, where Rokycan delivered an address of welcome. Although the Bohemian people rejoiced at the election of Poděbrad, the news was not well received by the rulers of neighboring States. Poděbrad was but a nobleman, in no way related to any person of royal blood, and raising him to the royal throne seemed to establish a dangerous precedent. Besides this, many were opposed to him on account of his religious views. This was especially the case with Lusatia and Silesia. The first ally that King George secured was Matthias Corvinus of Hungary. He had been imprisoned by Ladislav; but as soon as the latter died, George Poděbrad released him and re-established him upon the throne of Hungary; and to strengthen still more the bonds of friendship, he gave him his daughter Katherine in marriage. In consideration of these services, Matthias sent two of his bishops to Prague to perform the ceremony of coronation. This was done with the consent of Cardinal Carvajal, then the Pope’s legate in Hungary. But before he would consent to this, King George was obliged to take a solemn oath that he would render the same obedience to Rome that other princes of Christendom did. This oath proved to be the source of endless trouble to him, he claiming that he kept it, when he kept the articles of the Compactata, and the Pope that he violated it by refusing to suppress all heresy; by heresy meaning Utraquism.
During this time the power of the German princes was much weakened by constant quarrels, and King George, by skillful diplomacy, managed to use this weakness to strengthen his own power. His reign ​would have proved very successful had it not been for the question of religion.
In 1458, Pope Calixtus III died, and was succeeded by Æneas Silvius, known in history as Pope Pius II. Pope Pius was thoroughly acquainted with affairs in Bohemia, and it was his conviction that, willing or unwilling, the people ought to be brought back into unconditional subjection to the Papal See. Before George Poděbrad was raised to the royal throne, or Æneas Silvius to the papacy, they had had several long conversations, at which Poděbrad showed so much moderation that that prelate imagined he could be used as a tool to accomplish the desired object.
In the year 1459, troubles arose between Matthias Corvinus and the Hungarian nobles, who had chosen him their king. Turning for assistance to King George, they offered him the crown for his son Henry; but seeing no gain in the offered prize, King George refused it. It was then offered to Emperor Frederick, who gladly accepted it. In the war and negotiations that arose from this, the Bohemian king acted as a mediator, inclining to the side of Frederick, which so won the favor of the latter that he granted him Bohemia as a fief, thus acknowledging him the lawful ruler of the country. Thus by diplomacy, by genuine acts of kindness, by the marriage of his sons and daughters with those of the neighboring princes, King George sought to establish his power; and this he would have done, had it not been for the interference of the Church.
KING GEORGE AND PIUS II.
As has been said, Pope Pius II determined from the first to bring back the Bohemians into unquestioning ​obedience to the Church of Rome; and as soon as the troubles in Hungary and Germany had been somewhat settled, he seized the favorable moment to carry into effect his plans.
King George was obedient to the Church in that he would permit no other sects to arise except those provided for by the Compactata; and to secure this result he had not scrupled to resort to persecution and torture; but the Pope was not satisfied with this. King George then fitted out an embassy to Rome to lay his case before the Church and show the fathers how difficult it would be to make any changes in Bohemia. The messengers were well received; but their request that things might remain as they were, was declared improper; and then, calling an assembly of cardinals and other dignitaries of the Church, the Pope formally declared the Compactata null and void. The messengers were loath to carry home such sad tidings, so they asked the Pope to send his own messenger to deliver the news. Dr. Fantin, a zealous Papist, was appointed for this duty. The Pope then warned the delegates to use all their powers of persuasion and all their influence to induce the king to submit peaceably; because if he did not, the Church would be obliged to resort to force. The Pope himself did not realize what an unreasonable demand he was making. Had King George really desired to bring back the country to Catholicism, he could not have done so without resorting to arms.
The news of the revocation of the Compactata plunged the country into grief and consternation. King George called a Diet to meet at his palace on the Hradschin, and, seating himself upon his royal throne, ​his wife and children by his side, he addressed the Assembly: in the following words:
“We are greatly surprised at the doings of the Pope; for it seems that it is his intention again to bring war into this kingdom, that was brought into unity and peace by means of the Compactata. How can he destroy and take away from us what was granted us by the holy Council of Basil, which was greater than any Pope; yea, and confirmed by his predecessor, Eugene IV? Should each Pope thus attempt to bring to naught what was done by others, what security would there be for any law? He complains that we have not kept the oath taken before our coronation. We will read to you that oath.” After the oath was read, the king continued: “You have heard that we swore to destroy all errors, sects, and heresy in our kingdom. Know you with certainty that we do not love heretics, nor do we wish to defend them; but we never supposed that our Compactata, and taking the cup in communion, was heresy, since they are based upon the Gospel and the practice of the primitive Church. We were born to the Calixtine faith, and never deviated from the teaching of our parents. We conformed to this faith while a noble; then, again, as governor of the country; and in the same faith we ascended the royal throne. How, then, could we declare this faith heresy, and by trying to exterminate it make war upon ourselves? It is a great mistake, for which we are not responsible, that any one should think that, for the sake of the royal throne, we would do violence to our own conscience, deny our faith, and contend against God. Therefore, know ye all, that, as we ourselves, so our wife by our side, and our dear children, will remain true to the ​Calixtine doctrine according to the Compactata, and for this faith we are ready to lay down our crown and our very lives.”
This speech made such a deep impression upon the audience that all were moved to tears and some could not refrain from sobbing aloud.
Then the king ordered the Compactata to be read, and the agreements made by Sigmund, Albert, and Ladislav, and showed how unjust it was to deprive him of privileges granted to three of his predecessors. After this, Fantin was called, and permitted to address the Assembly. We declared that the Compactata was revoked, and that communion in both kinds was now prohibited. Fantin then said: “I declare to you the will of the most holy father, which is, that you, King George, your queen, and your children should not take communion except in St. Václav’s Church on the Hradschin; that you should clear your court of all unworthy chaplains, the sowers of errors leading to damnation, and deliver them up to the Chapter of Prague for punishment; forbid all heretics to administer the sacraments, which, in their hands, are not sacraments, but blasphemies; and if you refuse to do this, you will stand before man and God guilty of perjury.” Here the king remonstrated that he had never violated his oath, and that he had witnesses who could prove this. To this Fantin replied: “It is not for you, O King, to interpret your oath, but for him who administered it.” The king then said: “I acknowledge no judge but my own conscience.” Fantin then said: “Do you dare to withstand the apostolic commands? Remember what you do; it is rebellion, not obedience, and the Pope will not leave it unpunished. His power ​reaches far; look to your crown. What is the source of all earthly honors? Where do kings get their crowns, prelates their authority and honors, institutions of learning their privileges? And he who can grant them, can also take them away.”
The king was so indignant at this daring speech that he laid his hand upon his sword, and nothing but the sacredness of the office of ambassador saved the life of Fantin. However, he was allowed to depart in peace; but the following day he was scized and cast into prison, which proyed a means of safety to him; for had he been left at liberty, he would probably have been murdered by the angry populace.
As King George thus openly avowed his independence, and refuscd to comply with the wishes of the Pope, that pontiff immediately began to rouse against him the German princes. He sent his legate to Breslau to order the people to withhold their allegiance, which they willingly did, being made zealous in their devotion to the Church by the preaching of the Monk Capistran. Other cities and some nobles followed their example. The Pope now prepared to push his policy to its ultimate results; but an unforeseen event put a stop to it for some time.
INSURRECTION AGAINST EMPEROR FREDERICK.
The people of Vienna, the Archduke of Austria, and some noblemen, rose up in rebellion against the emperor. He was surrounded in his palace in Vienna, the enraged populace demanding the destruction of the whole royal family. In his extremity, Frederick sent a messenger to King George to implore him to come to his assistance, although at this time the two ​rulers were not on friendly terms. King George immediately sent a small army under the command of his son Victorin, himself promising to follow as soon as a larger army could be collected. The nobles responded to his call to send their quota of troops, so that in a few days the king followed with a force of 20,000. Victorin’s small force had been defeated; but when the rebels heard of the large army coming to the aid of the emperor, they became alarmed, and agreed to treat for peace.
The emperor was so grateful for his deliverance that he granted the Bohemian king a number of substantial favors, of which the most valuable at this time was his promise to intercede in his behalf at the Papal court. The two rulers then took leave of each other with many expressions of good-will. At the parting, the emperor was so deeply moved that he fell upon the neck of King George and wept.
True to his promise, Frederick immediately sent letters to Rome, telling the Pope of his deliverance, and begging him to be lenient in his treatment of a ruler to whom he was bound by so great a debt of gratitude.
When the Pope received the letter of the emperor, he broke forth in woeful lamentations. In his reply to Frederick he said:
“And thou, although thou didst bear thy fate manfully, hadst no hopes of deliverance except from the King of Bohemia! Was there no one but him to tame the mad Viennese, and help thee to regain thy liberty? Therefore thou dost beseech us that, though he be a heretic, we should refrain from punishing him according to the law? O unhappy age! O wretched Ger​mans! O miserable Christendom, whose emperor can not be saved except by a heretic king!”
The Pope ostensibly complied with the request of the emperor; but he by no means gave up the design of humbling King George, and compelling him to submit to Rome. He was only biding his time, when he could do so without incurring the displeasure of the emperor,
King George knew that the storm was not over, but merely postponed. In the interval of peace he prepared for the coming strife. He conceived a plan to thwart the plots of Pius, which was as bold as it was original.
The enterprise in which all European princes were more or less interested, was the war with the Turks. The initiative for this always started at the court of Rome. King George conceived the idea that if the European princes could be induced to assume the whole responsibility in this, they might in time learn to act independently in other things, and thus free themselves from the despotism of Rome. To this end he sent messengers to some of the princes of Europe. Louis XI of France was favorably impressed with the plan; for he, too, had many grievances against the Pope. The Venetians were eager to engage in the undertaking; for they were great sufferers from the depredations of the Turks. King Casimir of Poland entered wholly into the plan. He had a personal interview with the Bohemian king, and so was able to grasp the full significance of the idea. But at the Hungarian court the messengers met with no success; for the Pope, for a number of years, had been paying a subsidy to the Hungarian king to carry on the Turkish war, and he ​knew that this would immediately be stopped if he entered into any alliance without the Pope’s consent.
Although the negotiations were carried on with the utmost secrecy, they did not escape the vigilance of the Pope. As soon as he learned the truth he took the most vigorous measures to bring to naught the plans of his adversary. He announced to his cardinals, and to the rulers in Europe, that he himself would lead the armies against the Turks. Then he sought to establish a firm friendship between the emperor and Matthias, hoping in this way to weaken the friendship between the former and King George. He also succeeded in making an alliance of friendship between the Venetians and Hungarians, and finally, by various favors and promises, won over the princes of Europe, that none of them would engage in any enterprise not sanctioned by His Holiness.
Pope Pius now prepared to wreak his full vengeance upon the obstinate heretic. A Diet was held in Brünn, and the matter laid before the States belonging to the Kingdom of Bohemia; but, contrary to the expectations of the Pope, they interceded in behalf of their king. The emperor also interfered; but this time the Pope would not heed his request. March, 1464, Pope Pius issued a bull charging King George with heresy, and citing him to appear in Rome in one hundred and eighty days, to answer the charges brought against him. He also entered into secret negotiations with Casimir of Poland, offering him the crown of Bohemia, and with Frederick and Albert, the Margraves of Brandenburg, promising them Silesia and Lusatia. Fortunately, before he could carry out his designs, he passed away, and Pope Paul II became his successor.
​Pope Paul suspended the proceedings, but only to gain time, that he might all the better crush his enemy. He placed his greatest dependence upon the Bohemian nobility, the wealthier part of whom were mostly Catholics. Difference in religious opinion, however, was not the main cause of their opposition to King George. They hated him because he was a strong ruler, allowing no enroachments upon the rights of the crown, nor upon the lower classes; but because, as a rule, they were treated with justness, they cherished their hatred in secret, waiting for a favorable time when they could satisfy their private grudges.
August 2, 1465, the Pope renewed the bull against King George, declaring him a heretic, and absolving his subjects from their allegiance.
Zdenek, of Sternberg, was the first nobleman who became the open enemy of King George. Meeting with his friends, they drew up a list of grievances, charging their king with many wrongs against their religion and class.
A General Diet was called to Prague, at which these grievances were considered, and unanimously declared to be false and got up with a malicious motive. The king then issued a proclamation, calling on all who thought they were in any way wronged, to present their grievances; that he was ready and willing to do justice to all. These measures brought back some of the nobles, but the majority remained in rebellion, forming a union called the Green Mountain League. The head of this was Zdenek of Sternberg, who now was in open opposition to his king. By various intrigues he succeeded in severing the friendship between King George and Emperor Frederick. He also ​sent messengers to Rome, asking the Pope to give them another king, and suggesting that Casimir of Poland would be acceptable.
Casimir refused the crown, whereupon it was offered to Matthias of Hungary, who was eager to accept it. The wife of Matthias had died shortly before this, so that he was no longer bound to King George by ties of relationship.
Strenuous efforts were also made to rouse the German princes against King George; but they became alarmed lest the precedent established might deprive some of them of their own crowns. But Matthias immediately began to prepare for war.
When the 180 days had expired, and King George had not made his appearance in Rome, the Pope pronounced the final excommunication, and appointed Zdenek of Sternberg temporary ruler of Bohemia.
March 30, 1468, Matthias declared war against King George, claiming to be the defender of the Roman Catholic faith against the spreading heresy in Bohemia. Being fully prepared for war, he immediately invaded Moravia. Before this happened, King George had had a war with the lords of the Green Mountain League, and meeting with considerable success, he was able to induce them to enter into a truce, so that he could give his whole attention to the danger threatening from Hungary.
The war between George and Matthias was carried on mostly in Moravia, the Hungarian king being by far the more successful. In January, 1469, by a fortunate combination of circumstances, the army of Matthias was shut up at Vilem, so that he was entirely at the mercy of the Bohemian army. In this extremity Mat​thias was willing to treat, and the two kings met and made peace. Matthias agreed to act as mediator between George and Pope Pius, and to beg the latter to restore the validity of the Compactata.
It is difficult to conceive how King George, so shrewd on most occasions, could now act in so undiplomatic a manner. Knowing the treacherous character of the Hungarian king, he made peace with him and set him at liberty, with no other guarantee for his future good behavior than his word of honor. Many of the officers and soldiers openly murmured at this, and the sequel proved that their fears were not unfounded.
One of the agreements made was that a Diet should be held at Olmutz, where all difficulties should be finally settled. At this very Diet, Matthias made an agreement with the nobles of the Green Mountain League, by which he was to be declared King of Bohemia. April 22d, the two kings parted, with many expressions of good-will, and, May 3d, Matthias was declared King of Bohemia.
When all hopes of peace were thus brought to naught, King George determined to come to some settlement of the difficulty, let it cost what it may. To secure one strong ally, he gave up his cherished plan of having his son succeed him, and offered the succession to the Polish king, in favor of his son Vladislav. This offer was received with great joy at the Polish court; but as the negotiations took considerable time, the war with Matthias continued.
The Catholic nobles were finally subdued, so that those that had not been driven out of the country were glad to make peace. Silesia also was driven to the necessity of consulting with the Pope’s legate on what ​terms she should make peace with her king. The emperor, fearing that Matthias would be too powerful as King of Hungary and Bohemia, began to look upon him with distrust, which soon turned into open enmity. Thus, partly through success in arms and partly by favoring circumstances, the position of the Bohemian king became so favorable that the Pope was willing to treat with the two kings with the purpose of making peace between them. But before the negotiations commenced, King George died, March 22, 1471.
THE AGE OF GEORGE PODĚBRAD. (1420–1471.)
This age was the age of war and religious controversy, and the literature of this time was devoted to the latter subject. Palacký says: “The Bohemian of this age, whenever he raised his mind into the realm of thought, sought nothing there but endless questions about the Church, the Word of God, heresy, and Antichrist, the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper and the chalice, the rights and duties of hierarchy, and similar topics; and when he turned to labor, he saw nothing better than drilling in arms, arranging war-carts, and other occupations incident to war.”
Jungman also speaks of this age with supreme contempt, since it was filled with aimless and empty controversies that led to wars and involved the neglect of all peaceful arts, occupations, and intellectual progress.
To a philosopher, it doubtless appears the height of folly that so much blood should be shed in the defense of so unimportant a principle as the Utraquist doctrine; but in the intellectual development of the nation this was no small matter. Having once accepted certain ​principles, the people could not lay them aside without doing violence to their conscience. The doctrines embodied in the Four Articles of Prague, and afterwards in the Compactata, seemed to the people as newly-discovered truths, and whether they were actual truths or only seeming ones, the moral effect of being true to them or denying them was the same. Thus, in a general way, it may be said that this age was a time of marvelous intellectual activity, driven into the realm of religion by the logic of events. It was also a time when democracy had freer scope in Bohemia than at any other period.
During the reign of George Poděbrad the country enjoyed peace and prosperity, and this notwithstanding the continued efforts of the Pope to bring it back into complete subjection to the Church.
In this age the Bohemians proved that they were abundantly able to manage their own affairs, if only they were left unmolested by the surrounding nations. King George, the people’s own choice, proved to be one of the best and ablest rulers that ever ascended the throne of Bohemia; and before this, the commanders in the Hussite armies, chosen from among the people, made Bohemia the terror of the German nations. It may be regarded a grievous misfortune that the great intellectual awakening that culminated in the Hussite Reformation came a century too soon, but it was a misfortune no one could foresee or control. The brave fight the people made for their rights and liberties, their devotion to accepted principles, their patriotism, all combine to make this the most glorious age in Bohemian history.
SOME DISTINGUISHED MEN OF THE AGE OF GEORGE PODĚBRAD.
John Rokycan
John Rokycan was the chosen Archbishop of Bohemia, although his confirmation by the Pope was never secured. He was the head of the Reformed Church of Bohemia for half a century, and after his election to the archbishopric, performed the duties of that office as though he had been duly confirmed.
An old historian says that Rokycan was the son of a poor blacksmith in the village of Rokycan; hence the name Rokycan, by which he is known in history. The same writer says that God wrought great things through him for the salvation of souls; that the people abroad and at home greatly feared him, “even the king and queen, since he feared our dear God and was diligent in prayers, both day and night, even from his youth.” According to the testimony of his friends, Rokycan lived a holy life and died blessed; according to that of his enemies, he lived like a reprobate, and died in despair.
The Catholic party ascribed most of the troubles in the Church to Rokycan; but in reality he was not responsible for them. He originated no new doctrines nor formulated any creeds, but his whole service consisted in that he was able to defend what had been acknowledged as the truth by the Hussite teachers. As to his character, that was as irreproachable as that of his great teacher Hus, his bitterest enemies never charging him with anything worse than heresy.
Rokycan was a man of much wisdom and moderation, great depth and earnestness of character, of fervent ​patriotism, and unswerving devotion to the cause of truth. It was for these qualities that the Bohemians loved him, and endured all manner of persecution from the Pope rather than give up their chosen archbishop.
Rokycan died in 1471, about a month before his king, George Poděbrad.
Peter Čelčicky
The greatest man at this time in Bohemia as a thinker and writer, one who deserves the first place after John Hus, was Peter Čelčicky, the founder of the Moravian Brethren. He was born about 1390, in the village of Čelčice. He spent some time at the University of Prague, but took no degree. His mind naturally turning to religious matters, he was about to enter a monastery, when the disturbances in the Church made him give up the design. Living on his small estate in the village of Čelčice, he had no access to libraries or other means of self-culture, and yet what scanty opportunities presented themselves were embraced with such eagerness that his name became known among the learned men of Prague, and he was regarded with admiration and great respect. In 1437, when the Englishman, Peter Payne, was exiled from Prague, he sought refuge at the house of the sage of Čelčice.
Čelčicky began to write at the mature age of forty-three, and then it seems it was not from choice, but from a sort of moral necessity. He wrote to Rokycan, with whom he was on intimate terms of friendship, as follows: “My mind has something in it, God knows, that I must reveal to you, as to a man strong in great things.”
​The works of Čelčicky are marked by great independence of thought. He rarely cites any authorities, but bases his arguments upon reason and the nature of things. As might be expected, the greater part of his writings treat of religious questions; but he also wrote about history, nature, morals, the rights of society, and the relations of Church and State.
In matters of faith, Čelčicky did not agree with any of the sects of his day. He cared nothing for the power of the keys, did not believe in transubstantiation, nor in purgatory, indulgences, or the invocation of saints. War he called murder on a large scale, and prelates and priests he regarded the satraps of the rulers who supported them in their nefarious persecution of their subjects. Indeed, he regarded all government as an evil that existed only because of the extreme wickedness of man.
Throughout all the teachings of Čelčicky, it is seen that he cared more for correct morals than for correct doctrines; but this morality was to be genuine, arising from real love to God and man. Anything not intrinsically sincere he would have condemned as unmercifully as Žižka.
Brother Gregory.
What made Čelčicky noted in history was not so much his writings as their effect upon others. Among these the most prominent was Gregory, or Brother Gregory, as he is known in the history of the Moravian Brethren.
In 1454, Rokycan, enduring much persecution on account of his unswerving devotion to the new doctrines, sought relief in zealous preaching against the ​growing coldness in the Church. This preaching made a deep impression upon the mind of a poor peasant named Gregory, who could not rest until he had a personal interview with the preacher, hoping to find more instruction and comfort for his troubled soul. Rokycan gave him some of the books of Čelčicky; but this only served the purpose of awakening his enthusiasm and curiosity, and he determined to visit the author himself. The result of the visit was that Gregory became a zealous disciple of the new teaching; and not keeping the good news for himself, he soon won others to his views, and this was virtually the beginning of the sect known as the Moravian Brethren.
The news of the proselytizing work of Gregory placed Rokycan in a very difficult position. He was not willing to go to such extremes in doctrine, and yet he could not attempt to tear down what he himself had helped to build up. Finally, he solved the problem by inducing King George to give Gregory and his followers a tract of land known as the Kunwald District, beyond Zamberg. This was a desolate region, made almost uninhabitable by devastations in the late wars. Thither Gregory and his friends moved in 1457, and here they were soon followed by people of similar beliefs from Bohemia and Moravia. Soon the population increased to such an extent that a regular form of government was established; and later, when people began to cause trouble by discussing religious questions, a form of belief and a ritual were also adopted.
The chief characteristics of the teachings of the Brethren were, that they laid more stress upon a good, moral life than upon any doctrine, that they taught that reason and piety go hand in hand, and that the ​simple Word of God was to be accepted as the law of life, without any idle discussions and speculations.
The brethren lived pure, industrious lives, holding the law of mutual helpfulness above all commandments; but as they did not conform to either of the established forms of worship, the Calixtine or Catholic, the priests of the neighboring districts rose against them, calling their worship blasphemy, and their holy lives hypocrisy. For a long time Rokycan refused to take any steps against them; but when they began to ordain their own priests, thus severing all connection with the established Church, he lost all patience, and determined to suppress such heresies by force. In the storm that followed, the colony of Kunwald was entirely destroyed, many of the brethren were imprisoned, while others escaped, hiding themselves in the mountains and forests. The adherents of the new faith were indeed scattered, but their faith was not destroyed; it was cherished in secret, waiting to make its appearance as soon as the favorable moment arrived.
CUSTOMS AND MORALS OF THE PEOPLE.
Antonio Bonifini, an Italian who lived several years at the court of Matthias, gives the following account of the character of the Bohemians:
“The Čechs excel other nations in well-developed physique, strength of body, beauty and profusion of locks, and an agreeable demeanor. They pay a great deal of attention to their dress, arraying themselves with much elegance and taste, as though they were born to nothing but war and luxury. They are exceedingly amiable, and possess the ability of winning the friendship of others.”
​The above description referred to the upper classes; but, with some modification, it would also apply to the lower. The manners of the common people were more coarse, but they were also exceedingly fond of fine clothes and display; and, when the occasion required, could be very amiable and pleasing in their manners.
Among the higher classes there was the same feeling for a point of honor as among other nations, and also carried to ridiculous extremes. If a man’s “honor” was touched, he felt justified in resorting to arms, and committing no end of depredations and murders. The only favorable feature in this was, that, during war, the given word was held sacred. Thus a man whose honor in this respect was unsullied was regarded as “good,” this referring not to any moral qualities, but to his birth, his bravery, and his faithfulness in dealing with others.
The author who gives us the most trustworthy account of this age, is Peter Čelčicky. Some citations will therefore be given, both to show his style, and because the facts could not be told as well in some other phraseology.
EXTRACTS FROM THE WRITINGS OF ČELČIČKY.
On Jealousy or High Birth.—The people, full of pride, warred with each other for honor and goods, shedding much blood, so they might sit in high places, proving their high birth from four corners—two grandfathers and two grandmothers. If one could prove this, he was regarded ‘good,’ if not, he was a knave, and a ‘good man’ would not sit with him as with one lean.”
“It is not right for a noble or wealthy man to be idle all day long, to play chess and cards, to sleep long, to commit adultery like a brute, to stuff himself constantly, and pour down wine or beer into his throat as into a cask. It is not right for them thus to oppress the poor, do them wrong by compelling them to do service, to hunt, and imposing upon them many other burdens.
“As for showing pity to the poor, there is more shown to dogs, of which they keep large numbers, and feed them well with bread. They also have poodles, which they place beside themselves upon cushions, take them to the bath, wash and comb them, and buy and prepare for them fresh meat. But some poor Lazarus could not draw near to their table; he would stink to them.”
Demoralization in Morals.—“The priests and prelates do not hold it up as a sin for princes, nobles, and the rich to live a life of luxury, greed, pride, and be guilty of all manner of wickedness, because they ​themselves are guilty of the same sins. They never say, ‘You shall go to hell, because you have waxed fat by doing violence to the poor.’ When such a one dies, they make him a grand funeral. A procession of priests, pupils, and other people is formed. There is ringing of bells, masses for the dead, singing and burning of candles, many offerings to the Church, much praise from the pulpit; so that it seems that the soul of such a one can not be lost. Besides this, by endowments to the Churches provision is made that prayers shall be said forever for the soul, so that it must be saved—if only those things be true.”
Personal Servitude.—“Very early in the history of Bohemia, the peasants were oppressed, and obliged to do all manner of menial service for the noblemen of the surrounding country. Still they were personally free, and real servitude was not established in the country till after the Hussite wars. Before the Hussite wars, the number of small land-owners, subject only to the king, constituted about two-thirds of the population outside the cities. Owing to the devastations caused by the wars, this number constantly decreased, until, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, such land-owners were the rare exceptions, the bulk of the peasantry being subject to the nobility.”
Education.—“Like other peaceful arts, education suffered greatly during the Hussite wars. Still the University of Prague continued for a long time with its regular courses of study, and degrees were granted; but finally it, too, began to feel the general demoralization, till, about the end of the fifteenth century, of the ​four faculties only one remained, that of liberal arts. The suspension of the study of law and medicine, to say nothing of theology, proved a severe loss to the country.”
VLADISLAV II.
The death of King George gave his enemies new courage, and the peace negotiations were thus fruitless of results. As soon as Matthias heard of the death of his adversary, he sent an army to Iglau, and from this place began to treat with the Bohemian States with reference to their accepting him as their king. For a while it seemed that he would be successful; but the Calixtine nobles succeeded in electing Vladislav, the oldest son of Casimir, King of Poland, as had been agreed by King George before his death.
Although Vladislav was but fifteen years of age, a better choice could not have been made; for with his father to back him, he could soon compel the Hungarian king to refrain from making further efforts to secure the crown for himself.
Vladislav took an oath to support the Compactata, and all the other agreements that had been entered into by Sigmund and the other Bohemian kings.
As soon as Matthias learned of the election of Vladislav, he began war anew, but did not meet with much success.
When Pope Sixtus saw that, even after the death of King George, the prospect of suppressing heresy in Bohemia was no better than before—since even the Catholic King of Poland had agreed to support the Compactata, and meanwhile the Turks were making fearful encroachments upon Christian lands—he attempted to make peace between the two kings, and, if ​possible, turn their energies against the Mohammedans. But, to his sorrow, the Holy Father found that Matthias was a very obedient son of the Church when it was for his interest to obey; for now he would consent to nothing more than a truce. In the meantime he spared no pains to strengthen himself so that, when war should be resumed, he might be sure of success.
In 1474 the Turks invaded the country, and Matthias was obliged to march against them. He won a glorious victory, and, flushed with success, he broke the truce and marched into Moravia and Silesia. He was met by a Polish army 60,000 strong, but no definite action was taken. Another truce was made, which was to last two and a half years.
When war was resumed, the emperor went to the assistance of the Bohemians; but even then Matthias was so successful that peace was made with great loss to the country. Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia were ceded to Matthias; but at his death they were to revert to the crown of Bohemia upon the payment of 400,000 guilders. Bohemia was thus smaller than it had been for over four centuries.
Although peace was restored, the dispute about the Compactata continued, the Pope being determined to destroy Utraquism in Bohemia. He resorted to moral rather than carnal weapons. He prohibited his bishops from ordaining candidates for the priesthood unless they first abjured Utraquism. Had this law been carried out, it would ultimately have destroyed this belief from the country; for a religion without priests is an impossibility. Various methods were resorted to, to keep up the supply of ministers. Many candidates journeyed to Italy, and persuaded the bish​ops of that country to perform the desired ceremony. Some abjured Utraquism at the time of their ordination, and resumed its practice immediately after. At last salvation came to the country through the labors of an Italian bishop, Augustin Lucian of Modena.
This good bishop, seeing many Bohemian priests coming to the country seeking for ordination, was so moved with compassion, that he performed the required service notwithstanding all the protests of the Pope’s legate. At last he determined himself to visit the country and ordain as many as came to him, thus providing “good shepherds for so many forsaken flocks.”
In 1482 he came to Bohemia, and was received everywhere with the greatest joy. Cities sent out deputations to him, inviting him to become their bishop, promising to stand by him should it be at the cost of their lives and estates.
This extraordinary proceeding attracted the attention of the king, who sent messengers to Bishop Lucian asking an explanation of his conduct. The bishop replied that, for many years he had heard of the heresy in Bohemia, but that, when candidates came to him begging for consecration, he always found them good, virtuous men, correct in faith; and that, seeing what a wrong was done to Bohemia, he determined himself to go and serve them according to his ability; and that no one but God had prompted him to this act. He said that, since he came into the country, he saw that the people led better Christian lives than many others that made greater pretenses. He said, further, that he entertained strong hopes that he might help to bring about an understanding between the people and the ​Pope. King Vladislav was satisfied with this answer, and Bishop Lucian continued his benign activity for many years.
Although Vladislav permitted the bishop to continue his labors among the Calixtines, at heart he was a Catholic, and early determined upon the destruction of the hated sect. He filled all important offices with zealous Catholics, or with Calixtines that were such only in name, and the more zealous ones soon discovered that they were pushed aside and persecuted under various idle pretexts.
An historian of this time says: “In those days a neighbor could not speak freely with neighbor, and when one wished to speak to another in the rink, he cast furtive glances about, like a wolf, lest there should be a third person near to betray him. Besides this, the aldermen had their detectives and traitors, who went about the public houses striving to inveigle people into conversation to betray them, so that they might be cast into prison, and often tortured.”
In the summer of 1483 the country was visited with a fearful plague, as many as 30,000 persons perishing in the city of Prague. To escape the danger, the royal family fled first to Pilsen and then to Trebitz, Moravia. During the absence of the king, an event happened that changed the whole course of the reactionary movement spoken of above.
After the king had been in Moravia for some time, a report was spread in Prague that he was ill and not likely to recover. The prospect of an interval without any ruler made the aldermen redouble their vigilance in order to be prepared for the storm that they had reason to fear might arise. They barricaded the streets ​with heavy chains, and had the troops prepared to sally out at a moment’s notice.
A report was now spread among the people that the city authorities had entered into a conspiracy against the Calixtines; that they intended to drive out all their priests and university masters, and to murder eighty, whose lives were proscribed.
Whether the report was based on fact or not was never fully ascertained, for the people acted in so energetic a manner as to prevent the possibility of the event. September 24th, the day before the aldermen were to make the attack, an alarm was sounded from the Teyn church, and the streets were immediately filled with excited people. The aldermen now gave a counter alarm from the City Hall; but this only made matters worse for them. Their friends coming to their assistance were either killed upon the spot or taken prisoners. The people then turned against the City Halls. In the Old Town there was no bloodshed, the officers being all taken prisoners; but in the New Town, most of them were killed and thrown out of the windows. When the mob had wreaked its vengeance upon the city officers, it turned against the convents, and some of the monks were driven out of the city. Then it turned against the Jews, plundering them most cruelly. After these acts of violence, the people met and elected new officers, and then posted guards all over the city to prevent any further outbreaks.
The new officers immediately sent letters to King Vladislav, and to other cities, stating what had happened and the cause of it. They then tried the prisoners; several, being found guilty, were put to death without delay. Thus perished the mayors of all three ​towns, and also several aldermen. Being put to torture, they pleaded guilty to the plot; but whether they really were guilty was never proved.
The news of this outbreak plunged the king into grief and wrath. Thus all his efforts to bring back the country into pre-Hussite paths were brought to naught at one blow. His most faithful officers were dead, and the Calixtines held their heads higher than they had dared to do for years. The king determined to mete out some signal punishment to the city of Prague, and to this end began to raise an army. To prevent Kuttenberg from following the example of Prague, he sent a force of 8,000 men to that city; but it was already too late. The royal army found the city so well fortified that it gave up the siege and returned to Caslau. When the king himself appeared before Kuttenberg, he was allowed to enter the city, but only with a small retinue.
A Diet was held at Caslau; but as about half of the delegates were Calixtines, and the king refused to make any concessions, nothing was accomplished. Another Diet was held at Kuttenherg, and there the trouble was settled. The citizens of Prague agreed to go out to meet their king, to humble themselves before him, to do him all honor; but, at the same time, they insisted that the Compactata must be kept as well as all the privileges granted to the people by Sigmund. King Vladislav was exceedingly reluctant to comply with this demand; but when he saw that the cause of the people was sustained by several powerful nobles, and also by the Italian Bishop Augustin, who possessed unbounded influence in the country, he at length accepted the terms, and returned to Prague, September ​29, 1484. “Thus the king returned, and the city went out to meet him with flags and banners; and he was taken under the canopy and led into Prague in a respectful manner. . . . And thus it was that the storm ended in all that is good; for which may God be praised forever.”
In the year 1485 a Diet was held at Kuttenberg, which is one of the most important in the religious history of the country. After fifteen years of fearful bloodshed, devastation of the country, and untold sufferings; after half a century of domestic strife, continued wars and vexations, that for their long continuance were maddening,—out of all this misery grew a single common-sense idea, and this idea was first publicly expressed at the Diet of Kuttenberg. This Diet passed a resolution that every person had the right to seek the salvation of his soul according to his own convictions and conscience, and that others should not hinder him in this, nor speak evil of him, nor persecute him.
This principle so enlightened the minds of the delegates that they passed many more humane resolutions. Both Catholics and Calixtines were to enjoy perfect equality, and the nobles were to guarantee the same liberty to their subjects, whether they agreed with them in faith or not. Priests were to preach against sins, and not rail against those not agreeing with them in doctrine. Whoever violated this law was to be regarded as the enemy of public weal, concord, and peace, as a rebel against his king, lord, and the Commonwealth of the Kingdom of Bohemia; and, if he did not reform, was to be deprived of honor and fined. Both sides were to unite in sending an embassy to the Holy Father, asking for the confirmation of the Compactata. ​This agreement, entered into between the two parties, was to continue thirty-one years,
It is not to be supposed that the above resolutions settled all religious difficulties; it had merely the effect of quieting them to a considerable extent. Rome would not confirm the Compactata, and when Bishop Augustin died (1493), the Calixtine priests again were obliged to go to Italy for their ordination. In 1405, Philip de Novavilla, the Bishop of Sidon, came to Bohemia for the same purpose that Bishop Augustin had done; but being well advanced in years, his labors were of short duration.
Owing to the difficulty of securing priests, the Calixtines were obliged to take such as they could get, and thus their Church suffered a moral deterioration, losing in respect and dignity. For this reason, the more earnest people sought to find elsewhere what they missed in their own Church. This was found among the Moravian Brethren, who continued to increase in number notwithstanding all the edicts passed against them. At the close of the fifteenth century, they had some four hundred churches in the various cities of Bohemia. The chief seat of the Brethren was at Mlada Boleslav, where dwelt Brother Lukas, who, on account of his zeal, piety, and learning, was accepted as the leader after the death of Gregory.
Contrary to all expectations, King Vladislav II proved to be one of the weakest rulers that ever sat upon the throne of Bohemia. When he assumed the government, the country was in a good condition; but it was a time when the nobility struggled to re-establish their ancient powers, and a strong hand was needed to keep their growing ambition within reasonable limits. ​But King Vladislav was at a loss to know what to do; and when he did know, he lacked the energy of will to carry out his good resolutions. His weakness may be judged from the following anecdote: On one occasion the Diet passed some important measures, and in order that it might be sure of their being carried into effect, it at the same time appointed six men to keep the matter constantly before the king. Vladislav had no convictions of his own; the last speaker always seemed to be the one to win the case. He had a habit of saying “Very well” to everything that was proposed to him, until he was nicknamed “King Very Well.”
In the year 1490, Matthias died, just as he was on the point of beginning a new war against Bohemia. This was exceedingly fortunate; for with so weak a king as Vladislav, the results would doubtless have been most disastrous to the country. As had been agreed, Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia reverted to the Bohemian crown.
Matthias leaving no heirs, the throne was to be filled by election. Out of the numerous candidates, the Hungarians chose the Bohemian king, with the condition that he should take up his residence in their capital. Vladislav was not chosen because of any good qualities, but because of his well-known weakness. The Hungarian nobles were weary of such a king as Matthias, who ruled them with a strong hand, meting out signal punishment upon all who dared show any signs of disaffection. With such a ruler as Vladislav, they hoped to re-establish their old-time importance and independence.
The election of Vladislav to the Hungarian throne was a great misfortune to the Bohemians. A weak ​king, residing out of the country, was equivalent to no king at all, and this state of affairs brought its train of evils.
The first grievous evil was the increase of robbers. All trade and commerce with other nations were ruined; for now no highway was safe for travel. Most of these robbers were noblemen, who, when pursued, found a safe retreat in their strong fortresses.
Another great evil was a sort of war between the nobles and the cities. When cities were first established, they were given certain rights and privileges; and now the nobles constantly tried to usurp these rights. One of these was the exclusive right to brew beer. The noblemen also brewed beer, and forbade their subjects from buying it elsewhere. The cities regarded this as a great wrong, and retaliated in various ways, often bringing the country into great trouble. A good illustration of this is the case of John Kopidlansky.
In 1506 the Knight Kopidlansky got into a quarrel with a certain yeoman in the Old Town of Prague, and killed him. He was tried by the aldermen, condemned, and beheaded, without even being allowed to have a priest to prepare him for death. This so enraged the brother of the knight that he declared war against the city of Prague. His hordes of ruffians were posted upon all the highways leading to Prague, and many inoffensive citizens were taken, horribly mutilated, and left to perish. Kopidlansky was sustained in this by other noblemen, who delighted in all things that tormented the cities.
In this state of anarchy, many messengers were sent to King Vladislav, imploring him to come to the ​country and restore order. Finally he came, but did nothing except to pass some laws against the industrious, peace-loving Bohemian Brethren. These laws were not carried, into effect; but later, whenever a ruler wanted to persecute the Brethren, he referred to these laws of Vladislav.
In 1509, Vladislav again came to Bohemia, his object being to have his three-year old son Louis crowned king of the country. He remained a year in the country, and called a Diet to settle the difficulty between the cities and the nobility. Influenced by some of the more powerful nobles, the king decided the case against the cities; but the latter, regarding this a great injustice, would not abide by the decision, and the quarrel grew more serious than before.
Vladislav, although a weak king, at times was very cruel. The year he staid in Prague, his Hungarian attendants caused so much trouble that the citizens could bear it no longer, and a bloody fight broke out between them and the Hungarians, in which sixteen of the foreigners lost their lives. The king had the citizens tried, and those that were found guilty were put to death with all manner of unheard-of torture. The executions lasted several days, till at last an execution being made so clumsily as to cause intense suffering to the victim, the people fell upon the headsmen, murdering them upon the spot. When the king again started for Hungary he was followed by curses and imprecations that the people might never see his face again.
The struggle between the cities and the nobility continued, until the latter succeeded in having a law passed by which, they obtained complete control of ​the executive and judicial powers in the country. But the provisions of this law were not carried out; for the cities were so indignant that they prepared for war. Finally the cities found an able champion in Prince Bartholomew of Minsterberg, nephew of George Poděbrad. He succeeded in convincing the king that a great wrong was done to the cities, and also showed him how the crown itself was deprived of much revenue by the continual disturbances in the country. From this time on, the condition of the cities began to improve.
King Vladislav died in 1516, being sixty years old. He was succeeded by his son Louis, then only ten years of age.
FEUDALISM.
In the continual struggle between the cities and the nobility, almost no mention is made of the country people or peasantry, and yet they constituted by far the greater part of the population. The fact is, that at this time they were reduced to such a miserable state of servitude that their rights were not deemed worthy of consideration, and they themselves were helpless to assert them.
Except during the short period of the Hussite wars, the common people were usually entirely ignored. Everything of interest in the history of the country circles around the royal family and the nobility, and later about the inhabitants of the cities; and yet, in the earlier period of the nation’s history, the common people were free, and in theory stood before the law on an equality with the higher classes. During the reign of Vladislav, servitude was fully established; but just when and how this came about, it is not easy ​to tell. A few facts and dates will here be given, to show how the people were gradually deprived of their liberty.
The first account we have of robota, menial service, is in the reign of Boleslav (936–967). Robota, or Socage.During the reign of Boleslav the peasants were compelled to build fortresses and bridges, to keep the horses of their masters, to help hunt, and to feed the dogs and the servants of the hunting expeditions. The tradesmen were required to furnish the nobles under whose jurisdiction they lived, a certain amount of goods; what they could make besides this was their own. In consideration of this service, they received some sort of protection.
Premysl Ottokar II (1253–1278), in establishing cities with special privileges, did a great deal to enslave the common people. By forbidding the tradesmen of small villages to work at their occupations, he reduced them to beggary, so that they had no alternative but to die of starvation, or sell themselves to some wealthy land-owner.
Besides this great wrong against the common people, Ottokar gave the power of capital punishment to the nobility, who found it so profitable that they strove to have it declared hereditary.
Charles IV, one of the best rulers the country ever had, did nothing for the common people that was permanent. By his courts of justice he relieved temporary evils; but as for passing laws to favor the poor, he was too dependent upon the Church and the nobility to presume to do anything so derogatory to the interests of either. The Majestas Carolina proposed by him, but rejected by the nobles, shows plainly the ​wretched condition of the lower classes. But Charles went further than this. It was not enough that he submitted tamely to the rejection of laws that would have provided for a little justice to the peasants, but to win the favor of the nobility he granted them absolute control of the people living upon théir estates.
During the reign of Václav IV, a dispute arose in regard to the law of decease (odumrti). Law of Decease.It had become the custom that, when a peasant died leaving no children or near kin, his property fell to the lord upon whose estates he lived. By means of this custom the wealth of the nobility kept constantly increasing, while that of the peasants decreased in like proportion; for the noble could sell or lease the land to another peasant under more and more limitations, and the peasants thus were reduced to slavery.
This custom had no authority in the law of the land, and at length there arose a man who had the moral courage to raise his voice against it. This was John of Jenstein, the Archbishop of Prague during, the reign of King Václav. The archbishop declared that he found the custom in vogue upon the episcopal estates; that, according to it, a peasant could make no will, nor dispose of his property during his life. He said the custom being contrary to natural, canonical, and God’s law, he declared it abolished upon his estates, and that henceforth a peasant should dispose of his property as he saw fit, and, should he die intestate, the property was to fall to his nearest relatives.
The action of the archbishop brought on a long controversy. Master Albert, a member of the Chapter, ​wrote a tractate defending the custom. He tried to prove that Bohemian peasants were merely chlapi (ribaldi) and serfs, whose only privilege was to enjoy during life the lands upon which they lived. Kunes of Treboli, general vicar of the archbishop, wrote a defense of the action of the archbishop, wherein he proved that the Bohemian peasants were free men, not serfs; and showed that the custom was contrary to the laws of the land.
The question was also discussed in the university, and both the German and the Bohemian professors expressed themselves against it, calling it robbery, and saying that those who practiced it could not escape eternal punishment. John Hus and Thomas Stitný also defended the action of the archbishop. The result of this controversy was, that some clerics and quite a number of nobles freed their subjects from this unjust law of decease; but others held to the old custom, and persecuted the peasants in other ways.
The Hussite wars changed the whole aspect of the relation between lord and peasant. The people gained many political rights, and for a time the country was on the high road to democracy. This was all brought to naught by the unfortunate battle of Lipan. From that time the nobles again began to rule the country; and although the people were not brought into subjection immediately, the tendency was in that direction, until in the reign of Vladislav feudalism was fully established in the country, and the people were reduced to the most abject servitude.
Considering that feudalism was found in all European countries long before the fifteenth century, it is not surprising that it found its way to Bohemia at this ​time, but rather that the country had withstood it so long.
The reduction of the peasants to servitude brought upon them the greatest suffering. Victorin Vsehrd, an author of a book on the laws of the country, wrote as follows: “This great injustice is done all over the country that the nobles, selling to each other villages, make no written stipulation as to the service expected from the peasants; and because no such stipulation is made, the service demanded is beyond all justice, heavenly, Christian, human, and worldly; so that not even the Turks nor any other heathen are guilty of such cruelty. From this oppression, unheard of before in Bohemia, great evils arise. The people, driven to despair, forsake their lands, and, escaping into the forests, become thieves, robbers, and incendiaries, and perpetrators of other crimes. The land thus becomes desolate, and hard times and famine follow. Others rise in rebellion against their masters, and, forsaking wives and children, betake themselves to the mountains, whence they are ready to sally out armed upon their enemies. Thus it happened not long ago in Moravia, the people rose in rebellion, fell upon their lord, beat him, and wounded him so that he died from the effects of his injuries. And now in Bohemia, in the district of Litomeritz, the people arose against their master, Knight Adam Ploskovsky, on account of excessive and unheard-of service required, and what will come from it is not yet known.”
The last-mentioned rebellion refers to that connected with the name of Dalibor, so well known in Bohemian tradition, song, and story.
The peasants of Knight Adam, enduring extreme cruelties, rose in rebellion, took their master prisoner, ​and compelled him to give them a written agreement freeing them from his jurisdiction. They then offered their services to Dalibor, of Kozojed, who took them under his protection. But the peasants did not enjoy the fruit of their victory. Dalibor was cited to Prague, tried, and condemned to death. At first he was imprisoned in a new tower just built at Prague, which after that was known by the name of Daliborka. Adam returned to his estates, and the poor peasants were treated more cruelly than before (1496).
This is but one of thousands of cases where the people, attempting to break their chains, found them only the more riveted. It is not surprising that at the time servitude was fully established in Bohemia, the country was full of vagabonds, thieves, and robbers.
That the people of the other European States did not fare any better may be judged from the great peasant uprising in 1525, when no less than 150,000 persons lost their lives, and large tracts of land were left desolate.
KING LOUIS.
The year before Vladislav died, he made an agreement with Maximilian, the Emperor of Germany, which proved very important and far-reaching in its consequences. This was concerning the marriage of his children. Mary, the granddaughter of the emperor, was to be married to Louis, the son of Vladislav; and Anna, the sister of Louis, to Ferdinand, the grandson of that ruler. The stipulation was that, in case of the death of Louis, his sister Anna was to inherit both the crowns of Bohemia and Hungary.
When Louis was twelve years of age, the Hungarians declared his majority, and the Bohemians followed ​their example; but first the young king was to come into the country to take the usual oath to preserve the rights and liberties of the realm, since at his coronation he had been too young to do so. Various obstacles being placed in his way, he did not come to Bohemia till 1522. He brought his young wife with him, and asked that she be crowned Queen of Bohemia. The States were quite willing, and grand preparations were made for the ceremony. But the harmony of the occasion was marred by the quarrels between the noblemen as to who should hold the first place in the coronation procession. As there seemed no way of settling the difficulty without offending some of the parties, the king in great wrath ordered the decorations to be torn down and the preparations to cease. In a few days, however, the coronation took place, the difficulty being obviated by the king himself carrying in one hand the scepter, in the other the golden apple, while the queen carried the two golden loaves. The honor of carrying the sword was conferred upon a German nobleman. Even now all did not move on smoothly. The Bohemian nobles, either through shame or anger, would not come to the coronation dinner, which so vexed the youthful sovereign that the queen had all she could do to comfort him.
RISE OF LUTHERANISM IN BOHEMIA.
In a previous chapter it was said that the Diet of Kuttenberg, in 1485, by its wise laws settled for many years the religious troubles in the country; but in 1519 they began anew, bringing endless sufferings to the people. On this occasion the trouble was brought into Bohemia from abroad.
​For two years Martin Luther had proclaimed the new doctrines from the University of Wittenberg, and, as might be expected, they soon attracted the attention of the Bohemian people, many of whom at once became his followers.
While Luther held a public disputation at Leipsic, he was called “Čech,” a “Hussite,” and therefore a heretic. He proved his German parentage, and then added: “I unwittingly taught and believed what John Hus did, as also did John Staupitz; in short, not knowing it ourselves, we are all Hussites. Finally, St. Paul was a Hussite, and St. Augustine also; behold in what a predicament we have found ourselves without the aid of the Bohemians! In my amazement, I know not what to think, seeing this dreadful judgment of God, that evangelical truth, discovered more than a hundred years ago, is burned and condemned to-day, and forbidden to be professed. Woe to the world!”
In the long struggle for the confirmation of the Compactata, the Germans were the chief enemies of the Calixtines, and the most devoted adherents of the Pope; but now, when the new doctrine was proclaimed by one of their own nation, they were the first to embrace it. Martin Luther, however, went much farther in his innovations than ever the Calixtines thought of doing. He advocated complete rupture from the Church of Rome, and this was regarded with disfavor by the more moderate sects. As they hated the Bohemian Brethren, calling them Picards, so now they nicknamed the followers of Luther, calling them Lutherans; but notwithstanding all manner of abuse, the Lutherans increased in number to such an extent that both the Catholics and the Calixtines became alarmed, and took counsel ​together as to how they might stem the tide of growing heresy. The year 1525 is memorable in the history of the Calixtines, since a reconciliation was effected between them and the Catholics. For eighty years they had striven for the confirmation of the Compactata, and all their efforts were in vain. But now, when the Church feared the formation of a new sect, it willingly granted all they asked. The archbishop and the bishops received orders from Rome to ordain without any distinction all candidates for the priesthood, whether they were Catholics or Calixtines. The event was celebrated with many public demonstrations of joy.
It was believed that now the Silesians would gladly accept Utraquism; but they refused, and remained zealous Lutherans.
The Bohemian Brethren also kept increasing in number, so that at this time the Pope’s legate wrote to Rome as follows: “The Diet discussed how to extirpate Picardism from Bohemia; but the members of this sect have grown so numerous, they are rich, powerful, and devoted to each other, so that, if only they professed a different faith and had different customs, they might be regarded worthy people.”
During the reign of Louis, rich silver-mines were discovered upon the estates of Sir Slick in Loketsky. A settlement was made at St. Joachimsthal in 1517, where a mint was established, and groats or groschen coined like Rhine guilders. These guilders, coined at the “Thal,” were later called thalers, whence the name dollars.
The reign of Louis was disturbed by constant squabbles between the Calixtines and the newly-arisen Lutheran sect. When the Lutherans got into power ​they sent quite a number of the priests of the other sect into exile. Finally, through the interference of the king, the exiles were recalled, the Lutheran officers deposed, and the other two sects celebrated the victory.
The short but fairly successful reign of Louis was ended by an unfortunate expedition against the Turks. In 1526, Sultan Soliman made the long expected and feared attack upon Hungary, having an army of some 300,000. King Louis, with a comparatively small army of Hungarians and Bohemians, took the field, and marched to meet the invading host. A disastrous battle was fought at Muhac, where perished about 20,000 Christians, among them King Louis, being drowned while attempting to escape across an overflooded stream. Soliman mourned the untimely death of the young king, saying that he would rather have humbled the pride of the Hungarians than cut short the life of Louis.
About King Louis it was said that everything in his life was before its time. His birth was premature, his marriage when but sixteen, his beard grew before the usual age, his hair turned gray, and his death came when he was but twenty years of age.