# The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (Bury)/Volume 1

THE HISTORY
OF THE
DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
BY
EDWARD GIBBON
EDITED IN SEVEN VOLUMES
WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, APPENDICES, AND INDEX
BY
J. B. BURY, M.A.
HON. LITT.D. OF DURHAM
FELLOW AND TUTOR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN
PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY IN DUBLIN UNIVERSITY
VOL. I.
METHUEN & CO.
36 ESSEX STREET, W.C.
LONDON
1897
New Edition

## Prefaces

PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR
It is not my intention to detain the reader by expatiating on the variety, or the importance of the subject, which I have undertaken to treat; since the merit of the choice would serve to render the weakness of the execution still more apparent, and still less excusable. But, as I have presumed to lay before the Public a first volume only of the History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, it will perhaps be expected that I should explain, in a few words, the nature and limits of my general plan.
The memorable series of revolutions, which, in the course of about thirteen centuries, gradually undermined, and at length destroyed, the solid fabric of human greatness, may, with some propriety, be divided into the three following periods:
I. The first of these periods may be traced from the age of Trajan and the Antonines, when the Roman monarchy, having attained its full strength and maturity, began to verge towards its decline; and will extend to the subversion of the Western Empire, by the barbarians of Germany and Scythia, the rude ancestors of the most polished nations of modern Europe. This extraordinary revolution, which subjected Rome to the power of a Gothic conqueror, was completed about the beginning of the sixth century.
​II. The second period of the Decline and Fall of Rome, may be supposed to commence with the reign of Justinian, who by his laws, as well as by his victories, restored a transient splendour to the Eastern Empire. It will comprehend the invasion of Italy by the Lombards; the conquest of the Asiatic and African provinces by the Arabs, who embraced the religion of Mahomet; the revolt of the Roman people against the feeble princes of Constantinople; and the elevation of Charlemagne, who, in the year 800, established the second, or German Empire of the West.
III. The last and longest of these periods includes about six centuries and a half; from the revival of the Western Empire till the taking of Constantinople by the Turks and the extinction of a degenerate race of princes, who continued to assume the titles of Caesar and Augustus, after their dominions were contracted to the limits of a single city; in which the language, as well as manners, of the ancient Romans had been long since forgotten. The writer who should undertake to relate the events of this period would find himself obliged to enter into the general history of the Crusades, as far as they contributed to the ruin of the Greek Empire; and he would scarcely be able to restrain his curiosity from making some enquiry into the state of the city of Rome during the darkness and confusion of the middle ages.
As I have ventured, perhaps too hastily, to commit to the press a work, which, in every sense of the word, deserves the epithet of imperfect, I consider myself as contracting an engagement to finish, most probably in a second volume, the ​first of these memorable periods; and to deliver to the Public the complete History of the Decline and Fall of Rome, from the age of the Antonines to the subversion of the Western Empire. With regard to the subsequent periods, though I may entertain some hopes, I dare not presume to give any assurances. The execution of the extensive plan which I have described would connect the ancient and modern history of the World; but it would require many years of health, of leisure, and of perseverance.
Bentinck Street, February 1, 1776.
P.S.—The entire History, which is now published, of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire in the West abundantly discharges my engagements with the Public. Perhaps their favourable opinion may encourage me to prosecute a work, which, however laborious it may seem, is the most agreeable occupation of my leisure hours.
Bentinck Street, March 1, 1781.
An Author easily persuades himself that the public opinion is still favourable to his labours; and I have now embraced the serious resolution of proceeding to the last period of my original design, and of the Roman Empire, the taking of Constantinople by the Turks, in the year one thousand four hundred and fifty-three. The most patient reader, who computes that three ponderous volumes have been already employed on the events of four centuries, may, perhaps, be alarmed at the long prospect of nine hundred years. But it is not my intention to expatiate with the ​same minuteness on the whole series of the Byzantine history. At our entrance into this period, the reign of Justinian and the conquests of the Mahometans will deserve and detain our attention, and the last age of Constantinople (the Crusades and the Turks) is connected with the revolutions of Modern Europe. From the seventh to the eleventh century, the obscure interval will be supplied by a concise narrative of such facts as may still appear either interesting or important.
Bentinck Street,
ADVERTISEMENT TO THE NOTES
Diligence and accuracy are the only merits which an historical writer may ascribe to himself; if any merit indeed can be assumed from the performance of an indispensable duty. I may therefore be allowed to say that I have carefully examined all the original materials that could illustrate the subject which I had undertaken to treat. Should I ever complete the extensive design which has been sketched out in the preface, I might perhaps conclude it with a critical account of the authors consulted during the progress of the whole work; and, however such an attempt might incur the censure of ostentation, I am persuaded that it would be susceptible of entertainment as well as information.
ADVERTISEMENT TO THE FIRST OCTAVO EDITION
The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire is now delivered to the public in a more convenient form. Some alterations and improvements had presented themselves to my mind, but I was unwilling to injure or offend the purchasers of the preceding editions. The accuracy of the corrector of the press has been already tried and approved; and perhaps I may stand excused if, amidst the avocations of a busy writer, I have preferred the pleasures of composition and study to the minute diligence of revising a former publication.
PREFACE TO THE FOURTH VOLUME OF THE QUARTO EDITION
I now discharge my promise, and complete my design, of writing the History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, both in the West and the East. The whole period extends from the age of Trajan and the Antonines to the taking of Constantinople by Mahomet the Second; and includes a review of the Crusades and the state of Rome during the middle ages. Since the publication of the first volume, twelve years have elapsed; twelve years, according to my wish, "of health, of leisure and of perseverance". I may now congratulate my deliverance from a long and laborious service, and my satisfaction will be pure and perfect, if the public favour should be extended to the conclusion of my work.
It was my first intention to have collected under one view the numerous authors, of every age and language, from whom I have derived the materials of this history; and I am still convinced that the apparent ostentation would be more than compensated by real use. If I have renounced this idea, if I have declined an undertaking which had obtained the approbation of a master-artist, my excuse may be found in the extreme difficulty of assigning a proper measure to such a catalogue. A naked list of names and editions would not be satisfactory either to myself or my readers: the characters of the principal Authors of the Roman and Byzantine History have been occasionally connected with the events which they ​describe; a more copious and critical enquiry might indeed deserve, but it would demand, an elaborate volume, which might swell by degrees into a general library of historical writers. For the present I shall content myself with renewing my serious protestation, that I have always endeavoured to draw from the fountain-head; that my curiosity, as well as a sense of duty, has always urged me to study the originals; and that, if they have sometimes eluded my search, I have carefully marked the secondary evidence, on whose faith a passage or a fact were reduced to depend.
I shall soon visit the banks of the lake of Lausanne, a country which I have known and loved from my early youth. Under a mild government, amidst a beauteous landskip, in a life of leisure and independence, and among a people of easy and elegant manners, I have enjoyed, and may again hope to enjoy, the varied pleasures of retirement and society. But I shall ever glory in the name and character of an Englishman: I am proud of my birth in a free and enlightened country; and the approbation of that country is the best and most honourable reward for my labours. Were I ambitious of any other Patron than the Public, I would inscribe this work to a Statesman, who, in a long, a stormy, and at length an unfortunate administration, had many political opponents, almost without a personal enemy: who has retained, in his fall from power, many faithful and disinterested friends; and who, under the pressure of severe infirmity, enjoys the lively vigour of his mind, and the felicity of his incomparable temper. Lord North will permit me to express the feelings of friendship in the language of truth: but even truth and friendship should be silent, if he still dispensed the favours of the crown.
In a remote solitude, vanity may still whisper in my ear that my readers, perhaps, may enquire whether, in the conclusion of the present work, I am now taking an everlasting farewell. They shall hear all that I know myself, all that I ​could reveal to the most intimate friend. The motives of action or silence are now equally balanced; nor can I pronounce, in my most secret thoughts, on which side the scale will preponderate. I cannot dissemble that twelve ample octavos must have tried, and may have exhausted, the indulgence of the Public; that, in the repetition of similar attempts, a successful Author has much more to lose, than he can hope to gain; that I am now descending into the vale of years; and that the most respectable of my countrymen, the men whom I aspire to imitate, have resigned the pen of history about the same period of their lives. Yet I consider that the annals of ancient and modern times may afford many rich and interesting subjects; that I am still possessed of health and leisure; that by the practice of writing some skill and facility must be acquired; and that in the ardent pursuit of truth and knowledge I am not conscious of decay. To an active mind, indolence is more painful than labour; and the first months of my liberty will be occupied and amused in the excursions of curiosity and taste. By such temptations I have been sometimes seduced from the rigid duty even of a pleasing and voluntary task: but my time will now be my own; and in the use or abuse of independence I shall no longer fear my own reproaches or those of my friends. I am fairly entitled to a year of jubilee: next summer and the following winter will rapidly pass away; and experience only can determine whether I shall still prefer the freedom and variety of study to the design and composition of a regular work, which animates, while it confines, the daily application of the Author. Caprice and accident may influence my choice; but the dexterity of self-love will contrive to applaud either active industry or philosophic repose.
Downing Street, May 1, 1788.
P.S.—I shall embrace this opportunity of introducing two ​verbal remarks, which have not conveniently offered themselves to my notice. 1. As often as I use the definitions of beyond the Alps, the Rhine, the Danube, &c., I generally suppose myself at Rome, and afterwards at Constantinople: without observing whether this relative geography may agree with the local, but variable, situation of the reader or the historian. 2. In proper names of foreign, and especially of Oriental, origin, it should be always our aim to express in our English version a faithful copy of the original. But this rule, which is founded on a just regard to uniformity and truth, must often be relaxed; and the exceptions will be limited or enlarged by the custom of the language and the taste of the interpreter. Our alphabets may be often defective: a harsh sound, an uncouth spelling, might offend the ear or the eye of our countrymen; and some words, notoriously corrupt, are fixed, and, as it were, naturalized in the vulgar tongue. The prophet Mohammed can no longer be stripped of the famous, though improper appellation of Mahomet: the well-known cities of Aleppo, Damascus and Cairo, would almost be lost in the strange descriptions of Haleb, Demashk and Al Cahira: the titles and offices of the Ottoman empire are fashioned by the practice of three hundred years; and we are pleased to blend the three Chinese monosyllables Con-fû-tzee in the respectable name of Confucius, or even to adopt the Portuguese corruption of Mandarin. But I would vary the use of Zoroaster and Zerdusht, as I drew my information from Greece or Persia: since our connexion with India, the genuine Timour is restored to the throne of Tamerlane: our most correct writers have retrenched the Al, the superfluous article, from the Koran; and we escape an ambiguous termination by adopting Moslem instead of Musulman, in the plural number. In these, and in a thousand examples, the shades of distinction are often minute; and I can feel, where I cannot explain the motives of my choice.
* ↑ The first volume of the quarto, which is now contained in the two first volumes of the octavo, edition.
* ↑ The Author, as it requently happens, took an inadequate measure of his growing work. The remainder of the first period has filled two volumes in quarto, being the third, fourth, fifth and sixth volumes of the octavo edition.
* ↑ Containing chaps, i. to xxxviii.]
* ↑ Which in the first quarto edition of vol. i. were printed at the end of the volume.
* ↑ See Dr. Robertson's Preface to his History of America.

## Contents of the First Volume

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME
CHAPTER I
The Extent and Military Force of the Empire, in the Age of the Antonines
| | PAGE |
| Introduction | 1 |
| Moderation of Augustus | 1 |
| Imitated by his Successors | 3 |
| Conquest of Britain, the First Exception to it | 3 |
| Conquest of Dacia, the Second Exception to it | 5 |
| Conquests of Trajan in the East | 6 |
| Resigned by his Successor Hadrian | 7 |
| Contrast of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius | 7 |
| Pacific System of Hadrian and the two Antonines | 8 |
| Defensive Wars of Marcus Antoninus | 8 |
| Military Establishment of the Roman Emperors | 9 |
| Discipline | 10 |
| Exercises | 11 |
| The Legions under the Emperors | 12 |
| Arms | 12 |
| Cavalry | 13 |
| Auxiliaries | 14 |
| Artillery | 15 |
| Encampment | 15 |
| March | 16 |
| Number and Disposition of the Legions | 16 |
| Navy | 17 |
| Amount of the whole Establishment | 18 |
| View of the Provinces of the Roman Empire | 18 |
| Spain | 19 |
| Gaul | 19 |
| Britain | 20 |
| Italy | 20 |
| The Danube and Illyrian Frontier | 21 |
| Rhætia | 22 |
| Noricum and Pannonia | 22 |
| Dalmatia | 22 |
| Mæsia and Dacia | 22 |
| Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece | 23 |
| Asia Minor | 23 |
| Syria, Phœnicia, and Palestine | 24 |
| Egypt | 25 |
| Africa | 25 |
| The Mediterranean with its Islands | 26 |
| General idea of the Roman Empire | 26 |
CHAPTER II
Of the Union and Internal Prosperity of the Roman Empire in the Age of the Antonines
| | PAGE |
| Principles of Government | 28 |
| Universal Spirit of Toleration | 28 |
| Of the People | 28 |
| Of Philosophers | 30 |
| Of the Magistrates | 31 |
| In the Provinces | 32 |
| At Rome | 32 |
| Freedom of Rome | 33 |
| Italy | 34 |
| The Provinces | 35 |
| Colonies, and Municipal Towns | 35 |
| Division of the Latin and the Greek Provinces | 37 |
| General Use of both the Greek and Latin Languages | 39 |
| Slaves | 35 |
| Their Treatment | 39 |
| Enfranchisement | 39 |
| Numbers | 39 |
| Populousness of the Roman Empire | 42 |
| Obedience and Union | 43 |
| Roman Monuments | 43 |
| Many of them erected at Private Expense | 43 |
| Example of Herodes Atticus | 45 |
| His Reputation | 45 |
| Most of the Roman Monuments for Public Use | 46 |
| Temples, Theatres, Aqueducts | 46 |
| Number and Greatness of the Cities of the Empire | 48 |
| In Italy | 48 |
| Gaul and Spain | 48 |
| Africa | 49 |
| Asia | 49 |
| Roman Roads | 50 |
| Posts | 50 |
| Navigation | 51 |
| Improvement of Agriculture in the Western Countries of the Empire | 51 |
| Introduction of Fruits, &c. | 52 |
| The Vine | 52 |
| The Olive | 52 |
| Flax | 53 |
| Artificial Grass | 53 |
| General Plenty | 53 |
| Arts of Luxury | 53 |
| Foreign Trade | 54 |
| Gold and Silver | 55 |
| General Felicity | 56 |
| Decline of Courage | 56 |
| ——— of Genius | 57 |
| Degeneracy | 58 |
CHAPTER III
Of the Constitution of the Roman Empire, in the Age of the Antonines
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| | Idea of a Monarchy | 59 |
| | Situation of Augustus | 59 |
| | He reforms the Senate | 60 |
| | Resigns his usurped Power | 60 |
| | Is prevailed upon to resume it under the Title of Emperor or General | 61 |
| | Power of the Roman Generals | 62 |
| | Lieutenants of the Emperor | 63 |
| | Division of the Provinces between the Emperor and the Senate | 63 |
| | The former preserves his Military Commands, and Guards, in Rome itself | 64 |
| | Consular and Tribunitian powers | 64 |
| | Imperial Prerogatives | 65 |
| | The Magistrates | 66 |
| | The Senate | 67 |
| | General Idea of the Imperial System | 68 |
| | Court of the Emperors | 68 |
| | Deification | 68 |
| | Titles of Augustus and Cæsar | 70 |
| | Character and Policy of Augustus | 70 |
| | Image of Liberty for the People | 71 |
| | Attempts of the Senate after the Death of Caligula | 71 |
| | Image of Government for the Armies | 72 |
| | Their Obedience | 72 |
| | Designation of a Successor | 73 |
| | Of Tiberius | 73 |
| | Of Titus | 73 |
| | The Race of the Cæsars, and Flavian Family | 74 |
| 96 | Adoption and Character of Trajan | 74 |
| 117 | Of Hadrian | 75 |
| | Adoption of the elder and younger Verus | 75 |
| 138-180 | Adoption of the two Antonines | 76 |
| | Character and Reign of Pius | 76 |
| | ————————— of Marcus | 77 |
| | Happiness of the Romans | 78 |
| | Its precarious Nature | 78 |
| | Memory of Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, and Domitian | 79 |
| | Peculiar Misery of the Romans under their Tyrants | 79 |
| | Insensibility of the Orientals | 79 |
| | Knowledge and free Spirit of the Romans | 80 |
| | Extent of their Empire left them no Place of Refuge | 81 |
CHAPTER IV
The Cruelty, Follies, and Murder of Commodus—Election of Pertinax—His attempts to reform the State—His Assassination by the Prætorian Guards
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| | Indulgence of Marcus | 83 |
| | To his wife Faustina | 83 |
| | To his son Commodus | 84 |
| 180 | Accession of the Emperor Commodus | 84 |
| | Character of Commodus | 85 |
| | His Return to Rome | 85 |
| 183 | Is wounded by an Assassin | 86 |
| | Hatred and cruelty of Commodus towards the Senate | 87 |
| | The Quintilian Brothers | 87 |
| 186 | The Minister Perennis | 88 |
| | Revolt of Maternus | 89 |
| | The Minister Cleander | 89 |
| | His Avarice and Cruelty | 90 |
| 189 | Sedition and Death of Cleander | 91 |
| | Dissolute Pleasures of Commodus | 92 |
| | His Ignorance and low Sports | 92 |
| | Hunting of Wild Beasts | 93 |
| | Commodus Displays his skill in the Amphitheatre | 93 |
| | Acts as a Gladiator | 94 |
| | His Infamy and Extravagance | 95 |
| | Conspiracy of his Domestics | 96 |
| 192 | Death of Commodus | 96 |
| | Choice of Pertinax for Emperor | 96 |
| | He is acknowledged by the Prætorian Guards | 97 |
| 193 | And by the Senate | 98 |
| | The Memory of Commodus declared infamous | 98 |
| | Legal Jurisdiction of the Senate over the Emperors | 99 |
| | Virtues of Pertinax | 99 |
| | He endeavours to Reform the State | 100 |
| | His Regulations | 100 |
| | His Popularity | 101 |
| | Discontent of the Prætorians | 101 |
| | A Conspiracy Prevented | 101 |
| 193 | Murder of Pertinax by the Prætorians | 102 |
CHAPTER V
Public Sale of the Empire to Didius Julianus by the Prætorian Guards—Clodius Albinus in Britain, Pescennius Niger in Syria, and Septimius Severus in Pannonia, declare against the Murderers of Pertinax—Civil Wars and Victory of Severus over his three Rivals—Relaxation of discipline—New Maxims of Government
| | PAGE |
| Proportion of the Military Force to the Number of the People | 103 |
| The Prætorian Guards | 103 |
| Their Institution | 103 |
| Their Camp | 104 |
| | Strength and Confidence | 104 |
| | Their specious Claims | 105 |
| | They offer the Empire to Sale | 105 |
| 193 | It is purchased by Julian | 106 |
| | Julian is acknowledged by the Senate | 106 |
| | Takes possession of the Palace | 107 |
| | The public Discontent | 107 |
| | The Armies of Britain, Syria, and Pannonia, declare against Julian | 108 |
| | Clodius Albinus in Britain | 108 |
| | Pescennius Niger in Syria | 109 |
| | Pannonia and Dalmatia | 111 |
| 193 | Septimius Severus | 111 |
| | Declared Emperor by the Pannonian Legions | 111 |
| | Marches into Italy | 112 |
| | Advances towards Rome | 112 |
| | Distress of Julian | 113 |
| | His uncertain Conduct | 113 |
| | Is deserted by the Prætorians | 113 |
| | Is condemned and executed by Order of the Senate | 114 |
| | Disgrace of the Prætorian Guards | 114 |
| | Funeral and Apotheosis of Pertinax | 115 |
| 193-197 | Success of Severus against Niger and against Albinus | 115 |
| | Conduct of the two Civil Wars | 116 |
| | Arts of Severus | 116 |
| | Towards Niger | 116 |
| | Towards Albinus | 117 |
| | Event of the Civil Wars | 118 |
| | Decided by one or two Battles | 118 |
| | Siege of Byzantium | 119 |
| | Death of Niger and Albinus | 120 |
| | Cruel Consequences of the Civil Wars | 120 |
| | Animosity of Severus against the Senate | 120 |
| | The Wisdom and Justice of his Government | 121 |
| | General Peace and Prosperity | 121 |
| | Relaxation of Military Discipline | 122 |
| | New Establishment of the Prætorian Guards | 122 |
| | The Office of Prætorian Præfect | 123 |
| | The Senate oppressed by Military Despotism | 124 |
| | New Maxims of the Imperial Prerogative | 124 |
CHAPTER VI
The Death of Severus—Tyranny of Caracalla—Usurpation of Macrinus—Follies of Elagabalus—Virtues of Alexander Severus—Licentiousness of the Army—General State of the Roman Finances
| | PAGE |
| Greatness and Discontent of Severus | 126 |
| His wife the Empress Julia | 126 |
| Their two sons, Caracalla and Geta | 127 |
| Their mutual Aversion to each other | 127 |
| Three Emperors | 128 |
| 208 | The Caledonian War | 128 |
| | Fingal and his Heroes | 129 |
| | Contrast of the Caledonians and the Romans | 129 |
| | Ambition of Caracalla | 130 |
| 211 | Death of Severus, and Accession of his two sons | 130 |
| | Jealousy and Hatred of the two Emperors | 130 |
| | Fruitless Negotiation for dividing the Empire between them | 131 |
| 212 | Murder of Geta | 132 |
| | Remorse and Cruelty of Caracalla | 133 |
| | Death of Papinian | 134 |
| 213 | His Tyranny extended over the whole Empire | 135 |
| | Relaxation of Discipline | 136 |
| 217 | Murder of Caracalla | 137 |
| | Imitation of Alexander | 138 |
| | Election and Character of Macrinus | 138 |
| | Discontent of the Senate | 139 |
| | ————— of the Army | 140 |
| | Macrinus attempts a Reformation of the Army | 140 |
| | Death of the Empress Julia | 141 |
| | Education, Pretensions, and Revolt of Elagabalus, called at first Bassianus and Antoninus | 141 |
| 218 | Defeat and Death of Macrinus | 142 |
| | Elagabalus writes to the Senate | 143 |
| 219 | Picture of Elagabalus | 144 |
| | His Superstition | 144 |
| | His profligate and effeminate Luxury | 146 |
| | Contempt of Decency, which distinguished the Roman Tyrants | 147 |
| | Discontents of the Army | 147 |
| 221 | Alexander Severus declared Cæsar | 147 |
| 222 | Sedition of the Guards, and Murder of Elagabalus | 148 |
| | Accession of Alexander Severus | 148 |
| | Power of his Mother Mamæa | 149 |
| | His wise and moderate Administration | 150 |
| | Education and Virtuous Temper of Alexander | 150 |
| | Journal of his Ordinary Life | 151 |
| 222-235 | General happiness of the Roman World | 152 |
| | Alexander refuses the name of Antoninus | 152 |
| | He attempts to reform the Army | 153 |
| | Seditions of the Prætorian Guards, and Murder of Ulpian | 153 |
| | Danger of Dion Cassius | 154 |
| | Tumults of the Legions | 155 |
| | Firmness of the Emperor | 155 |
| | Defects of his Reign and Character | 156 |
| | Digression on the Finances of the Empire | 157 |
| | Establishment of the Tribute on Roman Citizens | 157 |
| | Abolition of the Tribute | 158 |
| | Tributes of the Provinces | 158 |
| | ——— of Asia | 159 |
| | ——— of Egypt, Gaul, Africa and Spain | 159 |
| | ——— of the Isle of Gyarus | 160 |
| | Amount of the Revenue | 160 |
| | Taxes on Roman Citizens instituted by Augustus | 160 |
| | I. The Customs | 161 |
| II. The Excise | 162 |
| III. Tax on Legacies and Inheritances | 162 |
| Suited to the Laws and Manners | 163 |
| Regulations of the Emperors | 164 |
| Edict of Caracalla | 164 |
| The Freedom of the City given to all Provincials, for the purpose of Taxation | 164 |
| Temporary Reduction of the Tribute | 165 |
| Consequences of the universal Freedom of Rome | 165 |
CHAPTER VII
The Elevation and Tyranny of Maximin—Rebellion in Africa and Italy, under the Authority of the Senate—Civil Wars and Seditions—Violent Deaths of Maximin and his Son, of Maximus and Balbinus, and of the three Gordians—Usurpation and Secular Games of Philip
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| | The apparent Ridicule and solid Advantages of hereditary Succession | 167 |
| | Want of it in the Roman Empire productive of the greatest Calamities | 168 |
| | Birth and Fortunes of Maximin | 169 |
| | His Military Service and Honours | 169 |
| 235 | Conspiracy of Maximin | 170 |
| | Murder of Alexander Severus | 170 |
| | Tyranny of Maximin | 171 |
| | Oppression of the Provinces | 173 |
| 237 | Revolt in Africa | 174 |
| | Character and Elevation of the two Gordians | 175 |
| | They solicit the Confirmation of their Authority | 176 |
| | The Senate ratifies the Election of the Gordians | 177 |
| | Declares Maximin a public Enemy | 178 |
| | Assumes the Command of Rome and Italy | 178 |
| | Prepares for a Civil War | 178 |
| 237 | Defeat and Death of the two Gordians | 179 |
| | Election of Maximus and Balbinus by the Senate | 180 |
| | Their Characters | 180 |
| | Tumult at Rome | 181 |
| | The younger Gordian is declared Cæsar | 181 |
| | Maximin prepares to attack the Senate and their Emperors | 182 |
| 238 | Marches into Italy | 183 |
| | Siege of Aquileia | 183 |
| | Conduct of Maximus | 184 |
| 238 | Murder of Maximin and his son | 185 |
| | His Portrait | 185 |
| | Joy of the Roman World | 186 |
| | Sedition at Rome | 186 |
| | Discontent of the Prætorian Guards | 187 |
| 238 | Massacre of Maximus and Balbinus | 188 |
| | The third Gordian remains sole Emperor | 189 |
| | Innocence and Virtues of Gordian | 189 |
| 240 | Administration of Misitheus | 190 |
| 242 | The Persian War | 190 |
| 243 | The Arts of Philip | 191 |
| 244 | Murder of Gordian | 191 |
| | Form of a Military Republic | 192 |
| | Reign of Philip | 193 |
| 248 | Secular Games | 193 |
| | Decline of the Roman Empire | 193 |
CHAPTER VIII
Of the State of Persia after the Restoration of the Monarchy by Artaxerxes
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| | The Barbarians of the East and of the North | 195 |
| | Revolutions of Asia | 195 |
| | The Persian Monarchy restored by Artaxerxes | 196 |
| | Reformation of the Magian Religion | 197 |
| | Persian Theology, two Principles | 198 |
| | Religious Worship | 200 |
| | Ceremonies and moral Precepts | 200 |
| | Encouragement of Agriculture | 201 |
| | Power of the Magi | 201 |
| | Spirit of Persecution | 203 |
| | Establishment of the Royal Authority in the Provinces | 203 |
| | Extent and Population of Persia | 204 |
| | Recapitulation of the War between the Parthian and Roman Empires | 205 |
| 165 | Cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon | 205 |
| 216 | Conquest of Osrhoene by the Romans | 207 |
| 230 | Artaxerxes claims the Provinces of Asia, and declares War against the Romans | 208 |
| 233 | Pretended Victory of Alexander Severus | 208 |
| | More probable Account of the War | 209 |
| 240 | Character and Maxims of Artaxerxes | 211 |
| | Military Power of the Persians | 211 |
| | Their Infantry contemptible | 211 |
| | Their Cavalry excellent | 212 |
CHAPTER IX
The State of Germany till the Invasion of the Barbarians, in the Time of the Emperor Decius
| | PAGE |
| Extent of Germany | 213 |
| Climate | 214 |
| Its Effects on the Natives | 215 |
| Origin of the Germans | 216 |
| Fables and Conjectures | 217 |
| The Germans ignorant of Letters | 218 |
| —————————— of Arts and Agriculture | 218 |
| —————————— of the Use of Metals | 220 |
| Their Indolence | 221 |
| Their Taste for Strong Liquors | 222 |
| State of Population | 222 |
| German Freedom | 223 |
| Assemblies of the People | 224 |
| Authority of the Princes and Magistrates | 225 |
| More Absolute over the Property, than over the Persons of the Germans | 225 |
| Voluntary Engagements | 226 |
| German Chastity | 227 |
| Its Probable Causes | 227 |
| Religion | 229 |
| Its Effects in Peace | 229 |
| ———— in War | 230 |
| The Bards | 230 |
| Causes which checked the Progress of the Germans | 231 |
| Want of Arms | 231 |
| ——— Discipline | 232 |
| Civil Dissensions of Germany | 233 |
| Fomented by the Policy of Rome | 233 |
| Transient Union against Marcus Antoninus | 234 |
| Distinction of the German Tribes | 235 |
| Numbers | 236 |
CHAPTER X
The Emperors Decius, Gallus, Æmilianus, Valerian, and Gallicnus—The General Irruption of the Barbarians—The Thirty Tyrants
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| 248-268 | The Nature of the Subject | 237 |
| | The Emperor Philip | 237 |
| 249 | Services, Revolt, Victory, and Reign of the Emperor Decius | 238 |
| 250 | He marches against the Goths | 239 |
| | Origin of the Goths from Scandinavia | 239 |
| | Religion of the Goths | 240 |
| | Institutions and Death of Odin | 240 |
| | Agreeable, but uncertain Hypothesis concerning Odin | 241 |
| | Emigration of the Goths from Scandinavia into Prussia | 241 |
| | ————— from Prussia to the Ukraine | 242 |
| | The Gothic Nation increases in its March | 243 |
| | Distinction of the Germans and Sarmatians | 244 |
| | Description of the Ukraine | 244 |
| | The Goths invade the Roman Provinces | 245 |
| 250 | Various Events of the Gothic War | 246 |
| 251 | Decius revives the office of Censor in the Person of Valerian | 247 |
| | The Design Impracticable, and without Effect | 248 |
| | Defeat and Death of Decius and his Son | 249 |
| 251 | Election of Gallus | 250 |
| 252 | Retreat of the Goths | 250 |
| | Gallus purchases Peace by the Payment of an annual Tribute | 250 |
| | Popular Discontent | 251 |
| 253 | Victory and Revolt of Æmilianus | 251 |
| | Gallus abandoned and slain | 252 |
| | Valerian revenges the Death of Gallus | 252 |
| | Is acknowledged Emperor | 252 |
| | Character of Valerian | 253 |
| 253-268 | General Misfortunes Of the Reigns of Valerian and Gallienus | 253 |
| | Inroads of the Barbarians | 254 |
| | Origin and Confederacy of the Franks | 254 |
| | They invade Gaul | 255 |
| | Ravage Spain | 256 |
| | Pass over into Africa | 256 |
| | Origin and Renown of the Suevi | 257 |
| | A mixed body of Suevi assume the name of Alemanni | 257 |
| | Invade Gaul and Italy | 258 |
| | Are repulsed from Rome by the Senate and People | 258 |
| | The Senators excluded by Gallienus from the Military Service | 258 |
| | Gallienus contracts an Alliance with the Alemanni | 259 |
| | Inroads of the Goths | 259 |
| | Conquest of the Bosphorus by the Goths | 260 |
| | The Goths acquire a Naval Force | 261 |
| | First Naval Expedition of the Goths | 262 |
| | The Goths besiege and take Trebizond | 262 |
| | The Second Expedition of the Goths | 263 |
| | They plunder the Cities of Bithynia | 263 |
| | Retreat of the Goths | 265 |
| | Third Naval Expedition of the Goths | 265 |
| | They pass the Bosphorus and the Hellespont | 265 |
| | Ravage Greece, and threaten Italy | 266 |
| | Their Divisions and Retreat | 266 |
| | Ruin of the Temple of Ephesus | 267 |
| | Conduct of the Goths at Athens | 268 |
| | Conquest of Armenia by the Persians | 268 |
| | Valerian marches into the East | 269 |
| 260 | Is defeated and taken prisoner by Sapor, King of Persia | 269 |
| | Sapor overruns Syria, Cilicia, and Cappadocia | 270 |
| | Boldness and Success of Odenathus against Sapor | 272 |
| | Treatment of Valerian | 272 |
| | Character and Administration of Gallienus | 273 |
| | The Thirty Tyrants | 274 |
| | Their real Number not more than nineteen | 275 |
| | Character and Merit of the Tyrants | 275 |
| | Their obscure Birth | 276 |
| | The Causes of their Rebellion | 276 |
| | Their violent Deaths | 277 |
| | Fatal Consequences of these Usurpations | 277 |
| | Disorders of Sicily | 279 |
| | Tumults of Alexandria | 279 |
| | Rebellion of the Isaurians | 280 |
| | Famine and Pestilence | 281 |
| | Diminution of the Human Species | 281 |
CHAPTER XI
Reign of Claudius—Defeat of the Goths—Victories, Triumph and Death of Aurelian
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| 268 | Aureolus invades Italy, is defeated, and besieged at Milan | 283 |
| | Death of Gallienus | 284 |
| | Character and Elevation of the Emperor Claudius | 285 |
| 268 | Death of Aureolus | 286 |
| | Clemency and Justice of Claudius | 287 |
| | He undertakes the Reformation of the Army | 287 |
| 269 | The Goths invade the Empire | 288 |
| | Distress and Firmness of Claudius | 289 |
| | His Victory over the Goths | 289 |
| 270 | Death of the Emperor, who Recommends Aurelian for his Successor | 290 |
| | The Attempt and Fall of Quintilius | 291 |
| | Origin and Services of Aurelian | 291 |
| | Aurelian's successful Reign | 292 |
| | His Severe Discipline | 292 |
| | He concludes a Treaty with the Goths | 293 |
| | He resigns to them the Province of Dacia | 294 |
| 270 | The Alemannic War | 295 |
| | The Alemanni invade Italy | 297 |
| | They are at last vanquished by Aurelian | 297 |
| 271 | Superstitious Ceremonies | 298 |
| | Fortifications at Rome | 299 |
| 271 | Aurelian suppresses the two Usurpers | 300 |
| | Succession of Usurpers in Gaul | 300 |
| 271 | The Reign and Defeat of Tetricus | 301 |
| 272 | Character of Zenobia | 302 |
| | Her Beauty and Learning | 302 |
| | Her Valour | 303 |
| | She revenges her Husband's Death | 303 |
| | She reigns over the East and Egypt | 304 |
| 272 | The Expedition of Aurelian | 305 |
| | The Emperor defeats the Palmyrenians in the Battles of Antioch and Emesa | 305 |
| | The State of Palmyra | 306 |
| | It is besieged by Aurelian | 307 |
| 273 | Aurelian becomes Master of Zenobia and of the City | 307 |
| | Behaviour of Zenobia | 308 |
| | Rebellion and ruin of Palmyra | 309 |
| | Aurelian suppresses the Rebellion of Firmus in Egypt | 309 |
| 274 | Triumph of Aurelian | 310 |
| | His Treatment of Tetricus and Zenobia | 311 |
| | His Magnificence and Devotion | 312 |
| | He suppresses a Sedition at Rome | 313 |
| | Observations upon it | 313 |
| | Cruelty of Aurelian | 314 |
| 275 | He marches into the East, and is Assassinated | 315 |
CHAPTER XII
Conduct of the Army and Senate after the Death of Aurelian.—Reigns of Tacitus, Probus, Cams and his Sons
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| | Extraordinary Contest between the Army and the Senate for the Choice of an Emperor | 317 |
| 275 | A peaceful Interregnum of Eight Months | 318 |
| | The Consul assembles the Senate | 319 |
| | Character of Tacitus | 319 |
| | He is elected Emperor | 320 |
| | He accepts the Purple | 321 |
| | Authority of the Senate | 321 |
| | Their Joy and Confidence | 322 |
| 276 | Tacitus is acknowleged by the Army | 323 |
| | The Alani invade Asia and are repulsed by Tacitus | 323 |
| 276 | Death of the Emperor Tacitus | 324 |
| | Usurpation and Death of his Brother Florianus | 324 |
| | Their Family Subsists in Obscurity | 325 |
| | Character and Elevation of the Emperor Probus | 326 |
| | His Respectful Conduct towards the Senate | 326 |
| | Victories of Probus over the Barbarians | 328 |
| 277 | He delivers Gaul from the Invasion of the Germans | 329 |
| | He carries his Arms into Germany | 330 |
| | He builds a Wall from the Rhine to the Danube | 331 |
| | Introduction and Settlement of the Barbarians | 332 |
| | Daring Enterprise of the Franks | 333 |
| 279 | Revolt of Saturninus in the East | 334 |
| 280 | —————of Bonosus and Proculus in Gaul | 335 |
| 281 | Triumph of the Emperor Probus | 335 |
| | His Discipline | 336 |
| 282 | His Death | 336 |
| | Election and Character of Carus | 337 |
| | The Sentiments of the Senate and People | 338 |
| | Carus defeats the Sarmatians and marches into the East | 339 |
| 283 | He gives Audience to the Persian Ambassadors | 339 |
| 283 | His victories and extraordinary Death | 340 |
| | He is succeeded by his two Sons, Carinus and Numerian | 341 |
| 284 | Vices of Carinus | 341 |
| | He celebrates the Roman Games | 343 |
| | Spectacles of Rome | 343 |
| | The Amphitheatre | 344 |
| | Return of Numerian with the Army from Persia | 346 |
| | Death of Numerian | 347 |
| 284 | Election of the Emperor Diocletian | 348 |
| 285 | Defeat and Death of Carinus | 349 |
CHAPTER XIII
The Reign of Diocletian and his three Associates, Maximian, Galerius, and Constantius—General Re-establishment of Order and Tranquillity—The Persian War, Victory, and Triumph — The New Form of Administration—Abdication and Retirement of Diocletian and Maximian
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| 285 | Elevation and Character of Diocletian | 350 |
| | His Clemency in Victory | 351 |
| 286 | Association and Character of Maximian | 352 |
| 292 | Association of two Cæsars, Galerius and Constantius | 353 |
| [293] | Departments and Harmony of the four Princes | 354 |
| | Series of Events | 355 |
| 287 | State of the Peasants of Gaul | 335 |
| | Their Rebellion | 356 |
| | And Chastisement | 356 |
| 287 | Revolt of Carausius in Britain | 357 |
| [286] | Importance of Britain | 357 |
| | Power of Carausius | 358 |
| 289 | Acknowledged by the other Emperors | 358 |
| 294 [293] | His Death | 359 |
| 296 | Recovery of Britain by Constantius | 359 |
| | Defence of the Frontiers | 360 |
| | Fortifications | 360 |
| | Dissensions of the Barbarians | 361 |
| | Conduct of the Emperors | 361 |
| | Valour of the Cæsars | 361 |
| | Treatment of the Barbarians | 362 |
| | Wars of Africa and Egypt | 363 |
| 296 | Conduct of Diocletian in Egypt | 363 |
| [295] | He suppresses Books of Alchymy | 365 |
| | Novelty and Progress of that Art | 365 |
| | The Persian War | 366 |
| 282 | Tiridates the Armenian | 366 |
| 286 | His Restoration to the Throne of Armenia | 367 |
| | State of the Country | 367 |
| | Revolt of the People and Nobles | 367 |
| | Story of Mamgo | 368 |
| | The Persians recover Armenia | 368 |
| 296 | War between the Persians and the Romans | 369 |
| | Defeat of Galerius | 369 |
| | His Reception by Diocletian | 370 |
| 297 | Second Campaign of Galerius | 371 |
| | His Victory | 371 |
| | His Behaviour to his Royal Captives | 371 |
| | Negotiation for Peace | 372 |
| | Speech of the Persian Ambassador | 372 |
| | Answer of Galerius | 373 |
| | Moderation of Diocletian | 373 |
| | Conclusion of a Treaty of Peace | 373 |
| | Articles of the Treaty | 374 |
| | The Aboras fixed as the Limits between the Empires | 374 |
| | Cession of five Provinces beyond the Tigris | 375 |
| | Armenia | 375 |
| | Iberia | 376 |
| 303 | Triumph of Diocletian and Maximian | 376 |
| | Long Absence of the Emperors from Rome | 377 |
| | Their Residence at Milan | 378 |
| | —————at Nicomedia | 378 |
| | Debasement of Rome and of the Senate | 379 |
| | New Bodies of Guards, Jovians and Herculians | 379 |
| | Civil Magistracies laid aside | 380 |
| | Imperial Dignity and Titles | 381 |
| | Diocletian assumes the Diadem, and introduces the Persian Ceremonial | 382 |
| | New Form of Administration, two Augusti and two Cæsars | 383 |
| | Increase of Taxes | 384 |
| | Abdication of Diocletian and Maximian | 385 |
| | Resemblance to Charles V. | 385 |
| 304 | Long Illness of Diocletian | 386 |
| | His Prudence | 386 |
| | Compliance of Maximian | 387 |
| | Retirement of Diocletian at Salona | 387 |
| | His Philosophy | 388 |
| 313 | His Death | 389 |
| | Description of Salona and the adjacent Country | 389 |
| | Of Diocletian's Palace | 390 |
| | Decline of the Arts | 391 |
| | —————of Letters | 391 |
| | The new Platonists | 392 |
CHAPTER XIV
Troubles after the abdication of Diocletian—Death of Constantius—Elevation of Constantine and Maxentius—Six Emperors at the same time—Death of Maximian and Galerius—Victories of Constantine over Maxentius and Licinius—Reunion of the Empire under the Authority of Constantine
| A.D. | | PAGE |
| 305-323 | Period of Civil Wars and Confusion | 394 |
| | Character and Situation of Constantius | 394 |
| | Of Galerius | 395 |
| | The two Cæsars, Severus and Maximin | 395 |
| | Ambition of Galerius disappointed by two Revolutions | 397 |
| 274 | Birth, Education, and Escape of Constantine | 397 |
| 306 | Death of Constantius and Elevation of Constantine | 399 |
| | He is acknowledged by Galerius, who gives him only the Cæsar, and that of Augustus to Severus | 400 |
| | The Brothers and Sisters of Constantine | 400 |
| | Discontent of the Romans at the Apprehension of Taxes | 401 |
| 306 | Maxentius declared Emperor at Rome | 402 |
| | Maximian reassumes the Purple | 403 |
| 397 | Defeat and Death of Severus | 403 |
| | Maximian gives his daughter Fausta, and the Title of Augustus to Constantine | 404 |
| | Galerius invades Italy | 405 |
| | His Retreat | 407 |
| 307 | Elevation of Licinius to the Rank of Augustus | 407 |
| | Elevation of Maximin | 408 |
| 308 | Six Emperors | 408 |
| | Misfortunes of Maximian | 408 |
| 310 | His Death | 410 |
| [311] | Death of Galerius | 410 |
| | His Dominion shared between Maximin and Licinius | 411 |
| 306-312 | Administration of Constantine in Gaul | 412 |
| | Tyranny of Maxentius in Italy and Africa | 412 |
| 312 | Civil War between Constantine and Maxentius | 414 |
| | Preparations | 415 |
| | Constantine passes the Alps | 417 |
| | Battle of Turin | 417 |
| | Siege and Battle of Verona | 418 |
| | Indolence and Fears of Maxentius | 420 |
| 312 | Victory of Constantine near Rome | 421 |
| | His Reception | 423 |
| | His Conduct at Rome | 424 |
| 313 | His Alliance with Licinius | 425 |
| | War between Maximin and Licinius | 425 |
| | The Defeat of Maximin | 426 |
| | His Death | 426 |
| | Cruelty of Licinius | 426 |
| | Unfortunate Fate of the Empress Valeria and her Mother | 427 |
| 314 | Quarrel between Constantine and Licinius | 429 |
| | First Civil War between them | 430 |
| 314 | Battle of Cibalis | 430 |
| | Battle of Mardia | 431 |
| | Treaty of Peace | 432 |
| 315-323 | General Peace and Laws of Constantine | 432 |
| 322 | The Gothic War | 435 |
| 323 | Second Civil War between Constantine and Licinius | 436 |
| | Battle of Hadrianople | 437 |
| | Siege of Byzantium and Naval Victory of Crispus | 438 |
| | Battle of Chrysopolis | 439 |
| | Submission and Death of Licinius | 440 |
| 324 | Reunion of the Empire | 441 |

## Introduction by the Editor

INTRODUCTION
BY THE EDITOR
Gibbon is one of those few writers who hold as high a place in the history of literature as in the roll of great historians. He concerns us here as an historian; our business is to consider how far the view which he has presented of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire can be accepted as faithful to the facts, and in what respects it needs correction in the light of discoveries which have been made since he wrote. But the fact that his work, composed more than a hundred years ago, is still successful with the general circle of educated people, and has not gone the way of Hume and Robertson, whom we laud as "classics" and leave on the cold shelves, is due to the singularly happy union of the historian and the man of letters. Gibbon thus ranks with Thucydides and Tacitus, and is perhaps the clearest example that brilliance of style and accuracy of statement—in Livy's case conspicuously divorced—are perfectly compatible in an historian.
His position among men of letters depends both on the fact that he was an exponent of important ideas and on his style. The appreciation of his style devolves upon the history of literature; but it may be interesting to illustrate how much attention he paid to it, by alterations which he made in his text. The first volume was published, in quarto form, in 1776, and the second quarto edition of this volume, which appeared in 1782, exhibits a considerable number of ​variants.Changes in the second edition of the first volume Having carefully collated the two editions through-out the first fourteen chapters, I have observed that, in most cases, the changes were made for the sake not of correcting mis-statements of fact, but of improving the turn of a sentence, rearranging the dactyls and cretics, or securing greater accuracy of expression. Some instances may be interesting.
Instances
| | First edition. | Second edition. |
| P.2. | Instead of exposing his person and his legions to the arrows of the Parthians, he satisfied himself with the restitution of the standards and prisoners which were taken in the defeat of Crassus. | Instead of exposing his person and his legions to the arrows of the Parthians he obtained, by an honourable treaty, the restitution of the standards and prisoners which had been taken in the defeat of Crassus. |
| P.10. | The peasant or mechanic, imbibed the useful prejudice… that, although the prowess of a private soldier, might escape the notice of fame, it would be in his power to confer glory or disgrace on the company, the legion, or even the army, to whose honours he was associated. | The peasant, or mechanic imbibed the useful prejudice… that although the prowess of a private soldier must often escape the notice of fame, his own behaviour might sometimes confer glory or disgrace on the company, the legion, or even the army, to whose honours he was associated. |
| P.52. | The olive, in the western world, was the companion as well as the symbol of peace. | The olive, in the western world, followed the progress of peace of which it was considered as the symbol. |
| P.59. | The general definition of a monarchy seems to be that of a state, &c. | The obvious definition of a monarchy seems to be that of a state, &c. |
| P.62. | On the most important occasions, peace and war were seriously debated in the senate. | The most important resolutions of peace and war were seriously debated in the senate. |
| P.87. | The present greatness of the Roman state, the corruption of manners, and the licence of the soldiers, added new weight to the advocates of monarchy. | The present greatness of the Roman state, the corruption of manners, and the licence of the soldiers supplied new arguments to the advocates of monarchy. |
| P.70. | However the latter [i.e. the name Cæsar], was diffused by adoption and female alliance, Nero was the last prince who could claim so noble an extraction. | However the latter was diffused by adoption and female alliance, Nero was the last prince who could allege any hereditary claim to the honours of the Julian line. |
| P.73. | Which… had just finished the conquest of Judaea. | Which… had recently achieved the conquest of Judaea. |
| P.106. | To ascend a throne streaming with the blood of so near a relation. | To ascend a throne polluted with the recent blood of so near a relation. |
| P.110. | Severus, who had sufficient greatness of mind to adopt several useful institutions from a vanquished enemy. | Severus, who afterwards displayed the greatness of his mind by adopting several useful institutions from a vanquished enemy. |
These are a few specimens of the numerous cases in which alterations have been made for the purpose of improving the language. Sometimes, in the new edition, statements are couched in a less positive form. For example:—
| P 9. | The legions themselves consisted of Roman citizens. | The legions themselves were supposed to consist of Roman citizens. |
| P.77. | And he even condescended to give lessons of philosophy in a more public manner than suited the modesty of a sage or the dignity of an emperor. | And he even condescended to give lessons of philosophy in a more public manner than was perhaps consistent with the modesty of a sage or the dignity of an emperor. |
| | First edition. | Second edition. |
| P.24. | A sandy desert skirted along the doubtful confine of Syria, from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. | A sandy desert, alike destitute of wood and water, skirts along the doubtful confine of Syria, from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. |
| P.48. | The spirit of improvement had passed the Alps and been felt even in the woods of Britain. | The spirit of improvement had passed the Alps and been felt even in the woods of Britain, which were gradually cleared away to open a free space for convenient and elegant habitations. |
| P.57. | The sciences of physic and astronomy were cultivated with some degree of reputation; but if we except the inimitable Lucian, an age of indolence passed away without producing a single writer of genius, who deserved the attention of posterity. | The sciences of physic and astronomy were successfully cultivated by the Greeks; the observations of Ptolemy and the writings of Galen are studied by those who have improved their discoveries and corrected their errors; but if we except the inimitable Lucian, this age of indolence passed away without having produced a single writer of original genius, or who excelled in the arts of elegant composition. |
Gibbon's autograph annotations to the first chapter of his workIt may be noticed in this connexion that at a later period Gibbon set to work to revise the second edition, but did not get further than p. 32 of the first volume. His own copy with autograph marginal notes was exhibited last year, on the occasion of the Gibbon Centenary, by the ​Royal Historical Society, and is to be seen in the British Museum. The corrections and annotations are as follows:—
"To describe the prosperous condition of their empire." Read times for empire. P. 1—1 of this edition
"And afterwards from the death of Marcus Antoninus." The following note is entered: "Should I not have given the history of that fortunate period which was interposed between two iron ages? Should I not have deduced the decline of the Empire from the Civil Wars that ensued after the Fall of Nero, or even from the tyranny which succeeded the reign of Augustus? Alas! I should: but of what avail is this tardy knowledge? Where error is irreparable, repentance is useless."
"To deduce the most important circumstances of itsP. 2—1 decline and fall: a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is still felt by the nations of the earth." These words are erased and the following are substituted: "To prosecute the decline and fall of the empire of Rome: of whose language, religion and laws the impression will be long preserved in our own and the neighbouring countries of Europe". To which an observation is appended: "N.B. Mr. Hume told me that, in correcting his history, he always laboured to reduce superlatives, and soften positives. Have Asia and Africa, from Japan to Morocco, any feeling or memory of the Roman Empire?"
On the words "rapid succession of triumphs," note: "Excursion I. on the succession of Roman triumphs".
On "bulwarks and boundaries," note: "Incertum metûP. 3—3 an per invidiam (Tacit. Annal. i. 11). Why must rational advice be imputed to a base or foolish motive? To what cause, error, malevolence, or flattery shall I ascribe the unworthy alternative? Was the historian dazzled by Trajan's conquests?"
"On the immortality and transmigration of soul" (compareP. 6—5 ​footnote). Note: "Julian assigns this Theological cause, of whose power he himself might be conscious (Cæsares, p. 327). Yet I am not assured that the religion of Zamolxis subsisted in the time of Trajan; or that his Dacians were the same people with the Getae of Herodotus. The transmigration of the soul has been believed by many nations, warlike as the Celts, or pusillanimous like the Hindoos. When speculative opinion is kindled into practical enthusiasm, its operation will be determined by the praevious character of the man or the nation."
P. 7—6 "On their destroyers than on their benefactors." Note: "The first place in the temple of fame is due and is assigned to the successful heroes who had struggled with adversity; who, after signalizing their valour in the deliverance of their country, have displayed their wisdom and virtue in foundation or government of a flourishing state. Such men as Moses, Cyrus, Alfred, Gustavus Vasa, Henry IV. of France, &c."
"The thirst of military glory will ever be the vice of the most exalted [characters . . . but he] lamented with a sigh that his advanced age, &c." All included within the brackets is erased, and the following substituted: "the most exalted minds. Late generations and far distant climates may impute their calamities to the immortal author of the Iliad. The spirit of Alexander was inflamed by the praises of Achilles: and succeeding Heroes have been ambitious to tread in the footsteps of Alexander. Like him the Emperor Trajan aspired to the conquest of the East; but the Roman lamented with a sigh," &c.
P. 11—9 "A just preference was given to the climates of the north over those of the south." Note: "The distinction of North and South is real and intelligible; and our pursuit is terminated on either side by the poles of the Earth. But the difference of East and West is arbitrary and shifts round the globe. As the men of the North, not of the West, the ​legions of Gaul and Germany were superior to the South-Eastern natives of Asia and Egypt. It is the triumph of cold over heat; which may, however, and has been surmounted by moral causes."
P. 15-12 "A correspondent number of tribunes and centurions." Note: "The composition of the Roman officers was very faulty. 1. It was late before a Tribune was fixed to each cohort. Six tribunes were chosen for the entire legion which two of them commanded by turns (Polyt. I. vi. p. 526, edit. Schweighaeuser), for the space of two months. 2. One long subordination from the Colonel to the Corporal was unknown. I cannot discover any intermediate ranks between the Tribune and the Centurion, the Centurion and the manipularis or private leginary [sic]. 3. As the tribunes were often without experience, the centurions were often without education, mere soldiers of fortune who had risen from the ranks (eo immitior quia toleraverat, Tacit. Annal. i. 20). A body equal to eight or nine of our batallions might be commanded by half a dozen young gentlemen and fifty or sixty old sergeants. Like the legions, our great ships of war may seem ill provided with officers: but in both cases the deficiency is corrected by strong principles of discipline and rigour."
P. 17. footnote 53-14. footnote 55 "As in the instance of Horace and Agricola." These words are erased. Note: "quod mihi pareret legio Romana Tribuno (Horat. Serm. I. i. vi. 45), a worthy commander of three and twenty from the school of Athens! Augustus was indulgent to Roman birth, liberis Senatorum . . . militiam. auspicantes non tribunatum modo legionum sed et praefecturas alarum dedit (Sueton. c. 38)."
P. 32, footnote 86-26, footnote 94 "A league and a half above the surface of the sea." Note: "More correctly, according to Mr. Bouguer, 2500 toises (Buffon, Supplement, tom. v. p. 304). The height of Mont Blanc is now fixed to 2416 toises (Saussure, Voyage dans les Alpes, tom. i. p. 495): but the lowest ground from whence ​it can be seen is itself greatly elevated above the level of the sea. He who sails by the isle of Teneriff, contemplates the entire Pike, from the foot to the summit."
The moral of the Decline and Fall But Gibbon has his place in literature not only as the stylist, who never lays aside his toga when he takes up his pen, but as the expounder of a large and striking idea in a sphere of intense interest to mankind, and as a powerful representative of certain tendencies of his age. The guiding idea or "moral" of his history is briefly stated in his epigram: "I have described the triumph of barbarism and religion". In other words, the historical development of human societies, since the second century after Christ, was a retrogression (according to ordinary views of "progress"), for which Christianity was mainly to blame. This conclusion of Gibbon tended in the same direction as the theories of Rousseau; only, while Rousseau dated the decline from the day when men left Arcadia, Gibbon's era was the death of Marcus Aurelius.
Its contribution to the Philosophy of History We are thus taken into a region of speculation where every traveller must make his own chart. But to attempt to deny a general truth in Gibbon's point of view is vain; and it is feeble to deprecate his sneer. We may spare more sympathy than he for the warriors and the churchmen; but all that has since been added to his knowledge of facts has neither reversed nor blunted the point of the "Decline and Fall". Optimism of temperament may shut the eyes; faith, wedded to some "one increasing purpose" which it shrinks from grasping, may divert from the path of facts. But for an inquirer not blinded by religious prepossessions, or misled by comfortable sophistries, Gibbon really expounded one of the chief data with which the philosophy of history has to reckon. How are we to define progress? how recognize retrogression? What is the end in relation to which such words have their meaning, and is ​there a law which will explain "the triumph of barbarism and religion" as a necessary moment in a reasonable process towards that end, whatever it may be? Answers have been given since Gibbon's day, engaging to the intellect, but always making some demand on the faith—answers for which he would have the same smile as for Leo's Dogmatic Epistle. There is certainly some reason for thinking these questions insoluble. We may say at least that the meaning of the philosophy of history is misapprehended until it is recognized that its function is not to solve problems but to transform them.
Gibbon's treatment of Christianity But, though the moral of Gibbon's work has not lost its meaning yet, it is otherwise with the particular treatment of Christian theology and Christian institutions. Our point of view has altered, and, if Gibbon were writing now, the tone of his "candid and rational inquiry" would certainly be different. His manner would not be that of sometimes open, sometimes transparently veiled, dislike; he would rather assume an attitude of detachment. He would be affected by that merely historical point of view, which is a note of the present century and its larger tolerances; and more than half disarmed by that wide diffusion of unobtrusive scepticism among educated people, which seems to render offensive warfare superfluous. The man of letters admires the fine edge of subtle sarcasm, wielded by Gibbon with such skill and effect; while the historian is interested in an historical standpoint of the last century. Neither the historian nor the man of letters will any longer subscribe, without a thousand reserves, to the theological chapters of the "Decline and Fall," and no discreet inquirer would go there for his ecclesiastical history. Yet we need not hide the fact that Gibbon's success has in a large measure been due to his scorn for the Church; which, most emphatically expressed in the theological chapters, has, as one might say, spiced his book. The attack of a man, ​equipped with erudition, and of perfectly sober judgment, on cherished beliefs and revered institutions, must always excite the interest, by irritating the passions, of men. Gibbon's classical moderation of judgment, his temperate mood, was responsible, as well as foreign education and the influence to be partly explained by his temperament of French thought, for his attitude to Christianity and to Mahometanism. He hated excess, and the immoderation of the multitude. He could suffer the tolerant piety of a learned abbé or "the fat slumbers of the Church"; but with the religious faith of a fanatical populace or the ardour of its demagogues his reason was unable to sympathize. In the spirit of Cicero or Tacitus he despised the superstitions of the vulgar, and regarded the unmeasured enthusiasm of the early Christians as many sober Churchmen regard the fanaticism of Islam. He dealt out the same measure to the opposite enthusiasm of Julian the Apostate. His work was all the more effective, because he was never dogmatic His reasonable scepticism himself. His irony should not be construed as insincerity, but rather as showing that he was profoundly—one might say, constitutionally—convinced of the truth of that sceptical conclusion which has been, in a different spirit, formulated precisely by the Bishop of Oxford; "there is no room for sweeping denunciations or trenchant criticisms in the dealings of a world whose falsehoods and veracities are separated by so very thin a barrier".
Thus Gibbon's attitude to religion, while it was conditioned by the intellectual atmosphere of Europe in that age, was also the expression of the man. When Dean Milman spoke Milman's libel of his "bold and disingenuous attack on Christianity," he made one of those futile charges which it would be impossible to prove and impossible to disprove; such ​imputations as are characteristic of theologians in the heat of controversy and may be condoned to politicians in the heat of electioneering, but in an historical critic are merely an impertinence.
Ulterior purposes and "party spirit" in the writing of history It has sometimes been remarked that those histories are most readable which are written to prove a thesis. The indictment of the Empire by Tacitus, the defence of Cassarianism oratory by Mommsen, Grote's vindication of democracy, Droysen's advocacy of monarchy, might be cited as examples. All these writers intended to present the facts as they took place, but all wrote with prepossessions and opinions, in the light of Arnold's view which they interpreted the events of history. Arnold deliberately advocated such partiality on the ground that "the past is reflected to us by the present and the partyman feels the present most". Another Oxford Regius Professor remarked that "without some infusion of spite it seems as if history could not be written". On the other side stands the formula Ranke's view of Ranke as to the true task of the historian: "Ich will bloss sagen wie es eigentlich gewesen ist". The Greek History of Bishop Thirlwall, the English Constitutional History of Bishop Stubbs himself, were written in this spirit. But the most striking instances perhaps, because they tread with such light feet on the treacherous ashes of more recent history, are Ranke and Bishop Creighton. Thucydides is the most Gibbon's prepossessions ancient example of this historical reserve. It cannot be said that Gibbon sat down to write with any ulterior purpose, but, as we have seen, he allowed his temperament to colour his history, and used it to prove a congenial thesis. But, while he put things in the light demanded by this thesis, he related his facts accurately. If we take into account the vast and accuracy range of his work, his accuracy is amazing. He laboured under some disadvantages, which are set forth in his own Memoirs. He had not enjoyed that school and university training in the languages and literatures of Greece and ​Rome which is probably the best preparation for historical Imperfect knowledge of Greek research. His knowledge of Greek was imperfect; he was very far from having the "scrupulous ear of the well-flogged critic". He has committed errors of translation, and was capable of writing "Gregory of Nazianzen". But such slips are singularly few. Nor is he accustomed to take lightly quotations at second hand; like that famous passage of Eligius of Noyon—held up by Arnold as a warning—which Robertson and Hallam successively copied from Mosheim, where it had appeared in a garbled form, to prove exactly the opposite of its true meaning.
An emendation in Gibbon's text From one curious inaccuracy, which neither critics nor editors seem to have observed, he must I think be acquitted. In his account of the disturbances in Africa and Egypt in the reign of Diocletian, we meet the following passage (chap, xiii., p. 363):—
   "Julian had assumed the purple at Carthage. Achilleus at Alexandria, and even the Blemmyes, renewed, or rather continued their incursions into the Upper Egypt."
Achilleus arose at this time (295-6 a.d.) as a tyrant at Alexandria; but that he made either at this date or at any previous date an incursion into the Upper Egypt, there is not a trace of evidence in our authorities. I am convinced however that this error was not originally due to the author, but merely a treacherous misprint, which was overlooked by him in correcting the proof sheets, and has also escaped the notice of his editors. By a slight change in punctuation we obtain a perfectly correct statement of the situation:—
   "Julian had assumed the purple at Carthage, Achilleus at Alexandria; and even the Blemmyes renewed, or rather continued, their incursions into the Upper Egypt".
Gibbon's debt to Tillemont Gibbon's diligent accuracy in the use of his materials cannot be over-praised, and it will not be diminished by giving the due credit to his French predecessor Tillemont. The Histoire des Empereurs and the Mémoires ecclésiastiques, laborious and exhaustive collections of material, were addressed to the special student and not to the general reader, but scholars may still consult them with profit. It is interesting to find Mommsen in his later years retracting one of his earlier judgments and reverting to a conclusion of Tillemont. In his recent edition of the Laterculus of Polemius Silvius, he writes thus:—
It is one of Gibbon's merits that he made full use of Tillemont, "whose inimitable accuracy almost assumes the character of genius," as far as Tillemont guided him, up to the reign of Anastasius I.; and it is only just to the mighty work of the Frenchman to impute to him a large share in the accuracy which the Englishman achieved. From the historical, though not from the literary, point of ​view, Gibbon, deserted by Tillemont, distinctly declines, though he is well sustained through the wars of Justinian by the clear narrative of Procopius.
His necessary limitations Recognizing that Gibbon was accurate, we do not acknowledge by implication that he was always right; for accuracy is relative to opportunities. The discovery of new materials, the researches of numerous scholars, in the course of a hundred years, have not only added to our knowledge of facts, but have modified and upset conclusions which Gibbon with his materials was justified in drawing. Compare a chapter or two of Mr. Hodgkin's Italy and her Invaders with the corresponding episode in Gibbon, and many minor points will appear in which correction has been needful. If Gibbon were alive and writing now, his history would be very different. Affected by the intellectual experiences of the past century he could not adopt quite the same historical attitude; and we should consequently lose the colouring of his brilliant attack on Christianity. Again, he would have found it an absolute necessity to learn what he insolently called that "barbarous idiom," the German language; and this might have affected his style as it would certainly have affected his matter. We dare not deplore Gibbon's limitations, for they were the conditions of his great achievement.
His grasp of the unity of history Not the least important aspect of the Decline and Fall is its lesson in the unity of history, the favourite theme of Mr. Freeman. The title displays the cardinal fact that the Empire founded by Augustus fell in 1461; that all the changes which transformed the Europe of Marcus Aurelius into the Europe of Erasmus had not abolished the name and memory of the Empire. And whatever names of contempt—in harmony with his thesis—Gibbon might apply to the institution in the period of its later decline, such as the "Lower Empire," or "Greek Empire," his title rectified any false impressions that such language might ​cause. On the continuity of the Roman Empire depended the unity of his work. By the emphasis laid on this fact he did the same kind of service to the study of history in England, that Mr. Bryce has done in his Holy Roman Empire by tracing the thread which connects the Europe of Francis the Second with the Europe of Charles the Great.
Gibbon read widely, and had a large general knowledge of history, which supplied him with many happy illustrations. It is worth pointing out that the gap in his knowledge of ancient history was the period of the Diadochi and Epigoni. If he had been familiar with that period, he would not have said that Diocletian was the first to give to the world the example of a resignation of sovereignty. He would have referred to the conspicuous case of Ptolemy Soter; Mr. Freeman would have added Lydiadas, the tyrant of Megalopolis. Of the earlier example of Asarhaddon Gibbon could not have known.
New method of research To pass from scope and spirit to method, Gibbon's historical sense kept him constantly right in dealing with his sources, but he can hardly be said to have treated them methodically. The growth of German erudition is one of the leading features of the intellectual history of the nineteenth century; and one of its most important contributions to historical method lies in the investigation of sources. German "Quellenkritik" scholars have indeed pressed this "Quellenkunde" further than it can safely be pressed. A philologist, writing his doctoral dissertation, will bring plausible reasons to prove where exactly Diodorus ceased to "write out" Ephorus, whose work we do not possess, and began to write out somebody else, whose work is also lost to us. But, though the method lends itself to the multiplication of vain subtleties, it is absolutely indispensable for scientific historiography. It is in fact part of the science of evidence. The distinction of primary and derivative authorities might be used as a test. ​The untrained historian fails to recognize that nothing is added to the value of a statement of Widukind by its repetition by Thietmar or Ekkehard, and that a record in the Continuation of Theophanes gains no further credibility from the fact that it likewise occurs in Cedrenus, Zonaras or Glycas.
While evidence is more systematically arranged, greater care is bestowed on sifting and probing what our authorities say, and in distinguishing contemporary from later witnesses. Not a few important results have been derived from such methods; they enable us to trace the growth of stories. The evidence against Faustina shrinks into nothing; the existence of Pope Joan is exploded. It is irrelevant to condemn a statement of Zonaras as made by a "modern Greek". The question is, where did he get it?
The difficult questions connected with the authorship and compilation of the Historia Augusta have produced a chestful of German pamphlets, but they did not trouble Gibbon. The relationships of the later Greek chronicles and histories are more difficult and intricate even than the questions raised by the Historia Augusta, but he did not even formulate a prudent interrogation. Ferdinand Hirsch, twenty years ago, cleared new roads through this forest, in which George the Monk and the Logothete who continued him, Leo Grammaticus and Simeon Magister, John Scylitzes, George Cedrenus and Zonaras lived in promiscuous obscurity. Büttner-Wobst on one side, C. de Boor on the other, have been working effectually on the same lines, clearing up the haze which surrounds George the Monk—the time has gone by for calling him George Hamartolus. Another formidable problem, that of John Malalas—with his namesake John of ​Antioch, so hard to catch, — having been grappled with by Jeep, Sotiriadês and others, is now being more effectively treated by Patzig.
Example of use of untrustworthy sources Criticism, too, has reiected some sources from which Gibbon drew without suspicion. In the interest of literature we may perhaps be glad that like Ockley he used with confidence the now discredited Al Wakidi. Before such maintained perfection of manner, to choose is hard; but the chapters on the origin of Mahometanism and its first triumphs against the Empire would alone be enough to win perpetual literary fame. Without Al Wakidi's romance they would not have been written; and the historian, compelled to regard Gibbon's description as he would a Life of Charles the Great based on the monk of St. Gall, must refer the inquirer after facts to Sprenger's Life of Mahomet and Weil's History of the Caliphs.
Error of blending sources of different periods In connexion with the use of materials, reference may be made to a mode of proceeding which Gibbon has sometimes adopted and which modern method condemns. It is not legitimate to blend the evidence of two different periods in order to paint a complete picture of an institution. Great caution, for example, is needed in using the Greek epics, of which the earliest and latest parts differ by a long interval, for the purpose of pourtraying a so-called Homeric or heroic age. A notice of Fredegarius will not be necessarily applicable to the age of the sons and grandsons of Chlodwig, and a custom which was familiar to Gregory or Venantius ​may have become obsolete before the days of the last Merwings. It is instructive to compare Gibbon's description of the social and political institutions of our Teutonic forefathers with that of Bishop Stubbs. Gibbon blends together with dexterity the evidence of Cæsar and Tacitus, between whom a century had elapsed, and composes a single picture; whereas Bishop Stubbs keeps the statements of the two Romans carefully apart, and by comparing them is able to show that in certain respects the Germans had developed in the interval. Gibbon's account of the military establishment of the Empire, in the first chapter of his work, is open to a like objection. He has blended, without due criticism, the evidence of Vegetius with that of earlier writers.
Progress of textual criticism In the study of sources, then, our advance has been great, while the labours of an historian have become more arduous. It leads us to another advance of the highest importance. To use historical documents with confidence, an assurance that the words of the writer have been correctly transmitted is manifestly indispensable. It generally happens that our texts have come down in several MSS., of different ages, and there are often various discrepancies. We have then to determine the relations of the MSS. to each other and their comparative values. To the pure philologist this is part of the alphabet of his profession; but the pure historian takes time to realize it, and it was not realized in the age of Gibbon as it is to-day. Nothing forces upon the historian the necessity of having a sound text so impressively as the process of comparing different documents in order to determine whether one was dependent on another,—the process of investigating sources. ​In this respect we have now to be thankful for many blessings denied to Gibbon and—so recent is our progress—denied to Improved Latin texts Milman and Finlay. We have Mommsen's editions of Jordanes and the Variae of Cassiodorius, his Chronica Minora (still incomplete), including, for instance, Idatius, the Prospers, Count Marcellinus; we have Peter's Historia Augusta, Gardthausen's Ammianus, Luetjohann's Sidonius Apollinaris; Du Chesne's Liber Pontificalis; and a large number of critical texts of ecclesiastical writers might be mentioned. Defective The Greek historians have been less fortunate. The Bonn edition of the "Byzantine Writers," issued under the auspices of Niebuhr and Bekker in the early part of this century, was the most lamentably feeble production ever given to the world by German scholars of great reputation. It marked no advance on the older folio edition, except that it was cheaper, and that one or two new documents were included. But there is now a reasonable prospect that we shall by degrees have a complete series and improved Greek texts of trustworthy texts. De Boor showed the way by his splendid edition of Theophanes and his smaller texts of Theophylactus Simocatta and the Patriarch Nicephorus. Mendelssohn's Zosimus, and Reifferscheid's Anna Comnena stand beside them. Haury promises a Procopius, and we are expecting from Seger a long desired John Scylitzes, the greater part of whose text, though existing in a MS. at Paris, has never been printed and can only be inferred by a comparison of the Latin translation of Gabius with the chronicle of Cedrenus who copied him with faithful servility.
The legendary Lives of the Saints The legends of the Saints, though properly outside the domain of the historian proper, often supply him with valuable help. For "Culturgeschichte" they are a direct source. Finlay observed that the Acta Sanctorum contain an ​unexplored mine for the social life of the Eastern Empire. But before they can be confidently dealt with, trained criticism must do its will on the texts; the relations between the various versions of each legend must be defined and the tradition in each case made clear. The task is huge; the libraries of Europe and Hither Asia are full of these holy tales. But Usener has made a good beginning and Krumbacher has rendered the immense service of pointing out precisely what the problems are.
New Material. Examples: (1) Numismatics Besides improved methods of dealing with the old material, much new material of various kinds has been discovered, since the work of Gibbon. To take one department, our coins have increased in number. It seems a pity that he who worked at his Spanheim with such diligence was not able to make use of Eckhel's great work on Imperial coinage which began to appear in 1792 and was completed in 1798. Since then we have had Cohen, and the special Seals works of Saulcy and Sabatier. M. Schlumberger's splendid study of Byzantine sigillography must be mentioned in the same connexion.
(2) Constitutional history The constitution and history of the Principate, and the provincial government of the early Emperors, have been ​placed on an entirely new basis by Mommsen and his school. The Römisches Staatsrecht is a fabric for whose rearing was needed not only improved scholarship but an extensive Epigraphy collection of epigraphic material. The Corpus of Latin Inscriptions is the keystone of the work.
Hence Gibbon's first chapters are somewhat "out of date". But on the other hand his admirable description of the change from the Principate to absolute Monarchy, and the system of Diocletian and Constantine, is still most valuable. Here inscriptions are less illustrative, and he disposed of much the same material as we, especially the Codex Theodosianus. New light is badly wanted, and has not been to any extent forthcoming, on the respective contributions of Diocletian and Constantine to the organization of the new monarchy. Verona List of Provinces As to the arrangement of the provinces we have indeed a precious document in the Verona List (published by Mommsen), which, dating from 297 a.d., shows Diocletian's reorganization. The modifications which were made between this year and the beginning of the fifth century when the Notitia Dignitatum was drawn up, can be largely determined not only by lists in Rufus and Ammianus, but, as far as the eastern provinces are concerned, by the Laterculus of Polemius Silvius. Thus, partly by critical method applied to Polemius, partly by the discovery of a new document, we are enabled to rectify the list of Gibbon, who adopted the simple plan of ascribing to Diocletian and Constantine the detailed organization of the Notitia. Otherwise our knowledge of the changes of Diocletian has not been greatly augmented; but our clearer conception of the Principate and its steady development towards pure monarchy has reflected ​light on Diocletian's system; and the tendencies of the third century, though still obscure at many points, have been made more distinct. The year of the Gordians is still as great a puzzle as ever; but the dates of Alexandrine coins with the tribunician years give us here, as elsewhere, limits of which Gibbon was ignorant. While speaking of the third century, I may add that Calpurnius Siculus, whom Gibbon claimed as a contemporary of Carinus, has been restored by modern criticism to the reign of Nero, and this error has vitiated some of Gibbon's pages.
The constitutional history of the Empire from Diocletian forward has still to be written systematically. Some noteworthy contributions to this subject have been made by Russian scholars.
(3) Law Gibbon's forty-first chapter is still not only famous, but admired by jurists as a brief and brilliant exposition of the principles of Roman law. To say that it is worthy of the subject is the best tribute that can be paid to it. A series of foreign scholars of acute legal ability has elaborated the study of the science in the present century; I need only refer to such names as Savigny and Jhering. A critical edition of the Corpus juris Romani by Mommsen himself has Gains been one of the chief contributions. The manuscript of Gaius is the new discovery to be recorded; and we can imagine with what interest Gibbon, were he restored to earth, would compare in Gneist's parallel columns the Institutions with the elder treatise.
But whoever takes up Gibbon's theme now will not be content with an exposition of the Justinianean Law. He must go on to its later development in the subsequent Græco-Roman law centuries, in the company of Zachariä von Lingenthal and Heimbach. Such a study has been made possible and comparatively easy by the magnificent works of Zachariä; Ecloga among whose achievements I may single out his restoration of ​the Ecloga, which used to be ascribed to Leo VI., to its true author Leo III.; a discovery which illuminated in a most welcome manner the Isaurian reformation. It is interesting to observe that the last work which engaged him even on his death-bed was an attempt to prove exactly the same thing for the military treatise known as the Tactics of Leo VI. Here too Zachariä thinks that Leo was the Isaurian, while the received view is that he was the "Philosopher".
Having illustrated by examples the advantages open to an historian of the present day, which were not open to Gibbon, for dealing with Gibbon's theme,—improved and refined methods, a closer union of philology with history, and ampler material—we may go on to consider a general defect in his treatment of the Later Empire, and here too exhibit, by a few instances, progress made in particular departments.
Gibbon's treatment of the Later Empire Gibbon ended the first half of his work with the so-called fall of the Western Empire in 476 a.d.—a date which has been fixed out of regard for Italy and Rome, and should strictly be 480 a.d. in consideration of Julius Nepos. Thus the same space is devoted to the first three hundred years which is allowed to the remaining nine hundred and eighty. Nor does the inequality end here. More than a quarter of the second half of the work deals with the first two of these ten centuries. The mere statement of the fact shows that the history of the Empire from Heraclius to the last Grand Comnenus of Trebizond is merely a sketch with certain episodes more fully treated. The personal history and domestic policy of all the Emperors, from the son of Heraclius to Isaac Angelus, are compressed into one chapter. This mode of dealing with the subject is in harmony with the author's contemptuous attitude to the "Byzantine" or "Lower" Empire.
False impression as to uniformity of its history But Gibbon's account of the internal history of the Empire after Heraclius is not only superficial; it gives an ​entirely false impression of the facts. If the materials had been then as well sifted and studied as they are even to-day, he could not have failed to see that beneath the intrigues and crimes of the Palace there were deeper causes at work, and beyond the revolutions of the Capital City wider issues implied. The cause for which the Iconoclasts contended involved far more than an ecclesiastical rule or usage; it meant, and they realized, the regeneration of the Empire. Or, to take another instance: the key to the history of the tenth and eleventh centuries, is the struggle between the Imperial throne and the great landed interest of Asia Minor; the accession of Alexius Commenus marked the final victory of the latter. Nor had Gibbon any conception of the great ability of most of the Emperors from Leo the Isaurian to Basil II., or, we might say, to Constantine the conqueror of Armenia. The designation of the story of the later Empire as a "uniform tale of weakness and misery" is one and as to its weakness of the most untrue, and most effective, judgments ever uttered by a thoughtful historian. Before the outrage of 1204, the Empire was the bulwark of the West.
Reaction Against Gibbon's point of view there has been a gradual reaction which may be said to have culminated within the Finlay's History last ten years. It was begun by Finlay, whose unprosperous speculations in Greece after the Revolution prompted him to seek for the causes of the insecurity of investments in land, and, leading him back to the year 146 b.c., involved him in ​a history of the "Byzantine Empire" which embedded a history of Greece. The great value of Finlay's work lies not only in its impartiality and in his trained discernment of the commercial and financial facts underlying the superficial history of the chronicles, but in its full and trustworthy narration of the events. By the time that Mr. Tozer's edition appeared in 1876, it was being recognized that Gibbon's word on the Other researches later Empire was not the last. Meanwhile Hertzberg was going over the ground in Germany, and Gfrörer, whose ecclesiastical studies had taken him into those regions, had written a good deal of various value. Hirsch's Byzantinische Studien had just appeared, and Rambaud's l'Empire grec au x$^{me}$ siècle. M. Sathas was bringing out his Bibliotheca Græca medii aevi—including two volumes of Psellus—and was beginning his Documents inédits. Professor Lambros was working at his Athens in the Twelfth Century and preparing his editio princeps of the great Archbishop Akominatos. Hopf had collected a mass of new materials from the archives of southern cities. In England, Freeman was pointing out the true position of New Rome and her Emperors in the history of Europe.
These tendencies have increased in volume and velocity within the last twenty years. They may be said to have reached their culminating point in the publication of Professor Krumbacher Krumbacher's History of Byzantine Literature. The importance of this work, of vast scope and extraordinary accuracy, can only be fully understood by the specialist. It has already promoted and facilitated the progress of the study in an incalculable measure; and it was soon followed by the ​inauguration of a journal, entirely devoted to works on "Byzantine" subjects, by the same scholar. The Byzantinische Zeitschrift would have been impossible twenty-five years ago and nothing shows more surely the turn of the tide. Professor Krumbacher's work seems likely to form as important an epoch as that of Ducange.
Russian school of Byzantine students Meanwhile in a part of Europe which deems itself to have received the torch from the Emperors as it has received their torch from the Patriarchs, and which has always had a special regard for the city of Constantine, some excellent work was being done. In Russia, Muralt edited the chronicle of George the monk and his Continuers, and compiled Byzantine Fasti. The Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction is the storehouse of a long series of most valuable articles dealing, from various sides, with the history of the later Empire, by those indefatigable workers Uspenski and Vasilievski. At length, in 1894, Krumbacher's lead has been followed, and the Vizantiski Vremennik, a Russian counterpart of the Byzantinische Zeitschrift, has been started under the joint editorship of Vasilievski and Regel, and is clearly destined, with the help of Veselovski, Kondakov, Bieliaiev and the rest of a goodly fellowship, to make its mark.
Progress of research since Gibbon Examples: After this general sketch of the new prospects of later Imperial history, it will be useful to show by some examples what sort of progress is being made, and what kind of work has to be done. I will first take some special points of interest connected with Justinian. My second example shall be the topography of Constantinople; and my third the large field of literature composed in colloquial Greek. Lastly, the capital defect of the second half of Gibbon's work, his inadequate treatment, or rather his neglect, of the Slavs, will serve to illustrate our historical progress.
​(1) Justinian. (a) Procopius and the Secret History New light has been cast, from more than one side, on the reign of Justinian where there are so many uncertain and interesting places. The first step that methodical history had to take was a thoroughgoing criticism of Procopius, and this was more than half done by Dahn in his elaborate monograph. The double problem of the "Secret History" has stimulated the curiosity of the historian and the critic. Was Procopius the author? and in any case, are the statements credible? Gibbon has inserted in his notes the worst bits of the scandals which far outdid the convivium quinquaginta meretricum described by Burchard, or the feast of Sophonius Tigellinus; and he did not hesitate to believe them. Their credibility is now generally questioned, but the historian of Cæsarea is a much more interesting figure if it can be shown that he was the author. From a careful comparison of the Secret History with the works of Procopian authorship, in point of style, Dahn concluded that Procopius wrote it. Ranke argued against this view and maintained that it was the work of a malcontent who had obtained possession of a private diary of Procopius, on which framework he constructed the scandalous chronicle, imitating successfully the Procopian style.
The discovery of Haury The question has been placed on a new footing by Haury; and it is very interesting to find that the solution depends on the right determination of certain dates. The result is briefly as follows:—
Procopius was a malcontent who hated Justinian and all his works. He set himself the task of writing a history of his time, which, as the secretary of Belisarius, he had good opportunities of observing. He composed a narrative of the military events, in which he abstained from committing ​himself, so that it could be safely published in his own lifetime. Even here his critical attitude to the government is sometimes clear. He allows it to be read between the lines that he regarded the reconquest of Africa and Italy as calamities for those countries; which thus came under an oppressor, to be stripped by his governors and tax gatherers. But the domestic administration was more dangerous ground, on which Procopius could not tread without raising a voice of bitter indignation and hatred. So he dealt with this in a book which was to be kept secret during his own life and bequeathed to friends who might be trusted to give it to the world at a suitable time. The greater part of the Military History, which treated in seven Books the Persian, Vandalic, and Gothic wars, was finished in 545 a.d., and perhaps read to a select circle of friends; at a later time some additions were made, but no changes in what had been already written. The Secret History, as Haury has proved from internal evidence, was written in 550. About three years later the Military History received an eighth Book, bringing the story down to the end of the Gothic war. Then the work came under the notice of Justinian, who saw that a great historian had arisen; and Procopius, who had certainly not described the wars for the purpose of pleasing the Emperor, but had sailed as close to the wind as he dared, was called upon to undertake the disagreeable task of lauding the oppressor. An Imperial command was clearly the origin of the De Aedificiis (560 a.d.), in which the reluctant writer adopted the plan of making adulation so fulsome, that, except to Justinian's vanity, he might appear to be laughing in his ​sleeve. At the very beginning of the treatise he has a sly allusion to the explosives which were lying in his desk, unknown to the Imperial spies.
Such is the outline of the literary motives of Procopius as we must conceive them, now that we have a practical certainty that he, and no other, wrote the Secret History. For Haury's dates enable us, as he points out, to argue as follows: If Procopius did not write the book, it was obviously written by a forger, who wished it to pass as a Procopian work. But in 550 no forger could have had the close acquaintance with the Military History which is exhibited by the author of the Anecdota. And moreover the identity of the introduction of the eighth Book of the Military History with that of the Secret History, which was urged by Ranke as an objection to the genuineness of the latter work, now tells decisively in favour of it. For if Procopius composed it in 553, how could a forger, writing in 550, have anticipated it? And if the forger composed it in 550, how are we to explain its appearances in a later work of Procopius himself? These considerations put it beyond all reasonable doubt that Procopius was the author of the Secret History; for this assumption is the only one which supplies an intelligible explanation of the facts.
(b) Theophilus' Life of Justinian Another puzzle in connexion with Justinian lay in certain biographical details relating to that emperor and his family, which Alemanni, in his commentary on the Secret History, quoted on the authority of a Life of Justinian by a certain Abbot Theophilus, said to have been the Emperor's preceptor. Of these biographical notices, and of Justinian's preceptor Theophilus, we otherwise knew nothing; nor had any one, since Alemanni, seen the Biography. Gibbon and other historians accepted without question the statements quoted by Alemanni; though it would have been wiser to treat them with more reserve, until some data for criticizing them ​were discovered. The puzzle of Alemanni's source, the The discovery of Mr. Bryce Life of Theophilus, was solved by Mr. Bryce, who discovered in the library of the Barbarini palace at Rome the original text from which Alemanni drew his information. It professes to be an extract from a Slavonic work, containing the Life of Justinian up to the thirtieth year of his reign, composed by Bogomil, abbot of the monastery of St. Alexander in Dardania. This extract was translated by Marnavich, Canon of Sebenico (afterwards Bishop of Bosnia, 1631-1639), a friend of Alemanni, and some notes were appended by the same scholar. Bogomil is the Slavonic equivalent of the Greek Theophilus, which was accordingly adopted by Alemanni in his references. Mr. Bryce has shown clearly that this document, interesting as it is in illustrating how Slavonic legends had grown up round the name of Justinian, is worthless as history, and that there is no reason to suppose that such a person as the Dardanian Bogomil ever existed. We are indeed met by a new problem, which, however, is of no serious concern to the practical purposes of history. How did Marnavich obtain a copy of the original Life, from which he made the extract, and which he declares to be preserved in the library of the monks who profess the rule of St. Basil on Mount Athos? Does the original still exist, on Mount Athos or elsewhere? or did it ever exist?
The wars of Justinian in the west have been fully and admirably related by Mr. Hodgkin, with the exception of the obscure conquest of Spain, on which there is too little to be said and nothing further seems likely to come to light. In regard to the ecclesiastical policy of Justinian there is still a field for research. ​(c) Sancto Sophia, and Byzantine art As for the study of the great work of Anthemius, which brings us to the general subject of Byzantine art, much has been done within the last half century. Gibbon had nothing to help him for the buildings of Constantinople that could compare with Adam's splendid work which he consulted for the buildings of Spalato. We have now Salzenberg's luxurious work, Alt-christliche Baudenkmale von Constantinopel, published just fifty years ago by the Prussian government, with plates which enable us to make a full study of the architecture of St. Sophia. A few months ago a complete and scholarly English study of this church by Messrs. Lethaby and Swainson appeared. Other churches, too, especially those at Ravenna, have received careful attention; De Vogue's admirable work on the architecture of Syria is well known; but Strzygovski has only too good reason for complaining that the study of Byzantine architecture, as a whole, has not yet properly begun. A large work on the churches of Greece, which two English scholars are preparing, ought to do much to further the cause which Strzygovski has at heart, and to which he has made valuable contributions himself. More progress is perhaps being made in the study of miniature painting and iconography; and in this field the work of the Russian student Kondakov is the most noteworthy.
(2) The topography of Constantinople The study of works of architecture in ancient cities, like Athens, Rome, or Constantinople, naturally entails a study of the topography of the town; and in the case of Constantinople this study is equally important for the historian. Little progress of a satisfactory kind can be made until either Constantinople passes under a European government, or a complete change comes over the spirit of Turkish administration. The region of the Imperial Palace and the ground ​between the Hippodrome and St. Sophia must be excavated before certainty on the main points can be attained. Labarte's a priori reconstruction of the plan of the palace, on the basis of the Cerimonies of Constantine Porphyrogennetos and scattered notices in other Greek writers, was wonderfully ingenious and a certain part of it is manifestly right, though there is much which is not borne out by a more careful examination of the sources. The next step was taken by a Bieliaiev Russian scholar Bieliaiev who has recently published a most valuable study on the Cerimonies, in which he has tested the reconstruction of Labarte and shown us exactly where we are,—what we know, and what with our present materials we cannot possibly know. Between Labarte and Bieliaiev the whole problem was obscured by the unscholarly work of Paspatês, the Greek antiquarian; whose sole merit was that he kept the subject before the world. As the acropolis is the scene of so many great events in the history which Gibbon recorded, it is well to warn the reader that our sources make it absolutely certain that the Hippodrome adjoined the Palace; there was no public space between them. The Augusteum did not lie, as Paspatês asserted, between the Palace and the Hippodrome, but between the north side of the Hippodrome and St. Sophia.
​The Book of the Prefect On the trades and industries of the Imperial City, on the trade corporations and the minute control exercised over them by the government, new light has been thrown by M. Nicole's discovery and publication of the Prefect's Book, a code of regulations drawn up by Leo VI. The demes of Constantinople are a subject which needs investigation. They are certainly not to be regarded as Gibbon and his successors have regarded them, as mere circus parties. They must represent, as Uspenski points out in the opening number of the new Vizantiski Vremennik, organized divisions of the population.
(3) "Vulgärgriechische Litteratur" A field in which the historian must wander to breathe the spirit and learn the manner of the mediaeval Greek world is that of the romance, both prose and verse, written in the vulgar tongue. This field was closed to Gibbon, but the labours of many scholars, above all Legrand, have rendered it now easily accessible. Out of a large number of interesting things I may refer especially to two. One is the epic of Digenes Akritas Digenes Akritas, the Roland or Cid of the Later Empire, a poem of the tenth century, which illustrates the life of Armatoli and the border warfare against the Saracens in the Cilician mountains. The other is the Book of the Conquest The Chronicle of Morea of the Morea, a mixture of fiction and fact, but invaluable for realizing the fascinating though complicated history of the "Latin" settlements in Greece. That history was set History of Greece after the Latin Conquest aside by Gibbon, with the phrase, "I shall not pursue the obscure and various dynasties that rose and fell on the continent or in the isles," though he deigns to give a page or two to Athens. But it is a subject with unusual possibilities ​for picturesque treatment, and out of which, Gibbon, if he had apprehended the opportunity, and had possessed the materials, would have made a brilliant chapter. Since Finlay, who entered into this episode of Greek history with great fulness, the material has been largely increased by the researches of Hopf.
(4) The Slavs and their relations with the Later Empire As I have already observed, it is perhaps on the Slavonic side of the history of the Empire that Gibbon is most conspicuously inadequate. Since he wrote, various causes have combined to increase our knowledge of Slavonic antiquity. The Slavs themselves have engaged in methodical investigation of their own past; and, since the entire or partial emancipations of the southern Slavs from Asiatic rule, a general interest in Slavonic things has grown up throughout Europe. Gibbon dismissed the history of the First Bulgarian Kingdom, from its foundation in the reign of Constantine Pogonatus to its overthrow by the second Basil, in two pages. To-day the author of a history of the Empire on the same scale would find two hundred a strict limit. Gibbon tells us nothing of the Slavonic missionaries, Cyril and Methodius, round whose names an extensive literature has been formed. It is only in recent years that the geography of the Illyrian peninsula has become an accessible subject of study.
Useful controversies: The investigation of the history of the northern peoples who came under the influence of the Empire has been stimulated by controversy, and controversy has been animated (1) Slavs in Greece and even embittered by national pride. The question of Slavonic settlements in Greece has been thoroughly ventilated, ​because Fallmerayer excited the scholarship of Hellenes and Philhellenes to refute what they regarded as an insulting paradox. So, too, the pride of the Roumanians was irritated (2) Origin of the Roumanians by Roesler, who denied that they were descended from the inhabitants of Trajan's Dacia and described them as later immigrants of the thirteenth century. Pič arose against him; then Hermuzaki argued for an intermediate date. The best Hungarian scholar of the day joined the fray, on the other side; and the contention became bitter between Vlach and Magyar, the Roumanian pretensions to Siebenbürgen—"Dacia irredenta"—sharpening the lances of the foes. The Roumanians have not come out of their "question" (3) Ugro-Finnic or Turkish origin of the Hungarians as well as the Hellenes. Hungary too has its own question. Are the Magyars to be ethnically associated with the Finns or given over to the family of the Turks, whom as champions of Christendom they had opposed at Mohácz and Varna? It was a matter of pride for the Hungarian to detach himself from the Turk; and the evidence is certainly on his side. Hunfalvy's conclusions have successfully defied the (4) Origin of the Russian state: Normannic question assaults of Vámbéry. Again in Russia there has been a long and vigorous contest,—the so-called Norman or Varangian question. No doubt is felt now by the impartial judge as to the Scandinavian origin of the princes of Kiev, and that the making of Russia was due to Northmen or Varangians. Kunik and Pogodin were reinforced by Thomsen of Denmark; and the pure Slavism of Ilovaiski ​and Gedeonov, though its champions were certainly able, is a lost cause,
Progress in Slavonic archeology and history From such collisions sparks have flown and illuminated dark corners. For the Slavs the road was first cleared by Safarik. The development of the comparative philology of the Indo-Germanic tongues has had its effect; the Slavonic languages have been brought into line, chiefly by the life-work of Miklosich; and the science is being developed by such scholars as Jagič and Leskien. The several countries of the Balkan lands have their archæologists and archæological journals; and the difficulty which now meets the historian is not the absence but the plenitude of philological and historical literature.
The early history of the Magyars A word may be added about the Hungarians, who have not been so successful with their early history as the Slavs. Until the appearance of Hunfalvy, their methods were antediluvian, and their temper credulous. The special work of Jászay, and the first chapters of Szalay's great History of Hungary, showed no advance on Katóna and Pray, who were consulted by Gibbon. All believed in the Anonymous Scribe of King Béla; Jászay simply transcribed him. Then Roesler came and dispelled the illusion. Our main sources now are Constantine Porphyrogennetos, and the earlier Asiatic traveller Ibn Dasta, who has been rendered accessible by Chwolson. The linguistic researches of Ahlquist, Hunfalvy and others into Vogul, Ostjak and the rest of the Ugro-Finnic kindred, must be taken into account by the critic who is dealing with those main sources. The Chazars, to whom the Hungarians were once subject, the Patzinaks, who drove the Magyars from "Lebedia" to "Atelkuzu" and ​from "Atelkuzu" to Pannonia, and other peoples of the same kind, have profited by these investigations.
The foregoing instances will serve to give a general idea of the respects in which Gibbon's history might be described as behind date. To follow out all the highways and byways of progress would mean the usurpation of at least a volume by the editor. What more has to be said, must be said briefly in notes and appendices. That Gibbon is behind date in many details, and in some departments of importance, simply signifies that we and our fathers have not lived in an absolutely incompetent world. But in the main things he is still our master, above and beyond "date". It is needless to dwell on the obvious qualities which secure to him immunity from the common lot of historical writers,—such as the bold and certain measure of his progress through the ages; his accurate vision, and his tact in managing perspective; his discreet reserves of judgment and timely scepticism; the immortal affectation of his unique manner. By virtue of these superiorities he can defy the danger with which the activity of successors must always threaten the worthies of the past. But there is another point which was touched on in an earlier page and to which here, in a different connexion, we may briefly revert. It is well to realize that the greatest history of modern times was written by one in whom a distrust of enthusiasm was deeply rooted. This cynicism was not inconsistent with partiality, with definite prepossessions, with a certain spite. In fact it supplied the antipathy which the artist infused when he mixed his most effective colours. The conviction that enthusiasm is inconsistent with intellectual balance was engrained in his mental ​constitution, and confirmed by study and experience. It might be reasonably maintained that zeal for men or causes is an historian's marring, and that "reserve sympathy"—the principle of Thucydides—is the first lesson he has to learn. But without venturing on any generalization we must consider Gibbon's zealous distrust of zeal as an essential and most suggestive characteristic of the "Decline and Fall."
* ↑ It is stated that there are also unimportant annotations in vols. iv. and vi.
* ↑ The influence of Gibbon's picture of Julian can be discerned in Ibsen's "Emperor and Galilaean".
* ↑ In a footnote to the Autobiography.
* ↑ In some other cases I have corrected the text in this volume, (I). p. 55, n. 109; Sumelpur for Jumelpur, see Appendix 9. (2). p. 259, I. 2 from top; the reading of the received text "public" is surely a printer's error, which escaped detection, for "republic," which I have ventured to restore. (3). p. 279, I. 5 from foot, I have assumed an instance of "lipography". (4). p. 328, n. 35, "Lycius" had been already corrected (see Smith's ed.) to "Lydius". Probably Gibbon had his Zosimus open before him when he wrote this note, and his pen traced Lycius because Lycia happened to occur in the very next line of his authority. I have followed Sir William Smith's precedent in dealing freely with the punctuation, and in modernizing the spelling of a few words.
* ↑ In the Chronica Minora (M. G. H.), vol. i., 512 sqq. See p. 533.
* ↑ Gibbon had a notion of this, but did not apply it methodically. See in this vol., p. 415, note 59: "but those modern Greeks had the opportunity of consulting many writers which have since been lost". And see, in general, his Preface to the fourth volume of the quarto ed.
* ↑ In Mahometan history in general, it may be added, not only has advance been made by access to new literary oriental documents, but its foundations have been more surely grounded by numismatic researches, especially those of Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole. This scholar's recently published handbook containing tables and lists of the "Mohammadan" Dynasties is a guerdon for which students of history must be most deeply grateful. The special histories of Mahometan Sicily and Spain have been worked out by Amari and Dozy. For the Mongols we have the overwhelming results of Sir Henry Howorth's learning and devotion to his "vasty" subject.
* ↑ It may be said for Gibbon, however, that even Mommsen, in his volume on the Provinces, has adopted this practice of blending evidence of different dates. For the historical artist, it is very tempting, when the evidence for any particular period is scanty; but in the eyes of the scientific historian it is indefensible.
* ↑ Especially the Corpus Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum.
* ↑ Usener, Der heilige Theodosios, 1890. Krumbacher, Studien zu den Legenden des heiligen Theodosios, 1892. It is worth while to state briefly what the chief problem is. The legends of the Saints were collected, rehandled, cleansed of casual heresy, and put into literary form in the tenth century (towards its close according to Vasilievski) by Symeon Metaphrastes. Most of our MSS. are derived from the edition of Symeon; but there are also extant, some, comparatively few, containing the original pre-Symeonic versions, which formed the chief literary recreation of ordinary men and women before the tenth century. The problem is to collect the materials for a critical edition of as many legends as have been preserved in their original form. When that is done, we shall have the data for fully appreciating the methods of Symeon. As for the text Krumbacher points out that what we want is a thoroughgoing study of the Grammar of the MSS.
* ↑ M. Schlumberger followed up this work by an admirable monograph on Nicephorus Phocas, luxuriously illustrated; and we are looking forward to the appearance of a companion work on Basil II.
* ↑ The first volume of Mr. Pelham's history of the Empire, which is expected shortly, will show, when compared with Menvale, how completely our knowledge of Roman institutions has been transformed within a very recent period.
* ↑ This has been best pointed out by C. Neumann.
* ↑ Chap, xlviii. ad init., where a full statement of his view of the later Empire will be found.
* ↑ I need not repeat here what I have said elsewhere, and what many others have said (recently Mr. Frederic Harrison in two essays in his volume entitled The Meaning of History) as to the various services of the Empire to Europe. They are beginning to be generally recognized and they have been brought out in Mr. C. W. Oman's brief and skilful sketch of the "Byzantine Empire" (1892).
* ↑ Since then a Greek scholar, K. Paparrigopulos, has covered the whole history of Greece from the earliest times to the present century, in his Ίστορία τοῦ Ὲλληνικοῦ ἔθνους. The same gigantic task, but in a more popular form, has been undertaken and begun by Professor Lambros, but is not yet finished.
* ↑ Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur (565-1453), 1891.
* ↑ I was seduced by this hypothesis of Ranke (Later Roman Empire, i-363), but no longer believe in it.
* ↑ Procopiana, 1891.
* ↑ One of the author's points is that Justinian was the real ruler during the nominal reign of Justin, who was an "ass". Hence he dates Justinian's administration (not of course his Imperial years) from 518. The consequence of this important discovery of Haury, which he has proved up to the hilt, is that the work was written in 550 (not, as before believed, in 559)—the thirty-second year of Justinian's administration.
* ↑ The Life of Justinian by Theophilus, in the English Historical Review. Vasil'ev has given an account of Mr. Bryce's article in the Vizantiski Vremennik, i., 469 sqq.
* ↑ The Persian and Lazic Wars have been related in detail in my Later Roman Empire, vol. i.
* ↑ His new work on the reservoirs of Constantinople may be specially mentioned.
* ↑ Byzantina. Ocherki, materialy, i zamietki po Vizantiskim drevnostiam, 1891-3. I must not omit to mention Dr. Mordtmann's valuable Esquisse topographique (1892), and N. Destunis has made noteworthy contributions to the subject.
* ↑ With blameworthy indiscretion I accepted this false view of Paspates, in my Later Roman Empire, without having gone methodically into the sources. I was misled by the fame won by the supposed "topographical discoveries" of this diligent antiquarian and by his undeservedly high reputation; this, however, is no excuse, and unfortunately the error has vitiated my account of the Nika revolt. I have gone into the theory of Paspatês in the Scottish Review (April, 1894), where he is treated too leniently. His misuse of authorities is simply astounding. I may take the opportunity of saying that I hope to rewrite the two volumes of my Later Roman Empire and correct, so far as I may be able, its many faults. A third volume, dealing with the ninth century, will, I hope, appear at a not too distant date.
* ↑ The Greek and the French versions were published by Buchon, uncritically. A new edition of the Greek text is promised by Dr. John Schmitt.
* ↑ The history of mediaeval Athens has been recorded at length in an attractive work by Gregorovius, the counterpart of his great history of mediæval Rome.
* ↑ For a full account of Vulgär-griechische Litteratur, I may refer to Krumbacher's Gesch. der Byz. Litt. Here it is unnecessary to do more than indicate its existence and importance. I may add that the historian cannot neglect the development of the language, for which these romances (and other documents) furnish ample data. Here the Greeks themselves have an advantage, and scholars like Hatzidakês, Psicharês, and Jannarês are in this field doing work of the best kind.
* ↑ Fallmerayer's thesis that there was no pure Hellenic blood in Greece was triumphantly refuted. No one denies that there was a large Slavonic element in the country parts, especially of the Peloponnesus.
* ↑ In a paper entitled, The Coming of the Hungarians, in the Scottish Review of July, 1892, I have discussed the questions connected with early Magyar history, and criticized Hunfalvy's Magyarország Ethnographiája (1876) and Vámbéry's A magyarok eredete (1882). One of the best works dealing with the subject has been written by a Slav (C. Grot).
* ↑ Ilovaiski's work Istorija Rossii, vol. i. (Kiev period), is, though his main thesis is a mistake, most instructive.
* ↑ Chwolson, Izviestiia o Chozarach, Burtasach, Bolgarach, Madiarach, Slavaniach, i Rusach.
* ↑ And who regarded history as "little more than the register of the crimes, follies and misfortunes of mankind" (see below, p. 77).