# The Revolutionary Crisis of 1918-1921 in Germany, England, Italy and France/Chapter 2

CHAPTER II
THE FAILURE OF THE BRITISH TRIPLE ALLIANCE
In England, as in all other European countries, labor discontent rose to a high pitch after the close of the war. The workers took on a new degree of militancy, the trade unions grew rapidly, and large strikes broke out all over the country. This general movement of revolt reached its height during the coal miners' lockout in the Spring of 1921.
In this memorable struggle, which once verged close to a revolution, the workers tried to throw the tremendous Triple Alliance of miners, railwaymen, and general transport workers against the capitalist class. But they failed most dismally: their efforts led merely to one of the worst debacles labor has ever experienced anywhere. The Triple Alliance, when called into action, collapsed like a house of cards, and the British working class suffered a great defeat. But before we point out the course of the movement and the causes of the defeat, it will be well for us to trace briefly the origin and history of the Triple Alliance. Valuable lessons are contained therein for American militants.
The Foundation Of The Triple Alliance
The Triple Alliance is a trade union federation covering the three great industries of coal mining, railroading, and general transport. The bodies actually composing it are the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, the National Union of Railwaymen, and the National Federation of Transport Workers. None of these big organizations is entirely an industrial union, however, as a number of craft unions of skilled workers still exist in the respective industries. But in strikes these small craft bodies commonly move with the larger unions; hence, the Triple Alliance may be properly said to cover the three industries. The totals of workers involved in its activities are as follows: miners 1,150,000, railwaymen 500,000, transport workers 850,000—or 2,000,000 in all.
The Triple Alliance is the result of a long and com​plicated evolution of the old trade unions making it up. It has been constructed literally brick by brick. Its evolutionary chain of development stretches back to the very beginning of its three great component unions. The miners were originally organized by districts, each coal county having an independent organization of its own. But finally an expanding capitalism compelled the welding together of this score of separate organizations into the present national unions, naturally with a great increase in power and efficiency to the workers. The railwaymen were likewise split into many weak and squabbling sections in their earlier periods of unionism. Eventually, however, three of these sections, the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, the General Railway Workers' Union, and the United Signalmen and Pointsmen, fused together and formed the National Union of Railwaymen. This organization, dominating the railroad labor field, at once launched into a sphere of great activity and power. Like the miners and the railwaymen, the transport workers have also built their national organization of a lot of craft fragments. Their present federation represents the practical amalgamation of a large number of national and local unions of seamen, waterside workers, and vehicle workers. And the same forces that compelled the formation of the three national unions of miners, railwaymen, and transport workers, viz.: the increasing pressure from the employers and the expanding intelligence of the workers, eventually forced these three great bodies to federate together into the Triple Alliance. This immense union is a striking illustration of the evolutionary manner in which the workers of the world construct their labor organizations. It is a standing refutation of the theory of those who base their tactics upon the expectation that the workers will throw aside all their old trade unions and realign themselves into new organizations sketched out upon idealistic principles.
The evolution leading to the creation of the Triple Alliance and other large British labor organizations has been greatly facilitated by the fact that English progress​ive and radical workingmen have always carried on their activities in the old unions, thus giving those bodies the benefit of their boundless enthusiasm, idealism, and energy. They have never been very seriously afflicted with the dual unionism which has wrought havoc to the American labor movement. G. D. H. Cole says: "From the time of the dock strike of 1889 onwards the trade unions were to a considerable extent captured by the Socialists, and the resolutions at trade union congresses reflected, clearly, the aspirations of Fabianism and the Independent Labor Party."
But this natural and effective policy of the militants working within the organized masses underwent a serious crisis with the development among revolutionaries of a clear-cut program of industrial unionism, beginning about 1905. The new movement, influenced to a considerable extent by the American I. W. W., took a sharply dualistic turn, many active spirits advocating the wholesale destruction of the old unions and the creation of new ones. The situation came to a head at a conference of some 200 militant unionists held in Manchester on November 26th, 1910. Two factions were present, the first consisting of trade unionists, led by Tom Mann, who were for staying within the old organizations and developing them into industrial unions, and the second, consisting of I. W. W. and S. L. P. delegates, who advocated quitting the trade unions and starting the labor movement afresh on "scientific" lines. After much debate the first faction carried the day, and the movement of British revolutionaries was definitely committed to the policy of working within the old unions to bring about their amalgamation into industrial organizations.
The Manchester conference was one of the most important gatherings ever held by workingmen in Great Britain. This was because of the great peril of dualism which it averted. It marked a turning point for the British labor movement. Had it decided, as did the similar conference of American ​industrial unionists in 1905 (the one which launched the I. W. W.), to pull the militants out of the old organizations, those bodies surely would have been bled white of all progressive thought and ruined even as our unions have been. But fortunately the militants were kept within—to the movement's possessive enormous profit.
Immediately after the Manchester conference the industrial unionists, then calling themselves Syndicalists for the most part, made a great drive on the trade unions to infuse them with the new spirit and to remodel their structures. They set up many minority committees and independent journals to advocate the cause of progress. Especial attention was paid to the miners, railwaymen, and transport workers. Nor were results slow in coming. In 1911 each of these three groups of workers, under the direct stimulus and leadership of the radicals, engaged in great national strikes, all of which were markedly successful. The whole labor movement was shaken from top to bottom by the profound upheaval. During the next two years it added to itself 1,500,000 members, and progressive sentiment spread everywhere.
As a result of this famous drive of the radicals, the movement for amalgamation and consolidation extended like wildfire. Few indeed were the organizations that did not have in their midst close groups of militants diligently working to fuse them together. One early achievement, in 1911, was the creation of the National Federation of Transport Workers. In the beginning of 1913 followed the amalgamation that produced the National Union of Railwaymen. The general movement culminated in the formation of the Triple Alliance, which was proposed by the miners in 1913 and completed by all-three organizations at the end of 1915.
Militant British trade unionists generally pinned great hopes on the Triple Alliance. They believed that inasmuch ​as its three constituent organizations were able to exert such tremendous pressure while acting separately, all of them acting together would be able to deal a heavy, if not a mortal blow to capitalism. The Triple Alliance was the pride of the British movement, and the labor world awaited with anxious interest for the time to arrive when it should be tested out. This time finally came on the occasion of the great miners' dispute early in 1921.
The Attack On The Miners
The lock-out of the miners, primarily a great trial of strength between the workers and the capitalists generally, raged around the technical question of whether or not the system of collective bargaining to obtain in the mining industry should be operated upon a district or a national basis. Prior to the war the district was the unit: that is, the miners in each coal section drafted agreements with their respective groups of employers pretty much in accordance with local conditions. This worked out distinctly to to the advantage of the employers, who were enabled to play one district against another by sewing them all up with agreements expiring at different times, thereby making real solidarity and united action impossible among the men.
The miners early perceived the handicap to them of the district system and have long sought to so arrange matters that the workers' cause in the mining industry might be handled upon a national basis. They wanted to bring the full power of all the coal miners in the country unitedly against all the coal operators. The employers strenuously resisted every step in this direction. During the war, however, they had to yield, and when the mines were taken over by the Government negotiations between the employers and workers over wages and working conditions began to be carried out on a national scale. This constituted a substantial victory for the miners and contributed greatly to the growth of solidarity amongst them.
​But the hard-headed employers refused to give up so easily. They awaited a favorable opportunity to destroy the miners' new-found unity, which was bound to come when the Government gave up control of the mines and turned them back to private management. This process of decontrol had been set by an Act of Parliament to take place on August 31, 1921, and the workers and employers, anticipating the event, were already (by February, 1921) in conference negotiating about the new conditions to prevail in the industry. The employers demanded heavy reductions in wages and the reestablishment of the district system of collective bargaining, whilst the workers resisted the wage cuts and insisted upon the creation of a national wages board and a national profits pool.
Suddenly, in the midst of these negotiations (at the beginning of March), the Government threw the whole situation into a turmoil by announcing that the decontrol of the mines would go into effect March 31st, exactly five months earlier than the time set for it by law. The reason alleged was that the Government could no longer afford to pay the heavy subsidies required to keep wages, prices, and profits at prevailing levels; but the truth was that the move was carried out in concert with the other plans of the mine owners to deal a crippling blow at the Miners' Federation.
Immediately the Government made its announcement about the decontrol, a critical situation arose. The employ​ers, realizing the advantage given them, arrogantly sharpened their demands, which the workers as abruptly rejected. A deadlock ensued, practically amounting to a cessation of negotiations. In the midst of this the owners posted wage scales which the workers were ordered to accept before April 1st or the mines should be closed. The miners stood firm, and on the date specified the lock-out automatically began. The greatest labor struggle in British history was on.
The Collapse Of The Triple Alliance
Conditions were most unfavorable for the miners to make a successful fight alone. Many thousands of them had walked the streets for months, unemployed. Moreover the unions' funds were depleted from the strike of the year before. In this crisis, faced by a hostile Government and the militant employers, and with their own forces greatly weakened, the beleaguered miners called for assistance to their partners in the Triple Alliance the railwaymen and the transport workers.
With quite manifest reluctance, the leaders of the latter responded and entered into the negotiations. But this intervention did no good: evidently the ruling class were determined to smash the Miners' Federation, backbone of the British labor movement. The conferences came to naught; the rank and file of the workers demanded action; so finally, on April 8th, the heads of the Triple Alliance were compelled to set Tuesday, April 12th, as the definite date when their immense organization should enter upon a strike.
This action at once threw the country into intense excitement. The militant workers were jubilant—at last, with their great Triple Alliance, they would teach the arrogant employers an unforgettable lesson. A panicky fear seized the ruling class. The usually sedate British press broke forth into screaming headlines, warning the people against the impending revolution; whilst the Government ​took energetic measures to break the strike, among which were the organization of a large volunteer Defense Force, and the transformation of large parks in London and other cities into auto-truck stations for the provisioning of the dense population. Never had modern Great Britain before experienced such a crisis.
But if the militant workers were expecting great things from the Triple Alliance, its principal leaders, J. H. Thomas, Frank Hodges, Robert Williams, et al, were not. Reformers and compromisers to the last man, they feared to use the terrible weapon which they held in their hands. Apparently they dreaded a revolutionary situation about as much as did the capitalists themselves. Backing and filling and yawing about, they desperately sought a way to a settlement. They made no real preparations for conducting the strike, but held conference after conference with the Government and the employers, all of which arrived nowhere. And then when they were finally square up against the strike, they suddenly postponed it from April 12th to April 15th.
This move sadly injured the workers' cause. It showed to the world that the Triple Alliance leaders were only bluffing and did not dare to strike. It demoralized and discouraged the workers, and correspondingly encouraged the employers and their close ally, the Government. Utilizing the precious delay to the utmost, these forces rapidly built up a temporary transport system and swarmed tens of thousands of men (many of whom, sad to say, were befuddled workers) into Lloyd George's Defense Force. Meanwhile the endless conferences went on uselessly.
The final smash came on the very day of the scheduled strike, the timid leaders at last finding a way to gut the great movement. Their excuse was a speech made by Frank Hodges, Secretary of the Miners' Federation, the evening before in the Parliament Buildings. Hodges was invited there to address an informal meeting of a large number of Members of Parliament, and during his talk, in answer to a question, he declared that the miners would ​consider the proposition of a temporary settlement, leaving the main issues at stake to be adjusted in the future.
This unauthorized statement, criminally injudicious in view of the circumstances, threw everything into the air. Next day the papers almost unanimously declared the strike crisis to be past, as Mr. Hodges' "offer" had opened the door wide for a settlement. It was just such a situation as the frightened leaders of the railwaymen and transport workers wanted, and, eagerly seizing upon the idea of a temporary settlement, they insisted that negotiations be started upon such a basis. Their two executive committees went on record to this effect, but the miners, standing firmly for their original demands, stubbornly refused to consider any temporary adjustment. Thereupon, the railwaymen and transport workers, declaring in effect that the contrary actions of Hodges and the miners' executive committee had thrown the whole movement into disarray and made a united effort of all the workers impossible, called off the strike of their respective unions and left the miners to make the battle alone. The much-prized Triple Alliance, hope of the British working class, had failed ingloriously.
To The Bitter End
The announcement that the Triple Alliance strike was cancelled gave British labor a profound shock. A cry of mingled rage and alarm rose everywhere in the movement. Hundreds of telegrams poured into the unions' headquarters and labor papers denouncing the great betrayal. Many railway and transport local unions bitterly assailed their leaders as traitors and demanded that their organiza​tions be brought into active support of the miners. Numbers of them even went on strike. But it was of no use, the solidarity of the Triple Alliance was thoroughly broken. The unfortunate combination of right-wing officials at the head of a left-wing movement, of reformists trying to direct a revolutionary upheaval, had resulted in the usual, nay inevitable, tragedy. The miners were irretrievably left to fight on by themselves.
And a right gallant struggle they made. In the face of terrific difficulties, confronted by. a united and confident capitalist class, and with their own allies deserted, they battled on for 13 weeks. British industry became stricken with paralysis and the whole country was threatened with ruin. The final result was that the haughty employers were compelled to come to terms with their workers. The settlement was a compromise, with the employers getting rather the best of it. They carried their main point of district wage boards, but the miners were able to secure the establishment of a weak national board, which they hope to invigorate later into the kind they desire. The employers also secured the wages' cut, but it was not nearly so drastic as they had hoped for. The profits pool was completely lost, but the workers secured the limitation of the owners' profits to an amount equal to 17% of all wages paid, and the right to themselves share in the balance of the profits after operating costs, wages, and the owners' share of profits have been paid. Thus, in partial defeat for the miners and in disruption and discouragement for trade unionism in general, ended the great movement of the Triple Alliance which, but for the timidity of its leaders, would most certainly have resulted in a tremendous victory for the whole British working class.
Consequent upon the sad fiasco of the Triple Alliance, the militant elements throughout the trade union movement of Great Britain have launched a campaign to oust the men responsible for the defeat. Speaking of the breakdown of the great movement and its after effects, Herbert Tracy says:
"It shook the prestige of every working class leader who had anything to do with the Triple Alliance, and shattered finally and complete the pretensions of that organization. It no longer counted. Harried and abused on all sides, J. H. Thomas fled to the United States. Robert Williams suffered the pain of expulsion from the Communist Party, and later lost his seat on the National Executive Board of the Labor Party. Ernest Bevin and Harry Gosling confronted hostile critics at every meeting they addressed."
Nor will the fight against the reactionary leaders stop there. The British militants thoroughly understand and appreciate the principles of working within the old unions—they are almost entirely free from the virus of dual unionism. Inside the trade unions they have constructed a whole network of minority organizations, including shop-steward movements, amalgamation committees, educational leagues, labor colleges, etc. These are making rapid headway in revolutionizing the masses—at the recent Congress of the Red Trade Union International Tom Mann stated that at least 20% of the trade union rank and file had clearly expressed themselves in favor of the Moscow International as against that of Amsterdam. Hence, the experienced British rebels may be depended upon to work intelligently and doggedly within the old unions until they have finally removed the reformist officials, hang-overs from a past era of labor, and replace them with revolutionaries, who alone are fitted to lead the working class in the coming bitter and profound struggles for social mastery.
* ↑ "An Introduction to Trade Unionism," P. 97.
* ↑ Many other federations and amalgamations have come from this movement, including the Federation of Building Trades Workers, the Printing and Kindred Trades Federation, the Amalgamated Engineering Union, etc., etc.
* ↑ All these expedients were only temporary makeshifts so far as the workers were concerned. The ultimate aim of the Miners' Fede- ration is to have the Government own the coal industry and then operate it by a sort of guild, one-half of whose officials should be appointed by the unions, and the other half to consist of technicians and Government representatives. For full particulars of their program see Frank Hodges' booklet, "Workers' Control in the Coal Mining Industry."
* ↑ The miners conceived the industry altogether in a national sense. They wanted the wages of the workers, the price of coal, and the profits of the owners to be definitely established upon a national scale. The situation was to be so regulated that the poorer coal fields which could not meet the regular standards of wages, prices, and profits should be automatically subsidized by the richer ones. The owners contested every phase of this scheme. Their program was to reduce the industry to the old chaotic system of each district and mine for itself in every respect.
* ↑ The writer was in London all through this crisis and can bear witness to the revolutionary tenseness of the situation.
* ↑ A sample of the unbelievable stupidity with which the Triple Alliance movement was handled generally is the following: Instead of the leaders setting a definite time limit, say 24 hours before the strike time, at which negotiations with the employers should cease, thus giving the great movement time to develop, they carried on conferences almost until the last minute. In consequence, the chances for real solidarity among the workers were ruined by exposing the latter to the thousand and one false rumors about a settlement deliberately set afoot in the capitalist press to confuse them and to destroy their unity.
* ↑ "The Coal War in Britain," P. 38.