OpenLLM-France/wikimedia huggingface dataset:
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume I/Constantine/The Life of Constantine/Book I/Chapter 18

Chapter XVIII.—That after the Abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, Constantius became Chief Augustus, and was blessed with a Numerous Offspring.
The immediate consequence of this conduct was a recompense from the hand of God, insomuch that he came into the supreme authority of the empire. For the older emperors, for some unknown reason, resigned their power; and this sudden change took place in the first year after their persecution of the churches.
From that time Constantius alone received the honors of chief Augustus, having been previously, indeed, distinguished by the diadem of the imperial Cæsars, among whom he held the first rank; but after his worth had been proved in this capacity, he was invested with the highest dignity of the Roman empire, being named chief Augustus of the four who were afterwards elected to that honor. Moreover, he surpassed most of the emperors in regard to the number of his family, having gathered around him a very large circle of children both male and female. And, lastly, when he had attained to a happy old age, and was about to pay the common debt of nature, and exchange this life for another, God once more manifested His power in a special manner on his behalf, by providing that his eldest son Constantine should be present during his last moments, and ready to receive the imperial power from his hands.

## Footnotes

* ↑ The persecution was in 303 or 304. Compare discussion of date in Clinton, Fasti Rom. ann. 303–305. The abdication was in 305.
* ↑ Eusebius uses the terms Augustus, king, autocrat, and Cæsar with a good deal of interchangeableness. It is hard to tell sometimes whether king (βασιλεύς) means emperor or Cæsar. In general, Augustus has been transferred in translations, and king and autocrat both rendered emperor, which seems to be his real usage.
* ↑ Constantine reached him just before his death, though possibly some weeks before. Compare Prolegomena.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume I/Constantine/The Life of Constantine/Book I/Chapter 12

Chapter XII.—That like Moses, he was reared in the Palaces of Kings.
Ancient history relates that a cruel race of tyrants oppressed the Hebrew nation; and that God, who graciously regarded them in their affliction, provided that the prophet Moses, who was then an infant, should be brought up in the very palaces and bosoms of the oppressors, and instructed in all the wisdom they possessed. And when in the course of time he had arrived at manhood, and the time was come for Divine justice to avenge the wrongs of the afflicted people, then the prophet of God, in obedience to the will of a more powerful Lord, forsook the royal household, and, estranging himself in word and deed from the tyrants by whom he had been brought up, openly acknowledging his true brethren and kinsfolk. Then God, exalting him to be the leader of the whole nation, delivered the Hebrews from the bondage of their enemies, and inflicted Divine vengeance through his means on the tyrant race. This ancient story, though rejected by most as fabulous, has reached the ears of all. But now the same God has given to us to be eye-witnesses of miracles more wonderful than fables, and, from their recent appearance, more authentic than any report. For the tyrants of our day have ventured to war against the Supreme God, and have sorely afflicted His Church. And in the midst of these, Constantine, who was shortly to become their destroyer, but at that time of tender age, and blooming with the down of early youth, dwelt, as that other servant of God had done, in the very home of the tyrants, but young as he was did not share the manner of life of the ungodly: for from that early period his noble nature, under the leading of the Divine Spirit, inclined him to piety and a life acceptable to God. A desire, moreover, to emulate the example of his father had its influence in stimulating the son to a virtuous course of conduct. His father was Constantius (and we ought to revive his memory at this time), the most illustrious emperor of our age; of whose life it is necessary briefly to relate a few particulars, which tell to the honor of his son.

## Footnotes

* ↑ The persecuting emperors. Compare Prolegomena, Life.
* ↑ He was brought up with Diocletian and Galerius. Compare Prolegomena, Life.
* ↑ Constantius Chlorus, Neo-Platonist and philanthropist. Compare following description.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume I/Constantine/The Life of Constantine/Book I/Chapter 13

Chapter XIII.—Of Constantius his Father, who refused to imitate Diocletian, Maximian, and Maxentius,in their Persecution of the Christians.
At a time when four emperors shared the administration of the Roman empire, Constantius alone, following a course of conduct different from that pursued by his colleagues, entered into the friendship of the Supreme God.
For while they besieged and wasted the churches of God, leveling them to the ground, and obliterating the very foundations of the houses of prayer, he kept his hands pure from their abominable impiety, and never in any respect resembled them. They polluted their provinces by the indiscriminate slaughter of godly men and women; but he kept his soul free from the stain of this crime. They, involved in the mazes of impious idolatry, enthralled first themselves, and then all under their authority, in bondage to the errors of evil demons, while he at the same time originated the profoundest peace throughout his dominions, and secured to his subjects the privilege of celebrating without hindrance the worship of God. In short, while his colleagues oppressed all men by the most grievous exactions, and rendered their lives intolerable, and even worse than death, Constantius alone governed his people with a mild and tranquil sway, and exhibited towards them a truly parental and fostering care. Numberless, indeed, are the other virtues of this man, which are the theme of praise to all; of these I will record one or two instances, as specimens of the quality of those which I must pass by in silence, and then I will proceed to the appointed order of my narrative.

## Footnotes

* ↑ The author of the chapter heading means of course Galerius. Maxentius was not emperor until after the death of Constantius.
* ↑ [Diocletian, Maximian, Galerius, and Constantius.—Bag.]
* ↑ For account of these persecutions, see Church History, Bk. 8, and notes of McGiffert.
* ↑ Compare the Church History, 8. 13, and Lactantius, De mort. pers. 15. The latter says he allowed buildings to be destroyed, but spared human life.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume I/Constantine/The Life of Constantine/Book I/Chapter 16

Chapter XVI.—How Constantius, feigning Idolatry, expelled those who consented to offer Sacrifice, but retained in his Palace all who were willing to confess Christ.
On the other hand, Constantius conceived an expedient full of sagacity, and did a thing which sounds paradoxical, but in fact was most admirable.
He made a proposal to all the officers of his court, including even those in the highest stations of authority, offering them the following alternative: either that they should offer sacrifice to demons, and thus be permitted to remain with him, and enjoy their usual honors; or, in case of refusal, that they should be shut out from all access to his person, and entirely disqualified from acquaintance and association with him. Accordingly, when they had individually made their choice, some one way and some the other; and the choice of each had been ascertained, then this admirable prince disclosed the secret meaning of his expedient, and condemned the cowardice and selfishness of the one party, while he highly commended the other for their conscientious devotion to God. He declared, too, that those who had been false to their God must be unworthy of the confidence of their prince; for how was it possible that they should preserve their fidelity to him, who had proved themselves faithless to a higher power? He determined, therefore, that such persons should be removed altogether from the imperial court, while, on the other hand, declaring that those men who, in bearing witness for the truth, had proved themselves to be worthy servants of God, would manifest the same fidelity to their king, he entrusted them with the guardianship of his person and empire, saying that he was bound to treat such persons with special regard as his nearest and most valued friends, and to esteem them far more highly than the richest treasures.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume I/Constantine/The Life of Constantine/Book I/Chapter 2

Chapter II.—The Preface Continued.
And I am indeed amazed, when I consider that he who was but lately visible and present with us in his mortal body, is still, even after death, when the natural thought disclaims everything superfluous as unsuitable, most marvelously endowed with the same imperial dwellings, and honors, and praises as heretofore. But farther, when I raise my thoughts even to the arch of heaven, and there contemplate his thrice-blessed soul in communion with God himself, freed from every mortal and earthly vesture, and shining in a refulgent robe of light, and when I perceive that it is no more connected with the fleeting periods and occupations of mortal life, but honored with an ever-blooming crown, and an immortality of endless and blessed existence, I stand as it were without power of speech or thought and unable to utter a single phrase, but condemning my own weakness, and imposing silence on myself, I resign the task of speaking his praises worthily to one who is better able, even to him who, being the immortal God and veritable Word, alone has power to confirm his own sayings.

## Footnotes

* ↑ Referring to special honors paid after death, as mentioned in Bk. 4.
* ↑ Here there is play on the word Logos. My logos stands voiceless and a-logos, “un-logosed.” If the author meant both to refer to expression, the first relates to the sound, and the second to the power of construction or composition. The interchangeableness of the weaving of consecutive thought in the mind, and the weaving it in expressed words, is precisely the question of the “relation of thought and language,” so warmly contested by modern philosophers and philologians (cf. Müller, Science of Thought, Shedd’s Essays, &c.). The old use of logos for both operations of “binding together” various ideas into one synthetical form has decided advantages.
* ↑ Here there is again the play on the word Logos. For Eusebius’ philosophy of the logos, and of Christ as the Logos or Word, see the second half of his tricennial oration and notes.
# Ninety-three/3.7.4

CHAPTER IV.
AFTER CIMOURDAIN AS A JUDGE, CIMOURDAIN AS MASTER.
A camp is a wasp's nest. Especially in times of Revolution. The civic sting which is in the soldier acts readily and quickly, and does not hesitate to attack the chief after having driven away the enemy.
The valiant troop which had taken la Tourgue made various complaints; at first against the Commander Gauvain, when they learned of Lantenac's escape. When they saw Gauvain come out of the dungeon which they supposed held Lantenac, it was like an electric shock, and in less than a minute the whole corps was informed. A murmur burst forth from the little army; the first murmur was,—
"They are judging Gauvain. But it is only a sham. Oh, yes, have great faith in ex-nobles and in priests! We have just seen a viscount save a marquis, and we shall see a priest pardon a noble!"
When they learned of Gauvain's sentence, there was a second murmur, "That is too much! our chief, our brave chief, our young commander, a hero! He is a viscount, well it is all the more credit to him for being Republican! What! he, the liberator of Pontorson, of Villedieu, of Pont-àu-Beau! The conqueror of Dol and of La Tourgue! He through whom we are invincible; he who is the sword of the Republic in la Vendée! The man who, for five months, has held the Chouans at bay, and made up for all the folly of Léchelle and the rest! This Cimourdain dares condemn him to death! Why? Because he saved an old man who had saved three children! A priest kill a soldier!"
Thus the victorious but discontented camp grumbled. A sullen anger surrounded Cimourdain. Four thousand ​men against one: it seems as if this must be strength; not at all. These four thousand men were a multitude, and Cimourdain was a will.
They knew that Cimourdain frowned easily, and nothing more was needed to hold the army in respect. In these times of severity, it was enough for the shadow of the Committee of Public Welfare to be behind a man to make this man feared, and to make an imprecation end in a whisper, and the whisper end in silence. After as well as before these murmurs, Cimourdain remained the arbiter of Gauvain's fate, and the fate of all. They knew there was nothing to ask of him, and that he would obey nothing but his conscience, a superhuman voice heard by himself alone.
Everything depended on him; what he had done as judge-martial, alone, he could undo as civil delegate. He alone was able to pardon him. He had full power; by a sign he could set Gauvain free; he was the master of life and of death; he was commander of the guillotine. At this tragic time, he was the man above all others.
They could only wait.
Night came on.
# Ningpo to Shanghai in 1857/Ching-zek to Ching-koo-yuen

DEPARTMENT OF KIA-HING.
A short distance East of Ping-bong is Hing-wong; and between that and the hamlet of Sow-Dee, twenty miles or so further east, the traveller passes the villages of Sah-ca-coong, Tah-sean-wo See-cheng,—Loa-fae, or Loo-chae (a place of 1,200 families) and Jow-woo-sah.
The black slime from the stream bed takes the place of manure in this quarter. The mode of obtaining it is ingenious. To the end of a stout bamboo a piece of concave wicker work is attached—a similar piece of wicker work being so fixed that when the stout bamboo thrust on the bottom has taken out a scoop of the mud, by the pressure downwards of a lighter bamboo the wicker concave collapses like a clamp shell, and confines the slime until it reaches the surface, when, by pinching together the light and stout bamboos, as we would a pair of tongs, the clamp opens, and the contents are emptied into a boat, whence, along side the bank, it is transferred to the shore, by means of a basket swung with ropes through the sides, by two men one at each end of the boat.
Ching-zeh is large town three or four miles N.E. of the hamlet of Sow-dee spoken of, and here may be seen, in quantity, the bamboo articles of furniture sold at the Consular ports and about the northern country—such as chairs, stools, baskets, lamp-stands &c. Bread is not to be obtained at this town—but plenty of bean "fixins" such as ​curd cakes, smoked twist &c., are exposed in the stalls. Tobacco is grown and cut, too, here. On the whole, there is a quiet air of business in the streets, speaking great things for the thriftiness and content of the inhabitants.
Eight or Nine miles N.E. of Ching-zeh is Sam-pah-dong, a batch of red coloured houses on an islet in a lake; a lofty lamp post serving to render it the light house for some miles around. Five or six miles further on is a fine town called Che-ka-kwok. Though not formally walled, the houses have lofty backs, and join together, so that it is not possible to get into the streets excepting by guarded ways. The great feature of the place is a splendid five arched granite Bridge—the centre arch being over 35 feet in span.
PROVINCE OF KIANG-SU.
DEPARTMENT OF SUNG-KIANG.
Tsing-poo-yuen (or Tching-koo-yuen as it is called by the inhabitants,) the chief city of the district, is about 5 miles N E. of Che-ka-kwok. It is another of the 1,600 walled establishments, and though small is a neat place—The walls, brick over stone, are in very good condition, and are entered at the north and west sides direct from the water—there being hardly room for a coffin between the wall and the stream.
# Ningpo to Shanghai in 1857/Ane-chee to Mai-chee

​On the East side, the city is skirted by the River bed, and beyond the river is a pretty little Pagoda low down among some Shrubbery. A moat runs found the city on the sides not protected by the river;—a well constructed arched Bridge by the south gate leading into the suburbs, about the best part of the place as usual. The North wall has recently been repaired, and looks quite formidable to travellers approaching in that direction. Only four villages are met between Ane-chee and Mai-chee, a distance of about eight miles, viz Kwong-heen-kong-deo—Zan-woo-Ding—Show-koon and Kow-jow-Deo.
At Zan-woo five miles from Maichee, Canals lead off from the main stream, and run up in a N.Wly direction to the Tae-hoo, or great Lake, and boats can be hired here to take the traveller on there if he wishes. Mai-chee, though called a village only, appears to be a place of considerable traffic, and two Government functionaries, one of them a Military, ​one a Civil officer have their quarters here (29). There are upwards of 1,000 families in the place, and there must he a large migratory population of raft men from the hills, and boat men engaged in the Hoo-chow Trade. From Mai-chee to the Ferry at which Boats can be obtained for the passage to Hoo-chow, the distance is abont seven lē—the head boat man of the place being of the family name of Tong (Tong-Seen-sang).
# Ningpo to Shanghai in 1857/Ching-koo-yuen to Shanghai

​S. S. E. from Tsing-poo stands a pagoda on a high mountain (Sing kong?) and a short distance from the somewhat extensive suburbs on the N. E. at Tching-mo-deo, is the Tai-ping Granary, a ​series of six rows of white washed barrack like buildings, five hundred feet long, capable of containing an immense quantity of grain (32).
From the Provincial Granary the canal takes a winding direction—Westerly, northerly, easterly and southerly—but on the average about N.E.—(33)
Only two villages remain to be noted, viz Poon-zan-keo and Pan-hok-quong—the country being ornamented with trees, not all planted, apparently, for cutting down purposes. Excepting a Ferry called Ching-ka-chong; about 15 miles from Shang hae, no other village finds a place in our register.
➝88♦■♦88←
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume III/Rufinus/Jerome's Apology/Book III/Chapter 25

25. To what point will not audacity burst forth when once it is freed from restraints? He has imputed to himself the charge made against another so that we may be thought to have invented it. I made a charge against some one unnamed, and he takes it as spoken against himself; he purges himself from another man’s sins, being only sure of his own innocence. For he takes his oath that he did not write the letter that passed under my name to the African bishops, in which I am made to confess that I had been induced by Jewish influence to make false translations of the Scriptures; and he sends me writings which contain all these things which he declares to be unknown to him. It is remarkable to know how his subtlety has coincided with another man’s malice, so that the lies which this other told in Africa, he in accord with him declared to be true; and also how that elegant style of his could be imitated by some chance and unskilled person. You alone have the privilege of translating the venom of the heretics, and of making all nations drink a draught from the cup of Babylon. You may correct the Latin Scriptures from the Greek. and may deliver to the Churches to read something different from what they received from the Apostles; but I am not to be allowed to go behind the Septuagint version which I translated after strict correction for the men of my native tongue a great many years ago, and, for the confutation of the Jews, to translate the actual copies of the Scriptures which they confess to be the truest, so that when a dispute arises between them and the Christians, they may have no place of retreat and subterfuge, but may be smitten most effectually with their own spear. I have written pretty fully on this point if I rightly remember, in many other places, especially in the end of my second book; and I have checked your popularity-hunting, with which you seek to arouse ill will against me among the innocent and the inexperienced, by a clear statement of fact. To that I think it enough to refer the reader.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume III/Rufinus/Jerome's Apology/Book III/Chapter 26

26. I think it a point which should not be passed over, that you have no right to complain that the falsifier of your papers holds in my esteem the glorious position of a confessor, since you who are guilty of this very crime are called a martyr and an apostle by all the partisans of Origen, for that exile and imprisonment of yours at Alexandria. On your alleged inexperience in Latin composition I have answered you above. But, since you repeat the same things, and, as if forgetful of your former defence, again remind me that I ought to know that you have been occupied for thirty years in devouring Greek books, and therefore do not know Latin, I would have you observe that it is not a few words of yours with which I find fault, though indeed all your writing is worthy of being destroyed. What I wished to do was to shew your followers, whom you have taken so much pains in teaching to know nothing, to understand what amount of modesty there is in a man who teaches what he does not know, who writes what he is ignorant of, so that they may expect to find the same wisdom in his opinions. As to what you add “That it is not faults of words which are offensive, but sins, such as lying, calumny, disparagement, false witness, and all evil speaking, and that the mouth which speaketh lies kills the soul,” and your deprecation, “Let not that ill-savour reach my nostrils;” I would believe what you say, were it not that I discover facts inconsistent with this. It is as if a fuller or a tanner in speaking to a dealer in pigments should warn him that he had better hold his nose as he passed their shops. I will do what you recommend; I will stop my nose, so that it may not be put to the torture by the delightful odour of your truth-speaking and your benedictions.