OpenLLM-France/wikimedia huggingface dataset:
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Kiefer

| Expand abbreviations An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Kiefer | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Kiefer (1.), m., from the equiv. MidHG. kiver (m., n. ?), kivel, kivele, ‘jaw, jawbone,’ besides which there is a form from the stem of kauen, MidHG. kiuwel, m., and usually kiuwe, këwe, f., ‘jaw, jawbone.’ Yet ModHG. kiver, kivel, have, notwithstanding their rare occurrence, a remoter history in the past; with Goth. *kifru- is connected OIc. kjǫptr, kjaptr (Goth. *kiftus), ‘mouth (of beasts), jawbone,’ and also with the a stage of gradation, AS. ceafl, OSax. kafl, m., ‘jaw of animals’ (with regard to the gradation comp. Käfer, Giebel, and Kerl). The Teut. stem is therefore kef, kaf, or rather keb, kab (before l and r later permutations of b to f sometimes occur), from pre-Teut. geph or gebh; comp. Zend zafare, zafra, n., ‘mouth, jaws’ (the corresponding term in Sans. *japhra, *jabhra, is wanting); the nasalised root jambh, by gradation jabh, ‘to snap at,’ leads to Gr. γαμφαΐ, γαμφηλαί, ‘jaws,’ yet these are probably connected more closely with the cognates discussed under Kamm. See Käfer.
Kiefer (2.), f., ‘pine,’ early ModHG. only; it cannot be traced further back; in UpG. Föhre simply. Hence Kiefer probably originated in Kienföhre (respecting the obscuration of old compounds comp. Wimper, Schultz, and Schuster). The intermediate form kimfer is recorded as North Boh. Comp. also MidHG. kienboum, m., ‘pine,’ and *kienforhe, f., ‘pine-tree’ (attested by the derivative kienforhîn, adj., ‘of pine’). Comp. Kien and Föhre.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume III/Apologetic/An Answer to the Jews/Of the Abolition and the Abolisher of the Old Law

Chapter VI.—Of the Abolition and the Abolisher of the Old Law.
Therefore, since it is manifest that a sabbath temporal was shown, and a sabbath eternal foretold; a circumcision carnal foretold, and a circumcision spiritual pre-indicated; a law temporal and a law eternal formally declared; sacrifices carnal and sacrifices spiritual foreshown; it follows that, after all these precepts had been given carnally, in time preceding, to the people Israel, there was to supervene a time whereat the precepts of the ancient Law and of the old ceremonies would cease, and the promise of the new law, and the recognition of spiritual sacrifices, and the promise of the New Testament, supervene; while the light from on high would beam upon us who were sitting in darkness, and were being detained in the shadow of death. And so there is incumbent on us a necessity binding us, since we have premised that a new law was predicted by the prophets, and that not such as had been already given to their fathers at the time when He led them forth from the land of Egypt, to show and prove, on the one hand, that that old Law has ceased, and on the other, that the promised new law is now in operation.
And, indeed, first we must inquire whether there be expected a giver of the new law, and an heir of the new testament, and a priest of the new sacrifices, and a purger of the new circumcision, and an observer of the eternal sabbath, to suppress the old law, and institute the new testament, and offer the new sacrifices, and repress the ancient ceremonies, and suppress the old circumcision together with its own sabbath, and announce the new kingdom which is not corruptible. Inquire, I say, we must, whether this giver of the new law, observer of the spiritual sabbath, priest of the eternal sacrifices, eternal ruler of the eternal kingdom, be come or no: that, if he is already come, service may have to be rendered him; if he is not yet come, he may have to be awaited, until by his advent it be manifest that the old Law’s precepts are suppressed, and that the beginnings of the new law ought to arise. And, primarily, we must lay it down that the ancient Law and the prophets could not have ceased, unless He were come who was constantly announced, through the same Law and through the same prophets, as to come.

## Footnotes

* ↑ Or, “sending forth”—promissio.
* ↑ The tautology is again due to the author.
* ↑ Comp. Luke i. 78, 79, Isa. ix. 1, 2, with Matt. iv. 12–16.
* ↑ Comp. 1 Cor. ix. 16.
* ↑ See ch. iii. above.
* ↑ Here again the repetition is the author’s.
* ↑ Cum suo sibi sabbato. Unless the meaning be—which the context seems to forbid—“together with a sabbath of His own:”  the Latinity is plainly incorrect.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Wahn

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Wahn. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Wahn, masculine ‘illusion, delusion,’ from Middle High German and Old High German wân, masculine, ‘uncertain, unfounded opinion, supposition, belief, hoping, ​thoughts.’ The word (compare Argwohn) did not originally contain the secondary meaning ‘want of foundation,’ as is shown by Old Saxon wân, Anglo-Saxon wên, Gothic wêns, ‘expectation, hope.’ Hence the derivative wähnen, ‘to think, believe, suppose,’ Middle High German wœnen, Old High German wânnen (from *wânjan), ‘to mean, suppose, hope,’ compare the equivalent Gothic wênjan, Anglo-Saxon wênan, Old Saxon wânian. The nominal stem wêni is not related to any terms in non-Teutonic (Aryan root wê?, ghwê, ghê?), unless it be connected with the root wen, ‘to love,’ from which Old High German and Old Saxon wini, ‘friend,’ Sanscrit van, ‘to love,’ and Latin venerari, ‘to venerate,’ are derived.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Waid

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Waid. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Waid, masculine, ‘woad, blue dye,’ from the equivalent Middle High German and Old High German weit, masculine; corresponding to the equivalent Dutch weede, Anglo-Saxon wâd, English woad, Gothic *waida- (for which wizdila, ‘woad,’ is found,’ whence Middle Latin guasdium, French guède). From Teutonic is derived the equivalent Romance cognate, Italian guado. Latin vitrum, ‘woad,’ is historically related to the Teutonic cognates, which may be based on pre-Teutonic waitó.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Wald

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Wald. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Wald, masculine, ‘wood, forest,’ from the equivalent Middle High German walt (d), Old High German wald, neuter; corresponding to Old Saxon wald, Dutch would, Anglo-Saxon weald, English wold, Old Icelandic vǫllr, Gothic *walþus, masculine, ‘wood.’ Teutonic walþu-s, from which Old French gaut, ‘brushwood,’ is borrowed, points to pre-Teutonic waltus (waltwos?), to which Greek άλσος (for *ϝαλτϝος?) ‘grove,’ and Sanscrit vâṭa (from *valta), ‘garden, district,’ are probably related. The connection with wild is uncertain.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Wahnsinn

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Wahnsinn. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Wahnsinn, masculine, ‘frenzy, madness, delirium.’ It has properly no connection whatever with the preceding word; it first occurs in Modern High German, and is an imitation of the earlier Wahnwitz, masculine, ‘delirium,’ which is based on Middle High German wănwitzec, wănwitze, Old High German wănawizzi, adjective, ‘unintelligible, void of understanding.’ Wahnwitz is the sole relic of an old method of forming compounds with wăna-, ‘wanting,’ which is especially preserved in Scandinavian; compare also Old High German wanaheil, ‘sickly,’ literally perhaps ‘deficient in health’; thus too Old High German wanawizzi, ‘deficient in sense.’ Gothic wans, ‘deficient, lacking,’ Old Icelandic vanr, ‘lacking,’ is an old participle with the suffix ana, from the Aryan root ū̆, ‘to be empty,’ from which öde is derived; compare the Zend root û, ‘to want,’ Sanscrit ûna, ‘wanting,’ and Old High German wanôn, ‘to diminish.’
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Wahrung

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Wahrung. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Wahrung, feminine, ‘fixed value or standard,’ from Middle High German wërunge, ‘guaranteed alloy.’
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Waidmann

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Waidmann. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Waidmann, see Weide (2).
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Wahrsager

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Wahrsager. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Wahrsager, masculine, ‘soothsayer, prophet,’ from the equivalent late Middle High German (rare) wârsager, which is properly Low German. Compare Old Saxon wârsago, ‘prophet,’ and weissagen.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Waise

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Waise. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Waise, feminine (masculine), ‘orphan,’ from Middle High German weise, Old High German weiso (*weisso?), masculine, ‘parentless child,’ also ‘fatherless or motherless child’ (the masculine seems to be used in Middle High German for the feminine also); corresponding to Dutch wees, Old Frisian wêsa, ‘orphan.’ The base (Teutonic waisjôn?) is probably derived from an Aryan root meaning ‘to rob’; compare Sanscrit vidh, ‘to become empty’ (see Witwe). In Gothic a diminutive of Witwe (see Dirne and Eichhorn), widuwaírna, masculine, signifies ‘orphan.’
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Wahlstatt

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Wahlstatt. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Wahlstatt, Walstatt, feminine, ‘field of battle,’ from the equivalent Middle High German walstat, feminine; Middle High German and Old High German wal, masculine, feminine, and neuter, has also the same meaning. The corresponding Anglo-Saxon wœl signifies ‘those left on the battlefield,’ also ‘corpse’ (to which wœlstôw, ‘place of combat,’ is allied); compare Old Icelandic valr, ‘the corpses on the battlefield,’ valfǫđr (literally ‘father of the dead’). It is impossible to recognise in this primitive word a derivative of the root of wählen, as if it meant ‘the chosen favourites of the god of war, who were led away by the Valkyres.’ It is rather based on a root wăl, ‘destruction,’ which appears also in Old High German wuol, ‘defeat,’ Anglo-Saxon wôl, ‘plague, pestilence’; allied to wühlen?. —
Walküre, feminine, ‘Valkyre,’ formed from Old Icelandic valkyrja (Anglo-Saxon wœlcyrie), feminine, properly ‘a divine maiden who makes a selection of the slain on the field of battle.’ See kiesen.
# An Etymological Dictionary of the German Language/Annotated/Wahrzeichen

| This annotated version expands the abbreviations in the original entry Wahrzeichen. | Random word Special:RandomInCategory/Annotated entries in Kluge's Etymological Dictionary of the German Language |
​ Wahrzeichen, neuter, ‘mark, token, omen, signal,’ from Middle High German warzeichen, neuter, ‘token, mark,’ for which the equivalent Middle High German and Old High German wortzeichen (Old Saxon wordtêkan), neuter, is ordinarily used. The word has been corrupted; its primitive form and meaning are obscure. Compare also the cognate, Old Icelandic jartein, ‘token of recognition.’
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume IX/Origen on John/Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John/Book VI/Chapter 9

9. John I. 22.
“They said therefore unto him, Who art thou? that we may give an answer to them that sent us. What sayest thou of thyself?” This speech of the emissaries amounts to the following: We had a surmise what you were and came to learn if it was so, but now we know that you are not that. It remains for us, therefore, to hear your account of yourself, so that we may report your answer to those who sent us.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume IX/Origen on John/Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John/Book X
## Contents

* Chapter 1
* Chapter 2
* Chapter 3
* Chapter 4
* Chapter 5
* Chapter 6
* Chapter 7
* Chapter 8
* Chapter 9
* Chapter 10
* Chapter 11
* Chapter 12
* Chapter 13
* Chapter 14
* Chapter 15
* Chapter 16
* Chapter 17
* Chapter 18
* Chapter 19
* Chapter 20
* Chapter 21
* Chapter 22
* Chapter 23
* Chapter 24
* Chapter 25
* Chapter 26
* Chapter 27
* Chapter 28
* Chapter 29
* Chapter 30
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume IX/Origen on John/Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John/Book X/Chapter 10

10. Significance of Capernaum.
Matthew for his part adds, that when the Lord had entered into Capernaum the centurion came to him, saying, “My boy is lying in my house sick of the palsy, grievously tormented,” and after telling the Lord some more about him, received the reply, “Go, and as thou hast believed, so be it unto thee.” And Matthew then gives us the story of Peter’s mother-in-law, in close agreement with the other two. I conceive it to be a creditable piece of work and becoming to one who is anxious to hear about Christ, to collect from the four Gospels all that is related about Capernaum, and the discourses spoken, and the works done there, and how many visits the Lord paid to the place, and how, at one time, He is said to have gone down to it, and at another to have entered into it, and where He came from when He did so. If we compare all these points together, we shall not go astray in the meaning we ascribe to Capernaum. On the one hand, the sick are healed, and other works of power are done there, and on the other, the preaching, Repent ye, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand, begins there, and this appears to be a sign, as we showed when entering on this subject, of some more needy place of consolation, made so perhaps by Jesus, who comforted men by what He taught and by what He did there, in that place of consolation. For we know that the names of places agree in their meaning with the things connected with Jesus; as Gergesa, where the citizens of these parts besought Him to depart out of their coasts, means, “The dwelling of the casters-out.” And this, also, we have noticed about Capernaum, that not only did the preaching, “Repent ye, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand,” begin there, but that according to the three Evangelists Jesus performed there His first miracles.  None of the three, however, added to the first wonders which he records as done in Capernaum, that note attached by John the disciple to the first work of Jesus, “This beginning of His signs did Jesus in Cana of Galilee.” For that which was done in Capernaum was not the beginning of the signs, since the leading sign of the Son of God was good cheer, and in the light of human experience it is also the most representative of Him. For the Word of God does not show forth His own beauty so much in healing the sick, as in His tendering the temperate draught to make glad those who are in good health and are able to join in the banquet.

## Footnotes

* ↑ viii. 5 sqq.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume IX/Origen on John/Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John/Book X/Chapter 12

12. Of the Heavenly Festivals, of Which Those on Earth are Typical.
Now in what manner, in those heavenly things of which the shadow was present to the Jews on earth, those will celebrate festivals who have first been trained by tutors and governors under the true law, until the fulness of the time should come, namely, above, when we shall be able to receive into ourselves the perfect measure of the Son of God, this it is the work of that wisdom to make plain which has been hidden in a mystery; and it also may show to our thought how the laws about meats are symbols of those things which will there nourish and strengthen our soul. But it is vain to think that one desiring to work out in his fancy the great sea of such ideas, even if he wished to show how local worship is still a pattern and shadow of heavenly things, and that the sacrifices and the sheep are full of meaning, that he should advance further than the Apostle, who seeks indeed to lift our minds above earthly views of the law, but who does not show us to any extent how these things are to be. Even if we look at the festivals, of which passover is one, from the point of view of the age to come, we have still to ask how it is that our passover is now sacrificed, namely, Christ, and not only so, but is to be sacrificed hereafter.
# Ante-Nicene Fathers/Volume IX/Origen on John/Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John/Book VI/Chapter 8

8. John is a Prophet, But Not the Prophet.
“Art thou that prophet? And he answered No.” If the law and the prophets were until John, what can we say that John was but a prophet? His father Zacharias, indeed, says, filled with the Holy Ghost and prophesying, “And thou, child, shalt be called the prophet of the Highest, for thou shalt go before the Lord to prepare His ways.” (One might indeed get past this passage by laying stress on the word called: he is to be called, he is not said to be, a prophet.) And still more weighty is it that the Saviour said to those who considered John to be a prophet, “But what went ye out to see? A prophet? Yea, I say unto you, and more than a prophet.” The words, Yea, I say unto you, manifestly affirm that John is a prophet, and that is nowhere denied afterwards.  If, then, he is said by the Saviour to be not only a prophet but “more than a prophet,” how is it that when the priests and levites come and ask him, “Art thou the Prophet?” he answers No! On this we must remark that it is not the same thing to say, “Art thou the Prophet?” and “Art thou a prophet?” The distinction between the two expressions has already been observed, when we asked what was the difference between the God and God, and between the Logos and Logos. Now it is written in Deuteronomy, “A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you, like me; Him shall ye hear, and it shall be that every soul that will not hear that prophet shall be cut off from among His people.” There was, therefore, an expectation of one particular prophet having a resemblance to Moses in mediating between God and the people and receiving a new covenant from God to give to those who accepted his teaching; and in the case of each of the prophets, the people of Israel recognized that he was not the person of whom Moses spoke. As, then, they doubted about John, whether he were not the Christ, so they doubted whether he could not be the prophet. And there is no wonder that those who doubted about John whether he were the Christ, did not understand that the Christ and the prophet are the same person; their doubt as to John necessarily implied that they were not clear on this point. Now the difference between “the prophet” and “a prophet” has escaped the observation of most students; this is the case with Heracleon, who says, in these very words: “As, then, John confessed that he was not the Christ, and not even a prophet, nor Elijah.” If he interpreted the words before us in such a way, he ought to have examined the various passages to see whether in saying that he is not a prophet nor Elijah he is or is not saying what is true. He devotes no attention, however, to these passages, and in his remaining commentaries he passes over such points without any enquiry. In the sequel, too, his remarks, of which we shall have to speak directly, are very scanty, and do not testify to careful study.

## Footnotes

* ↑ John i. 21.
* ↑ Luke xvi. 16.
* ↑ Luke i. 76.
* ↑ Matt. xi. 9.
* ↑ P. 321.
* ↑ xviii. 15 sq.
* ↑ Luke iii. 15.
# Ante-Nicene Christian Library/The Refutation of All Heresies

Books II & III were not in the manuscripts from which this translation was made
* Book I
* Book IV
* Book V
* Book VI
* Book VII
* Book VIII
* Book IX
* Book X
This work is a translation and has a separate copyright status to the applicable copyright protections of the original content.
# Ante-Nicene Christian Library/Three Books of Theophilus: Introduction

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE.
ITTLE is known of the personal history of Theophilus of Antioch. We gather from the following treatise that he was born a pagan (i. 14), and owed his conversion to Christianity to the careful study of the Holy Scriptures. Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iv. 20) declares that he was the sixth bishop of Antioch in Syria from the apostles, the names of his supposed predecessors being Eros, Cornelius, Hero, Ignatius, and Euodius. We also learn from the same writer that Theophilus succeeded to the bishopric of Antioch in the eighth year of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, that is, in A.D. 168. He is related to have died either in A.D. 181, or in A.D. 188; some assigning him an episcopate of thirteen, and others of twenty-one, years.
Theophilus is said by Eusebius, Jerome, and others, to have written several works against the heresies which prevailed in his day. He himself refers in the following treatise (ii. 30) to another of his compositions. Commentaries on the Gospels, arranged in the form of a harmony, and on the book of Proverbs, are also ascribed to him by Jerome; but the sole remaining specimen of his writings consists of the three books that follow, addressed to his friend Autolycus. The occasion which called these forth is somewhat doubtful. It has been thought that they were written in refutation of a work which Autolycus had published against Christianity; but the more probable opinion is, that they were drawn forth by disparaging remarks made in conversation. The language of the writer (ii. 1) leads to this conclusion.
In handling his subject, Theophilus goes over much the same ground as Justin Martyr and the rest of the early ​apologists. He is somewhat fond of fanciful interpretations of Scripture; but he evidently had a profound acquaintance with the inspired writings, and he powerfully exhibits their immense superiority in every respect over the heathen poetry and philosophy. The whole treatise was well fitted to lead on an intelligent pagan to the cordial acceptance of Christianity.
This work was published before January 1, 1929, and is in the public domain worldwide because the author died at least 100 years ago.
Public domainPublic domainfalsefalse