# Mexican Archæology/Chapter 11

Table of Contents
CHAPTER XI — THE MAYA: BURIAL, SOCIAL SYSTEM, TRADE AND WAR
AS regards the disposal of the dead, we find the same two methods current among the historical Maya as were practised by the Aztec, viz. inhumation and cremation. The first was that most commonly observed among the generality of the inhabitants. Death was supposed to be due to some evil spirit, and the friends and relations of the deceased mourned for several days, by day in silence, at night with lamentations, and the bereaved husband or wife observed a fast. The corpse was enveloped in wrappings, the mouth filled with maize-meal and currency-stones for use in the future life, and burial took place in or behind the house. The house was usually abandoned, through fear of the dead, unless a number of individuals were living there together and consequently felt less nervous of the departed spirit. The personal idols of a man were buried with him, and, in the case of a priest, certain of his religious books also. Upon the latter fact rests the hope that more of the precious manuscripts may yet be discovered. Individuals of high rank were burned, and their ashes deposited in large urns or in cavities in the heads of wooden figures carved for the purpose. In the latter case only a portion of the ashes were so preserved, the rest being buried. It is said that it was customary to remove the heads of princes of the house of Cocom, and to attach the facial portion of the skull, made up with artificial features, to a statue which was kept in a private oratory, while the ashes of high-priests were preserved in figures of pottery. Thus it is evident ​that simple inhumation was characteristic of the lower orders, cremation of the superior; and it is possible that the two methods may represent two separate cultural elements, since there is reason to believe that the ruling class belonged to a later immigration and were the introducers of certain Mexican practices and beliefs into the country. It seems possible that some form of cremation was practised also by the Kakchiquel, since we are told that the "ashes" of great men were mixed with the clay from which household idols were made; but among this people also cremation may have been reserved for the ruling class, since Fuentes states that at death the body lay in state for two days and was then buried in a jar, omitting any reference to cremation. It is possible that the term "ashes" may refer only to certain portions of the body, and need not be taken to imply the practice of burning the corpse; at any rate Gagavitz, the first Kakchiquel ruler, is said to have been simply buried. Leon states that a high-priest was buried in his house, seated upon his chair. The excavatory evidence, though at present very deficient, seems to point to the conclusion that cremation was a late practice among the Maya peoples. At Copan a number of burials have been discovered, in which the position of the bones implies that the body was arranged in a contracted position, recumbent or sitting. Stone-lined cists have been found as depositories for the dead sporadically from Quen Santo, through Alta Vera Paz to Copan and Benque Viejo; but beyond, in the Uloa valley, large burial sites have been discovered in which the bodies have been simply laid in the earth. In Sacchana both extended and contracted burials have been found, and in the Quiché country bones have been discovered in such a position as to imply that the body was arranged in a seated position on a pottery dish. British Honduras shows several styles of burial, and our information is due ​almost solely to the excavations made by Dr. Gann. About eighty miles from the coast on the Old River, he found cist-burials, as mentioned above, urn-burials, in which the bones were partly cremated, and burials both in a recumbent and in a seated position. From the remains associated with the bones it is evident that the cist-burials, both here and elsewhere in British Honduras, contained the bodies of men of higher rank. At all the sites mentioned above burials were found marked by mounds, but the presence of the latter is not invariable, and it may be that as excavation proceeds many cemeteries will be found of which no indications exist upon the surface. At a site on the Rio Hondo, Dr. Gann was able to distinguish between three distinct types of burial. The poorest graves were found associated in some numbers in large flat mounds, sometimes half an acre in extent; the bodies were contracted, and the grave objects included hammer-stones, beads of clay and shell, rude weapons and unburnished pottery. A better class of interment occurred singly, in separate conical mounds of limestone blocks and dust, about 18 feet high, with finer pottery and beads of stone; in these the bodies were also contracted, and sometimes arranged head downwards. The finest graves were cist-burials, each in a separate mound from twenty to fifty feet high; in these the body lay at full length, and the associated objects included fine painted vases, beads of jadeite, pearl-shell and obsidian, and finely flaked stone implements. In Yucatan, burials have occasionally been found in the so-called "chultunes," or stone-lined cisterns used by the former inhabitants; and human remains, some suggesting cremation, have been discovered in the caves. The evidence respecting the latter, however, seems to suggest that these caves were not inhabited at an early period, and that the human occupation did not last for any length of time; it is probable that they were used only as places of refuge. ​On the whole such information as we possess concerning the methods of disposal of the dead seems to imply that burial was practised by the early Maya, and that cremation was introduced by certain of those peoples who are definitely known to be immigrants into the country at a date, as I hope to show shortly, posterior to the building of the monuments (with the exception of the later constructions at Chichen Itza).
At the discovery, the rule in Yucatan was divided among a number of princely houses who constituted a sort of feudal nobility. A chief was succeeded by his son, though his brothers ranked high and possessed much influence. The rulers governed their territory through sub-chiefs appointed in the outlying villages, who consulted them on all important matters, such interviews usually taking place at night. They maintained considerable state, being accompanied by a retinue when they left their residences, and etiquette enjoined that all visitors should bring some ceremonial present when they approached their overlord. This apart from the ordinary tribute of cotton tunics, game, cacao and personal service (such as house-building) which constituted the princely revenue. The scene on the vase shown in Pl. XXIV; p. 310, appears to represent an interview between a chief and a subject; the former is seated on a dais, while the latter presents to him an object which is probably a pouch containing copal. Similar pouches are seen on the reliefs and in the manuscripts. Inheritance among petty chiefs followed Mexican lines, that is to say a petty chief was succeeded by his brothers in order of age, and his sons only came to power after the death of their paternal uncles. At an earlier period the various chieftains had been subjects of an overlord at Mayapan, to whom all paid tribute. The city was founded, according to tradition, by the descendants of the Tutul Xiu, now called the Itza, whose protecting deity was Kukulkan (in his ​later and degraded manifestation). The family of the Cocomes, however, seem to have gained the supreme power, but in any case the government was for a time centralized. The tributary lords possessed residences at the capital which were under the charge of intendants appointed by them, and were supported by their respective provinces; the inhabitants of the actual district of Mayapan were exempt from tribute, but the members of the aristocracy served in the temples, assisting in the festivals by day and night. Eventually, however, the centrifugal tendency so characteristic of Mexican and Central American politics reasserted itself, and the "league" split up into a number of independent, and often hostile, princelings. It is probable that each important group of ruins marks the site of some former centre of power, and the buildings not definitely associated with religion may have been in part the residences of feudal lords.
But though the formation of the Mayapan "league" seems to indicate the paramountcy of the secular power, the priestly caste, as in Mexico, must always have possessed enormous influence, and the early traditions seem to imply that they were the actual directors of tribal policy. Kukulkan and Itzamna are both mentioned as leaders of migrations, and from this it is fair to infer that the latter were directed by the priests of the gods. Little indication as to the insignia of the early chiefs can be gleaned from the monuments, though the later reliefs of Chichen Itza show many figures bearing a diadem of Mexican pattern. Itis, in fact, almost impossible to distinguish between priests and rulers, and this very difficulty may perhaps be taken to imply that the rule had a religious basis. Possibly some of the armed figures may be taken to represent secular chieftains, but the arms themselves seem to be rather of a ceremonial nature, and at some sites, notably Copan, armed figures do not occur at all, while at Quirigua and Palenque the ​only weapon is the axe, which seems to be purely a religious emblem. The presence of subsidiary figures interpreted as prisoners maybe thought perhaps to indicate secular might, but these only occur in any numbers at Naranjo. On the whole it seems reasonable to conclude that the early Maya lived under the sway of rulers in whom the priestly aspect predominated, and that the election of chiefs whose power rested on a secular basis was a later development.
In the Popol Vuh even clearer indications of this are given, and it is evident that the authority of Balam-Quitzé, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah and Iqi-Balam rested on the fact that they were the guardians and high-priests of the gods given to them at Tulan. The association between priest and god in this case seems to have been personal and not transferable, for their sons do not immediately succeed to their positions. In fact, the legend seems to indicate the substitution of a more secular form of authority, since the titles and insignia of power are sought and obtained from a people living to the east, though these titles and insignia, not unnaturally, are conferred upon the elder sons of the deceased leaders. The titles include that of Ahpop, afterwards held by supreme chiefs, and the insignia consist of canopy, throne, musical instruments, pigments, perfumes, animal head-dresses, heron-plumes and shell and other ornaments, many of which appear in the livery worn by the figures sculptured on the early Maya monuments. The power of the rulers grew, centres of authority, similar to Mayapan, but probably on a smaller scale, were formed, and tribute of gems, gold, feathers and honey was imposed upon the conquered tribes. In particular we are told that the ruling people grew rich upon the bride-prices paid by the suitors of their women, and it may be concluded that alliances with a princely house were as much sought in Guatemala as in Mexico, and that the belief, that rank could only be ​conferred by an individual in whose blood it was inherent, was equally prevalent. The Popol Vuh gives a list of the principal officers of the Quiché state, and those of the Cavek division are quoted below. Nothing is known concerning them save the probable translation of the titles, but they will serve to indicate the nature of the Quiché constitution, which may well have been founded on some system prevailing among the earlier Maya. The translations are those of Brinton.
Ahau-Ahpop, the ruler. Ahau-Ahpop-Camha, possibly the sub-chief of the Tziquinaha. Ah-Tohil, the high-priest of Tohil. Ah-Gukumatz, the high-priest of Gukumatz. Nim-Chokoh-Cavek, the heir of the first. Popol-Vinak-Chituy, the high councillor of Chituy. Lolmet-Quehney, the overseer of tribute. Popol-Vinak-Pa-Hom-Tzalatz, the councillor of the ball-game. Uchuch-Camha, the high steward.
In a later passage a functionary called Tepeu-Yaqui, who may have been the chief sacrificer, is substituted for the last. All these officials are described as "lords of great houses." The other divisions of the Quiché were organized on similar principles.
In the same way the Kakchiquel appear to have commenced their migration under priestly guidance; at any rate the election of the first ruler comes at a late period in their "annals." The insignia of power seem to have been the same; the electors say, "Thou shalt be the first man among the Ahpo-Xahil and among the Ahpo-Zotzil. . . . We will give to thee the canopy, the royal seat, the mat, the throne, with power over men." The enthronement of a later ruler is described as follows: "They seated him on the seat . . . washed him in the bath, the painted vessel . . . clothed him with the robe and the green ornaments; he received the colours, ​the yellow stone, the pigment, the red earth." Later the Kakchiquel were ruled by a dual chieftainship, representing the two chief tribes, the Zotzil and Xahil.The Zotzil chief was called Ahpo-Zotzil, the Xahil chief Ahpo-Xahil, and the senior in office was regarded as paramount. Their heirs held respectively the title of Ahpop-Qamahay and Galel-Xahil, and they were supported by an hereditary aristocracy and a number of officials like those of the Quiché. Besides the mat, the canopy was an important insigne of rank, that of the rulers being triple, of the heirs double, and of the highest officials single. 'The populace was divided into warriors, freemen, tributaries and slaves, and there was also a clan system, similar to that of the Mexican calpulli, though based on relationship rather than on locality. The clans were called chinamitl, and were represented by officials called Ahtzalam, a word translated by Brinton as "Keeper of the tablets"; besides allusions to the clans, there are frequent references to seven cities and to thirteen divisions or provinces. The Kakchiquel were never a large or very important people, and their position among other tribes seems to have varied a good deal at different periods of their history. At times they seem to have paid tribute to the Quiché, though at the conquest they were independent, while at other times they appear to have been able to extract tribute from some of the surrounding nations. Such tribute consisted of gold and silver, worked or unworked, engraved stones, feathers and cacao.
Of the land system among the Maya we know very little. No doubt, owing to the comparative sparseness of the population and the fertility of the climate, the land question had not attained the same importance as in Mexico. In Yucatan at any rate land was common property, and sufficient for the needs of each family was assigned to its representative by the chiefs. The salt deposits on the coast were also common, but were ​worked by the inhabitants of the locality who paid their tribute in salt.
Little, too, is known of the judicial arrangements; official advocates and a kind of police existed, and important cases in provincial villages were referred to the overlords, whose power was absolute. In the case of minor offences, the local chief had jurisdiction, and if the parties belonged to different villages, the chief of the offender's village would send satisfaction to the other, or else strife resulted. For many offences, even homicide if accidental, compensation was possible, and the relations of the guilty person would assist him in paying the fine, though the right of retaliation in cases of manslaughter lay with the relations of the deceased. If the injury were obviously malicious, the question was rarely settled without the parties coming to blows. For theft the culprit was compelled to restore the plunder, and if he could not he was enslaved; thus the number of slaves in the community was considerably increased in times of famine, for nearly all cases of stealing were connected with food. Captives of lower rank also became slaves, but any slave might redeem himself, though children born in slavery remained slaves until compensation was paid to their owners. Slaves could be sold, but if one died or escaped soon after his purchase, part of the price paid for him could be reclaimed. The robbing of a minor was considered a particularly disgraceful offence. In ordinary cases a man's property was divided among his sons, those who had contributed most towards its increase receiving a larger share. Daughters had no right to any of the inheritance, though they were usually given a portion. If there were no sons, the property went to the nearest male relations, but if the sons were still young, guardians were appointed to provide the mother with the necessaries for their education. The arrangements were made in the presence of the local chief and the ​principal men of the place, and any dishonesty on the part of the guardians involved them in infamy; however, we are told that the system was the cause of frequent quarrels. Matrimonial cases were not infrequent, but the punishment was severe; the male culprit was tied to a post in the chief's quarter and handed over to the injured husband, who might accept compensation, or take his revenge by smashing the head of his supplanter with a stone. The woman incurred perpetual obloquy, no light punishment, and was usually divorced by her husband. Among the Kakchiquel we read of an execution by fastening a prisoner to a tree and shooting at him with arrows, while among the Tzutuhil of Atitlan hanging and quartering were practised. At the latter locality the chief would send a relation to enquire into offences committed in outlying villages; his decision was without appeal, and in cases involving a fine he received one-half as payment for his services. It is probable that similar systems prevailed generally among the Quiché and Kakchiquel.
There was no special education for the young as in Mexico, at least as far as our knowledge goes, apart from the training given to candidates for the priesthood. Children were taught to have great respect for their elders, and the young and unmarried associated little with the latter. The distinction between bachelors and married men was emphasized by the existence of a communal house where the former congregated for amusement and where, as a rule, they slept.
The Maya preserved their genealogies, and great pride was taken in descent from one of the Mayapan houses. Men bore, in addition to a personal name, the names also of their father and mother. In this way a system of surnames grew up, and community of name was taken to imply community of blood; so much so, in fact, that all over the country a traveller on reaching a strange village would mention his name and ​immediately be welcomed and entertained as a relation by anyone who happened to bear the same name. As a general rule travellers were well treated, and many of the village chiefs kept open house, a custom which lasted on well into the days of the Spanish régime, as many poor white voyagers found to their advantage. The priests were the guardians of family tradition and genealogies. Similar surnames existed among the Kakchiquel, and each person bore, besides his personal name, the name of his clan or chinamitl.
As regards marriage, Landa states that the Maya in former times regarded twenty as a suitable age, but that the tendency in his time was to marry much younger. According to most authorities, the Maya were monogamous, but one states that polygyny was permitted. Probably a plurality of wives was exceptional and limited to chiefs. As in Mexico, a man never sought a wife for himself, but his father employed the services of a go-between. Marriage was not allowed with a deceased wife's sister or husband's brother, and no unions might be contracted between persons bearing the same name, since community of name implied blood-relationship. Further, a man might not marry his maternal aunt. The occasion of the marriage, which was performed by a priest, was celebrated by a banquet in the house of the bride's father, and the husband remained and worked for his wife's family for five or six years. Marriage was by purchase, that is to say the man's parents handed over certain property to the father-in-law, but the presents were not of great value, the real price being the personal service contributed by the bridegroom. We are told that divorce was both easy and frequent.
A somewhat similar system prevails to-day among the Lacandons, though the young man demands his wife in person. If her parents agree, the couple live as man and wife in the house of her father for a year on trial. ​At the end of the year, the couple, their relations and friends, paint themselves and assume their best ornaments; the bride presents her husband with a stool and five cacao grains, and receives from him a skirt and five cacao grains. Their hands are then joined by the cacique, and a feast follows. The Lacandons are monogamous, and divorce, probably owing to the system of trial-marriage, is rare.
Among the Quiché also marriage was by purchase, but the bride-price was a serious matter, and apparently often amounted to a considerable sum. We are told that the princes grew rich on the gifts which they received in return for their daughters, but the system brought abuses with it, and quarrels arose which became so frequent and serious that the tribe split up into nine "families" and twenty-four "great houses." The tendency to matriarchy seen among the Maya is even more evident among the Kakchiquel, since if the couple belonged to different clans (chinamitl), the man regarded all the male members of his wife's clan as either brothers-or sons-in-law, according to age. This would seem to imply that the man passed into his wife's clan rather than she into his.
Commerce flourished among the later Maya, and there was a good deal of travelling to and fro in the country. The pilgrimages to celebrated shrines along recognized routes have already been mentioned, and also the fact that there was a particular god of travel, Ekchuah. The Yucatec traded salt, textiles and slaves to Uloa and Tabasco, in exchange for cacao and stone money; red shells were imported, and also copper from New Spain. Diaz mentions that the Spaniards found, in a village in Chiapas, a number of prisoners secured by wooden collars who had been captured on the road, and he states that some of these were travellers from Tehuantepec and Soconusco. On the border of Yucatan and in the hilly region of Alta Vera Paz there were ​well-defined trade-routes, and Cortés after crossing the Usumacinta came to a district, which he calls Acalan, where the inhabitants maintained trade-intercourse, mainly by boat, with Tabasco, and had trade-outposts on the Golfo Dulce and the Honduras border. In the earliest times there must have been much extended intercourse among the tribes, at any rate pendants of seashells constitute one of the most frequent ornaments seen on the monuments, and the Quiché seem to have sent an expedition on a long journey to obtain royal insignia, as mentioned above. Much of the trade was performed by direct exchange, but there were certain forms of currency. Cacao formed the "small change," and Herrera states that 200 of the nuts went to a real. Red shells and stone counters are also mentioned as money, as well as copper bells, the value of which depended on their size. Both Cogolludo and Torquemada speak of copper currency axe-blades, very thin and in the form of an inverted T, which were imported from Mexico. The latter author states that four of these, if new, were equivalent to five reales, but that damaged specimens were only valuable for melting down and went at ten to the real. Feathers were also employed as currency, and in some places cloth, as in Mexico. The system of enumeration employed in commerce was in the main vigesimal. The count proceeded by fives to twenty, by twenties to one hundred, and by hundreds to four hundred; from this point the higher numbers were reckoned in multiples of twenty.
The question of war and weapons is particularly interesting from archæological and ethnological points of view. Taken as a whole the monuments show few traces of military activity, and at some sites, notably Copan, Quirigua and Palenque, armed figures are not seen at all, for the axe which appears at the two latter sites is obviously a purely ceremonial object. To omit Yucatan for the moment, it is worthy of notice that reliefs suggesting ​the figures of warriors are practically only found in the northern portion of the region over which the earlier remains extend, viz. at Piedras Negras, Menché, Naranjo and Tikal. 'The suggestion is conveyed by the presence of one or more bound figures subsidiary to the main personage represented upon the sculpture, or by the fact that the latter stands upon a crouching figure of distinctly different, and far lower, type of physiognomy. Tikal may almost be omitted from the above list, since only one such relief occurs, and it resembles rather the sculptures of Menché than the archaic stelæ which appear to be more characteristic of the site. It is not absolutely certain, moreover, that the crouching figures which serve as supporters represent actual prisoners, since in some cases the main figure is shown with attributes which are of a purely ceremonial nature; still the arrangement is suggestive, and it is worthy of notice that by far the largest number of such stelæ is found at Naranjo. Where the main figure is shown with a weapon, that weapon is almost invariably a spear with a head of flaked stone. Such spears are always rather elaborate and ornamental in form, and in some cases it is difficult to distinguish them from a ceremonial staff. As stated above, I do not think that the ceremonial axe can fairly be considered a weapon, but one "axe" is shown in the hands of a figure at Menché (stela II), which seems to answer to the description of the "swords" seen by Columbus in Ruatan. The latter consisted of an edging of stone flakes set in a groove in a wooden haft, and secured by lashing of fish intestines. Shields are shown at most sites, and conform in the main to two types, square and round (or four-sided with gently rounded corners). Square shields are seen at Piedras Negras, the other pattern at Menché, Copan, Quirigua, and Naranjo, though at the last-named site one rectangular shield occurs. At Piedras Negras and Menché figures are found carrying objects which I take to be long shields ​of some pliable material, and these are paralleled in the reliefs on the ball-court at Chichen Itza (Fig. 60). It is
worthy of note that both Diaz and Diego de Godoi mention long shields, covering most of the body, which could be folded or rolled up and carried under the arm when ​not required, as in use among the tribes of Chiapas. The shields of the rounded type nearly always bear on the field a highly ornamental sun-face (Fig. 82; p. 344). It should be observed that neither bows, arrows, spear-throwers nor, apparently, slings are figured on the monuments of the central region. On the whole it seems fair to conclude that the early Maya were men of peace, and that wars, when they occurred, were with the border tribes rather than among themselves; it should be mentioned that one representation of bound prisoners is found at Ixkun. When we come to consider Yucatan, we find that reliefs showing figures are practically absent except at Chichen Itza, and there they occur only on buildings ornamented in a distinctly later style, and accompanied by glyphs of a non-Maya character. In the famous relief on the ball-court (Fig. 60) is a long series of figures carrying a variety of weapons, chiefly spears of the type mentioned above, wooden lances with a single or double row of barbs, apparently cut from the solid, sheaves of light throwing-spears with stone heads and, seemingly, feathered butts, and spear-throwers of wood ornamented with feathers. Light bucklers of a circular pattern, and long pliable shields of the type mentioned before, both occur, but bows are absent. Other forms of defensive armour seem to be lacking on the whole, but there is one figure shown with a turtle-shell worn as a corslet. This may have some mythological significance, but it is worth recording in this connection that Diaz mentions turtle-carapaces used as shields at Ayagualulco, to the west of the river Tabasco. Many of the figures wear a flat circular object fastened to the girdle at the hip; this may possibly be the leather pad worn in the ball-game, as described on p. 166, but more likely it corresponds to the circular ornament which formed part of the military uniform of the Huaxtec warriors. Now spear-throwers and darts appear on the Dresden codex, but the absence, on the earlier ​monuments, of anything remotely resembling either a spear-thrower or a spear which could be hurled, seems to suggest that their builders were ignorant of missile weapons. Chichen Itza, of which the late buildings are, to anticipate, in Toltec style, was intimately associated with the Tutul Xiu, and we are told that the spear-thrower was their principal weapon. Further, Landa makes the statement that bows and arrows, which were universal in Yucatan at the conquest, were introduced there by the Mexicans, and that the Yucatec before they came into contact with the latter were ignorant of these weapons. It may be conjectured that their introduction was due to the Mexican mercenaries employed by the later rulers of Mayapan. To turn for the moment to the Quiché and Kakchiquel, we find that "arrows" were employed by the former in their wars with the surrounding tribes shortly after the death of the original leaders, but it is possible that these may in reality have been throwing-spears. With regard to the Kakchiquel the case is different; this people are always, in the Annals of Xahila, insisting upon their status as a warrior tribe, and it is stated definitely that the only riches which their fighting-men bore with them from Tulan were their bows, their bucklers and their rounded shields. Now both the Tutul Xiu and the Quiché traced their origin from Tulan also, and if this be taken to indicate some early contact with the Mexican valley, it follows that the Tutul Xiu migration started before the introduction of the bow into the valley by the Chichimec, while that of the Quiché and Kakchiquel occurred subsequently. However, as stated above, the Tulan of the Tutul Xiu tradition is not necessarily that of the Quiché and Kakchiquel legends (see pp. 214-216).
According to Landa the bows of the historical Yucatec were solid and straight, a little less than a man's height, while the arrows, carried in a quiver, had shafts ​of reed, foreshafts of wood and obsidian heads; the Yucatec also carried stone-headed spears, copper-bladed axes, the edges of which were hardened by hammering, and basket-work shields covered with deer-hide. The spear remained the weapon of the upper class, while the bow, as the arm of the mercenary, was used by the commoners. Corslets, quilted with cotton and salt, are mentioned as defensive armour, and Diaz speaks of slings and "swords" (probably corresponding to the Mexican macquauitl) at Cape Cotoche and Champoton respectively. The Maya forces were under the command of two generals, one elected for three years and called Nacon (see p. 259), the other hereditary. The generals maintained a force of regular soldiers, whose food in times of peace was provided by the commune. Pallisades were practically the only defensive works known, and in fact very few of the buildings throughout the Maya country, with the exception of a few in western Guatemala, where traces of fortifications are seen on the summits of mountains, seem adapted for defensive purposes. The Yucatec carried off the jaw-bones of slain foes to be worn as armlets, a custom also found in New Guinea. Axes and clubs were used by the Quiché and Kakchiquel, and the latter also employed slings and blow-guns. In later Guatemala mention is made by Alvarado of long wadded corslets of cotton, three fingers thick and so cumbrous that, when the wearers fell in attempting to escape from the Spanish attack, they could not rise without assistance. A peculiar weapon mentioned in the Popol Vuh, as used by the Quiché in the defence of a fortress, consisted of a kind of bomb, formed of a gourd filled with live hornets; it is stated that by means of this ingenious weapon they succeeded in repelling an attack upon a fortified settlement. A good description of a fight between the Quiché and the Kakchiquel is given in the "Annals." "When the dawn appeared, the Quiché descended from the hills, the cries ​and the shouts of war broke forth, the banners were displayed. Then were heard the drums, the trumpets and the conches of the combatants. Truly this descent of the Quiché was terrible. They advanced rapidly in rank, and one might see afar off their bands following one another descending the mountain. They soon reached the bank of the river, the houses by the water. They were followed by the chiefs Tepepul and Iztayul, accompanying the god. Then it was that the battalions met. Truly the encounter was terrible. The cries and the shouts, the noise of the drums, the trumpets and the conches resounded, mingled with the enchantments of the heroes. The Quiché were routed in all directions, not one resisted, they were put to flight and delivered over to death and no one could count their slain. A great number of them were taken prisoner, together with the kings Tepepul and Iztayul, who delivered up their god." The capture of a god was evidently a feat much to be desired, as we have seen when treating of the Mexicans (p. 56), and there are passages in the Popol Vuh which relate the attempts made by other tribes to capture the deities of the Quiché. Both the Quiché and Kakchiquel seem to have been in the habit of executing prisoners by the arrow-sacrifice, and the Yucatec also offered up captives of rank, reducing those of lower status to slavery. Apart from the attempts at capturing the enemy's god, war did not have nearly so close a connection with religion as in Mexico, at least as far as can be ascertained. Most of the wars concerning which traditions have been preserved either were dynastic or resulted from the refusal on the part of a subject tribe to pay tribute.