# Narrative of an Official Visit to Guatemala from Mexico/Chapter 18

CHAPTER XVIII.
The present political government of Guatemala, like those of the other new republics of the Western Hemisphere is, more or less, founded on the principles of the constitution of the northern United States. It is a representative federal republic. The legislative power of the nation resides in the federal congress, composed of representatives chosen by the people; and it is in their province to enact laws touching the direct interest of the whole republic; to form the general regulations for the national army, to fix the expenses of the general administration of the public service; to declare war or make peace; to prescribe and settle the laws of trade, and ​to regulate the coinage. A senate composed of two senators, elected, popularly, by each of the states, is appointed to give sanction to the law, and to assist with its advice the executive power, in weighty matters. It has also the power of proposing for nomination to the chief offices or employments of the federation, and watches over the conduct of the individuals employed. The president, elected by the people, is invested with the executive power, taking care that the law is fulfilled, entering, with the previous advice of the senate, into negociations and treaties with foreign powers, directing the military force, and nominating the functionaries of the federation. A vice-president, elected also by the people, is authorized to act for the president in certain cases established by law. — A supreme court of justice formed of individuals, also elected by the people, takes cognizance, in the last instance, of the matters likewise expressed in the constitution, and has power of judicature over the ​president, senators, ambassadors to foreign parts, secretaries of state and other high official characters. The federal republic is divided into five sovereign independent states, which are Guatemala, Honduras, Sonsonate, Nicaragua, and Costa-Rica. Each of these states contains:
1st. An assembly of deputies elected by the people, which dictates laws, ordinances, and regulations; determines the expense of its administration, decrees imposts, and fixes the military force in unison with the federal congress.
2d. A council of individuals named by the people, which gives or denies its sanction to the law, advises the executive power, and proposes for nomination the principal public officers.
3d. A chief elected by the people, who executes the laws, nominates the public servants, and disposes of the military force.
4th. A gefe politico, or vice-chief, nominated by the people, who acts in cases provided by the law.
​5th. A superior court of judges, named by the people, which exercises the judicial power, in the last instance.
From the above, it will be seen that there exists a complete uniformity not only between the political governments of the several states, but between each of these governments and that of the general system of the federation, of which they are, at once, a component and imitative portion. How far this sort of political organization is practically expedient, it is somewhat hazardous to pronounce. The federal congress being held in the capital of the state, the provincial congress of that state is obliged to be held at the Antigua: the power of the president of the federation and the gefe politico are so closely situated with regard to each other, as hardly to be definable.
"Non bene conveniunt, nec in unâ sede morantur, Majestas et"—Majestas!
This circumstance had led to some disagreements between the two parties ​similarly situated at Mexico, and was the exact cause of the coolness which was politically existing, at this moment, between the same authorities in the Central Republic. Previously to adverting more particularly to the civil disturbances of which the unfortunate encouragement of this feeling has been productive, and which has prevented the British Government from entering into relations with this highly favoured republic, I shall trouble my readers, whilst I am sitting in company with my refractory host, Don Juan, the President of the State of Guatemala, to cast their eyes over the following short notices of the revolution of the republic at large, which has led to the independence and present system of its government:—they will, thus, be enabled to trace the sources from which the now-existing authorities have been established, and to judge of the probability of their ultimate consistency and strength.
The first symptoms of a desire for independence were manifested upon the French ​invasion of Spain: revolutionary opinions began, then, to be canvassed and to gain ground. In 1811, 1812, and 1813, certain more positive movements in favour of independence took place; and, in these, the province of San Salvador took the lead. Nothing, however, occurred of any consequence till the year 1820, when, the constitution of Spain, having been re-established, was, in July of the same year, promulgated in Guatemala.
On the 15th September 1821, the Spanish government, at the instigation of several of the provinces, particularly of San Salvador, and having been further induced thereto by the circumstance of Chiapa having obtained its independence, on the basis of the Mexican plan of Iguala, formed a junta of all the existing authorities, to deliberate on the measures to be adopted. This junta, having, by a great majority, declared in favour of a total separation from the mother country, published a General Act of Independence; upon which there sprung ​up two parties; one in favour of absolute independence of either Mexico or Spain or even of a federative union of Guatemalian States, and the other in favour of the plan of Iguala which, it is well known, proposed the establishment of a monarchy, and invited the Bourbons to the throne.
The old Spanish party, in the choice of difficulties, acceded to conditions of a temporizing nature and became advocates to the plan of Iguala. Leon, capital of Nicaragua, and Comayagua, capital of Honduras, also declared for the same form of government; but the majority of the towns and settlements of each of these provinces adhered, in their proclamations, to the General Act of Independence, as declared by the junta.—The supreme government was now placed in the hands of a provisional junta, in the independent or federative interest, until a more regular form of government should be settled by a congress, which was then being convened for that purpose. Such was the state of affairs, when on the 19th October, 1821, ​Iturbide issued to the Guatemalians his first public manifesto; in which, after congratulating them upon their independence, he endeavoured to persuade them that, in order to further so salutary a measure, he had directed a numerous and well appointed force to enter their frontiers. The independents did not take this act as kindly as it was intended, but the old Spaniards hailed him as their protector, and, thence, instead of "Serviles" as they had hitherto been called, they christened themselves with the name of "Imperialists."
The head of this party who was president of the junta, and also gefe politico, was Filisola, who had been, previously, a principal promoter of the plan of Iguala. It was chiefly through the interest of this individual that, on the 30th November of the same year, 1821, the above manifesto of Iturbide was circulated through the provinces: to that document he attached one of his own; pointing out to the people that the only alternative they had was to unite themselves ​to Mexico or to sustain a war with that country, whose troops were already marching against them. Before adequate time could be given to ascertain the sentiments of the different towns, he, as the President of the junta, together with his party who voted in favour of the union between Guatemala and Mexico, pronounced that union, on the 5th January, 1822. The province of Chiquimula immediately attempted to separate itself from this alliance: Costa-Rica and Granada, the latter of which is a part of the province of Nicaragua, were also averse to the union, and the absolute separation of San Salvador was settled by the act of 11th January, 1822.
In the mean time, the provisional junta of Guatemala was dissolved: Filisola led his troops against San Salvador, and met with a signal defeat in an action fought on the 3d July. He was again defeated by the people of that province in another action, on the 23d February, 1823: after this, having returned to Guatemala, just ​at the moment the first news of the revolution against Iturbide was received, he agreed that the congress should be convoked as originally constituted by the Act of Independence: the same was carried into effect, by an act of 29th March; and, on the 2d July, the said congress decreed that the Mexican troops should evacuate the Guatemalian territory. In their march through the capital city of the province of Chiapa, of which Filisola was the commandant, some difficulties arose: he insisted upon the separation of that province from the Guatemalian federation, showing that it belonged to the government of Mexico; and, whilst Chiapa seemed silently to acquiesce in this arrangement, Filisola continued his march, leaving a detachment of his division under the command of Colonel Codallos, but who was afterwards expelled by the joint military forces of Tutla and Comitañ.
Although, at the present day, the Mexicans claim this territory in the list of the ​provinces of their federation, and it is not inserted in that of Guatemala, yet it is certain that, from the time alluded to up to the present, the matter has been considered one of great question, and representations of a friendly nature respecting the right of proprietorship are still going on between the two republics.
The disquietudes which had occurred in San Salvador having been allayed by the deposition of Iturbide, in the first instance, and further settled by the effects of a friendly understanding with the seat of government, it would be unnecessary to detail them. Some skirmishes also took place in Nicaragua, but not of sufficient interest to require comment.
The barriers opposed to a federal government having been thus broken down by the deposition of Iturbide, the old Spanish and, afterwards, the Imperial, party was confounded, and became too much alarmed to give any further vent to their opinions. The constituent assembly was, ​consequently, installed on the 24th June, 1823. On the 21st July of the same year, the independence was declared by the assembly, and on the 17th December, the bases of the constitution were published. In the mean time, a supreme executive power had been established, composed of three individuals elected by the assembly, whilst the nation itself took the name of "The United Provinces of the Centre of America."
From this period Guatemala began to act as a free sovereign state: on the 9th June, 1824, its independence was recognized by Colombia: on the 3d August, its legation had arrived, and was duly received, in the United States of North America: on the 20th August it was recognized by Mexico: on the 3d September, its ambassador was admitted by that republic: on the 6th of the same month, the installation of the congress of Costa-Rica completed the established form of the federation: on the 15th, the federal congress was installed: on the 22d November the ​constitution was signed by the deputies; and on the 6th December the congress sanctioned the loan of Messrs. Barclay and Co. for 7,142,047 dollars; but which, owing to the grand money-crisis in this country, was, it is well known, never negotiated, except to a very inconsiderable extent. Had it been so, the government would have been strengthened and the troublesome effects of the late civil dissentions would, in all probability, have been prevented: as it is, as we shall presently see, they have been put down by the arm of the government, without that pecuniary aid which they had contracted for, and which they had a right to expect. It is problematical if any one of the old European governments would have been able to maintain its dignity and power under a similar disappointment.
The succeeding year of 1825 was also marked by the following circumstances, conducive to the honour and stability of the republic.
On the 21st February, the consul from ​the Northern United States arrived and received his exequatur: on the 25th March, a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive, was ratified with Colombia: on the 10th April the constitution was sworn to by the public authorities: on the 21st of that month, took place the ceremony of the inauguration of the president:—this happened the same day on which I set off from Mexico:—and, on the 23d July, Mr. O'Reilley arrived at Izabal, which also, peculiarly, happened the Sunday that I reached the coast in order to embark for Great Britain.
I trust that, without any pedantry or affectation, these comments will not be considered as misplaced. I have always spoken freely in favour of the stability of the federation of the Central Republic, and the British public will be able to judge from the above simple statement of facts, whether, or not, I have had reason for doing so. ​What ensued with regard to the sentiments of Don Juan Barrundia, the gefe politico, after I took leave of him, on this occasion, I cannot pretend to say; but I might, perhaps, be warranted in judging thus favourably of the general aspect of affairs: indeed, the Gefe expressed the most friendly wishes towards the promotion of a good understanding with the British government, and in so doing evinced much politeness and personal attention towards myself; the only way in which he could practically demonstrate his feelings; and, from the purport of the conversation which I afterwards had with the President of the Republic, in which his Excellency seemed to smile at the probability of any overt act of hostility being likely to take place between them, I thought it fair to conclude that the Republic of Guatemala was, probably, at that time, in a proper state for the immediate recognition of its independence on the part of Great Britain.