# The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 2/No Compromise

No Compromise.
An Address Delivered by Chas. Pergler, American Delegate of the Czechoslovak National Council, at Chicago, September 14, 1918.
In celebrating today the recognition of the Czechoslovak National Council as a de facto belligerent government, we are celebrating an act which perhaps more than any other illustrates the deep gulf existing between Austro-Hungarian and German methods, on the one hand, and American and Allied ways and means on the other. For their own selfish ends, and not out of consideration for any desires on the part of the peoples concerned, Germany endeavored to stir up trouble in Ireland, India, Egypt and elsewhere. The purpose sought was not to give recognition to the aspiration of any nation, but to weaken Allied power for a successful prosecution of the war. The United States, even to win the holiest of wars, would not stoop to such German and Austro-Hungarian methods. America always stood ready to extend support to those justly asking for it. She always recognized any movement which showed itself to be really one of the people. So she has now accorded recognition to the Czechoslovak movement for independence. She waited, and properly waited, until it was demonstrated beyond the shadow of a doubt that Czecho-Slovak peoples demanded severance from Austria-Hungary, until they showed on the battlefield that they themselves were willing to lay down their lives to achieve their independent purposes. In other words, in according recognition to the Czechoslovak National Council and the Czecho-Slovak national aspirations, the United States Government recognizes an ​established and existing fact. America would not attempt to create trouble in Austria-Hungary for her own purposes. But once it is proved that any Austro-Hungarian nationality calls and fights for independence, America unhesitatingly gives its approval to the demand. But she undertakes this step not only because she is confronted with an existing fact, but also because the object fought for by the nationality in question, in this case by the Czechoslovaks, she considers just. An unjust cause, no matter how forcefully supported, she would not give recognition to. Therein lies the greatness of the statesmanship of Woodrow Wilson.
In this respect, too, the admission of the Czechoslovaks into the community of the fighting democratic nations as full-fledged allies is their own work,, and we may be justly proud of that fact. No nation is entitled to freedom and liberty, nor can it maintain its freedom and liberty, without having fought for it, without having won it for itself. These priceless possessions never have been and never will be of any value as a mere gift, and never have been and never can be banlied about as charity. Immediately upon the declaration of war the whole Czechoslovak nation adopted a vigorously anti-Austrian and anti-German attitude. The movement was one of the people. It was spontaneous and general. There was absolutely no artificial stimulation about it, and it could not be repressed by the White Terror of Vienna and Budapest. In fact, the opposition to the war and to Austria-Hungary was begun by Czechoslovak soldiers who were unsillingly conscripted into the Austro-Hungarian armies, but refused to fight for their hereditary enemies and against their friends and brothers on the Allied side. They surrendered to the so-called enemy at every possible opportunity. The Czechoslovak legions in the Allied Armies, came into existence very soon after the outbreak of the war.
The quality of the Czechoslovak legions and the Czechoslovak Armies need not be commented upon. The Russian offensive in July, 1917, was really made possible by the Czechoslovaks, and the battle of Zborov some day will be the subject matter of one of the most stirring tales of the war. A writer in the magazine “Asia” for September, who has been some time with our Siberian Army, has this to say about it: “In my notebook I cannot find the names of a dozen leaders of the Czechoslovak expedition. In a sense there are no leaders. The outstanding fact in the Czechoslovak Army is the democracy of it. The leaders are men who have been trained, but they owe their position to popular choice. Yet there is no foolish idea that military decisions can be made by a committee of soldiers. The Czechoslovak sacrifices personal ambition to his cause, and that is why his cause is worth fighting for.”
We have won our standing as one of the Allies, and we are grateful to the United States and to the Allies for having admitted us into the partnership of the combined fighting democracies after we have proved our fitness for membership.
In some quarters an attempt has been made to construe the wording of the official text of Secretary Lansing’s announcement of recognition as being consistent with a possibility of a future existence of Austria-Hungary as a federal state. Nothing can be more erroneous. If the struggle of the Czechoslovaks is an existing fact so potent that it led to the recognition of our National Council as a de facto belligerent government, the undeniable fact also exists that never again will the Czechoslovaks voluntarily submit to Austro-Hungarian rule in any form, and to Hapsburg sovereignty in any shape or manner. We have broken with Austria-Hungary and the Hapsburgs forever, and our struggle shall continue until the Hpasburgs have been sent to deserved oblivion and Austria-Hungary has been wiped off the map forever. This being the case, we are confident that in this, too, we shall have the support of the United States and the Allies.
For that matter, it must be remembered that the principle of natioanlity cannot be carried out without a complete dismemberment of Austria-Hungary. It must be equally remembered that this principle means not only freedom, but that it also means unity. To preserve Austria-Hungary in any form would mean not only that the Czechoslovaks must remain divided under alien domination, but that the Rumanians of Transylvania and Bukovina must continue to suffer under the unspeakable cruelties of the Magyar regime, that Poland could not become united, and that the Italians of Trentino could not be joined to their brethren of Italy.
​The Austrian problem is strongly akin to that of Turkey. In fact, the fate of these two purely military and autocratic empires is closely intertwined. The downfall of Turkey spells downfall for Austria, since Austria loses her ruling idea and her states men cannot find for her a mission. Austria loses ground progressively, just as Turkey did. Consider only the dissolution of the Austro-Spanish Empire; that later the monarchy lost the greater part of Silesia, and finally was forced completely to abandon Germany by Prussia; that in 1848 she was saved by autocratic Russia; and that in 1859 she lost most of her Italian provinces; and since 1866 she is simply the tool of Berlin.
After all, the world’s statesmanship has made progress and become more idealistic and spiritualized since the days when false theories as to balance of power several tmes saved Turkey. The compromises which the Turkish problem led to will not, must not, be repeated in regard to Austria-Hungary. In the interest of permanent peace, in the interest of justice and fair dealing, in the interest of democracy, Austria-Hungary must go.
No one can be benefited by the preservation of Austria-Hungary in any form except the Hapsburgs themselves. In the last analysis, anyone pleading for the preservation of Austria-Hungary is pleading the cause of the degenerated Hapsburg dynasty. The story goes that ex-Ambassador Gerard, when asked by the President as to his opinion concerning the causes of the war, answered: “Mr. President, it’s this king business.” The preservation of Austria-Hungary means the preservation of the Hapsburgs and the continuation, at least to that extent, of the kings’ and emperors’ business, which has been kept alive by the sacrifice of millions of women and children, and the destruction of untold, unimaginable treasures.
Austria-Hungary preserved, Germany would really remain victorious ,and at least unchastized, as well as in a position to start anew at some time in the future another world conflagration.
For be it remembered that the foundation upon which Germany has built is Germany herself, together with Austria-Hungary. Without the immense reservoir of human material in Austria-Hungary, consisting of enslaved nationalities, Germany could not even now be facing almost the entire civilized world.
After the treaty of Brest-Litowsk, the Austro-Hungarian Emperor Karl sent an emissary to our troops then encamped around Kiev with a promise of complete autonomy, amnesty if they return, and assurances they would not be required to again fight with the Austro-Hungarian Armies. The answer of our troops was: “The Czechoslovaks do not negotiate with the Hapsburgs.” That, I am sure, will be the answer of the United States and the Allies whenever and wherever the Central Empires start their periodical peace offensives. When the war ends, we shall see the civilized world freed from the nightmare of German militarism, we shall witness the disappearance of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the re-establishment of an independent Czechoslovak state, and of a united Poland. There will be a united Jugoslavia: the Rumanian state will contain within its borders all Rumanians, and the process of Italian unity will be completed. With the various nations of the world so freed, we may then take the next step, that of forming a society of nations and an international order worth securing by what has become known as a League of Nations, or perhaps a League to Enforce Peace. But a condition precedent to the formation of any such society is, and must be, the establishment of a just international order, one really worth securing and fighting for.
In his recent peace note, Baron Burian maintains there is no objection to the principles enunciated by President Wilson, presupposing their application is general and reconcilable with the vital interests of the states concerned. It is the vital interest of that dynastic preserve called Austria-Hungary to keep enslaved the Austro-Hungarian nationalities. There is the joker in the note. There is the clause which, if no other, shows we are dealing with a group of still unrepentant criminals with whom there can be no parleying, but upon whom sentence simply must be passed, when they shall have been captured and bound.
In the meantime, let us carry on. Let us not be afraid of whatever efforts may be required, let us not shrink from whatever sacrifices may be necessary. A MAN may lose his soul by living, a man may save it by dying. The civilized powers of the world will save their souls by prosecuting this war to a victorious conclusion, no matter what the cost in lives or treasure.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published before January 1, 1929.
The longest-living author of this work died in 1954, so this work is in the public domain in countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 69 years or less. This work may be in the public domain in countries and areas with longer native copyright terms that apply the rule of the shorter term to foreign works.
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