# Cattle Chosen/Chapter 7
## VII

RELATIONS WITH THE NATIVES
John Bussell lacked two things customary in a patriarch, age and a wife. He may have been 'an old young man', as he described himself to Sophie Hayward (see his letter in Appendix, p. 157), but he was only, after all, the eldest of five brothers at 'Cattle Chosen'. In the exercise of such power as he possessed he had to guard against exciting the younger brothers' natural impulses to challenge the eldest's right. 'If I appear to govern', he confessed to Capel Carter in 1836, 'it is by watching the inclinations of others and making it my study to avert rather than thwart what I may disapprove.' How much his foresight meant to the group is borne home when one picks out the drift into tragedy which marked the Bussells' dealings with the natives, during his absence from 1837 to 1839.
The settlements at Augusta and the Vasse were not made on unoccupied land. They thrust themselves into the hunting-grounds of aborigines, weak indeed in numbers and in means of defence, but, like all humans, tenacious of the land that gave them birth and being. What was the duty — and policy — of the stronger race towards these savages? Was it to provide for them, or to destroy them? No statement from John Bussell's pen of his answer to that riddle has been found. Certain facts indicate, however, that he recognized the white man's duty to provide for the black, out of the surplus his better use of the land would provide. When he was present relations with the natives were almost uniformly peaceful. Rations were given to those round 'Cattle Chosen' and a tradition of kindness still clings to the name 'Mowen' by which they called him. Charles Bussell, however, whose influence was uppermost during John's absence, held, and held vehemently, that intimidation was the only way by which the isolated and numerically inferior whites could establish and enforce the respect for stock and other stored property, without which a European economy could not be set going to win that surplus. Perusal of their letters leaves one in doubt whether any of the younger brothers had formulated or faced the ultimate problem of the whites' intrusion. They seem to have been swayed in their treatment of the aborigines by the task and mood of the moment. All the family, one gathers, were repelled by the physique and habits of the savages. What could be more offensive than these, to typical children of the English middle class? 'The place is beautifully picturesque', John told Wells in July 1831, 'but so wild, so savage that a Spencer might see what his imagination so often created of savage wood and cliff and lake. But man, alas! is more uncultivated than all, living on the rind of nuts the interior of which is poisonous, fish which they catch with an ill-constructed spear, and the kangaroo, which, however, is a rarity here as is also the opossum, still more the emu. Sometimes they content themselves with fern roots and grubs which they display great, I was going to say, instinct in finding about the grass tree. They are here at present very peaceful, and yet there is something that makes one shudder when he crosses unawares in his path the naked "Lord of the forest." These savages have I think been cited, and I believe by Paley in his Natural Theology, as having no languag but that certainly is not the case. It is a very singular thing that the word woman is with them the name of their female, and it is said to be common to all the tribes on every part of the coast.' This piece of information — very singular, indeed — derived any colour of truth it possessed from the sealers who, before regular settlement, had haunted the coasts of New Zealand and Southern Australia. They were debited by contemporaries with every abomination in their dealings with the blacks. The suspicion of all whites which their raids aroused may be read between the lines of young Vernon Bussell's letter, written at 'The Adelphi' early in 1833:
'The natives are very friendly here. They come sometimes to see us. We ferry them across the river and by that means save them a journey of twelve miles, for they have neither boats nor bridges. The other day I brought over a boat load of them, two women, three girls, five men, two boys and a dog. One of the women not liking the idea of the voyage, refused going, upon which one of the men began to give her a most severe beating, but upon my interfering, immediately desisted. With a little persuasion I got her into the boat. When I saw him strike her I could not help thinking how differently we, who have been debarred from female society so long would have behaved. The dog only now remained to complete my cargo. He was still less willing to commit himself to so precarious a vehicle, as my overloaded boat, and his apprehension was not a little heightened by the complexion of its conductor, so different from that of its masters. However, by dint of beating and ducking they brought the poor devil in more dead than alive. Off I set with my load of savages and landed them quite safe on our side when they soon took their leave, seemingly very much pleased at having been saved so long a tramp.'
'Alfred and I, and Pearce have paid them a nightly visit since.' He seems to mean a single visit by night, not a series. 'Each of us took a brace of pistols, which we concealed that we might appear to put perfect confidence in them. For as yet we do not like to go among many of them without some caution. Being perfectly unacquainted with their habits and notions we might be committing some heinous offence without being aware of it. It was about ten o'clock when we heard them laughing and talking a little higher up on the other side of the river. We were agreeably surprised, for instead of running away as we had been led to expect by many who had attempted a visit at so late an hour, they came to our call. It was a beautiful sight to see their torches gleaming through the wood as they drew near. When we had landed, they lighted a large fire for us all; we tried several times to go up and see their women and children, who were on the hill at a little distance, to which they appeared very adverse. So we had the disappointment of returning home without paying our compliments to the ladies.' He proceeds to describe the beauty of fire and torchlight effects on the river as they left the shore, but is interrupted by news of the arrival at Swan River of Lenox and his sisters. Lenox, ex-naval officer, and irritable at times, had little patience with the blacks. In a disjointed journal of a search for cattle which had strayed from 'The Adelphi', he complains bitterly of his guides' leading him on the trail of kangaroos, to the neglect of the tracks of the cows even after they had picked these up. Evidently he fell out with 'Wooberdung and Gallipot' very early, through refusing to share his damper with them. Accustomed to hunters' communism, the natives were quite unable to grasp European rules of property. Their habit was to revel in plenty while it offered. A description of a whale-feast on the shore of Geographe Bay, though of later date, is universally valid of their habits. On 4 May 1837 some natives brought word that a whale had been thrown up on the beach. Alfred and Dawson inspected, but reported small hope of obtaining oil from it. 'The scene on the beach seems to have been most disgusting. Men and women tearing off immense pieces of the whale, putting these into the fire, and setting them alight; then beating the flames out with boughs, and devouring it putrid as it was with all possible gusto. Alfred said if it had not been for a bottle of rum that floated ashore he could not have remained a spectator amongst them until the morning, for they continued their feast during the night, eating to satiety and then sleeping.' — Journal kept by Bessie Bussell, 5th May 1837.
To the mentality of such hand-to-mouth huntsmen and scavengers, the refusal of settlers, possessed of an apparent abundance of stores, to give them flour was beyond all understanding, and when they found a whites' camp weakly held they mildly imitated the practice of sealers in similar circumstances and carried off what they needed. Fannie Bussell records such a visit to the house at Augusta in January 1834, when the boys were all absent getting in the last harvest at 'The Adelphi'. 'We had a visit or rather an invasion from a number of natives. As we were quite alone we felt frightened, and they seemed well aware of our unprotected situation, demanding bread in a tone of great authority, and even pointing a spear, evidently with the intention of alarming us. One little boy shook his fist at Bessie on her repeating the word "Benoah! Benoah!" generally the signal of dismissal. Mrs. Molloy's servant, Dawson, at length succeeded in getting them off the Grant, and very glad we were to see the last of our troublesome guests. About half an hour after their departure we were shocked by the discovery that they had carried off three of our beautiful salt-cellars, from the sideboard. Glass is to them very valuable, as they use it for pointing their spears. "Dillilah" they call it. You may imagine the dismay with which we looked at each other. Poor Mrs. Gillion's handsome present, the pride of our household! I flew round to Mrs. Molloy, who immediately despatched her servant Dawson. We awaited his return in great anxiety, though without a hope of recovering them. We sate down to dinner with Mr. Green as our guest, having substituted the little blue cups you sent in the table chest for our lost favourites. The cloth was scarcely removed, when Dawson returned, producing them all safe from his pocket. He had overtaken them near the barracks, had caused all the soldiers to be turned out, and then threatened to fire upon them if they were not returned. William, a King George's Sound native who is staying with us, acted as interpreter, and they were at length traced to be in the possession of one of the women. They were found in the bag in which they carry their children, and at her detection she clung to her husband in terror. The soldiers pretended they would shoot, but after thoroughly frightening her she was released. A great many of the men came up to assure us they were not in fault, and in the true spirit of the sex, all the blame was attached to the gentler species. So much for our adventure with our sable friends.'
In April of 1834, Bessie Bussell, describing to Capel Carter the Vasse country 'a beautifully undulating grassy lawn, between the huge tooart trees', writes that kangaroos 'are seen in herds, which accounts for the natives being so numerous. I hope they may be as harmless as the Nunyungies and Yungaries, the names the tribes about here give themselves. I am afraid, however, their eyes are getting open to the superiority of our food, and they will soon find out means to get bread, if they are denied it after their repeated exclamations "Bread, bread, yulibue, yulibue", which means they are very hungry. They broke into the store the other day and stole and wasted three hundredweight of flour. The sergeant's wife was the first to descry their black forms whitened with "bumla" retreating into the woods to enjoy a delicious meal. One of the soldiers was immediately despatched from the Spring to Augusta to inform Charles, and to get leave from John as magistrate to fire upon them. They had only managed to detain a little girl, which its father threw down to expedite his escape. Before the news could arrive at Augusta the party at the Spring had been obliged to let their prisoner go.
'One of the tribe of natives who had stolen the flour returned with it, and put it at a short distance, making signs that he would leave the flour if they would give up the child. They were obliged to consent to this agreement from want of members. John, Lenox and Charles armed themselves and went in pursuit of the other delinquents. They came on a place where one party had been making a damper a l'Anglais on the head of a cask. One of the soldiers mistaking some grass trees for them cried out "There they are." They heard, I suppose, white voices, and took flight, before John and the others could come up and catch them in the act, leaving their dinner to the mercy of their invaders, who destroyed it, and returned home knowing it would be quite useless attempting to discover them in their wild haunts.'
John Bussell's journal of his 1832 expedition to the Vasse tells of an early encounter with the natives there, and of his wish to foster friendly relations:
'Before we began our repast' (at midday on the Estuary) 'we were hailed by three natives who were wading over from the opposite side, fearful probably that we were likely to interfere with some snares they had constructed for fish, near the spot where we were. They carried spears, but approached withal in such friendly guise and courtly seeming that I did not hesitate to advance to meet them alone and unarmed. They were on the whole smaller of stature than the men I had been accustomed to see, and wore no skins. The countenances of two of them were certainly ugly and brutal enough; but the third had a sprightly air and good humored expression unaccompanied with that revolting laugh, which is so general with these savages. His hair was matted with peculiar taste into strings resembling spun yarn, and, bound up close, displayed a head of true Caucassian proportions, with a facial angle less acute than is often observable in the European. They expressed considerable surprise at the facility with which we procured a spark from the firebox and upon our making signs to that effect, soon blew it into a flame. I afterwards shot them two small birds, and gave them some of our kangaroo meat, which they ate, refusing biscuit and vegetables. I obtained some words of their language. It seemed much the same as that used at Augusta.... I enter into these particulars because I infer that, as a judicious treatment of the natives at Augusta has procured in them towards the settlers a peaceful disposition, it will be satisfactory to learn that the population about to flow towards the Vasse has grounds for expecting that friendly reception which a previous knowledge of the habits of Europeans, or a favourable report circulated amongst the tribes, and a consequent predisposition to amity, may seem to promise.'
The papers preserved throw little if any light on the first impact of white settlement and native huntsmen when population did flow to the Vasse. Fanny Bussell, writing from Augusta in 1835, after mentioning the military escort stationed at the Vasse, 'consisting of four soldiers', tells that the natives 'are numerous and at first showed some disposition to be hostile, but they are now on very good terms.' The reported hostility may, however, have existed chiefly as a reason for increasing the 'military escort' — a useful source of labour power — from two soldiers to four.* There is nothing to support it in the three accounts of the landing from the 'Ellen', written by John, Alfred and Lenox. A rough diary kept by various hands during the farm-building period records tension a little later.
* According to N. Ogle, op. cit. p. 54, Sir J. Stirling was very dubious of the wisdom of employing soldiers as police. He thus stated his reasons to Lord Glenelg. 'Unless a police-corps be established and maintained for the purpose of protecting, controlling, managing and gradually civilizing the aboriginal race of this country, there will be a fearful struggle between the invaders and the invaded, which will not cease until the extermination of the latter be accomplished, to the discredit of the British name. To avert these evils was the leading motive in the establishment of the police-corps; and in 1832 the colonists pledged themselves and their property in support of so necessary a measure. I must be permitted to say that their notion of employing the military in such an avocation, displays an utter want of attention to the distinction between civil and military duties and qualifications.'
'October 18th. Natives broke windows ' — an irritating piece of mischief, windows being hard to come by. On 26th September 1835, 'Natives stole an axe and were fired upon.'
In October of 1834 at what was known as the 'Battle of Pinjarra', near Perth, a police force, backed by the military under Governor Stirling himself, crushed the resistance to white settlement of the aggressive Murray River tribe, at the cost of many native lives. As a result, old Mr. Turner was able to walk unharmed from Augusta to Perth, through that tribe's territory, in April–May 1835, with the object of inducing Governor Stirling to send relief to the remnant of the Augusta settlers. By Mr. Turner, Bessie Bussell sent a letter to Capel Carte : 'I have some fears', she said, 'that it will never reach you. Two persons from hence made the same expedition last year, and one was speared. He has been suffering from the effects of the wound ever since, and the other day, an inch of the spear with a good deal of gum was taken out of it. Since that there has been an open attack on the natives, which most likely has not intimidated them, but only rendered them more ferocious. If so they have little to hope.'
Miss Bessie's fears that the Murray natives would be rendered more ferocious by the slaughter at Pinjarra were ill-founded. Mr. Turner went unharmed and the letter reached Miss Carter in due course. During 1835 the Bussell family was divided between the Vasse and Augusta, and letters were constantly passing between the two houses, as well as to England. The absence of reference to native hostility in these letters creates a presumption that there as elsewhere the aborigines were cowed by the news of Pinjarra. The presumption is supported by a reference to 'the field of Pinjarra' in an undated and incomplete draft in Charles Bussell's writing, criticizing the later policy of the home government regarding the natives. (See Appendix, where the fragment is printed in full.) 'I aver that no one circumstance of whatsoever description, throughout the whole colony, has been productive of greater benefit. The most powerful and most successfully insolent tribe in the then peopled settlement, received a shock which never has and never will be erased from their memory! They have kissed the rod by which they have been scourged, and the white is permitted to walk unarmed and unharmed through scenes which have witnessed repeated murders of his unfortunate countrymen.'
Signs of friction multiply, however, in 1837 when from one reason and another, the farms at the Vasse, during April, were denuded of many defenders. John had gone to England to bring out his wife. Lenox, reported by Charles, just after John's departure, to be 'big with magisterial honours', was in poor nervous health. Charles, though coming over from Augusta at frequent intervals, by a lonely bush track, was always ready to counsel war, and the Vasse natives were besetting the weakly held farms as though they expected them, like many at Augusta, shortly to be abandoned.
Word early in April 1837 that the natives at Augusta were making sad havoc among the potatoes, was a reminder of the special difficulties which Turner, Layman and the few still remaining there had to face. 'Cattle Chosen' was for the moment almost as weakly held. Vernon, Mary and Fanny were in Perth — 'sent off', by Bessie to the tune of 'Go where glory waits'. Lenox, Charles and Mr. Green went on the 11th to Leschenault with Mr. Bunbury. Alfred, aged 21, was left as overseer with Dawson, Henry Chapman and some native servants. The cow-herds absented themselves almost immediately. Miss Bessie notes in the house diary on the 16th: 'A most miserably wet day. How are the dear voyagers? The Leschenault party had gone by boat. To-morrow is the anniversary day. How we are all dispersed this year. I wonder if the dear girls and Vernon are enjoying themselves. Last mentioned but not least thought of, where is our darling Johnny? He will not be with us to boast that the anniversary table is covered with our own produce. The natives detected stealing damper.' For this the black servants were dismissed next day. By the 21st anxiety about the boat party 'knew no bounds', but at three o'clock that afternoon two natives arrived with a note from Charles. Returning to Windalup from an expedition to Fremantle and Perth, they had come upon Charles and his party encamped on the Collie River, 'feasting on turkey, swans and ducks'. Charles reported all well, and asked that the messengers should be treated with all hospitality. The news put the home party into high spirits. 'We spent the evening in talking of them, and entertaining the two natives who brought the letter. We allowed them also to sleep in the room.' This was treatment calculated to set the volatile natives 'above themselves'. 'They certainly have not improved in style by their trip to the metropolis, having', thinks Miss Bessie, 'mixed with some very inferior kind of whites.' The next day, on which Charles and his party expected to return, was evidently nerve-wracking in the extreme. After 'turning the house upside down to get everything in apple-pie order for their return', Miss Bessie made 'two plum puddings, and William' (the King George's Sound native), 'who was told to make some very good soup which would keep and gellatinize, put into the huge cauldron all the kangaroos. The soup of course was excellent, and in the evening we strained it into a jar. The natives really completely beset us. They nearly drive me out of my mind. I am obliged to stand about and watch them, and when I am able to return to my lawful labours I find myself thoroughly tired. Then evening comes when we used to enjoy ourselves. The noise they make puts conversation out of the question. They throw the tea over the tables that have been taken all possible pains with in the morning, and wilga all they come near. To me now it seems sacrilege to breathe the name of native in an hour of rest, it is so fraught with fatigue, fear and anxiety.'
On Sunday, after 'a very boisterous morning', Mr. Bunbury arrived and put an end to all further anxiety. Charles followed soon after, his kit completely drenched, and Lenox put in his appearance on Tuesday evening. On the Sunday 'old Gaywal attempted to spear William, for turning him out of the pen. He fired at him, but did not harm him'. William's agitation had not subsided at dinner, when he capsized the tea-tray and broke two cups and saucers. On Monday, Bessie notes with relief, 'No natives'! They stayed away for two months, it would seem. On 23rd June, however, a calf of the Chapmans was missing, and on the 27th, when Len was out searching for it, 'Nungandung and Boobingroot peached, and said Gaywal and Kenny had speared it.' Next day 'Boobingroot and Nungandung were detailed to lead the way to the culprits. Nungandung escaped and B. brought the two Chapmans, Alfred, the Corporal, Moloney and Dawson to Yulijoogarup. Kenny and Jim ran off and escaped, but 9 were killed and two wounded. No one in the house looks or speaks like themselves. Beauty had a cow calf.
'Thursday 29th. Dawson and Moloney started at daybreak for Augusta with the unpleasing intelligence....
'Saturday, July 1st. Lenox is making ball cartridges. Everyone is getting quite cheerful again. Alfred has been down to try and drive dull care from his door.
'Sunday 2nd. The natives announced that a hostile tribe are making a descent upon us. How will all these wars and rumours end!...
'Tuesday 4th. Lenox gave orders for the making of a wooden cannon.
'Wednesday 5th. Charles, Mr. Green and 4 soldiers arrived from Augusta. The cannon completed.
'Thursday 6th. Lenox fired off the cannon, and it burst...
'Thursday 13th. No natives came to mind the cows. Heard great shouting on the estuary, and at about twelve o'clock the Chapmans fired two guns, which were preceded by a terrible scream, heard alone by Mamma. Everyone immediately armed themselves. When they arrived they found that Dawson had been speared in the arm, and that they had thrown another spear at Mrs. Dawson. They think it most prudent to leave their house, and come under our protection, and have taken possession of our servants' cottage.' (On 31st July Mrs. Dawson gave birth to a son there.)
'Friday 14th. The Chapmans arrived and have taken Lenox's house. Charles, Lenox, Alfred and William went down to the Chapmans' house late at night intending to conceal themselves, imagining that the natives might be tempted to ransack the empty houses. Cut a cheese, very good.
'Saturday 15th. The party returned, their scheme unsuccessful. Alfred is laid up with boils. Indeed everyone seems knocking up from anxiety. A party of 6 went to Wanerup by moonlight.
'Sunday 16th. A number of natives appeared on the other side of the river, announcing themselves as friends. They were believed, for everyone is very unwilling to take away life. Phœbe persisted that she saw Gaywal. All saw some three or four red warriors [i.e. blacks in full warpaint] behind the scenes. There was certainly treachery intended, but the number of our armed men intimidated them. The party arrived from Wanerup, their force strengthened by the Corporal, 1 soldier, and Layman and Robinson. They succeeded in capturing Dr. Miligan, who is to conduct them to Gaywal's haunts. Layman, soldier and Robinson returned to Wanerup.
'Monday 17th. Charles, Dr. Green, Dawson, the two Corporals, and McFarlaine went off early escorted by Dr. Miligan, to find Gaywal and sons. They succeeded in finding the track and caught 3 kangaroos. One might almost as well be campaigning. We live now in a council of war. Dawson and Alfred have been walking sentinel all day.
'Tuesday 18th. Lenox, Mr. Green, Dawson and four soldiers went out with Dr. Miligan to continue the search, and succeeded in capturing 4 women and a child. We retain them in the hope that the men will come to their rescue. Made 13¼ lbs. of butter.
'Wednesday 19th. All hands determined on letting our prisoners free, fearing that the numbers that would come to their rescue would overpower our small force.
Eleven days later, on Sunday, 30th July, natives were heard shouting on the estuary. Everyone immediately armed themselves, and in a little while we heard the firing of guns. After two hours' absence, they returned amidst crowds of natives. I fear more women were slain than men. All our little party returned safely. All was intended to be right, so I hope this skirmish will turn out for the best. Three women, one man, one boy are known to be dead, but more are supposed to be dying.' ········· 'Wednesday, 2nd August. Made 17 lbs. butter. Vernon and Alfred went down to the estuary, and saw that the natives had been afraid to return and bury their dead. So they left their cows and came home for spades to perform this last office for them. They were joined by many others who participated in their feelings, and when they had dug the graves, they spread grass at the bottom, lowered the bodies down, and sprinkled grass over them. They threw in the dirt and laid the sods carefully over like an English grave.'...
On 16th August 'Charles went to Wanerup in search of the horse.' (Mr. Bunbury's, lost on the previous day.) 'They heard something about the natives, from Craigie and Scott, who had been out hunting.' Two days later, on Friday 18th, 'A plan was set on foot to go and search after the natives, and a party went early in the afternoon, and another by moonlight.
'Saturday 19th. They returned, having fired on the natives, and brought home a little child that was dropped by the wounded man.'
Thereafter to the end of the year the only entries concerning the natives are two. The first is dated December 17th. 'A great many natives, two naked and painted red amongst them.' The other is dated December 27th. 'Henry Chapman and Dawson started for the Swan. We sent letters from Charles to Mr. Leake, and from Len to the Governor, with depositions.'
Such are the bald day-by-day entries in which Bessie Bussell set down the events of a winter of strife, a local phase of that 'fearful struggle between the invaders and the invaded', which Sir James Stirling had predicted. In their directness her entries remind one of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle — 'Aelle and Cissa beset Anderida, and slew all that were therein.' But no day-by-day record can tell the accumulating hatred which the virtual absence of government permitted. Here were communities attempting to live upon the same land, between whose methods of life there was a fatal conflict. Powerfully armed strangers, living by a careful husbandry of tamed beasts had built their farm-houses in the very centres of the natives' hunting-grounds. The strangers were staking their all on gaining there, half a world remote from their base, pastures on which the herds might browse and multiply in peace. At Augusta they had tried and failed. On the Blackwood peninsulas they had failed a second time. On these new and fairer fields the black spearsmen alone barred an open road to success. The spearsmen must be taught, by some means, to pass by and spare the white man's beasts.
The lesson could not wait. No training of young natives, on European lines, to a future respect for property could answer the instant purpose. In the interim, before such a policy bore fruit, the older warriors, accustomed to spear all animals they found in the tribal forests, would have destroyed the last resources of the colonists, their daily source of food, A distant Home Government, though it bade them forbear from violence, and treat every black man as a fellow-subject, would not at once recoup the losses likely to occur before the experiment succeeded, It might mean to do so, but the settlement would have come to final disaster before it could hear of the need, let alone act in remedy. Fear, argued every colonist, was the only motive that would inhibit the age-long habits of the hunter.
There could be no compromise. Hunter or farmer must hold the land. If the hunter, the colonist must go. If the farmer, he could provide, out of his increased production from the soil, a better and steadier living for the black man. But first, before the ideal of providing for the invaded could be within reach, the live-stock of the colonist, without which they could not live, must be secure.
In such a clash of opposites, the potential government being distant and slow-moving, war was almost inevitable, failing the exercise of exceptional tact. A fiery, reckless old warrior, Gaywal, spears a calf. If the crime goes unpunished, pride and the admiration of his fellow-hunters for such daring will prompt him to repeat the coup. Police, says the Governor, must be named to keep the peace by civil means, and to prevent a fearful upheaval. Big Dawson has been named as constable; he sets off with a posse of settlers and soldiers to arrest the culprits. It is hardly the country for handcuffs, and the Government Resident is at Augusta.
    'Oft had they heard of Jeddart law,
    How in the morn they hang and draw,
    And sit in judgment after '!
On this wild border the sense of isolation, and the barriers of race, language and mode of life are at a maximum, the restraint of a common law non-existent. The chief culprit escapes, but nine of his tribe are shot down, to enforce the white man's taboo upon his stock. The constable and a soldier set out next day to report 'the unpleasing intelligence' to the magistrate. Retaliation being the supreme rule of the huntsmen's code of honour, the constable, in due course, is speared by stealth. Each side tries stratagem in an effort to ambush the other, and impose its will by a crushing blow. 'Everyone' among the whites may be as 'unwilling to take life' as Miss Bessie believes, but such a guerilla warfare, once begun must, for the safety of the whites, be quickly stamped out. Intimidation by the guns of the white men is inevitably the means employed. This, for a time, is achieved by the fresh shootings on 3 July, when more women suffer than men, and the avengers return 'amidst crowds of savages.' A fortnight later, however, a valuable horse disappears, and again the settlers take the warpath in search of the elusive spearsmen. They are seen, fired upon, but escape. The vendetta simmers down slowly. 'Depositions' are sent to percolate through Perth to the Colonial Office. Gaywal is still in the bush, but 'Bettina' foals in safety, the ladies visit an American whaler in Geographe Bay, and the barrels of butter are sent off as usual to 'Jingling Geordie' at the Swan River.
* ↑ From a note on a copy of a letter, from Alfred to his sisters, 9 Sept. 1834, made for transmission to England, this is stated to have been G. Layman, who made the journey with 'the spectral Kellam'.
* ↑ 'I daresay', she adds, 'you will wonder why so elderly a man with a large family should undertake this hazardous enterprise. but when starvation stares him in the face, what is he to do? He is obliged to eat his seed wheat on which he has bestowed great labour to get it pure and good.
* ↑ There is a tradition that at one point, finding himself beset by natives, Mr. Turner scared them away by brandishing his stick with his wig on the point of it!
* ↑ The soup is usually made from the tail only.
* ↑ Wilga was a red pigment mixed with grease with which the natives smeared their bodies.
* ↑ Presumably a native doctor or magician, called a 'Mulgarradock'.