# The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 2/Czechoslovaks Look to America

Czechoslovaks Look to America.
By Joseph Tvrzický.
There is one thing that every Bohemian is anxious to impress upon the consciousness of the world in general, and of America in particular. That is that the Czechoslovak people have ranged themselves as definitely on the side of the Allies and of democracy as have the nations which declared war formally on the Central Empires. Czechs and Slovaks at home fight the Austro-Hungarian government and dynasty, and Czechoslovak armies in Russia and France, as well as tens of thousands of volunteers of Bohemian blood in the American army, wager their lives and shed their blood in the cause of world freedom.
The fact is that Bohemia is actively carrying on a revolutionary movement within and against the Hapsburg monarchy. And Bohemia has the right to expect that the democracy of the United States will sympathize with her aims, that the leaders of America will support the peoples, rather than the dynasty of Austria-Hungary. Once before this country had occasion to tell the Austrian diplomats with whom were the sympathies of the United States in the internal struggles of the Austrian Empire. Daniel Webster told the Austrian charge d’affaires in 1851: “Certainly the United States may be pardoned even by those who profess adherence to the principle of absolute governments, if they entertain an ardent affection for its popular forms of political organization which have so rapidly advanced their own prosperity and their happiness and enabled them in so short a period to bring their country and the hemisphere to which it belongs to the notice and respectful regard, not to say admiration, of the civilized world.”
America is once more presented with the opportunity of taking the side of the people as against the rulers of Austria-Hungary. A recent report in the papers says: “Austria makes new advances to Wilson. It is known positively that Count Czernin, the Austro-Hungarian foreign ministerthrough private intermediaries has sent message after message to President Wilson assuring him of the sincerity of the Austrian diplomacy.” The well-known sincerity of Austrian diplomacy! As an American diplomat says in speaking about these very overtures: “Until the commencement of the present war Austria figured in history as the most unreliable of powers in the matter of foreign relations. There was no dependence to be placed upon her good faith or upon her pledges. But since 1914 she has yielded her preeminence in this sorry particular to the Berlin government.”
Let us examine the sincerity of Czernin’s present diplomacy. He is never weary reiterating for the benefit of the Russian revolutionaries and of the famishing people at home that the Austro-Hungarian Government favors absolutely a peace without annexations. But at the same time wires have been laid quietly and all necessary steps taken to have Emperor Charles called to the throne of Poland, of course “by the free will of the Polish people”, and in that manner get out of the war with credit and increase the possessions of the House of Hapsburg. To President Wilson Count Czernin sends messages couched in the friendliest tones, full of regret that enmity should have arisen between their respective countries, willing to meet America more than half way; and at the same time he tries to break down the rebellion of Czechs and Jugoslavs by telling their deputies that the whole Anglo-Saxon race is perfidious, that he is in possession of most authentic news providing that the Allies are only maneuvring for advantageous peace conditions for themselves and are quite ready to throw overboard their natural allies within the Dual Monarchy. Count Czernin approves the Russian declaration of the self-determination of nations, as long as it is applied only to Russia and tends to break up the once most dangerous enemy of his monarchy into powerless fragments. But when it is suggested that Russian principle be applied to Austro-Hungary, he shudders with horror at the very idea of it and declares that the emperor must remain the master in his own house.
What will America do with Czernin’s overtures? Will it side with the Austrian dynasty or with the Austrian people? In Germany the dynasty and the people still seem to be at one, unless recent reports of strike disturbances turn out to be more serious than appears at this time. But in Austria-Hungary the majority of the subjects are definitely ranged against the ​reigning house. Here is a sample of their bold speaking: “In the Czech nation there is no party that does not desire the formation of a Bohemian state and the union of Slovaks with Czechs. The whole nation is at one in this demand, workingmen and the bourgeois, socialists and agrarians.Threats will not scare us, and if Count Tisza believes that our demands should be branded as treason, we have no objection. Even should the government charge the whole nation with treason, we shall not be ashamed of it. If he who battles for justice and freedom is a traitor, then we shall look upon the name as an honor.” So spoke Deputy Tuzar in the Vienna Reichsrat on behalf of all the deputies of Czech people. He continued: “The Russian revolutionaries demand a peace to be made by people with people. Count Czernin cannot negotiate with Russian socialists as the representative of the Austrian peoples.” And referring to the haughty declaration of Czernin that the emperor must be master in his own house Tuzar says: “We too want to be masters in our own house. We too want peace, but only such a peace as will bring freedom and independence to all nations.”
There is really nothing in Czernin’s extended hand except glittering generalities. No doubt he would be glad to see, if America could bring about general peace now; Austria needs it. But there is no sign in his speech in the Austrian delegation that he has any intention of complying with the President’s most liberal peace terms. As to any concessions to the oppressed nationalities of Austria-Hungary, the very idea is preposterous. Says the foreign minister with reference to the tenth article of Wilson’s peace program: “In the second place, I have to observe that I reject courteously, but resolutely, that advice as how we are to govern ourselves. We have in Austria a parliament elected by universal, equal and secret franchise. There is no more democratic parliament in the world, and this parliament, together with the other constitutionally authorized factors, alone has the right to decide upon the internal affairs of Austria. I speak only of Austria, because I should regard it as unconstitutional to speak in the Austrian delegation of the internal affairs of the Hungarian state.” Yes; the Austrian and German parliaments are models of democratic parliaments. Representation in Vienna parliament is so gerrymandered that the Germans are always in the majority, although forming only a minority of the population. And above this elected parliament are “the other constitutionally authorized factors”, namely the House of Peers, appointed by the Emperor, and finally the greatest factor of them all, the dynasty.
But in spite of the fact that the smooth approaches of Count Czernin are nothing but empty words, this country should answer them. And it should answer in terms that could not be misunderstood or misinterpreted. President Wilson should say to Austria: “You have had your chance. A month ago I invited you to break away from your evil associates and to reconstruct your own affairs on a just and democratic basis. But instead of repentance you have resorted to your old diplomatic game of foolery and deceit. You have pronouced your own doom. The dynastic empire of Austria-Hungary must disappear to make room for free and independent republics.”
This work was published before January 1, 1929, and is in the public domain worldwide because the author died at least 100 years ago.
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