OpenLLM-France/wikimedia huggingface dataset:
# On the Magnet/II-37

CHAP. XXXVII.
Use of a Loadstone as it affects iron.
y magnetick coition we test iron ore in a blacksmith's forge. It is burnt, broken in pieces, washed and dried, in which way it lays down its alien humours; in the bits collected from the washing is placed a loadstone, which attracts the iron dust to itself; this, being brushed off with feathers, is received in a crucible, and the loadstone is again placed in the bits collected from the washing, and the dust wiped off, as long as any remains which it will attract to itself. This is then heated in the crucible along with sal nitri until it is liquid, and from this a small mass of iron is cast. But if the loadstone draws the dust to itself quickly and readily, we conjecture that the iron ore is rich; if slowly, poor; if it seems altogether to reject it, there is very little iron in it or none at all. In like manner iron dust can be separated from another metal. Many tricks there are also, when iron is secretly applied to lighter bodies, and, being attracted by the motion of a loadstone which is kept out of sight, causes movements which are amazing to those who do not know the cause. Very many such indeed every ingenious mechanician will perform by sleight of hand, as if by incantations and jugglery.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume X/Works/On the Duties of the Clergy/Book I/Chapter 19

Chapter XIX.
How should seemliness be represented by a speaker? Does beauty add anything to virtue, and, if so, how much? Lastly, what care should we take that nothing conceited or effeminate be seen in us?
81. It has given me pleasure to dwell somewhat at length on the various functions of modesty; for I speak to you who either can recognize the good that is in it in your own cases, or at least do not know its loss. Fitted as it is for all ages, persons, times, and places, yet it most beseems youthful and childish years.
82. But at every age we must take care that all we do is seemly and becoming, and that the course of our life forms one harmonious and complete whole. Wherefore Cicero thinks that a certain order ought to be observed in what is seemly. He says that this lies in beauty, order, and in appointment fitted for action. This, as he says, it is difficult to explain in words, yet it can be quite sufficiently understood.
83. Why Cicero should have introduced beauty, I do not quite understand; though it is true he also speaks in praise of the powers of the body. We certainly do not locate virtue in the beauty of the body, though, on the other hand, we do recognize a certain grace, as when modesty is wont to cover the face with a blush of shame, and to make it more pleasing. For as a workman is wont to work better the more suitable his materials are, so modesty is more conspicuous in the comeliness of the body. Only the comeliness of the body should not be assumed; it should be natural and artless, unstudied rather than elaborated, not heightened by costly and glistening garments, but just clad in ordinary clothing. One must see that nothing is wanting that one’s credit or necessity demands, whilst nothing must be added for the sake of splendour.
84. The voice, too, should not be languid, nor feeble, nor womanish in its tone,—such a tone of voice as many are in the habit of using, under the idea of seeming important. It should preserve a certain quality, and rhythm, and a manly vigour. For all to do what is best suited to their character and sex, that is to attain to beauty of life. This is the best order for movements, this the employment fitted for every action. But as I cannot approve of a soft or weak tone of voice, or an effeminate gesture of the body, so also I cannot approve of what is boorish and rustic. Let us follow nature. The imitation of her provides us with a principle of training, and gives us a pattern of virtue.

## Footnotes

* ↑ Cic. de Off. I. 35, § 126.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume X/Works/On the Duties of the Clergy/Book I/Chapter 17

Chapter XVII.
The duties of youth, and examples suitable to that age, are next put forth.
65. Since it has been made sufficiently plain that there will be punishment for wickedness and reward for virtue, let us proceed to speak of the duties which have to be borne in mind from our youth up, that they may grow with our years. A good youth ought to have a fear of God, to be subject to his parents, to give honour to his elders, to preserve his purity; he ought not to despise humility, but should love forbearance and modesty. All these are an ornament to youthful years. For as seriousness is the true grace of an old man, and ardour of a young man, so also is modesty, as though by some gift of nature, well set off in a youth.
66. Isaac feared the Lord, as was indeed but natural in the son of Abraham; being subject also to his father to such an extent that he would not avoid death in opposition to his father’s will. Joseph also, though he dreamed that sun and moon and stars made obeisance to him, yet was subject to his father’s will with ready obedience. So chaste was he, he would not hear even a word unless it were pure; humble was he even to doing the work of a slave, modest, even to taking flight, enduring, even to bearing imprisonment, so forgiving of wrong as even to repay it with good. Whose modesty was such, that, when seized by a woman, he preferred to leave his garment in her hands in flight, rather than to lay aside his modesty. Moses, also, and Jeremiah, chosen by the Lord to declare the words of God to the people, were for avoiding, through modesty, that which through grace they could do.

## Footnotes

* ↑ Cic. de Off. I. 34.
* ↑ Thus the Benedictine edition reads; most others have: “accrescant simul studia bonorum actuum.”
* ↑ Gen. xxii. 9.
* ↑ Gen. xxxvii. 9.
* ↑ Gen. xxxix. 12.
* ↑ Ex. iv. 10.
* ↑ Jer. i. 6.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume X/Works/On the Duties of the Clergy/Book I/Chapter 20

Chapter XX.
If we are to preserve our modesty we must avoid fellowship with profligate men, also the banquets of strangers, and intercourse with women; our leisure time at home should be spent in pious and virtuous pursuits.
85. Modesty has indeed its rocks—not any that she brings with her, but those, I mean, which she often runs against, as when we associate with profligate men, who, under the form of pleasantry, administer poison to the good. And the latter, if they are very constant in their attendance at banquets and games, and often join in jests, enervate that manly gravity of theirs. Let us then take heed that, in wishing to relax our minds, we do not destroy all harmony, the blending as it were of all good works. For habit quickly bends nature in another direction.
86. For this reason I think that what ye wisely do is befitting to the duties of clerics, and especially to those of the priesthood—namely, that ye avoid the banquets of strangers, but so that ye are still hospitable to travellers, and give no occasion for reproach by reason of your great care in the matter. Banquets with strangers engross one’s attention, and soon produce a love for feasting. Tales, also, of the world and its pleasures often creep in. One cannot shut one’s ears; and to forbid them is looked on as a sign of haughtiness. One’s glass, too, even against one’s will, is filled time after time. It is better surely to excuse oneself once for all at one’s own home, than often at another’s. When one rises sober, at any rate one’s presence need not be condemned by the insolence of another.
87. There is no need for the younger clergy to go to the houses of widows or virgins, except for the sake of a definite visit, and in that case only with the elder clergy, that is, with the bishop, or, if the matter be somewhat important, with the priests. Why
should we give room to the world to revile? What need is there for those frequent visits to give ground for rumours? What if one of those women should by chance fall? Why shouldst thou undergo the reproach of another’s fall? How many even strong men have been led away by their passions? How many are there who have not indeed yielded to sin, but have given ground for suspicion?
88. Why dost thou not spend the time which thou hast free from thy duties in the church in reading? Why dost thou not go back again to see Christ? Why dost thou not address Him, and hear His voice? We address Him when we pray, we hear Him when we read the sacred oracles of God. What have we to do with strange houses? There is one house which holds all. They who need us can come to us. What have we to do with tales and fables? An office to minister at the altar of Christ is what we have received; no duty to make ourselves agreeable to men has been laid upon us.
89. We ought to be humble, gentle, mild, serious, patient. We must keep the mean in all things, so that a calm countenance and quiet speech may show that there is no vice in our lives.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume X/Works/On the Duties of the Clergy/Book I/Chapter 23

Chapter XXIII.
Jests, although at times they may be quite proper, should be altogether banished among clerics. The voice should be plain and frank.
102. Men of the world give many further rules about the way to speak, which I think we may pass over; as, for instance, the way jesting should be conducted. For though at times jests may be proper and pleasant, yet they are unsuited to the clerical life. For how can we adopt those things which we do not find in the holy Scriptures?
103. We must also take care that in relating stories we do not alter the earnest purpose of the harder rule we have set before us. “Woe unto you that laugh, for ye shall weep,” says the Lord. Do we seek for something to laugh at, that laughing here we may weep hereafter? I think we ought to avoid not only broad jokes, but all kinds of jests, unless perchance it is not unfitting at the time for our conversation to be agreeable and pleasant.
104. In speaking of the voice, I certainly think it ought to be plain and clear. That it should be musical is a gift of nature, and is not to be won by exertion. Let it be distinct in its pronunciation and full of a manly vigour, but let it be free from a rough and rustic twang. See, too, that it does not assume a theatrical accent, but rather keeps true to the inner meaning of the words it utters.

## Footnotes

* ↑ Cic. de Off. I. 37.
* ↑ Cic. de Off. I. 29, § 103.
* ↑ S. Luke vi. 25.
* ↑ Cic. de Off. I. 37, § 133.
# On the Vital Principle/Book 1/Prelude to Chapter 3

Layout 2
This chapter is upon motion, and its purport is to learn whether the Vital Principle is in motion or at rest, and if in motion, whether self-moved or in motion imparted to it; its object is also to inquire whether motion proceeds directly from Vital Principle, whether, that is, it impels to move while it is itself at rest, or whether it imparts to the body the motions which it first communicates to itself. Aristotle admits of the six following modes of motion: generation, corruption, growth, decay, change and locomotion, which are all vital processes; but as, in a succeeding passage of this chapter, he speaks of only four modes, he may have supposed that the two first are included in the four last. There is an incidental allusion to movement by conveyance, to movement, that is, without progression. The inquiry proceeds to the question whether Vital Principle is self-motive, and, if so, whether it is or not still ​subject to motion by impulse from without, which seems to be answered in the negative; for it can scarcely be admitted that this Principle can be subject to external impulse, since its movements, if it do move, must result from sensual impressions.
# On the Vital Principle/Book 1/Prelude to Chapter 5

Layout 2
The argument against the opinion of Xenocrates that the Vital Principle is "a number with self-motion" is continued, and Aristotle, having already objected to it as number, proceeds here, after a brief allusion to what had been advanced, to object to it as being motive. If the Vital Principle be some kind of body, then however attenuated its parts, there must be two bodies in one; if it be a number, then as the unit is a point, unless that number be innate and peculiar, every kind of body must have Vital Principle, and this cannot be admitted. With respect to its motion, it had been shewn that the unit, being homogeneous, that is without parts, cannot be so acted upon as to move; if it be motor and moved, it must, as entity, have some distinction, and then it is no longer to be regarded as an unit. The resemblance between this theory and that of Democritus is again alluded to, as the same objection is applicable to both; for it matters not whether the motor be a monad, or point, or ​corpuscle in motion, since their motion is the cause of motion in other things; thus, both systems maintain a blind force, and ignore the influences of sensibility and will. It will probably be said that the topic has been too long dwelt upon, but it should be recollected what an important part was assigned by the Pythagoreans to number, which they derived from the monad or unit, and regarded as the origin, the matter, and the essential properties of beings, and as constitutive of the heavens. It has already been said how, as numbers were the first entities in nature, they perceived resemblances to beings and qualities in them rather than in the elements fire, &c.; and hence made one combination to be justice, another mind, and so on.
# On the Vital Principle/Book 1/Prelude to Chapter 1

This chapter is an elaborate statement of the subject as well as the object of the inquiry. The term ψυχή, here rendered "Vital Principle," has several significations, as was observed in the preface, in the course of this and the other physiological treatises: in one passage, it implies the life of an animal; in another, the nutritive function ; in another, a vital part; in another, a motor force; and in another, the visual power (τοῦ ὄμματος ἡ ψυχή); some writers, besides, derived the term ψυχή from ψυχρὸς or ψυχός, coolness or cold, because respiration was held to be a cooling process, and as such essential to life. The object of Aristotle, then, in this treatise, was to learn the nature of that essence or principle which, under whatever denomination, is the innate source of motion, and, consequently, of vital actions in all bodies capable of being animated; for although, in the more complicated forms of being, it is involved in ​the manifestation of perceptions and passions, its great office still is to originate, to maintain, and to perpetuate life, through all its gradations. It may be that, from some such conclusion, Aristotle was led to regard the vital principle as inferior in destiny and office to the faculty which he has designated mind (ὁ νοῦς), and made to be impassive, homogeneous, apart from, and independent of, the body. These opinions have much in common with those adopted by Plato in the Timæus; as, while, in that most beautiful and intellectual disquisition, the senses, appetites, and passions, the mortal framework, that is, of the sentient being, are located about the heart and liver,—the intellectual faculty, that which is divine, and intended to direct and control the animal powers, is placed in the head. The life is represented, in fact, by ψυχή, which is bound up with corporeal functions and appetites; and reason by νοῦς, which, if any where, is, "as the divine seed of wisdom," in the brain; and, being homogeneous, does not depend, for existence, upon the life of the body. These few words will suffice to shew that there is an analogy between the two systems of physiology and psychology.
* ↑ De Sensu et Sens. II. 16.
* ↑ De An. I. 4 ; I. 5 ; III. 4, 6.
# On the Vital Principle/Book 1/Prelude to Chapter 2

Prelude to Chapter II.
# On the Magnet/VI-7

CHAP. VII.
On the primary magnetick nature of the Earth, whereby its poles are parted from the poles of the Ecliptick.
rimarily having shown the manner and causes of the diurnal revolution of the Earth, which is partly brought about from the vigour of the magnetick virtue, partly effected by the præ-eminence and light of the Sun; there now follows an account of the distance of its poles from the poles of the Ecliptick—a supremely necessary fact. For if the poles of the universe or of the Earth remained fast at the poles of the Zodiack, then the Æquator of the Earth would lie exactly beneath the line of the Ecliptick, and there would be no variation in the seasons of the year, no Winter, no Summer, nor Spring, nor Autumn: but one and the same invariable aspect of things would continue. The direction of the axis of the Earth has receded therefore from the pole of the Zodiack (for lasting good) just so far as is sufficient for the generation and variety of things. Accordingly the declination of the tropicks and the inclination of the Earth's pole remain perpetually in the twenty-fourth degree; though now only 23 degrees 28 minutes are counted; or, as others make out, 29 minutes: But once it was 23 degrees 52 minutes, which are the extreme limits of the declinations hitherto observed. And that has been prudently ordained by nature, and is arranged by the primary excellence of the Earth. For if those poles (of the Earth and the Ecliptick) were to be parted by a much greater distance, then when the Sun approached the tropick, all things in the other deserted part of the globe, in some higher latitude, would be desolate and (by reason of the too prolonged absence of the Sun) brought to destruction. As it is, however, all is so proportioned that the whole terrestrial globe has its own varying seasons in succession, and alternations of condition, appropriate and needful: either from the more direct and vertical radiation of light, or from its increased tarriance above the horizon.
Around these poles of the Ecliptick the direction of the poles of the Earth is borne: and by this motion the præcession of the æquinoxes is apparent to us.
# On the Makaloa Mat: Island Tales

* On the Makaloa Mat
* The Bones of Kahekili
* When Alice Told her Soul
* Shin-Bones
* The Water Baby
* The Tears of Ah Kim
* The Kanaka Surf
This work was published before January 1, 1929, and is in the public domain worldwide because the author died at least 100 years ago.
Public domainPublic domainfalsefalse
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume XI/Sulpitius Severus/Sacred History/Book II/Chapter 43

Chapter XLIII.
In the meantime, the emperor compels those deputies of our party who had been sent from the council at Ariminum to join in communion with the heretics. At the same time, he hands them a confession of faith which had been drawn up by these wicked men, and which, being expressed in deceptive terms, seemed to exhibit the Catholic faith, while unfaithfulness secretly lay hid in it. For under an appearance of false reasoning, it abolished the use of the word Ousia as being ambiguous, and as having been too hastily adopted by the fathers, while it rested upon no Scriptural authority. The object of this was that the Son might not be believed to be of one substance with the Father. The same confession of faith acknowledged that the Son was like the Father. But deception was carefully prepared within the words, in order that he might be like, but not equal. Thus, the deputies being sent away, orders were given to the prefect that he should not dissolve the Synod, until all professed by their subscriptions their agreement to the declaration of faith which had been drawn up; and if any should hold back with excessive obstinacy, they should be driven into banishment, provided their number did not amount to fifteen. But when the deputies returned, they were refused communion, although they pleaded the force which had been brought to bear upon them by the king. For when it was discovered what had been decreed, greater disturbance arose in their affairs and purposes. Then by degrees numbers of our people, partly overcome through the weakness of their character, and partly influenced by the thought of a weary journeying into foreign lands, surrendered to the opposite party. These were now, on the return of the deputies, the stronger of the two bodies, and had taken possession of the church, our friends being driven out of it. And when the minds of our people once began to incline in that direction, they rushed
in flocks over to the other side, until the number of our friends was diminished down to twenty.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume XI/Sulpitius Severus/Sacred History/Book II/Chapter 40

Chapter XL.
In the meantime, the Arians, not secretly, as before, but openly and publicly proclaimed their monstrous heretical doctrines. Moreover, they interpreted after their own views the Synod of Nicæa, and by the addition of one letter to its finding, threw a sort of obscurity over the truth. For where the expression Homoousion had been written, which denotes “of one substance,” they maintained that it was written Homoiousion, which simply means “of like substance.” They thus granted a likeness, but took away unity; for likeness is very different from unity; just as, for illustration’s sake, a picture of a human body might be like a man, and yet possess nothing of the reality of a man. But some of them went even farther, and maintained Anomoiousia, that is, an unlike substance. And to such a pitch did these controversies extend, that the wide world was involved in these monstrous errors. For Valens and Ursatius, with their supporters, whose names we have stated, infected Italy, Illyria, and the East with these opinions. Saturninus, bishop of Arles, a violent and factious man, harassed our country of Gaul in like manner. There was also a prevalent belief that Osius from Spain had gone over to the same unfaithful party, which appears all the more wonderful and incredible on this account, that he had been, almost during his whole life, the most determined upholder of our views, and the Synod of Nice was regarded as having been held at his instigation. If he did go over, the reason may have been that in his extreme old age (for he was then more than a centenarian, as St. Hilarius relates in his epistles) he had fallen into dotage. While the world was disturbed by these things, and the churches were languishing as if from a sort of disease, an anxiety, less exciting indeed, but no less serious, pressed upon the emperor, that although the Arians, whom he favored, appeared the stronger, yet there was still no agreement among the bishops concerning the faith.