# The Political Condition of Japan

THE
Political Condition
OF
JAPAN:
SHOWING THE DESPOTISM AND INCOMPETENCY OF THE CABINET AND THE AIMS OF THE POPULAR PARTIES.
BY TATUI BABA.
“Tanomu tokoro wa tenka no yoron, Mezashu kataki wa bogiyaku seifu.”
PHILADELPHIA, 1888.
​Since Japan was opened to foreign intercourse in 1854, much has been written about our country by Europeans who have resided there. Their information seems generally, if not always, derived from one of two sources—Japanese of the official, or else of the lower and ignorant class; but these are not reliable sources with respect to public matters in Japan. In political affairs, for instance, the lower class can scarcely give any correct information, and the officials are bound by their interests to give the most favorable information of the government under which they are employed. The present Cabinet Ministers are very strict, and often very suspicious about the opinions which their subordinates express concerning political affairs. There have been several cases in which men were dismissed from government employment owing to their private friendship with men of the liberal party. Thus, foreigners can seldom, if ever, gain a correct insight into the character and sentiment of the Japanese people as regards politics. Foreigners must seek the intelligent and educated Japanese whose interests are entirely united with the people of Japan. I submit that the European nations ought to seek intercourse with the people of Japan, rather than with their government; but for this it is necessary to understand the history of political changes in the Japanese nation. With this aim I propose to give an outline sketch of affairs in Japan during the last sixteen years. Never having held office under the present government, I can speak correctly and impartially on behalf of the Japanese people.
The cival war for the restoration of the Mikado to his legitimate throne ended in 1870, and each Daimio received his reward in elevation of rank and increase of income. But those who accomplished the work of restoration were compelled to ​recognize the necessity of abolishing the feudal system. This abolition was peacefully achieved, but those who brought it about acted from very different motives, and perhaps did not quite foresee the practical results. The members of the Cabinet became divided. Several minor differences existed among the officials, but the main difficulty was that one party desired to enter upon fresh work, while another sought to finish what had been already begun, without undertaking anything further. The enterprising and more adventurous party was represented by Saigo, one of the greatest warriors Japan has ever produced, and the opposite party by Okubo. Each had his followers, but Okubo was better adapted for the new condition of affairs.
These two men may be compared to an adventurous husband and a prudent wife who have recently entered into the possession of uncultivated land, and converted a portion of it into profitable property through their efforts. The husband, after surveying his possession, says: “We must have more ground. Let us cut down more trees, throw away those stones, and extend our borders.” His prudent wife says: “No, let us make a fence around our ground, make our garden look nice, bring pebbles, and plant flowers.” In this kind of contest, the prudent wife is generally successful. She is bound to do everything to promote domestic peace.
Saigo was the adventurous husband, and Okubo was the prudent wife who endeavored to promote the internal peace of Japan at any cost. Saigo resigned his position as the commander of the Japanese army and retired to his country home in the province of Satuma.
From this time up to 1877, the discontented party, more or less allied to Saigo, stirred up civil dissension; yet none of them succeeded in overthrowing the government of Okubo. Meanwhile Saigo had been educating his pupils. The time at last came that the two leaders had to measure their strength against each other. Saigo collected nearly thirty thousand men, consisting mostly of Satuma people, and suddenly marched toward the capital. He besieged the Castle of Kumamoto. The obstinate defenders of Kumamoto refused to surrender. Okubo ​being informed of the affair sent soldiers trained in European discipline and provided with the best European arms. They amounted to about sixty thousand men. It must be said, considering all the disadvantages against which Saigo and his followers had to contend, that they proved themselves men of military genius. Again and again the government army was defeated, but at last Saigo’s ammunition was exhausted; he fought his last battle in Siroyama, in his native province, and died on the field. This was in the tenth year of Meiji or A. D. 1877. Okubo had now undisputed power in the government of Japan, but he did not enjoy his supreme position much longer. In 1878 he was assassinated by Simada Ichiro in Tokio. This threw the Japanese Cabinet in a state of chaos. While Okubo lived, he had unlimited sway over his colleagues; that is, there was a wide gulf between him and other Ministers both in personal authority and in strength of will. All the other Ministers were mere secretaries, or they might be better described as servants of his will. Now this absolute and central head was suddenly cut off. There was no leader who could give united action to the schemes of the government. This weak government was carried on by conferences and negotiations between different Ministers. The result was that there were no settled principles in its policy. Everything was done by a temporary compromise between the different Ministers. Such was and still is the state of government of Japan.
Meanwhile the popular movement was going on side by side with the political changes in the government. About the year 1874, several newspapers sprang up and began to discuss political and social questions in Japan. Students returned from Europe and America and began to form societies. I may mention one society in particular which gave many social and scientific benefits to Japan, until reduced to nothing through government interference. It was called Kioson Doshu, or “the society for social intercourse.” It was originally formed by some Japanese who were studying in London in 1873. Some of the members of this society, having returned to Japan in 1874, formed a society similar to that which was established in ​London. They used to meet monthly to discuss the subjects of political and social reform in Japan. In 1878, this social or popular movement became more active. Public speeches were delivered and pamphlets published. Frequent meetings were held and every favorable sign of progress was seen in these social phenomena. But the Japanese government began to perceive that if the popular movement was allowed to go on, the acts of their policy would be freely criticised by the people. Then they resorted to a course which was intended to discourage these enterprises. The newspapers were the first to meet with a check. Press laws and newspaper regulations were made and writers were imprisoned for a year or even three years for very slight offenses. But the government was comparatively careless as to the meetings and public speeches, because these were not at first as influential as the newspapers.
The police were given authority in 1879 to enter any meeting for public lectures. They always came by twos, even to listen to lectures on scientific subjects which they could not possibly understand, for the lecturers were usually men of good education, who had spent years studying in European schools or universities.
The second step taken by the government for the suppression of liberty of speech was a private circular issued by the head of each department to his subordinates, prohibiting all who received government salaries from making any public speech or attending any meeting of a political or scientific character. This frightened some prominent members of the society who were government employees. The Kioson Doshu consisted of more than a hundred members, but according to this regulation very few could make public speeches. I being one who was not thus debarred from making public speeches, the whole task of keeping up public lectures fell upon myself. The government, not satisfied with this measure, issued other regulations about public meetings in 1880.
The first clause of these regulations says that those who hold any public meeting concerning politics, must obtain permission from the police station of the district, after placing in the office ​outlines of the speeches, names of the speakers, and the officers and date of the meeting.
The second provides that every society connected with political subjects must obtain the permission at the police station for its organization.
The fourth provides that, if it be presumed by the police authority that the subject of speech, or the society in question is injurious to the peace of the country, the permission shall not be given.
Fifth.—Policemen in their official dress will appear at every meeting.
Sixth.—If speeches pass beyond the subject already set forth in writing before the police authority, or if it is presumed by the police that a speech is injurious to the public peace, the speaker will be forbidden from going on with his speech, and the meeting dissolved.
Eighth.—No one shall advertise the subject of a speech concerning politics, or send out agents, or publish anything in printing or writing for the purpose of attracting the notice of the public. Two or more societies are not allowed to correspond with each other.
Ninth.—Open air meetings shall not be permitted. All offenders are punished with fines varying from two dollars to one hundred dollars, and imprisonment with hard labor from two months to two years. The speaker whose speech is declared by the police to be injurious to the peace of the country is forbidden to make any speech from six months to a year.
Now, the regulations themselves are absurd and utterly unjust; but if their interpretation had been more reasonable the injury might have been less. The general principle of interpretation would be to put the narrowest signification upon terms, so as not to include all the cases which might be brought under the regulations. But it is entirely otherwise. The widest signification is given, so as to include every possible case. For instance, the word “politics” in the first clause is construed in practical application to mean all matters relating to government in all nations and in all ages. Thus, if a speech is made on the subject of ​Greek or Roman government two thousand years ago, the Japanese government consider it a political speech. Sometimes a lecture, although simply on a scientific subject, has been considered a political speech—as well as lectures on history, commercial business, and all subjects relating to laws of all countries—and the lecture accordingly treated as such. In the same clause the words “public meetings” were construed by a Frenchman, employed under the Japanese government, to mean any meeting held by more than two persons. Thus, the Frenchman, who knew well how to construe this kind of regulation, made away with the distinction between private and public meetings, and gave the police unlimited authority even to violate the freedom of a private citizen. According to the first clause, the outline of a political speech must be submitted to the police of the district, who will decide whether the speech is injurious to the peace of the nation or not. But who are these police? They are men of very imperfect education, receiving a salary of eight or ten dollars a month. They can scarcely understand the duty they are called upon to discharge. The result is a ridiculous one: they put their own interpretation on the subject and try to prevent any public speech at all. So it is with the fourth and sixth clauses. Policemen reject application for permission to hold public meetings, and forbid speakers to continue their speeches, simply from the want of understanding. Often the speaker is punished by being deprived of liberty of speech for six months or a year. I myself incurred the penalty under this clause, and was deprived of my liberty of speech for six months, only for saying, “No despotic government exists long. The French government under Louis XVI. was a despotic government, and therefore came to an unfortunate end.” This seems to be a self-evident truth which any rational man ought to admit. But the policemen thought my speech to be against the public peace, and the meeting was dissolved. The present Japanese government is desirous to make any change in outward appearance, that it thinks will win the confidence of European powers. But I do not think any civilized government will place much confidence in a government which shows such a ​want of appreciation of these most important means for improving the mass of the people—the right of public assembly and free speech. Again, while speaking in Yokohama of the general condition of trade in Japan, my speech was stopped and the meeting was dissolved by policemen because I said that many people are starving in that city through the depression of trade, owing to the interference of the government in the matter of commerce, and by cutting off suddenly the currency of the country. Such was a simple fact as regards the Japanese trade, but the police thought that no one ought to criticise the financial policy of the government. Many speakers suffer the penalty in like manner.
A meeting is not allowed by the police authority if a speaker intends to use the word “despotic” in his speech. On these questions, too much authority is given to the ignorant police, who are ready to show their power whenever an opportunity presents itself. Even when a slight joke is made upon them by the people, the offenders are punished as in the case of “contempt of officials.” Once a large crowd was assembling in a village fair in the northeastern province of Japan, three policemen came there and one of the village girls said, “There are three pieces of policemen” or “Zhunsa ga san biki.” She was put into prison for one year. In another district a woman sang a song “Shall I kill myself or shall I become a policeman?” or “Shinde simaoka zhunsa ni naroka.” She was arrested and punished with six months’ imprisonment for “contempt of officials.”
Though they assume so much authority over the Japanese men and women, yet they proved most cowardly when some Chinese sailors recently committed outrages in Nagasaki. The sailors belonging to a Chinese man-of-war landed on Nagasaki, and, being drunk, assaulted peaceful citizens and destroyed some shops. The Japanese police being informed of this affair went quietly to remnstrate, but the Chinese sailors struck the Japanese policemen with pieces of melons which they had half eaten. Yet the police could not arrest them, but quietly submitted to the insult. Eventually one of them was wounded by the ​Chinese sailors, but even then the policemen could not arrest the sailors without the aid of the Japanese Zinrikisha men.
As to the newspapers, the regulations are still more strict and applied without any regard to circumstances. Certain officials are appointed in each department to read all the newspapers published in Japan. Whenever they find anything about the government, they try to find some reason to bring criminal action against the paper. They look through all the accounts, leading articles, and even advertisements. The editors incur severe penalties even if they allude to criticisms of the Japanese government or of one of its departments. One of the leading papers in Tokio, of which I was the editor at the time, published a letter of complaint to the effect that many letters were lost, or miscarried by the post-office and did not arrive at their destination. This was perfectly true. But the newspaper was suspended for one week and the writer of the letter was punished with fine and imprisonment with hard labor. It does not matter to the Japanese government whether anything said in the Japanese newspapers is true or false. If it is said in the way of criticism, it gives the ground for criminal action. Another newspaper was suspended for several weeks, and the editor punished with fine and imprisonment with hard labor, because of an advertisement. Some students asked the paper to insert an advertisement to the effect that a society of political reformers was to meet on a certain day. This was considered by the Japanese government to mean the meeting of rebels, and the issue of the newspaper was suspended. The present Cabinet uses two methods of suppressing the newspapers, one direct and the other indirect. The direct way of suppressing them is to issue a warrant against the editor and proprietor, and to arrest them, at the same time confiscating the printing machinery. The indirect way is to suspend the issue of the paper, frequently for a week or two at a time, and send the editor and proprietor into a prison from one to three years. By this means, the proprietor is financially ruined and the newspaper finally brought to an end. This indirect mode is more frequently resorted to, and appears to be looked upon with greater favor in the Japanese ​official circle as a slow but sure method of suppressing the newspapers. But at present all the Japanese newspapers put on the paper the names of some poor men as the editors and proprietors. Whenever they are punished, the real editors and proprietors are always safe. The Japanese government is satisfied with sending some poor struggling student to prison as the editor of the paper.
In spite of these difficulties and obstacles the Japanese people continued organizing themselves with the object of propagating liberal ideas. Political speeches were delivered in all parts of Japan. I myself went to the northeastern provinces, such as Shinshu, Yarnagata, Yechigo, and others. People began to attend the meetings in thousands, and I often spoke in meetings consisting of two or three thousand people. Every sign of the powerful popular movement was shown in these meetings.
At last the liberal party was formed in Tokio in 1881. Two principal papers became its organs, and very important questions were brought forward. The present Cabinet, seeing the pressure of popular influence, advised the Mikado to make a promise to establish a representative assembly in 1890. Thus everything was going on favorably for this popular movement. But one serious mistake which we made in this movement was the election of a leader who was utterly incapable of the management of a political party. As subsequent events proved, he was a man of very imperfect abilities, who could be governed by any influence, and whose temper was as fickle as the wind. But why was he elected to such a responsible position as this? The reason was that he was one of the Cabinet Ministers in the government some years before and resigned his position, having quarreled with the rest of the Ministers. Having been converted into a liberal politician, he was supposed by some a proper person to lead the new movement. The event proved the contrary. When the party was formed, newspapers established, and everything ready for active movements, Itagaki Taisuke, the newly elected leader, suddenly announced through one of his friends that he must leave Japan at once and go to Europe for a year. Every reasonable persuasion was used to have him remain in ​the country, but he quarreled with everybody. At last he left Japan in disregard of the unanimous opinion of the Committee of the party, which, without a head, fell into a fearful state, utterly disorganized. It is now believed by the most of the prominent people in Japan, that the government, alarmed at the popular movement, bought off Itagaki, giving him money and sending him to Europe. His strange conduct at the time and every other circumstance justify this belief. When he came back from Europe, after a year’s absence, he could do nothing, and departed in a great hurry to his country home, about three hundred miles from the capital. Intelligent members of the party, seeing it impossible to reorganize, separated themselves and formed an independent party. Since that time other political parties were formed, so that now three political parties oppose the Japanese government and are fighting very successfully for the cause of the Japanese people. There is every prospect that the younger men will carry on this popular movement and accomplish the work so necessary for the welfare of the Japanese people.
But what is the method by which the Japanese government attempts to meet the demands of the progressive society? No one can understand the principle which guides the policy of the present Cabinet. But it may be asked whether there is any principle at all. In fact, the policy is not guided by anything consistent. The index is neither the sentiment nor the necessity of the people. It is not even the majority of officers that decides the measures of government. They are decided only by the temporary convenience of certain officials who are highest in authority at the time. Looking at the measures carried out by the Japanese government for one year, or even a month, every inconsistency is found. Nobody can foretell what the government is going to do. Sometimes amost unexpected measure is carried out, disturbing every arrangement of personal and private property. No one is safe under the present government. Sometimes it appears to be actuated by extraordinary and radical principles, and sometimes by principles of despotic government. Sometimes two factions appear fighting against each other. What ​is permitted, or even favored and encouraged by one, is often prohibited and destroyed by the other. For instance, the Minister of Foreign Affairs is advocating some changes, not only in political, but also in every detail of private affairs, but on the other hand the Commissioner of the Police is carrying out the most cruel laws of prison discipline, unparalleled in the history of any civilized country. While young officials and their wives are dancing the modern waltz, utter disregard is shown to the rights and liberties of the people. Thus there are no consistent principles and no united action in the present Cabinet. Each department is acting independently of the other. The present Cabinet may be compared to a headless centipede whose numerous feet move in all sorts of ways.
Yet the Japanese government thinks to win the confidence of all the European governments by introducing superficial changes. They think the foreign representatives are foolish enough to make important concessions in revising treaties, if they are continually invited to the Japanese public receptions and allowed to dance with Japanese women.
While this kind of thing is done by the Japanese government let us look at the Japanese prisons, where many patriotic Japanese are dying.
Within these prisons there is no suitable place for the prisoners to sleep. They try to sleep, heaped up one over the other. Many become ill, and the most of them die. Their food consists of a mixture of rice and oats, about a quarter of a pound, served sometimes with three pieces of pickle, or with boiled vegetables. Although they are given a meal three times a day, the quantity is so small that the prisoners become as thin as skeletons. As to exercise, each prisoner is sometimes allowed to walk in a small yard for ten or fifteen minutes, but even this is very seldom permitted. All the prisoners are treated alike, whether they are political prisoners or not. Whenever a prisoner is taken out of prison he is put in irons and bound with a strong rope. No exception is made, even in case of a feeble old man or a mere boy. Neither work nor writing material is allowed in the cages. If any prisoner is found with a piece of a pencil ​or doing anything with a piece of paper, he is punished. The punishment is what is called Shokubatsu, or the punishment of food. That is, the food is reduced one-third. The ordinary food is scanty, but when it is reduced so much it is simply starvation. A prisoner is kept in this condition for one or two weeks. It is necessary to give ordinary food a day in a week, as it is utterly impossible to continue this punishment a week, without starving a prisoner to death. So punishment is carried out in eight days. These prisoners are examined in a secret court of trial before they are tried in a public tribunal. Here they are threatened or deceived under the false promise of mercy, or sometimes tortured by being ordered to stand in open air during a severe winter day when it is raining or snowing.
Although these things are known to every intelligent man, yet there is no means of reform. If a newspaper takes notice of these things it will be immediately suspended or suppressed. The Japanese Ministers think that the present prison discipline is so perfect that no one ought to be permitted to criticise it. But who are these Ministers or officials in the present Cabinet? Okubo and Saigo are dead. Those who have succeeded them have no knowledge of statesmanship, but are ignorant and unprincipled men. Count Ito, with his superficial knowledge of European civilization, may have the pretensions of a Prime Minister, but we know well that he is not aman of strong will—a quality essential to a successful statesman. He will never be able to control the Cabinet. He cannot dismiss a single prominent Satuma man from the government.
It may naturally be said that there are many young officials who were educated in Europe, and these must advise the government in a liberal direction and introduce reforms. But my experience for the last ten years convinces me that those young officials, who are very liberal in Europe, become very conservative when they return to their own country. Such young men have difficulties almost unknown to European youth. All the Japanese young men who come to Europe are the sons of Samurai, or swordsmen, who have nothing to live upon except the industry of their sons. As soon as the students come back to ​their country they have to support their families. Sometimes they have to support not only their parents and sisters, but also the families of their brothers and sisters. A young man has to maintain ten or twenty persons. Where can these young men obtain employment? The government monopolizes nearly everything and interferes in every business and profession which is not under the control of officials. Thus these young men are, to a certain extent, obliged to seek employment under the government. But if they want to become officials, they must change their principles, because the majority of the Japanese officials, especially those in influential positions, are very conservative. If these young men advocate liberal principles, they will always be looked upon with suspicion. There would then be no hope of promotion even if they were not compelled to resign. They have to choose whether they will starve or change their principles. Considering the hard struggles it requires to maintain one principle throughout, I am not at all surprised that the young men do change. Therefore they have no healthy influence on the government. Only when they can receive sufficient salaries without favor from the government will they speak out their real sentiments.
Meanwhile the government goes on punishing the nominal editors of newspapers, sending them into cruel and unjust imprisonment. They stop all publications which they do not like, and every effort that is made to voice the thought and feelings of the patriotic citizen is suppressed in its incipiency. And besides all this, what, I ask, is the present condition of trade in Japan? Merchants are daily ruined by overtaxation. All Japanese manufacturers are ruined by the excess of imports from England which are brought in almost free of duty.
The Japanese government has been tampering with the subject of the treaty revision for the last sixteen years, and they have not yet arrived at any satisfactory arrangement. On the contrary, the Cabinet seem just now bent on entering into a most disadvantageous treaty.
In two years after the ratification of the proposed treaty, the whole country is to be thrown open to all foreigners. A ​majority of the judges in Japanese courts of justice are to be appointed from among Europeans. These European judges are to be appointed for a term of fifteen years, and the language used in the courts is to be English. For three years after the ratification, exterritoriality will still continue in force. Within eighteen months after the ratification, the Japanese government pledges itself to promulgate a civil code of mercantile laws. As to the tariff or imports, the government is not allowed to put upon any article a tax exceeding twenty per cent. ad valorem.
What advantages are there for the Japanese people in making such a treaty as this? If the public opinion of the Japanese people were consulted, it would speak out with one voice against such a one-sided treaty. But whenever a newspaper speaks of this question, it is always suspended or suppressed. The present Japanese Ministers have not the confidence of the people. Whenever they go out of their own houses, they are obliged to employ four or five policemen with two-handed swords and pistols to protect their persons. Such a government as this, has no right to enter into a treaty, doing away with the most important rights of an independent nation, with European powers.
But after all these humiliating concessions, the Japanese Cabinet did not succeed in the negotiation for the revision of the treaty. Mr. Inouye, the Minister of Foreign Affairs who had been tampering with this subject for ten years, did not resign in spite of his failure. Therefore, deputations consisting of members of the popular party, were sent from different parts of Japan to demand his resignation. Mr. Inouye resigned in consequence.
About this time many deputations were sent to Tokio from all parts of Japan. Their object was twofold. First, to ask the Cabinet to explain its foreign policy; and second, to petition the government to relieve the poor farmers from oppression of a heavy overtaxation. But the Cabinet issued one of its despotic edicts on December 27th, 1887, and expelled all the members of the deputations from Tokio. Thousands of the policemen marched to all parts of the capital, where the members of deputations were living, and expelled more than four hundred people ​in one day. Those who wanted to know the reason why they were expelled were instantly punished with the sentence of imprisonment for two or three years and were cast into a filthy Japanese prison, where they are deprived of all comforts. Kataoka Kenkichi, a prominent Japanese Christian, was one of those unfortunate men who were thus thrown into a Japanese dungeon. The prison officials refused to admit even the Bible to the prison.
What is the foreign policy of the present Japanese government? What have they been doing as regards Corea? They induced the Coreans, who were in favor of European civilization, to adopt European customs with the connivance of the Japanese Ministers. The Chinese government began to suspect some secret design of the Japanese government. When the former brought in their conservative influences, the two factions, the Chinese and Japanese parties in Corea, began to fight. The Japanese government interfered at first; but when the Chinese influences became powerful, it gave up those who were in favor of European or Occidental civilization to the vengeance of the other party. During the last troubles in Corea, the conduct of the Japanese Ambassador, who had the full confidence of the Minister of Foreign Affairs at home, was most curious as well as disgraceful. The progressive party tried to overthrow the Corean government, in which the Chinese element predominated. When the tidings came, the Japanese Ambassador, half dressed, hastened to the palace of the Corean King and gave instruction to the Japanese soldiers to come there. When he found that the Chinese soldiers also came, he surrendered the palace and ran away, leaving the King in the hands of the Chinese soldiers. When at last he came back to the Japanese legation in Corea, he was so nervous that he even refused to give protection to the Corean political refugees. After all this disgraceful conduct of the Minister, what did the government do? It found fault with the poor Coreans and compelled them to pay a few thousand dollars indemnity, although the whole blame lay with the Chinese soldiers, who came to the palace and attacked the Coreans and Japanese; yet the Japanese government would ​do nothing to redress the wrong, against the Chinese. Thus this disgraceful affair was settled with the Chinese government at the cost of the Coreans. The government afterward became so afraid that they are even now putting into a perpetual imprisonment those Corean exiles who acted under the connivance of the Japanese government. So far as the Japanese government is concerned, the noble spirit of the old Japanese Samurai is gone and the spirit of cowardice and treachery is substituted in its place.
As to the financial policy, there has been most extravagant mismanagement. Some years ago the government overissued paper currency and it began to be depressed. But all at once, the government redeemed the currency, thus causing the most disastrous consequences. They also made most useless interference with the trade in the interior. The price of rice always fluctuates according to the season, and the government has established a certain warehouse where they keep rice. Whenever the price rises, the government begins to sell the rice. Thus they try to keep it at a certain price instead of leaving it to natural fluctuation.
Besides they carried the overtaxation to such a degree that the land-owners often surrender their property rather than suffer the expense of keeping it. The depression of trade is such that the best part of the capital, Tokio, is inhabited by ruined people. One of the newspapers published the following account about the Central district of Tokio and it will be easily seen in what fearful state the general trade is at present in Japan.
“Upon presentation of the tax-collector’s little bill the other day, it was found that no less than one thousand persons in Nihombashi Division alone were insolvent.”
At one time it is ordered that the expenditure shall be economized as much as possible. But most unwarrantable waste is suddenly allowed, and all sorts of extravagances are committed. Take, for instance, the two steamship companies established in Japan. The one company was established some years ago, and was subsidized by the government. But suddenly the government caused another company to be established, gave a subsidy, and ​became a large shareholder. Of course both companies at once engaged in bitter competition. But the government was astonished and used all sorts of devices to prevent it. At last it became clear that the two companies under the protection of the government must destroy each other, and they were finally amalgamated into one. But all these foolish extravagances result in public expense and a public debt. The natural consequence is overtaxation, and the fearful poverty of the country. In many provinces of the empire people are starving, and all sorts of cruelties and hardships endured.
The regular business of the government is very slow. Even in such cases as the publication of a scientific work, it takes six months or one year before permission is granted to the author. If a prisoner waiting for his trial wants to send a letter to his friend, it takes one or two weeks to send it to a place a few yards outside of the prison. The reason is that the civil servants, who are selected by mere official influence, are not only incompetent, but are not obliged to attend to their business. The incompetency of the Japanese officials will be easily seen in an instance which recently occurred in this country. The other day the Japanese government sent a Commissioner of Patents to the United States, and when he was asked by an educated American about the construction of the Japanese clock, he could not answer anything about it. The Commissioner of Patents who does not understand the construction of a clock is a curious but fair specimen of the civil servants employed by the Japanese government. With these civil servants, knowledge of their duties, and doing their work for the benefit of people, are not at all important. They obtained their positions by flattering their superiors, so they must keep their positions by the same means. Their whole attention is directed to one question, namely: who is the influential official?
It is a well-known fact with these civil servants that their private call at the residence of an influential official is far more important than their close attention to the business in public offices. They are constantly talking about the changes, promotions of officials, their resignation, etc. Thus, they are quite inattentive to their public duties.
​As to enforcing criminal laws, the police use their utmost authority, and poor and helpless men and women are punished very severely for slight offenses. But they are utterly negligent as to more serious offenses. About seven years ago it came out that a large quantity of counterfeit paper currency had been found. It was evident that some one had committed a crime, but no criminal has been found to this day. Such crimes should of course be investigated with the utmost stringency, yet the police authorities, after some inquiry became suddenly lenient and mysteriously gave up the investigation. As to the liberty of person, there is no such thing as the habeas corpus act, so that people can be put into a prison as long as the official pleases, without any public trial. The secret police called Fuzoku Gakari, or the inspectors of public morality, can enter into any house without warrant; yet they are themselves the most lawless of men. While the people are reduced to fearful poverty, the Japanese Ministers have been doing everything to promote their selfish ends. Some time ago these Ministers made up their minds to convert the island of Yezo into their private property by paying a merely nominal value for it. This was too much. The oppressed people raised their voices against this arbitrary measure. At last, conferences, negotiations, and compromises were made among the Ministers and officials. It was allowed to remain as public property. But still, the larger part of the island being owned by these Ministers, it is controlled as if it were private property.
Yet the head of this cowardly government, the President of the Privy Council, Count Ito, thinks himself a great statesman. He thinks that his policy is formed after the model of Prince Bismarck. I very much doubt whether the strong and powerful Iron Chancellor would be proud of such a petty follower as Count Ito. It will appear to an ordinary observer that there is a gulf between Count Ito and Prince Bismarck, wide indeed as that between man and ape. Petty Count Ito and powerful Prince Bismarck belong to altogether different species, and it is utterly impossible that Count Ito should develop himself into a great man. Whatever Count Ito has been able thus far to do ​simply shows the ape imitating the man. It is easy to see the tendency of the ruinous course which the present government is taking, both in the matter of foreign intercourse and in that of internal government. The fate which is in store for Japan is no other than that of Egypt or Turkey. Every means of making Japan an independent and honorable nation will be arrested and suppressed. Every intelligent man, seeing this, wants to point out the danger, but the government uses every means to silence the voice of popular opinion. The present Cabinet Ministers will try to keep their position in the government at any cost. Their numerous police, spies, and harsh regulations are intended to suppress the liberty of press and speech, and several apparently useless officials are maintained solely for the purpose of keeping their position against public opinion, regardless of the injuries to their country. Now public opinion is such that ninety-nine out of every hundred, if freed from government intimidation, will vote for a change of the present ministry.
What we demand of the present government is simply this:—
First, the establishment of a National Assembly, making the present government a constitutional monarchy, with responsible ministries.
Secondly, the abolition of the censorship of the press and the regulation of the newspapers.
Thirdly, the abolition of the regulations for holding public meetings.
Fourthly, the revision of the treaty between Japan and Europe.
Whatever the present Cabinet may do to keep its position, it must submit to the will of the Japanese nation. For every patriotic Japanese who desires to regenerate the nation must first aim to overthrow the present Japanese Cabinet, as it is scarcely possible to do one without doing the other. And I think every Japanese is justified in using every legitimate means to overthrow the government which utterly forfeits the confidence of the nation. Already the government is tottering ​under the influence of the voice of the people. Its days are numbered, and it will be overthrown by the popular party. A new Cabinet will be formed instead of the present despotic government. If the American government should actually sympathize with the present Cabinet, an anti-foreign reaction is sure to take place in Japan. The people will begin to look upon Americans, not as their friends, but as friends of a despotism which is trying to suppress freedom of press and speech and is daily sending the noblest sons of the nation to imprisonment and death.
This work was published before January 1, 1929, and is in the public domain worldwide because the author died at least 100 years ago.
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