# An Introduction to Indonesian Linguistics/Essay 2

translated by Charles Otto Blagden (1916)
ESSAY II
COMMON INDONESIAN AND
ORIGINAL INDONESIAN
(The original was issued as an Appendix to the Annual Report of the Cantonal School, Lucerne, 1911.)
SUMMARY
1-16. Introduction.
17-177. Part I : Common Indonesian.
17-49. Section I : Phonetic System. 17-27. Vowels. 2s 32. Diphthongs. 33-48. Consonants. 49. Table of Sounds.
50-74. Section II : Synthesis of Sounds into Words. 50. Disyllables. 51-2. Monosyllables. 53. Trisyllables. 54. Initial Sounds. 55-60. Medial Sounds. 61-73. Final Sounds. 74. General Type of the Word.
75-80. Section III : Accent.
81-142. Section IV: Formal Analysis of Words. 81. Preliminary Observations. 82-3. Interjections. 84-114. Words of Form. 84. General Characteristics. 85-95. Articles. 96-106. Prepositions. 107-9. The Particle a. 110-3. Negatives. 114. Conjunctions. 115-20. Words of Substance. 115. General Characteristics. 116-7. Roots. 118-20. Words. 121-35. Pronouns. 121-3. General Characteristics. 124-31. Personal Pronouns. 132. Demonstrative Pronouns. 133-4. Interrogative Pronouns. 135. The Indefinite Pronoun. 136-42. Numerals.
143-73. Section V: Extension of the Word-base. 143-6. Preliminary Observations. 147-61. The Verb. 147. Verbal Formatives. 148-51. Active Formatives 152-4. Passive Formatives. 155. Their force. 156. The Transitive Formative -i. 157. The Causativ Formative pa-. 158. Common Indonesian Verbs with the same Formative. 159-60. The Imperative without a Formative. 161. Formatives for Tenses. ​62-7. The Substantive. 162. Substantives without Formatives. 163-7. Substantival Formatives. 168-70. The Adjective. 168-9. The Adjectival Formative ma-. 170. The comparative Formative. 171-2. The Adverb. 171. Adverbs without Special Formatives. 172. The Adverbial Formative ka- . 173. The Numeral
174-6. Section VI : Reduplication of the Word-base. 177. Synthesis of Words into Sentences. 178-91. Part II : Original Indonesian. ​
INTRODUCTION.
12. The basis upon which we shall reconstruct the Original IN is the Common IN as delineated in the first part.
13. Whereas in the first part we shall deal altogether with real facts, the second part will only yield results of hypothetical value.
14. The contents of this monograph are my own, both as regards substance and method. It is true that here and there in the writings of other scholars I have come across the remark that this or that linguistic phenomenon is to be regarded as being Common IN; but such observations are only to be found sparsely, in no great numbers, and often unsupported by the necessary evidence.
Note.—As it is my wish that my monographs should not exceed a moderate size, I shall not mention everything that I have recognized as being Common IN; but I shall include everything that seems to me specially important.
15. The following abbreviations will be used:
| Bal. | = | Balinese. | Mad. | = | Madurese. |
| Bat. | = | Batanese. | Mak. | = | Makassar. |
| Bim. | = | Bimanese. | Mal. | = | Malay. |
| Bis. | = | Bisaya. | Mkb. | = | Minangkabau. |
| Bol. | = | Bolongan. | Mlg. | = | Malagasy. |
| Bont. | = | Bontok. | Pamp. | = | Pampanga. |
| Bug. | = | Bugis. | Sund. | = | Sundanese. |
| Day. | = | Dayak.* | Tag. | = | Tagalog. |
| Form. | = | Formosan. | Tar. | = | Tarakan. |
| Inv. | = | Inivatan. | Tontb. | = | Tontemboan. |
| Jav. | = | Javanese. | | | |
Note I.—For languages which have short names, such as Bulu, Toba, Karo, and Hova, and also for such as are only rarely cited, as Bolaang-Mongondou, no abbreviations are used.
Note II.—The abbreviations of the titles of periodicals are those used in the Orientalische Bibliographie.
PART I
COMMON INDONESIAN
SECTION I: PHONETIC SYSTEM.
19. We have, therefore, demonstrated the existence of a Common IN word kayu, which contains the vowel a. We also became acquainted in § 1 with a Common IN laṅit, “ sky ”, and later on we shall meet with the Common IN words apuy, “ fire ”, ama, “ father ”, ina, “ mother ”, ratus, “ hundred ”, and a, “ the ”, as well as the Common IN formatives ka-, ta-, and -an. All these forms agree in containing the vowel a. The amount of this material is so large that we may without hesitation pronounce the vowel a to be Common IN.
20. The vowel i. This vowel is proved to be Common IN by the word aṅin, “ wind ”, in accordance with the following table:
Wind. Philippines, Iloko : aṅin — Celebes, Bug.: aṅiṅ — Borneo, Sampit: aṅin — Java, Sund.: aṅin — Sumatra, Toba: aṅin — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: aṅin — Madagascar, Hova : anina — Eastern Border, Bim. : aṅi — South-Western Border, Simalurese: aṅin.
Note I.—Phonetic laws: “ Bug. and Mak. unify all Common IN final nasals into ṅ ”, hence Bug. aṅiṅ < aṅin.—“ Hova unifies all Common IN final nasals into -na ”, hence anina < aṅin.
Note II.—The law in accordance with which Common IN ṅ has become n in Hova, as in anina < aṅin, and the law in accordance with which final consonants disappear in Bim., as in aṅi < aṅin, have already been given. We assume that the reader will make a mental note of all such laws, and we therefore mention each of them only once.
21. We have become acquainted with a Common IN word aṅin, “ wind ”, which contains the vowel i. In the course of our enquiry we shall meet with many other Common IN words containing the same vowel. But we will content ourselves with specifying this one instance, the word aṅin ; the reader will, of course, notice the other cases; and in the sequel we shall pursue the same method. We therefore pronounce the vowel i to be Common IN.
22. The vowel u. This is proved to be Common IN by the word kayu, dealt with in § 18.
23. The vowel ĕ, an indeterminate, rapidly pronounced sound often called by its Jav. name pĕpĕt. This vowel estabhshes its claim to be styled Common IN by the evidence of the word tĕnah, “ half, some ”.
Half. Celebes, Bug.: tĕṅṅa — Borneo, Bol.: tĕṅah — Java, Sund.: tĕṅah — Sumatra, Karo: tĕṅah — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: tĕṅah — Eastern Border, Sawunese: tĕṅa — South-Western Border, Simalurese: tĕṅah.
Note.—The phonetic laws are: “Common IN final h disappears in Bug., Mak., and several other IN languages ”.—“When in Common IN ĕ, of a non-final syllable, is followed by a single consonant, that consonant appears doubled in Bug.”—Both these laws are exemplified by Bug. tĕṅṅa.
24. The number of areas in which we have met with ĕ amounts only to seven ; according to the principles enunciated in § 3 we ought therefore to have some hesitation in declaring it to be Common IN. Whereas a, i, and u are present everywhere, the pĕpĕt is wanting in some IN languages, which instead of it use another vowel: e.g. Day. does not say tĕṅah, but teṅah, Bis. says toṅa. But in several of these languages the pĕpĕt has left tangible traces of its former existence. In Mak. of Celebes the pĕpĕt appears as a; Mak. therefore possesses two etymologically distinct a’s, the one corresponding to the Common IN a, the other to the Common IN ĕ. But the second a causes certain consonants which follow it to be doubled, the first one does not affect them. So Common IN anu, “ someone ” (§ 135), appears in Mak. as anu, but Common IN ĕnĕm, “ six ”, as annaṅ, and Common IN tĕkĕn, “ staff ”, as takkaṅ. In this matter Bug. exhibits the intermediate stage, for it also doubles the consonant but it retains the pĕpĕt:
| Common IN | tĕkĕn |
| Old and Modern Jav. | tĕkĕn |
| Bug. | tĕkkĕṅ |
| Mak. | takkaṅ |
In precisely the same way Iloko in the Philippines, which has replaced ĕ by e, doubles the consonant and accordingly says
​Above, below. Philippines, Tag.: anor, "to lift up, to carry" — Celebes, Tontb.: sosor, "to go up" — Java, Old Jav. : sor, "below" — Sumatra, Lampong: ansor, "to diminish" — Northern Border, Form.: masor, "to exceed". Note I. — Tag. anor with n for s is formed in accordance with the principles illustrated in § 149. Note II. — The phenomenon that one and the same word means both "above" and "below" finds a parallel in the Rottinese demak, which signifies both "high" and "deep". For other cases see Kern, "Fidjitaal", p. 211. 27. In view of what has been said in the preceding paragraph, it is only with some hesitation that we can venture to style e and o Common IN vowels. 28. We must concede to Common IN the three diphthongs uy, ay, au (which I prefer to write aw).* These appear only as finals. In the interior of words, as in Mal. laut, the two vowels belong to different syllables. 29. The diphthong uy. This is shown to be Common IN by means of the Common IN word apuy, "fire ". Fire. Philippines, Inv.: apuy — Celebes, West Mori: apuy — Borneo, Tar.: apuy — Java, Old Jav.: apuy — Sumatra, Achinese: apuy — Northern Border, Bat.: apuy — South- western Border, Simalurese: ahoy. Note.—In Simalurese ahoy we find oy < uy in accordance with the parallel lañoy, "to swim", as compared with Old Jav. lañhuy. — The p has disappeared as in the parallel ulau, "island", beside the very widespread pulaw; the h is to be regarded as the last remnant of the vanishing p. 30. The diphthong uy becomes u in Hova, so we find afu < apuy, walu, "to change, to turn back", beside Old Jav. waluy. But when a suffix is appended to such word-bases as these, the y is no longer a final and therefore need not dis- *[In Romanized Malay these diphthongs are commonly written ui, ai, and au, respectively. For the reason why it is preferable (at any rate in works like the present) to adopt the author's spelling, see Essay IV, § 158.] ​appear: it then becomes z in accordance with the law stated in § 18. Now in Old Jav. beside the indicative waluy there is a conjunctive waluya, and with this there corresponds in Hova, according to § 108, the imperative ini-waluza. This formation mi-waluza < mi-waluya therefore proves to us the former existence of the diphthong uy in Madagascar.
Note II.—Mlg. zama does not mean “ father " but " uncle ". A parallel thereto is the Gayo ama, which signifies both " father " and " uncle ".
45. We must attribute to Common IN the liquids r and l. The sound l is evidenced by the Common IN laṅit (§ 1); the sound r by karaṅ, " rock, dry ground, reef, coral ". § 190 deals with the pronunciation of the r.
Rock. Philippines, Iloko: kalaṅ — Celebes, Mak.: karai — Borneo, Day.: karaṅ — Java, Sund.: karaṅ — Sumatra, Gayo: karaṅ — Malay Peniusula, Mal.: karaṅ — Madagascar, Hova:harana — South-Western Border, Nias: kara.
Note.—Iloko l for r in accordance with the RLD-law (§ 190). — A phonetic law of Nias: " No final consonant is tolerated in Nias ".
46. We must attribute to Common IN the sibilant s. This is evidenced by the word susu, " breast, to suck ".
Breast. Philippines, Inv.: susu — Celebes, Tontb.: susu — Borneo, Bol.: susu — Java, Sund.: susu — Sumatra, Lampong: susu — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: susu — Northern Border, Bat.: susu — Eastern Border, Tettum: susu — South-Western Border, Nias: susu.
47. We must concede to Common IN the aspirate h. This is evidenced by the word tahan, " to hold fast, to retain ".
To retain. Philippines, Tag.: tahan — Celebes, Ponosakan: mo-tahaṅ — Borneo, Day.: tahan — Java, Sund.: tahan — Sumatra, Lampong: tahan — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: tahan.
Note.—It must be admitted that the distribution of h is of such a nature that we have some hesitation in pronouncing it to be Common IN.
But on the one hand these sounds are not very widely distributed, and on the other they are demonstrably of a secondary kind. Thus the Hova f originated in accordance with a phonetic law from the Common IN p, as is proved by the comparison of afu with Common IN apuy; and the law is: “ Common IN p becomes f in Mlg., save after a labial or when final ”. On such sounds as these we cannot confer the title “ Common IN. ”
49. Common IN, therefore, has the following phonetic system, though it must be admitted that some of the sounds have not been evidenced with absolute certainty:
| a | i | u | ĕ |
| k | g | ṅ |
| c | j | ñ |
| t | d | n |
| p | b | m |
| y | r | l | w |
| s |
| h |
SECTION II: SYNTHESIS OF SOUNDS INTO WORDS.
50. Apart from interjections and words of form, the words of the IN languages, as we meet them when we open the dictionaries (i.e. in the shape which is more accurately called the “ word-base ”), are mostly disyllabic. We may say, therefore, that as a general rule the primary synthesis of sounds is into a disyllabic structure. Thus in the Mal. version of the Rāmāyana, where the story is told of how Hanuman was sent to Langkapura, there is the sentence: “ Now Hanuman was sitting under a maja tree ” = Hanuman pun duduq-lah di bawah pohon maja. Here we have four disyllabic word-bases in succession.
Note.—Mal. lah here serves to emphasize the predicate. — di bawah literally means “ at (the) bottom (of) ”.
51. Monosyllabic words of substance, i.e. verbs and nouns, are rare; some languages possess none at all; Old Jav. has the largest number. And we never find one and the same monosyllabic word of substance running through very many different languages. Probably the one that is most widely distributed is kan, “ food ”.
Food. Philippines, Magindanao: kan — Celebes, Tontb.: kan — Sumatra, Pabian dialect of Lampong: kan — Eastern Border, Masaretese : ka — South-Western Border, Mentaway: kan.
Note I.—It must not be imagined that this monosyllabic kan merely figures in the dictionary: it really exists in living speech. We find in the Mentaway story Ägā-mu-la-laibi the phrase: “ There is no food ” = tata kan, and that is a complete sentence. Again, in the Mentaway legend of the origin of the race we read: “ There were plantains for food ” = aiat kan bago; and that, too, is a complete sentence. ​Note II. — -In other languages kan is found as a radical constituent of disyllabic words of substance, as for instance in the Old Jav. paṅan, “food”, where k has become ṅ in conformity with the principles of § 149. Thus in Jonker's Book of Laws, Art. 15, there is the sentence: “If he is a minor lodging with another person, he is liable for his board ” = “If is child under-age living with a man, owes food” " = yen hana rare alit, aṅherṅher iṅ woṅ, ahutaṅ paṅan.
52. If kan, which only appears in five areas of distribution, is the most widely spread monosyllabic word of substance, we must declare that we are unable to style any single monosyllabic word of substance “Common IN”.
53. There are also trisyllabic word-bases, but these, too, are not numerous, and we seldom find any one of them running through a number of languages. Perhaps the most widely distributed one is the word banua, “district, inhabited place”.
District. Philiphines, Pamp.: banua — Celebes, Bareqe: banuwa — Java, Old Jav. : wanwa — Sumatra, Toba : banua — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: benuwa — South- Western Border, Nias: banua.
Note I. — Old Jav. -w for b as in the parallel wuṅa, “flower”, for Common IN buṅa (§ 43).
Note II. — Between the u and the a some of the languages have developed the transitional sound w, hence Bareqe banuwa ; in Old Jav. the u before the a has become a consonant, hence wanwa. An exact parallel hereto is afforded by Common IN buah, “fruit”:
Without transitional sound : Nias banua, bua.
With transitional sound: Mai. bĕnuwa, buwah.
U turned consonant: Old Jav. wanwa, wwah.
Note III. — In Mal. a full vowel preceding the accent is weakened into the pepet. Parallel : the loan-word sĕrdadu < soldado, “soldier”.
Note IV. — Pamp. banua means “sky”. We have a parallel to this transference of meaning in Bis., wherein banoa ​denotes both a region of the earth and a region of the sky. Li ice wise in Toba banua ginjan = " Upper banua " = " sky ", while banua tona on = " this middle banua " == " the earth ".
54. The initial of words. Every sound of the phonetic scheme set out in § 49 can serve as the initial of a Common IN word. Evidence in support of this is superfluous. But there cannot be more than one consonant at the beginning of a word. Initials of two consonants appear in quite isolated cases; thus Gayo has contracted Common IN beli, " to buy ", into bli*
55. The interior of words, or more precisely, the conson-antal element between the two vowels of disyllabic words. In this position every individual IN language admits one or two consonants, but not more.
56. The commonest case of the combination of two con-sonants is that of a nasal + a cognate explosive, e.g., n + k in Tonsea dunkud, "to speak ironically". This case occurs in every individual IN language, and can straightway be styled Common IN.
57. Another common case of the combination of two con- sonants in the interior of a word arises from the reduplication of the root, which is one of the methods of forming words out of roots. Thus in Old Jav. from the root kab, " to move to and fro ", which does not occur in actual speech, we find the derivative formations unkab and, with reduplication, kabkab. Here we have the combination b + k.
58. Now some of the IN languages only tolerate the first of the two above-mentioned cases : nasal + cognate explosive. Others also admit the second one, e.g. certain languages of the Philippines, Java, Sumatra, and the Northern and South- western Borders. Thus Bis. in the Philippines says kapkap for " to touch ", but Day. in Borneo says kakap, and cannot say otherwise.
59. But we find certain indications which render it prob-able that the languages with the kakap type of combination ​did in a previous stage of their development possess the kap-kap type instead of it.
The most important of these indications is based on such phenomena as are set out in the following table:
| Mad. | taptap | Mad. | kapkap |
| Mad. dialect | tattap | Mad. dialect | kakkap |
| Sund. | tatap | Day. | kakap |
Note.—taptap means “to strike with the flat of the hand”, and the like; kapkap, “to scratch, to touch”, and the like.
We have, therefore, in particular dialects of Mad. a transitional form, produced by assimilation, and accordingly think it credible that the languages which now only possess the kakap type have evolved it out of a pre-existing kapkap type.*
60. The result of the considerations in §§ 55-59 is: —Common IN tolerates one or two consonants in the interior of a word; in the latter case we find, on the one hand, the combination of nasal + cognate explosive, and on the other the kapkap type of combination.
61. The final of words. In Common IN any of the vowels may serve as a final; evidence in support of this is superfluous. Secondly, the diphthongs uy, ay and aw, as was shown in § 28 seqq. The investigation of the consonantal finals is a more complicated matter.†
62. From this investigation we must first exclude the palatals. The consonants of that series are incapable of doing duty as finals in any IN language, and accordingly it must be declared that Common IN does not tolerate final palatals. — Tontb. has a few words with final c, e.g., paliqpic, " a certain part of the roof ". But this c is a secondary formation originating from k in accordance with the Tontb. law formulated by the two Adriani's: " In Tontb., k after i becomes c ". The original form with k, palikpik, occurs in Tonsea, a language closely related to Tontb. ​Note.—The first k of palikpik appears in Tontb. as q in accordance with the following law, also formulated by the two Adriani's: "In the case of a Common IN combination of consonants, other than nasal ＋ cognate explosive, the first of the two consonants becomes q in Tontb."
63. Setting the palatals aside, we find in the individual IN languages very various possibilities of consonantal endings, which the following three typical extracts from texts will at once serve to illustrate:
I. Sĕraway sentence, out of the Anday-Anday Riṅgan Sĕdayu: "The king had a son and a daughter" = King had son had daughter = rajaw bĕranaq bujaṅ bĕranaq gadis.
II. Nias sentence, out of the heroic song edited by Lagemann: "He is fallen into the broad sea" = Finished fallen lie into sea broad = no aeχu* ia ba nasi seholo.
III. Mak. sentence, out of the Jayalangkara, p. 101: " He did obeisance, bowing his head down to the ground " = He did obeisance, bowing head his down to earth the = na aqñomba, sujuq ulu-nna nauṅ ri butta ya.
In the first sentence all the words end in consonants, even the loan-word raja, which elsewhere always terminates in a vowel, has acquired a final w in conformity with the phonetic law: "Final a of other languages appears in Sĕraway as aw".† In the second sentence none of the words ends in a consonant. In the third sentence consonantal endings are in the minority.
Now among the various individual IN languages we notice three principal types of consonantal ending: Some languages tolerate no final consonants at all, or only very few, Bug. for instance, two, viz. q and ṅ; other languages admit all the consonants, except the mediæ; others, again, allow all the consonants, including the mediæ, to serve as finals.
Preliminary Observations.
Interjections.
Words of Form.
Note.—kadi, “ it was as if ”.—hiniris, passive of hiris, “ to cut ”.—The use of nāla in this sense may be compared with the Malay taṅkay (hati).
In contrast with the interjections, the words of form are seldom reduplicated; one of the rare cases being the doubling of the negative ta to form tata in Mentaway. On the other hand they are capable of entering into the most manifold combinations with one another. Thus the two articles i and tu occur combined in Hova as itu, in Taimuruna as tui, and in Tontb. as iitu. These composite articles do duty as demonstrative pronouns.—Amongst the words of form we shall consider the articles, the prepositions, the a dubitativum, and the negative.
85. The article i. Philippines, Tiruray: fantad, “ earth ”, i fantad, “ the earth ” — Celebes, Bug.: i Diyo, “ Madam Diyo ” * — Borneo, Tar.: i amaq, “ the father ” — Java, Old Jav.: i bapa, “ the father ” — Sumatra, Toba: pidoh i, “ the bird ” — Madagascar, Hova: i Butu, “ the (young man) Butu ” — Eastern Border, Kamberese: i ama, “ the father ” — South-Western Border, Mentaway: ka i tuan, “ to the master ”.
Note I.—The position of the article in Toba, in pidoṅ i, finds its parallel in another article, viz. the article e, which in Bug. is put after the noun, whereas in Nabaloi it precedes “ The house ” is bola e in Bug., but e baley in Nabaloi.
Note II.—The i in Toba is more accentuated, and is therefore a demonstrative, but when we look through a Toba text, such as the Mula ni debata idup in Meerwaldt, we see that it occurs extremely frequently, and does, after all, perform the functions of an article.
86. As already remarked in § 84, the article i also occurs as a component part of the demonstrative pronoun itu, and
Note. — Specimen sentence with the article i : Tarakan, from the Story of the Tailed Man: "He ordered his wife to go to Silimbatu " = It was ordered the wife his to go to Silimbatu = sinusub i andu na makaw da Silimbatu
87. The article a. Philippines, Ibanag : tolay a mapia, " man a good " = " a good man " — Celebes, Mak.: jaraṅ a, "the horse" — Sumatra, Gayo: anak bujaṅ a, "boy big the " = " the youth " — Northern Border, Form. : kuiri a rima, " left the hand " = " the left hand " — Eastern Border, Rottinese: nau a, " the grass ".
88. The article a is also a component of the Old Jav. article aṅ < a + ṅ, which is used pretty interchangeably with the simple ṅ: e.g., aṅ anak or ṅ anak, "the child". Similarly it is a component of the pronoun anu, " somebody "(§ 135), which occurs in nearly all the IN languages.
89. Like the article i (§ 44), the article a often becomes indissolubly attached to substantives. Thus beside the Old Jav. buṅ, " sprig ", there is the Common IN buṅa, " sprig, flower, fruit " (§ 43); beside Old Jav. luh, " tear ", the Bagobo luha. A particularly characteristic case is that of pus, " cat ", in Mad., which in that language serves only as a vocative, whereas puts in Day. does duty in all syntactical relations.
90. From what has been said in §§ 87-89 it follows that we must attribute the article a to Common IN.
recognize in the double function of ἰ, as both article and pre- position, a Common IN feature; but in the case of rɑ, on the other hand, only one function appears to be Common IN, viz. its use as an article.
The articles can also serve as unemphatic pronouns of the third person: e.g. Bug. soroq ἰ, “he recedes”; Mak., from the Zamenspraken (dialogues), p. 35: lino i, “it is calm (weather)”. Note. —If the article in Mlg. is ni, why does it not appear in the above-mentioned a luha and i masu? The answer is: In phrases of the nature of formulas the article can be omitted.
97. The 'preposition i. Philippines, Tag.: i baba, “at the bottom” — Celebes, Bug.: i liwěṅ, “on the (other) side ” — Borneo, Day.: i wa, “at the bottom” — Java, Old Jav.: i sira, “by him ” — Sumatra, Gayo: i Gayo, “in the Gayo country ” — Madagascar, Hova: i masu, “before the eyes ”. Note.— In Tag. and Bug. the preposition i is no longer a really living element of speech, it is only found in certain formulas; but from the point of view of our monograph that is immaterial.
98. Kamberese possesses a preposition la, “at, by ”, with a secondary form lai. This lai is the preposition la + the preposition i. — Herewith we have a piece of evidence for the existence of i on the Eastern Border also. Note.—That we have rightly explained lai by la + i, is proved by the following parallel: Old Jav. combines its two prepositions i and ri into iri, and all three forms have pretty much the same meaning, viz. “at, to ”. See also Hazeu, Gayo Vocabulary, p. 532.
99. The preposition i also does duty as a word-base for verbal forms. The one we meet with most frequently is ma-i, “ to go (to) ”, with the formative ma-, for which see § 148. This verb is found in many languages, from Form, on the Northern Border to Simalurese on the South- Western one. So now we have evidence for i in two more areas of distribution. ​Note. — That our explanation of the verb mai is the right one is proved by the parallel matu < ma + preposition tu, "to". This verb signifies "to set about (doing a thing)"; in Bug. it indicates the future.
100. The facts set out in §§ 97-99 justify us in pronouncing the preposition i to be Common IN.
101. Specimen sentence with the preposition i: Old Jav., Sang hyang Kamahāyānikan, a 49: " The space between the lower and the upper row of teeth " = Space of the teeth, in the lower part, in the upper part = sela ni ṅ huntu i sor i rukur.
102. The preposition n. Philippines, Tag.: an tawo, " the man ", n an tawo, " of the man " — Near Celebes, Talautese, the Cursing of the Fowl, third sentence from the end: laia n awaqa, " heat of the body " — Borneo, Day. : bau n andaw, " face of the sky ", i.e. " cloud " — Java, Old Jav.: tanaya n tani, "people of the district" — Sumatra, Gayo: gêral n guru, "name of the teacher" — Madagascar, Hova: ra n usi, " blood of goats " — Northern Border, Bat. : chinamaṅ-anak n i santa Maria, " born of the blessed Mary " — South Western Border, Mentaway : uma n abak, " house for boats ".
On the strength of this evidence we may pronounce the preposition a to be Common IN.
103. The preposition ka. Philippines, Bagobo: ka kuda," to the horse " — Borneo, Day. : ka Sampit, " to (the place called) Sampit" — Java, Sund.: ka Banduṅ, " to (the place called) Bandung" — Sumatra, Toba: ha duru, "on to the side " — Malay Peninsula, Mal. : ka darat, " to the mainland " — Madagascar, Hova: ha tratra, " up to the breast " — South-Western Border, Mentaway: ka lagay, " into the village ".
Note. — -Phonetic law: " Toba changes Common IN k into h, save after a nasal or when final, in which cases k persists ", hence ha < Common IN ka. ​104. The preposition ha is also used as a conjunction meaning "in order to, until"; Mkb. example: "Rice to be eaten " = nasi ka dimakan. In some other languages a verb maka has been formed from it, after the fashion of mai in § 99, with the meaning "to have an object, or a task". Mak. example: " Has he the task of reading it ? " = Has task he, to read it ? = maka iya lambaca i. Thereby ka is shown to exist in Celebes also; and see § 80 for additional evidence.
105. From the facts set out in §§ 103 and 104 we acquire the right to pronounce ka to be a Common IN preposition. 106. As is shown by the examples in §§ 97-104, the preposition i as a rule indicates the place where, the preposition n the place whence, the genitive, and the preposition ka the place whither. This usage may be regarded as Common IN.
107. The a dubitativum, a word of form used conjunctitively, dubitatively, interrogatively, to weaken the force of a proposition, comparatively, and disjunctively. The a dubitativum, Philippines, Bis.: "What manner of snake is this ? " = Which snake what this ? = onsań halas a kana — Celebes, Bug. : " Is this a slave or a freedman ? " = Slave + interrogative particle g for ga + this or freedman = ata-g-iro a maradeka — Java, Old Jav. : " Like a tongue " = Tongue as = ilat a — Sumatra, Mkb.: " Whatever it may be " = Something, whatever = barań a — Eastern Border, Kamberese: " Only a little " = hakudu a.
108. Besides the dubitative there is also an imperative a: Northern Border, Form.: madis-a, " Hasten ! ", from the word-base madis, " quick " — Madagascar, Hova: mi-waluza, discussed in § 30. We may assume that the imperative use has grown out of the dubitative one delineated in the preceding paragraph. We are justified in doing so when we note the fact that whereas in Old Jav. a, besides indicating comparison, also forms the conjunctive, in Modern Jav. it forms the conjunctive and the imperative, and in Hova the imperative alone. — If we now add the imperative a of the Northern ​Border and Madagascar to the dubitative a of the preceding paragraph, we may pronounce this particle to be Common IN.
109. Specimen sentence with an a dubitativum, used conjmictively : Old Jav., Mahābhārata, Āśramawasanaparwa, 13 : "It is not seemly that thou shouldst come with us" = Not seemly, thou shouldst-come- with with us = tan yogya kita milwa ri kami. — The indicative is milu, the conjunctive milwa < milu + a. — An a dubitativum, used to limit the force of the verb: Kamberese, from the Story of the Civetcat: "Come here, we wish to deliberate a little !" = Come thou, we deliberate a little only! = mai kaw, ta bataṅ hakudu a.
110. The negative. Among the negatives of the several IN languages, di, either standing by itself or used as the nucleus of a word, has the widest distribution; we therefore style di Common IN.
The negative di, "not". Philippines, Tag.: di — Celebes, Bolaang-Mongondou: diya — Borneo, Day. : dia — Near Java, Mad.: ĕnjaq — Sumatra, Sĕraway: ĕndiaq — Malay Peninsula, Mai.: jaṅan — Madagascar, Hova : dia-hue, "not so".
111. Here we have a Common IN nucleus di, which is mostly accompanied by a formative a, hence Day. dia, Bont. adi. For this attendant a we have many parallels in IN. In several languages there is also a negative ti (which, by the way, does not result by phonetic law from di), as well as another negative ta; and beside these short forms we find in Bulu a form tiya < ti + a, and in Mentaway a form ata < a + ta.
This attendant a is the article a; that appears from the following parallel: The Bug. negative is deq, but the Wajorese dialect of Bug. says deq-sa, and sa is a weak demonstrative in Bug.
112. In Mai. janan < di + aṅan and in Mad. ĕnjaq < ĕn + di + aq, as the Sĕraway still says, the i before the vowel a was first weakened into the consonantal y as in Day. yaku < i + aku (§ 44), and then d + y became j. — How the q in Sĕraway ĕndiaq and Mad. ĕnjaq, beside Day. dia, is to be ​interpreted, I cannot say: I can only point to the parallel fact that Bug. ajaq, "lest", also has a q, while Old Jav. aja has not
113. Specimen sentence with a negative: Bont., Kolling, near the end: "Come thou down, that we may eat! Then came he not" = Down, thou, that eat we; then not = banad ka ta maṅan tako; isaed adi.
114. Among the conjunctions we can hardly discover a case that we may venture to call Common IN. Though the conjunction pa is very widely distributed, it has such very different meanings in the several languages that the matter becomes quite uncertain.
Words of Substance.
115. Words of substance — verbs, substantives and adjectives — are mostly disyllabic. They contain a monosyllabic material nucleus, which we call the root, and a formative element ; or else they are formed by the reduphcation of the root, or by the union of two different roots. It seldom happens that the monosyllabic root by itself does duty as a word of substance, like kan in § 51.
116. We will now, in the first place, take an individual joot and show that it is Common IN, choosing for that purpose the root suh, "to enter, to force oneself into, to strike into", and the like.
Root suk. Phihppines, Pamp.: tusuk, "to pierce through" — Celebes, Mak. : usuq < usuk, "to pierce with a needle" — Borneo, Day.: masok, "to enter, to become". — Java, Old Jav. : asuk, "to bring into" — Sumatra, Karo: pasuk, "to knock in" — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: masuq, "to enter, to take sides with a party, to be on a person's side" — Madagascar, various dialects: isuka, "to become engaged".
117. In accordance with the method dehneated in the Introduction, we may pronounce the following roots, amongst others, to be Common IN : kan, root for word-bases signifying ​“ food, to eat, to give food to ” — kit, “ pain, to pain, to punish ” — kis, “ to file ” — nis, “ to howl ” — tuk, “ to knock ” — tuṅ, “ to hang ” — tut, “ flatulence ” — num, “ to drink ” — pas, “ free, loose ” — buk, “ dry rot, worm that burrows in wood ” — bah, “ to revere, to pray to ” — raw, “ sun, day ” — run, “ beak, nose, handle ” — laṅ, “ to wind, to twist ” — lik, “ to turn back ” — lit, “ skin, to peel ” — lĕm, “ to dive, evening ” — sih, “ pity, love, to love ”. — For the concept “ to live ” there is no Common IN root.
118. It may happen that only the root itself runs through a number of different languages, while the elements that accompany it vary, as in the case of the root suk in § 116. Or both parts, the root and the formative element, may extend through a number of languages. From the root lit mentioned in § 117, there is formed the verb salit, “ to peel ”, which only occurs in a few languages; but, on the other hand, the same root also goes to form kulit, “ skin ” (and also “ to peel ”), which we must class as Common IN.*
Skin. Phihppines, Iloko: kulit — Celebes, Tontb.: kulit — Borneo, Sampit: kulit — Java, Sund.: kulit — Sumatra, Lampong: kulik — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: kulit — Madagascar, Hova: huditra — Eastern Border, Tettum: kulit — South-Western Border, Mentaway: kulit.
Note.—Lampong kulik beside Common IN kulit in conformity with the parallel: laṅik beside Common IN laṅit.
119. In accordance with our method, the following words of substance, amongst others, can be shown to be Common IN, in their complete disyllabic form, sound for sound: laṅit, “ sky ”, bulan, “ moon ”; but not “ sun ” — apuy, “ fire ”, tunu, “ to burn ”, aṅin, “ wind ”; but not “ warm ” or “ cold ” — buluh, “ bamboo ”; but not “ plant ” — lintah, “ leech ”; but not “ animal ” — ulu, “ head ”, mata, “ eye ”, kulit, “ skin ”; but not “ foot ” — ina, “ mother ”, ama, “ father ”, anak, “ child ”; but not “ step- ” (mother, etc.) — takut, “ fear ”; but not “ joy ” — pilih, “ to choose ”; but not “ to wish ” — tĕnun, “ to weave ”; but not “ to spin ” — tĕkĕn ​"staff", tali, "cord", suliṅ, "fife" ; but not "hammer" — putih, "white"; but not "red" — tĕṅah, "half"; but not "whole".
120. The following Karo sentence from Si Laga Man: "Then they saw the half of the stone dug out, and now they apphed the lifting pole to it" = ĕṅgo me si tĕnah batu idah ikuruk, e maka ioṅkil na: contains five words of substance, of which two, tĕṅah, "half", and batu, "stone", are Common IN, and precisely in that identical form; but the other three, idah, "to see", kuruk, "to dig ", oṅkil, "to apply a lifting pole", are not.
Pronouns.*
121. The pronomis are very often disyllabic; they are mostly combinations of a specifically pronominal nucleus with formatives, which are mostly articles. Thus, as Seiden-adel has shown, the Bont. pronoun sika, "thou", consists of the article si and the nucleus ka.
122. The monosyllabic nuclei also have an independent existence, in one language or another, but as a rule they aie not very widely distributed. The disyllabic anu (§ 135) is Common IN, while the monosyllabic nu is found in a few languages only, e.g. in Sund. The monosyllabic forms of the personal pronouns have recently been discussed in ex-emplary fashion by Jonker.
123. Specimen sentences with long and short forms. Bug. letter Nomoroq 13, in Matthes: "I have nothing of the kind at home" = But not anything thus I have = nae deqsa anu maqkuwa u taro. — Sund., Nyai Sumur Bandung, p. 66: "We will tell now of her who dwells in Bitung Wulung" = It is told, who dwells in place Bitung Wulung = kacarios nu calik di nagara Bituṅ Wuluṅ.
124. The personal pronouns. The following forms can be shown to be Common IN: aku, "I", kaw, "thou", ia, "he", kami, "we", kamu, "you"; in the pronoun of the third
$_{*Astotheuseofthepersonalpronouns,seeEssayIII,§§118seqq]}$ ​person plural only the nucleus ra is Common IN, the attendant articles vary, they are chiefly i or si, thus forming ira or sira.
125. The pronoun “ I ”. Philippines, Bis.: ako — Celebes, Tontb.: aku — Borneo, Day.: aku — Java, Old Jav.: aku — Sumatra, Gayo: aku — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: aku — Madagascar, Hova: ahu and zahu < i + aku (§ 44) — Northern Border, Bat.: ako — Eastern Border, Masaretese: yako < i + ako — South-Western Border, Mentaway: aku.
126. The pronoun “ thou ”. Philippines, Bis.: ikao < i + kaw — Celebes, Mak.: kaw — Borneo, Day.: ikaw — Java, Old Jav.: ko — Sumatra, Mkb.: kaw — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: kaw and ĕṅkaw — Eastern Border, Sumbawarese: kaw.
Note.—Old Jav. ko for kaw in accordance with the parallel: lod < lawd < laud.
127. The pronoun “ he ”. Philippines, Ibanag: ya — Celebes, Mak.: iya — Borneo, Sampit: iyae — Near Java, Bal.: iya — Sumatra, Angkola: ia — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: iya — Madagascar, Hova: izi < iya (§§ 18 and 24) — Eastern Border, Sumbawarese: ia — South-Western Border, Nias: ia.
128. The pronoun “ we ”. Philippines, Inv.: kami — Celebes, Tontb.: kami — Borneo, Bol.: kami — Java, Old Jav.: kami — Sumatra, Gayo: kami — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: kami — Eastern Border, Masaretese: kami.
129. The pronoun “ you ”. Philippines, Ibanag: kamu — Celebes, Tontb.: kamu — Java, Old Jav.: kamu — Sumatra, Karo, in certain districts: kamu — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: kamu.
Note.—Of all the above-mentioned personal pronouns kamu has the most restricted distribution, and accordingly we have some hesitation in pronouncing it to be Common IN.
130. The pronoun “ they ”. Philippines, Ibanag: ira — Celebes, Bareqe: sira — Borneo, Bol.: sida — Java, Old Jav.: sira — Sumatra, Toba: nasida — Eastern Border, Masaretese: sira — South-Western Border, Nias: ira. ​Note I.—In sida, d stands for r in accordance with the RLD-law (see § 190).
Note II.—Nias ira and ia (§ 127) only occur in certain syntactical combinations.
Note III.—Old Jav. sira is also singular.
131. The plural pronoun ra and the honorific particle ra (§§ 91 seqq.) are identical. We have a parallel in the Karo pronoun kena. This is the pronoun of the second person plural, “ you ”, without any nuance of politeness, but it can also be used in addressing a single person, and then it is polite.
132. The demonstrative pronoun. Amongst the numerous demonstrative pronouns of the several individual IN languages we may pronounce itu, “ this ”*, to be Common IN. It is a combination of the two articles i and tu.
The pronoun “ this ”. Phihppines, Bis.: ito — Celebes, Tontb.: itu — Borneo, Bol.: itu — Java, Sund.: itu — Sumatra, Bĕsĕmah: itu — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: itu — Madagascar, Hova: itu — Northern Border, Form.: iχo.
Note.—Form, iχo with χ,† as in the parallel: maχa, “ eye ”, spelt magcha, beside Common IN mata; for other examples see § 151 ad fin.
133. The interrogative pronoun. The Common IN form is apa, “ what ”, which consists of the article a and the nucleus pa.
The pronoun “ what ”. Philippines, Pamp.: apa — Celebes, Mak.: apa — Java, Old Jav.: apa — Sumatra, Karo: apa, “ anything ”, apai, “ which ” — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: apa — Eastern Border, Laoranese: apa — South-Western Border, Mentaway: apa.
Note.—Pamp. apa serves only as a word-base for forming verbal derivatives, which mean “ to go and see how (or what) a thing is ”, e.g., maṅapa. Hereto we have the parallel case ​that Bis. onsa, " what ", forms derivatives which are translated by " buscar, querer " (" to see k") and the like.
134. The pronoun " who " has a number of equivalents in the IN languages, but none of them can be held to be Common IN.
135. The indefinite pronoun. The Common IN form of this is anu.
The pronoun " somebody, something ". Philippines, Bis.: ano — Celebes, Tontb.: anu — Borneo, Sampit: yanu — Java, Sund.: anu — Sumatra, Gayo: anu — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: anu — Madagascar, Hova: anuna — South-Western Border, Mentaway: anu.
Note. — In Old Jav. anu has to be accompanied by the article ṅ in certain syntactical combinations, and to this anu + ṅ the Hova anuna corresponds. Thus in the Hova anuna an article has got inseparably attached at the end of the word, while in the Sampit yanu < i + anu another article has attached itself to the beginning.
Numerals.
136. The numerals are almost exclusively disyllabic formations; their analysis and the positive explanation of their component parts present great difficulties.
137. The numerals " one, ten, hundred, thousand " are Common IN in the forms sa, puluh, ratus, and ribu.
138. The numeral " one ". Philippines, Tag.: isa — Celebes, Tontb.: sa, ĕsa — Borneo, Tar.: isa — Java, Sund.: sa — Sumatra, Gayo: sa, sara — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: sa — Madagascar, Hova: isa — Northern Border, Form., Puyuma dialect: sa — Eastern Border, Sumbawarese: sa — South-Western Border, Nias: sa, sara.
139. The numeral " ten ". Philippines, Bis.: polo — Celebes, Tontb.: puluq — Borneo, Tar.: puloh — Java, Old Jav.: puluh — Sumatra, written Mkb.: puluh — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: puluh — Madagascar, Hova: fulu — Northern ​Border, Form., various dialects : pulo — Eastern Border., Sumbanese : kěmbuluh — South-Western Border, Mentaway : pulu.
Note. — Several IN languages, particularly in the Philipines, tolerate no h as a final. — Hova fulu follows the law : " Common IN p appears in Hova as f, save after labials or when final ". — I do not know how to explain the final q in Tontb. puluq*
140. The numeral " hundred " . Phihppines, Bis.: gatos — Celebes, Bug.: ratuq — Borneo, Tar.: ratus — Java, Sund.: ratus , Old Jav. atus — Sumatra, Gayo: ratus — Malay Penin- sula, Mai.: ratus — Madagascar, Hova: zatu — Eastern Border, Bim. : ratu.
Note. — The initial of gatos and that of zatu follow the RGH-law, for which see Conant, JAOS, XXXI, I, pp. 70 seqq. The final of ratuq follows the law: " Common IN final consonants, except nasals, become q in Bug.".
141.The numeral " thousand" Philippines, Iloko: ribu— Celebes, Tonsawang: mo-ribu — Borneo, Tar.: ribu — Java, Old Jav. : iwu — Sumatra, Gayo : ribu — Malay Penin- sula, Mai.: ribu — Madagascar, Hova: a-riuu — Eastern Border, Bim.: riwu.
Note. — In Old Jav. iwu the r ought not to have disappeared, for it was originally an r of a different shade from the one in ratus, where the r has rightly disappeared in strict accordance with the R-laws in Old Jav. (see § 190). The r in iwu ᐸ ribu ought, according to phonetic law, to have persisted, as the following table shows: Mal. Bis. Old Jav. ratus gatos atus rimbit limbit rimbit, “ to take pains ” ribu libo riwu
Parallels like rimbit show that where Mai. has an r and Bis. an l Old Jav. also exhibits an r. But the word for "hundred ""
SECTION V: EXTENSION OF THE WORD-BASE.
Preliminary Observations.
146. As was observed in § 80, a considerable number of the formatives used in these extensions are identical with words of form. And it often happens that one and the same formative serves in the formation of both verb and substantive, and so on. Here are two problems which we cannot pursue further in the present monograph.*
The Verb.Ṫ
147. Among the verbal formatives that we find in the various individual IN languages, we can show the following to be Common IN: four active formatives: ma-, maṅ-, ba-, -um-; three passive formatives : ka-, ta-, -in-; one transitive formative: -i; and one causative formative: pa-.
148. The active formative ma-. Philippines, Magindanao: maulug, “to fall”, word-base ulug — Celebes, Tontb.: ma- sowat, “to answer” — Borneo, Day.: marabit, “to tear” — Java, Old Jav.: matukar, “to contend, to light” — Sumatra, Toba: madabu, “to fall” — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: makan, “to eat”, word-base kan, “food” — Madagascar, Hova: mahita, “to see” — Northern Border, Form.: makairi, “to work left-handed” — Eastern Border, Bim.: malampa, “to go” — South-Western Border, Nias: maliwa, “to move (one- self)”.
149. The active formative maṅ-. In most of the IN languages the final ṅ of the formative is assimilated to the initial of the word-base, so that ṅ persists only before velars and before vowels; and when the initial consonant of the word-base is a surd, that initial disappears. Accordingly in Old Jav. maṅgĕtĕm, “to pinch”, < maṅ + gĕtĕm, the final of the prefix and the initial of the word-base have remained unaffected; whereas in Tag. mamokot, “to fish”, < maṅ + pokot, an m has
Ṫ [On this subject see Essay III, particularly §§ 43-117.] ​appeared in place of ṅ + p. — These processes also occur in the case of other prefixes, see e.g., paṅan from the word-base kan (§ 51).
The active formative man-. Philippines, Tag.: mamokot, word-base pokot — Celebes, Tontb.: mamoṅkor, " to fish ", word-base poṅkor — Borneo, Day.: maṅaput, "to darken", word-base kaput — Java, Old Jav. : manurun, " to descend ", word-base turun — Sumatra, Toba: manurat, "to write", word-base surat — Madagascar, Hova: manasa, " to wash", word-base sasa — South-Western Border, Simalurese : manasai, " to wash ", word-base sasa ; as to the -i see § 156.
150. The active formative ba-. Philippines, Bis.: baigad, " to stroke ", the word-base thereto being found in Iloko, viz. igad, " to stroke " — Celebes, Bug.: baluka, " to be loose, to be free " — Borneo, Day.: badaha, " to bleed " — Java, Sund. : baganti, " to interchange " — Sumatra, Lampong: baguna, " to be useful " — Madagascar, Hova: wawenti, " to be bulky, to be massive " — Eastern Border, Sumbawarese: basiṅin, " to bear a name, to be called " — South-Western Border, Mentaway: baliyu, " to fill ", word-base in Mak., viz. liyu, " filled ".
Note I.— Hova wa < ba follows the law: " Common IN b appears in Hova as w except after m ".
Note II.— In Lampong baguna the word-base guna is, of course, a loan-word from the Sanskrit; but the example is cited on account of the ba- and not on account of the guna.
Note III.— In Bis. and in Mentaway, formations with ba- are not numerous, so that ba- is no longer felt to be a formative, but is rather regarded as part of the word-base; that fact, however, is immaterial here, having regard to the purpose of our monograph. The disyllabic word-bases corresponding to Bis. baigad and Mentaway baliyu are no longer to be found in these two languages. We have therefore had to seek them in other languages, and analogous cases occur infra.
151. The active formative -um-. Philippines, Inv. : kuman, " to eat ", word-base kan (see § 51) — Celebes, Tontb.: kuman ​— Borneo, Day.: kuman — Java, Old Jav. : lumaṅlaṅ, "to roam about", word-base laṅlaṅ — -Sumatra, Toba: sumurut, "to recede", word-base surut — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: gumilaṅ, "to glitter", word-base gilaṅ — Madagascar, Hova: humana < human — Northern Border, Form. : Xumme, " to evacuate excrement ", word-base Xe, " dung " — South Western Border, Simalurese: lumaṅoy, "to swim", word-base laṅoy.
Note I. — We remarked in § 18 that the spelling of Form, words in Vlis and Happart was defective, but the striking doubling of the m in -umm-, e.g. in Xumme, is consistently carried out by them.
Note II. — Form. Xe, " dung ", stands in the same relation to Common IN tai as in the parallel case of X0, " man ", be- side the widely distributed tau.
152. The passive formative ka-. Philippines, Bont.: kalaṅo, "dried up", word-base laṅo — Celebes, Bug.: kacalla, " accursed " — Borneo, Tar. : kasukab, " opened " — Java, Old Jav.: katon, "seen", word-base ton — Sumatra, Lampong: kaděṅi, "heard" — Madagascar, Hova: hadinu, "forgotten", word-base in Pamp., viz. liṅao, "forgetful" — Eastern Border, Kamberese: kahira, " torn ".
Note. — Hova hadinu has been affected by the operation of four different phonetic laws, three of which have already been quoted; the fourth is: " Common IN final aw — for which Pamp. has ao — appears in Hova as u ".
153. The passive formative ta-. Philippines, Bis.: takiliṅ, " to incline ", word-base kiliṅ — Celebes, Tontb.: talicur, " to turn the back towards " — Borneo, Day. : tabiṅkis, "to be banished" — Java, Sund.: talaṅke, " hesitating ", word-base in Old Jav., viz. lěṅke, "slow" — Sumatra, Toba: talentes, " to stand open" — Madagascar, Hova: taburuaka, "bored through ", word-base buruaka, " hole " — Eastern Border, Kamberese: tabuṅgahu, "opened", word-base buṅgahu, "to open" — South- Western Border, Mentaway: taico, "to become visible ". ​154. The passive formative -in-. Philippines, Tag. : tinawag, "called", word-base tawag — Celebes, Bulu: winwnu, " killed ", word-base wunu — Borneo, Day. : kinan, " eaten ", word-base kan — Java, Old Jav. : giněgō, " held fast ", word- base gěgō — Sumatra, Toba: tinogu, " led ", word-base togu — Madagascar, Hova: tinapaka, "broken", word-base tapaka— Northern Border, Bat.: binobun, "buried"; a cognate, though not etymologically identical, word-base hereto is Day. bumbon, " to conceal under something " — South- Western Border, Mentaway: tinibo, " exposed to the action of smoke ".
155. The signification of the active and passive formatives. We have translated the above-mentioned active and passive forms in a convenient but rough and inadequate way by infinitives and participles. In reality these formatives indicate a number of finer shades of meaning, some in one language, others, it may be, in another. And the number of these is so large that we cannot pronounce any one of them to be Common IN. The most widely spread case is the force of the formative -um- in forming the aorist.
156. The verbal formative -i. This is added to word-bases or to extensions of word-bases and makes them transitive.
The transitive formative -i. Philippines, Tag.: gaway, "to bewitch " < word-base gawa + i — Celebes, Bug. : joppai, " to tread on ", word-base joppa, " to tread " — Borneo, Tidung: taṅkubi, " to cover " — Java, Jav.: nulis, " to write ", nulisi, " to write upon, to cover (e.g. a sheet of paper) with writing " — Sumatra, Mkb.: manaṅih, "to weep", manaṅihi, "to bewail" — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: měnaṅis, "to weep", měnaṅisi, " to bewail " — Madagascar, Old Mlg. : ame, " to give presents to " (see Note) — South- Western Border, Mentaway: gagabai, " to seek ", word-base gaba or gagaba.
Note I. — Tag. gaway < gawa + i signifies " to bewitch ", the word-base gawa means " to make ". For this we have a parallel in Jav., where gawe < gawa + i means " to make ", but ma-gawe " to produce an effect by witchcraft ". ​Note II. — Old Jav. has a verb amah, " to hand over, to give, to give rise to an emotion ". Now the above Old Mlg. ame (which is given by Houtman) is for amah + i, with e for a + (h) + i like reni < ra + ina (§§ 24 and 93), to which is superadded the operation of the Mlg. phonetic law: " An h of other languages is not represented in Mlg.". Beside Old Mlg. ame Modern Mlg. (Hova) exhibits an ume, " to give, to give rise to an emotion ", which we have to explain as umah + i. It is true that neither in Old Jav. nor elsewhere, so far as I know, is there any such word as umah, but such a form is possible, as is shown by the parallel that in Old Jav. ajar, " to impart to ", is accompanied by a synonymous ujar. — As a consequence of its contraction ume is accentuated on the final syllable.
Note III. — Houtman's editors in the " Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar " are of opinion that Old Mlg. ame is merely misspelt, the " orthographic vraie " being ume. But we have shown that the form ame is a possible one, and the word occurs in Houtman eight times in all, and each time spelt with an a. It would really be strange if that author had made precisely the same mistake in spelling eight times over, and in doing so had managed to hit on something sensible as well.
157. The causative formative pa-. Philippines, Nabaloi: pabunu, " to cause to be killed ", word-base bunu — Celebes, Bug. : padara, " to allow to bleed " — Borneo, Tar. : pakalap, " to make possible " — Java, Sund.: pasih, " to give ", word-base sih, "favour " — Sumatra, Angkola : pauli, "' to beautify " — Northern Border, Form.: pakiol, " to sharpen " — Eastern Border, Laoranese: padeta, "to elevate" — South- Western Border, Mentaway : pakom, " to give food to ", word-base kom," to eat ".
158. The case also occurs of one and the same word-base joined to the same formative running through many languages, so that one can declare the whole formation to be Common IN: Such a case is minum, from the word-base inum, "to drink ". ​"To drink", verb with formative. Philippines, Tag.: minum — Celebes, Bug. : minuṅ — Java, Old Jav. : minum — Sumatra, Toba : minum — Malay Peninsula, Mal. : minum — Madagascar, Hova: minuna — South- Western Border, Nias: minu.
159.' In many IN languages the verbal word-base unaccompanied by any formative is imperative, and this usage must be regarded as Common IN.*
Word-base as imperative. Philippines, Magindanao: sulat, " write ! " — Celebes, Mak.: lampa, " go ! " — Borneo, Day.: tiroh, " sleep ! " — Java, Old Jav.: laku, " go ! " — Sumatra, Toba: buwat, "take!" — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: paṅgil, " call ! " — Madagascar, Hova:fuha, " wake up ! " — Eastern Border, Kamberese: laku, "go!" — South- Western Border, Mentaway: ala, " take ! "
Note. — Hova has -a as a regular imperative formative (see § 30), but Richardson expressly states that fuha is also used as an imperative: the regular imperative alongside of it is fuha-z-a.
160. Specimen sentence with a word-base as an imperative : Kamberese, from the Story of the Civetcat: " Wait till we kill you ! " = Wait, (we) kill you ! = napa, mapameti kau.
161. The languages of the Philippines, North Celebes, Madagascar, and some other islands also have formatives for the formation of tenses, but the distribution of these formatives is not wide enough to entitle us to call them Common IN. The most widely spread case is that of n-, as a sign of the past tense. †
The Substantive
162. Substantives occur much more frequently without extension than verbs do. In the Banggaya sentence from the text communicated by Riedel: " We were going to the village of Seasea " = ikami ambakon do i lipu Seasea: the verb ambakon has a formative, but the substantive lipu, " village ", has not. ​163. Among the substantival formatves the prefix ha- the infix -an- and the suffix -an can be shown to be Common IN. The formative ka- forms abstract nouns, -an- mostly indicates concrete things, -an denotes place.
164. The substantival fortnative ka-. Philippines, Magindanao: kaputi, "whiteness", word-base puti — Celebes, Tontb.: kawělar, " breadth " — Borneo, Day.: kagogop, " care, sorrow", word-base gogop, "worried, troubled" — Java, Sund.: kañaho, "knowledge" — Sumatra, Toba: halinu, "image produced by reflection in a mirror or in water", word-base in Old Bug., viz. lino, " to mirror oneself " — Madagascar, Hova: hatsara, "goodness".
165. The substantival formative -an-. Philippines, Bis.: tanoptop, "sound from afar", from the widely distributed root tup, which denotes various kinds of noises — Celebes, Bug.: kanuhu, "talon", beside Common IN kuku — Near Java, Mad.: sanolap, "jugglery", word-base in Jav., viz. sulap, " to juggle " — Sumatra, Toba: hanapa, " involucre ", word-base in Kawi Jav., viz. kapa, " covering " — Northern Border, Form.: kaloṅkoṅ, "talon", word-base in Iloko, viz. koṅkoṅ, "to scratch" — Eastern Border, Kamberese: tanai, "intestines", beside Common IN tai, "dung" — South-western Border, Mentaway: tanai, " dung ".
Note. — Form. l for n in kaloṅkoṅ in accordance with the parallel alak, " child ", beside Common IN anak.
166. The substantival formative -an. Phihppines, Magindanao: niugan, " coconut grove ", word-base niug, "coconut palm" — Celebes, Bug.: labuwaṅ, "anchorage" — Borneo, Day.: kayuan, "forest" - — Java, Sund.: tanjakan, "rising ground" — Sumatra, Toba: hundulan, "place to sit on" — Malay Peninsula, Mal: labuhan, "anchorage" — Madagascar, Hova: sampanana, "bifurcation", word-base sampana, " to bifurcate " — South- Western Border, Simalurese: kubaṅan, " pool where buffaloes wallow ", word-base in Mal., viz. kubaṅ, " to wallow in the mire ". ​167. ln several languages we find a formative pa- used for indicating the agent, but it competes with mpa-, par-, pan-, etc., which are of course related to it, but are not identical with it; hence we cannot infer any Common IN factor here.
The Adjective.*
168. The Common IN formative for the formation of adjectives is ma-. In the Tag. riddle about the five fingers, in Starr, " Filipino Riddles " : " Five coconut trees, one is high (= higher than the others) " = limaṅ puno naṅ niog, isa i malayog: malayog is an adjective, formed by means of ma-from the word-base layog.
169. The adjectival formative ma-. Philippines, Inv.: mapia, " good ", word-base pia, " goodness "' — Celebes, Ponosakan: mapihia, "good" — Borneo, Day.: manis, "sweet" < ma + anis, "sweetness" — Java, Old Jav. : maputih, "white" — Sumatra, Toba: malimbo, "high" — Madagascar, Hova: malutu, "dirty" — Northern Border, Form.: matakot, "timid" — Eastern Border, Kamberese: maliṅu, "useful" — South-Western Border, Mentaway: mabatu, " stony ".
170. Several IN languages possess a formative for the comparative, usually -an or -ěn, but it is not distributed widely enough to enable us to call it Common IN.
The Adverb.
171. In the IN languages the adverb is mostly identical with the adjective, or it is a prepositional construction, or a substantive may be used adverbially without a preposition, and the like. Example : In Ranawaluna's Book of Laws, Article II, we find: " Theft of rice, by mowing it by night in the field " = The mowing rice (by) night there in the field= ni midzindza wari alina ani an tsaha. In this Hova sentence the substantive alina, " night ", is used without change or addition as an adverb. ​172. But there are also formatives for the forming of adverbs, and among them ka-, which makes adverbs of time, is to be regarded as Common IN.
The adverbial formative ka-. Philippines, Tag. : kagabi, " yesterday ", word-base gabi, " night " — Sangir Group, Sangirese: kahěbi, " yesterday " — Celebes, Tontb. : kaawiqi, " yesterday " — Borneo, Day. : katelo, " for (i.e. during, lasting for) three days ", word-base telo, " three " — Sumatra, Mkb.: kapataṅ, "yesterday", word-base pataṅ, "evening"; kini, " now " <ka + ini, word-base ini, " this " — Madagascar, Hova: halina, " last night " <ka+alina— Eastern Border, Bim.: ka-sa-nai, " on one day ".
Note. — The Day. formula katelo, " for three days ", has its pendant in the Mlg. harua, " for two days ", word-base rua. "two".
The Numeral.
173. For the ordinals there is a Common IN formative, namely ka-. The multiplicatives and distributives also have their special formatives in the various individual IN languages, but none of them can be shown to be Common IN.
The formation of the ordinals. Philippines, Bagobo : ka-tlo, "the third" — Celebes, Tontb.: ka-tělu — Borneo, Tar.: katalu — Java, Sund.: katilu — Sumatra, Lampong: katělu — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: ka-tiga, "the third" — Eastern Border, Laoranese: kalima, " the fifth ". ​174. There are, to begin with, two methods of doubling words. According to the first one the whole word is set down twice over. Thus in the Mak. children's song Daeng Camummuq there is the sentence: "Slowly, slowly swallow (the food) down your (=-nu) throat ! " = palemeq-lemeq namaqnauṅ ri kallon-nu. Here the whole word-base lemeq is reduplicated. The second case is: First the word is set down as far as the second vowel, inclusively, and then it is set down in its entirety. Thus the Day. dirge Augh Olo Balian Hapa Tiwah begins with the words: " Flee, soul of (the) dead ! " = Lila-lilaṅ liau matāy. Here lilaṅ is reduplicated according to the second method. The omission of the final consonant is not the result of any sandhi-laws of the several languages; that phenomenon is an ancient heritage. A third kind of reduplication merely repeats the first two sounds of the word-base, e.g. Bont. nonoaṅ, " toy buffalo ", beside noaṅ " real buffalo ."
The first two kinds of reduplication convey an intensification of the fundamental meaning, or, occasionally, the opposite, a weakening of it. The third kind indicates a thing, mostly a tool.
175. Reduplication to the second vowel. Philippines, Ibanag: sinnu-sinnun, " garments ", word-base sinnun, "garment" — Celebes, Tontb.: londe-londey, "all sorts of ships '— Borneo, Day.: humo-humoṅ, "somewhat stupid" — Java, Old Jav. : sulu-suluṅ, "to swarm pell-mell" — Madagascar, Hova: tiṅgi-tiṅgina, "to sit at the edge of" — Northern Border, Form.: darra-darrab, "to hue clothes thickly" —
Synthesis of Words into Sentences.
PART II
'ORIGINAL INDONESIAN
| Northern Border | Eastern Border | South-Western Border | Western Border |
| Puyuma | Sumbanese | Mentaway | Hova |
| sa | sa | ša, šara | isa |
| rua | dua | rua | rua |
| tero | tilu | tälu | telu |
| spat | patu | äpat | efatra |
| rima | lima | lima | dimi, dima |
| unum | nomu | änäm | enina, enem |
| pitu | pitu | pitu | fitu |
| waro | walu | balu | walu |
| iwa | siwa | šiba | siwi |
| purru | kĕmbuluh | pulu | fulu |
Note I.—The sibilant in Mentaway ša, šara, šiba and Hova siwi somewhat resembles our “ sh ”.
Note II.—Hova dima and enem occur before suffixes or in composition.
Note III.—The resemblance of dua to the corresponding Indo-European numeral is merely fortuitous; dua also occurs in languages which have no Sanskrit loan-words at all.
184. The conservative character of the IN languages is further illustrated by the way in which onomatopoeic formations run unchanged through the several individual languages. Thus flatulence is imitated by the phonetic series t + u + t, and though p + u + t or p + u + p would be equally appropriate, the nucleus tut always recurs.
Flatulence, to break wind. Phihppines, Pamp.: atut — Celebes, Tontb.: ĕntut — Borneo, Day.: ketut — Java, Sund.: hitut — Sumatra, written Mkb.: kantut — Malay Peninsula, Mal.: kĕntut — Madagascar, Hova: etutra — Northern Border, Form.: matut — South-Western Border, Mentaway: ätut.
II. In both languages ma- is the chief adjectival formative: Kamb. malinu, " useful "; Hova malutu, " dirty ".
III. Both languages also use the formatives ka-, pa-, ta-, before vowels k-, p-, t-, in order to form a limited number of adjectives: Kamb. kapatan, "dark", word-base in Mal., viz. petan, " evening " ; Hova hetri < ka + etri, " growing slowly ", word-base etri, " to diminish " — Kamb. tabana, " full " ; Hova taburi, "round" — Kamb. paita, " visible "; Hova fulaka < pa + ulaka, " folded, bent ", word-base ulaka, "bend".
IV. Neither language possesses any adjectives denoting the material of which a thing consists. The substantival name of the material is simply put after the word that is to be qualified. A " stone house " is " house + stone": Kamb. uma watu; Hova tranu watu.
V. Both languages can turn the adjective into a substantive by means of the article: Kamb. na mahamu, " the good (thing) "; Hova ni marina, " the right (thing) ".
VI. After adjectives which express a state of mind the word for " mind " is added without any connecting word of form: Kamb. mahamu eti = " good + heart" = "good-hearted "; Hova afa-pu, by sandhi from afaka fu = " free + heart " = " contented ".
187. Of the earlier phases of Mlg. and Bug. there are also documentary records available, though they are far less important than the Old Jav. ones. Here too we observe that the earlier phases approach more closely to the Original IN than do the modern forms of these languages. Thus in § 44 we worked back from the modern Mlg. zama to iama, and the latter form really occurs in Houtman, p. 360. And in the Old Bug. epic La-Galigo there is an expression, no longer in use nowadays, viz. amesorěṅ, "a place where one can lie down ". In § 26 we had occasion to regret that the word sor runs through only a few languages; in Old Bug. amesorěṅ < a + me + sor + ěṅ we have a fresh piece of evidence in support of it.
188. The sum total of the linguistic facts which we have shown to be Common IN and now call Original IN is quite a considerable quantity. It is true that beside these there are a good many linguistic phenomena which we could only style Common IN with hesitation, or not at all. But that is not to say that they cannot be Original IN. Bim. on the Eastern Border has a word wara, " to be, to be found somewhere ", ​which recurs in Nabaloi in the Philippines as guara, in Old Jav. in Java as wwara, and in Mentaway, on the South-Western Border, as bara. The original form is wara, with a w ; the other initials follow in strict accordance with phonetic law from that w. Now this word only appears in four areas of distribution, the Philippines, Java, the Eastern Border, and the South-Western Border; on our principles we cannot possibly pronounce it to be Common IN. Yet how shall we explain the fact that it occurs at these four widely separated points ? Has each of these languages created it by itself ? That would indeed be a remarkable coincidence, particularly in view of the perfect phonetic agreement. Has the word migrated ? Words with that kind of meaning are not much in the habit of migrating from one language to another; and how could it have skipped so many intervening territories ? There will be no alternative left but to pronounce wara to be an Original IN word like so many others.
Note.— Nabaloi guara < wara in conformity with the phonetic law: " Initial w appears in Nabaloi as gu ", hence also gualo, " eight " < walu. The phonetic laws which have produced Old Jav. wwara and Mentaway bara have already been mentioned.
189. The Original IN did not differ essenitially from the modern living IN languages. One important point of difference may be said to consist in the fact that it used more monosyllabic words of substance than the modern languages do. Modern Jav. has a considerable number of disyllabic words of substance which in Old Jav. were still monosyllabic: thus Old Jav. said duh, " gravy ", but Modern Jav. says duduh. Accordingly, as we go back from Modern Jav. to Old Jav. the number of monosyllabic words of substance increases; and when we go back from Old Jav. to Original IN it is to be expected that there would be a further increase.
190. The Original IN phonetic system had two distinct rs; in several of the modern languages the two rs have become fused into one; in others, again, the one r has turned into g or h, and the other r into l or d. These vicissitudes of the r ​sound, particularly the RGH series, have been studied in considerable detail by Dutch scholars, e.g. quite recently by Talens and Adriani for the dialects of the Talaut Archipelago; and also by Conant for the Phihppine languages.
191. In morphology some of the IN languages, e.g. Sangirese, exhibit great luxuriance, others, e.g. Bim., a slighter development, while Old Jav. occupies an intermediate position in this respect. And some such intermediate position, it may be inferred from the data set out in §§ 143-173, was also occupied by the Original IN.
* ↑ * [See also Essay IV, § 5.]
* ↑ [See Essay I, § 11, 1, footnotes.]
* ↑ [See Essay I, § 11, I, footnotes.]
* ↑ [See also Essay I. § 11, I, footnotes.]
* ↑ [See also Essay IV, especially §§ 39 seqq.]
* ↑ [See Essay I, § 11, I, footnotes.]
* ↑ In Mal., rugi perhaps suggests rather a substantival sense, but in Gayo it is commonly used verbally, e.g., aku rugi, "I have suffered loss".
* ↑ [See Essay IV, § 126, II.]
* ↑ [See also Essay IV, §§ 200 seqq.]
* ↑ *[But see Essay IV, §§ 307 seqq.] Ṫ [See also Essay IV, § 311, 1 ] ‡[See also Essay IV, § 319.]
* ↑ [See also Essay IV, § 35, II.]
* ↑ [See also Essay III, §§ 35, I, 37, IL]
* ↑ [As to the use of articles before proper names, see the footnote to §91.]
* ↑ [The original rendering here is: " der (Herr) Gross ", which illustrates better than the English translation the use of the article with a proper name (such as Be is in this context). Like German and Greek, but unlike English, Hova and some other IN languages admit the definite article before proper names of persons.]
* ↑ The writer has no information as to the force of the ch in this word, or in Batanese in general. [Perhaps, like ch in Nabaloi, it is the sound rendered by c in these Essays: see Essay III, § 162, footnote.]
* ↑ [See also Essay IV, § 144.]
* ↑ [See also Essay I, § 90 (and footnote).]
* ↑ [In the original, "Grundwort ": see Essay I, § 1, footnote.]
* ↑ [The monograph here referred to appeared in 1914 under the title “Indonesisch und Indogermanisch im Satzbau”.]
* ↑ This disposes of the hasty and premature observation in my " Prodromus ", § 8, ad fin.
* ↑ [See also Essay IV, §§ 3, 6, 8.]
* ↑ [See also Essay IV, §§ 40, II, 99, 129 seqq.]