# History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 17

Table of Contents
CHAPTER XVII
LERDO PRESIDENT.
1872-1874
Effect of Juarez' Death — Lerdo Retains the Ministers of Juarez — General Amnesty Proclaimed — Diaz Refuses to Accept It — Conflagration in the Palace — The Country Tranquilized — Diaz Submits — Lerdo Elected Constitutional President — His Popularity — He Persists in Retaining the Ministers — Disappointment — Closing of Congress — The Vera Cruz Railroad — The Tepic Rebellion — Guadalajara Threatened — Capture and Death of Lozada — End of the Rebellion — The District of Tepec — Congressional Acts — Expulsion of the Jesuits — Passage of the Reform Laws — Disturbances — Seventh Constitutional Congress
As the news of Juarez' death spread throughout the land, there was no little uneasiness felt by many. A change in the administration of affairs was now certain; but what it would be, or how it would affect the country, were beyond the power of man to foretell. At the time of his death the Juaristas were still powerful enough, and could not be disregarded. Indeed, as stated in the last preceding chapter, any change in the fortunes of war might give the upper hand to the revolutionists. So much as to the military situation. The political field was not more promising, for the reason that neither of the three parties struggling for supremacy had sufficient strength of its own to carry its measures in congress.
The first matter to occupy the public mind was ​the expected formation of a new cabinet. No one doubted that the ministers of Juarez, who had shown themselves the persistent enemies of Lerdo, would be removed; but to the surprise of every one they were retained. To the demands of his party for a new ministry, expressed through the medium of its journals, Lerdo paid no heed. It was thought that, regarding himself as only acting president, he intended to let things remain as they were until the elections should decide who should be chief magistrate. By taking no step which might cause alarm, his own election would be the more certain. Such was the general opinion; but Lerdo was a man who could keep his own secrets. He delighted to mystify, to place men in equivocal positions; and to involve political affairs in a mist of doubt and uncertainty, he regarded as the height of administrative ability.
Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada y Corrial was born in Jalapa, in 1825, and his education began at Puebla. In the first years of his studies he was inclined to adopt theology, under the patronage of Bishop Pablo Vazquez; but he afterward abandoned it for law, and completed his education at Mexico. While still young he was, by reason of his great attainments, chosen president of the college of San Ildefonso in Mexico. Later he was made magistrate of the supreme court. During the administration of Comonfort he received his appointment as minister of foreign affairs. The reader is already familiar with his political career since that time. He was a man small in ​frame but well built, modest and unassuming in manner, thoroughly republican in politics, a great worker, and in argument clear, deliberate, and logical.
I have said that his measures were ofttimes dark; but a little light broke in on his present policy when he issued orders for the election of a president. By retaining the old ministers he might so inspire confidence as to secure the union of the former men of Juarez with his own, and so make certain his position. Hence on the 27th of July he published a decree, assigning the 13th and 27th of October following as the two election days. Still further to restore public confidence, he proclaimed at the same time an amnesty, extending it to all political offenders; and on the 2d of August issued decrees relieving the states of Puebla, Zacatecas, and Hidalgo from martial law, to which they had been subject, the release being extended at later dates to all the states of the republic. By this measure such constitutional governors and officers as had lost their positions during the administration of Juarez, in consequence of the revolution, were restored to office. These liberal measures gave great satisfaction to the public, and the offer was quickly accepted by most of the insurgent leaders, who hastened to tender their submission to the governors of the states, under the shield of the amnesty. ​General Porfirio Diaz, however, declined to accept the amnesty, save under certain modifications. On the 1st of August he addressed a letter to the president, setting forth his views of the position, and conveying covert threats of future opposition in case existing evils were not remedied, and satisfactory guarantees given that the popular suffrage should be inviolably established. Alluding to the amnesty, he thought that the spirit in which it had been extended was adequate to the necessities of the political position, but that the terms of it were not sufficiently favorable. He moreover urged Lerdo to extend the time assigned for the election of president, in order that the towns in which the revolution had been developed might become settled, and calmly consider and cast their votes. Lastly, as a main condition by which to secure his coöperation in pacifying the country, he asked that an exception should be made in his own case with regard to the deprivation of position and salary as laid down in the fourth article of Lerdo's decree. In fact, while recognizing Lerdo as president, he dictated conditions to him, and hinted at war in case they were not accepted.
The president yielded in no point. Diaz was given to understand that no conventional agreement with him would be entertained, and that his submission would have to be made in accordance with the amnesty law. By the end of September all the revolutionary forces, with the exception of those in Sinaloa and Chihuahua, had accepted the amnesty, and the ​fact that Diaz refused to do so caused some inquietude. No one could regard the revolution as completely terminated so long as he held aloof.
During the earlier communications between Diaz and Lerdo, while men's minds were still agitated by the change in affairs, an event occurred significant in superstitious quarters of dire calamity. Early in the afternoon of August 22d, a fire broke out in the interior of the palace, originating on the wooden roof of the chamber of deputies. The conflagration spread with rapidity, and the cupola, also of wood, was quickly ablaze. Tongues of flame shot intermittently upward, streaking with fiery red black columns of smoke which soon formed a pall over the capital, the great bell of the cathedral ringing out further commotion. The knowledge that quantities of ammunition were deposited in the store-rooms increased the interest. By the exertions of General Mejía and the ministers, the fire was kept confined to that portion of the building occupied by the legislative chambers, which was totally destroyed.
As the election days drew near the pacification of the country was gradually accomplished, and constitutional order restored. In Sinaloa the revolutionists, after gaining possession of Mazatlan, and making captives of the commandant Flores, the civil and ​military authorities, and the garrison, accepted the amnesty on the 6th of October, Flores and the other prisoners being released by Colonel Francisco Cañedo, a revolutionary leader who had recognized Lerdo's government, and installed himself as provisional governor of the state. On the 19th Mazatlan was occupied by the federal troops, and the revolutionary movement in Sinaloa was virtually at an end. Nor were affairs in Chihuahua more favorable to Diaz' designs. Lerdo managed matters so as to make it clear that the direct cause of the former revolution no longer existed. To continue a contest which had been entered into for the purpose of overthrowing one government, against another of different and more liberal politics, might or might not be called for. Diaz well knew this; but he hoped that by refusing submission he would obtain from Lerdo those changes in the political programme which he had suggested, and which would enhance his own prospects of election to the presidency. His generals evidently did not all share his views. Guerra, among the last of those who submitted, on the 5th of September had entered into a convention with Terrasas, by which the former recognized the latter as governor, agreeing to evacuate the city of Chihuahua on the 15th, and withdraw his troops from the state by the 23d, which terms he complied with, proceeding to Durango, where he made his submission.
​Diaz at last became aware that it was useless for him to hold out longer for terms; and to engage in a contest with the government at present was impossible. His troops were demoralized by the knowledge that so many leaders had laid down their arms, and that Lerdo would listen to no proposition for a compromise. The first election day was past, and nothing that he could do would have any effect toward securing freedom of vote at the polls, and the promotion of his own interests. However humiliating it might be, there was no course open to him but submission; hence on the 26th of October the minister of war received a telegram announcing that Porfirio Diaz, with the forces under his command, had accepted the amnesty without condition. This intelligence was greeted with demonstrations of joy, the more so from the fact that on the same day the secondary elections were being held.
On the 16th of November congress declared the result of the elections, and proclaimed Lerdo president. The announcement was received with great rejoicing and public festivities. Lerdo's popularity had daily increased from the time he had assumed the presidency. The public now felt confident that he would inaugurate a social and political regeneration. He enjoyed, moreover, a high reputation for talent and administrative ability. The public, wearied of wars, longed for a government which would devote itself to the arts of peace. On the 1st of December the inauguration of the president took place. Standing before the assembled congress, he made the customary protestation of loyalty and patriotism. He said nothing, however, about free suffrage and non-reëlection. Lerdo, in fact, proved a disappointment. ​The nation expected that a new cabinet composed of Lerdistas and Porfiristas would be formed at once. A change of ministers would be a pacific revolution, effected by the pressure of public opinion, and without resort to arms. According to the principles proclaimed by the leaders of the late revolution, Lerdo had no legitimate right to assume the position of president ad interim on the death of Juarez. The latter was regarded as having usurped the presidential chair, and it was illogical to allow that he could have a successor. But neither Lerdistas nor Porfiristas were inclined to raise objections: the former, because their leader was now in power, and their aspirations were fulfilled; and the latter, because they believed that the change in affairs for which they had been contending would presently be effected, now that one who was politically opposed to Juarez stood at the head. They preferred ignoring the principle which they had proclaimed to protracting a sanguinary war. Thus a league was established between the two parties, and the Porfiristas proved the sincerity of their intentions by casting their votes in favor of Lerdo. A coalition of the two factions would constitute an overwhelming majority, and each party confidently anticipated such a union. Nothing, indeed, was wanting to cement their friendly relations but the formation of a ministry composed of the most eminent Porfiristas and Lerdistas. But this was not done. The dissatisfaction which he caused by neglecting to remove the ministers of Juarez from office during his ad interim administration had been appeased by the confident expectation that the change would be effected when he was constitutionally elected president. These hopes, however, were converted into exasperation, when Lerdo, at a feast, in reply to one of his stanchest partisans, who indicated to him that a change of the ministry was necessary, stated that he owed his ​elevation, not to his party, but to constitutional law, and that consequently he was fettered by no compromise.
On the 15th of December the sixth constitutional congress closed its third term. Perfect accord at that time existed between the president and the chamber. Lerdo in his discourse spoke of the advantages to commerce which would be derived from the establishment of the legations in Germany, Spain, and Guatemala; and called attention to the great importance of creating commissions to inquire into the depredations committed on the northern frontier. The extension of telegraph lines and the promotion of railroad projects would, he said, receive the careful attention of the executive; and he concluded his speech by congratulating the deputies upon the patriotic zeal with which they had discharged their important duties. The reply of the president of the chamber was equally satisfactory.
The opening of 1873 was signalized by the inauguration of the Vera Cruz railroad. On the morning of new-year's day peals of artillery and bands of music announced the departure of the president, attended by his ministers and a numerous suite of officials, for Vera Cruz, by the line now for the first time opened to the public. His journey to the port and return to the capital were marked by an uninterrupted succession of festivities. The cities and towns through which he passed were gay with bright colors, and the inhabitants vied with each other in obsequious adulations to the new president. Balls and banquets, public receptions and speeches, bonfires and the popular joy, indicated the high favor in which Lerdo stood. After remaining some days in Vera Cruz he returned to the capital, where he arrived on the 15th. But nevertheless, when the excitement calmed, the public ​began to feel that it had been hoaxed. It soon became notorious that the railroad was not completed according to contract, and that the inauguration had been premature. This was regarded as a fraud on the part of the contractors, to whom large concessions had been granted. The press severely denounced the matter; but the government entered into no explanation, which indicated that it intended to support the railroad company. Unfavorable comments were made, and conclusions drawn as to what would be the ruinous result of future expensive concessions for like enterprises.
While Lerdo was thus being fêted and flattered, trouble was brewing elsewhere. Manuel Lozada, cacique of Alica, had acquired a despotic power over the district of Tepic, whose inhabitants had practically maintained their independence from the time of the conquest. This chief, ever ready to aid those opposed to the government, had afforded hospitality to several of the late revolutionary leaders, and these had gained ascendency over him. On the 1st of August, 1872, he issued a proclamation stating that the towns of Nayarit could only yield a passive obedience to the government; they could not defend it. At the same time hospitality was offered to Porfirio Diaz, Plácido Vega, Trinidad García de la Cadena, and others. At the beginning of October the ayuntamientos, constituted authorities of Tepic, were forcibly removed from office, and others of insurgent tendencies appointed in their places. In November Lozada sent commissioners to Lerdo to explain matters, and lay before the government propositions for the settlement of matters relative to the district. The commission returned at the end of the year, but the result of their mission was not satisfactory to the people of Tepic. On January 15, 1873, a great council was held at San Luis de Lozada, and on the 17th the tribes of Nayarit issued a plan proclaiming war ​against the government, styled their armed forces the 'ejército mexicano popular restaurador,' and appointed Lozada their commander in chief.
Lozada was prepared for the contest, having at his command, as was claimed, 12,000 to 15,000 men, armed and provided with ammunition. Dividing his forces into three divisions, Sinaloa, Zacatecas, and Jalisco were invaded; Lozada directing in person the movement against the last-named state. With half of his force he marched rapidly against Guadalajara, town after town falling into his hands, most of the inhabitants fleeing at his approach. On January 24th he arrived before Tequila, which, after an obstinate resistance, succumbed to overwhelming numbers. The unfortunate inhabitants were submitted to the grossest outrages. The rebels now marched against Guadalajara, and arrived at the rancho of Mojonera, four leagues from the city.
On the 27th General Corona at the head of the federal troops marched from Guadalajara, and during that day and on the 28th engaged the insurgents at Mojonera, defeating them with the loss of more than 1,000 in killed and wounded, and three pieces of artillery. Owing to the unserviceable condition of his artillery, Corona could not pursue, and so returned to Guadalajara. But from that time no success attended Lozada's enterprise. While he was engaging with Corona at Mojonera, General Ceballos on the 27th ​routed the division directed against Sinaloa, and at the head of about 3,000 men directed his course to Tepic. The incursion into Zacatecas was also repulsed. The policy of the federal commanders, too, in conjunction with Lozada's cruelty and causeless executions, worked against him. Corona liberated the prisoners that had fallen into his hands, and the reports carried by these of the kindly treatment they had received had great effect among the insurgents. On the 28th of February Ceballos' cavalry, under General Carbó, entered Tepic, and on March 1st the remainder of the command. On the 2d Ceballos issued an amnesty, and during the month numerous insurgent bands submitted. About the middle of March Corona arrived with nearly 5,000 more men. Lozada, whose force was now reduced to 4,000 men at the most, had retreated to the Sierra, and during April the rebels were dislodged from several strongholds. These reverses led to still further submission, and when on May 5th the insurgents were routed by General Carbó with heavy loss at Arroyo de Guadalupe, only a handful of followers accompanied Lozada in his flight to the pass of Rio de Alica. The pacification of Tepic was now almost accomplished. During May and June various detachments, sent in different directions into the Sierra, subjected several refractory towns; but the chief leader eluded all efforts to capture him. On July 12th, however, Lieutenant-colonel Andrés Rosales, who was stationed at San Luis de Lozada, made an incursion into the mountains, and on the 14th surprised a group of about half a dozen men, among whom was Lozada. Resistance was useless, and he was taken to San Luis. Proceedings were ​instituted against him, and on the 18th sentence of death was pronounced, and carried out on the 19th. With the death of this chief the rebellion in Tepic was ended. On August 5th the last insurgent band surrendered.
When congress reassembled in March 1873, it soon became evident that a strong opposition was present. This was made manifest by the election of Gomez del Palacio as president of the house, although in the antechamber the majority had been greatly against him. The result was that the ministerial deputies left the hall, and the session remained without a quorum. Such an event could not take place without comments in the press. El Siglo XIX., which had firmly defended Lerdo's candidature, now attacked the ministry, maintaining that no proper union could exist between it and the president, as the former had been the soul of Juarez' administration. This elicited a reply from the Diario Oficial, to the effect that complete concord existed between Lerdo and his ministers; that the latter had long exhibited firmness and self-denial in favor of an administration which considered their services necessary; and that such doctrines as those expressed in El Siglo would most certainly never gain their object. This language of the official organ was a severe blow to the Lerdistas, and naturally estranged them. Thus Lerdo, instead of strengthening himself by a judicious management of the three parties, was already laying the basis of a strong hostile faction. While alienating the Lerdistas, and treating with disfavor the Porfiristas, he did not win the decided ​support of his former enemies, the Juaristas, and consequently failed to surround himself with devoted partisans.
On the 1st of April the president delivered his address on the opening of congress, speaking in most flattering terms of the prospects of the country. The principal topics of his discourse were the relations with the United States with regard to the settlement of mutual claims, the reduction of railroad tariffs, the development of telegraphs, and the question about the district of Tepic. As early as 1867, Juarez had, on the submission of the insurgent leader Manuel Rivas, formed a military canton out of that portion of Jalisco subject to the federal government; and in 1869 it was proposed to the legislature of Jalisco that Tepic should be raised to the position of an independent state. This proposal met with decided opposition, and Tepic continued to remain in its abnormal position, although certain deputies in congress, from time to time, demanded its restoration to the state of Jalisco. In March 1873 the government of Jalisco inquired of the federal government if it could organize the ayuntamientos and appoint officials in the district. The reply was, that Tepic was a military federal district, and would remain such until the congress decided otherwise. Lerdo, in his discourse, adhered to this decision, and during April the question was warmly discussed in the house, and the action of the government severely commented on. At that time the subjection of Tepic had been all but accomplished; and the government's refusal to restore the district to Jalisco laid it open to the charge of evasion, and of temporizing on a matter of vital importance, namely, the integrity of the states. The segregation of Tepic and its permanent conversion into a military district would be unconstitutional; nevertheless, this appeared to be the object of the government. ​During this last session of the 6th congress, whose constitutional term was drawing to a close, much time was devoted to discussions of the financial question. Over twenty-two millions were asked for by the government; but the congressional commission, in its report presented April 2d, stated that the estimated income, which would not be less than eighteen millions, would be sufficient to meet all necessary expenses; and called attention to the frequent waste of the public funds, and the excessive peculation that had been practised in previous years. The debates on the matter were long and serious; and as there was little prospect of a speedy termination of them, on the motion of the deputies Baz and Islas, the discussion of the report was suspended, and a law was passed to the effect that the estimates which had ruled during the fiscal year about to close should be taken as those for the following one. Another important matter to which the congress gave its attention was the development of railroad systems and the establishment of telegraph lines, and several concessions were granted.
Assassinations and the abduction of prominent citizens prevailed to such an extent that the executive brought the matter before congress; and on the 2d of May martial law was proclaimed against highwaymen and abductors.
During the early part of this year jesuits began to reassemble in violation of the laws of reform, and ​even to preach against them. Nuns also again formed themselves into communities. On the night of May 20th the governor of the district caused two hundred nuns, who were living in community in Mexico City, Guadalupe, and Tacubaya, to be turned into the streets. At the same time about seventy Jesuits, friars, and servitors were arrested. The executive, on the 23d, by virtue of the faculties extended to him by the 33d article of the constitution, ordered the banishment of nineteen Jesuits. They appealed, however, for protection to the district judge, who granted it to them. But this was of no avail, for the supreme court annulled his decision in their favor on August 19th. Though the press and the greater portion of the intelligent public approved of these proceedings, the passions of the lower orders were excited, and the severe treatment of the nuns evoked wide sympathy. At a later date — by decree of December 1, 1874 — the sisters of charity were expelled from the country, a proceeding which was regarded by many as unnecessarily severe.
On May 31st the term of the sixth constitutional congress expired. One of its last acts, and by far its most important one, was the approval, on the 29th, of the reform laws proposed as additions to the constitution of 1857. By these reforms the church and state were declared independent of each other, and freedom of religion proclaimed; marriage became a civil contract; no religious institution could acquire real estate or hold mortgage thereon; the religious oath was done away with, an assertion on the part of a witness that he would speak the truth being only required; forced labor was forbidden; and the liberty of man, in respect of labor, education, and religion, declared inviolable. As a consequence, the law neither ​recognized nor permitted the establishment of monastic orders of any denomination whatever. These important laws were incorporated into the constitution, and became organic by decree of the seventh congress September 25th following: It cannot, however, be expected that such sweeping reforms would be quietly accepted without some trouble from the clergy. All public functionaries and municipal authorities were required to make a formal and solemn protestation to observe the new laws. Excommunication was fulminated from the vatican against those who did so, and the clergy stirred up the passions of the ignorant Indians. In Fresnillo, Juchipila, and Villanueva, the municipal authorities refused to protest. The cry of Mueran los protestantes! — death to those who protest! — was heard in numerous towns in Oajaca. In the state of Mexico, the chief of police and the administrador de rentas at Tejupilco were murdered, and the town pillaged and reduced to ashes. At Zinacantepec the municipal buildings were assaulted by 2,000 or 3,000 infuriated fanatics, and three employés put to death. But these wild efforts soon spent themselves. Priestcraft in Mexico was henceforth and forever fangless.
The elections for the seventh constitutional congress passed off quietly, but not without indications of government intrigues. On the 16th of September ​congress was installed. Much of its attention was directed to railroad matters, and important work was done. It disapproved the contract of May 29, 1873, with the International Company of Texas, for the construction of a line from the capital to the Rio Grande, and rejected the proposition to incorporate together all or any one of the three companies, the Union Contract, the International of Texas, and the Mexican Limited. It moreover finally approved a modified form of an agreement made between the government and the Vera Cruz Railway Company, fixing the tariff of freight charges, known as the convenio de las tarifas Into this agreement amplified concessions had been introduced, distinct from the question of freight rates, and it had been the subject of much debate in the previous congress. The terms of the original agreement were so conspicuously favorable to the company, and detrimental to a large class of Mexican producers, that faith in Lerdo's railroad policy and his intentions was shaken. It was considered that the interests of the nation were being sacrificed to those of the English company. The labors of congress were so severe that it did not close its sessions until the 21st of January, 1874.
* ↑ This was the sixth constitutional congress, and the elections of the members to it had been signalized by the interference of those in power. The governors of the different states were supporters of one or other of the three factions, and each had used every means to send deputies attached to the cause of his party. Riva Palacio, Hist. Admin. Lerdo, 15.
* ↑ The cabinet ministers were: of relations, José María Lafragua; of war, General Ignacio Mejía; of the treasury, Francisco Mejía; of public works and development of industries, Blas Barcárcel. Contrary to the constitution, there was neither a ministro de gobernacion nor a ministro de justicia, the duties of these being performed by the oficiales mayores of the respective offices.
* ↑ The position of the ministers was somewhat anomalous. With the death of Juarez their former relations had ceased; yet Lerdo retained them in office without forinally reappointing them. They themselves reported that they had sent in their resignations, and that they had not been accepted. By retaining their portfolios, they exposed themselves to the attacks of the periodicals of every political view; 'los periódicos de todos los colores políticos seguian haciendo guerra mas ó menos franca al Ministerio, tachando de poco delicados á los ministros de Juarez que continuaban al lado de Lerdo.'
* ↑ Copies of decrees in El Monitor Rep., Aug. 3, 8, 1872, and Sept. 18, 1872.
* ↑ A list of ten revolutionary leaders who availed themselves of the amnesty is given in Id., 7th Aug., 1872. Among them was Negrete, who retired to private life, having issued a proclamation expressing his confidence in Lerdo.
* ↑ In one instance only does it appear that the amnesty was not properly observed. Jimenez, the leader of the revolution in Guerrero, presented himself to the governor of that state, relying upon the promises of the president. El Monitor, Oct. 1, 10, 1872. The governor, Gen. Arce, however, imprisoned him on the plea that all the insurgent arms had not been delivered up, and arbitrarily fixed the number in excess. The friends of Jimenez in the capital represented the case to Lerdo, who, day after day, promised to order the release of Jimenez. He failed to do so, however, and Jimenez, after a month's imprisonment, was liberated by Arce and Figueroa, the commander of the forces in Guerrero. The enemies of Lerdo charge him with intentional neglect. Riva Palacio, Hist. Admin. Lerdo, 69-71. Figueroa deemed the small delivery of arms an indication that Jimenez' submission was simulated. El Federal, Oct. 24, 1872.
* ↑ 'Pero si no se le hace experimentar el cambio que en la política apetece,' he said, 'si no se reparan hasta donde sea posible los males ocasionados por la dictadura, y sobre todo, si no se dan garantías'sérias y prácticas al voto popular, la situacion presente accarreará una tregua, pero no la pacificacion definitiva de la República.' El Monitor Rep., Sept. 3, 1872.
* ↑ In a later communication dated Sept. 22d, and addressed to Gen. Carrillo, commander of the government forces in Durango, Diaz intimated that the conditions under which he would submit were: that a new amnesty law should be proclaimed, free from the restrictions contained in the existing one; that the government should initiate before congress a constitutional reform with respect to the non-reëlection of the president; and that free suffrage should be guaranteed.
* ↑ The fire was caused by the carelessness of a plumber engaged in repairing some leaden water-pipes, and who left his brazier with live coals in it on the roof while he went to dinner. El Federalista, Aug. 23, 1872.
* ↑ After this disaster the deputies occupied the theatre of Iturbide. Fortunately all archives and documents were saved. The loss caused by the destruction of the buildings was estimated at $200,000. Seven fire-engines were brought up, only one of which proved serviceable, and that belonged to private persons. The editor of the Federalista, in recording this condition of the fire department, remarks: 'Debemos hacer esta justicia á la bomba de palacio: ¡era la que se hallaba en peor estado!' The sword and walking-stick of Iturbide, which hung on a wall of the chambers, were saved, though the hilt of the former was lost for a time. Iturbide's sword had been presented to congress by Gen. Bustamante. The blade was Damascus and the hilt of ivory. Cambas, Mex. Pint. i. 11-12; El Feileralista, Aug. 27, 1872.
* ↑ Mazatlan was taken Sept. 14th, by Doroteo Lopez. El Monitor Rep., Sept. 26,
* ↑ El Federalista, Oct. 11, 1872; El Monitor Rep., Oct. 12, 1872. Cañedo had assumed the military and political command of the state, Gov. Buelna having, according to Cañedo's statement, resigned in his favor. Buelna, however, did not confirm his resignation when released from the power of Cañedo, but asserted that it had been extorted from him by compulsion. An order was accordingly sent to Gen. Ceballos, commander of the government troops in Sinaloa, to reinstate Buelna. El Monitor Rep., Oct. 12, 24, 25, Nov. 21, 1872; El Federalista, Oct, 26, Nov. 7, 1872.
* ↑ Guerra arrived at the capital the last of Nov. El Federalista, Nov. 28, 1872.
* ↑ El Monitor, Sept. 26, 1872. Guerra's submission was still considered doubtful, as he did not disband his troops and formally accept the amnesty. His intentions were the more suspicious from the fact that in the agreement he stipulated that $25,000 should be paid him for their maintenance. It was suspected that he intended to march against Durango, and Gen. Rocha was ordered to Chihuahua.
* ↑ Lerdo polled 9,520 votes, Diaz 604, and others 136. The declaration of Lerdo as president was voted for by 150 deputies against three who opposed it. Alfaro, Mirafuentes, and Tagle represented the minority.
* ↑ Believing in this, Lerdo obtained a loan of $600,000 to meet the necessities of the treasury, which, on his succession, was wellnigh exhausted.
* ↑ On Dec. 4th a congressional decree was passed, ordering Mexican legations to be sent to Spain, Germany, and Guatemala. Porfirio Diaz was proposed to the government as a suitable citizen on whom to bestow one of the European appointments.
* ↑ For full particulars, consult El Diario Oficial, Jan. 1873; El Siglo XIX.; El Monitor Rep.; La Voz de Méx.; El Federalista.
* ↑ Full particulars with documents will be found in El Federalista, Oct. 9, 1872; El Monitor Rep., Jan. 25, 28, 29, and Feb. 12, 1873; Estado de Sin., Jan. 29, 1873.
* ↑ El Monitor Rep., Feb. 23, 1873. An approximate calculation made about a month later reduces the number to 9,000 men, with 13,000 serviceable muskets and rifles. In this estimate it is stated that though Lozada had more than 50 pieces of artillery, no more than 6 were serviceable, and that the ammunition had been so spoiled during the six preceding years of peace that he had sent to San Francisco, Cal., for powder and gun-caps. Id., Mar. 9, 1873. It must be borne in mind, however, that these figures only represent estimates which appeared in a journal of the city of Mexico.
* ↑ The invasion of Sinaloa was directed by Agaton Martinez and Leonardo Sandoval; that of Zacatecas by Dionisio Gerónimo and Marcelino Rentería. Id., Feb. 23, 1873.
* ↑ Despatches of Corona, Flores, and Gov. Vallarta, in Id., Jan. 31 and Feb. 12, 1873.
* ↑ On the 10th they were driven from Mala Noche. El Federalista, April 15, 1873; on the 13th and 14th the fortified hill of Jazmin was taken. El Monitor Rep., April 17, 19, 1873; and on the 22d Lozada was dislodged from Guaynamota. Id., April 29 and May 14, 1873.
* ↑ Andrés Rosales had abandoned Lozada in Oct. 1872, on account of his cruelty and unjustifiable executions of his own followers. El Federalista, Nov. 6, 1872.
* ↑ Id., July 24, 25, 1873; El Monitor Rep., Aug. 2, 1873. In the Boletin Oficial, of Tepic, July 19, 1873, it was stated that $20,000, which had been offered for the capture of Lozada, was being distributed on that date to Rosales and his command. No declaration or testimony was taken from Lozada, who might have revealed something with regard to his accomplices or his intentions. Riva Palacio thus comments upon this mode of proceedings 'Pero parece que se tuvo empeño en echar tierra sobre este asunto.' Hist. Admin. Lerdo, 117. Lozada said that others, not he, were to blame.
* ↑ Corona's telegraphic despatch in El Monitor Rep., Aug. 7, 1973.
* ↑ Diario Debates, 5° Cong., ii. 177, 179, 205, 213; Id., 6° Cong., iii. 319, 448, 677, 745.
* ↑ The opposition naturally feared that when the matter was brought before congress the government would carry the question. Riva Palacio fully discusses the matter. Hist. Admin. Lerdo, 112-120, 129-34. The opening addresses will be found in Id., 143-51.
* ↑ The commissioners were Gomez del Palacio, Zamacona, Gochicoa, Stávoli, and Perez Castro. They stated in their report that more than $1,500,000 was unaccounted for of the receipts in the treasury during the fiscal year 1871-2.
* ↑ The punishment of death was pronounced against any such malefactor caught in delicto flagrante, without further proceedings than the drawing up of a statement by the officer of the capturing force, proving the capture and the identification of the individual. Those not caught in the act were to be tried by the authorities whose agents effected the capture, whether civil or military. The trial was not to extend beyond 15 days, and the accused, if proved guilty, was to be condemned to death, without power of appeal, and executed. Diario Debates, 6º Cong., iv. 312.
* ↑ Consult Riva Palacio, ut sup., 168. 258-60, 291-2; El Federalista, June 4, July 29, and Aug. 1, 1873; El Monitor Rep., May 22-25, July 29-30, and Aug. 21, 1873. Jesuits were also expelled by the senate from Puebla, and some disagreement occurred between the legislature and the governor, who sought to protect them. Id., Mar. 25-26, Apr. 5, 6, 10, 24, Aug. 23, 1873.
* ↑ Diario Debates, 6° Cong., iv. 658-9; Id., 7° Cong., i. 184-93. The decree was definitely approved Nov. 12th. The legislatures of the following states had recognized the new laws; namely, Mexico, Morelos, Hidalgo, Guanajuato, Oajaca, Tlascala, Michoacan, Aguascalientes, Querétaro, Puebla, Vera Cruz, San Luis Potosí, Tamaulipas, Guerrero, Chiapas, Durango, and Campeche. Riva Palacio, ut sup., 304-5.
* ↑ The form administered to the president and members of congress was as follows: 'Protesto sin reserva alguna guardar y hacer guardar las adiciones y reformas á la constitucion política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, decre. tadas el 25 de Setiembre de 1873 y promulgadas el 5 de Octubre del mismo año.'
* ↑ Fuller particulars will be found in Id., 313–14; El Federalista, Nov. 11, 1873; El Monitor, Oct. 1, 3, 5, Nov. 13, 15, 20, 25, 1873.
* ↑ In Jalisco instances of double elections of deputies occurred, establishing a pernicions precedent. The "dobles elecciones,' as explained by Riva Palacio, occurred when two members were appointed, the one by credentials issued by a legitimate electoral college, and the other by falsified credentials. One of the cases in question was this: In the district of La Barca, Alfonso Arzo was named deputy with all legal requirements, while Sabás Lomeli was also appointed for the same district by virtue of credentials purporting to be issued by an electoral college assembled at Tototlan, which was not a cabecera de distrito. The excuse given for the meeting of the electors at that town was fear of interference by an armed force. The certificate was fabricated, and the college suppositious. Nevertheless, the federal government managed to get the false credentials approved, to the rejection of the legitimate certificate. Hist. Adm. Lerdo, 390-1.