# An Introduction to Indonesian Linguistics/Essay 4

translated by Charles Otto Blagden (1916)
ESSAY IV
PHONETIC PHENOMENA
IN THE INDONESIAN LANGUAGES
(The original was published in 1915.)
SUMMARY
1-38. Section I : Fundamental Considerations.
39-66. Section II : Enumeration and Description of the Indonesian Sounds. 39-40. The Original Indonesian Phonetic System. 41-3. The Phonetic Systems of the Living Languages, compared with that of Original Indonesian. 44-6. Fixed and Varying Pronunciation. 47-50. Full and Reduced Pronunciation. 51-66. Preciser Description of the several Indonesian Sounds.
67-88. Section III: Quantity and Quality of the Vowels, Doubling of the Consonants. 67. Quantity in General. 68-72. Quantity of the Accentuated Syllable in Words of more than One Syllable. 73-5. Quantity of Vowels in Monosyllabic Words. 76-9. Quantity of Unaccentuated Syllables. 80. Quantity in Old Javanese. 81. Quantity in Original Indonesian. 82. Quality of the Vowels. 83-8. Doubling of the Consonants.
89-118. Section IV : Phonetic Laws of the Simple Sounds, summarily stated. 89-90. Preliminary Observations. 91-6. Laws of the Vowels. 97-8. Laws of the Semivowels. 99-101. Laws of the Liquids. 102. Laws of the Laryngal q. 103-5. Laws of the Velars. 106-8. Laws of the Palatals. 109-111. Laws of the Dentals. 112-4. Laws of the Labials. 115. Laws of the Spirant s. 116. Laws of the Aspirate h. 117-8. Laws of the Simple Sounds in Indo-European and in Indonesian. ​ 119-56. Section V : The most important Indonesian Phonetic Laws, set forth in detail. 119-20. Preliminary Observations. 121-8. The Pěpět-Law. 129-39. The RGH-Law. 140-53. The Hamzah-Law. 154-5. The Law of the Mediæ. 156. Comparisons with Indo- European.
157-79. Section VI : The two most important Phonetic Combinations and their Laws. 157-9. Preliminary Observations. 160-76. The Diphthongs and their- Laws. 177-9. The Aspirates and their Laws.
180-224. Section VII : Special Phenomena of Initial, Interior, and Final Sounds. 180. Preliminary Observations. 181-6. Initial, Medial, and Final Enunciation. 187-92. The Initial. 193-9. The Medial. 200-11. The Final. 212-23. The Final in Rottinese. 224. Comparison with Indo-European.
225-60. Section VIII : Certain Special Classes of Phonetic Phenomena.
261-65. Section IX : Phenomena connected with the Aggregation of Sounds into Syllables.
266-73. Section X : Phonetic Phenomena connected with the Combination of Word-bases with Formatives.
274-80. Section XI : Abbreviation of Words.
281-90. Section XII : Phonetic Phenomena in Loan- words.
291-306. Section XIII : Phonetic Phenomena in the Sentence.
307-378 Section XIV: Accent. 307-8. In General. 309-15.Accentuation of the Word-base. 316-9. Accentuation of Derivatives from the Word-base. 320-2. Accentuation of Doubled Words and Compounds. 323-5. Accentuation of the "Complex": i.e., Word ​of Substance + Word of Weak Stress. 326. Accentuation of Loan-words. 327-8. Quality of the Accent. 329. The Unaccentuated Syllables. 330. Original Indonesian Accentuation. 331-2. Comparison with the Accent of the Indo-European Word. 333-7. Sentence Stress.
338-41. Section XV : Lagu.
342-51. Section XVI : As to the Invariability of Phonetic Laws.
SECTION I : FUNDAMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS.
1. The present monograph is a dehneation of the phonetic phenomena of the IN languages.
Note. — As to the method of transcription, see § 39, as to the abbreviations, § 38.
Thesis.
Evidence.
III. Old Javanese likewise has tĕlú; and how important Old Javanese is will be shown in § 6.
IV. Nias has no pĕpĕt; where other tongues have ĕ, Nias has an o. But this o has a peculiar pronunciation, it is articulated further back in the mouth than the o of a different origin. If I represent the front o by o$_1$ and the back one by o$_2$, I get (for example) the equations: Nias bo$_2$li, “price” = Original IN, and likewise Gayo, Malay, etc., bĕli, but Nias o$_1$no$_1$, “child” = Original IN, and likewise Old Javanese, Tagalog, etc., anak. The peculiarity in the articulation of the o2 accordingly points to an originally peculiar sound, in fact to the pĕpĕt.
V. Iloko knows no pĕpĕt; where other languages have a pĕpĕt, Iloko puts an e. But the consonant, which immediately follows this e, is doubled ; thus the equivalent of Original IN, and likewise Old Javanese, Malay, etc., lĕpas, “free”, is Iloko leppás. This doubling of the consonant does not occur after an e of any other origin. Now Madurese says lĕppas; it also doubles the consonant, but leaves the ĕ unchanged. If we compare the Mad. procedure with the Iloko, it follows that the Iloko e, after which the consonant is doubled, points back to an original pĕpĕt.
VI. Talautese lacks the pĕpĕt; an a occurs where other languages have ĕ. But after this a the liquid l is articulated differently than it is after an a which descends from an Original IN a. So in Tal., too, we have an indication of the existence of the pĕpĕt in Original IN.
VII. Hova possesses no pĕpĕt; for an ĕ of other languages it puts in an accentuated syllable an e, in an unaccentuated one an i. Original IN, and likewise Karo, etc., tĕlĕn, “to swallow”, has therefore in Hova the equivalent télina. Now before this i < ĕ Hova preserves Original IN l unchanged, whereas before a Hova i < Original IN i it becomes d; thus tĕlina < Original IN tĕlĕn, but dimi, “five” < Original IN ​lima. Here again, then, we find in a language which itself has no pepet an argument for the existence of the pĕpĕt in Original IN.
Conclusion.
The evidence of I.-VII. supra, to which many other testimonies could be added, shows conclusively that the phonetic system of Original IN must be credited with the vowel called pĕpĕt.
6. The phonetic conditions of Old Javanese coincide in most cases with the phonetic system of Original IN as inferred by the comparative method. Hence we get, from objective documents, a confirmation of what has been attained merely by inference. — To this harmonious agreement there are two exceptions :
I. Original IN r$_2$ (= uvular r) disappears in Old Jav.; hence Old Jav. atus, " hundred ", from Original IN r$_2$atus.
II. Original IN successive vowels are often contracted in Old Jav. Original IN, and also Malay, etc., disyllabic lain, "other", becomes len in Old Jav.
7. It is not possible in IN linguistic research, any more than in IE, to discover the corresponding original values of all the phonetic phenomena of the living languages. Some IN languages possess the sound called hamzah; but, as stated in § 40, I am not at present in a position to decide with absolute certainty whether it should be ascribed to Original IN.
8. Between any of the phonetic types that exist to-day and its corresponding archetype in the original mother- tongue, there may have been intermediate stages. IE hnguistic research possesses the means of determining such intermediate stages in many cases. Thus Kluge, in his "Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache", s.v. Met, shows that between Original IE mĕdhus and the Modern German Met (= mēt), " mead ", we have to intercalate Original Germanic mëdus. Old High German mëto, and Middle High German mët as intermediate forms. IN research possesses such means ​to a much more limited extent, seeing that it has only got one single language with really important written records of some antiquity, namely, Javanese; besides which, Old Jav. mostly exhibits the same phonetic state as Original IN. Nevertheless, IN research is in some instances able to detect such intermediate forms, and the cases where it is possible may be taken to fall pretty much under the following heads:
I. The intermediate form is found in Old Jav.:
| Original form | Intermediate stage | Final result |
| Original IN | Old Jav. | Modern Jav. |
| dir$_2$yus | dyus | adus, "to bathe" |
II. The intermediate form is represented by the native spelling:
| Original form | Intermediate stage | Final result |
| Original IN | Written Minangkabau | Spoken Minangkabau |
| sĕlsĕl | sasal | sasa, "to regret" |
III. The intermediate form exists in a cognate dialect:
| Original form | Intermediate stage | Final result |
| Original IN | Tunong-Achinese | Achinese Proper |
| batu | batew | batee |
IV. The intermediate form can be ascertained by inference. If Original IN bar$_2$a, "glowing embers", results in Bungku wea, we must assume a form waya as an intermediate stage: see § 136.
9. We often have reports that the older living generation adheres to an older phonetic stage, while a newer phonetic type has developed in the speech of the younger people. In Kamberese Original IN s becomes h, e.g. Kamb. ahu, "dog", < Original IN asu, but "one often hears old people pronouncing the s" (Wielenga).
10. Phonetic changes either take place unconditionally or are dependent on definite conditions. Original IN pĕpĕt unconditionally, in all cases where it occurs, becomes e in Dayak; thus Original IN tĕkĕn, "staff", results in Day. ​teken. In Hova, which, betrays a somewhat near relationship with Day., the pĕpĕt only becomes e when it bears the accent; hence Original IN tĕkĕn produces Hova tĕhina. Accentuation, therefore, is the condition for the change of ĕ into e in Hova.
11. The condition under which a phonetic change takes place is one thing, and the cause which calls it into existence is another. The conditions are very often recognizable in IN, but as regards the causes the same observation applies to IN as Hirt, in his “Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre” ", § 71, made about Greek: “We are often unable to detect the causes of phonetic change”. Nevertheless IN linguistic students have set up many a theory on this subject, and I here repeat some of them, without commenting thereon: “A peculiarity of certain of the Toraja languages is the change of s into h. It appears to us that the custom of filing the teeth quite short or partially knocking them out, may be the cause of this phonetic change” (Adriani). — In Karo, Original IN a remains a, but alongside of jah, “yonder”, a form joh has appeared, “in consequence of a movement of the lips, with which one indicates the direction ‘yonder’ ” (Joustra). — “The custom of chewing betel explains why the Javanese often pronounce a velar instead of a labial, e.g., kĕstul for pĕstul, ‘pistol’ ” (Roorda).
12. In the evolution of IN sounds a number of other forces bear sway, which operate in the way of influencing,furthering, hindering, crossing, etc., though they cannot be called “causes” or “conditions” in the strict sense. These are analogy, popular etymology,* the tendency towards differentiation, phonetic symbolism, onomatopoeia, euphem- ism, and the tendency towards disyllabism.
13. Analogy plays as great a part in the phonetic evolution of the IN languages as it does in the IE family. Thus- among the IN, as among the IE languages, there is hardly one in which the numerals have not been affected by its influence;
* [The tendency which produces forms like “Hobson-Jobson”, “sparrow-grass”, etc.] ​cf. Paul, “Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte”, under the heading “Kontamination”.
In Original IN, “hundred” is r$_2$atus and “thousand”, r$_1$ibu, but for “thousand” Bajo says ribus, having transferred, to it the s of r$_2$atus.
14. Popular etymology also has the same importance in IN as in IE. Persian lāzuwerdi, “sky blue”, becomes in Javanese rojowěrdi, in imitation of rojo, “king”, as if it meant the royal colour. —Particularly frequent is the occurrence in IN of a species of popular etymology which I will style grammatical popular etymology. From Sanskrit yoga comes Karo iyoga, “yoke” ". But as i- in Karo is a prefix, it appears to the people who speak Karo as if iyoga were made up of the prefix i + the intermediaiy sound y + oga, and hence they have abstracted out of iyoga a WB oga, which is now employed alongside of iyoga. Or, since ka- is a very common prefix in Old Javanese, the Sanskrit kawi, “poet”, makes the impression of being a derived word, and from it is extracted a WB awi, “to compose (poetry)”, from which in its turn various derivatives are formed, e.g., aiviawian, “poetry”.
15. Tendency towards differentiation. Where the originally single meaning of a word is differentiated, a phonetic differentiation may also be induced, in IN as in IE. Just as in the dialect of Lucerne the Middle High German mësse has evolved into Mäss, “the religious ceremony styled the mass”, and Määs, “an annual feast and fair”, so too the Original IN ulu, “head”, appears in Bimanese as ulu, “formerly”, and uru, “beginning”.
16. Phonetic symbolism. In many IN languages we find phonetic symbolism at work in the duplication of words, as in the Sundanese uncal-ancul, “to hop hither and thither”, alongside of ancul, “to hop”. So too the substitution of a sonant for a surd in the Nias aizo$_2$-aizoo$_2$, “somewhat sour”, beside aiso$_2$, “sour”, and other cases, may be due to phonetic symbolism. On the other hand, I do not share the view that in durative formations such as the Old Javanese mamanah from the WB panah , “to shoot”, the m replacing the p, that ​is a continuous sound instead of a momentary one, indicates duration; in a former monograph I have given a purely mechanical phonetic explanation of this phenomenon, and I am convinced that all IE scholars will approve of my view.
Madurese exhibits a peculiar phenomenon in connexion with words where the WB is partially reduplicated, after the fashion of los-alos, “ very fine ”, te-pote, “ quite white ”; alos, “ fine ”, is evolved phonetically from the Original IN, and likewise Malay, etc., halus, and similarly pote from putih. But alongside of los-alos, te-pote, we also find forms which have preserved the Original IN vowels, viz., lus-alus, ti-puti, and these denote a still higher or more superlative degree than los-alos, te-pote. In these cases, then, it is the more archaic phonetic type that denotes the higher degree of quality.
17. Onomatopœia exercises its influence on the evolution of the IN sounds mainly in the way of impeding the consistent operation of phonetic laws. It manifests itself in the first place in interjections that mimic a sound. In Minangkabau an Original IN liquid at the end of a WB disappears; Original IN lapar, “hunger”, is also written lapar in Mkb., but pronounced lapa. Further, Original IN final explosives turn into hamzah in spoken Mkb.: thus Original IN atĕp, “ roof ”, > spoken Mkb. atoq. So no r and no p can occur as finals in spoken Mkb. But interjections like gar, “crack !”, dapap, “ plop ! ”, etc., are exceptions to this rule. — Besides these, the operation of onomatopœia is seen in words of substance, mostly in names of animals, which have been formed in imitation of natural sounds. In Tontemboan, in the case of WB's consisting of a doubled root, the final consonant of the first half must as a rule become q: thus Original IN korkor, “ to scratch ”, becomes Tontb. koqkor. But the onomatopceically formed kerker, the name of a species of bird, retains the r in the first half.
18. Euphemism. For reasons of euphemism certain words, especially such as are connected with sexual matters, have been deliberately deformed in the IN languages. A number of these are given in Van der Tuuk's Toba vocabulary, e.g., ​ilat, disfigured from pilat, "membrum virile". Such deformations usually occur on the analogy of some other, more or less comiected, word: thus Hat, on the analogy oiila, "shame".
19. Tendency towards disyllabism. Whereas the forces thus far mentioned, analogy, popular etymology, etc., operate in IE as well as in IN, the tendency towards disyllabism is exclusively peculiar to IN. Its significance was already recognized by Humboldt in his "Kawisprache", pp. ccccii seqq. The WB's of the IN languages are as a rule disyllabic, and the genius of the IN languages is often impelled to squeeze into this mould such words as are not really disyllables at all or have lost that form in the course of linguistic evolution. Thus the Dutch word lijst, "list", appears in several IN languages under the form eles, with a prothetic formative ĕ which has no meaning or significance; and "Rome", i.e., Constantinople, is called Ruhum in Minangkabau, not Rum.
20. Between the written language and the colloquial in IN there are often phonetic differences. The one of most frequent occurrence is that the colloquial allows abbreviations which are avoided in the written language. Thus spoken Javanese says dulur, "brother or sister", for the written sĕdulur.
21. The phonetic phenomena hitherto described occur in ordinary, normal speech. Besides this we find in IN certain special modes of speech. These are the language of children, the language of animals in the beast fables, poetic language, and various artificial languages.
22. The language of children in IN has the four following characteristics :
II. Infantile repetition. By the change of a consonant, words are adapted to this type. Thus Bareqe children say jeje for keje, “membrum virile”; Tontemboan children, kiqkiq for kiqciq, “to bite”. In Tontb. titiq for hiliq, “to sleep”, both changes have occurred, viz., substitution of the dental for the velar and also adaptation to the infantile habit of repetition.
III. Transformation of combinations of sounds which are difficult for children to pronounce. Thus Karo children say a-pe for laṅ-pe, “not at all” .
IV. Besides the above, the language of children exhibits other isolated phenomena, which cannot be classed under any general category. Thus Tontemboan children say lileq instead of lěleq, “to bathe”.
23. When parents speak with children, they use either the normal form of speech or the children's language; but they also sometimes make a compromise between the two. In the preceding paragraph, under subsection I, we saw that the Bareqe children use cucu for susu, “breast”. But in normal Bareqe the palatal tenuis only occurs after the nasal, so that forms like cucu do not exist in the speech of adults. On the other hand, the palatal media is not subject to the same restrictions as the tenuis, and so it comes about that parents, when they speak to children, say neither susu nor cucu, but juju.
24. It is not uncommon for childish words to make their way into the language of adults, particularly the forms involving infantile repetition. In Original IN and in most of the living IN languages, “father” is ama, “mother”, ina; but several languages employ the infantile forms mama and nina. In Tontemboan, “grandfather” is apoq, and “uncle”, itoq; but the vocatives of these words are papoq and titoq. — In Bugis the word for “little girl” is běsseq or běcceq, the first form being used only of princesses. According to subsection I of § 22, the form with s is the normal one, while the one with c was originally the infantile form.
25. The phenomena of childish speech recur to a great extent in IE. In certain of the Swiss dialects the word for “father” is Ätti, but other dialects replace it by Tätti, using therefore the form that involves infantile repetition: see “Schweizerisches Idiotikon” , I, 585.
26. The language of animals employs (inter alia) the method of infantile repetition, like the language of children. In the sixteenth tale in Adriani's “Leesboek in de Bareqe taal” , p. 17, 1. 10, the old mouse says kuko, for duṅko “crust of the rice-pap in the pan”.
27. Poetic language. The requirements of rhythm and rhyme produce all sorts of phonetic changes. Certain literatures, it is true, e.g. the Bareqe, do not tolerate such disfigurements, but others put up with a great deal in this respect. Such poetical deformations may be divided into two classes, viz., those which exhibit changes that are still within the limits of linguistic possibility, and on the other hand such as exemphfy deliberately artificial modification.
I. To the first category belongs the poetic licence in Bisaya, whereby i before a vowel may be treated as a consonant, e.g., motya, for the trisyllabic motia, “pearl”. The change of i in this position into a consonant is found in the normal form of many IN languages: the Old Javanese WB ipi, “to dream”, has a conditional aṅipya.
II. To the second category belong the most varied forms of licence, which for the most part are based on no principle. Sometimes they result from metric difficulties. Thus in the Balinese Epic Megantaka, strophe 318, verse 7, we find tos, for totos, “descendant”, because if totos had been used the verse would have had one syllable too many. In the second place, they may be due to difficulties connected with the rhyme. In the Minangkabau Epic “Kaba Sabay nan Aluyh”, verses 446, 447, read: "That we say yes, yes, that we say no, no" = maq kami bario-io, maq kami batido-tido. Here the form tido is a deformation of the normal tidaq, “no”, made to suit the rhyme, which consists in a similarity of both
vowels of the WB's. Thirdly, these changes may be produced by the requirements of the lagu, i.e., the current mode and fashion of reciting. Achinese has (inter alia) a special lagu for the recitation of solemn or tragic poems. In this lagu the several syllables are pronounced very long, and here and there extended into two syllables by pronouncing the vowel twice over with the intercalation of an ṅ between the two: for instance, puṅucoq instead of the normal pucoq, “tip”.
28. In IE we also find both kinds of poetic licence, as depicted in the preceding paragraph. If in the Aeneid we have to scan conubjo, that corresponds to motya in subsection I, while the mutilated form navyasā vacas, cited in Wackernagel, “Altindische Grammatik” , I, p. xvii, is parallel to the deliberately artificial deformations of subsection II.
29. In reading aloud, certain phonetic peculiarities also occur. "It is customary at the Javanese Court, in reading out official documents, but only in that case, to aspirate initial vowels, e.g. to say hadalěm for adalěm, 'to dwell'" (Poensen).
30. Artificial languages. In IN there are quite a considerable number of artificial languages: e.g., priestly languages, languages of ceremonious politeness, languages specially used when hunting, thieves' languages, etc. The peculiarities of these artificial forms of speech are lexicographical and morphological, but also phonetic. . From the phonetic point of view two principles in particular are operative:
I. Metathesis. The Toba thieves' language, for example, interchanges the two syllables of the WB, saying therefore tema for mate, “dead”.
II. Analogical transformation. The Dayak priestly language says rohoṅ, “sword”, for the dohoṅ of normal speech, by analogy with rohes, “to slay”. The Javanese language of ceremonious politeness changes kuraṅ, “too few”, into kiraṅ, by analogy with liraṅ, “half”.
31. One of the methods of formation of the Javanese language of ceremonious politeness consists in replacing
32. The word anjiṅ is genuine Malay, the word tojeṅ is genuine Makassar, they are not borrowed from Javanese, for the simple reason that Javanese does not possess these words. Thus we find the jěṅ-type of word formation as an estabhshed institution in several widely separated languages. Hence we may perhaps be entitled to ascribe this particular mode of artificial word formation even to Original IN. 33. Influence of foreign languages. This influence, it must be admitted, shows itself most strongly in the vocabulary, and only shghtly in phonetic evolution. I. Phonetic influence of other IN languages. Kulawi changes s into h, and accordingly says tahi, “lake” , for Original IN tasik. “But many of the men, who nearly all know Palu, which has preserved the s, often pronounce the s even now, whereas the women, who for the most part only know Kulawi, regularly use h” (Adriani). In Ruso-Talautese the normal Talautese k of a final syllable is pronounced s, e.g., ápuka, “lime”, becomes ápusa; " but this peculiarity has been steadily disappearing since the settlement in Ruso of a number of people from Niampak, who mock at this idiosyncrasy of the Ruso population" (Steller). The Tojo-Bareqe has par​tially adopted the accentuation of its neighbour, the Bugis. "“His dwelling-place”" in Bareqe is banúa-ña, in Bugis wanuwá-na; but Tojo-Bareqe under Bugis influence says banuá-ña. II. Influence of non-IN languages. Madurese had originally no ƒ, but the Madurese have no difficulty in pronouncing the sound and therefore mostly preserve it unchanged in loan-words from Arabic or from European languages, so that we must now include the sound ƒ in the Mad. phonetic system. Bimanese rejects all original final consonants, and treats loanwords in the same way, thus saying asa for the Arabic aṣal, “origin”. "But educated Bimanese often pronounce the final consonant" (Jonker). 34. Influence of school teaching. Tontemboan has changed the Original IN, and likewise Old Javanese, Malay, etc., media g into the spirant ɤ.* “Under the influence of school education, which is given in Malay, the younger generation now uses the media instead of the spirant” (Adriani). 35. The native systems of writing and spelling are of importance for linguistic research in two sets of cases: I. The spelling of certain languages, particularly in Sumatra, exhibits a more archaic phonetic stage than the pronunciation. IN research establishes that the word for “free” in its original form was lḝpas. Minangkabau says lapeh, but writes lapas; the written language, therefore, has preserved the original final of the word. Such spellings accordingly confirm the conclusions of linguistic comparison. II. Words that lean proclitically or enclitically on a principal word are in several languages written continuously with it. Thus in the Makassar tale I Kukang, p. 5, 1. 15: “He was always presented (with) money” = nanitanrotanrówimo doweq. Here na, “he”, and mo, an emphatic particle, are written together continuously with the principal word nitanrotanrówi, “to be always presented (with)”. From the point of view of linguistic science this habit must be regarded as correct.
*[See §41, IV, footnote.]
37. Comparison of IN with IE. In this monograph I compare, where it seems to me feasible, the phonetic conditions of IN with those of IE. The idea of comparing IE linguistic phenomena with IN is nothing new. Humboldt and Bopp did it, though with an inadequate comprehension of the IN material. Kern does it with a true insight into both the IN and the IE material, and the critical student is grateful to Kern for his work. But recently certain voices have made themselves heard, denying the desirability of such comparisons. Therefore I must adduce some considerations in support of my point of view. I. IE research has advanced further than IN, its subtle and highly developed methods can, indeed must, serve as a guide to IN research. For example, many IN scholars classify the IN languages according to the sounds they admit as finals; others have classified them on the basis of their genitive construction, particularly as regards the position of the genitive before or after the principal word. Both systems depend upon a single linguistic phenomenon. In the IE sphere we find (inter alia) a classification of the Germanic ​languages into East Germanic and West Germanic. But Kluge, “Urgermanisch”, § 146, bases this division not upon a single criterion, but upon a whole series of them, and yet the classification is not accej)ted by all scholars. That sort of thing ought to make IN scholars wake up; either they must discover additional criteria or abandon their classification of the IN languages.
IN = Indonesian.
IE = Indo-European.
WB = Word-base.
Brugmann KvG = K. Brugmann, "Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen."
Meillet GvP = A. Meillet, "Grammaire du vieux Perse."
Kern FI = Kern, "De Fidjitaal."
Bijdr. = Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië.
Schwarz- Texts = Tontemboan texts, edited by J. Alb. T. Schwarz. ​Steller-Texts = The texts in K. G. F. Steller, "Nadere Bijdrage tot de kennis van het Tala- oetsch."
Seidenadel-Texts = The texts in C. W. Seidenadel, " The first Grammar of the language spoken by the Bontoc Igorot."
Tuuk Lb = H. N. van der Tuuk, " Bataksch Lees- boek."
Hain-Tenj = Jean Paulhan, " Les Hain-Teny Meri- nas."*
* [See also Essay II, § 15.]
SECTION II : ENUMERATION AND DESCRIPTION
OF THE INDONESIAN SOUNDS.
The Original Indonesian Phonetic System.
39. Original Indonesian must be credited with the following phonetic system :
Vowels a i u e o ĕ
Semi-vowels y w
Liquids r$_1$ r$_2$ l
Laryngal q
Velars k g ṅ
Palatals c j ñ
Dentals t d n
Labials p b m
Sibilant s
Aspirate h
my view, which I supported in a former monograph.
The Phonetic Systems of the Living Languages,
compared with that of Original Indonesian.
from k, hence Hova hazu < Original IN kayu, "tree".
The modified ("Umlaut") vowels ä ö ü.
The nasalized vowels.
The cerebrals.
The spirants y, χ; š, z; f.
Fixed and Varying Pronunciation.
44. Some of the IN languages have a constant pronunciation of their sounds, others exhibit variations in some sound or other. In the Philippine languages "i is often not to be distinguished from e" (Scheerer). In Dayak "the sound of o varies between o and u, indeed the same person in uttering the same word will pronounce the sound sometimes more like an o, and at other times more like a u" (Hardeland). Probably Bontok exhibits the extreme of arbitrariness in this respect; thus (inter alia) in the short story entitled Rolling in Seidenadel-Texts, pp. 555 seqq., one and the same narrator pronounces the word for "then" sometimes isaed and sometimes išaed (see Rolling 1 and Rolling 10).
45. Such varying pronunciation may be a preparatory step towards certain phonetic changes. Dayak is somewhat ​closely related to Hova, and it is to be observed that in Hova the sound o no longer varies between o and u, but has become completely identified with the latter, so that Hova no longer possesses any o at all.
Full and Reduced Pronunciation.
49. Weak pronunciation is the preparatory step towards complete disappearance. Thus the media after the nasal, which as mentioned in the preceding paragraph is weakly ​pronounced in Gayo, has disappeared altogether in certain other languages, e.g. in Rottinese; hence Rot. tana, "mark" < Original IN tanda.
Preciser Description of the Several Indonesian Sounds.
This fleeting character of the pěpět is causally connected with various IN phonetic phenomena. So far as I am aware, the pěpět does not become a diphthong in any of the IN languages. In Old Jav., u before a vowel turns into a consonant, hence the conjunctive of těmu, "to meet with", is atěmwa; but before the pěpět the u persists, and the pěpět is simply absorbed, without any lengthening of the u; hence the gerund těmun < těmu + en.
54. The modified (Umlaut) vowels are described and discussed in another connexion (§§ 251 seqq.).
55. The nasalized vowels are not largely represented in IN. The nasalization is caused either by a preceding or a following nasal consonant.
I. The nasal consonant precedes. "In Achinese the nasals impart their strongly nasal sound to the following vowel" (Snouck Hurgronje).
II. The nasal consonant follows. "In Hova, as in French, the nasalization is coincident with the commencement of the vowel" (Rousselot). "In Sakalava, in the case of nasal vowels, one also hears the nasal, e.g. in the first a of the word mandea, "to go", the n sound" (Fahrner).
56. The semi-voivels y and w. " Javanese y is a semi-vowel like the French y in il y a" (Roorda). "Dayak y is to be pronounced as in the English you" (Hardeland). " Bontok w is as in (the English) winter; a consonantal u" (Seidenadel). "Makassar w is to be pronounced like the ou in the French ouate" (Matthes).
With this articulation of the two semi-vowels all sorts of IN phonetic phenomena are connected. " When speaking slowly the Dayak pronounces y as a short i, thus yaku, " I ", ​as a trisyllable, iaku" (Hardeland). In several languages initial w receives a prothetic u; thus Original IN walu, "eight", is pronounced walu and uwalu in Tontemboan.
* [Or in English.]
SECTION III : QUANTITY AND QUALITY OF THE VOWELS, DOUBLING OF THE CONSONANTS.
Quantity in General.
Quantity of the Accentuated Syllable in Words of More than One Syllable.
I. In Dayak the IN law of length is restricted by the tact that before unvoiced sounds the vowels are mostly short, e.g. the a in ǎso, "dog"; and even before the voiced palatal the vowels are short, always (see § 61).
II. In Modern Javanese the IN law of brevity is restricted by the fact that before a nasal + a cognate explosive the vowels are mostly long, e.g. in dīntěn, "day".
72. Many parallels can be drawn between the IN and IE phenomena of quantity. The IN law of quantity coincides with the German one; cf. Siebs, "Deutsche Bühnenaussprache", in the section entitled "Vokale". Madurese knows no differences in quantity, precisely like Rumanian; cf. Tiktin, "Rumänisches Elementarbuch", § 15.
Quantity of Vowels in Monosyllabic Words.
Quantity of Unaccentuated Syllables.
Quantity in Old Javanese.
80. The Old Javanese manuscripts indicate the length of the vowels. But it is noticeable how seldom the marks of length occur in them. Judging from the quantity of Modern Javanese they ought to be much more frequent. In the Ramayana the long vowels are found, apart from Sanskrit loan-words, only in interjections, in certain monosyllabic words of substance, as in kūṅ, "longing", but not in sih, "pity", in contractions like matī, "to let die" < mati + i, and in compensatory lengthenings, as in ikū, "tail" < Original IN ikur$_2$. Hence we meet with whole verses without a single long vowel, e.g. Ramayana, V, 68, 2 : "She then, quite alone, entered unafraid" = sira juga tuṅga-tuṅgal anusup tamatar matakut. Were there perhaps in Old Javanese three gradations of quantity, as in Sangirese (§ 67), and is only extreme length marked in the manuscripts?
Quantity in Original Indonesian.
Quality of the Vowels.
Doubling of the Consonants.
83. What is called gemination, doubling of consonants, and the like, may represent several different phonetic values: see Sievers, "Phonetik", in his chapter entitled "Silbentrennung". As regards the nature of the IN double consonants, the following definitions (inter alia) give us some information. "In all these (i.e., certain Philippine) languages the gemination is real, that is, the two consonants are distinctly pronounced" (Conant). "In Bugis the consonants that are written double are pronounced so that the consonant both closes the preceding syllable and begins the following one" (Matthes). "The dividing line of syllabic stress lies in the ​geminate consonant itself" (Kiliaan).—In Bontok the two consonants may also be separated by a hamzah as well; thus in Seidenadel-Texts, Headhunters' Ceremonies, 4, we find: "The old people" = nan amamqma.
84. The rarest cases of doubhng are those of h and q. Madurese has a few instances, e.g., ěhham, "ham", and leqqer, "neck".
85. As a rule doubling only occurs between vowels; before a consonant it is rarer, e.g., as in the Madurese lommra, "accustomed", in accordance with the law given in § 86, III.
86. Consonantal doubling in the living IN languages owes its origin to several distinct factors; these are:
I. Doubling of the root, which is one of the methods of WB-formation, when the root begins and ends with a similar consonant, as in the Kangeanese tottot, "tame". This case also occurs especially in the language of children, e.g. in the Achinese childish word mammam, "cakes".
II. Derivation from the WB. Here it may be simply a case of mere addition, as when in Toba from the prefix mar + AVB rara there results the adjective marrara, "red". Or it may involve phonetic processes, as when in Madurese from ṅator + the suffix aghi we get ṅatorraghi, "to offer".
III. Various phonetic laws. Before r or l Madurese doubles every consonant except ṅ, n, and w; hence the above-cited lommra, as compared with lumrah in other languages. In Talautese r is pronounced double when it follows immediately after the accentuated vowel.
SECTION IV : PHONETIC LAWS OF THE SIMPLE SOUNDS, SUMMARILY STATED.
Preliminary Observations.
Laws of the Vowels.
​hence Original IN ina > Gayo inö, "mother". — It becomes ě in Besemah when final, hence Original IN mata > Běs. matě, "eye". — It becomes aw in Sěraway when final, hence Original IN mata > Sěr. mataw.
Laws of the Semi-Vowels.
Laws of the Liquids.
Laws of the Laryngal q.
Laws of the Velars.
Laws of the Palatals.
Laws of the Dentals.
Laws of the Labials.
— It becomes p by assimilation; thus in Toba, hence Original IN lumpat > spoken Toba luppat, "to jump".
Laws of the Spirant s.
Laws of the Aspirate h.
the living languages; thus in Bugis, hence Original IN pěnuh > Bug. pěnno, "full", and Original IN ilih ^ Bug. ile, "to choose". — In such cases a u or i preceding the h becomes o or e in Bug., whereas final Original IN u and i remain unchanged, hence Original IN and likewise Bug. tunu, "to burn", kali, "to dig".
Laws of the Simple Sounds in Indo-European and in Indonesian.
German dialect of Lucerne and Mori: nl ᐳ nd. — Luc. dialect Määndig, "Monday" (High German Montag); Mori mondasu, "sharp", as compared with Petasia montaso, from the Original IN WB tajĕm.
118. There are two IN phonetic laws for which I know of no parallels in IE; both are pecuhar to Achinese and both appear in the word lhee, " three " ᐸ Original IN tělu : Initial Original IN těl ᐳ Ach. lh, and final Original IN u ᐳ Ach. ee. See also Section V, ad fin.
SECTION V: THE MOST IMPORTANT
INDONESIAN PHONETIC LAWS, SET FORTH
IN DETAIL.
Preliminary Observations.
119.The most important IN phonetic laws are four in number: the pepet-law, the RGH-law, the hamzah-law, and the law of the mediæ.
120. Now the course of our enquiry is as follows:
I. In the case of the pepet-law we have to ascertain what are the representatives of the Original IN pepet in the living IN languages.
II. In the case of the RGH-law our enquiry has to pursue the same course as with the pepet-law, we have to find out by what sounds the Original IN uvular r (r$_2$) is represented in the living IN tongues. This law is also called, after its discoverer, by the name of "Van der Tuuk's first law". I have preferred to designate it by the more convenient and significative name of "RGH-law", a name based on the fact that Original IN r$_2$ is represented in many of the living languages by g, in some by h; and I observe that this designation is gradually gaining ground.
III. In the case of the hamzah-law our business is to set forth from what Original IN sounds or by what linguistic processes the sound hamzah has originated in the living IN languages. Here, therefore, the procedure differs from that which is to be followed in the case of the pěpět-law and RGH-law; we start from an Original IN multiplicity and arrive at one uniform result in the living languages, viz., the hamzah. For the hamzah is a secondary sound in IN ; we cannot there​fore proceed from an Original IN hamzah. The hamzah-law is peculiarly interesting for the following reason: in IN the hamzah is very widely distributed, in IE on the other hand it is very little known; the phenomena connected with the hamzah therefore mark an important difference between IE and IN.
IV. The law of the mediæ. In a number of IN languages media and continuant interchange in one and the same word. Thus in Bugis the WB for "to cut off" appears sometimes as bětta and sometimes as wětta, thus at times with the momentary media h, and at other times with the continuant w. Probably there was nothing corresponding to this in Original IN; so in this case (in contrast to the other three laws) we cannot have recourse to Original IN at all.
The Pepet-Law.
The RGH-Law.
IN r$_2$ into k, hence Original IN niur$_2$, "coconut" > niuka, with the supporting vowel a; for this oiiuka other dialects have niuca, niuha, niuta.
The Hamzah-Law.
The Law of the Mediae.
Comparisons with Indo-European.
SECTION VI : THE TWO MOST IMPORTANT
PHONETIC COMBINATIONS AND THEIR LAWS.
Preliminary Observations.
The Diphthongs and their Laws.
​bloy, "to buy" < Original IN bĕli, but the standard dialect
says bloe, with a semi-vocalic e.
167. The first component of the diphthong may change into another vowel, thus in certain dialects of Borneo both ay and uy appear as oy, hence patoy as well as baboy. — As Orig​inal IN patay results in Bontok in padöy, we must there assume patoy as an intermediate stage.
The Aspirates and their Laws.
SECTION VII : SPECIAL PHENOMENA OF
INITIAL, INTERIOR, AND FINAL
SOUNDS.
Preliminary Observations.
Initial, Medial, and Final Enunciation.
The Initial.
The Medial.
The Final.
The Final in Rottinese.
216. To explain this state of affairs, one might then have recourse to the principle of the interchange of finals, as in § 208. But this is countered by the fact already mentioned, that the phenomena illustrated in the preceding paragraph are exceedingly common in Rot., whereas interchange of finals in other languages only occurs in isolated cases.
217. Accordingly we must look around for another explanation, namely the following one:
I. Negative part of the explanation. The cases in question are not really instances of a law affecting finals. The three final consonants, k, n, and s, are not the representatives of Original IN finals; even the n in udan is not a survival of the n of Original IN ur$_1$an.
II. Positive part. In a former period of its existence Rot. cast off all its final consonants; there was, therefore, a time when it said dala, "path", uda, "rai", nii, "thin". This condition is the same as the closely related Bimanese has preserved to this day, e.g. in ura, "rain", nipi, "thin", etc. The finals which occur nowadays in Rot. are articles, which have become annexed and have lost their force, like the ones mentioned in § 209.
218. Articles and demonstratives beginning with k, s, or n, are found very frequently in the IN languages. It is also no uncommon phenomenon for such words of form to occur without a vowel. The Old Javanese article for things is aṅ and ṅ. The Bontok article for persons si is often abbreviated into s, and so is the Inibaloi si. Thus in the text "Kalinas", in Scheerer, "The Nabaloi Dialect", p. 149, 1, 5, we find: "I have met the captain" = H. + m. I the c. = inaspol ko s kapitan.
219. The article is put after the principal word in many IN languages, and particularly in those that are near neighbours.
​and relatively close connexions of Rot., for example in Sawimese. Thus in the Sawunese Story of Pepeka, Bijdr. 1904, p, 283, 1. 10 from the bottom, we find: "In the cave" = In c. the = la roa ne. The Modern Rottinese article a also follows the principal word.
| Original IN | ur$_1$an. |
| Rot., older period | uda. |
| Modern Rot., verb | uda, "to rain". |
| Modern Rot., substantive | udan, "rain". |
Comparison with Indo-European.
SECTION VIII : CERTAIN SPECIAL CLASSES OF
PHONETIC PHENOMENA.
225. In this Section will be discussed certain phonetic phenomena which occupy a somewhat special position and are also usually dealt with separately in the IE textbooks. These phenomena are: prothesis, anaptyxis, repetition of sounds, metathesis, haplology, assimilation, "Umlaut", dissimilation, and fracture.
226. The most frequently occurring kind of prothesis is the affixing of a pĕpĕt before words that were originally monosyllabic or had become monosyllabic through some process of phonetic change. The cause of this phenomenon is the tendency towards disyllabism (§ 19). Old Javanese goṅ, "gong", appears in Modern Jav. as ĕgoṅ as well as goṅ. Original IN dur$_2$i, "thorn", passes through rur$_2$i into Old Jav. rwi, in accordance with the principle mentioned in § 137, and then in Modern Jav. undergoes a further evolution into ri, by the side of which now appears a form ĕri. Dutch lijst, "list", appears in IN languages as les and ĕles.
227. This prothetic e is also subject to the phonetic laws of change; hence "gong" in Toba is oguṅ, as Toba alters the pĕpĕt into o.
228. Instead of the pĕpĕt, i may also appear before y and u before w. The Old Javanese conjunction ya, "that", is likewise ya in Tontemboan, but people also use both the forms ĕya and iya, in accordance with what has been said above. Original IN buwah, "fruit", becomes Old Jav. wwah; from this is regularly derived the Modern Jav. woh, but alongside of the latter there is also a form uwoh. ​229. Besides this prothetic ĕ, i, or u, we meet in various languages with yet other vowels affixed before words that originally had a consonantal initial. Original IN, and likewise Old Javanese, Malay, etc., lintah, "leech", appears in several languages as alintah; Original IN tĕlur$_2$, "egg", is represented in Tagalog by itlóg, etc. I am not in a position to decide whether these are cases of a purely phonetic process or whether we are here dealing with creations of a formative import. Parallel phenomena offering similar difficulties of explanation are also found in IE : see (inter alia) Hirt, "Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre", §§ 193 seqq.
230. Anaptyxis is found in Pabian-Lampong, where an ĕ appears between r and the immediately following consonant. To Malay, Karo, etc., sĕrdaṅ, corresponds a Lamp, form sarĕedaṅ, " a species of palm". This sort of anaptyxis may be compared in the IE sphere with phenomena hke the Oscan aragetud = Latin argento. Of another kind is the appearance of vowels between consonants in loan-words, where facilitation of pronunciation is the cause of the phenomenon (see § 284).
231. Repetition of sounds may affect vowels or consonants, may be progressive or regressive, and may occur merely in isolated cases or in series of cases.
232. When in Hova an i is put before a velar, it is without exception repeated after the velar, in consonantal form and at the same time very softly pronounced. " Surprised " in Hova is gaga, and "to be surprised " is not migaga but migyaga.
233. Bajo "fractures"* an a of the second syllable of a WB into ea, when the word ends in ṅ; Original IN bĕnaṅ, "thread", therefore appears in Bajo as heneaii. In the one case of geantéaṅ < Original IN gantan, "a particular measure of capacity", the e has been repeated in the first syllable.
234. In very many cases in IN languages there appears before a consonant a nasal, which is wanting in other IN ​languages, and which we cannot ascribe to Original IN either. The word for " brain " in some of the languages is utĕk, in others untĕk; "to pursue" is usir and uṅsir in Old Javanese. Now there are in the IN languages a great number of very commonly used prefixes and suffixes containing nasals, and it is from these that the nasal has forced its way into the interior of the WB by means of the principle of the repetition of sounds. From the Old Jav. WB usir, for example, comes the active aṅusir or maṅusir, and from this aṅ- or maṅ- the ṅ has been projected into the variant form uṅsir of the WB.
235. Repetition of sounds is also found in IE, and IE research avails itself of the same explanations that have been applied above to IN: see (inter alia) Zauner, " Altspanisches Elementarbuch ", § 78.
236. Metathesis is a phenomenon of very frequent occurrence in IN ; it turns up in all sorts of forms, either sporadically or in regular series.
237. The following are the sorts that occur most frequently :
I. The vowels of the two syllables of the WB change places. Original IN, and likewise Malay, etc., ikur, "tail", is pronounced ukir in some other languages; thus in some dialects of Madagascar: uhi < ukir.
II. The consonants of the first half of the word change places. Original IN, and likewise Old Jav., etc., waluh, "pumpkin", appears in Bugis as lawo.
III. The consonants of the second half of the word change places. Original IN r$_2$atus, "hundred", appears in several languages as rasut.
IV. Two interior consonants change places. Toba purti < Sanskrit putrī, "daughter".
238. Tontemboan possesses a peculiar, optional kind of metathesis, which will be illustrated by the following example. In the Story of the Poor Woman and her Grandchild, Schwarz-Texts, pp. 107 seqq., we find on p. 110, 1. 5: "Why should we respect?" = What the cause-for-respect = sapa ĕn ipĕsiriq. ​On p. 109, 1. 1, we find as an equivalent for the same phrase sapa im pĕsiriq. From ĕn ipĕsiriq there has been metathesis to in ĕpĕsiriq, then the initial e has disappeared, making in pĕsiriq, and finally by assimilation im pĕsiriq has resulted.
239. Metathesis may either be definitive or optional, permitting both forms, the original and the modified one, to exist side by side. Original IN par$_2$i, "ray (fish)", appears in Tontemboan as pair, and in no other form ; but in Sundanese ayud and aduy, "soft", exist side by side.
240. We notice in various languages a certain preference for particular kinds of metathesis.
I. The preference is connected with the position of the sounds in the word. The Mantangay dialect of Dayak favours metathesis in the case of the first syllable of trisyllabic words; it has dahaṅan for the hadaṅan, "buffalo", of the standard Dayak dialect.
II. The preference is related to a particular result. In Sawunese metathesis mostly operates so that an a of the second syllable comes into the first one, the a also changing into ĕ; hence Original IN pira, "how much" > Saw. pĕri, r$_2$umah, "house" > ĕmú, etc.
241. In certain languages we meet with metatheses occurring in regular series. When in Original IN an l immediately precedes the second vowel of a word and an r immediately follows it, then these consonants invariably change places in Gayo; hence Gayo tĕrul, "egg" < Original IN tĕlur$_2$, arul, "brook" < alur$_2$, etc.
242. Haplology. This occurs in IN in the first place sporadically in various languages, thus in Tsimihety. In "Chansons Tsimihety", Bulletin de I'Académie Malgache, 1913, p. 100, V. 10, we find mañi-reboṅo, "growing densely", for maniri-rehono, from the WB tsiri, "to grow".
243. Haplology also occurs in most regular series in connexion with the doubling of words. Here either the first or the second term of the duphcation may be abbreviated by the method of haplology. The first kind, the abbreviation of ​the first term, appears in every imaginable form, whereof we now give a selection :
I. The last sound is omitted: Dayak luyu-luyut, "somewhat soft", from luyut, "soft"; similarly aki-akir, "to push slightly", etc.
II. The last two sounds are omitted : Bull lis-lisan, "broom", from lisan, "to sweep".
III. All sounds except the last are omitted : Tontemboan u-anu, "such and such a person", "Mr. What's his name", from anu, "some one".
IV. All sounds except the first are omitted ; Mentaway o-ogdog, "a tool for opening coconuts", from the WB ogdog.
244. The second term is abbreviated by the method of haplology. This case is rare. Padoe laqika-ika, "hut", from laqika, "house". Javanese Roso-so, familiar mode of addressing a person whose name is Roso.
245. As all the species of haplology instanced in §§ 243 seqq. are cases of the eUmination of sounds that were not in direct contact wdth the corresponding similar ones, they are analogous to the haplological phenomena of IE described in Brugmann KvGr, § 338, A, 2, like the Latin latrocinium < latronicinium.
246. Assimilation displays in IN all the possibilities that also occur in IE: compare the cases in Brugmann KvG, §§ 319 seqq., with the following scheme. In the IN languages assimilation may be:
Ia. Vocalic: Original IN tau > Tontemboan tow, "man".
Ib. Consonantal: Original IN gantuṅ > Toba gattuṅ, "to hang".
IIa. Progressive: Original IN garuk > Bimanese garo, "to scratch".
IIb. Regressive: Original IN tau > Tontemboan tow.
IIIa. Unilateral: Original IN tau > Tontemboan tow.
| IIIb. | Mutual: | Original IN aur | > Bimanese oo, "bamboo". |
| IVa. | With contact: | Original IN gantuṅ | > Toba gattuṅ. |
| IVb. | Without contact: | Original IN kulit | > Loinan kilit, "skin". |
| Va. | Partial: | Original IN babuy | > Bontok fafüy, "pig". |
| Vb. | Complete: | Original IN kulit | > Loinan kilit. |
Umlaut of a > ä : Original IN lima > Dayak limä, "five".
Umlaut of a > e : Original IN hatay > Sumbanese eti, "heart".
Umlaut of a > ö : Original IN patay > Bontok padöy, "to kill".
Umlaut of o > e : Toba subdialect oyo > Toba eo, "urine".
Umlaut of u > ü : Original IN babuy > Bontok fafüy, "pig".
Note. — The symbol ä is used by Hardeland for an a modified by Umlaut in Dayak, and I have retained it.
253. Gayo has a sound similar to the German ö, but not originating through the modifying influence of an i, as in dödö, "breast" < Original IN dada.
254. Umlaut may be a preliminary step towards more complete assimilation. Original IN lima appears in Dayak as limä; and Hova, which is very closely related to Dayak, has dimi.
255. Dissimilation is rarer in IN than assimilation.
256. Dissimilation occurs:
I. If two similar sounds would otherwise follow one another. The duplication of Modern Javanese ro, "two", takes the form of loro. Original IN babuy, "pig", and babah, "to carry", appear in Mandarese as bagi and baga respectively.
II. If three similar sounds would otherwise follow one another. Original IN aṅin, "wind", appears in Bugis as aṅiṅ, but maṅinaṅ, "to dry in the air", has preserved the n through the operation of dissimilation. As in waṅuṅĕṅ, "to raise", from waṅuṅ, "to stand up" < Original IN baṅun, the same principle has not been at work, we may assume that in maṅinaṅ the vowel i has been a contributing factor. — Or is this case simply an application of the rule in § 210, I ?
257. Dissimilation operates either with or without contact :
I. Dissimilation with contact: e.g. in Toba in the case of s + s, when these two sounds would otherwise come together, e.g. in lat-soada, "not yet" < las, "yet" + soada, "not".
​II. Dissimilation without contact: thus in Dayak in the case of s : s, e.g. in tuso, "breast" < Original IN susu, tisa, "remainder" < Sanskrit śeša.
258. Dissimilation operates between WB and formative. In Sangirese the suffix -aṅ is replaced by -eṅ when the last syllable of the WB contains an a.
259. A special case of dissimilation is the one that goes so far as to cause one of the two sounds to disappear entirely. Whereas Dayak says tisa for sisa < śeša (§ 257), in Minangkabau the word takes the form iso, alongside of siso. This is a proceeding similar to the elision of the r in the dialectic Greek phatria, "brotherhood" < phratria (see Brugmann KvG, § 336).
260. Fracture is a term used in IE research to denote various processes; I use the term for the change of a into ea. Bajo changes the a in final aṅ into ea, at the same time transferring the accent on to the e; hence Bajo padéaṅ, "grass" < Original IN .pádaṅ The cases are numerous.
SECTION IX: PHENOMENA CONNECTED WITH THE AGGREGATION OF SOUNDS INTO SYLLABLES.
261. Each individual syllable has a summit. In IN this is almost always a vowel, and only quite exceptionally a voiced sound of some other kind. It is true that IN possesses words of form having no vowel, such as n, "of", m, "thy", but these appear almost invariably only after a vowel, with which they then combine to form a syllable. "Thy gain", in Toba, is labám < laba + m, but "thy house" is bagasmu.—An exception is formed by Gayo, where n, "of", can stand between two consonants, as in bět n se, "(after the) fashion of this". Here the nasal n is placed between two sounds that are deficient in sonority; it must therefore be a nasalis sonans, and is accordingly the summit of a syllable. The same is the case in Dayak phenomena like blióṅ-m, "thy chopper", where m for mu also comes after a consonant and is a nasalis sonans. An illustration in support of this is to be found in the Story of Sangumang, Bijdr. 1906, p. 201, 1. 10: "How many choppers hast thou?" = How + many are choppers thine = pirä aton blióṅ-m.—Seidenadel says in § 17 of his Bontok grammar: "Final l often becomes a sonant liquid, similar to l in our (English) word bottle"; but he gives no instance, and in all the texts I have found nothing to correspond with this assertion.
262. Certain phonetic processes may cause a shifting of the summit of a syllable. Most of the IN languages (as stated in § 4) accentuate the penultimate, thus áwak, "body", báyar, "to pay", and the like. The summit of the first syllable of each of these words is the a before the semi-vowel. Toba changes awak into aoak, Tawaelia turns bayar into ​baeari. It must not, however, be imagined that the o and e here merely fulfil the consonantal function of the w and y : they become full vowels, and hence take on the accent and become the summits of syllables; accordingly the results are the trisyllabic aóak and the quadrisyllable baéari.
263. When a word consists of several syllables, there arises the question where the limits of the syllables lie. In Bontok "two intervocalic consonants are divided and distributed among two syllables", but "ds (and) ts are considered as one sound " (Seidenadel). According to § 60, ds and ts represent Original IN palatals. "In Achinese, when there is a combination of nasal with explosive or even of nasal + explosive + liquid, as in cintra, 'wheel', the first syllable ends with the vowel and the second begins with the combination" (Snouck Hurgronje). This rule must also hold good for some other IN languages; various phenomena point in that direction. In several languages, as in Nias (§ 188), a WB can begin with nasal + explosive ; in others, as in Modern Javanese (§ 69), such a combination does not make the preceding vowel short. And is perhaps also the bĕt n se of § 261 to be regarded as bĕt + nse ?
264. Variahilitij in the division into syllables also occurs. "In Madurese a hamzah between vowels may be pronounced as the end of the first syllable or the beginning of the second" (Kiliaan): accordingly poqon, "tree", is either poq-on or /poqon, or even poq-qon.
265. In Bontok we find a few cases where the limit between syllables is further marked by the shutting of the vocal chords, i.e. by hamzah; thus in the Headhunters' Ceremonies, Seidenadel-Texts, p. 512, 1. 3: totokqkoṅan, "to watch".
SECTION X: PHONETIC PHENOMENA CONNECTED WITH THE COMBINATION OF WORD-BASES WITH FORMATIVES.
266. In the IN languages the WB's occur either unchanged or else combined with formatives, i.e. prefixes, infixes, or suffixes. In Ophuijsen's “ Bataksche Texten, Mandailingsch Dialect ”, p. 16, 1. 14: “ The story of the old ox ” = S. of ox which old = hobaran ni lombu na tobaṅ, the words lombu and tobaṅ are unchanged WB's, but hobaran consists of the verbal WB hobar, “ to tell a story ” and the suffix -an, which is used to form substantives.
267. The addition of formatives may, or may not, involve phonetic changes. In the “ Pantun Mĕlayu ”, edited by Wilkinson and Winstedt, Pantun 4, 1. 1, we find: “ Whence flies the dove?” = W. d. f. = dari-mana punay mĕlayaṅ, and 5, 1. 1: “ How can one catch a porcupine ?” = How catch p. = bagay-mana mĕnaṅkap landaq. The WB's are layaṅ and taṅkap; in the derived form mĕlayaṅ we observe no phonetic change, but in mĕnaṅkap the t has turned into n.
268. The phonetic phenomena occurring in connexion with the extension of the WB by means of formatives are either the same as those which we also observe in the interior of the WB itself, or they are different. Old Javanese contracts the Original IN sequence a + i in a WB into e; but it similarly contracts if this sequence should happen to occur in a derivative word. Original IN lain, “ other ” > Old Jav. len, but likewise ma + iṅĕt > meṅĕt, “ to take care ”. — Toba assimilates the r of a prefix to an immediately following l, and accordingly pronounces par + lanja as pallanja, “ carrier of burdens ”. But in a WB, such as torluk, “ bay ”, the r persists unchanged. ​269. The phonetic phenomena which we observe in the various IN languages in connexion with the addition of suffixes, are chiefly and more particularly the following; and it is to be noted incidentally that the suffixes nearly all begin with a vowel:
I. Intermediary sounds appear; after i-sounds naturally y, after u-sounds w. Hence Bugis tunuwaṅ, “ to set on fire ” < tunu + aṅ from WB tunu, “ to burn ”. Or the intermediary sounds are h or q; thus in Southern Mandailing parkalahan, “ prophetic tables ” < par + WB kala + an; or in Madurese mateqe, “ to kill ” < pate, “ death ” + e.
Such intermediary sounds may interchange. After e in Makassar the intermediary sound is y, after o it is w; but in the “ Journal of the Princes of Gowa and Tello ” we always meet with Bontoya, “ the (country of) Bonto ” < Bonto + the article a, instead of the modern form Bontowa, e.g. on p. 8, 1. 15.
II. The final vowel of the WB becomes consonantal before the suffix: thus in Old Javanese i > y,u > w, as in katunwan, “ to be burnt ” < ka + WB tunu + an.
III. The vowel of the WB and that of the formative are in many languages contracted together. Old Javanese WB kĕla or kla + the gerundial termination -ĕn results in klān, as in Kawi Oorkonden, I, 3, 20: “ Shall be cooked in (the) cauldron of Yania ” = klān i kawah san Yama.
IV. The consonantal final of the WB is doubled in Madurese and a few other languages. From the WB ator Mad. forms the verb ṅatorraghi, “ to offer ” < ṅ + ator + aghi.
V. In Gayo a final nasal of the WB changes into cognate media + nasal, e.g. in kuödnön, “ more to the right ” < WB kuön, “ right ” + ön. Mentaway inserts the tenuis instead of the media, as in mämäräpman, “ to want to sleep ”, from WB märäm. Illustration: Ghost Stories, in Morris' texts, p. 82, 1. 8: “ I want to sleep there ” = Sleep + want + to there I = mämäräpman lä aku
VI. In Bontok a media becomes a tenuis. From WB kaeb is formed the verb kapen, “ to make ”, from faeg, “ to whip ”, fayeken. ​VII. In Madurese a tenuis becomes a media. The WB for “ to suck ” in Old Javanese and Mad. is sĕpsĕp, and “ to suckle a child ” in Mad. is ñĕpsĕbbhi.
VIII. In the combination nasal + cognate media between the two vowels of the WB the media is lost in Maañanese. From WB endäy, “ to take ”, there is a derivative form enäyan.
270. Quantity in contraction.
I. In most cases vowel-length results; thus in Makassar, e.g. in kasaláṅ, “ compensation (for a wrong done) ”, which has a long a in the final syllable < ka + sala, “ to err ” + aṅ.
II. In other languages length of vowel does not result; thus in Toba, as in parhután, “ locality of a settlement ”, with short a' in the final syllable < par + huta, “ settlement ” + an; see also § 71.
271. The phonetic phenomena to be observed upon the addition of prefixes to the WB are less multifarious than in connexion with the addition of suffixes. They are the following:
I. Elision. In Bugis from WB onro, “ to dwell ”, are formed both paonro and ponro, “ to cause to dwell ”.
II. Contraction. In Old Javanese, from ma + WB iṅĕt is formed meṅĕt, “ to take care ”.
III. Appearance of intermediary sounds. Thus in Daïri pĕhuwap < pĕ + uwap, “ steam ”.
IV. Change of the explosive, with which the WB begins, into the cognate nasal, as in Malay mĕnaṅkap, “ to catch ”, from WB taṅkap, see § 16.
272. Upon the addition of formatives vowel-harmony may also supervene (see § 247).
273. We noticed in § 168 that the Original IN final diphthongs, as in punay, “ dove ”, patay, “ to kill ”, become reduced to simple vowels in several languages, as for instance in Bugis, which says pune. — But in connexion with this ​appearance of simple vowels instead of diphthongs we meet in several languages with phenomena that cannot be simply-explained as contraction, weakening, and the like. For the consideration of these cases we will use the following table as a basis:
| Original IN: | gaway, “ to make ” | patay, “ to kill ” | punay, “ dove ”. |
| Tagalog: | gaway, “ to bewitch ” | patáy | punay. |
| Old Javanese: | gaway | pati | |
| Later Old Jav.: | gawe | | |
| Malay: | | mati | punay. |
| Dayak: | gawi | patäy | punäy. |
Here we are struck by two sets of facts. Why do Malay and Dayak in some of these cases have the diphthong, as in punay and punäy, respectively, while in others they have a simple vowel, as in mati and gawi? Why does Original IN ay appear in the Old Jav. pati as i, while in gawe we observe that it is regularly contracted into e?
The answer to these questions is given by certain phenomena of the Philippine languages. In these a word ending in a diphthong appears in different forms according to whether it stands alone or has a suffix or enclitic attached to it. Original IN balay is also in Ibanag baláy, “ house ”, but “ their house ” is balé-ra. In Tagalog the word for “ to give ” is bigáy, but its passive is bigyán. Now I assume that a similar change used to take place in Original IN, so that one and the same word was e.g. sometimes pronounced gaway and sometimes gawi; Old Javanese, Malay, Dayak, etc., then compromised the matter, so that in some cases the form with the diphthong and in others the form with the vowel came to be used exclusively, and hence e.g. Malay mati side by side with punay.
SECTION XI : ABBREVIATION OF WORDS.
274. Abbreviation of words occurs in very various kinds of cases; certain languages use it in words of every category, others in certain sorts of words, e.g. proper names. Most commonly a word is abbreviated at the beginning, less often at the end, and least frequently in its interior, as for example in the case of Napu au < Original IN anu, “such and such a one, that which”. Very rare indeed are such cases of irregular compression as the Karo ĕrbubai, “to announce a marriage formally” < ĕrdĕmu bayu. Abbreviation always occurs in isolated cases, here and there pretty commonly, but never in definite series determined by phonetic laws, apart from the haplological abbreviations in the doubhng of words (§ 234), which are, however, a special phenomenon. The full form may give rise to several short forms: thus of the above mentioned anu there are in Napu the two short forms au and u. All three forms figure side by side in the Napu text, “The Creation of the World” ; p. 393, 1. 6: “that which we see” = anu ta-ita; p. 394, 1. 11 : “that which is wild” = au maila; p. 394, 1. 11 : “that which lives” = u tuwo.
275. Abbreviation in WB’s, irrespective of the category to which they belong.
I. In Achinese, in consequence of the accentuation of the last syllable, the first syllable of many WB’s is dropped. In the Story of the Clever Blind Man, appended to Van Langen’s grammar, p. 109, 1. 12, we find in the second sentence two abbreviated WB’s next to one another: “To climb a coconut palm” = ik ur. Here ik - < Original IN naik and ur < niur$_2$.
II. In Cham we meet with similar abbreviations, e.g. in lan, “month” ", “aphseresis from Original IN bulan” (Cabaton). ​Cham has a very large number of loan-words from neighbouring languages having monosyllabic WB's, and these loan-words have had their influence on a part of the disyllabic WB's of IN stock.
276. Abbreviation in certain categories or functions of words.
I. In exclamations. In various languages a disyllabic WB will lose a -syllable when it is used as an exclamation, thus imitating the interjections, which are very often monosyllabic. — In Tontemboan they say deq, “oh, horror !”, from indeq, “horror”. Thus we find in “The Burning of Kinilow”, Schwarz-Texts, p. 156, 1. 2 from the bottom: “Horror, oh horror for me !” = deq e deq aku.
II. In vocatives. In many languages abbreviations are used in the vocative. Vocatives, like exclamations, imitate interjections, and besides that, many languages accentuate the last syllable of a word when used in the vocative. Such vocative abbreviations are found, in the first place, in words of relationship and friendship, as in the Madurese coṅ, “lad !” < kacoṅ, “the lad”. Thus in the Story of Kandhulok in Kiliaan's Texts, II, p. 153, 1. 9 from the bottom, we find: “Well, lad !” = kĕmma coṅ! Longer formations are reduced to disyllables or trisyllables, as in the Toba vocative maén from parumaen, “daughter-in-law” . — In the second place, they occur in personal names, as in the Modern Rĕmbang- Javanese vocative “Wir !” < Wiryadimejo. — In some languages such abbreviations are also used when the word is not employed vocatively, e.g. Tontemboan itow, “the little boy” < maṅalitow. — The Rottinese feo < feto, “sister”, is primarily a vocative but is also used in other ways.
III. In the imperative, which is very similar in its nature to the vocative, e.g. Toba botson, “give (it) here !” < boan tuson.
IV. In proper names, especially those of persons. In some languages, as for example in Dayak, personal names are formed from descriptive words by omitting the initial consonant. ​Such Dayak names are, e.g., Agap < tagap, “strong”, Adus < radus, “stout”, Ilak < kilak, “love”, Inaw < ginaw, “to shine” . These abbreviations imitate the words of relationship “father”, “mother” , and “child” , which in most of the IN languages begin with a vowel, the Original IN types being, of course, ama, ina, and anak.
V. In technical terms. Here we often meet with very drastic abbreviations, just as in similar cases in IE : of. English pops < popular concerts (Brugmann KvG, § 366, 5). Thus the Bugis ida-ida, which denotes a certain poison, is an abbreviation of “quickly- working poison” = p. q.-w. = racuṅ maqpacidacida.
VI. In compounds. Here, in the first place, the abbreviation may occur at the point of junction of the two words. The first member of the compound loses its final vowel, more rarely a consonant and in that case mostly the aspirate h. Examples: Ampana torarue, “water-spirit” < spirit + water = torara + ue; Minangkabau tigari, “a festival” < tiga, “three” + hari, “day” . Or else the first member of the compound, which usually has the weaker stress, may be abbreviated; as in Busang bĕtaóq, “right side” < beh, “side” + taóq, “right”.
Particular notice is due to certain Bugis abbreviations wherein the first member of the compound loses a final ṅ, as in po-lila, “back part of the tongue” < pon, “stem” + lila; similarly po-lima, “back part of the hand” . The abbreviation is explicable by the fact that a sequence like ṅ + l is not permissible in the interior of a WB ; but why should there be abbreviations like po-kanuku, “back part of the nail” seeing that the sequence ṅ + k occurs very often in WB's ? The reason is that these are analogical formations; po-kanuku has imitated po-lima.
VII. In groups of words that denote a single idea and therefore approximate to compounds. In the first place, such groups as have for their first element a title. In the story Ja Bayur, in Ophuijsen, “Bataksche Texten, Mandailingsch Dialect”, p. 74, 1. 4 from the bottom, we find: “His name ​became Ja Bayur” = N. h. the b. J. B. = gorar nia i manjadi Ja Bayur, where Ja is an abbreviation for raja, “prince”. — Other abbreviations falng under the present category are, e.g., Sawunese dupamu, “wife” < “person in (the) house” = dou pa ĕmu; Napu anaṅkoi, “little child” < ana, “child” + anu, “which” + koi, “little” . — We particularly often meet with such cases of compression in words of form, as in Dayak ranen, “and so on” < ara, “name” + enen, “whatever”.
VIII. In numerals. In Javanese, in counting (according to Poensen), or in counting rapidly (according to J. N. Smith), the disyllabic digits 1-10 are usually docked of the first syllable, e.g. people say tu for pitu, “seven” . Here the abbreviated forms imitate the forms which are really monosyllabic, like pat, “four”.
IX. In auxiliary verbs. In verbs which are usually followed by another, dependent, verb that contains the leading idea, abbreviation may occur in several languages, the medial sounds of the word being reduced. Thus, for example, in Karo, dapĕt, “to be able” , is abbreviated to dat. In Minangkabau the full form of the word which would correspond to the Malay, etc., pĕrgi, “to go”, no longer occurs, but only the short form pai or pi. But an analysis of the Manjau Ari shows that pai or pi mostly occurs only in the above-mentioned kind of context; thus p. 8, 1. 1: “We go to fetch (him)” = written: kita pi japut = spoken: kito pi japuyq.
X. In enclitics and proclitics: see § 302.
XI. In euphemisms: see § 18.
XII. loan-words: e.g. Modern Javanese deler < Dutch edele heer. Here the tendency towards disyllabism very often asserts itself.
XIII. In colloquial language: see § 20.
XIV. In poetry: see § 27.
277. Abbreviation, particularly in the case of compounds, may go so far that the significative nucleus is lost altogether. This is especially the case with compound negatives in several ​languages. The Tontemboan negative raqi is often strengthened by the particle ka, thus forming raqica (in accordance with the rule in § 103, II), which again by abbreviation becomes ca. As appears from an examination of all the texts, this ca is especially found in dialogues.
278. The full form and the short form may serve side by side in the language. In Cham " a certain " is holey, or, abbreviated, ley. Now, in the story Mu Gajaung, p. 22, 1. 29, we find: " On a certain day " = harey holey; but in 1. 11: harey ley.
279. In abbreviations, phonetic phenomena may occur which are not otherwise possible in the language in question. Rottinese has a word bindae, " a sort of vessel " ᐸ bina " shell " + dae, " earth "; but in the interior of Rot. WB's the sequence n + d does not occur.
280. A considerable proportion of the IN abbreviations of words have parallels in IE. In IE, as in IN, the species of abbreviation whereby sounds in the interior of words are eliminated, is the rarest: see Brugmann KvG, § 366, 5. — Elimination of the final vowel of the first part of a compound is found in Gothic, e.g. in hauhhairts, " proud ", as compared with armahairts, " merciful " : see Wilmann, " Deutsche Grammatik ", the section entitled " Der Vokal in der Kompositions- fuge". Abbreviations of titles are found, e.g. Middle High German ver ᐸ vrouve, Italian wa ᐸ donna. An instance of abbreviation in exclamations is the Swiss-German mänt ᐸ Sacrament. A case of the abbreviation of the negative going so far as to deprive it of its significative nucleus is the Swiss-German at, “nothing”. ​
SECTION XII: PHONETIC PHENOMENA IN LOAN-WORDS.
281. When a loan-word is taken up into an IN language, its sounds must accommodate themselves to the phonetic capacities of the language that accepts it. Exceptions are rare and are found mainly among educated persons; but here and there a foreign sound has persisted even in popular pronunciation. Madurese has no f, but loan-words containing that sound preserve it even in popular pronunciation “ pretty generally ” (Kiliaan).
282. The change of sounds takes place in certain cases because the recipient language absolutely does not possess the sound that occurs in the loan-word.
I. Loan-words from IN languages. The commonest case is that of the palatals, which are wanting in certain IN languages; they are replaced by a velar, a dental + i, or by the semi-vowel y. Table:
| Malay jambatan > Napu | gambata, “ bridge ”. |
| Malay janji > Sangirese | diandi, “ to promise ”. |
| Malay jaga > Tontemboan | yaga, “ watch, guard ”. |
II. Loan-words from non-IN languages. The commonest case is that of the various sibilants, as most of the IN languages possess only one, viz. s. Thus the Dutch sjaal, pronounced šāl, " shawl ", appears in Madurese as sal or cal.
283. The sound may occur in the loan-word in a position which it is not allowed to occupy in the recipient language. In Busang no word ends in s, Original IN r$_2$atus, “ hundred ”, becomes atu, and hence Bugis > Bugit and English > Iṅgĕlit. The s has only persisted in kĕrtas, “ paper ”. — A particularly common case is that an IN language having only vocalic finals adds a vowel to loan-words that end in a con​
sonant. In the Tsimihety Poem on the Telegraph, p. 116, we find telegrafi, Parisi, and Madagasikara.
284. The phonetic combination may be alien to the recipient language. Here it is mostly a case of combination of consonants. The linguistic methods then applied by the IN languages are the following:
I. Elimination. In Jonker's Rottinese Texts, p. 44, 1. 1, we find: “ Service letter ” = L. s. = susula dis; dis being from the Dutch dienst.
II. Metathesis, as in the Old Malagasy Serafelo, the name of a certain angel < Arabic Asrafil. This form is found in Ferrand's text Niontsy, p. 24, 1. 1 from the bottom: “ Where art thou, O Asrafil?” = aiza hanaw ra Serafelo?
III. Insertion of a sound, as in the Bugis porogolo < Dutch verguld, “ gilt ”.
285. The selection of the inserted vowel is determined:
I. By the nature of the neighbouring vowel, as in Makassar parasero < Portuguese parceiro, “ partner ”.
II. By the nature of the neighbouring consonant. Between the s and the χ of a Dutch initial sch Makassar inserts an i, as in sikau < schout, “ mayor ”.
286. Special consideration is due to the developments of the phonetic combinations of explosives + h, i.e. the aspirates of loan-words in languages which themselves have no aspirates.
I. The aspiration disappears altogether, as in Malay bumi < Sanskrit bhūmi, “ earth ”.
II. A vowel appears between the explosive and the aspiration: Makassar pahala, “ utility ” < Sanskrit phala. Madurese, in accordance with the principle in § 184, II, has paqalah. Daïri dĕhupa < Sanskrit dhūpa, “ incense ”.
III. Owing to some secondary process the aspiration disappears, but the inserted vowel persists; hence Toba daupa and budá < budaha < buddha.
287. The phonetic phenomena hitherto delineated are either sporadic or else form regular series. Of the latter kind ​is the Bugis rendering of the Dutch initial sch-; the dictionary contains half a dozen cases, and in all of them sch- is rendered by sik-, e.g., sikemboro < Dutch schenkhord, “ tray ”. The
288. Loan-words may either, submit to the laws of phonetic change governing the several IN languages or they may struggle against them. In Saqdanese w is omitted in loan-words as it is in native words. That appears from the text “ Tunaq Pano Bulaan ”, where (inter alia) on p. 225, 1. 6 from the bottom, we find saa, “ snake ” < Original IN sawa, and on p. 228, 1. 8, deata, “ God ” < Sanskrit dewatā. — In Minangkabau an Original IN final at becomes eq, but loan-words preserve the pronunciation at unchanged even in colloquial, hence Mkb. adat, “ customary law ”.
289. In connexion with the reception of loan-words the forces of analogy and popular etymology are particularly operative. The word for “ veil ” in Bugis is bowoṅ, or in its contracted form bōṅ, and in imitation of it the Dutch bom, “ bomb ”, appears not only as bōṅ but also as bowoṅ. In Hova it chances that no words begin with l + a + b, but several with l + a + m + b, hence the French la bride appears in Hova as lamburidi. In the Old Sundanese legend Purnawijaya, verse 154, the hound of hell is called Sirabala; that is a deformation of the Sanskrit śabala made under the influence of the article si, which in Sund. is used with names of animals.
290. In the reception of loan-words IE displays much the same sort of phenomena as IN. To mention only a single case, we observe in Italian as in Makassar the insertion of vowels into awkward consonantal combinations, hence Ital. lanzichenecco < German Lanzenknecht, “ spearman ”, like Mak. parasero < parceiro (§ 285).
SECTION XIII : PHONETIC PHENOMENA IN
THE SENTENCE.
​— The enclitic loses a vowel: Latin and Karo. Latin viden , “seest thou ?” ᐸ vides + ne . Karo, from the story Dunda Katekutan, p. 34, 1. 17: " (It is) done " = ĕňgom ᐸ ĕňgo + the emphatic particle mĕ.
IV. Resistance of inferjections to the phonetic laws affecting the sentence: Sanskrit and Toba. Sanskrit, in Wackernagel, “Altindische Grammatik” ", I, § 270. Toba: ba amáṅ(see I 304). ​
SECTION XIV : ACCENT.
In General.
307. Accent in the IN languages is either determinate or free. It is determinate, when its place in the word is determined by definite rules; it is free, when such rules are wanting.
308. The positition of the accent in the WB is either on the penultimate or the final syllable. Other modes of accentuation are rarer phenomena.
Accentuation of the Word-Base.
309. There are four systems of accentuation applicable to the IN word-base:
I. All WB's accentuate the penultimate. This is the penultimate type.
II. All WB's accentuate the final. This is the final type.
III. The WB's accentuate either the penultimate or the final, according to definite rules. This is the Toba type.
IV. The WB's accentuate either the penultimate or the final, but without definite rules. This is the Philippine type.
310. The penultimate type is the most widely distributed one. — Moreover in the Toba type also, and in many repre- sentatives of the Philippine type, accentuation of the penultimate syllable preponderates. This appears clearly from an examination of accentuated texts, e.g. the Mandailing texts in Van der Tuuk's Toba grammar, p. 31 (which exempHfy the Toba type) or the text Lumawig in Seidenadel-Texts, pp. 485 seqq. (Philippine type). Hence by far the greater number of the IN WB's have the accent on the penultimate ​311. The languages which accentuate the penultimate, however, admit exceptions to the general rule.
I. In several languages of the penultimate type the pěpět cannot take the accent. Therefore if the penultimate contains a pěpět, the accent falls on the final syllable, as in Gayo sělúk, “tortuous”. If both syllables have a pěpět, some of the languages accentuate the penultimate, others the final.
II. Some languages of the penultimate type have a small number of words of substance that are accentuated on the final ; thus Mentaway, e.g. , arát, “to go in”. These are mostly words for which no cognates are to be found in the other IN languages.
III. Several languages of the penultimate type possess a few words of form, especially demonstratives, that are accentuated on the final. Examples: Mentaway, otó , “so” , Bugis manrá, “yonder”, Hova iti, “this”. Mas accentuates most of its demonstratives on the final syllable.
In various languages of the penultimate type we find words of form that are accentuated either on the penultimate or the final, but with variations in meaning; e.g. Sangirese táṅu , “on that account”, táṅu , “thereupon”.
IV. In interjections too we not infrequently meet with accentuation of the final, as in Bugis aui , “indeed !” (implying surprise).
312. The final type comprises but few languages. It includes, for instance, Busang, which accordingly pronounces anál , for “child”.
313. The Toba type comprises Toba and cognate languages, such as Mandailing. Here too the accent mostly falls on the penultimate. But in certain definite cases, determined by rules which are given in the grammars, accentuation of the final occurs. One such rule is : Verbal WB's denoting a condition that has been caused (by some external agency), accentuate the final ; hence the accentuation of tanóm, “to be huried”, as against húndul, “to sit”. ​
Accentuation of Derivatives from the Word-Base.
Accentuation of Doubled Words and Compounds.
Accentuation of the " Complex ": i.e. Word of Substance + Word of Weak Stress.
Accentuation of Loan-words.
Quality of the Accent.
The Unaccentuated Syllables.
Original Indonesian Accentuation.
Comparison with the Accent of the Indo-European Word.
331. In this sphere also a large number of parallels between the two families of language may be found. For instance, Latin and Makassar have quite similar systems of accentuation:
I. Principal rule. The accent falls either on the penultimate or on the antepenultimate, as in Lat. cadáver, “ corpse ”, Mak. kandáwo, “ hollow ”, Lat. cádere, “ to fall ”, Mak. káttereq, “ to cut ”.
II. Subsidiary rule. In a minority of cases the accent is on the final syllable, viz. as a result of contraction, as in the Lat. perfect audit < audivit (Sommer, “ Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre ” , § 71, I, e), Mak. kodi with a long i, “ to make bad ” < WB kodi + the suffix i.
accent, Malay pronounces the phrase: ‘Is that a stone ?’ = That stone = ini batu, in a rising tone, but : ‘ That is a stone ’ = ini batu, in a falhng tone” " (Van Ophuijsen).
SECTION XV : LAGU.
342. When one studies certain descriptions of IN phonetic conditions, it appears not infrequently as if the IN languages were less consistent in their phonetic phenomena than the IE ones. But the trouble is not always in the language, it may be due to the writer:
I. Something may be given as a striking instance of a phonetic phenomenon, though in fact it is not a phonetic phenomenon at all. On the assumption that the phrase “come here !” is mari in Malay and some other languages, but mai in Bugis, it has been asserted that in Bugis the r has disappeared. This would be the only case of the loss of r in Bugis. However, mari < ma + ri is a verbal derivative from the locative preposition ri, while mai is a derivative from the locative preposition i, and does not mean "come here !" but "to go yonder". So the Bug. mai is not a case of phonetic change at all.
II. False etymologies are propounded. Thus in the Old Javanese dictionary (Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek), vol. IV, p. 226, the Old Jav. pula, "to plant", is connected with the Dayak pambulan, "garden". But Dayak pambulan < prefix p(a) + imbul, "to plant" + suffix on. In conformity with a strict law of Dayak phonetics (§ 247), the i of imbul has had to assimilate itself to the a of the suffix.
III. The phonetic phenomena are wrongly explained. Original IN tunu, "to burn", appears in Pampanga as tun. Now according to Conant, in his article entitled “Monosyllabic Roots in Pampanga”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 1911, p. 392, tun < tunu has lost the final u ​by apocope. That would, however, be the only case of apocope in a WB in Pampanga ; and accordingly every representative of IE scholarship will regard this explanation as unacceptable, because it leaves the case standing as an isolated phenomenon. — In reality, Original IN tunu was changed by meta- thesis (an extremely common phenomenon in IN, as we saw in § 236) into tuun, which was then contracted to tun.
IV. Too httle consideration is given to the meaning of words. Conant ibid., p. 392) adduces yet another instance of apocope: sut as compared with the Bisaya suta. But according to Bergaiio sut means “humillarse, rendirse yendo a la presencia de aquel a quien se humilla” ; while suta, according to Encarnacion, signifies: “descubrirse, hacerse patente, publico” . The meanings of sut and suta are therefore very divergent, so that it is impossible to connect these two words together.
V. But there is, above all, yet another thing which makes it appear as if the phonetic evolution of the IN languages were less subject to the rule of law than is the case with the IE ones. And that is a certain practice, widely spread in IN research, and not exactly wrong per se, but defective and apt to give rise to confusion. It is this: many lexicographers are in the habit of adding etymologies to their key- words; but in doing so they omit to indicate whether the words adduced for comparison from other languages are to be considered identical with the particular key-word in conformity with some phonetic law, or are merely in some way or other related to it. Example: in the “Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch Glossarium”, p. 313, we find: “Panas; Malay, Sundanese, Madurese idem, Bimanese pana, Malagasy fana, ‘ warmth’ ”. Here the words panas, pana, and fana coincide with one another, in perfect conformity with phonetic law. — But on p. 302 we find:. “Pakan; Sundanese hakan, Madurese kakan, Malay makan, ‘to eat’ ”. Here the words do not coincide according to phonetic law, for in no case does, e.g., an Old Jav. p correspond with a Sund. h; we have here several variant formations from the WB kan, which in its monosyllabic ​shape exists in many IN languages. In Old Jav. the WB kan has been combined with the formative syllable pa-, in Sund. with ha-. — The IN lexicography of the future must perform this part of its work more precisely than has been the case hitherto.
343. In reality the occurrence of phonetic phenomena in IN is certainly not attended by any greater irregularity than it is in IE. We observe in IN the strictest regularity in a very great nmnber of cases. Brugmann KvG, § 19, 7, remarks: “That certain phonetic changes take place in regular conformity with some law, is often enough an obvious fact, e.g. the change of Original IE -m at the end of a sentence into -n in Greek” . We can say precisely the same of the treatment of Original IN -m in Hova, for it appears there invariably as -na = n + the supporting vowel, e.g. in inuna < Original IN inum, “to drink” .
344. Though on the one hand we observe in many cases the strictest consistency in IN, yet on the other we also sometimes observe the contrary, but such instances are not more frequent than in IE nor do they dift'er in kind from IE cases.
345. There is a series of phonetic phenomena, in IN as in IE, in which science neither can, nor does, expect absolute invariability. Such are metathesis, assimilation, dissimilation, and the like. But even here IN not infrequently displays a thorough-going consistency (see § 241).
346. A strikingly large percentage of the IN vocabulary is of onomatopoeic origin ; and it has already been observed in § 17 that onomatopoeic formations may evade the operation of phonetic laws. For the actions of beating, tapping, and pounding, there are in the various IN languages the interjections tuk or duk or puk or bug. Now from these interjections are derived a large number of WB's, whose meaning preserves the fundamental idea of beating or the like, or has diverged from it by transference. Examples: Karo tuktuk, “to knock”; Gayo tumbuk, “to beat” ; Malay tumbuq, “to pound”; Old Javanese gebug, “to beat”; Karo batuk, “cough” ; Malagasy ​dialects tútuka, “beak”; Old Javanese tutuk, “mouth”; in several languages tuktuk, “woodpecker” ; Karo pukpuk, “to labour hard” ; Tontemboan sinduk, “pounded rice” ; Javanese pupugan, “fragment”.
Here, for example, there is no question of any phonetic connexion between duk in Tontb. sinduk and buq in Mal. tumbuq, for a Tontb. d never corresponds with a Mal. b.
347. In IN and IE the operation of phonetic laws is very often countered by the powerful influence of analogy and popular etymology. The power of popular etymology is very aptly and generally noticeable in names of animals, especially trisyllabic ones, as exemplified by the “Schweizerisches Idiotikon” " on the one hand and the Old Javanese vocabulary on the other: see e.g. in the former s.v. Ameise, “ant” , and in the latter s.v. alifan, “centipede” .
348. In IE research difficulties arise in connexion with certain phenomena that have been termed root-variation, root-determination, and the like: see Brugmann KvG, § 367. I refer to such cases as the existence alongside of one another of forms like the IE trep: trem: tres, in the Latin trepidus, “timid” , tremere, “to tremble”, and the Sanskrit trasati < treseti, “to tremble” . We find precisely similar phenomena in IN also: thus in Tontemboan there are the forms rěp, rěm, and rěs, in urĕp, “to cover”, rĕrĕp, “to overlap” ; urěm, “to clasp round”, tirěm, “to enclose”; kĕrĕs, “to clasp round”, kurĕs, “to cross one's arms” . And in IN such phenomena are even less easy to tackle than they are in IE. As a rule we are not even in a position to form any certain idea that they really involve phonetic questions.
349. But there still remain in IN as in IE some phonetic phenomena, of which one can only say either: “Here law- less chance holds sway”, or: “Research has failed to dis- cover the principle of the occurrence” . To such alternatives I feel that I have to resign myself after considering the representation of Original IN t in Bimanese and Original IN k in Nias.
​I. Original IN t in Bimanese:
| Original IN | Bimanese |
| tanda | tanda, "mark". |
| tanah | dana, "earth". |
| r$_2$atus | ratu, "hundred". |
| batu | wadu, "stone". |
II. Original IN k in Nias:
| Original IN | Nias |
| karaṅ | kara, "coral". |
| kandan | kandra, "stable". |
| kima | gima, "shell". |
| kasaw | gaso, "rafters". |
| kěn | χo$_2$ |
| kait | χai, "hook"' |
| kayu | eu, "wood". |
| kulit | uli, "skin". |
351. When we observe the phonetic processes of the IN languages we often get the impression that the movement is still going on and tending towards some end, which it has not yet attained. Such a presumable end, for example, is that "in Bugis initial tenues are endeavouring to disappear".
I. Initial k has to a great extent disappeared already, as in uliq, "skin" < Original IN kulit.
II. Initial p has disappeared in two words, viz. uso, heart" < Original IN pusu and uro, quail" < Original IN puruh
III. Of the disappearance of initial c and t there are no certain instances.
* ↑ [See " Prodromus ", § 28.]
* ↑ [See " Tagalen und Madagassen ", §§ 12, 56.]
* ↑ [See also Essay I, § 11, I, footnotes.]
* ↑ [See Essay II, § 26.]
* ↑ [See Essay II, §§ 37-40.]
* ↑ [Pronounced as in German, or nearly so.]
* ↑ [As in French.]
* ↑ [As in Sanskrit, and some other Indian languages.]
* ↑ [See § 65 ; y is the voiced sound corresponding to the unvoiced χ.]
* ↑ [The author gives the following illustration of what is meant by "the dividing line of syllabic stress" (Druckgrenze): "In the Italian word anno, "year", the an- is spoken decrescendo, and the -no crescendo. After the n of an- the voice is feeblest, weakest, and this is the 'Druckgrenze'."]
* ↑ [" Umlaut " is a particular case of partial assimilation: see § 251.]
* ↑ [See also Essay Til, § 30.]
* ↑ [In the original, " Brechung ".]
* ↑ [See Essay II, § 79.]
MONOGRAPHS ON INDONESIAN LINGUISTIC.
1. Die Beziehungen des Malagasy zum Malaiischen.* 2. Die Geschichte von König Indjilai. Eine bugische Erzählung ins Deutsche iibersetzt.† 3. Tagalen und Madagassen.‡
4. Ein Prodromus zu einem vergleichenden Wörterbuch der malaiopoly nesischen Sprachen.
5. Mata-Hari.
6. Wurzel und Wort in den indonesischen Sprachen.§
7. Sprachvergleichendes Charakterbild eines indonesischen Idiomes.
8. Gemeinindonesisch und Urindonesisch.§
9. Das Verbum.§
10. Der Artikel des Indonesischen verglichen mit dem des Indog..r manischen.
11. Indonesisch und Indogermanisch im Satzbau.
12. Die Lauterscheinungen in den indonesischen Sprachen. §
MONOGRAPHS ON INDONESIAN LITERATURE.
1. Der Natursinn in den älteren Litteraturwerken der Malaien.
2. Die Geschichte von Hang Tuwah. Translated from Malay.
3. Die Geschichte von König Indjilai. Translated from Bugis. (Already mentioned above on account of its detailed linguistic commentary).
4. Die Grindung von Wadjo. Translated from Bugis.
5. Die Geschichte von Djajalankara. Translated from Makassar.
MINOR WORKS.
1. (a) Das Lehnwort in der bugischen Sprache. (b) Die Lehnwörter, welche der Luzerner Mundart und der bugischen Sprache gemeinsam angehören. In Drei Abhandlungen über das Lehnwort.
2. Anlaut und Auslaut im Indogermanin und Malaio polynesischen. In Album Kern. 3. Die Sprache der Liebe in der makassarischen Lyrik. In Mélanges de Saussure.
4. Die Stellug der minahassischen Idiome zu den übrigen Sprachen von Celebes einerseits und zu den Sprachen der Philippinen anderseits. In F. Sarasin, Versuch einer Anthropologie der Insel Celebes.
† Translated into Dutch under the title: " Geschiedenis van Koning Indjilai ", by M. C. Poensen, in the Indische Gids, 1900.
‡ Translated into Spanish under the title: "Tagalog y Malgache ", by P. L. Stangl, the first part in the Revista Historica de Filipinas, año 1, the second in the Biblioteca Nacional Filipina, año I, Manila.
§ Translated in the present volume.
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