# History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 18

Table of Contents
CHAPTER XVIII
LERDO, IGLESIAS, AND DIAZ.
1874-1876.
Political Troubles in the States — Affairs in Yucatan — Religious Uprising in Michoacan — Condition of the Country — Progress of Protestantism — The Stamp Act — Prerogatives of the Supreme Court Attacked — Decline of Lerdo's Popularity — Political Persecutions — Reelection Schemes — Diaz Leaves Mexico — Insurrection in Oajaea A Revolutionary Blaze — Plans of Tuxtepec and Palo Blanco — Diaz in the North — His Return to Oajaea — Fraudulent Elections — Lerdo Proclaimed Reëlected — Iglesias Protests — He Assumes the Executive Power — Diaz Defeats Alatorre at Tecoac — Flight of Lerdo — Constitutionalist versus Revolutionist — Diaz Enters the Capital — Proclaims Himself Executive — Iglesias Leaves the Country — Diaz at the Head
Peace was now almost established in Mexico, and during the next two years no military opposition of im portance was offered to Lerdo's administration. There were disturbances, it is true, in different parts of the republic, but they were local; and though the federal troops were employed in restoring tranquillity, the demonstrations were not generally directed against the government. In August 1873 difficulties had arisen between the diputacion permanente of Coahuila and the governor, Cepeda. The latter was accused of malversation in office, of usurping the prerogatives of the judiciary and legislative powers, and attacking the personal rights of citizens. Cepeda's friends in the legislature, being in the minority, absented themselves from the sessions, thereby preventing a legal quorum in the assembly. Nevertheless, the ​remaining seven diputados permanentes passed a decree, September 10th, deposing Cepeda, and appointing Ismael Salás as governor ad interim, and then removed to Monclova. Cepeda retaliated by denouncing them as rebels, and on the 19th hostilities broke out. Both parties appealed to the general government for aid, which was refused; but by the interposition of federal troops, and the appointment of a military provisional governor in the person of General Fuero, by the central executive, the state was pacified.
In Yucatan a serious local rebellion broke out. This state had long been distracted by internal strife. The pacific arrangements entered into with the Indian chief Tzuc in 1853 were of short duration. There was an uprising again in the following year, and two expeditions directed against Chan Santa Cruz resulted in serious reverses to the Yucatec troops. Emboldened by this failure to punish them, the Indians assumed the offensive. Tecax and other pueblos were assaulted, and more than 2,000 persons of both sexes and all ages were put to death. Valladolid was next attacked, and though the assailants were repulsed, it was at the cost of a great number of lives. In 1860 a force of 3,000 men under Colonel Acéreto was sent against Chan Santa Cruz, which, after much hard fighting and discouraging difficulties, was occupied. Acéreto then endeavored to advance farther into the enemy's country, but met with such tenacious resistance that he returned to Chan Santa Cruz; and seeing that his men were demoralized, and their spirit broken by the losses sustained in this warfare in thick forests against ambuscades and an invisible foe, he gave up the expedition and returned, with the loss of ​1,500 men killed, 2,500 muskets, and all his artillery, ammunition, and baggage trains. The resources of Yucatan were now exhausted; and efforts were confined to self-defence, which were only partially successful. Many a thriving town was burned, and large tracts were desolated.
In 1864 José Salazar Ilarregui was appointed by Maximilian comisario of Yucatan, and attempted to pacify the Indians by kind words and pacific overtures. He sent an agent to them, who, after having brought back a few peaceable Indians, returned and entered the hostile territory, where he was soon put to death. Hostilities were now prosecuted with renewed vigor, and dreadful atrocities were committed. Ilarregui, finding his peace policy useless, despatched the imperialist general Galvez against the Indians, with 1,000 government troops and 400 Yucatecs. Galvez advanced as far as Xonot, six leagues from Tihosuco, and occupied it. But he was soon besieged and compelled to retreat, having lost 400 men and three pieces of artillery and his ammunition. Tihosuco then fell int. the enemy's hands; the military line of defense was withdrawn fifteen leagues; and to this day the Indians are unsubdued.
But this war of races was not the only scourge from ​which the unhappy Yucatec peninsula suffered. Political quarrels and intestine strife were endless. The rivalry between Campeche and Mérida was fierce and implacable, and for years a series of struggles had been carried on, each more sanguinary and deplorable than the last. It became obvious that the only means of terminating them was by separation. On February 5, 1858, Campeche, recognizing the constitution of 1857, and following the example of Vera Cruz, asserted its sovereignty; all the towns in the district having declared in favor of its separation from Yucatan, it proclaimed its elevation into a state, May 18, 1858.
From this time more harmony prevailed between Campeche and Mérida, but political troubles did not cease; and during the decade 1861 to 1870 various local insurrections occurred. In 1873 one of a serious nature took place in Yucatan. The May elections had been conducted with much violence, the candidates for the vice-governorship being Francisco Canton and Miguel Castellanos Sanchez. Encounters in the streets of Mérida were frequent, attended with bloodshed, and on the day of the election the disorder was so great that the provisional governor, General Alatorre, with the federal troops, interfered. Sanchez having been elected, a general revolution broke out, which was aggravated by inroads of the ever-hostile Indians. Alatorre resigned in disgust. The state executive was powerless to restore order; and in view of the prevailing anarchy Colonel Cueto, in command of the union forces, proclaimed martial law, June 19th, to the indignation of the state government and ​of the legislature of Hidalgo, which protested, considering the sovereign rights of Yucatan attacked. In August General Palomino was sent to take command of the federal troops, and several engagements occurred. But it was no easy matter to restore order. There was so much knavery and intrigue in the December elections that when the legislature met it was found impossible to declare who was governor or vice-governor, and new elections were held, Castellanos Sanchez being chosen governor. But this did not put an end to the political confusion. Further difficulties followed. Two electoral districts declared that the members representing them in the legislature were not the legitimate ones, and others were substituted in their places. The ejected deputies, in conjunction with other discontented members, and supported by a strong armed force, constituted themselves into a legislature and appointed Arcadio Escobedo governor. Thus in 1874 two governors and two legislatures were struggling for supremacy. In October 1874 Sanchez resigned and left the state; but it was not until November 1875 that the rebellion was suppressed and tranquillity restored in distracted Yucatan.
Of a different nature was the uprising which took place in Michoacan in 1874. Instigated by the priesthood, which was furious in its denunciations against the reformı laws, the Indian population in many portions of the state rose in rebellion, and a revolution of a religious rather than a political character followed. The insurgents, divided into numerous bands, headed by guerrilla chiefs, carried on a desultory warfare, which extended over the whole state. The condition of Michoacan became deplorable. Banditti infested the different districts, and all kinds of atrocities were committed by them and by religious fanatics. During 1875 numerous encounters took place, without ​the government making much headway. The trouble, however, did not extend beyond the state, and in December General Escobedo was sent to take command of the federal forces. The work of pacification was slow, requiring as it did the suppression of a multitude of scattered bands; but he succeeded in time in reducing Michoacan to comparative tranquillity.
In the beginning of 1874 an attempt at rebellion was again made in Tepic; but though this district was for some time more or less subject to spasmodic uprisings, these efforts were insignificant in effect, and in November 1875 the return to obedience of a number of refractory chiefs held out prospects of permanent peace. About the middle of this year a military revolution occurred in the territory of Lower California, which resulted in the capture and deposal of the legal governor, General Dávalos, and the provisional appointment of Emiliano Ibarra as military and political chief pending the decision of the central government. Dávalos capitulated with the insurgents by resigning, and the affair ended without any serious consequences.
Although this period compared with previous years may be considered one of peace, hardly a month passed without bloodshed in some part of the union. Scarcely a single state escaped trouble, generally arising from intrigues of the federal government, and frauds or unfair pressure at elections. Banditti, also, and lawless guerrilla bands, infested the country, while the ​northern states and frontier suffered from Indian raids; and much indignation was aroused in those parts by the withdrawal in 1874 of the subsidies made by the federal government to those states to assist them in their defence against these inroads.
One of the effects of the reform laws was the influx into Mexico of protestant missionaries of various denominations. It could not be expected that the introducers of the new doctrines preached would meet with the tolerance which the constitution prescribed, and they encountered no little persecution. In January 1874 protestants were assaulted in Toluca; and on May 2d John Stephens, an American protestant minister, was killed at Ahualulco, Jalisco, by a crowd of fanatics, who raised the cry of Viva el cura! In June of the following year a protestant church in Guerrero was attacked during service, and some lives were lost. Nevertheless the foreign sects made considerable progress; and I find that in November 1875 there were no fewer than 125 protestant congregations in the republic, with eleven churches and ninety-nine meeting halls where service was held. Among others, he Mormons made an attempt at proselytism. In 1875 select portions of the book of Mormon were published at Salt Lake City in a duodecimo pamphlet of 96 pages, for circulation in Spanish-speaking countries. Copies of this work were distributed in Mexico. In 1876 their missionaries were in Chihuahua.
The tranquillity in which the government was left ​in 1874 and 1875 afforded an opportunity to devote its attention to the duties of administration, and various constitutional changes were effected. Besides the passage of the reform laws already mentioned, a bill for the establishment of the chamber of senators was brought before the house, and passed November 6, 1874, to take effect September 16, 1875. On December 1, 1874, a stamp-act was passed, substituting the use of stamps for the 'papel sellado,' the rates of which, while they increased the revenue, were burdensome to the people. This act was amended, with some relief to the public, in March 1876.
In 1874, also, diplomatic relations were renewed with European powers, and ambassadors were sent to Paris and to the courts at Madrid and Berlin. Friendly relations with Great Britain were still interrupted, previous differences being further aggravated by the belief that the inroads of Indians into Yucatan, if not instigated by the authorities at Belize, were to a great extent owing to the unfriendly attitude of the British colony. During the commencement of this year a treaty was entered into with Italy for the extradition of criminals.
Owing to the religious uprising in Michoacan and the disturbed state of Querétaro, Guanajuato, and Jalisco, the president, in April 1875, asked congress to invest him with extraordinary powers in matters ​of war and finance. After some deliberation a decree was passed, May 26th, to that effect.
On the 18th of May, a decree was passed declaring that the electoral colleges only could decide upon the legitimacy of popular elections. This was a direct blow at the supreme court. The design was obvious. Lerdo feared that that tribunal, with its existing powers, would counteract his electoral intrigues, and restricted its faculties by this measure, which his majority in congress enabled him to push through. José María Iglesias, the president of the court, immediately resigned, considering that the constitutional prerogatives of the supreme court were assailed. Lerdo, however, was unwilling that Iglesias should retire under such circumstances, and declined to accept his resignation. He had several interviews with him, and Iglesias finally withdrew his resignation; but entered a strong protest against the new law, and declared that he would not submit to it.
At the time of Lerdo's elevation to the presidency, it would not have been a difficult matter for him to break down the barrier of differences between the rival parties, who were then in a mood to coalesce on broad principles. Had he effected this, he would have surrounded himself with a large circle of stanch supporters, to which only the feeblest opposition could have been offered. But his popularity, as we have ​seen, was rapidly declining; and by his neglect to adopt a judicious and impartial course with respect to administrative appointments, by his persistent enmity to the Porfiristas, and his disregard of the old Lerdistas, he only aggravated the rivalry existing between the latter faction and the Juaristas in their struggle for political interests, and rendered more bitterly hostile the Porfiristas. If Lerdo had exercised that political acumen with which at first he was credited, he could not have failed to foresee the coming storm. But he was strangely wanting in certain qualities. His confidence in his great talents seems to have dulled his power of perception and ability to recognize the magnitude of the troubles he was brewing for himself and his country. One of Lerdo's most conspicuous opponents was General Vicente Riva Palacio, who as editor of the Ahuizote persistently assailed him in that periodical. In February 1875 the president thought best to banish him from the capital, and appointed San Juan del Rio as his place of residence; whereupon Riva Palacio sent in his commission, and requested leave to retire altogether from the army. His resignation was accepted; and on April 2d he laid before congress an accusation against the president, charging him with violation of the constitution in divers of its articles. Though the accusation was dismissed May 19th by a large majority, it ought to have been a warning to Lerdo of the change in public opinion; but to public opinion he seemed indifferent. He took no notice of the repeated denunciations of his line of conduct by the press, or its ominous predictions. The interference of the central executive in the settlement of the political troubles in Coahuila, Yucatan, and elsewhere, was regarded as an encroachment upon the sovereignty ​and independence of the states; the prerogatives of the judicial courts were curtailed; the influence brought to bear on the elections nullified the popular wish; and the acquisition of the extraordinary powers, of which I have just made mention, was so distasteful that General Mirafuentes — a contributor to the Ahuizote — was bold enough to assert that the government had promoted the revolution for the purpose of obtaining them. As the year advanced political persecutions followed. In September General Manuel Gonzalez was placed under espionage of the secret police; on the 9th and 10th of the same month generals Chacon and Mirafuentes were arrested and imprisoned, and on the 16th of October were sent out of the country. An initiative step was taken to reform the 78th article of the constitution on the 24th of October. It was proposed to congress that in future the president might be once reëlected, but after this second term a period of at least four years must elapse before he could again become eligible. The bill passed to a second reading, and a day was fixed for its discussion. This, however, did not take place, and the question remained for the time undecided. But the motion was significant, and pregnant with civil war. The advocates of non-reëlection were more than ever numerous, and they did not intend to submit passively to the operation of such a law, even if it were pushed through congress.
Lerdo's action, indeed, from first to last was directed to a gradual absorption of the states' rights, and a systematic usurpation of power. During the latter part of 1875 he stood on a political volcano, which was ready at any moment for eruption. The Lerdista and Juarista parties were each intriguing in congress in the local governments, and around the president, to gain the upper hand before the next elections. The ​Porfiristas, kept underfoot by these two factions, which united against the common enemy, were secretly preparing for revolution. Porfirio Diaz, though restored to his military rank had kept aloof from politics, and had been apparently inactive. But all the time he had been laying his plans; and having made his preparations for revolt in Oajaca, he left Mexico at the beginning of December 1875, and proceeded to the United States, selecting Brownsville, Texas, opposite to Matamoros, as his place of residence. Manuel Gonzalez also left on the same steamer with him.
Lerdo might still have avoided the disgrace of defeat and an ignominious flight had he renounced his reëlection schemes. But he gave no sign of doing so; and the smouldering fire broke out. On the 15th of January, 1876, General Fidencio Hernandez, in Oajaca, pronounced against the government, and issued the plan of Tuxtepec at the town of that name. He then marched against the capital of the state at the head of 2,000 badly armed Indians. On the 27th he encountered and defeated an inferior force of federal troops and national guards at San Felipe del Agua, about half a league from the city, and taking advantage of the panic which followed, entered Oajaca the same day without opposition. The troops stationed there surrendered without striking a blow, and were incorporated into his ranks, many of the officers also joining him. No less than 2,000 Enfield and 500 Remington rifles, with 500,000 rounds of ammunition, fell into his possession. Having destroyed all telegraphic communication, he proclaimed himself governor of Oajaca, and published the plan of Tuxtepec, ​denouncing Lerdo and his government, and proclaiming Porfirio Diaz general-in-chief of the revolutionary army.
Thus initiated, the revolution burst into blaze all over the republic. In the beginning of February, generals Donato Guerra and Galvan adopted the plan in Jalisco; Mendez, Bonilla, and Carrillo raised the standard of revolt in Puebla; at Jalapa Colonel Garcia made captive the governor of Vera Cruz; Treviño and Naranjo in Nuevo Leon, Canto in Yucatan, Rocha in San Luis Potosí, and Couttolenne in Guerrero, took up arms. The storm which had been raised was furious and far-reaching. The nation was thoroughly aroused, and by the end of March there was not a state that did not show disaffection. The government exerted itself to the utmost to suppress the rebellion. In Oajaca, Jalisco, Vera Cruz, and many other states, martial law was proclaimed, and numerous engagements took place, with varied success, though at first the advantage was on the side of the federal arms. Escobedo succeeded in subduing for a time the insurrection in Michoacan, and the insurgents sustained defeats in several other states. In Oajaca General Alatorre attacked the rebels at the Cerro del Jazmin, but was repulsed, and retired to Yanhuitlan, about a league distant, where another sanguinary engagement took place, in which the federal troops were victorious.
On the 28th of May, the same general defeated the revolutionary leaders, Hernandez, Teran, and Couttolenne at Epatlan, the second being made captive and sent to the city of Mexico, where he was submitted to trial, and confined in prison till the downfall of Lerdo. ​On the 22d of March, General Diaz crossed the Rio Grande with General Gonzalez and forty followers. This number was quickly increased to four hundred, and approaching Matamoros on the 31st, he published at Palo Blanco, a few leagues to the south of that city, the plan of Tuxtepec in a reformed shape.
The preamble of the plan, almost a verbatim copy of that proclaimed at Tuxtepec, set forth that the Mexican republic was being ruled by a government that had created a political system subversive of the laws and institutions of the nation; that the right of suffrage had been reduced to a farce, as the elections were entirely controlled by the president and his adherents; that the sovereignty of the states had been repeatedly infringed by the deposal of governors and the appointment of creatures of Lerdo as rulers, especially in the cases of Coahuila, Oajaca, Yucatan, Nuevo Leon, and Jalisco, to weaken which last state, Lerdo had segregated and made a military canton of Tepic; that he had squandered the public funds in personal amusements; that the courts of justice had been made subservient to him; that municipal author. ity was destroyed, as the members of ayuntamientos were simply dependents of the government; that the stamp act was an extortion; that the commercial and agricultural interests of the nation were sacrificed by the concessions granted to the English railway company and the scandalous convenio de las tarifas; that by the monopoly of that line, the establishment of other railroads was prevented; that Lerdo had agreed to recognize the debt to English bond-holders for the consideration of $2,000,000, and that he contemplated making an arrangement with the United States for the assumption of that debt by the latter, which was equivalent to selling the country to the neighboring republic; and that, owing to his acquirement of extraordinary faculties and the suspension of the guaranties of personal rights, a remedy of these abuses could only be sought by an appeal to arms. The ​programme of the original plan had not given satisfaction to many of the prominent leaders of the revolution, who regarded it with suspicion. It was too narrow in its conception. While proclaiming the supremacy of the constitution, the free suffrage of the people, and non-reelection, it left these organic principles exposed to military oppression. It denounced the administration of Lerdo as an exhibition of usurpation and assumption of dictatorial powers, ruinous alike to the libertv and interests of the nation. But while seeking to overthrow one despotic government by a national exertion, it paved the way for the establishment of another of similar character. Had it not been for the unpopularity of Lerdo, the revolution, under such a programme, would have perished in its infancy. But the main and determined intention of the discontented was to get rid of Lerdo, and they did not wait to examine too closely and demur against the plan under which they commenced action. It could be rectified when the leading object was attained.
By the plan of Tuxtepec, Lerdo was no longer recognized as the executive power, nor any of his ministers or officials in their positions. Only such governors of states as accepted the plan would be recognized, and substitutes would be appointed by the general-inchief of the revolutionary forces. The governors thus established were to appoint a provisional executive; and as Diaz was declared the general-in-chief by the tenth article, and could appoint the substitute governors, it was obvious that he would become the president ad interim, with the means at his command of supporting his intentions by military force if he chose. Diaz soon perceived the objections to which this plan was exposed, and the dislike with which it was regarded. The leaders in the northern provinces suggested that Iglesias, the president of the supreme court — and by virtue of that position the vice-president of the republic — should be called upon to assume the executive power, and in the reformed plan this ​was done. But the reformed plan, or plan of Palo Blanco, as it was called, was but the original one in another form. Iglesias was required to recognize it in toto, otherwise the general-in-chief would be invested with the executive power. As Iglesias, the president of the supreme court, the legitimate successor of a deposed executive, was a strong constitutionalist, he would not entertain the revolutionary proposals, and rejected the plan.
Favored by the defection of the troops and garrison at Matamoros, Diaz entered that city April 2d, after a slight engagement with the cavalry which sallied out against him. The surrendered forces, amounting to 400 infantry and over 300 cavalry, were set at liberty. Escobedo, however, was already on the march to the frontier with 6,000 men in different columns, and on his approach Diaz, though he had been joined by Treviño and Naranjo, and his forces were daily increasing, was obliged to evacuate Matamoros, and directed his course with the cavalry toward Monterey, while Gonzalez with the infantry marched southward through the Huasteca. It was the intention of Diaz ​to penetrate into the interior, but recognizing that the northern regions with their sparse population would afford little support to the cause, he decided to return to Oajaca, by way of Vera Cruz, and crossing Texas and Louisiana he took passage in June from New Orleans for that port, on board the steamer City of Habana, disguised as a Cuban doctor. His voyage was an adventurous one. No suspicion of his personality was entertained until the vessel touched at Tampico, where the same troops which he had released at Matamoros were taken on board. His detection soon followed, and the officers took steps to secure him on arrival at Vera Cruz. Though the vessel lay more than four miles from land, Diaz, in the evening of the 21st, made a desperate attempt to swim ashore. He was discovered and a boat sent after him. He was picked up at nightfall in an exhausted condition. On being brought back to the vessel he was befriended by the purser, who managed to secrete him till their arrival at Vera Cruz, where, disguised in the dress of a Mexican sailor, he succeeded in getting ashore on a launch loaded with cargo from the steamer. From Vera Cruz he hastened to Oajaca, at which city he arrived in the beginning of July, after several narrow escapes from falling into the hands of federal troops. Meanwhile Gonzalez, after a toilsome march, advanced into Hidalgo and Tlascala.
As the time approached for the election of the president, it became evident that Lerdo would accept the candidateship for reëlection, and in that case the popular suffrage would be sacrificed to electoral intrigues; and indeed, the machinations of his party were so notorious that a large number of electors, influenced by the opposition press, refrained from voting. In June and July the elections took place, and ​on the 31st of August, Lerdo, with the undoubted design of forcing his reëlection through congress, changed his cabinet. Manuel Romero Rubio was appointed minister of relations; General Escobedo took the place of Mejía as minister of war; Juan José Baz became minister of government; the portfolio of the fomento department was given to Antonino Tagle; that of the treasury to Francisco Mejía; and that of justice to José Diaz Covarrubias. This change had the desired result. An electoral commission was appointed, composed of a majority in Lerdo's favor; and on the 26th of October congress, by virtue of a dictámen, pronounced him reëlected.
Meantime, Inglesias, in anticipation of the fraudulent elections being maintained, had secretly left the capital and entered into communications with various prominent men, advancing the view that at the termination of Lerdo's term, November 30th, he was the legitimate provisional executive pending the holding of legal elections. Proceeding to Salamanca in Guanajuato, he found the governor, Antillon, and the legislature of that state, ready to support him. Generals Rocha and Berriozábal also declared themselves in favor of his design to assume the presidency. When Lerdo's reëlection was published, Iglesias proceeded to act. He immediately addressed from Salamanca a manifesto to the nation, formally protesting against the illegality of the reëlection, declaring it his intention to oppose it, and calling upon the nation to support him. This step precipitated matters. It was in fact a new ​revolutionary movement. A programme of government was drawn up, and ministers were appointed. The plan of Salamanca, as it was called, was submitted to the legislature of Guanajuato by Antillon, and approved. Lerdo's position as president of the republic was no longer recognized, and the president of the supreme court assumed the executive office, supported by a strong force which was daily increasing. Proceeding to Guanajuato, October 31st, with two of his newly appointed ministers, Guillermo Prieto and Berriozábal, Iglesias made a triumphal entry into that city, being received with all the honors due to the president of the republic. The enthusiasm was great, and extended throughout the state.
Lerdo's position was now a serious one. He had not only to contend with this new combination, but with the original revolutionists, who were being organized by Diaz in Oajaca, and by Gonzalez, who had already advanced into Tlascala. On November 4th, the latter was joined at Tlaxco by General Tolentino, who abandoned the Lerdista cause with his command. Diaz was now advancing from Oajaca, having left that city at the end of October with 4,000 men and fourteen rifled cannon of medium size. Alatorre was at that time at Teotitlan, about fifteen leagues inside the boundary line of that state. As Diaz approached, he gradually fell back toward Tehuacan and Puebla, and might successfully have decided the question in ​that neighborhood, as Diaz' army, owing to his laborious march, was greatly reduced in numbers. But the latter evaded him, and hastened to Huamantla in order to unite his forces with those of Gonzalez, Mendez, Carrillo, and other leaders who had taken up positions in the adjacent sierras. Alatorre gave chase, and Diaz took up a position at Tecoac, to the north of Huamantla. On the evening of November 15th, the opposing armies bivouacked almost within cannon-range of each other; and on the following morning, Alatorre, believing the forces in front of him were the same which he had seen on the previous evening, attacked with great confidence. But the revolutionary leaders stationed in the sierras, with the exception of Gonzalez, had joined Diaz during the night, and greatly increased his strength. The battle was sanguinary, and was maintained for several hours. Diaz was on the point of defeat when the opportune arrival of Gonzalez, who unexpectedly fell on Alatorre's right flank, decided the day. The rout of the Lerdistas, or reëlectionists, as they were called, was crushing. Many died on the field, and 3,000 prisoners were taken; while all their artillery, baggage, and war material fell into the hands of the victors.
When the news of this disaster reached the capital, panic seized the government. The members were not sufficiently of accord to devise any scheme in the emergency, various plans being discussed only to be rejected. Finally, it was decided to leave the capital; and on the night of the 20th, Lerdo, accompanied by Escobedo, Baz, Francisco Mejía, and Romero Rubio, ​members of his cabinet, a number of deputies, and other partisans betook himself to flight, escorted by a strong cavalry force, and taking with him a large supply of the public funds. The last act of his government was to surrender the city to the Porfiristas, General Loaeza being left in charge of the garrison, and Protasio Tagle of the civil government. On the following day Teran was released from prison and sent to inform Porfirio Diaz of the state of affairs. Lerdo pursued his way without molestation toward Acapulco, where, after a toilsome journey through the south of Michoacan and across Guerrero, he arrived about the middle of December. Thence he embarked January 25th for the United States, and took up his residence in New York.
Thus terminated the political career of the successor of Juarez. Since the date of the independence no man had obtained the chief magistracy of the Mexican republic with more wide-spread popularity, or was driven from it by more general discontent. Called to the head of the government by a people which hailed him with joy as its future liberator from encroachments upon its sovereign rights, but which, still angry at the assumption of dictatorial powers by Juarez, could easily be roused to indignation, he pursued the most aggravating course that he could have adopted. Instead of healing wounds, he irritated them; instead of holding out the hand of friendship, he threw down the gauntlet. With an ambitious rival in the field, ever on the watch to turn mistakes to account, he committed unpardonable errors; none more so than his system of exciting by intrigue local revolutions for the purpose of throwing out obnoxious ​governors of states by federal interference. Hereby he made for himself innumerable enemies. His foreign policy, too, caused great dissatisfaction. While he encouraged European enterprises, he was strongly opposed to promoting American ones. Though this partiality may have proceeded from a fear that by the introduction of United States interests on a large scale into Mexico difficulties might arise, the policy was too narrow even for the Mexican people.
During the month of October Iglesias, before he had proclaimed himself provisional president, opened negotiations with Diaz for the purpose of ascertaining whether the latter would support him in his projected design, as being the most constitutional way of proceeding. Diaz consented to do so, provided Iglesias would recognize the plan of Palo Blanco, and agree to other conditions, one of which was that he should select his ministers from among the partisans of the revolution. This, with any degree of consistency, Iglesias could not do. Nevertheless, negotiations were continued into November, after the assumption on the part of Diaz of the provisional presidency, by Joaquin M. Alcalde, who on the 6th of that month entered into an agreement at Acatlan with Diaz, the terms of which Alcalde considered so reasonable that he pledged his own and Iglesias' word of honor that they would be accepted. But this agreement contained points similar to the previous conditions, and were equally objectionable to Iglesias, whose firmness was regarded by the opposite side as an intention to exclude the revolutionists under the plan of Tuxtepec from having any influence in the ​government. After a few telegraphic exchanges, on November 27th the conferences terminated.
After the victory at Tecoac Diaz was for a moment embarrassed as to his immediate movements, owing to his want of ammunition for the Remington rifles with which the prisoners that had been taken, and now incorporated into his force, were armed. Alatorre had fled to Puebla; and at a council of war held by Diaz it was discussed whether that city, Mexico, or Orizaba should be first attacked. But Diaz soon decided to make the capital his objective point. He encountered no difficulty in his progress. Almost at the commencement of his march he was met by a commission from the governor and legislature of Tlascala, announcing their espousal of his cause, and placed at his disposal 400 men and 40,000 Remington cartridges. Before his arrival at Apizaco he was met by another commission from Altamirano, in command at Puebla, which had been abandoned by Alatorre, informing him that this general placed himself under his orders. Whereupon Diaz turned his course toward that city; and as General Alonso with his column happened to be temporarily stationed there, Diaz secured his person and won over his troops. Thus Puebla, garrisoned by 3,000 men and supplied with immense war stores, was occupied without opposition. Then followed the submission of Ibarra, in command of Orizaba, and of Márcos Carrillo of Vera Cruz, the former with 2,000 men, and the latter with 3,000 stationed in different towns. These submissions were received on the same day that Diaz entered Puebla; and having left a small garrison there under Couttolenne, whom he appointed military governor of the state, he proceeded without delay to the capital, at the head of a well-organized and thoroughly equipped army of 12,000 men. On his march thither he was met by Teran, who informed him of the flight of Lerdo, and the position of affairs in the city. On the 23d ​he made his entrance into the capital, and five days afterward, negotiations with Iglesias having terminated, Porfirio Diaz assumed the executive power He proceeded at once to reorganize the different government departments, and formed his cabinet as follows: minister of relations, Ignacio Vallarta; of the treasury, Justo Benitez; of fomento, Vicente Riva Palacio; of government, Protasio Tagle; of war, Pedro Ogazon; and of justice, Ignacio Ramirez. Thus at this juncture there were no less than three persons claiming the presidency of the Mexican republic. Lerdo, though practically out of the fight, was still protesting. Iglesias claimed to be the legitimate president ad interim according to the existing constitution. But this was not Diaz' view under the circumstances. So during the first week in December 10,000 of his best troops with 50 cannon were put in motion for Guanajuato. Placing Mendez in charge of the executive, Diaz left the capital on the 8th.
Iglesias was at this time at Celaya. After his entrance into Guanajuato and the establishment of his government there, he was recognized in a large portion of the country. Querétaro, San Luis Potosí, Zacatecas, and Aguascalientes all declared in his favor, the troops of Lerdo in those states for the most part proclaiming him under their respective commanders. Ceballos, general of the 4th division, which occupied Jalisco, placed the whole of his command at the disposal of Iglesias, whose progress during the month of ​November was rapid, full of promise, and bloodless, At the beginning of December his forces probably amounted to 20,000 veteran troops, well armed and equipped. As soon as the negotiations which had been carried on with Diaz were closed, he made every effort to concentrate them at Celaya, whither he proceeded with several members of his government to organize a plan of campaign. But notwithstanding all this, it soon became evident that he would not be able to cope with Diaz. The extraordinary success of the latter was not without its effect upon the followers of Iglesias, and during December the defection of his troops and supporters was alarming. But a still more fatal effect was the want of resources. Iglesias had a minister of the treasury; but the treasury was empty, and there were no means of filling it. Apart from all consideration of pay, he could not provide for the common wants of an army in the field.
Meanwhile Diaz advanced with his well-appointed army to Querétaro, which he entered December 20th, having met with no opposition on his march. In the hope of adjusting matters, Iglesias had expressed the desire to have an interview with him, and on the 21st they held a conference at the hacienda de la Capilla, about a league from Querétaro. But they could come to no arrangement. Iglesias, urging his constitutional right, claimed that for the good of the country he ought to be recognized as the provisional president, at the same time consenting to accept a cabinet organized by Diaz. But the latter was in no mood to make concessions. He replied by reminding Iglesias that in their telegraphic communications he had positively refused to accept the reformed plan of Tuxtepec, and had closed the negotiations. Diaz added that ​thereupon he had himself shouldered the responsibility of government, and should continue to act in that position. After some further argument the conference ended, and Iglesias returned to Celaya. He thence proceeded to Silao, where he held a council of war with his ministers and generals of division, at which the impossibility of opposing Diaz was admitted. But Iglesias would never resign his just right, and he departed for Guadalajara, where he arrived on the 30th. Here another council was held, with similar result. The states which a few weeks before had declared in his favor now recognized Diaz in quick succession. Only two alternatives were left — exile or submission. But the stanch constitutionalist preferred self-banishment to the recognition of a revolutionist; and having issued another manifesto to the nation January 2, 1877, he left Guadalajara on the 5th for Manzanillo, at which port he arrived on the 13th. On the 17th he embarked on the steamer Granada, and landed at San Francisco, California, on the 25th of the same month.
Porfirio Diaz, after the conference at La Capilla, experienced no difficulty. The different divisions of Iglesias' army successively recognized him. Marching rapidly through the states which had proclaimed for Iglesias, he reorganized their governments without opposition, and after a bloodless campaign of two months, Diaz returned to the capital, which he entered February 11th, reassuming the provisional presidency on the 15th. Meantime Mendez had issued the convocatoria for the congressional and presidential elections. ​
* ↑ The diputacion permanente consisted of eleven members, four of whom were attached to Cepeda. The law required that two thirds of the members should be present, to constitute a quorum, and as seven do not amount to two-thirds of eleven, that number was not considered sufficient.
* ↑ See Hist. Mex., v. 539, this series.
* ↑ 'Chan, quiere decir chica or pequeña,' that is little. Soc. Mex. Geog., 2ᵃ Ep. i. 73.
* ↑ The wounded had to be abandoned, and were all put to death. Mendiolea, in Id., 79.
* ↑ The devastations of the Yucatan Indians were unsurpassed even by those of the Apaches in the northern part of the republic. In the three districts of Valladolid, Espita and Tizimin the population in 1846 was 97,468; in 1862 it had been reduced to 35,469. In the former year there were 49 thriving towns, 19 of which had been totally destroyed by 1802. Out of 693 flourishing haciendas and ranchos, 335 were devastated and abandoned during the same period.
* ↑ He was 'macheteado,' which consisted in slowly nicking or crimping the victim's limbs and body ever with cuts given with h machete, care being taken not to deal a fatal, wound, or cause too great a loss of blood. The cuts were so skilfully arranged with regard to circulation that no more blood flowed from a dozen wounds than from one, each successive cut always stopping the supply to the preceding wound inflicted.
* ↑ 'De nuevo quemaron á los hombres y clavaron en estacas á las mugeres, cortándoles el seno.' Id., 80.
* ↑ All through this devastating warfare the Indians were well supplied with fire-arms and ammunition from Belize. The British government made no attempt to stop such traffic, and the colonial government openly connived at it.
* ↑ A convention had been entered into with the government at Mérida, May 31, by which the territorial division was defined. The state of Campeche was to include the districts of El Cármen, Seibaplaya, Campeche, Hecelchacan, and Hopelchen. Copies of documents in Barbachano, Mem. Campeche, April, 120-42. In art. 2 of the state constitution, which was formed and published in 1861, the districts into which the territory was divided were given as El Cármen, Champoton, Campeche, Hecelchacan, and Bolonchenticul, together with the coast line comprising the salt lands known as El Real, La Herradura, and Las Desconocidas. Campeche, Constitut, Polit., pp. 14, 11.
* ↑ For further details regarding affairs in Coahuila and Yucatan, consult Riva Palacio, Hist. Admin. Lerdo, 257-8, 288-90, 297-300, 350-1, 391-404, 412-13, 422 3; El Federalista, 1873, 1874, 1875, passim; El Monitor Rep., El Diario Oficial, and La Voz de Méj., for the same years.
* ↑ Besides the Diario Oficial for these two years, consult La Voz de Méj., passim. This was the catholic organ, and consequently represents the action of the government as unfavorably as the law allowed. The original subtitle of this latter paper was: Diario político, religioso, científico, y literario de la Sociedad Católica. I notice that after the 18th of Feb. the words 'de la Sociedad Católica' are suppressed, and in the following number — Feb. 19th — the public is informed that the paper had never been subsidized by the archbishop of Mexico.
* ↑ Telegraph despatch from commander Tolentino to the war office in Diario Oficial, Nov. 16, 1875.
* ↑ The law of 1872 for the trial and punishment of highwaymen and kidnappers was extended to May 1874; and in May 1875 a decree was passed depriving them of all citizens' rights in the civil courts, and declaring them outlaws. Id., May 6, 1875.
* ↑ Consult Discursos pronunciados ante el Congreso de la Union en las Sesiones del 16, 18, y 19 de Mayo de 1874, Mexico, 1874, 8, pp. 113; which is a collection of speeches delivered before congress members for Chihuahua, Sonora, and Durango, protesting against the measure.
* ↑ Full particulars in Mex., Mem. Ofic. Mayor Gob., 1874, 39-41, and Doc., 7-8; Méx., Mem. Relac., 1875, 30 4; El Federalista, May 8, 1874.
* ↑ There were also 28 free protestant schools, and 22 of a higher class. The protestants possessed two printing-presses and published six periodicals. Their church property was worth $139,000 and their annual expenses amounted to $100,000. Diario Oficial, Nov. 15, 1875.
* ↑ See Mormon, Trozos Selectos, in Pap. Var., vol. 219, No. 7; also Hist. Utah, this series.
* ↑ Diario Debates, 7° Cong., iii. 505-14. The legislatures of the states had been called upon in Oct. to declare their opinions relative to this reform. The result was that the legislatures of 18 states were in favor of it; namely, Aguascalientes, Campeche, Chiapas, Colima, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Guerrero, Guanajuato, Mexico, Michoacan, Morelos, Nuevo Leon, Querétaro, Tabasco, Tamaulipas, Tlascala, Vera Cruz, and Zacatecas. The remaining states did not vote; at the same time they did not oppose the reform. In congress the bill passed with 118 ayes against 13 noes Riva Palacio, ut sup., 424.
* ↑ All kinds of documents had to bear corresponding stamps. The account-books of all business men, the diplomas of professors, engineers, dentists, lawyers, and physicians, were all taxed by this law. Even agriculturists' and master workmen's certificates were required to bear a stamp of the value of $5. A lawyer's or doctor's stamp cost $20. The respective tariffs of 1874 and 1876 will be found in Méx., Ley del Timbre, 1874, and Méx., Ley del Timbre reformada en 28 de Marzo de 1876.
* ↑ This decree, which declared those of December 2, 1871, and May 14, 1872, to be in force, authorized the executive to proclaim martial law in the disaffected districts; to apprehend suspected persons; to search private dwellings; to raise forces and incur all necessary expenses. Diario Debates, 7ᵒ Cong., iv. 418-25, 551-86; Méx., Inic. Ejec., in Doc. Hist. Mex., nᵒ 9. These powers were to last till one month after the reassembling of congress, that is, till Oct. 17th.
* ↑ When the presidency became vacant in 1872 by the elevation of Lerdo to the chief magistracy, the most popular candidates for the position were Iglesias and Riva Palacio. The former was elected and proclaimed by congressional decree of May 15, 1873. Diario Debates, 6ᵒ Cong., iv. 432-4, 444-63; El Federalista, Nov. 28, 1872, May 17, 1873; Estado de Sin., May 15, 1873; El Monitor Rep., May 17, 20, 1873.
* ↑ 'Atacaba á mi juicio, de una manera incuestionable, las facultades constitucionales de la corte.' Iglesias, Recuerdos Polit., MS., 1.
* ↑ 'Convine en sustituir á la renuncia una enérgica protesta oficial contra la ley de 18 de Mayo de 1875, á la que declaré que no me someteria.' Id., 2.
* ↑ Copy of official correspondence, in La Voz de Méj., March 7, 1875.
* ↑ By 128 votes against 10. Diario Debates, 7ᵒ Cong., iv. 403-17. Lerdo was accused of violating articles 7, 13, 14, 20, 21, 29, 50, and 128 of the constitution. The accusation was read in secret session, and passed to the grand jury to report upon. La Voz de Méj., April 4, 1875.
* ↑ 'Para llegar á la situacion presente, necesitaba el gobierno el pretesto de la revolucion, y por eso ha puesto en juego todos los medios posil les para producirla. La revolucion es obra del gobierno.' Mirafuentes' article copied from the Ahuizote, in Id., May 29, 1875.
* ↑ The proposal was laid before congress Oct. 8, 1874, and passed to the military committee for decision thereon. Diario Debates, 7° Cong., iii. 232.
* ↑ An English vessel named the Corsica. La Voz de Méj., Dec. 5, 1876; Diario Oficial, Jan. 3, 1876.
* ↑ Esperon, governor of the state, was absent at this time in the district of Miahuatlan. La Voz de Méj., Fel. 6, 1876. The plan of Tuxtepec was afterward reformed by Porfirio Diaz. Its principal items will be mentioned later.
* ↑ At Jazmin the insurgent cavalry charged the enemy's artillery three times with great bravery. At the last charge one of the guns was captured, and the federals were compelled to retire, but only 80 combatants remained of the 600 cavalrymen who charged the guns. In this day's combats 900 insurgents and 600 of the government troops were left dead on the field. The number of wounded is not known. Diario Oficial, Feb. 29 and March 17, 1976; La Voz de Méj., Feb. 29 and April 11, 1876.
* ↑ Mier y Teran, Apunt. Biog., 54–65.
* ↑ The following is a synopsis of the reformed plan: Art. 1st. The constitution of 1857, the reform act of Sept. 25, 1873, and the law of Dec. 14, 1874, are the supreme laws of the republic. 2d. Non-reelection of the president of the republic and governors of the states shall be a supreme law until it be legally made a constitutional reform. 3d. Lerdo de Tejada, and all functionaries appointed by him, are no longer recognized, nor the elections of July 1875. 4th. Governors of states who accept this plan will be recognized. Where this is not the case, the general-in-chief will appoint a provisional governor. 5th. The elections for the supreme powers of the union will be held two months after the occupation of the capital, and conducted in conformity with the electoral laws of Feb. 12, 1857, and Dec. 23, 1872. 6th. The executive power, with only administrative faculties, will reside in the president of the supreme court, provided that he accept this plan in all its parts, and publish his recognition of it within one month after the publication of the plan in the journals of the capital. In case of his refusal, the general-in-chief will be invested with the executive power. 7th. On the assembling of the eighth constitutional congress, the object of their first labors will be the constitutional reform which guarantees the independence of municipalities, and the law conferring a political organization on the federal district and Lower California. 8th. Generals, chiefs, and officers who support this plan will be retained in their positions. Diario Debates, 8° Cong., i. 3-5. Consult also Velasco, Planes de Tuxtepec y Palo Blanco, 8-11; La Voz de Méj., Apr. 8, 1876.
* ↑ See his letter, published in Diario Oficial, Apr. 8, 1976, and Tagle, Circular Exped., 4.
* ↑ Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 363-79; La Voz de Méj., July 2, 1876.
* ↑ According to art. 14 of the organic electoral law, in order to become president the successful candidate was required to obtain a majority of the total number of electoral votes. The electors in the republic at this date numbered 18,075, apportioned to the 227 electoral districts of the republic. Consequently, the total number of votes required by the law for the election of the president was half the above number; and one more for each district, that is, 9,205. In the ensuing elections, only 7,899 electors voted; and it was consequently claimed that no legal election had been held. In the states of Coahuila, Chiapas, Chihuahua, Morelos, Oajaca, Tabasco, and Zacatecas no elections were held on this occasion, and in certain districts of many other states there were no quorums. Gallardo, Cuad. Estuil., 1876; Id., 1877, p. 3.
* ↑ Consult Iglesias, Recuerdos Polít., MS., 3-23; Diario Debates, 8 Constit. Legis., ii. 234, iii. 315-331, 433; Diario Ofic., Sept. 15, 1876. Extraordinary powers were also again granted the president Oct. 14th. Id., Oct. 15, 1876; Diario Debates, 8 Constit. Legis., iii. 91-3, 140-55, 170-337, 280.
* ↑ Full copy of the protest is found in Diario Ofic., Oct. 31, 1876.
* ↑ In the Diario Ofic., April 8, 1876, Iglesias published a letter with reference to the 6th article of the plan of Palo Blanco. See note 32, this chapter. In it he uses these words: 'No acepto, ni he de aceptar, plan alguno revolucionario; y que seguirá siendo mi regla invariable de conducta, la extricta observancia de la constitucion.'
* ↑ Three of the portfolios were offered to Joaquin Ruiz, Francisco Gomez del Palacio, and Francisco de Landero y Cos. Pending their acceptation, a provisional government was organized, composed of two ministers — Guillermo Prieto of government, and Felipe Berriozábal of war — and three oficiales mayores, namely, Emilio Velasco, Manuel Sanchez Mármol, and Eduardo Garay, who respectively represented the departments of the treasury, justice, and internal improvements. Iglesias, Recuerdos Polit., MS., 25-6.
* ↑ Though it is asserted in the Diario Ofic., Nov. 6, 1876, that the officers and soldiers under Tolentino were betrayed by him to Gonzalez, and imprisoned for refusing to serve with the revolutionists, the defection seems to have been general.
* ↑ Diaz states that he had only 1,360 men when Alatorre pursued him. Datos Biog., MS., 385.
* ↑ Alatorre's surprise was complete. He believed that the approaching troops of Gonzalez were a reënforcement coming to his assistance, having previously ordered up 3,000 more men. Voz de Méj., Nov. 24, 1876.
* ↑ It is stated that of Alatorre's army, 1,900 were killed and 800 wounded. Among the prisoners, numbering 1,564, was Gen. Topete. The revolutionists lost 857 killed and 656 wounded, among the latter being Gonzalez. These figures are doubtless greatly exaggerated. Diaz states that 3,000 prisoners were taken, but says nothing about the number of killed and wounded. Datos Biog., MS., 388.
* ↑ 'É iba bien provisto de fondos, sacados en la misma noche de la Tesoreria general.' Iglesias, Recuerdos Polít., MS., 36. Before leaving he took $5,000 from the montepio fund. Voz de Méj., Nov. 22, 1976. His escort amounted to 1,000 cavalrymen, with a train of 25 wagons, besides about 50 mules loaded with money amounting, it was calculated, to over $200,000. The wagons were also supposed to contain treasure. Id., Nov. 25, 1876.
* ↑ Iglesias, Recuerdos Polít., MS., 36; Mier y Teran, Apunt. Biog., 64-3; Diario Ofic., 7 Dic., 1876.
* ↑ Alcalde seems to have acted too confidently in the matter, as he was not commissioned by Iglesias, who says: 'Expontáneamente se dirigió al campo del Sr Diaz, animado de patriótico deseo de unir los esfuerzos de los enemigos comunes del golpe de Estado.' Manifiesto, Dec. 1, 1876. See also Tagle, Circular Expedida, 1, Nov. 29, 1876. These two pamphlets contain all particulars and correspondence relative to these negotiations. Copy of the latter will be found in Voz de Méj., Lec. 6, 1876.
* ↑ By decree of Nov. 28th, as given in Diario Ofic., Dec. 4, 1876.
* ↑ These ministers made the necessary protestation on the 29th. Voz de Méj., Nov. 30, 1876; Méx., Anal. Minist. Foment., Feb. 1, 1877, 5-6; Diario Debates, Constit. Legisl., ii. 525. Diaz also effected a loan of $500,000 from wealthy proprietors, payable during the following year from the proceeds of the custom-houses. Voz de Méj., Nov. 28, 1876.
* ↑ Lerdo on his departure from the capital addressed a communication to the foreign representatives, informing them that, though circumstances necessitated his leaving the capital, his government was the legitimate one, and would continue to act. Id., Nov. 25, 1876. During his flight also he still maintained that he had not resigned.
* ↑ By decree of Dec. 6th. Diario Ofic., Dec. 7, 1876. Mendez had been appointed by Diaz his second in command, Nov. 19th, while at Puebla. Id., Dec. 6, 1876.
* ↑ Here he received replies from Ruiz and Landero, to whom he had offered portfolios. They declined, and others were appointed. His cabinet was now composed of minister of relations, Francisco Gomez Palacio; of fomento, Joaquin Alcalde; of justice, Alfonso Lancaster Jones; Guillermo Prieto of government; of the treasury, Emilio Velasco; and Gen. Berriozábal, of war. Iglesias, Recuerdos Polit., MS., 23-6, 53; Altamirano, in Alm. Hist., 70.
* ↑ Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 399–402; Iglesias, Recuerdos Polit., MS., 55.
* ↑ Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 402; La Voz de Méj., Feb. 13, 1877; Diario Ofic., Feb. 16, 1877.
* ↑ On Dec. 23d. By it all who during the last four years had been guilty of falsifying electoral votes, or had aided Lerdo in his illegal proceedings, were declared excluded from candidateship. Diario Ofic., Dec. 25, 1876. Copy of convocatoria in La Voz de Méj., Dec. 26, 1876, and Diario Debates, 8° Cong., i. 5-7. Vicente River Palacio — Historia de la Administracion de D. Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada. Mexico, 1875, 8°, pp. 496, with portraits. This book contains a history of Lerdo de Tejada's administration, with a description of his policy and of the men by whom he was surrounded The laws he enacted and the railroad contracts he made with foreign companies are also discussed. The work was planned by Riva Palacio, who intended to divide it into books, each having a special title; but after having written 80 pages of it, circumstances of a private nature compelled him to desist. His publisher was, however, compromised, and at his request Palacio consented that another should carry it on to its conclusion, provided that his political creed and sentiments were not interfered with. The work was accordingly concluded by an anonymous writer, and Ireneo Paz, the editor, assures the reader that the ideas contained in it are strictly those of Riva Palacio, to whom the manuscript was submitted, and to which he offered not a single objection. For this reason his name appears on the title-page as that of the author. The original plan of the work was not carried out. With regard to the language employed, it is generally measured, but occasionally the writer, who was evidently no friend of Lerdo, indulges in virulent expressions and hard words. Judging from the temper of the work, the author appears prejudiced against Lerdo; but at the same time he draws a correct picture of the president's administration, and the causes which led to his downfall. The fact that such an exposé was published while Lerdo was still in power is a proof of the immense unpopularity he had acquired. José Maria Iglesias — Recuerdos Políticos. Mexico, 1884, MS., 80, pp. 83. This is an original manuscript, setting forth the causes that prompted the author, in 1876, to assume the duties of president ad interim of Mexico, and describing his efforts to consolidate a constitutional government, which was rendere impossible by the acts of Porfirio Diaz. Iglesias, having left the country, recognizes the collapse of the constitutional party and the uselessness of any further effort to restore it. Whereupon, he shortly afterward returned to Mexico with his companions in exile. Ildefonso Estrala y Zenea-Manual de Gobernadores y Jefes Políticos. Mexico, 1878, 4°, pp. 314. Portraits. A work containing information for the guidance of governors of states in the discharge of their duties. It is divided into three parts, in the first of which the personal qualifications which a governor ought to possess are treated of, the questions of the education and moral qualities requisite for such a position being discussed. In the 2d part the principal duties in different branches of government are pointed out and explained. Part iii. contains extracts from the federal constitution of 1857, and from the constitutions of most of the states. The portraits in this manual are those of Porfirio Diaz and his ministers, of the governors of states, the jefe político of Lower California, and the comandante militar of Tepic. Estrada y Zenea was a member of the Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, and several other scientific and literary societies.