# History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 20

Table of Contents
CHAPTER XX.
GOVERNMENT, FINANCES, AND MILITARY
1800-1887.
Party Spirit — Struggles for Supremacy — Army Influence and Revolutions — Centralism, Imperialism, and Federalism — Constitutions and Reforms — Congress and the Executive — Powers of the President — Cabinet — Administrative Duties and Reforms — Territorial Divisions — State Government — Municipalities — Suffrage — Laws — Judiciary — Police — Foreign Relations — Naturalization — Colonization — Finances — Army and Navy
National independence was achieved by the revolution of Hidalgo, but it was not the ideal freedom pictured by the patriot leaders. Still present were of the chains riveted by centuries of oppression. One war over, another began, the fight being between the old order of things and the new; between champions of popular rights and sticklers for class privileges and tradition. But they played the game with dangerous weapons. Most of them were blind with ignorance, and inefficient from lack of experience, acting sometimes perhaps too rashly in discarding their leading-strings. Some, dazzled by military display, overlooked the dictates of duty and the blessings of peace, and betook themselves to war for personal aggrandizement. The division of a united country into semi-independent states loosened the bond which had hitherto united them, and fostered anarchy; so that the liberty of which they boasted was too often a debasing license.
Hence for a long time the tendency of political affairs was to foster a bitter party spirit, and still hold to caste distinctions, tribal differences, and the ​sectional nature of the warfare begun in 1810. The aristocratic element, the wealthy and office-holding classes in church and state, accustomed to control, sought to regain the power seized by the people. Old influences and old feelings were not wholly dead; there was still strength in the Spanish constitution of 1812, due to a liberal clique among the officers of the army, and which found representation in Mexico among the escoseses, so named from a masonic lodge with Scotch rites. True, their aim had gradually turned toward independence. Foreseeing the inevitable, the threatened clergy rose in behalf of their privileges, and skilfully manœuvred into existence, with Bourbon aid, an empire under Iturbide, to forestall the radicals. But republicanism had already acquired strength, and the escoseses availed themselves of it to overthrow the empire, seeking as an aristocratic body to establish a dominant central government. The provincials, however, had scented the sweets of state independence under a federation, and regardless of anything save party interests, the imperialists joined them in large force to overwhelm the escoseses. Here again the aristocratic element acquired the upper hand, notably in the control of offices, to the disappointment of the hungry radicals, who thereupon combined under the term of yorkinos, from another masonic lodge, to strive for a share of spoils. The mere prospect was enough to revive the crushed party, and unite the rich and influential classes to retain the exclusive possession.
These two formed the great factions, as we have elsewhere seen, which for decades kept the country in tumult, with or without principles, though never lacking war-cries, with subdivisions and branches, and with an occasional partial coalescence. Both appealed to the people with empty promises and doubtful ​concessions, the former under the name of conservatives. Although known at different times also as partido del órden, novenarios, gentes decentes, hombres de bien, aristocratas, retrogrados, monarchistas, and centralistas, yet the radicals, being of the people, displayed a growing sympathy for them, and sought to uphold more and more their assumed title of progressists. This effort becoming recognized, the masses were induced to support their champions and decide the issue, in favor of a federal and liberal system, as against a central and aristocratic one. Meanwhile the army, as possessing the readiest means for revolution, was the alternate instrument and arbiter in the struggle; sustaining anarchy or military despotism, as strikingly evidenced by the fact that during the time between 1821 and 1857 the country had more than half a dozen forms of government, under imperial and republican regencies, empire and federal, central and dictatorial rules, of varying shades, and over 50 different administrations, for which fully 250 revolutions were undertaken.
Revolution became so common that it was often treated more as a joke than as something to be hanged for, and captured conspirators were elegantly entertained and afterward pardoned. A man did not know, ​being himself in power to-day, when his time to be shot would come. Although it was often apparently a lucky turn to a day's doings that sent one to the palace instead of to the gallows; and not infrequently there was a bloody settlement of accounts after a battle, yet it has evidently been the policy of the government not to drive the defeated to desperation, but by every means possible to restore confidence and maintain peace.
The government, installed by a momentarily victorious faction, found it often necessary to purchase its continuance by leniency and bribery of opponents, and it was generally powerless to undertake the reforms with which the people had been deluded, or too short-lived to carry out those that might be attempted. This weakness encouraged revolutions also by individuals for gain of office promotion and notoriety, or to cover defalcations; and so corporals sprang quickly by a series of bloodless outbreaks, or intimidations, to be generals and governors.
As in the early days of the United States republic, the first federal officials of Mexico were exceedingly simple in their habits and surroundings, trained as they had been midst hardships of field and camp, and mountain fastnesses. They were easy of approach, and prompt in the execution of their duties. During part of the French revolution, the newly made powers were likewise gracious. Says a visitor to Mexico in 1828: "I was introduced to the president, went through his dining-room, where was a table-cloth on the end of a coarse table with three plain covers on it, passed from that to his bed-chamber, which was very plainly furnished with a mattress laid on a bedstead without any curtains, and thence passed to his audience-chamber, as frugally furnished as the others." Such were the simple surroundings of the man who occupied the palace where the Aztec emperors once held sway; and after them the viceroys from Spain, in imitation of their royal master, clothed ​themselves with imperial luxury and pomp. Gradually, however, this primitive simplicity on the part of officials wore away, and business became burdened with more forms and technicalities.
Of the two leading forms of government in republican times, centralist and federalist, the former embodied a central administration at Mexico for the whole country, in one strong hand, supported by the clergy and property holders, in managing the revenue and promoting advancement, the states being accordingly reduced to mere departments under governors appointed by and subject to the authority at the capital, congressmen being limited in number and power, and franchise being further contracted by property restrictions and official and military supervision. It was argued in favor of this system that the masses were unfit for equal rights, or a share in the government; that the division into states was a special source of danger to a nation so heterogeneous in composition, and that the church must be upheld as a bond of safety between the races. All this might have been reasonable but for the selfish aim to maintain the people in ignorance and subjection.
The empire under Maximilian was the final effort of the conservatives, since centralism had failed. The idea was regarded as acceptable, especially to the Indians, and with a permanent head there would be greater prospects of maintaining peace, controlling factions, and unfolding prosperity, partly by means of a reorganized army, by obviating the excitement and danger of elections, and the strife for leadership and spoils. A native ruler being apt to rouse jealousy, a foreign prince was called, with the prestige of royalty and talents.
The federalists adopted for a model the adjoining northern United States, which stood commended by success, and copied the main features of their organic law in the constitution of 1824, though failing to ​observe its spirit, as they had so many other wise ordinances. This fundamental law has practically survived till our day, in that of 1857, with its amendments and additions, some of which are on the face at least a step in advance on the other. It proclaimed the rights of man by granting free speech, a free press, and liberty of education; permitted no passports or restriction of personal freedom; forbade the infliction of the lash or other indignities, or confiscation of property; recognized no hereditary honors, nobility, or prerogatives; and abolished all special tribunals save for military discipline. No corporation could hold real estate beyond what was required for direct use, and no monopolies might exist except in patents. The legislative power was restricted to one house with increased representation, election being by secret ballot, with intervention of an electoral college. The executive power was vested in a president elected for four years, with temporary succession of the president of the supreme court. Supreme judges were elected for six years. ​The main feature of the document was the blow aimed at the church by no longer declaring the Roman catholic to be the state religion, by embodying the famous laws of Juarez and Lerdo, which withdrew the fuero privileges of the clergy, and their power to hold property, subjecting them to the supervision of the government, by taking from them the control of education, dispersed monastic bodies, and granted a liberty of speech and of the press, which left them exposed to levelling criticism. Their effort to resist these encroachments led to the long war of reform, and subsequently to the moderate, hereditary monarchy under Maximilian, unhampered by popular representation. Favored by success, the republican ​sought to ensnare it by several amendments, first by proclaiming tolerance and separating church and state, by declaring marriage a civil contract, by substituting for the religious oath a simple promise to speak the truth, by forbidding alienation of personal liberty by vow or contract. A senate was added in 1874, and later came the amendment brought about by Diaz' revolution, which forbade the reëlection of a president or governor for a consecutive term.
Congress consists of two houses, one of deputies, and one of senators, both elected by indirect popular vote, the former for two years, in the proportion of one for every 40,000 inhabitants. The senate is conposed of two members for every state, renewable every second year by half. It has the exclusive faculty to approve treaties, decide for cases of interference with states, and confirm appointments of ministers, diplomatic agents, and superior military and financial officers. Two sessions are held yearly, the ​second, beginning April 1st, being preferable, devoted to financial questions. A deputation of 15 deputies and 14 senators sits during the recess.
The executive power is vested in the president, elected by popular indirect vote, and holding office from December 1st for four years. His substitute in case of temporary or final vacancy is the president of the supreme court, provisionally, until elections can be held. The president can appoint civil and military officers of a certain grade, and remove diplomatic agents and financial chiefs, but those of a superior rank can be submitted only in nomination to the senate. Juarez set an example of extreme unobtrusiveness in connection with public proceedings, acting even ​as the plain magistrate. The inauguration of Diaz was unattended by any of the imposing ceremonies and pageantry introduced by earlier rulers, even by Juarez. For a time Diaz lived in a retired dwelling of modest size, and used the palace purely for the transaction of business and for certain receptions.
With extraordinary powers to make appointments, especially in the army, which looks above all to him, and with a controlling influence in the many states, owing to concessions, swayed elections and installations of leading officials, the power of a president in Mexico is immense, the more so as parties in and out of the congress can be so readily won over, manœuvred, or split. It requires, therefore, a high sense of duty and patriotism to abstain from arbitrary acts. As a means to lessen intrigues on the part of the government for promoting the reëlection of its powerful chief, and to leave the people at greater liberty to manifest its choice, President Diaz introduced the no-reëlection amendment. Nevertheless, it is easy for the party in office to secure the election of its choice, and so perpetuate authority within certain hands. This oligarchy is insured by duly propitiating influential men and leaders with offices or means for gain.
The administrative duties are divided among six ​cabinet secretaries, for foreign affairs, justice and public instruction, interior, treasury, and public credit, war and navy, and public works, freely selected by the president, yet responsible for their acts. The first named embraces the premiership, with possession of the great seal, and attends to official publications and ceremonials. With the department of justice was generally connected ecclesiastic affairs, but since the separation of church and state the supervision is merely of a magisterial character. The interior ministry, known as gobernacion, divides with the public works department, a later creation known as fomento, the home affairs not designated by the titles of the other portfolios, the fomento secretary attending to matters connected directly with trade, industries and colonization, buildings, roads, lands, and scientific subjects. Each minister must countersign orders connected with his department, and present an annual report to congress.
The cabinet has been subject to even greater vicissitudes than the presidency, as may be understood from the long political turmoil. The chronic malady having been the lack of funds, the finance ministry ​has changed most of all, over a hundred times during the period 1821-54. The premiership follows, while the war minister, from his greater intimacy with the presidential interests, and his influence with the army, has proved the firmest. The constant change gave no opportunity for introducing or establishing order or reforms, and the confusion naturally affected general interests.
Juarez and Lerdo sought to remedy the abuse, but lacked the necessary energy and thoroughness, hampered as they allowed themselves to be by factions. Diaz, on the other hand, proved true to his promise by a sweeping reorganization of the departments, first by removing the host of useless officials who added to the disorder and swelled the expenses for selfish purposes; next, by introducing system and encouraging zeal and honesty, selecting capable men and rewarding merit. Indeed, peculation and other abuses were rigorously looked after, although allowed, no doubt, under certain circumstances for politic ends. In the matter of spoliation, there is a difference between Mexico and the United States. In the northern republic, the people being the power, and on the watch, ​will not permit the higher officials to steal to any great extent, so that the more extensive robberies are committed by the smaller officials, local boards, legislators, and other tools of the millionaires and monopolists, while in Mexico the chief rulers have not been in the habit of leaving much for their subordinates and inferiors. Indeed, it is the customary thing, and wholly to be expected, not only to take all there is to take, but to anticipate future revenue, to draw wealth, without much concealment or reproach, both from the inside and the outside.
"I will give you five thousand dollars to pass this measure for me, and hold the transaction a strict secret between ourselves," said a New Yorker, who prided himself in his skill in the art of bribery, to a Mexican governor. "Make it ten thousand," replied the governor, "and you may tell all the world."
This state of affairs applies more to former days, however, when, for instance between 1841 and 1844, about 12,000 military commissions alone appear to have been issued to please adherents and win opponents. It was this extreme abuse that gave the pretext for most revolutions, for greed and jealousy were ever the prominent characteristics of statesmen.
The great official centre in the city of Mexico is the palace, formerly occupied by viceroys and presidents, now surrendered almost entirely to the administrative departments, to archives, treasury, post-office, scientific institutions, council and reception halls, some furnished in rich style, others bare. ​The federal spirit has not been fostered by race and caste distinctions, by the frequent sectional attitude during civil wars, and by the encroachment on state rights of a corrupt general government; but with the now prolonged peace, with unfolding resources promoting close communication by means of roads and railways, and with the growing number and control on the part of the mestizos, the national feeling is surely strengthening. The distant northern states, so long neglected under savage raids as to seriously consider secession, are becoming more valued as a frontier bulwark and promising region for colonization.
The municipal power, while amplified under a liberal government, has in another sense been brought under better control. The lack of pay for local offices, together with the indifference of the masses, threw them generally into the hands of wealthy or designing men, who used their positions as stepping-stones to greater influence, wielding their power with great effect against a weak government, and against peace and advancement, while sustaining a retrogressive unequality of classes. They sought to impose on the poorer people; using the Indian merely for their own purposes as a prey and tool, they deprived him of the benefits of a paternal cololonial régime, giving him in return only the empty title of citizen, for the privileges connected therewith were retained for themselves. The communal land system of the pueblos has operated against the formation of homes, with their lofty incentives, and fostered improvidence. The ownership of land in general, monopolized as it is by a small number, needs reform in order to promote the welfare of the people, and this can be effected sufficiently by a judicious imposition of taxes. ​The 12 intencias and 3 provincias of the colonial days appeared in the constitution of 1824 as 19 states and 5 territories. Party triumphs assisted several to admission, and despite the loss of about half the soil to the northern republic, so far a comparatively useless border waste, the country now embraces 28 states and 2 territories. ​Their constitution and form of government differ in many features from one another. Some have one chamber, others two; at times with a fixed number of representatives, at others with varied proportions and terms, and so with regard to number, length, and dates of the sessions. The gubernatorial term is mostly for four years, sometimes with a designated substitute; the secretaries of state are frequently only one or two in number, and the number of courts and judges vary. Departments or districts, corresponding to counties, are ruled according to some constitutions by prefects appointed by and subject to the state government, elsewhere by jefes políticos elected by direct popular vote. In some states, every municipality has an ayuntamiento, or local board, composed of from two to twelve regidores, at the rate of about one to 1,000 inhabitants, with an alcalde or president, and one or two síndicos, all elected usually every year. In other states, small villages have merely a municipal council with less legislative power. Ayuntamientos are also restricted to municipalities of not less than say 3,000 inhabitants, and in the smaller places rule lieutenants appointed by the government, and subprefects controlling partidos. Extraordinary measures and expenditures by ayuntamientos require state government approval.
The limitation of suffrage can scarcely be considered ​a hardship, in view of the indifference manifested toward exercising the privilege. To assume that one tenth of the qualified voters participated in the most popular of late presidential elections is a liberal estimate; hence the ease with which officials can influence or decide the result, especially as regulations for the polls and ballots are little observed or understood by the great mass of Indian and cognate castes.
The Mexican system of elections is divided into primaries and secondaries. According to the organic law of 1857, each governor of a state divides his political territory into electoral districts containing 40,000 inhabitants each, and designates the town where the electoral junta is to assemble. The municipalities in each district next divide their jurisdictions into sections containing 500 inhabitants each, and one elector for each section is chosen by popular vote. These are the primary elections. On an appointed day, the electors chosen meet at the town selected by the governor, and having appointed a president, two examiners and counters of votes, and a secretary, these constitute a junta electoral, or electoral college. The votes having been counted, the junta's first duty is to pronounce upon the legality or illegality of the elections in the case of each member. For this purpose, a committee is appointed to examine the credentials with which the electors are furnished by the officers of the primaries. Its report is submitted to the junta, which approves or disapproves of the findings by taking a general vote on each. The junta then proceeds on the second Sunday in July to the election of one deputy to the general congress, and one suplente. On the following day the elections of the presidents of the republic and of the supreme court take place; and on the third day those of the magistrates of the ​supreme court. These are the secondary elections. The returns are sent to the general congress, which, having erected itself into an electoral college, declares who have been elected. The primary elections are held on the last Sunday in June, and the secondaries commence on the second Sunday in July of each election year.
The administration of justice has ever been in a sad condition, owing to frequent change of constitutions and administrations, with consequent variations in the judicial system, and of judges, who were at one time perpetual, at another appointed by dictatorial authority or elected for brief terms, and with the selection of persons often worthless in character or unacquainted with law. With none to check or hold them responsible midst the shifting of power, they fell more readily into the general corruption, until justice became a mockery, and at the free disposal of the bidder or the bully. Since the reign of the new constitution greater order has prevailed.
The laws are based on those established during the colonial period, modified to suit republican and progressive times, largely after the Code Napoléon, and published in a series of special collections; but the ​confusion is great, and a revised code is needed to eliminate the mass of odd, feudal, and mediæval hasty and contradictory enactments. Those concerning the administration of justice rest on the decree of October 9, 1812, though subjected to many changes, especially after 1857. The special privileges under the fuero tribunals of the clergy, army, and guilds are abolished yet the custom thus inculcated has done some good in promoting arbitration methods. There is no imprisonment for civil debt, and no detention as prisoner beyond three days, without justifiable proofs, to which end the amparo law may be invoked; yet numbers languish in waiting for delayed trials. Counsel is provided for those in need thereof. Criminal cases are limited to three instances, and a defective jury system extends only to certain cases. State codes differ greatly.
The present form of tribunals does not vary much from that ordained by the constitution of 1824. There are three grades of federal courts, suprem[e], circuit, and district, with original jurisdiction in affairs of state, and as courts of appeal or final instance. The eleven supreme judges arc elected for six years There are eight circuit courts, and one district court ​for each state, except two, which have more; appeals go from these to the other two courts. The federal district and Lower California have special federal courts. Tribunals of common jurisdiction, not counting the supreme court of the nation, are of three grades, superior tribunals in the capitals of states and territories, courts of first instance, and the courts of local judges, including alcaldes, justices of the peace, and conciliadores or inferior justices. The first vary in composition, with usually three salas, five elected judges, one fiscal, and one agent. The second correspond very nearly to prefect districts, as may be found necessary; they consider appeals, and among other procedures hold verbal trials for cases involving amounts between $100 and $300. Amounts below this pertain to the local judges, elected or appointed.
The legal profession is the favorite in Mexico, as shown by the number of law students; but with the departed strictness of Spanish times, a host of inefficient men crept in to help the corrupt and irresponsible judges in distorting still further the defective laws, and the irregular mode of procedure, too often conducted in secret, and with interminable ​protraction, especially in civil suits. This state of affairs has been greatly fostered by national indolence and excessive good-nature, which hold citizens from aiding in the arrest or prosecution of criminals. Fear of vengeance affect both judges and witnesses. This leniency has fostered crime, for which inducements may be found in race feeling and caste distinctions, with the degraded condition of many classes; in the pernicious church absolutions; in the civil wars and official corruption which encouraged smuggling and gave impulse to what the Spanish government termed an innate propensity for highway robbery; and in the rooted inclination for gambling. The prevalence of robbery has been proclaimed by all travellers. Even Mexicans at times became roused to protest, and to impel the government to spasmodic steps.
President Diaz recognized the need for swift and strict justice, and his efforts have procured for the country a security never before attained. The former general use of arms, and employment of combinations and escorts for even short journeys, are fast disappearing. The decrease of crime is immense, greater than indicated by statistics of convictions, which with early administrations formed a mere percentage. This has ​been accomplished partly by the tribunal reforms already noticed, together with an improved penitentiary system, and a more unflinching enforcement of penalty, especially upon highway robbers, whom local judges and military commanders were instructed to shoot on sight or execute without delay. At the same time a more judicious gradation of punishments was recommended to the courts, and the intention is to speedily abolish executions. No confiscation, lash, or mutilation is permitted. The police force has been greatly improved, and the admirable security of the country roads is mainly due to the rural guard, a select body of men, assisted by converted robbers, on the principle of setting a thief to catch a thief.
The republic has not stood on the best footing with foreign powers, owing to the anarchic state of affairs, and her disregard for obligations and international usages. At first Europe held aloof out of respect for Spain, Colombia being the first to establish official relations, although no intimacy resulted. Indeed, Mexico was a main cause for the failure of the ​project to form an Hispano-American confederacy for defence, moved as she was by jealousy of Bolivar's supremacy; subsequently came indifference. England effected a commercial treaty in 1826, which served as a model for others, as Prussia and other German states, Holland, Denmark, Switzerland, Austria, the United States, and Italy, several of them advantageously revised by Diaz. The neighboring northern republic was looked upon as model and ally with the achievement of independence, but the incidents of 1846–8 changed admiration to suspicion; yet the effective attitude of the United States during the French intervention should not be forgotten, and with rapidly growing trade and intercourse intimate connections will follow.
The strained relations with several powers at different times, and the grasping disposition of foreign residents, have not promoted the best of feelings toward the latter, and they have consequently suffered much annoyance and loss, although indemnity has, as a rule, been exacted for the latter. Naturalization, which according to the constitution can be acquired by ​merely holding real estate or having Mexican children, has until lately been little sought for, owing to the prevalent disorder and insecurity. Foreigners found themselves safer under their own flag, which protected them against seizures, arbitrary contributions, and other ills afflicting citizens. Residents can now enjoy unmolested their property, though subject to restriction on land holdings within a certain range of coasts and borders, and transients can move freely without passports.
The reasons that discouraged naturalization operated also against colonization, to which must be added intolerance and jealousy of foreigners, manifested in a too narrow-minded form by early legislators in seeking only catholic settlers, and in limiting the extent and ownership of land. The result was the failure of the few attempts made, the military colonies, as on the ​northern border, alone managing to keep alive with the help of government. Mexicans are not good colonists. Later statesmen have recognized the need for emigrants to develop neglected resources and establish new industries, which should open fresh avenues for employment, and set at the same time a practical and striking example to Mexicans in methods and in manner of life, and stimulating them by success to energetic imitation. With his usual energy and foresight President Diaz began to take steps, partly for introducing settlers, but mainly to insure peace and security, and prepare wise enactments which should attract self-assisted immigrants as the most desirable class. In 1883 a new colonization law was promulgated, which facilitated the acquisition of land by gift or purchase, defined regulations, offered liberal exemptions, permitted the government to grant aid toward passage and sustenance, and for planting settlements. The result has been a rapidly growing influx from the United States, Italy, and other countries.
From January 12, 1878, to December 6, 1882, the principal contracts entered into were no less than ​nineteen in number, of which the only really successful ones were the Italian settlements established in Vera Cruz, Puebla, Morelos, San Luis Potosí, and in the neighborhood of the capital. In these states, the government purchased lands to the extent of 22,458 hectares at a cost of $169,988. During the years 1883 to 1885, numerous other colonization contracts were made, the prospects of the success of which projects will be greatly enhanced by the rapid progress that is being made by Mexico. The government is desirous for the immigration of foreigners, and the policy is to infuse into a colony a certain proportion of Mexican element for the improvement of the natives in industrial occupations by contact with other races. With ​the loss of Texas in her memory, and the bitter feelings engendered thereby, citizens of the United States were for a long time excluded from becoming colonization immigrants; nor is it asserting too much to say that settlers of any other nationality are preferred to the present day.
Mexico thinks she wants population, but she will get enough in time without the aid of immigration and colonization societies; at all events, she can do better with her money than by paying the passage to her shores of European paupers.
If a large and superior foreign population flocks in, the native Mexicans will be overwhelmed, thrust aside, to some extent absorbed, and for the rest extirpated.
Mexico then wants no more people from abroad in her cities or in her mines; these can take care of themselves. If she could have some of the right kind of instructors in her agricultural districts, if those who enter from abroad come as teachers in the several arts and industries, rather than as usurpers of the soil, many of the present inhabitants will be educated and improved, and thus, generation after generation, the children even of the lowest would grow in enlightenment and improved physical condition.
A history of the revenue department during colonial times down to the breaking out of the revolutionary war has been briefly given elsewhere. In the last fifty years the receipts increased from less than $7,000,000 to more than $20,000,000. From that time, owing to the paralyzation of all industries, the ordinary resources materially declined, while the expenditures, under those peculiar circumstances, necessarily increased. The government had to resort to ​forced loans, and extraordinary financiering devices, in order to meet the most pressing demands of the moment. All persons and corporations were in turn compelled to contribute. Among other auxiliary devices, a house-tax and a war-tax were established.
During the earlier years of the revolution, the revenue and expenditures were enormous; but toward the close of the war, the combined ordinary and extraordinary sources of supplies declined to less than one third of their original productiveness, while the government debt had been more than doubled, and when the last viceroy left the shores of Mexico, the liabilities of the treasury exceeded $75,000,000.
After Mexico became independent, the rulers went to extremes in their liberality, and by inconsiderate reduction of duties and taxes, as well as by opening too suddenly the avenues of commercial enterprise, the government soon found that the receipts of the exchequer did not correspond with the ill-judged estimates. Iturbide restored in his time some of the taxes which had been abolished, and issued paper money, which only obtained a partial circulation by the sacrifice of two thirds of its nominal value. After ​his fall, the republican government found itself in dire strait, and was obliged to resort to extraordinary means, temporarily more oppressive than the former method employed by the viceroys during the last war. All resources had greatly diminished. Heavy loans had to be raised by mortgaging public property. To make matters worse, corruption prevailed generally in the revenue departments. No ordinary measures or threats awakened the inferior officers from their apathy. The government changed the system. In September 1824, comisarios generales were appointed to supersede the former intendentes; and in November of the same year, the constituent congress thoroughly reorganized the revenue department, establishing a system which may be deemed the most complete hitherto adopted since the independence. This remark applies only to the period down to 1870. By the new organization, the contadurías generales, or auditing offices, connected with the different branch departments of the service, were abolished, as well as the local direction of the latter. A treasury-general of the federation was organized, and also a comisaría central de guerra y marina, subject to the former, whose duties consisted in collecting data for making up the general accounts of the army and navy. Lastly, a contaduría mayor, or chief auditor's office, was created. All offices connected with the revenue had to send their original accounts to the treasury-general. This system effectually checked the wide-prevailing corruption that existed. But the financial situation was otherwise not improved. Taxes and export dues were remitted without devising a sound method of compensation. But the import duties were successively doubled and tripled, a short-sighted policy which directly worked in favor of smuggling and illicit trade, while the reduction of the export dues on the ​precious metals to three per cent had caused immense amounts of treasure to leave the country.
The first foreign loan was contracted with Goldschmidt in 1823 for the sum of £3,200,000, which represented $16,000,000, and in the following year another for a similar sum was concluded with Barclay, Herring, Richardson, and Company. The loss on these loans was enormous. At the end of December 1841, the indebtedness for the principal, with arrears of interest and unpaid dividends, amounted to $49,277,557. Having found it impossible to meet the liabilities agreed upon, an understanding was arrived at with the London bond-holders, which was ratified on the 1st of June, 1839, to fund the whole debt, and new bonds were then issued. Nevertheless, the same difficulties existed in the future, and Mexico was unable to pay the dividends with punctuality, to say nothing of the redemption of her bonds; and the amount of her foreign indebtedness increased rapidly by the accumulation of arrears. Under another adjustment, made in 1850 with the bond-holders, Mexico recognized £10,241,650, and the interest was reduced from five per cent to three per cent. For the payment of the new stock, a considerable portion of the revenue from customs was pledged. For a ​few years, financial matters appear to have gone more smoothly, but from 1858 to 1862 dividends were again delinquent, and bonds remained unredeemed. The French intervention was the ultimate result.
Maximilian, before occupying a throne in Mexico, contracted enormous debts in Europe. During his ephemeral game at king-craft supported by foreign bayonets, he augmented the liabilities of the nation to $187,000,000. At the end of 1866 the liability of the empire was over $200,000,000. It is not strange that on his downfall Mexico would not recognize the debts contracted by him in Europe. In October 1880, the total public debt was $144,953,785, of which $40,241,215 represented the internal debt, and $104,712,570 the foreign one. There was, besides, a very large floating indebtedness.
To enter into details of the changes and counterchanges which have been made by successive ministers who have directed the financial policy of the federal government, in the innumerable vicissitudes through which the Mexican nation has passed during this century, would require a volume, and the result would be interesting only to the financier. But one fact stands, that whether Mexico had a foreign war, or indulged in the pastime of intestine strife, the balance-sheet in the treasurer's office always exhibited an increase in the national debt.
The Texan war, followed by that with the United ​States, the invasion by the French, and the ensuing struggle for existence as a nation, sank the republic more deeply in liabilities. But the national vitality is great, as evidenced in the increase of revenue from legitimate sources. The receipts for the five fiscal years 1869 to 1874 were $78,636,331, averaging $15,727,266 yearly, and those of the years 1874 to 1879 were $90,856,712, or an average of $18,171,342 a year. In 1879-80, the revenue was $21,124,037, and in 1880 — 1, $21,329,912; of which sum $14,324,676 represented the receipts from customs, $3,411,498 from stamps, and the rest from several other sources. The expenditures for the year had been estimated at $24,216,518, but they exceeded that sum in $2,983,424.
Mexico was experiencing a financial crisis in 1884–5. The expenditures authorized by congress amounted to $38,903,353, whereas the revenue was not expected to reach even $27,000,000. The prospects for 1885-6 were still less reassuring. The government, being convinced that sixty per cent of the probable receipts would not cover the liabilities of the floating debt which had been in course of payment, clearly saw the necessity of introducing a great economy in the expenses, and of at once arranging and consolidating the national debt. In order to effect this, on the 22d of June, 1885, laws were passed to put off the payment of liabilities of previous years, and to adopt other measures deemed necessary. The government also took advantage of the crisis, to fix the basis for the adjustment of the debt, with a view to its future payment. It was thought that by these measures the government would be enabled to meet its current obligations. Among the expenditures the government had assumed were $2,477,467 of subsidies to several railroad companies, ​which had also to suffer under the laws of June 22d above alluded to.
Mexico has been regarded by her creditors as a hopeless bankrupt, but the amount of her indebtedness bears no comparison with the debts of other countries. The measures which are being taken to increase her prosperity, by opening railroads, encouraging foreign colonization, and otherwise, for which the government makes concessions, cannot fail to be attended with progress; and if Mexico were so fortunate as to enjoy a few decades of peace, her advance in civilization and wealth would be conspicuous; taxation, which at present is heavy, would gradually become less burdensome, while the sources of the public revenue would become more remunerative.
At the breaking out of the war of independence, the standing army in Mexico could compare favorably with those in Europe, and during the long struggle which followed, the nation was developed into an essentially military one. It is true that the revolutionary forces were for the most part ill organized and ill disciplined, and that the independence would never have been achieved had it not been for the final coöperation of the army; but long experience on the battlefield had produced a strong fighting element. After the restoration of the Bourbons, many professional soldiers of the French armies sought in Mexico a new field for the exercise of their calling, and their skill raised the military art to a high standard. ​But many years of internal desultory warfare, while fostering a martial spirit, reduced the army to a low ebb in sterling efficiency. Organization became defective; drill and instruction in military evolutions were interrupted, discipline was relaxed, and owing to want of money, the equipment of the troops was wretched in comparison with progress made in other nations. Thus in the war with the United States, Mexico, though able to send armies vastly superior in numbers into the field, was unable to cope with the enemy. The native Mexican was ready enough to fight, and did fight to the best of his power. Raw recruits by thousands shouldered their old-fashioned muskets, and untrained, ill fed, and miserably equipped, faced the foe over and over again, to die on battlefields while giving to the enemy the victory.
The disastrous result of the war was a severe lesson to Mexico; and when the French intervention came, her army had been raised to a higher degree of efficiency, and was not ill provided with improved weapons and war material. Since the successful issue of that struggle, her military strength has gradually increased. To the government the army has ever been a necessity, and to support it and render it efficient, the party in power has always directed its earnest attention.
When Diaz was firmly installed, one of his first cares was the reorganization of the federal forces. To raise them to an equality with those of foreign nations was a work of time, and put to the test his ability as a commander, statesman, and financier. The first object to be attained was numerical reduction. The late contests had called into the field a much larger number of troops than was necessary for a firm administration, and he began gradually to get rid of the excess, in due time converting a cumbersome number of men, unwieldy through defective regulations, into a smaller but far more compact and serviceable army. ​Reorganization and the reform of the military code were matters requiring still more time. Radical changes had to be effected. Grave contradictions existed between the military code and the fundamental law of the nation, causing serious embarrassment to chiefs who had no escape from awkward dilemmas except by assuming heavy responsibilities. Antiquated Spanish ordinances incompatible with the existing institutions, especially in connection with the military judicial courts and the military privilege, had to be done away with, and the code to be reformed in many important particulars.
The reforms proposed were most important, and affected every branch of the service. The old pernicious system of compulsory recruiting — the cause of incessant desertion — was to be done away with, and the voluntary system adopted.
Accordingly, a new military judicial code was laid before congress in 1879, and a reformed military ordinance was approved by Diaz in September 1880.
During his presidency, his aim was to elevate the army to a par with those of foreign nations, and he effected great improvements, not only in its discipline and armament, but also in its moral tone. His successor, Gonzalez, completed the work, and in June 1881 issued a decree establishing a complete and definite organization.
On the close of the war with the United States, the Mexican government turned its attention to the ​protection of the northern frontier, and an effort was made to establish military colonies for that purpose, the particulars of which are related in the previous volume. The result was a failure; and in April 1868 Juarez issued decrees ordering the establishment of thirty colonies on the northern frontier, composed of 100 men each, and two in Yucatan and Campeche, composed of 500 men each. To carry out the system on so large a scale would have required enormous sums of money, and no steps were ever taken to do so. A commission was appointed to draw up a project for the reform of the law, and new colonial regulations. The report of the commission was handed in April 1871, and suggested two important modifications; namely, that the government was not under the obligation of establishing simultaneously a considerable number of colonies, but successively, at its own discretion, in those states where the necessity seemed to be most urgent, and in a number according to the condition of the treasury. Secondly, that the number of colonists in each settlement should not be arbitrarily fixed at one hundred, but left to the decision of the executive.
Although the commission performed its duty, and drew up a project for new colonial regulations based on those issued in 1868, it pronounced the system as impracticable. Military service and agricultural pursuits combined would never be successful. The former would be inefficient, and the latter fall into neglect. It suggested that the far better plan would be to establish military posts, garrisoned by federal troops, or rural companies, which would be much more economical, and would tend to the growth of pueblos round the fortified posts. ​During the civil wars which raged throughout Mexico previous to and after the death of Juarez, the colonies established were greatly neglected and fell under the control of state governments, which in the depleted condition of the federal treasury received no pecuniary assistance. The frontier states under these circumstances suffered grievously from the incursions of the Indians, while the military settlements retrograded. During Lerdo's administration, they again came under the care of the federal government, and some little improvement was effected, but still in 1875 there were only twelve locations on the northern frontier, scattered over an immense extent of territory. The government's attention was naturally directed to this condition of the frontiers, especially to those of Yucatan and Sonora; and for the financial year of 1878-9 $600,000 figure in the budget as an appropriation for frontier defence.
The troubles with Indians on the northern frontier may be considered as ended, but it cannot be asserted that such a result would have been attained had the matter depended entirely on the Mexican military colonial system. In Yucatan, more time will be required to prevent the inroads of barbarians. Nevertheless, the military line has been greatly advanced during late years, and large tracts of country recovered from the Indians.
During the earlier years of independence, little attention could be given to military instruction, and the growth of a military educational system was exceedingly slow; it is doubtful whether any institution ​worthy the name of a college was established till 1833. Its first location was in the capital, but for many years it had no fixed abiding-place, and was removed from one building to another, as circumstances necessitated, till finally Tacubaya was selected as the place for its permanent establishment.
The instruction of soldiers of the line, until 1839, was almost entirely neglected, but in June of that year Santa Anna established a primary school in each army corps, and laid down regulations for their government. He, moreover, founded in the capital a normal school for the instruction of primary teachers.
In 1840 Bustamante established a school at Chapultepec, in which students at the military college might complete their education for all branches of the service. This institution was called La Escuda de Aplicacion. In 1843 the code of ordinances of both these establishments was remodelled, since which time a marked improvement is observable, military academies being established in all the army corps.
Some changes were made by Maximilian, but were no more lasting than his own brief reign. The college at Tacubaya was broken up, but reëstablished by Juarez in December 1867, and was afterward removed to Chapultepec. At this institution cadets are educated for every branch of the service, and it is to Mexico what West Point is to the United States, with which establishment it can be favorably compared.
After independence, the government for several ​years attempted to maintain a naval fleet, but unable to meet the cost, the idea was abandoned in 1829, and the navy was represented by a few revenue vessels. At a later date, however, it was revived, and in 1856 the government possessed 15 vessels mounting 40 guns. In 1875 the navy was strengthened by two iron-clads which were built at Liverpool, England, and arrived at Vera Cruz in September. These were the first vessels of this class introduced into the Mexican navy; two others were added, and in 1880 the republic possessed four iron-clad war steamers. Naval arsenals have been established at Lerma, in Campeche, and in the bay of Acapulco, the first mentioned being provided with a floating dock.
As early as 1822 a decree was passed to found a naval school at Tepic, and in 1854 one was established on the Isla del Carmen, Campeche, in 1857 another was established at the Fortress Ulúa, and lastly in 1881 a naval school was founded at Alvarado. At the present time, two such institutions, one in Campeche and the other at Mazatlan, are supported by the government at an annual expense of $6,300 each. Ten resident pupils are admitted into each of these establishment, whose expenses are included in the annual estimates for the military college.
* ↑ Concerning the masonic influence on Mexican politics, see Alaman, Mej., v. 24-5, 58, 409; Id., Defensa, pp. ix. — xv.; Pap. Var., cxlvi. pt x.; lxxiii. pt ix.; and in the English of Robinson's Mex. Mil. Heroes, 145-8.
* ↑ Known also as liberals, puros, anarquistas, canallas, de los cambios, federalistas, democratas. In later times, the victorious liberals generally assumed the leader's name, as Lerdistas, Porfiristas.
* ↑ Some, like Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 370, counts 240 between 1821-67; but others swell the figure far beyond by close, and not very arbitrary, reckoning. And so we find enumerations of 55 administrations within 40 years, some provisional, anl of a few days' duration. See ready instances in Cortés, Diar. Sen., i. 63; Cul. Jan. y Guia, 1832, 291-303. Comments on development of parties, and causes of revolution, in Arrangoiz, Mej., iii., ap. 3-15, etc.; Agras, Reflex., 1-33; Godoy, Discurso, 1-32; Pap. Var., xlii. pt 7, xev. pt 3; Repub. Mex., Reseña, 1-80; Cuevas, Porvenir, 161-560, passim; Lozada, Cuestion, 1-5; Ortiz, Mex. Indep., 50-97, with a more philosophic aspect in Martinez, Sinopsis, Rev., 1-256. German views are given in Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 7, etc. Ratzel, Aus Mex., 1-4; Mühlenpfordt, Mej., i. 383 et seq.; Wappäus, Mex., 127, 139. For French opinions, I refer to the chapters on the intervention. Americans have expressed themselves in Thompson's Recoll., 58, 180, 243–51; Gwin's Mem., MS., 205-6; Robertson's Mex., ii. 15-150, passim. The first step in a revolution is the pronunciamiento, to pronounce for a certain principle or man, followed generally by a plan or declaration of object and principles, and attended by the grito, or war-cry.
* ↑ All honest Mexicans above the age of 18 if married, above 21 if unmarried, were declared citizens, with a vote and right to candidacy, and obligation to join the national guard. Amendments to the constitution required a two-thirds vote of congress, and approval by a majority of state legislatures. The law differed from that of 1824 by abolition of the senate, by a numerical increase of the other chamber, and notably by divesting the church of its many privileges. Mexican constitutions had their beginning in the Spanish organic law of 1812, which admitted colonies to a share in national affairs through the córtes, and to elect legislatures and municipalities among themselves, Indians being raised to citizenship, but not African admixtures. This law gave impulse to the first republican constitution issued in 1814 at Apatzingan, which extended citizenship to all, and vested the supreme power in an elected congress, limited to one member for each of the 17 provinces. Congress appointed the triple alternating executive, the judges, and the military chiefs. Throughout prevailed an aristocratic spirit which seemed to promise well for the limited-monarchy programme issued at Iguala by Iturbide. Regarding the country as immature for republican rule, he revived the empire of Montezuma among the resuscitated Mexican nation, while conceding to it the privileges of the improved constitution of 1812, as issued in 1820, with an elective congress. The federalists gained the upper hand, however, and the constitution of the adjoining United States was introduced with a few French and Spanish modifications. The representation in the lower house of congress was one for every 80,000, elected every second year; the senate was formed of two members from every state, chosen by the legislatures, one for two years, the other for four. One regular session was to be hell yearly, with a congress deputation during the recess acting as government council. The executive power was vested in a president elected for four years, with a vice-president. Confiscation of property was forbidden. States enjoyed independent internal government, under legislative, executive, and judicial heads; but had to report annually on their condition. The clause excluding other religions than the Roman catholic was omitted in several state constitutions. Indeed, tolerance, need for jury system, longer terms for congressmen, restriction of congressional power, more direct election, control of land and militia by the republic, were among the questions speedily brought into agitation. See Mora, Rev., i. 323-12; Richthofen, Rep. Mex., for comments. Alaman, Hist. Mex., iv. 173, prefers the aristocratic Apatzingan law. In 1835 the conservatives gained control, and issued a centralist constitution, under which the states were reduced to departments, ruled by governors, with subordinate prefects, appointed by and subject to the government at Mexico, yet assisted by elected councils. Towns with over 5,000 inhabitants could alone elect a municipality. The representation in the lower house was reduced to one member for every 150,000 inhabitants, elected for four years; the senate was limited to 24 members chosen for six years by the departmental councils from the triple nominees of the three supreme powers. Two sessions were designated yearly, with a diputacion of seven members during recess. The president was chosen for eight years by the departmental councils, from three nominees selected by the lower house from the triple number presented by government council and ministry, senate, and court. He was assisted by a council of thirteen picked from 39 congress nominees, one third being men from the church and army. Judges were perpetual, the supreme judge being selected like the president. A supremo poder conservador of five persons was placel to watch over the acts of the three supreme powers. In this constitution were many commendable features, but as usual it was infringed and disregarded. A reformed issue of it in 1813 increased the congressional representation, and gave more power to the president, to departmental assemblies, and to electors, while restricting the franchise to incomes of not less than $200 a year. In 1846 the federal constitution of 1824 was reestablished, with amendments, which abolished the vice-presidency, increased congressional representation, and modified the electoral method. For full text of the different constitutions, see Mex. Constit., i.-ii., and Col. Constit., i.-iii., passim; Mex., Leyes Fund., 1–379; Dublan y Lozano, Ley. Mex., i. 325-50, 433-51, 547–50; v. 155, 238, 256; viii. 169, 351, 409.
* ↑ Guided by nine ministers and a council of state, of his own selection. The empire was divided into eight comisario sections, and 30 departments. The latter ruled by prefects appointed by the emperor, and guided by a council of their joint selection. Towns of over 3,000 inhabitants obtained popularly elected ayuntamientos. Superior judges were perpetual. Mex., Col. Leyes Imp., i.-viii.
* ↑ This was passed on Sept. 25, 1873, and amplified on Dec. 10, 1874. All religions might be practised as long as laws were not infringed, but the government retained control over their meetings to enforce order, and also over cemetries. Religious feast days were abolished, Sunday being regarded as a day of rest, and religious rites and teaching were forbidden outside of temples, and consequently in schools, where general morality alone could be inculcated. Religious ministers could receive no legacy, nor any gifts in real estate or obligations. While marriage was a civil contract, a full divorce could not be granted.
* ↑ El Publicista, ii. 175 et seq.
* ↑ A president accordingly cannot be a candidate until four years after the close of his term. Amendment issued May 5, 1878. For text of amendments, with debate and comments, I refer to Rivera, Hist. Jal., iv. 603-87, where the need of a senate is advocated. Zurco, Hist. Cong., i. 100-876; ii. 5-1031; debate on 1857 constitution, Archivo, Mex., iii. 1008-11, vi. 210; Mex., Mem. Gob., 1975, 13-20; Zaremba, Merchant, 6; Rivera, Palacio, Hist. Lerdo, 423-42, 486-93; Diar. Debates, Cong. 7, i. 193-203, 630, 825, 1208, etc., ii. 12–20, iii. 16, 102-886; Diar. Ofic., Apr. 9, 10, 23, June 4, 1877, Oct. 24, 1881, with proposed amendments. Attacks upon them in Munguia's elaborate works, in his Opusc., vi. 1-28; Crímenes Demagog., 5; Bustamante, Ensayo, 142; Pinart, Coll., Relig. y Independ., 1-23. Comments in connection with inonarchic views, in Chivalier, Exped., 42; Estrada, Mex. y Archiduque, 31; Doc. Hist. Mex., 1831-75, pt 4. Also by Domenech, Masseras, and others, and pamphlets in Pap. Var., xxv. pts v.-vi., lxxxii. pt ii., ciii. pt i., cx. pt iv., cxii. pt viii. 16.
* ↑ At the close of the first session, which lasts from Sept. 16th till Dec. 15th, must be presented the budget for consideration of the committee during recess. The second session ends May 31st. Each session may be prorogued for 30 and 15 days, respectively, which must be dedicated to the object which caused the prorogation. Bills, if rejected by one or both houses, cannot be presented again during the same session. A simple majority in congress suffices to pass them over a presidential veto. Deputies must be 25 years of age, senators 30. They cannot belong to the ecclesiastic profession, and must not accept federal office with pay. Of the former, any number over one half the total constitutes a quorum; of the latter, two thirds. Suplentes or substitutes are elected for cases of absence or vacancy. The federal district received two senators. The profusion of titles of former days has been set aside. They have shifted from the national palace to different sites, the lower house occupying lately the old Iturbide theatre, and the senate a modest hall elsewhere. The representation has varied for deputies, as we have seen. Under the central constitution of 1836, it fell to one for 150,000 inhabitants, while the senate consisted of only 24 members. There used to be a property qualification, which in 1824 amounted to $8,000, or an income of $1,000. The term has ranged between 2 and 4 years for deputies, and 2 to 6 years for senators. For rules during the middle period, see Arrillaga, Recop., 1828-50; Mex., Legis., 1852 et seq.; Dublan and Lozano, Ley. Mex., ii-xi., passim; Mex., Col. Ley., 1853 et seq. In 1877 a bill was presented for abolishing the senate, in conformity with the revolutionary plan of 1876, Diar. Debates, Cong. 8, i. 470-1, 488, but it failed to pass. It was created only in 1874 under the new constitution. It is not the first time that its abolition has been urged and moreover effected.
* ↑ Some favor a longer period, to permit the carrying out of reform plans, and to avoid the disorder of too close election agitation. Biog., MS., 430-1. He must be not less than 35 years of age, and cannot leave the capital without permit from the congress.
* ↑ The vice-presidency was not admitted into the present constitution, and has been abolished on former occasions, as needless and as the cause for intrigue and differences.
* ↑ As shown in a previous note. He of course chooses his own ministers. The appointment of inferior officials is determined by law. The pardon of persons convicted by federal courts lies with him. See previous statement about senators concerning treaties and army movements.
* ↑ In Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 8-11, ix. 246, Mex., Col. Ley., 1853, 208, 318-19, etc., Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, 1-10, 1849-50, 293-4, and previous volumes, are instances of rules for ceremonies connected with business, inaugurations, and funerals. By decree of May 24, 1838, the salary assigned to the pres. was $30,000; to a prov. pres., $1,500 monthly, and a like sum to the pres. of the council; secretaries of state and councillors, $6,000 and $4,000, respectively; the salary of a senator was fixed at $3,500, and that of a deputy at $3,000 a year, to commence fromn the day on which they entered upon their duties. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 409. These salaries were reduced temporarily by Diaz, Dec. 1884. The president's titles have ranged from Excellency to Most Serene Highness, the latter assumed by Santa Anna during his last dictatorship. At present no other title is recognized other than Citizen President. While pomp ruled high under Santa Anna, Maximilian excelled in punctilious regulations for office and court, and promised to extend etiquette and rank notably by the creation and revival of orders and patents of nobility, with their rules for dress, precedence, and titles, concerning which I refer the reader to the earlier chapters in this volume, and to Mex., Col. Ley. Imp., ii. 5-26.
* ↑ Lerdo did not scruple to foment a revolution in order to obtain extraordinary powers for interference in the affairs of states and other designs. Some pertinent comments on this power are made by Clarke, Mex., MS., 32-6.
* ↑ The offices are called secretaría del despacho, secretariat for the despatch of foreign affairs. Their number has varied from two under Hidalgo, in 1811, to nine under Maximilian, embracing ministers for the imperial household, state, foreign affairs, and navy, interior, justice, public instruction and worship, war, public works, and treasury. Between these two there were usually four departments, interior and foreign, embracing public works, the other three being justice and public instruction, treasury, and war, yet all with several subdivisions, especially the first. The holders have mostly been lawyers, with military men for war affairs, and a sprinkling of merchants for finance.
* ↑ The secretary of the interior attends to the important branch of elections, to relations with the states to government of federal district, to tranquillity, national guard, police, amnesty, registration, festivals, health, benevolence, entertainments, the public press, and mails. The maritime mail service pertains to the treasury. When the national guard is in federal service, the war office takes control.
* ↑ The expenses of the different departments for the fiscal year 1883-4 were: the executive, $44,750, including president's salary of $30,000; the supreme court, $314,764, of which $188,981 was expended on the district courts; of gobernacion, $1,434,999, of which $418,100 was paid the rural police, $260,787 the urban police, and $404,249 on the mail service; justice and public instruction, $748,360; fomento, $5,243,753, $2,904,295 being spent in developing railroads; the treasury, $4,484,510; war and navy, $9,480,241. Mех., Меm. Нас., 1884, ххі.-ххііi.
* ↑ The foreign office, depending greatly on international law, had more definite principles. Its fourscore changes between 1821-55 brought in over 40 new men, of whom fully half ranked as lawyers. Some of the offices open in the afternoon as late as 6 p. m. This branch of the govt is divided into four depts, the American, the European, the cancillería, and the national archive office. In the cancillería, foreigners are registered, and their certificates; letters of naturalization are extended; passports issued, and despatches from different branches of the government registered. Signatures are affirmed, and the births, marriages, and deaths of foreigners registered. The expenses of the foreign office for the fiscal year 1883-4 was $335,868, the diplomatic and consular abroad costing $255,583. Mex., Mem. Hac., 1884, p. xxi.; Id., Mem. Relac. Ext., 1881. For earlier times, Mex., Col. Ley., i. 205– -9; iv. 49-51, 72-5, 292-3, 329-31, 342-4; xiii. 52–4; Mex., Legis., 1851, 18-34; 1852, 244-55, 329-41; 1853, 5-7, 13-14, 91-4; 1854, 104-9, 274-5; 1855, 585-9, 621-2; 1856, 349; Archivo Mex., i. 691; v. 63-5, 430-5, 683–96; vi. 230-1, 581-6; Codigo Reforma, 292-5; Mex., Bol. Ley., 1863, 63-6, 79-90; Mex., Col. Ley. Imp., i.-vii., passim; Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., vii. 327, 607-11, 627; viii. 462; ix. 81, 88, 139, 235, 337; x. 28–31, 37, 166, and other volumes and pages of preceding collections. Buenrostro, Secund. Cong., i. 120-1; Diar. Debates, Cong. 10, xiii. 431-9, 876-7; Diaz, Aliscel., nos. 17, 56; Siliceo, Mem. Fom., 119-24; Thompson's Recol., 180-6. Under centralist and imperial régime, the council of state formed an important body, which during federal times has been replaced by the congress diputation of the recess. The occasional junta de notables also acted as such.
* ↑ A certain class of officials managed to retain their position, not alone through favor or intimidation, but because their experience and ability were valuable. More than once academies were opened to train men for the civil service, Mex., Col. Ley., 1854, 79-81, and inspectors supervised federal offices, only to succumb to the common vice. Carbajal, Discurso sobre Empleos, 1-52; Rep. Mex., Consid. Polit., 38-41; Pap. Var., lxxxviii. pt 9, cliv. pt 17, form instances of the numerous tirade against corruption. See also Villalobo, Regla. Regimen, Calend., 1850, 37-8.
* ↑ For a description of this venerable, two-story edifice, with its art and other treasures, I refer to Rivera, Mex. Pint., i. 23 et seq.; also Brocklehurst's Mex., 44-6, and other late descriptive books.
* ↑ Yucatan, which once proved most turbulent and aimed at independence, has become reconciled, partly under the stress of Indian uprisings, partly by a division of the peninsula into two states. The secession of the northern states was frequently agitated by political leaders from the second decade of the independence, the title Sierra Gorda among others being considered, even during the last decade.
* ↑ For municipal regulations under different govts, see Mex. Legis., 1852, 217-23; 1854, 204-36; 1855, 100-46, 410-1; Mex., Col. Ley., i. 116-17; iv. 31-44, 56-60, 76, 285, 348-56; viii. 228-30; Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 385-99, 455, 563, 604; ix. 180-8; Mex. Bol. Leg., 1863, 107-15. Also, with comments on mismanagement, Paz, Ley Inst.; Sagazeta, Acus., 1-13; Mex., Reg. Junta, 1-12; Mex. Ordenanzas Municip., 1843; Mex. Ayunt., 1841, 1-72; Berasueta al Sindico San Miguel, 1-36; Pap. Var., li. pt 3; lxxx. pt 20; lxxxiii. pts 1-3; lxxxiv. pt 10; cxlv. pt l; clxxxiii. pt 2; Mex., Col. Ley. Imp., vi. passim.
* ↑ The following alphabetical table supplies their respective areas, populations, and capitals, according to the latest statistics: The federal district was raised into the state of the valley of Mexico in 1885, while the territory of Tepic was segregated from Jalisco in 1884. Morelos was made a state in 1864. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 570; Peñafiel, Estad. Gen., num. i., passim; Garcia Cubas, Atlas, 9; Id., Rep. Mex., 9-10; Caballero, Prim. Alm., 221-78, passim. The limit for admission is now fixed at a population of 120,000, and approval is required from two thirds of congressmen and legislatures. During centralist rule, the states were reduced to departments, and so under Maximilian, when they were divided into 50. Names in Gran, Almanaque, 1867, 43; Arrangoiz, Mej., iii. 274-6.
* ↑ Certain states, like Chiapas, have sought to uphold the Roman catholic as the state religion; others, like Puebla, to exclude illiterate persons from citizenship after a certain period.
* ↑ These terms have been explained in other volumes of the work. See index.
* ↑ The prefect system, without legislative power, savors of centralist times, when ayuntamientos were limited to large towns, often with justices of the peace as the sole rulers in minor places.
* ↑ A fractional portion containing over 20,000 inhabitants forms a district nevertheless; when less than that number, it is united with the nearest district.
* ↑ A candidate for congress must be a citizen of the state in which the district which he wishes to represent lies, and a layman of 25 years of age.
* ↑ Copy of the electoral organic law in Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., viii. 409-18. By referring to the population column in the preceding statistical table, an approximate idea will be arrived at of the number of deputies sent to congress by each state. For earlier election rules, see Hernandez y Dávalos, Col., ii. 307-8; Guerra, Rev., p. xl.-iii.; Mex., Col. Dec. y Ord., 55, 85; Mex., Col. Ley., 1841, 110-11; Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. et seq.; Mex., Ley. Elect., 1848, 1-34. Comments on neglect and fraud in Clarke's Mex., MS., 30-2; Diaz' Miscel., No. 56; Pap. Var., lxxxviii. pt 2. There have been property limits to the exercise of franchise, of from $100 to $200.
* ↑ There have been marked reforms by Diaz. Instance the report in his Informe, 1880, 16-17, and the suppression of highway robbery and crime generally, as elsewhere shown.
* ↑ Which date back to the first recorded code, El Fuero Juzgo of about 690, developed in the Siete Partidas of Alfonso the Wise, and the Recopilaciones, and extended with special reference to the colonies in the Recopilacion de Indias, together with special ordenanzos and decretos, as shown in Mex. Laws, MS., 1 et seq., and as explained in previous volumes of this work.
* ↑ As Galvan's, which extends to 1829 and even beyond, Arrillaga's till 1837 and partly later, Lara's, Navarro's, the several sets issued during the reforın war, during the French and imperial periods, besides odd publications, and the compilation of Dublan and Lozano, which has nearly reached our decade. All of them have been frequently quoted in my pages generally as Mex., Col. Ley. and Col. Legis. Several special abridged sets have been issued in the United States by Halleck, Hamilton, Hall, and others, the latter appearing at S. F. in 1885 with an 840-page volume. The growing intercourse will bring forth more. Besides codes of procedure, as by Chavez, the different laws appear with collections of enactments, and códigos. Note allusions to reformed issues, in Diar. Debates, Cong. 6, i 648-57; ii. 51, 179-86; Mex., Mem. Just. for different years. Código Civil Imp., 1-46, is a specimen of Maximilian's efforts.
* ↑ Introducing writ of protection and suspension of protested acts, of greater scope than the habeas corpus act.
* ↑ It was not established until some time after the federal constitution, and met with a temporary check in the sixth decade. For decrees concerning, see Rivera, Hist. Jal., iv. 690-1; Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 525, 537-43, 658–65; Mex., Mem. Just., 1869, 5, 72-9; S. Luis Pot., Jurados, 1-9. Adverse comments, in Chavez, Cod. Proced. Penal, 8; Maclure, Opinions, i. 413. It was extended to the army.
* ↑ In the same manner as the president Their presiding judge being temporary successor to the chief magistrate. The court is divided into three salas, or halls, the first with five judges. Four supernumeraries, one fiscal, and one procurador general are attached.
* ↑ Each covering two or more states, the three northern and that of Mérida having a wide circuit.
* ↑ When two or more in number, the judges divide the civil and criminal jurisdiction exclusively. In some places they are elected, in others appointed.
* ↑ According to the laws of the state. Even the jueces menores, or inferior justices, must have practised as lawyers for four years. Elected alcaldes have their legal advisers. Local judges take cognizance also in written procedures involving amounts below $300. Further details in Mex. Laws, MS., 4 et seg; Chavez, Cod., i.-iii.; Bárcena, Foro, Id., Manual de Practica; Pallares, Poder Judicial. For earlier tribunal regulations and procedures, see Decreto Cortés Tribunales, 1-12; Mex., Col. Dec. y Ord., 35-58, 121-30, 165; Cortés, Diario, viii. 40; Mex., Col. Ley., i. 11-14, 156-76, 234-6, 351-2, 619-20; Id., y Dec., 1841, 65-6, 97-109; Arrillaga, Recop., 1827-37, passim; Archivo Mex., ii. 739, etc.; Mex. Legis., 1851, 317-29, etc.; Mex., Col. Ley. Imp., vii., passim. Debate on criminal law of procedure, in Diar. Debates, i. 119-545, 629; Mex., Mem. Just., 1849, 1-23; 1868, 41-55; 1876-7, 3-16; 1878 81, pt xl. et seq. and docs.; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., iii. MS., i. 58-9, 215; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Sec. Cong., nos. 48-75; Mex., Dictamen. Just., 3-27; Ramirez, Col. Dec., 333, etc. Foreign comments, in Mayer, Mex. Aztec, ii. 147-50; Fossey Mex., 262-4; Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 250-3. Peculiar instances and complaints. Alaman, Conducta, 1-20; Contest., 1-15; Pap. Var., lxxiii. pts 10-11; Angulo, Import. Cuest., 4; Bustamante, Ensayo, 118-34. For state rules, see S. Luis Pot., Arreglo Trib., 1-29; Id., Arancel, 1-48.
* ↑ The academy of colonial times still lives, Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 218–38, and the fraternity have a strong organization. For noted names, see Gagern, Apel., 64–75; Sosa, Biog., passim; Pap. Var., cviii., pt i. 64; S. Miguel, Mex., i. 180-7. Notarial duties. Derecho, ii. 326-44.
* ↑ The reëstablishment was several times urged of the colonial acordada, or vigilance tribunal. Bustamante, Diar., MS., xlv. 3-11. For other measures, see Arrillaga, Recop., 1849-50, 134; Mex., Col. Ley., 1848, 176-8; Id., 1863-67, 261-3; Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., viii. 311-19; Diar. Debates, Cong. 6, iv. 310-12.
* ↑ The increasing application of justice, and its effect on the diminution of crime, will be apparent from the following statistics: During the first nine months of 1875, the total number of persons taken to the city prison, including 218 dead, killed by wounds or accident, was 33,368, of whom 32,819 were at once dismissed or released after short detention; 212 were sentenced; and the cases of 119 were still pending. During the same period, the corresponding figures for the national prison at Mexico, the dead being 201, were 14,325, 13,148, 604, and 372. Mex., Mem. Ofic. Mayor Gob., 1875, 129-31, Doc. 37 and 38. In the first six months of 1881, the number of persons imprisoned in the federal district was 7,605. In addition, 583 wounded by design or accident were conveyed thither, and 178 dead bodies. The charges against 1,679 were dismissed, and 178 were released after different terms of imprisonment, thus showing the apparent number of criminals to be 5,748. During the period from Sept. 15, 1880, to Aug. 30, 1881, 15,675 arrests were made in the same district, the cases of 8,047 being dismissed. Proceedings were instituted against 9,109, and 4,060 sentences passed. The number of persons arrested for minor offences was 3,456, and for grave crimes 681, on 7 of whom the death sentence was passed. Mex., Dem. Justicia, 1881, Doc. 101 and 102.
* ↑ Slowly being adopted. It was advocated by Bustamante, Ensayo, 1846, and was partly introduced at Guanajuato during he last decade. Guan., Mem. Gob., 1873, 33-9; Mex., Mem. Gob., 1873, 177-81. Report on new European system for adoption. Bárcena, Estud. Cres. 306; Medina, Projecto Penitenc., 1-186; Diaz' Informe Guadalajara has so far the most complete system Cal., Mem. Ejec., 1875-9, 1-44. See also S. Luis Pot., Penitenc., 1-1. Lenient treatment of prisoners is still excessive.
* ↑ As expressed already in art. 23 of the constitution, which prohibits them for poltical offences, etc. For efforts in states to that end see Tovar Hist. Parl., ii. 189 387, 394, 456, 536, et sec.; Diar. Debates, Cong. 5, iii. 151-290, passim, 707; Monitor, June 10, Nov. 25, 1869; Estrella Occid. Sept. 2, 1870. It has been the custom to enroll criminals in the army s recommended even by law. Colima, Leyes, no. 35.
* ↑ According to the constitution. The administrative power can impose only a correction not exceeding a month's imprisonment or a fine of $500.
* ↑ They carry lanterns, which, placed in the middle of the street, often forms the only illumination. Electric lights are being introduced. Regulations of the force. Chavez, Cod. Penal, 19-24; Mex., Mem. Gob., 1873, 9-85, and later dates; Policia, Regla., 1-8.
* ↑ 'Al principio esta guardia era compuesta de bandidos que se arrepentian.' Diaz, Biog., MS., 485. Its beginning lies in Juarez decree of 1857, Mex., Ley. Guardia Seguridad, 1-27, which lacked due enforcement. Report on later efficient steps. Mex., Mem. Gob., 1877-8 29-31 and later dates. The police signal and assist at fires. Regular fire departments are forming, the neglect thereof so far being due to the rarity of large fires owing to the general use of adobe and stone for buildings. Groso, MS., 2–3.
* ↑ In 1883 diplomatic relations were maintained with the U.S., Cent. Am., France, Germany, Belgium, Spain, and Italy. Relations with Eng. were interrupted for many years in consequence of the attitude of Gt Britain during the French intervention. In 1884 they were partially renewed, without either side making advances toward reconciliation, by the arrival in the capital of Spencer St John on a mission connected with British claims. In the following year this man was formally recognized by the Mexican government, and diplomatic relations renewed. There are resident in the Mexican capital, besides representatives of the above-mentioned nations — Cent. Am. excepted — envoys extraordinary from Guatamala, Salvador, and Honduras. Mexican consul and consular agents reside in most of the principal cities and ports of the following countries: the U. S., Bolivia, Ecuador, U. S. of Colombia, U. S. of Venezuela, Costa Rica, and Honduras, in America; in Europe, Gt Britain, Germany, France, Denmark, Belgium, Spain, Italy, Portugal, and Switzerland. There is also a consul at Honolulu. All the above-named countries, except the Hawaiian Islands, have consular representation in Mexico, and also Holland, Norway and Sweeden, the Argentine Republic, and Chile. Mex., Mem. Rel. Ext., 1881, 93-103; Diaz, Miscel., no. 17, p. 3; St John, Gt Britain and Mex., MS. Few consuls received regular pay, yet several enjoyed large fees. Diaz reorganized the service, and retained enough of the fees to cover nearly the entire cost of foreign agents. Preceding rules, in Derecho Intern., iii. 107-99, 504-22; Mex. Legis., 1856, 45–8; Arch. Mex., ii. 392-4; Mex., Col. Ley. Imp., ii. 125 et seq.; Mex., Regla. Consular, 1871, 1-23; Pap. Var., xccix. pt ii. Mexicans possess fine diplomatic instincts, and their ministers are, as a rule, men of high culture, though not always well sustained.
* ↑ Landed property cannot be held by persons who reside abroad, or are absent for over two years. Formerly, restrictions were more severe with regard to estate and trade privileges, and foreigners had to obtain annually a letter of security, against a fee of $4, besides a permit to carry weapons, in order to be able to claim the derecho de estrangería; yet their real protectors or derecho lay with the ministers, if they had any; and these found it necessary to exercise their power energetically, as events indicate, in a manner that often assisted a weak government. Even Mexicans found it prudent to place capital under foreign names and firms. The levy of forced contributions was nevertheless long applied to foreign residents, on the plea that they must share in the cost of protecting their property. For number and condition, see the later chapter on society. The intensity of feeling, which in 1828 and following years led to the expulsion of Spaniards, was hurtful to industries. Decrees in Arrillaga, Recop., 1828, 35-204; 1829, 47-195, passim. Lament, in Zamacois, Hist. Mex., vi. 706-13. Earlier naturalization was more troublesome. See Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 161.
* ↑ It was feared that a colony, if allowed to grow strong, might prove a thorn by objecting to arbitrary and unjust interference, and aim at independence, or bring foreign intervention. The ownership of land was also in dispute between the states and general govt. For earlier laws on colonization, see Cortés, Diar., x. 9-11; Mex., Mem. Sec. Estado, 1823, 52-3, and later dates, under fomento, finance, and interior ministries; Coloniz. Regla., 1846, 1-22; Rockwell's Span. Law, 630; Mex., Proyect. Colon., 1849, 1-12; Pap. Var., liv. pt 8, cxiv. pt 5; Mex. Legis., 1856, 60-1; Arch. Mex., Col. Ley., iii. 108. Comments on narrow policy, in Rosa, Ensayo, 25 et seq.; Zavala, Rev., ii. 129-30; Ortiz, Espos., Sartorius, Import. Mex., 34–7; Bustamante, Mem. Hist., MS., v. 230; Coloniz. Progreso, 1843, 1-40.
* ↑ Notably by the French on the Goazacoalco, in 1830-1, and at Nautla in 1832-35. Fossey, Mex., 4-62, passim, 318. The blame is laid on the managers by Mex., Mem. Rel., 1832, 13. Grants made to Baring and others by one govt were annulled by another. Such irregularities were enough to deter settlers. On other colonies, see Becher's Mex., 259; Drake's Grants, 1-70; Rosa, Ensayo, 30–2; Ratzel, Mex., 373-80.
* ↑ On this subject, see Hist. Mex., V., this series, and vol. vi., chapter on army reorganization.
* ↑ Free grants to foreigners should not exceed 100 hectares. Not over 2,500 hectares could be sold to one person, but payment by engineers' valuations might be extended over ten years, with exemption during that period from military service, from taxes, save municipal, from import duty on necessaries. By planting trees, further exemption could be obtained. Absence for six months forfeited free grants. Lots could be obtained by founders of new towns by building thereon. Companies might arrange for extended terms of exemption, payment, etc., and retain one third of the land granted. Disputes must be settled by Mexican tribunals alone. Private land-holders could introduce settlers. Islands, border, and coast lands were subject to nationality restrictions. The price for government lands, as fixed in 1878, varied from 6 cents the hectare in sterile Lower Cal. to $2.50 in the federal district, the average in the border states being from 12 to 18 cents, and in the settled central provinces from $1 to $2. Hamilton's Law, 148. The very common tract of one sitio de ganado mayor was a square league, 5,000 varas square, equal to 1,755 hectares, or 4,428 acres. Further rules in Hall's Mex. Laws, 98-163. For later efforts to promote immigration, and comments, Mex., Mem. Fomento, 1873-85, passim; Diar. Debates, Cong. 5, iii. 395-9; Cong. 10, i. 451-3; Derecho Intern., ii. 1173-4; Busto, Estad. Mex., ii. pt v., 365-70. An excellent writer on this and similar progress topics is Manero, in his Doc. Interes, 60-111, passim.
* ↑ Companies received a bonus of about $25 a head for desirable families.
* ↑ Other lands were also acquired on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. in Coahuila, Guerrero, and on the island of Tiburon, to the value of $1,628,178, of which sum $1,355,331 were paid for lands in Coahuila. Mex., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1884, i., 5-8. The first Italian colony arrived Oct. 19, 1881, and consisted of 84 families, numbering 423 persons. They arrived at Huatusco on Nov. 3d of the same year. The name given to the settlement was the Manuel Gonzalez colony. In Jan. 1882, 53 families, numbering 193 persons, and 85 Mexican settlers, were established in Morelos. They were shortly after increased by 404 more Italians and 36 Mexicans. The name given to the colony was that of Porfirio Diaz. The third Italian colony established was on the hacienda de Mazatepec, Puebla, in April, 1882, and comprised 376 Italians and 24 Mexicans. It was called the Carlos Pacheco colony. The San Luis Potosí colony was established at Ojo de Leon in May, consisted of 410 persons, and was named after Diez Gutierrez. The last arrival of Italian colonists took place Sept. 25, 1882, to the number of 656, who were thus distributed: 424 became settlers on the haciendas of Chipiloc and Tenamaxtla in Puebla, 219 went to Huatusco, Vera Cruz, and 13 to the Mexican capital, where a small model colony was established on the lands of Aldama and Nativitas adjoining the agricultural school. It consisted of 26 families, comprising 124 persons, Italian immigrants chosen for their superior qualities. The settlement at Chipiloc was called the Fernandez Leal colony. In April 1878, an attempt was made to found a Mexican colony at Suchil, Tehuantepec, and 170 settlers were sent thither. There being no foreign element among them, the enterprise failed. Id., i. 10-38. See also Diario Ofic., Mayo 8, 16, Oct. 11, 12, 1878; Apr. 28, 1879; Mayo 27, Oct. 19, Nov. 3, 1981; Enero 24, Mar. 21, Jul. 14, Sep. 12, 1582; Bol. of Gob. B. Cal., Jul. 30, 1882, p. 2–3; Voz de Mex., Ag. 25, 1882; Puebla, Mensaje Gob., 18-9.
* ↑ Among which may be mentioned those with Verdier, Daniel Levy, Proceros, José Iglesias & Co., Ramon Fernandez & Co., Ign. Franchi de Alfaro & Co., Mendez & Co., Quillemot & Co., Sierra and Zetina, and Ibarra & Co. Diario Ofic., Enero 30, Feb. 1, Mar. 2, 1883; En. 5, Mar. 7, 10, 14, 26, Ag. 18, Nov. 19, 1884; Mex. Finan., June 13, July 4, 1885, pp. 166, 213. Large contracts were made with Rafael Portas Martinez to establish settlements in Champoton, Yucatan, with immigrants from the Canaries. No less than 1,000 families were expected to arrive from those islands, but it does not appear that the project met with any success. Mex., Mem. Sec. Fomento, i. 6, Voz de Mex., Ag. 25, 1882; Diario Ofic., Mar. 14, 15, 1883.
* ↑ This at any rate was Gen. Frisbie's opinion in 1884. Reminis., MS., 30.
* ↑ In 1819 the revenue was $10,212,373; in 1820, $10,743,574. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectif., 532
* ↑ According to Viceroy Calleja, in April 1813, the government already owed $30,000,000; the decrease of the receipts was $260,000 monthly, and all ordinary, and some of the extraordinary, resources were exhausted. Gaceta, Mex., 1813, iv. 422.
* ↑ In Jan. 1812, $2,000,000 was demanded, which sum was delivered in gold and silver plate to be coined. In 1814 $500,000 was exacted with threats, of which $300,000 was collected from the merchant class. Repayment of the principal, or even interest, on those loans was rarely possible. Alaman, Hist. Mej., iv. 215-16; Gaceta, Mex., 1812, iii. 116-18, 124-5; 1820, xi. 224–5.
* ↑ The contributions forced upon the capital alone during the war amounted to $12,600,000. Méx., Mem. Min. Hac., 1823, 65.
* ↑ Ten per cent on the rents of all dwelling-houses, one half paid by the owners, and the other by the tenants. This must have yielded largely, and was continued in force until the independence. Private carriages, hired vehicles, and riding-horses were also taxed. A duty was also imposed on mescal. Dispos. Var., ii. 26-30; Pinart's Coll., i. print 21; Cedulario, MS., iv. 34; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., x. 512. It is not possible to furnish exact financial statistics for this period, as the govt archives were plundered to conceal former robberies. Ward's Mex. in 1827, i. 365.
* ↑ Receipts for 1813 were $45,072,804; expenditures, $45,015,895. It is clear that enormous sums were raised by loans. Gaceta, Mex., 1814, v. 34-5. In 1820 the revenue from all sources only reached $14,405,574; the expenditures being $14,631,941. Méx., Mem. Min. Hac., 1844, 7.
* ↑ As ascertained by the Junta de Crédito Público. Id., 1848, 22-7; Id., 1870, 75-6.
* ↑ The republican govt subsequently redeemed this paper. Id., 72-3.
* ↑ In 1923 the deficit was $3,000,000, a 'terrible langosta,' was the term Minister Arrillaga applied to the alcabalas. Id., 75.
* ↑ The result was the adoption of endless changes and modifications, which disturbed business without doing the treasury any benefit.
* ↑ Out of the $32,000,000, the Mexican govt only received $11,197,868. The latter lost $2,244,542 by the failure of Barclay, Herring, Richardson, and Company. Alaman, Liquid. Gen. Denda Exter., 92-3.
* ↑ The new bonds were made payable on October 1, 1866, and on October 1, 1876, at 5 and 6 per cent interest, for the payment of which one sixth of the customs at Vera Cruz and Santa Anna de Tamaulipas was set apart. And for greater security 100,000,000 acres of land in the Californias, Chihuahua, New Mexico, Sonora, and Texas were hypothecated. The lands could be purchased with the bonds, but no one cared to buy lands in Mexico. Arrillaga, Recop., 1839, 125–27; Rosa, Ensayo, 33.
* ↑ The bond-holders agreed to this on Mexico giving them a craft for $2,500,000 on the indemnity due by the U.S. The arrears of dividends were considered as paid up. The bond-holders sacrificed nearly $27,000,000. By a previous compromise in 1846, they sacrificed $18,500,000. Mexican National Debt, 6.
* ↑ Twenty-five per cent of the import duties of the maritime and frontier custom-houses, 75 per cent of the export duties in the ports of the Pacific, and 5 per cent of those on the gulf of Mexico. For the first six years the surplus of these assignments, where there was any, was applied to form a sinking fund. When this delay had expired, the Mexican govt undertook to reinit annually $250,000 to London. For fuller particulars, see Mex., Piezas Justific. Denda Exter., passim; Murphy, Mem. Denda Exter., passim. On the financial condition of the republic to July 1850, see Payno, Expos. Hac., 1850, 1-128.
* ↑ When friendly relations were resumed with France, it was expressly understood that the latter should press no claim of the past debt against Mexico. England somewhat later renewed friendly intercourse, and negotiations were opened toward effecting some arrangement in favor of the British bond-holders.
* ↑ Due Eng. creditors, $89,252,360, including arrears of interest since 1850. There were $15,460,210 due to English, Spaniards, and Americans. Mex., Mem. Min. Hac., 1880 á 1881, 155-6. No definitive arrangement about the English debt had been made to the end of 1885, nor has it since. Mex., Informe Sec. Hac., 1885, 3-4.
* ↑ Previously to 1861 they did not exceed $11,000,000. Busto, Estadist. Rep. Mex., i. xc. xcii.
* ↑ 'Cuyo resultado jamás se habia obtenido.' Mex., Mem. Sec. Hac. (for 1879-80), 1881, xxii.
* ↑ The expenditures for the fiscal year 1883-4 were estimated at $30,717,997.
* ↑ Mex., Informe. Sec. Hac., 1885, 4-5; Mex., The Consolid. of the Mex. Nat. Debt, 1-27; Id., Monitor Rep., June 24, 1885.
* ↑ The debt distributed over the population who must pay it is $22 per head; that of France, $127.53; that of Italy, $71.94; and that of Great Britain, $114.62.
* ↑ For further information on Mexican financial affairs, see Mex., Men. Sec. Hac., 1868-9, and 1884; Id., Id., Rel., 1875, on German and American claims; Id., Id., Gobern., 1880-4; Id., Recop. Ley., iii. 390-5; Id., Ley de Ingreso, 1881-5; Mex., Diario Ofic., April 1, 1885; Id., Mex. Financier, July 11, Aug. 1, 1983; Mex., Monitor Rep., July, 14, 16, 22, 1885; Id., Ley de Ingreso, 1885-6; Id. Ley del Timbre, 1885, 1-45.
* ↑ Says one who saw the Mexican troops, writing in 1929: The soldiers of Mexico, for respectability, decent appearance, and discipline, are equal to those of any country. Their officers, particularly the young ones, are well educated.' Maclure's Opinions on Various Subjects, i. 385.
* ↑ At the battle of Cerro Gordo, Scott took between 4,000 and 5,000 stands of arms, which for their worthlessness he ordered to be destroyed. U.S. Govt Doc., Cong. 30, Sess. 1, Sen. Ex. i. p. 237.
* ↑ Copy of it will be found in Diario Debates, 9th Cong., ii. 596–650; Id., 10th Cong., iii. 148, 283, 371, 556, 708.
* ↑ Mex., Ap. Mem. Guerra y Marin, 1881, p. 1 et seq.; Diario Ofic., Sept. 14-17, 1881. In 1882 and 1883 further important reforms were carried out. Id. 4 Jul., 11 Set., 1982; 2 and 3 Enero, 19 Set., 1883. Under the new organization, the army was composed of 20 battalions of infantry, numbering 12,900 officers and men; 20 skeleton battalions, 4,720 officers and men, designated by numbers from 1 to 40; 10 regiments of cavalry, 4,890 men; 10 skeleton cavalry regiments, 1,480, also designated by number; 3 battalions of artillery, 1,200 men; and an artillery battalion of reserves, 194 men; the battalion of supers, 617 men; the train squadron, 109 men; fixed batteries at the ports, 258 men; and the invalid corps, 263 men; in all, 26,651 men. The troops were armed with Remington rifles and carbines, and the dress uniform was dark blue.
* ↑ Hist. Mex., v. 572-5, this series.
* ↑ See decrees in El Derecho, iii. 439-40, v. 128, 171. List of locations in Manero, Doc. Interes., 41-2. Consult also Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 313-15, 439; Tovar, Hid. Parl, i. 384-6, 510-13, 523-4; ii. 16, 22-4, 177, 201, 213-14, 223, 236, 253, 383-4, 397, 453, 469; iii. 772; iv. 740.
* ↑ Issued Nov. 10, 1868. Mem. Ap. Mex. Guerra y Marin, 1881, p. 136.
* ↑ Id., 136-7. This report was still under consideration in 1882. Id., p. ii.
* ↑ According to the report of the minister of war, Nov. 17, 1875, there were 1786 military colonists doing service. They were distributed as follows: Sonora, 200; Chihuahua, 150; Coahuila, 100; Durango, 109; Nuevo Leon, 100; Lower California, 25. In Yucatan there were 952, and in Campeche 150. The disorganization, during the time that the military colonies were under the charge of the state governments, was so great that they had almost ceased to be such. The number of officers was out of all proportion to that of the men. Diario Ofic., Nov. 17, 1875.
* ↑ Thus apportioned: Yucatan, $150,000; Sonora, $120,000; Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, and Durango, each $60,000; Campeche, $50,000; and Lower California and Chiapas, each $20,000. Manero, Doc. Interes., 107.
* ↑ Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1883, 129. The estimates for the army and navy expenses for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1884, were $8,252,352. Id., doc. 22.
* ↑ By decree of Nov. 16th. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 538.
* ↑ Mex., Col. de Ley. y Decret., 1839, 144-50.
* ↑ Orphan sons of soldiers were admitted. The sum of $36,000 was assigned for the maintenance of these schools. Ib.
* ↑ In January 1880, Porfirio Diaz by decree established in it a chair for the instruction of mechanics, as applied to navigation. The salary attached was $1,200 per annum. Decreto, no. 6, annex 2, in Decretos Circulares, 187989; Mex., Recop. Leyes, i. 503-5; Id., iii. 451-97.
* ↑ The curriculum is as comprehensive. Diaz reformed the code of ordinances in 1879, and Gonzalez in 1881. Forty professors and instructors are employed, and the course of studies includes geodesy, astronomy, physics, chemistry, stereotomy, military jurisprudence, logic, and the rights of nations, topographical and linear drawing, and the French and English languages. The annual appropriation is over $115,000, and the military system of discipline is observed. Graduated cadets are under the obligation to serve for three years in the army. Mex., Ap. Mem. Guerra y Marin, Doc. 4; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1883, Doc. 16.
* ↑ Maclure's Opinions, 358.
* ↑ Namely, in the gulf, 4 steamers with 16 guns, 5 schooners with 17 guns, and 2 transports. In the Pacific there were 2 barks with 4 guns, and 2 schooners with 3 guns. Butterfield's U. S. and Mex., Ap. 43. In Feb. two war steamers were sold in London on account of debt, the purchasers engaging to use them as packets plying between Vera Cruz and New Orleans. Mex., Legisl. Mej., Jan.-June, 1856, 406; Pensamiento Nac., Feb. 17, 1856, 2.
* ↑ Mex., Diario Ofic., Jan. 2, Oct. 2, Nov. 15, 1875; Voz de Mex., Sept. 2, Nov. 17, 1875.
* ↑ Namely, the Independencia and Libertad in the gulf, and the Mexico and Demócrata in the Pacific. Mex., Mem. Guerra y Marin, 1877-81, i. 37-42. Two coast-guard steamers were added to the gulf fleet later, named the Cuauhtemoc and Xicotencatl. Id., 1883, i. 135.
* ↑ Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1883, i. 131-5. The estimate of the expenses of these arsenals for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1984, was $44,115 each, and $6,838 for the floating dock at Lerma. The total estimate for naval expenses was $593,251. Id., Doc. 22, 290-99.
* ↑ Gac., Guad., May 22, 1822, 393; Mex., Col. Ley. . .Ord., May to Dec. 1854, vii. 292-3; Cor. de España, Jan. 13, 1855; Archiveo Mex. Col. Ley., iii. 639-47; Mex., Diario Debates, 10th Cong., ii. 338, 942; iii. 58, 181, 230.
* ↑ This sum is the estimate for the year ending June 30, 1884. Mex., Mem. Guerra y Marin, 1883, i. 299.