# A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 2

CHAPTER II.
1118—1187.
The precise date at which the changes related in the last chapter took place is more or less a matter of dispute, there being no record that can be positively adduced on the subject. This is somewhat strange, considering the importance of the alterations effected, involving, as they did, the complete reconstruction of the institution.
That time cannot, however, be very well fixed later than the first year of the accession of Raymond du Puy to the office of Master, which is generally presumed to be the year 1118. The two leading historians of the Order differ but little in the date they assign for this event, the abbé Vertot giving it as 1118, and the chevalier Boisgelin 1120. Other historians, however, amongst whom may be mentioned Boissat, Baudoin, and the abbé Roux, place the accession of Raymond as late as 1131, accounting for the interval between Gerard's death in 1118 and that time by the insertion of a second rector named Roger. The authority for this interpolation is stated to be a deed of gift of certain lands from Atton, count of Abrussa, to Roger, the governor of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. The date of this deed is stated as 1120, but there is no record of it now ​remaining, and the fact should be received with caution, as the name of Roger nowhere appears in the archives of the Order. The Italian historian Bosio, the most authentic writer of his time, alludes to this difference of opinion, but does not join either party.
There exists a stronger motive than would at first sight appear for this mystification. In after years it became a subject of dispute between the Knights Templars and those of St. John which of the two bodies could claim priority of foundation. It seems clear enough that the Templars were not organized until between the years 1128 and 1130. If, therefore, it can be proved that Raymond succeeded to the government of the Hospital on the death of Gerard in the year 1118, and at once proceeded to establish his brotherhood on a military basis, the Order of St. John claims by right the priority of formation; if, however, a second rector did actually intervene, and Raymond only assumed office in 1131, the seniority might well be accorded to the Templars. There being no positive testimony on the point, it becomes necessary to argue by analogy. The weight of evidence seems to be in favour of the former date, since it can be proved that the Hospitallers took part in an engagement fought against the Saracens by Baldwin II. in the year 1119. As it was not probable they would have been present at that action until they had assumed military obligations, we may fairly take that date as the latest at which the new system was inaugurated.
At this time, in addition to the kingdom of Jerusalem, the Latins held sway over other detached principalities, which formed the outworks of that exposed and harassed monarchy. Such were the counties of Edessa and Tripoli and the principality of Antioch. These, though independent governments in themselves, were more or less under the influence of, and in alliance with the central kingdom. Indeed, situated as they were, surrounded by implacable enemies and liable to constant attack on every side from vastly superior forces, they could not have existed for many months had there not been the strongest bond of union between them all. As, therefore, it was well understood that the support of each was absolutely necessary for the safety of all, an attack was no sooner menaced in any one quarter, than speedy help was at once despatched from the others.
​The cause of the battle alluded to as having taken place in 1119 was owing to a descent of one of the Turcoman tribes upon the principality of Antioch. The knights of St. John hastened to seize the opportunity afforded by the king of Jerusalem marching his troops to the assistance of the threatened city, to carry out their new military obligations, and they formed a very important element in his army.
The Turcomans had so far met with complete success in their incursion. They had utterly routed the forces which the regent of Antioch had brought against them, he himself having been killed in the battle. Confident, therefore, of success, and elate with victory, they hurried forward to meet the new enemy. Here they found that in spite of their superior numbers they were no match for their opponents. Riven in sunder by the torrent of steel which, with Raymond at its head, poured upon their columns, and unable at any point to present a front which was not instantly shattered, they were, after a desperate resistance, forced to give way. Raymond followed up his victory, and the retreat was speedily turned into a rout, in which the slaughter of the flying multitudes became terrific. This triumph enabled the king for a time to free the entire Latin territory, and on his return to Jerusalem to enjoy a brief period of quiet and repose.
As his kingdom, in so exposed a situation, was never long destined to be at rest, we soon find Baldwin once again in the field with Raymond and his gallant Hospitallers at his back. This time Edessa was the point of attack, the Turcomans being under the command of Balak, one of their most powerful chiefs. He had succeeded in surprising the count of Edessa, Jocelyn de Courtenay, had routed his forces, and had taken him prisoner. In order to rescue his friend and prevent the further advance of Balak into the Latin territory, the king hastened forward by rapid marches, accompanied by the Hospitallers and such other forces as on the spur of the moment he could gather together. Having most imprudently advanced upon a reconnoitring expedition with but a slender escort, he was in his turn surprised by the vigilant Balak, and became a follow-prisoner with his friend Courtenay. His army, overwhelmed with panic at this untoward occurrence, retreated precipitately; ​the majority of them abandoned their colours, and the Hospitallers found that they were left almost alone. No longer able to keep the open field they threw themselves into the city of Edessa with the intention of holding it to the last. In this critical conjuncture Eustace Garnier, constable of Palestine, a man far advanced in years, but in spite of his age full of vigour, collected a body of seven thousand men, the principal force of the small lordship of Sidon. To these he joined such of the Hospitallers as had been left behind at Jerusalem, and with this slender reinforcement he marched upon the Turcomans, routed them completely, and rescued both the prisoners who had fallen into the hands of Balak.
This victory was followed at no distant date by two others, the details of which it is scarcely necessary here to relate. Indeed, the chronicles of those times are filled with little else than a succession of petty enterprises undertaken by the Latins either for the purpose of protecting from invasion some point of their exposed frontier, or, as was not unfrequently the case, to carry the war into the enemy's country. In all these struggles the knights of St. John bore their share, as is fully testified by the historians of the period. Indeed, but for their assistance the king of Jerusalem would have found it impossible to maintain himself against the ever-increasing pressure from without. This was so fully recognized that Pope Innocent II., in the year 1130, issued a bull in which he records in glowing terms the opinion entertained of their services throughout Europe. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that a body of men who were rendering themselves so indispensable to the maintenance of Christianity in the East should receive every remuneration and the grant of every privilege which it was in the power of grateful Christendom to bestow.
It was about this time that a fraternity very similar to that of St. John sprang into existence. The duties of the Hospitallers, though in many ways attractive to the chivalric temper of the times, partook somewhat too much of the sedate occupations of the monk to be altogether pleasing. It must be remembered that though constantly engaged in warfare all their spare time was still devoted to the nursing duties of their Hospital, which, indeed, even now practically remained ​their most constant occupation. This portion of their work did not commend itself to many of the more youthful aspirants. To devote his life to the protection of the Holy Land, and whilst engaged in that sacred duty to impose upon himself the vows of poverty, obedience, and chastity, was the desire of many a young and enthusiastic mind; but he did not feel equally disposed to undertake those Hospitaller duties which would fall to his lot were he to assume the white cross of St. John.
Under the influence of these feelings a body of nine French knights, with Hugh de Payens at their head, joined themselves together with the object of forming an escort to those numerous bands of pilgrims who were annually resorting to the shores of Palestine. They were at first under no religious restrictions, and had no distinct rules laid down for their guidance, their duties being self-imposed and voluntary; and so they continued to be for several years. The king of Jerusalem gave them as a residence a portion of his palace adjacent to the temple of Solomon: hence arose their name of knights of the Temple, or, as they were afterwards called, Knights Templar.
Hugh de Payens having been sent by the king to solicit assistance from the Pope, in the form of a new Crusade, took that opportunity of presenting his companions. He explained the objects of their association, and requested the permission of his Holiness to establish a religious and military Order similar to that of the Hospital. The Pope referred them to the Council of Troyes, then in conclave, which, after due inquiry and investigation, gave its decided approval to the project in the year 1128. Fortified with this sanction, Hugh de Payens traversed the greater part of Europe in search of candidates for his new Order, and eventually returned to Palestine with a body of three hundred young and ardent spirits selected from the flower of the chivalry of Europe. Here they received every assistance from Raymond and his Hospitallers. For a long time, and until donations began to pour into their own coffers, they were almost entirely maintained by the latter, who took them completely under their protection. By degrees, however, the benefactions of the charitable and the increase ​of their numbers placed them on a footing of complete equality with the elder institution.
In giving his sanction to this fraternity, the Pope directed that they should wear a white robe with a red cross, in contradistinction to the black robe and white cross of the Hospitallers. They were consequently known generally as the red cross knights and the white cross knights respectively. Although they did not undertake any charitable duties similar to those of the Order of St. John, their regulations for the maintenance of their monastic vows were, if anything, still more severe. In order to prevent the possibility of a transgression of the vow of chastity it was decreed that they were on no account even to look on the face of a fair woman; and as a still further precaution they were forbidden to kiss even their own mothers.
At about the same time another body, which in its original institution was of far greater antiquity than even the Hospital of St. John, also became military, and that was the Order of St. Lazarus. The old writers dated the origin of this association as far back as the first century; but this statement may be taken as a myth. The earliest period to which it can with any certainty be traced is the year 370. At that time a large hospital was established in the suburbs of Cæsarea, under the auspices of St. Basil, for the reception and treatment of lepers. The laws and customs of the East bore with frightful severity on those who were afflicted with this loathsome disease. They were entirely cut off from all intercourse with their friends or the world at large; the establishment, therefore, of a hospital for their reception was hailed as a general boon. The Emperor Valens, as recorded by Theodoret, enriched it with all the lands which he held in the province where it was founded. This charity proved of such great utility that similar institutions soon sprang up in various other parts of the East; and as they all took St. Lazarus as their tutelary saint, they became generally known as Lazarets. One of these hospitals was in existence in Jerusalem at the time of its capture by Godfrey de Bouillon. In addition to its charitable organization it was also a religious Order, following the rule of St. Augustine. When, however, the conversion of the Hospitallers into a military fraternity, followed as it was by ​the establishment of the Templars on a similar footing, set the example of combining the warlike duties of the knight with the asceticism of the monk, the members of the Order of St. Lazarus took the same step. For this purpose they divided themselves into two separate bodies, viz., lepers and non-lepers, the former, amongst whom was their Grand-Master, who ex-officio was required to be a leper, carried on the duties of the hospital. The others, being in a condition to bear arms, joined the general Christian forces in repelling the constant inroads of the infidels. Their precise habit has not been recorded, but they wore a green cross.
Whilst these bulwarks were arising for the support of the kingdom the march of events had been producing other changes by which its fortunes were much affected. Baldwin had two daughters, of whom Alice (the younger) was married to Bohemond, prince of Antioch; the elder was unmarried. At about this period Full, count of Anjou, having lost his wife, undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Whilst there he rendered good service to Baldwin in his wars, maintaining a company of a hundred knights at his own expense. The king, anxious to retain in his service a leader of such renown, offered to him the hand of his eldest daughter, Milicent, in marriage, at the same time engaging to name him as his successor to the throne. These terms were accepted by Fulk, and faithfully adhered to by Baldwin, the marriage being solemnized with great pomp. The death of the king took place in the year 1131, much accelerated by the undutiful conduct of his younger daughter, Alice, who considered herself injured by the arrangement made, and Full of Anjou ascended the vacant throne.
Before this, however, Bohemond, the husband of Mice, had been killed in battle, leaving as his sole heiress a young daughter. By the promptitude and decision of Baldwin and Full the rights of this infant were preserved intact, in spite of the machinations of its mother on the one side, and her uncle, Roger, duke of Apulia, on the other, both of whom were intriguing for the sovereignty of Antioch. Full, however, soon saw that if the rights of the young princess were to be guarded against the plots hatching on all sides it would be advisable to bestow her in marriage, in spite of ​her youth, on some prince of sufficient power to restrain the ambitious projects of her relatives. With this object he cast his eyes on Raymond of Poitiers, youngest son of William, duke of Aquitaine, then residing at the court of Henry I. of England. As negotiator in this delicate mission, he selected Joubert, a knight of St. John. Joubert had by this time gained much celebrity both as a soldier and statesman, and was rising rapidly to the highest dignities in the gift of his Order. He acquitted himself of the mission in a manner which quite justified his selection. Raymond accepted the hand thus offered to him, and hastened to throw himself at the feet of his youthful fiancée, then still a mere child.
Roger of Apulia, to whom the idea of any such alliance was very distasteful, tried to prevent Raymond from landing in Syria. Joubert, however, who accompanied the gallant suitor, succeeded in evading the machinations of Roger, and under the disguise of merchants they passed unsuspected into the territories of Fulk, where they were warmly welcomed, and the marriage solemnized without delay. Thus, by the judicious services of a knight of St. John, the affairs of the principality of Antioch were once more brought into a satisfactory condition, and the danger of a civil embroilment, which at that moment would have been suicidal, was averted.
A service of a somewhat similar nature,but not so successful in its issue, was at the same time undertaken by Raymond du Puy himself. Alfonso I., king of Aragon and Navarre, had been so impressed with the gallantry and devotion displayed by the military Orders, who from their European commanderies were assisting him in his warfare against the Moors, that he actually nominated them joint heirs to his crown. Soon afterwards he met his death in battle. The grandees of his two kingdoms were, however, by no means prepared to carry into effect this disposition of the vacant thrones. Taking advantage of the absence of both the respective Masters in the East, and being at the same time at variance with each other, they selected separate successors for each of the two kingdoms, ignoring the claims of the Orders altogether. It was at once decided by both fraternities that Raymond, accompanied by some of his knights and by deputies named to act on behalf of the Templars, should proceed ​to Spain to enforce their just claims. It seems strange that such an attempt should have been seriously contemplated, or that Raymond should have conceived it possible that this extraordinary arrangement would be permitted. Certain it is that he did make the effort, and, as might have been anticipated, met with very meagre success. From the king of Navarre he could obtain no redress whatever, that prince naturally ignoring the power of Alfonso to make any such disposition of his kingdom. From the king of Aragon he did receive some compensation in the form of certain manorial rights. With this compromise he and his brother deputies were forced to content themselves, and so they returned to the Holy Land.
The first real blow received by the Christian power in the East at the hand of the Saracens was the loss of Edessa. This city was captured by Zenghi, sultan of Mosul and Aleppo, at that time the most powerful of the Eastern potentates. The prince of Edessa was the son of Jocelyn de Courtenay, who, although inheriting his father’s possessions, was utterly devoid of the warlike qualities with which that ruler had upheld his principality. Plunged into a course of reckless dissipation, and a mere tool in the hands of worthless favourites, he saw his capital torn from his grasp without an effort to save it. Nothing but the death of Zenghi, who was at that critical moment assassinated in his tent, prevented the loss of the remainder of his dominions.
As it was, the capture of the city of Edessa was a sad blow to the Latin power. Most of the gallant spirits who had contributed to the first establishment and subsequent extension of the kingdoms of Palestine were no more, and their successors retained but little in common with them save their titles. The only exception to this degeneracy was Baldwin III., king of Jerusalem, who, with the assistance of the two military Orders, was the main support of the tottering Latin power. That prince no sooner heard of the assassination of Zenghi, and the check thereby caused to his army, than he conceived the idea of once more recovering the lost city. He advanced rapidly at the head of such troops as he could collect, conspicuous amongst whom was a detachment of Hospitallers. On arriving before the walls of Edessa the Christian inhabitants of the town rose against the Saracen garrison, opened their gates and admitted Baldwin. ​His triumph was, however, but of short duratiop. The Saracens retired into the citadel, where they withstood all his efforts to dislodge them. Meanwhile Noureddin, one of the sons of Zenghi, a young warrior destined to rival his father in ability, advanced rapidly to prevent the accomplishment of Baldwin’s enterprise. His army was so greatly superior to that of the king that the latter was compelled to retire with precipitation. The whole Christian population of Edessa accompanied him, dreading the vengeance of the Saracens. It required the most strenuous efforts and considerable skill on the part of Baldwin to prevent Noureddin, who hung upon the flanks of the retreat, from utterly destroying them. As it was, a large proportion had fallen victims before they reached Jerusalem, and the number would have been still greater but for the sleepless vigilance of Raymond and his brethren. To prevent the possibility of any further attempts of the like nature on the part of the Christians, Noureddin, as soon as he had regained possession of the city, levelled its fortifications and destroyed all its churches. In this way it was that Edessa passed for ever from the hands of the Christians.
The loss of this important post caused the utmost dismay throughout Palestine. Standing on the extreme eastern frontier, on the very confines of the desert, it had served as a most valuable outwork, keeping the Saracens at a distance from the centre of the province and its chief city, Jerusalem. The greatest possible efforts were therefore made for its recovery. ​As the military strength of the state was evidently unequal to cope with Noureddin’s forces unassisted, the patriarch of Palestine and the king of Jerusalem decided on sending an envoy to Europe for the purpose of securing, if possible, an armed intervention from the Christian powers of the West. The bishop of Zabulon was selected for this duty, and he at once proceeded to Rome to lay the matter before Pope Eugene III. That dignitary entered warmly into the project, and he directed Bernard, the abbot of Clairvaux, to preach a new Crusade throughout France and Germany. Bernard was a man held in the highest veneration, from the rigid austerity of his life. He had succeeded in introducing much needful reform into the discipline of the clergy, which had hitherto been disgracefully lax, and his influence with all classes was unbounded. He seconded the wishes of the Pope with all the strength of his fiery eloquence. Traversing the land from end to end he called upon all faithful Christians to come forward at this hour of the church’s need, to prevent the infidel from once more regaining those holy places which had been taken from them at the cost of so much blood.
Louis VII., the king of France, having in one of his numerous wars committed barbarities of more than usual atrocity, resolved upon atoning for the same by heading the new crusade. As a modern infidel writer has expressed it, he “proposed to slaughter some millions of Saracens as an expiation for the murder of four or five hundred Champagnois.” ​The German emperor, Conrad III., was in no such pious mood, and it needed all the persuasion of Bernard's eloquence to induce him to join the enterprise. Bernard was, however, not to be denied, and at length Conrad consented to lead the crusaders of his empire. Before the end of the year 1147 an army of nearly 200,000 men, under the joint leadership of Louis and himself, was on its way to the East.
The usual delays, interruptions, and even treachery, awaited them at the hands of the Greek emperor, Manuel Comnenus, who viewed the incursion with great distaste. Although brother-in-law to Conrad he exerted all his powers of dissimulation to accomplish the destruction of these unwelcome visitors. It will not be necessary to enter into any detail as regards this ill-fated expedition. After having lost the greater part of their number in the mountain passes between Phrygia and Pisidia, the shattered remnants eventually reached Jerusalem.
​Noureddin, relieved of the fears which the presence of so large a force had excited, and seeing he had nothing further to dread in the way of attack on his own territories, determined to carry the war once more into the enemy’s country, and, with this view, threatened the principality of Antioch. Baldwin, therefore, found himself once again under the necessity of advancing in that direction for the protection of his frontier. This was in the year 1152. During his absence two Turkish princes, bearing the name of the Jarroquins, penetrated by way of Damascus to Jerusalem. They actually arrived in presence of the city, which, at the moment, was in an utterly defence- less condition, all the disposable forces of the kingdom having accompanied Baldwin in his advance towards Antioch. The Turks pitched their camp for the night on the Mount of Olives, intending to force an entry into the place on the following morning. In this operation, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, they anticipated little or no difficulty.
A few Hospitallers had been left behind, who were to conduct the ordinary duties of the institution whilst their comrades were with the king, and it was to the promptitude and decision with which these few gallant knights acted in the crisis that the safety of Jerusalem was due. Gathering together such of the citizens as were capable of bearing arms, they made a sortie under cover of the night, and penetrated into the enemy’s camp. This they succeeded in setting on fire, and in the confusion which followed they completely overthrew the bewildered Turks. Vast numbers were put to the sword, and the remainder took to hasty flight. Baldwin, having received information of the danger which was threatening Jerusalem, was at the moment hurrying back to its rescue, and coming suddenly on the fugitives in the midst of their disorderly flight, he completed the rout, cutting them in pieces, and following up the pursuit with such vigour that those who escaped the swords of his army perished in the waters of Jordan. The king was not slow to recognize the great service thus rendered, and promptly admitted the claim of the Order of St. John to the merit of having saved the Holy City from falling into the hands of the enemy.
This great and unlocked-for success occurred at a moment ​when the reverses of the Christians had caused a general discouragement. Baldwin therefore determined to avail himself of its inspiriting effects on his own followers, and the consequent panic of the enemy, to assume the offensive. With this object he turned his eyes on the Saracen fortress of Ascalon. This city, which formed a standing menace to the kingdom of Jerusalem on the south, had been a constant source of anxiety from its first establishment. In order, in some degree, to counterbalance the evil, and to keep in check the inroads of its inhabitants, Milicent, the mother of Baldwin, had, during the temporary absence of her husband, Fulk, rebuilt the defences of the town of Beersheba. This point, although within the limits of thr Christian territory, was at no great distance from Ascalon. She had requested Raymond to undertake the defence of the place with his knights, and this being a post of danger had been eagerly accepted by him. It had ever since been maintained by them, in spite of numerous attempts on the part of the Saracens, and had always acted as a point of assembly and place of refuge for the Christians of the district when menaced by the enemy. Baldwin had himself, sOme time after, restored the fortifications of the ancient Philistine town of Gaza, which was within twenty miles of Ascalon, and lie wisely intrusted its preservation to the care of the Templars. A noble, generous, and friendly rivalry was consequently established between the two Orders in maintaining these exposed posts, and hitherto they had both been successful.
Ascalon, which was considered by the Turks one of their most important fortresses, was situated on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean, in much the same latitude as Jerusalem. Its fortifications, consisting of a high rampart flanked at short intervals by lofty towers, formed a semicircle enclosing the town, the sea line completing the circuit. It had always been guarded most zealously by its possessors. All its male inhabitants were thoroughly trained in the exercises of war; and that.there might be no danger of treachery on their part., or any want of fidelity to the Saracen cause, the caliph had granted them numerous privileges and indulgences not enjoyed by the inhabitants of any other city in the East. Baldwin, however, was undeterred either by the strength of the place or ​by the number and discipline of the garrison, which may be said to have comprised the entire adult male population of the place. Having been reinforced by the accession of a large body of pilgrims from Europe, and by strong detachments from the military Orders, he sat down before the walls. Gerard, the Lord of Sidon, with fifteen small galleys, holding possession of the sea, was to intercept the passage of supplies to the beleaguered city.
For five months the siege was carried on with the utmost rigour. The Christians, harassed by constant sorties on the part of the garrison, gained ground but slowly. Every step was purchased at the cost of a persistent struggle and a fearful expenditure of life, not an inch being yielded by the Saracens without a desperate resistance. At last, however, having overcome all the obstacles which the ingenuity of the defence had placed in their way, they reached the base of the rampart. At this critical moment a powerful hostile fleet, laden with reinforcements and provisions, hove in sight. Gerard had no alternative but to retire with his few ships in all haste, and the sovereignty of the seas was consequently left in undisputed possession of the enemy. This sudden and unlooked-for check spread the utmost dismay throughout the Christian camp. A council of war was at once summoned, in which the propriety of raising the siege was advocated by the majority of those present. The leaders of the military Orders, supported by the patriarch of Jerusalem and some of the other clergy, took, however, a contrary view. They urged strongly on the king the necessity of prosecuting the siege, assuring him that a retreat would have such a disastrous effect on his forces, and would so raise the spirit of the infidels, that he would be unable to resist a hostile advance, which would probably culminate in an attack on Jerusalem.
These arguments coincided with the views held by the king himself, so he decided, in spite of the adverse opinion of the majority, to continue the enterprise. He so aroused the spirit of all present by his bold counsel, that even those who had been most forward in advocating a retreat now became enthusiastic converts to his ‘wishes. The Templars constructed a lofty tower on wheels, which they advanced close to the walls of the ​town, from the top of which a drawbridge could be lowered at will to span the intervening space. In the course of the night the Turks threw down a quantity of dry wood and other combustible matter, which they ignited with a view to the destruction of the tower. A strong east wind, however, set in, and the flames were blown away from the Templar’s tower and on to the wall of the town. This was so much calcined and destroyed by the action of the fire that in the morning it was easy to form a practicable breach. No time was lost. The Grand-Master at once directed a body of his knights to deliver an assault, which was attended with complete success. The assailants had no sooner made their appearance within the ramparts than the garrison, conceiving that all was lost, fled precipitately. Meanwhile the Templars advanced into the very heart of the town, and had they been at once supported its fall must have ensued. Unfortunately the grasping disposition of their Grand-Master ruined the enterprise. Instead of sending for immediate reinforcements he actually mounted the breach with the rest of his knights, and there kept guard, to prevent any other troops from entering the town, trusting by these means to secure the entire pillage of the place for the benefit of his Order. The result was what might have been foreseen. The garrison, not being followed up, soon recovered from their panic. Perceiving the slender strength of the enemy, who had penetrated within the city, they returned to the attack, drove the Templars back to the point at which they had effected their entrance, and thence through the breach with great slaughter. Having cleared the place, they at once proceeded to secure themselves from further assault, by retrenchments and barricades.
The anger of the king and his army at this conduct on the part of the Templars was unbounded. It was not the first time that they had shown a spirit of avarice and a greed for wealth most unsuited to the principles on which their Order was founded. That spirit was destined before long to draw down on them the antagonism, and eventually the vengeance of Europe.
The garrison of Ascalon was so elated at the success with which this formidable attack had been repelled that, strengthened as they were by the reinforcements which had arrived with ​their fleet, they determined on a sortie in force. On the following morning they sallied forth in great strength, trusting to deliver such a blow as should compel the Christians to raise the siege. The action lasted the entire day with varying success. The Templars, anxious to atone for their previous misconduct, threw themselves upon the enemy with the most reckless impetuosity, and were ably supported by Baldwin and the Hospitallers. At length the Saracens gave way, and being closely pressed the retreat was speedily converted into a total rout—a large proportion of the garrison fell, and only a very slender remnant regained the shelter of their walls. On the following day they offered terms of capitulation, which having been accepted, Baldwin entered the town on the 12th August, 1154. A strong garrison was placed therein, and the Moslem inhabitants were transported to Lana, a town on the borders of the desert.
This conquest had a most beneficial effect on the position of the kingdom of Jerusalem. Instead of the constant alarms and incursions from which they had formerly suffered whilst Ascalon had been in the hands of the Turks, their frontier was now comparatively secure. Its new holders, supported as they were by the garrisons of Beersheba and Gaza, were able to drive back the Moslems into the heart of Egypt. The greatest joy was displayed throughout Europe at this timely acquisition, the glory of which was by universal consent awarded to the Hospitallers and their chief Raymond, who, when all else were proposing to abandon the siege in despair, had succeeded in causing it to be prosecuted to a successful termination. Pope Anastasius IV. was so strongly impressed in their favour on the occasion that he issued a new bull confirming and extending the privileges which his predecessors had already granted to them.
The publication of this bull created the greatest jealousy amongst the regular clergy of Palestine, who could not brook the exemption from all external ecclesiastical supervision thus conceded. Numerous complaints of the arrogance and malpractices of the fraternity, some of which were doubtless true enough, but many simply jealous fabrications, were forwarded to the papal chair by the clergy, with the patriarch of Jerusalem at their head. Amongst other grievances it was specified that the ​church of St. John exceeded in splendour that of the Holy Sepulchre, to which it was in close proximity, and that the bells of the former were rung with violence whilst service was being conducted in the latter to the great annoyance and interruption of the congregation. Other complaints of a similar character, and framed in the same spirit, were made. The Pope decided against the appellants, and confirmed the privileges of the Order, thus stigmatizing as vexatious the opposition that had been raised against them. This was the first time that any disputes had arisen between the Hospitallers and the regular clergy, but having once been started they soon became almost chronic, and the reader of the histories of those times has to wade through long dissertations on both sides, in which the most trivial matters are made to bear a malicious and invidious interpretation.
Amongst the most bitter of the writers on the ecclesiastical side was William, archbishop of Tyre, who was himself an eyewitness of most of the events which he records. He does not hesitate to accuse the Pope of having been bribed to give his decision in favour of the Hospital, and in every possible way he garbles and distorts his narrative of the dispute. The animus with which he writes is palpable on every page. This discord embittered the last days of Raymond du Puy. He had lived long enough to see his Order settled on a permanent basis honoured and respected throughout Europe, wealthy and powerful from the endowments it had received, and increasing annually in numbers. There was at this time scarcely a noble house in Europe which did not send one or more of its members to bear the white cross on his breast, and the aristocratic connections thus formed tended much to increase the high estimation in which the fraternity was held.
At length, in the year 1160, Raymond died. He had attained the age of eighty years, of which sixty had been spent in constant warfare. Nothing seemed to affect his iron constitution, and he bore apparently a charmed life through innumerable scenes of danger. He breathed his last in the Hospital of St. John at Jerusalem, whither he had retired to meet his end in peace and repose. History has recorded nothing but good of his character. Even William of Tyre speaks of him in the most glowing terms. ​A true type of the Christian, the soldier, and the gentleman, he lived to see his every ambition fulfilled, and the Order on which all his hopes had been centred take a leading place amidst the chivalry of Europe. It was at some time during his rule that the magnificent pile forming the new hospital and convent was erected. The precise date of the work is uncertain, but it was probably between the years 1130 and 1150. Details of this building, as well as of those which with it formed the establishment of the Order at Jerusalem, will be found in the next chapter.
The rule of the two Masters who succeeded him were both brief and uneventful. During the short administration of Auger de Balben, Baldwin III. was gathered to his fathers, universally regretted by his subjects, who could ill spare the guidance of his commanding genius. He was succeeded by his brother Almeric. That prince was much indebted to the good offices of Auger for his peaceable accession to the throne, his claims having been for a time the subject of much dispute. Arnaud de Comps, a member of a noble family of Dauphiné, succeeded Auger de Balben in the year 1162. During his short government an expedition into Egypt was undertaken by Aimeric, accompanied by the Hospitallers and Templars. A quarrel had arisen between the caliph of Egypt and Noureddin, the leader of the Turcomans. The latter had in consequence invaded Egypt, and the caliph appealed to Almeric for assistance. This was granted, and in return Almeric succeeded in extorting an annual tribute from the caliph.
This being the only result of the undertaking the expedition could scarcely be considered one of importance. There were, however, two noteworthy events connected with it. It was in this war that Saladin, whose career afterwards became so fatal to the Christian cause, made his first appearance on the field of battle, and showed the earliest gleams of that martial spirit which was destined eventually to make his name so renowned. Some of the older historians record that at the close of the siege of Alexandria, which was ended by the declaration of peace, Saladin, who had conducted the defence with great skill, demanded of the besiegers the honour of knighthood, which request, notwithstanding his religion, was complied with, as a ​mark of appreciation of his gallantry. It is, however, most probable that this statement must be ranked with the numerous myths with which the records of those times abound. The other event to which allusion has been made was the punishment of twelve knights of the Temple for cowardice in having yielded the cave or grotto of Tyre without sufficient resistance. For this offence Almeric caused them all to be hanged, a sentence which threw a great slur on the general body at the time. Cowardice, however, was not one of the usual crimes of that fraternity. It is therefore not improbable that they were sacrifloed to the wrath of the Christians for not having performed an impossibility. It is also quite possible that the statement itself was untrue, the records of it being only to be found on the pages of historians by no means generally friendly to the Templars.
Arnaud do Comps died in the year 1168, and the unfortunate Gilbert d’Ascali was appointed to the vacant office. Soon afterwards Almeric suggested the advisability of a second expedition into Egypt. He had been so struck with the wealth and other attractions of the country during his first incursion, that he was prompted both by ambition and avarice to desire its acquisition. In this project he was warmly seconded by the Greek emperor of Constantinople, who was naturally desirous of seeing as effectual a barrier as possible erected between his frontier and the infidels who surrounded him. With this view he contributed a large sum towards the expenses of the proposed expedition.
The propriety of joining with the king in this enterprise was warmly debated amongst the knights of St. John. The caliph of Egypt had but lately entered into a treaty of peace with the Christians by which he had bound himself to pay them an annual tribute. This treaty had so far been scrupulously observed by him; it was therefore argued by some of the more conscientious among them that they were not justified in waging war against him. Their Master, however, strenuously supported the undertaking, and his detractors assert that his object in so doing was to replenish by the spoils of Egypt the treasury of the Order, which he had much reduced by his extravagance. He was backed by the majority in the council. ​They were tempted by the prospect of an easy conquest and a large booty, as the Egyptians were very wealthy and not very warlike. They therefore authorized Gilbert to raise money by loans from the bankers of Genoa and Venice. With this assistance the Hospitallers enrolled a large auxiliary force of mercenaries, and prepared to take the field with an array far more numerous than they had hitherto been able to muster.
The Templars, when called on by Aimeric to join his ranks, refused the request after a lengthened discussion, alleging the same reasons as had been urged by many of the Hospitallers then considering the question. There is no doubt that in their decision they were far more just and honest than the others. There are not wanting those who assert that this scrupulousness was in reality based on the fact that they were unable to take the field with so imposing a force as that which was to serve under Gilbert d’Ascali, and that in consequence their jealousy prompted them to hold aloof. Be this as it may, there is no doubt that they were entirely justified in their refusal, and the events which followed fully proved the wisdom of the decision.
Almeric, in no wise daunted by the defection of the Templars, led the way into Egypt with the Hospitallers in his train. Their first operation when there was the siege of Belbeis. This town was well fortified and garrisoned, still Almeric decided upon attempting to carry it by assault. The slaughter was prodigious on both sides, but Almerio at length succeeded in forcing his way into the place, when a scene of carnage and licened brutality ensued, such as was in those days the usual result of a successful assault. In this town Almeric captured the son and the nephew of the caliph, as well as a number of other prisoners of importance.
It had formed one of the terms of the agreement entered into between Almeric and d’Ascali that upon the capture of Belbeis it should become the property of the Order of St. John, and the king, true to his word, lost no time in handing it over to them. D’Ascali left a large garrison composed of his own followers within its walls, he himself with the main body of his forces accompanying the king in the further prosecution of his enterprise. ​Their next point of attack was Cairo, then, as now, the principal city of Egypt. Whilst in front of this place, Almeric received an embassy from the caliph sueing for peace, at the same time offering an enormous ransom for the freedom of his son and nephew. Almeric, whose besetting vice was avarice, was not proof against the temptation of two millions of crowns, the sum the envoys were instructed to offer. Having received an instalment of a hundred thousand crowns, he consented to an armistice whilst the Egyptians should collect the remainder of the ransom. This, however, was not the intention of the caliph. Whilst Almeric was delaying his progress in security, he, on the other hand, was sending a message to his former opponent, Noureddin, to implore aid against their common enemy. Noureddin was only too glad to fall into his views, and prepared at once to send a powerful army to the rescue.
Meanwhile the arrangements for the treaty with Ahueric were slowly progressing, and he was cajoled into a continuance of his inactivity by the belief that the caliph was busily engaged in fulifiling its terms. The artifice was completely successful. Almeric remained resting on his arms in front of Cairo, until at length he was startled by hearing that Noureddin was rapidly advancing against him. Aroused by this unwelcome intelligence, he lost no time in starting with all his forces, trusting to be able to overcome the Turks before they had effected a junction with the Egyptians. Siracon, Noureddin’s general, however, having made a detour, succeeded in passing Almeric and in joining his forces to those of the caliph in his rear. Under these circumstances the king felt that all was over and that nothing was left but a rapid retreat. He therefore retired at once into his own dominions, and the Hospitallers were compelled to evacuate Belbeis, the garrison of which joined the king’s army as he passed.
Thus ended this ill-fated expedition, the success of which was prevented purely by the avarice of Almeric. That it was unprovoked in the outset, and consequently unjustifiable, cannot be denied, and that starting with a breach of faith it deserved no better fate is true. It would, however, had it been successful, have doubtless tended much to strengthen the feeble kingdom. As it was, the Christians gained nothing ​but obloquy, and, as the sequel will show, brought down upon themselves an enemy who eventually compassed theft complete overthrow.
The friends of Almeric—for in spite of his errors he had many who were most warmly attached to his person and fortunes—endeavoured to screen his misconduct by throwing the entire blame on the Master of St. John. This unfortunate knight, however, seems to have been more sinned against than sinning throughout the transaction. He had been induced by the arguments of the king, aided no doubt by his own ambition, to join in the conquest of Egypt. The attempt seemed likely to be successful, and in that case would have added a strong bulwark to the kingdom. Guided by these considerations, and not foreseeing that the avarice of Almeric would shipwreck the undertaking, he had entered heartily into it, and had pledged the credit of his Order to the utmost limits to provide funds for its successful prosecution. It is, however, very difficult to argue in the face of failure, nd Gilbert, on his return to Jerusalem, found himself attacked on all sides. His proud spirit sank under the trial, and in a fit of despair he resigned his Mastership, and left the Holy Land. Shortly afterwards he was drowned whilst crossing from Prance to England, from which fact it has been assumed that he was an Englishman. This seems the more probable, as the name—D’Ascali or Be Sailly—is distinctly of Norman origin, and might therefore well have been borne by an English knight at that period.
On his resignation he was succeeded by Gastus, whose rule was very short, and who, to use the stereotyped expression of the chroniclers, has left no other record of himself than his name.
Joubert, the sixth Master, was elected on the death of Gastus in the year 1169. Great changes were now taking place in the countries surrounding Judea. As has been already said, Noureddin, at the request of the caliph of Egypt had sent an army to his assistance, which he had placed under the command of Siraeon. Saladin was nephew to Siracon, and accompanied his uncle to Egypt. Noureddin’s design in this act was not simply to aid in expelling the Christians from ​the country. He had given Siracon private instructions that, after he had carried out that object, he should take advantage of any opportunity which might offer to seize upon its government himself. These instructions were carried out. Siracon deposed the caliph, and seated himself on the throne. His triumph was, however, very brief, as he died almost immediately afterwards. His nephew, Saladin, in his turn, assumed the reins of government, and to make himself secure strangled the late caliph. Noureddin having also died about the same time, Saladin married his widow and established himself not only as ruler of Egypt, but also of all the territories formerly governed by him.
Saladin’s power now became so threatening that Almeric had good cause to rue the ambition which had called so potent an enemy into the field. In the hope of checking his successful career the king sought aid from the emperor of Constantinople. During his absence from Jerusalem he vested the government of his kingdom in the hands of the Masters of the Hospital and Temple. From the emperor he received most flattering promises of assistance, which, in the end, were but very partially realized. Compelled to be content with these he returned to Jerusalem, where his presence was required to meet a new enemy.
This was none other than an apostate Templar named Melier, brother to Thoro, prince of Armenia. At the death of Thoro the crown had descended to the son of his sister. Meier, prompted by the desire of gaining a throne, had abandoned his profession, renounced Christianity, and with the aid of Saladin had driven his nephew from the country, and installed himself as prince of Armenia. He commenced a cruel war with his Christian neighbours, his atrocities surpassing even those of his Mahometan allies. Towards the Hospitallers and Templars he displayed peculiar rancour; such of them as fell into his hands were either butchered at once or Bold into slavery. Almeric was not a prince to suffer this thorn to remain in the side of his kingdom, and he was warmly supported by the military Orders, who burned to avenge themselves for the cruelties that had been inflicted on their brethren. Melier, finding himself ​unable to cope with the forces brought against him, fled from his usurped principality and took refuge with Saladin.
Almeric died in the year 1174, and was succeeded by his son, Baldwin IV., who was afflicted with leprosy. In the following year that prince endeavoured to establish a frontier fortress on the banks of the Jordan within the limits of Saladin’s dominion. Saladin at once advanced to oppose the Christians, and having skilfully lured them into an ambush fell upon them whilst entangled in a defile and completely routed their army. In this disastrous affair the Hospitallers were nearly cut to pieces, their Master, Joubert, being covered with wounds, and only saving his life by swimming his horse across the Jordan. His end, which occurred in the year 1179, has been differently recorded. Some say that he died of grief owing to the troubles which year by year were falling with increased force upon the kingdom; the general opinion, however, is that he was murdered, having been starved to death in prison, after falling into the hands of one of Saladin’s generals.
The vacancy was filled by the election of Roger Desmoulins. On his accession he found the Christian territory threatened from without by a powerful enemy, and at the same time torn and divided by internal discord. A truce had been concluded with Saladin, but it was merely temporary, and it was clear that when war once more broke out the Christians would be quite unable to present a successful resistance to the infidels. They decided, therefore, upon sending an embassy to Europe to solicit the aid of a third Crusade, and for this purpose they selected Heraclius, patriarch of Jerusalem, and the Masters of the Hospital and Temple. Shortly after their arrival in Europe, the latter dignitary died, leaving Heraclius and Desmoulins to carry out the embassy unaided. They visited the courts of Philip II. of Prance and Henry II. of England, as well as that of Pope Lucius III., without much practical success. A Crusade was, indeed, preached, but with such lukewarmness that it proved futile, and the disappointed envoys were compelled to return to the East without bavinà secured any efficient aid.
Here they found that the disease with which Baldwin was ​afflicted had so far overcome him that he had become incapable of carrying on the functions of government. He had, in consequence, associated with himself Guy de Lusignan, a French knight who had married his sister Sabilla, the widow of the marquis of Montferrat. This choice had proved moat unpalatable to his nobles, who despised Guy as a man more fitted to shine in the court than the camp; and Baldwin eventually was compelled to withdraw the authority he had conferred on him. He then determined to abdicate, and named as his successor his nephew, Sabila’s son by the marquis of Montferrat, appointing Raymond, count of Tripoli, as regent during the minority. Not long after this change Baldwin died, and almost at the same time the infant prince also died, not without grave suspicions of foul play. The results in a great degree confirmed these doubts. Sabilla and Guy at once set to work to gain over a party to support their claim to the throne. They succeeded in this object, and were proclaimed king and queen of Jerusalem without opposition.
Raymond retired in wrath to Tripoli, and Saladin took advantage of the ill-feeling which had been excited amongst the Christians to organize an invasion of the kingdom. He commenced operations by laying siege to Acre. A reinforcement of the military Orders had been thrown into the town, commanded by their respective Masters. Desmoulins, not wishing to be blockaded, collected his Hospitallers and, supported by a body of the inhabitants, sallied forth under cover of night, leaving the Templars to hold the town. The Saracens, taken by surprise, at first gave way in a panic, and were slaughtered in large numbers. As day broke, however, Saladin was able to rally his forces, and a desperate battle ensued, ending without any decisive advantage on either side; but as Saladin was in consequence compelled to abandon the siege, the victory may well be assigned to his opponents. This success was, however, dearly purchased. Chief amongst the killed was Roger Desmouiins himself.
​Saladin, foiled in his attempt on Acre, had turned his arms against Tiberias, a city of which Raymond, count of Tripoli, was lord in right of his wife. That prince had become reconciled to Guy, feeling that the dangers surrounding the kingdom were too grave to permit the indulgence of private animosity. On hearing of the attack on Tiberias, he magnanimously advised the king to leave the city to its fate, urging him to take up a strictly defensive line of action. He pointed out that the Saracen army could not long maintain itself in the district owing to the scarcity of water. Other and less sagacious counsels, however, prevailed, and the king, collecting all his available forces, marched in the direction of Tiberias, determined to stake everything on the issue of a single battle. Evil and ill-judged advice was taken in connection with every step. A spot was selected for encampment which the total absence of water soon rendered untenable. The army now began to feel the ill-effects of that drought which Raymond had prophesied would have overcome the Moslems had they been left to themselves. Finding it impossible to remain where he was, Lusignan advanced into the plain of Tiberias to give battle to the enemy. The most powerful efforts were made by the ecclesiastics who acoompanied the army to arouse the enthusiasm of the soldiery. The piece of the true cross which had been so long preserved at Jerusalem for the veneration of the pious had been brought with them, and intrusted to the special guardianship of the military Orders. It was on this eventful occasion planted on an eminence, where throughout the day it served as a rallying point to the Christians. The main reason for which the king had decided on giving battle was the want of water, and so his first efforts were directed to supply the deficiency. The lake of Tiberias, at a distance of two miles, lay glittering in the sunshine in rear of the Saracens, and between it and the Christians, now parched with thirst, were drawn up the dense masses with which Saladin was prepared to resist their advance. In the van of the army stood the forces of the Hospital and Temple, ready at the appointed signal to rush at the foe and to hew a pathway to the much longed-for water. When the desired moment arrived on they dashed, and were at once lost to view in the mass of opponents by whom they were surrounded. ​Whatever may have been their defects, or even vices, cowardice was certainly not often alleged against the brethren either of the Hospital or Temple. On this important field, with the fate of Christian dominion in the East depending on their success, they strove with generous rivalry to outvie each other. Side by side these mailed warriors of the Church hurled themselves at the infidel, and the fierce war-cry of the Temple, rising high above the din of battle, was mingled in gallant unison with that of the Hospital.
All, however, was in vain. The numbers of the enemy were too vast for even their heroism to overcome, and, led as the Saracens were by a general of such ability as Saladin, those numbers were used to the greatest possible advantage. As the day wore on the impetuosity of the Christian attack abated, and the stubbornness of their resistance became less determined, until at length, exhausted, broken, and crushed, they gave way. Saladin pressed his victory to the uttermost, and allowing the retreating army no breathing time, he poured his forces on their shattered columns, and utterly completed their overthrow.
This disastrous fight sealed the fate of the kingdom. Guy had staked everything upon the issue of a single field, and the cast of the die had gone against him. Saladin remained not only master of the day, but with the way to Jerusalem opened unopposed to his advance. The king, the Grand-Master of the Temple, and several other lords of note, fell prisoners into his hands, and Garnier, whose valour throughout the day was worthy of his exalted post, met the end of a true soldier of the cross, having been so desperately wounded that he only survived to reach Ascalon, where he died.
The loss of the Hospitallers was enormous, in addition to those who fell on the field, such as were taken prisoners were massacred by order of Saladin, who gave them the option of apostasy or death; they, like true Christian knights, selecting the latter alternative, and thus sealing their faith with their blood. The few remaining members of the Order, as soon as the news of the issue of the battle of Tiberias and the death of Garnier had reached them, assembled once again, with a feeling well-nigh of despair, to elect, as it seemed to them most probably their last Master. With some difficulty they persuaded ​Ermengard Daps, on whom their choice had fallen, to accept the onerous post. This duty accomplished, they prepared to meet their fate in the hopeless struggle which now seemed imminent.