# A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 26

CHAPTER XXVI.
1798—1800.
For several years a feeling of dissatisfaction and insubordination had been growing up between the inhabitants of Malta and the knights of St. John. The new and enticing doctrines promulgated by the revolutionary party in France had enlisted in their favour a great number of the more youthful and enthusiastic of the Maltese. They had been insensibly attracted by the hopes and aspirations which the new régime professed to realize, and they were too distant from the scene of action, and too ill-informed as to the fearful events which had for some years deluged France with blood, to discover the futility of those professions. The time for which they had so earnestly craved had now arrived, and they were at length called on to enjoy the fruit of their labours. The White Cross banner had been lowered from the standard where it had for so many years waved in proud and undisturbed security, and in its place had been raised the tricolour emblem of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The despotism (for despotism it undoubtedly had been) of the Grand-Master was exchanged for the free and enlightened government of republican France, and the inhabitants were now able to look with confidence for the realization of those expectations which had been so sedulously nursed by the emissaries of that country.
Bonaparte did not allow much time to elapse before he ​secured himself in his new conquest, and developed the principles upon which the French government was to be based. The surrender of the fortress was completed as rapidly as possible. At midday on the 12th June fort Manöel, fort Tigné, the castle of St. Angelo, the Margarita and Cottonera lines were all transferred to the French, and on the following day fort Rieasoli, St. Elmo, and the whole of Valetta and Floriana followed. The troops of the Order were permitted temporarily to retain the barracks which they occupied, but merely as the guests of the French republic until they were otherwise disposed of. A commission of government was at once established composed of the following nine persons, viz., the quondam knight Boisredont de Ransijat, Vincenzo Caruana, Carlo Astor, Paolo Ciantar, Jean François Dorell, Grongo, Benedetto Schembri, I)on Saverio Caruana, and Cristoforo Frendo. The duties of this commission were, by their deed of appointment, specified to be the taking charge of the administration of the islands of Malta and Gozo, the superintendence of the collection of all taxes and contributions, the arrangements for provisioning the island, and for its sanitary regulation. They were also to organize tribunals of justice on the model of the new French courts. The two islands were to be divided into departments, each containing 3,000 souls, and municipalities were to be formed in the towns of Valetta and Vittoriosa. Each country department was to be under the direction of a body of five members, nominated from the district. Another decree specified that all armorial bearings were to be removed within the space of twenty-four hours, that no liveries were to be worn, and that all titles or other marks of nobility were to be at once abolished. The consequences of this decree are still plainly visible in the wanton defacement of all the armorial tablets ‘ii the island.
Then followed a decree, directing that all persons, subjects of any power at war with France, were to quit the island in forty-eight hours. All knights under sixty years of age were to leave within three days. To these decrees a number Of exemptions were made of knights or others who, having befriended the French, were to be regarded as Maltese citizens, and were to be permitted to remain. One of the principal ​reasons given for the exemption was that they had made contributions towards the invasion of England. The property of all English, Russian, and Portuguese merchants was seized. Then came the plunder decree, which ran as follows:—
“Citizen Berthollet, controller of the army, accompanied by a commissariat paymaster, will seize all the gold, silver, and precious stones which are to be found in the church of St. John and other places connected with the Order of Malta; the plate belonging to the auberges, and that of the Grand-Master. They will at once melt the gold into ingots for convenience of transport, and they will make an inventory of all the precious stones, which will be deposited in the army chest. They will sell plate to the amount of from 20,000 to 300,000 francs to merchants of the country for gold and silver coin, which will be deposited in the chest. The remainder of the plate will be sent to the Maltese mint to be coined, and the money so obtained will be used for the payment of the garrison. Nothing is to be left in the various churches beyond what is actually necessary for the services of religion.”
All these decrees were published on the 13th June, and on the 16th a further batch followed, the most important of which was one directing the formation of a company of volunteers, to be composed of young men, of from fifteen to thirty years of age, taken from the principal families of Malta, to be named by Bonaparte. These were to be clothed and armed at the expense of their families, and were to accompany the army to Egypt. Another body of sixty lads, from nine to fourteen years of age, also belonging to the leading families, was to be sent to Paris to be brought up in the colleges of the republic. Their parents were to pay 800 francs a year for their maintenance, and 600 francs for the expenses of their journey. Six more youths, similarly selected, were to be placed with the fleet to be educated for the navy. Numerous other decrees of a similar character followed during the few days that Bonaparte remained in the island, and marked the nature of the rule under which the Maltese were henceforth destined to dwell.
On the 21st June the expeditionary force left Malta, taking ​with them the Maltese regiment, the Grand-Master’s guard, and a great number of the sailors of the island. The garrison that was to be left behind was placed under the command of General Vaubois, and consisted of the following troops
7th Light Infantry ... ... ... 900 6th Regiment of the Line ... ... 518 41st Ditto .. ... 285 80th Ditto ... ... 650 19th Ditto ... ... 700 Total 3,053
with five companies of artillery. The departure of Bonaparte caused no relaxation in the rigour and despotism of the French policy, and it gradually dawned on the unfortunate inhabitants that the liberty, the equality, and the fraternity, for which they had so fervently prayed, were practical nonentities, and that these high-sounding, philanthropic titles were but cloaks to a tyranny, compared with which the rule of the Grand-Masters was mild indeed. Ransijat himself, though a Frenchman, and warmly attached to the new order of things, of which, moreover, he was one of the leading agents in his capacity as president of the commission of government, has enumerated a list of some of the principal grievances under which the Maltese laboured during the few weeks immediately succeeding the expulsion of the knights. This list, drawn up by one not likely to exaggerate the evil, shows the rapacious character of the French government. Chief among them may be mentioned the following:—
1. When Bonaparte carried away the Maltese soldiers and. sailors, he engaged, on behalf of the French government, that a certain sum should be paid for the maintenance of their families. This was not done, ‘although a stoppage for the purpose was made from the men’s pay. The unfortunate women and children were consequently reduced to utter destitution.
2. The sum of 300,000 francs had been kept back from the indemnity guaranteed to von Hompesch, ostensibly for the purpose of paying his debts, but the money was not devoted to that purpose. Many other knights who had been expelled were ​also debtors to a considerable amount. None of these liabilities were ever recovered.
3. All the pensions which, under the rule of the knights, had been granted for service, were suspended by the French. Many charities, formerly supported by the treasury, were in like manner abolished.
4. The payment of the interest on loans made to the treasury of the Order was at once suspended, and the claim for such loans repudiated.
5. The quartering of the officers of the garrison upon the families of the Maltese was a very unpopular measure, and gave rise to much dissatisfaction, as did also the levying of a tax for the. expenses of the soldiers’ barracks, which was in direct contravention to the terms of the capitulation.
These were some of the principal grievances of which the inhabitants complained. Still, although they were thus rendered discontented, the French might have succeeded in maintaining their sway, had they not insulted the feelings of the people on a point where they were most sensitive. Had they refrained from interference with the religion of Malta, they might possibly have carried their other acts of spoliation with a high hand; but a grave error of policy was committed when they decided on plundering the churches of the costly decorations and votive offerings, in which the inhabitants took so great a pride. From the moment they began these sacrilegious depredations, all sympathy between them and the Maltese was at an end. The latter looked with a sense of horror and detestation on a nation which, openly regardless of all religion itself, was guilty of such acts of wanton desecration, and the spirit of discontent, which had hitherto found vent in idle murmurs, was now so roused that it soon broke out into open revolt. The French had utterly mistaken the Maltese temperament, which is naturally bright, cheerful, and submissive, and neglected to mark the under-current of firm and determined courage which forms the mainstay of their character. Hardy, temperate, and, when excited, capable of deeds of the most dauntless heroism, passionately attached to their island and religion, the Maltese may be made, according to the manner in which they are governed, either the warmest friends and the most loyal ​subjects, or the bitterest and most dangerous enemies. The French oomrnitted the serious error of despising their new subjects, and they soon had cause to rue their shortsighted policy.
The government had advertised the sale of some tapestry and other decorations from a church in the Cittá Vecehia, and the crowd assembled on the occasion shewed the first symptoms of revolt. This event took place on the 2nd September, 1798, and brought on a riot of so serious a character that the sale was necessarily postponed, a step which, for the moment, quelled the disturbance. The commandant Masson at once despatehed a message to General Vaubois, in Valetta, informing him of what had occurred, and praying for a reinforcement. This letter did not reach the general until eight o’clock in the evening, so that he was unable to send any assistance until the next morning. This delay was probably one of the main causes of the loss of Malta to the French. In the afternoon the riot, which had been suppressed, once more broke out. The garrison, including the commandant, were all massacred, and the town fell into the hands of the insurgents. The example thus set was speedily followed in the neighbouring villages, and before night the revolt had spread far and wide. Ignorant of this fact, early on the morning of the 3rd September, Vaubois despatched a body of 200 men to the assistance of Masson. Before they had proceeded far on their route they were assailed on every side, and met with so obstinate a resistance that they were forced to retreat with all haste into the town, having lost several of their number, who were cut off by the rebels.
The revolt now spread over the whole island, and the French were closely invested within their lines by the people of the country. Even in Valetta the same spirit manifested itself, but here the superior power of the garrison enabled it to check the outbreak, and a few summary executions of the leaders reduced the mass of the inhabitants to a state of sullen submission. These vigorous acts on the part of the Maltese had been much encouraged, if not, indeed, originally prompted, by the intelligence brought five days previously by the French line-of-battle ship, Guillaurne Tell, and the two frigates, Diane and Justice, which had effected their escape from Egypt ​after the battle of the Nile. These three vessels were almost the only relics of that glorious fight, and they had fled to Malta for protection as soon as the issue of the conflict, so disastrous to the French cause, had become decisive. It was, therefore, with very gloomy forebodings that General Vaubois found himself blockaded within his works by the Maltese at a moment when the utter annihilation of the French fleet in the Mediterranean had cut him off from all hope of succour. A strict examination was at once instituted into the resources of the fortress, when it was found that 36,000 salma of wheat were contained within the stores, a supply considered sufficient for the whole island for seven months; should, therefore, the country remain in a state of revolt, it was, of course, ample for the town requirements for a much longer period. Every effort was, nevertheless, made to recall the insurgents to their allegiance, but in vain. An amnesty was even offered to the leaders; but the people were not to be cajoled, and sternly rejected all offers of compromise.
One of the earliest steps taken by the Maltese, after they had surrounded the French and completed the investment of the towns, was to appeal to the king of Naples, as their sovereign, for protection. In consequence of this request, a Portuguese squadron was despatched to the island, under the command of the Sicilian admiral, the marquis de Niza, who was joined by Captain Ball, with the British man-of-war, Alexander. This force; which, together, consisted of four ships of the line and two frigates, arrived before Malta on the 18th September, and at once established a blockade. It was joined, on the 24th October, by the British fleet, consisting of fourteen sail, in a very shattered condition, having undergone no repairs since the desperate battle in which it had been engaged in Aboukir bay. On the day of his arrival off Malta, Nelson wrote a letter to Lady Hamilton, of which the followed extracts affect our narrative:—
“After a long passage we arrived, and it is as I suspected; the ministers at Naples know nothing of the situation of the island. Not a house or bastion in the town is in the possession of the islanders, and the marquis of Niza tells me they want arms, victuals, and support, and it is very certain, by the marquis’s account, that no supplies have been sent by ​the governors of Syracuse or Messina. However, I shall and will know everything as soon as the marquis is gone, which will be to-morrow morning.”
On the following day, Nelson sent the marquis de Niza back to Naples to refit, and himself began, personally, to investigate the state of affairs. This he found most unsatisfactory as far as the Neapolitan government was concerned. The Maltese were most determined and enthusiastic, but they were almost totally destitute of the means necessary for maintaining their resistance. Nelson had been led to believe that they had been furnished from Sicily with supplies of arms and ammunition, but so far was this from being the case, that, on the contrary, their vessels had actually been placed in quarantine by the Sicilians. The only assistance they had as yet received was from the British. Sir James Saumarez, whilst taking home the Nile prizes, having been detained off Malta, had seized the opportunity of supplying them with 1,200 muskets and a quantity of ammunition. Nelson found 10,000 men in arms under the command of three leaders, Emmanuele Vitale, Xavier Caruana, then canon, and afterwards bishop of Malta, and Vinceuzo Borg. They had already begun the construction of batteries for the annoyance of the garrison. On the th October they had successfully resisted a sortie in force, made by the French in the direction of the village of Zabbar, when they drove the garrison back with considerable loss. Since that date no further attempts had been made to assume the offensive. Nelson at once despatched Captain Ball to summon the island of Gozo, the result of which was a capitulation on the 30th October. Two hundred aud thirty prisoners were taken, and sent to Naples in the Van gaard and .Mino(aur. Before quitting Malta, the admiral intrusted to Ball the duty of aiding the inhabitants, and organizing their resistance, proposing that on the surrender of the fortress he should assume the government, either on behalf of the king of Naples, or jointly for him and the king of England. He instructed Ball as follows:—
​Captain, afterwards Rear-Admiral Sir Alexander James Ball, whose name is so linked with the fortunes of Malta at this eventful time, was a younger son of Robert Ball, Esq., lord of the manor of Stonehouse, in Gloucestershire. He was educated at Northampton, and entered the navy in the year 1768. His friendship with Nelson had been of long standing, and a very interesting incident is related of him in connection with that hero. In a violent storm off the island of Sardinia, on the 20th May, 1798, the Alexander, commanded by Ball, was in company with the Vanguard, bearing the flag of Nelson. The Vanguard, being disabled, was taken in tow by the Alexander, but the storm was so furious that the towing could not be continued without imminent peril to Ball’s ship. Considering the case as desperate, Nelson seized the speaking trumpet, and, with passionate threats, ordered Ball to cast him loose. To this, however, Ball responded by saying, “I must not, and by the help of Almighty God, I will not leave you.” He succeeded in rescuing the Vanguard, and on their arrival in harbour Nelson hailed him as the preserver of his life.
At this time it was the general opinion that the French would not hold out long, and Ball wrote as follows to Lady Hamilton, on the 19th October, five days before Nelson arrived:—“I trust a very short time will put us in possession of the French ships in the harbour of Malta, viz., Le Guillaume Tell, of eighty guns, La Diane and La Justice, frigates of forty guns, besides two ships, formerly Maltese. The French would be glad of a sufficient excuse to surrender, which they will soon have, as they are firing away their powder very fast. The Maltese have gone too far ever to recede.” Events, however, proved how fallacious this opinion was, as the blockade, which Ball anticipated would soon be brought to a close, had to be maintained for a period of two years, before the constancy of the garrison was subdued by force of sheer starvation. The narrative of this blockade does not come strictly within the province of this work. It will, therefore, be sufficient to touch upon merely a few of the most salient points. The journal of Ransijat, which contains a very full and minute account of all that took place, is the principal authority extant the subject. His book is full of complaints as to the total ​dearth of intelligence from France, which, in those eventful times, must have been very trying; constant dread of bombardment, which was every now and again threatened by the besiegers, but never carried out; a series of summonses from the hostile admirals, invariably rejected with contempt, and at intervals the arrival of some small vessel, laden with corn, wine, oil, or brandy, which had evaded the blockading squadron.
The inhabitants of the town had not openly joined the insurrection; still, the bulk of them were naturally eager for the success of their compatriots, and were only kept from an open manifestation of their feelings by the superior French force in their midst. Amongst them a plot was hatched which at one time bid fair to curtail the tedious duration of the blockade, and to achieve at one blow that triumph which they had hitherto only hoped for from the effects of starvation. It was arranged that the chief conspirators were each to lead a body of some fifty or sixty men to the attack of the principal posts within the city, as it had been observed that the sentries were not very vigilant, and it was believed that they could be surprised and poniarded without raising an alarm. A Corsican, called Guglielmo, who had been a colonel in the Russian service, was at the head of the plot, and he undertook to surprise the Grand-Master’s palace, then the head-quarters of General Vaubois. An ex-officer of chasseurs under the late régime, named Peralta, was to seize on the Marina gate; Damato, a farrier in the Maltese regiment, was to lead a party against the Porta Reale, the principal entrance to Valetta; and a barber named Pulis, another, against the Marsa Muscetto gate. Other detachments were to seize St. Elmo and the auberge de Castile. The assaults were all to be made simultaneously on the 11th January, 1799, and were to be supported by a general attack from without on several points of the enceinte, so as to distract the attention of the garrison.
The discovery of the plot was purely accidental. On the morning of the appointed day a Genoese barque had entered the harbour, having eluded the blockading squadron, and had brought intelligence of important successes obtained by the French over the Sardinians and Neapolitans. General Vaubois ordered a salute to be fired in honour of the occasion from the ​principal batteries. The Maltese outside the fortress, who were on the qui vive for the signal, at once rushed to the attack of Floriana and the Cottonera lines, but were so warmly received at both points that they were compelled to retire with considerable loss. This premature advance disarranged all the plans of the conspirators, and they decided upon postponing their venture till a more favourable opportunity. Having no means of communicating this alteration of design to their friends outside, the latter remained in uncertainty as to what steps they should take. A number of volunteers, trusting that the outbreak might be attempted during the night, found their way, under cover of the darkness, to the rocks beneath the walls of the town near the Marsa Muscetto gate, and there awaited the course of events. Unfortunately for them the same ill-fate which had marred the morning’s project pursued them still. General Vaubois had determined to celebrate the French successes not only by salutes, but also by an extra performance at the theatre, which, as the day was Friday, would not, under ordinary circumstances, have been open. The commandant of fort Manöel, and one of his officers, obtained leave to attend this representation, and at its close proceeded to the Marsa Muscetto gate to return to their post. Whilst taking boat the attention of the commandant was attracted by a light and the sound of whispered conversation beneath the walls. He took no notice of these suspicious incidents at the moment, but on reaching fort Manöel he sent off a patrol to search the place. The Maltese were discovered crouching amidst the rocks, patiently awaiting the signal of onslaught and the opening of the gate. The alarm was at once given, and they were all seized. Eventually most of the details of the plot leaked out, and forty-four persons, including the leaders, were executed. The terror which was thus inspired amongst the inhabitants relieved the French from all fear of a repetition of the event.
On the 21st May, 1799, the garrison was agreeably surprised to find that during the previous night all the blockading ships had vanished. The cause of this sudden movement was the escape of the French fleet from Brest, and its appearance in the Mediterranean, joined by the Spanish vessels from Coruniza. Nelson’s ​first determination on receiving this intelligence was to raise the blockade of Malta and concentrate all his ships off Maritimo. For this purpose he wrote to Captain Ball to rendezvous with all his squadron at that point. It soon, however, appeared that the French fleet, although it had entered the Mediterranean, had no intention of fighting, but had made its way as rapidly as possible to Toulon. Under these circumstances, Ball’s orders were countermanded, and he was directed to resume the blockade with the Alexander, 74; the Audacious, 74; the Bonne Citoyenne, 20; the Stromboli, bomb ship, 10; and the Portuguese ship the Benjamin, 18. To these were afterwards added the Lion, 64; the Success, 32; and the El Corso, 16, English ships; and the Principe Real, 92; the Affonso, 74; the Rainha, 74; and the St. Sebastian, 64, Portuguese ships. The squadron reappeared before Malta on the 5th June, to the great dismay of the defenders, who had taken advantage of the suspension of the blockade to despatch several small craft for the purpose of harassing the communications of their besiegers with Sicily. Now, however, all was once more changed, and the Maltese hailed with joy the return of the fleet, which enabled them to prosecute the land attack without fear of interruption.
Throughout the blockade the greatest unanimity prevailed between the Maltese and the English. Ball, who was in command during this time, had endeared himself to the inhabitants, and had acted as their principal leader, organizing their forces, superintending the erection of their batteries, and supplying them, as far as his means permitted, with food and munitions of war. With the exception of this aid the land attack was maintained almost exclusively by the Maltese, who are entitled to claim that they, and they alone, confined the French within the fortress, and kept them there for a period of two years. This is clearly proved by the fact that during the fifteen days when the fleet was absent no attempt at a sortie was made by Vaubois.
Whilst such was the determined spirit shown by the Maltese against the French, their feelings on the subject of the return of the knights were by no means so unanimous, there being many amongst them who would have hailed that event with ​pleasure. Fears were therefore entertained lest a counterrevolution might break out, with the object of bringing about such a consummation. The following letter, addressed to Ball by one of the lieutenants of his ship, who was stationed on shore at St. Antonio, shews the state of public feeling at the time:—
“For several days the minds of the inhabitants have been worked up to a degree of alarm that foreboded something very unpleasant, and a number of reports have been in circulation of the probability of a counter-revolution, which it was hinted would most likely take place on the 29th (June), the day of the celebration of the feast of St. Paul, when all the chiefs would be assembled at Città Vielle, assisting at the religious ceremonies. On the evening of the 28th the captain of the port of St. Paul’s came up to report to me the arrival of three knights of Malta, two of them Grand-Croix, in a speronaro. They were from Trieste, but last from Messina. He had allowed them to land, but immediately lodged them in the tower of St. Paul until he had received orders how to proceed. One of them, the bailli Nevens, was almost the only knight who had been popular with the Maltese; he had commanded the regiment of chasseurs in the country, most of whom are now acting as soldiers with us. From the existing circumstances, and a knowledge of the late Grand-Master having a strong party in the island who were ready to act in any way that could tend to restore him to his former government, I did not hesitate one moment in determining to send them out of the island without any loss of time, and in doing which I had not a doubt but I should meet your wishes. I therefore immediately sent the officer to St. Paul’s bay again, with orders to take any papers the knights might have brought, and to send an armed speronaro to see them some leagues from the island. In the course of a very few hours I found that the arrival of these persons had already caused a general movement and confusion in the island, and the captain of the port the next morning reported that during the few moments they were between the boat and the tower they had contrived to distribute upwards of fifty crowns among the crowd who assembled there, telling them at the same time that they had brought plenty of money, and that ​they would be followed in a few days by some vessels laden with corn to relieve their distresses. Among their baggage was found 5,000 or 6,000 Maltese crowns. These we did not touch. I felt myself in a very awkward situation, being obliged to act in so decisive a manner, and have not a doubt by so doing but that I saved the island from becoming the scene of much greater confusion than already existed, and perhaps from the effusion of much blood.”
This was the only attempt on behalf of the Order, either to aid in expelling the French or to secure the possession of the island to themselves. Arrangements were meanwhile made by the governments of England, Russia, and Naples that, in case of a surrender, the fortress should be occupied by the three powers jointly, pending the decision by a general congress as to its ultimate destination. The wishes of the Maltese do not appear to have been in any way consulted in the matter, although the whole onus of the land attack had fallen on them, and they were suffering with the most heroic endurance hardships and privations but little inferior to those of the beleaguered garrison. They had erected no less than fifteen batteries, stretching from the coast in front of Ricasoli round to the high ground in the rear of fort Manöel. The principal points were the Coradin hill; that at Tarxien, from whence shot were fired into the centre of Valetta; the hill of Samra, which commanded the Porte des Bombes, where the effects of the fire may still be traced; and the kill behind fort Manöel, whence that work and also fort Tigné were battered.
As time wore on, and the scarcity of provisions became more and more felt in the town, large bodies of the inhabitants left Valetta, with the consent of General Vaubois, and sought refuge amongst their countrymen. No impediment was placed in the way of these departures, except in the case of those who, from their political influence or wealth, were likely to be serviceable to the garrison. Ransijat, in his “Siege et Blocus deMalta,”gives some very interesting statistics as to the price of provisions, and ​also as to the mortality at different periods during the siege. The following was the tariff at which food was procurable at certain dates:—
February, 1799. August, 1799. July, 1800. a. d. £ a. d. £ a. d. Fresh pork, per lb 2 10 ... 0 6 0 ... 0 7 2 Cheese, per lb. 2 6 ... 0 7 4 ... — Fish, per lb. 1 6 ... 0 3 2 ... 0 6 0 Oil, per bottle 2 6 ... 0 10 0 ... 1 3 4 Sugar, per lb. 5 0 ... 0 17 6 ... 2 0 0 Coffee, per lb. 4 0 ... 1 0 10 ... 2 8 4 Wine, per bottle 2 6 ... 0 3 4 ... — Eggs, each 0 4 ... 0 0 8 ... —
It will be seen that during the latter months many articles ceased to be procurable at any price, the garrison and few remaining inhabitants being forced to content themselves with the reduced rations issued to them from the public stores. Rats and other vermin became recognized articles of consumption, and those that were found in the granaries and bakehouses were, from their superior plumpness, much esteemed. In order to eke out their scanty rations, the soldiers had, in the early part of the siege, cultivated gardens in the various ditches and other suitable places, and had by this means added to their food. So long as oil and vinegar were procurable, the salads which they were thus able to produce reconciled them to the loss of meat, which was issued in very small quantities, and then only salted, all the fresh meat having been from the first reserved for the use of the hospitals. The cultivation of these gardens was latterly abandoned, not only owing to the want of oil and vinegar, but also from the scarcity of water. Ball, in a report to Nelson on the 18th July, 1799. says:—"I have the honour to acquaint your lordship that a deserter is this moment come out of La Valetta, who corroborates the distressed state of the French garrison, and in addition he says that there is very little water left on the Cotonaro side, and that they get their supply from La Valetta. General Vaubois has given orders to clear all the gardens of vegetables, to prevent any water being used there.”
The following table shews the mortality that took place. It ​will be perceived that the numbers were far higher during the first year than the second. This was owing to the fact that nearly 30,000 of the inhabitants left the fortress during the course of the blockade:—
1798—1799. 1799—1800. Garrison. Inhabitants. Garrison. Inhabitants September... October ... 14 ... 108 ... 30 ... 100 8 ... 108 ... 33 ... 102 November... 20 ... 107 . .. 19 ... 99 December ... 25 ... 160 ... 11 ... 60 January ... 35 ... 213 ... 23 ... 44 February ... 20 ... 200 ... 13 ... 42 March ... 37 ... 230 ... 6 ... 30 April May June 40 ... 319 ... 14 ... 27 98 ... 338 ... 6 ... 19 131 ... 311 ... 3 ... 16 July August ... 48 ... 131 ... 5 ... 22 79 ... 233 ... 7 ... 25
Making a total of 725 soldiers and 3,044 inhabitants. At one period the soldiers suffered severely from moon-blindness, losing their sight during the bright moonlight nights of summer, and recovering it again in the daylight. Up to a late period a company of Italian comedians had continued to reside in the town, and the theatre was constantly opened for the amusement of the troops. The unfortunate actors had repeatedly sought permission to leave with the other inhabitants, but for a long time they were not permitted to do so, their services being considered too valuable. At length even the little food necessary for their support was too scarce to be bestowed on non-combatants, and they were allowed to depart, their places being filled by amateurs from the different regiments, who kept the theatre open till the very end.
The following letter, written by Nelson to the emperor of Russia, dated on the 31st October, 1799, shews that at that time it was contemplated to restore Malta to the Order.
“Sire,—As Grand-Master of the Order of Malta, I premise to detail to your Majesty what has been done to prevent the French from re-possessing themselves of the island—blockading ​them closely in La Valetta—and what means we are now pursuing to force them to surrender. On the 2nd September, 1798, the inhabitants of Malta rose against the French robbers, who, having taken all the money in the island, levied heavy contributions, and Vaubois, as a last act of villainy, said, as baptism was of no use he had sent for all the church plate. On the 9th I received a letter from the deputies of the island, praying assistance to drive the French from La Valetta. I immediately directed the marquis do Niza, with four sail of the line, to support the islanders. At this time the crippled ships from Egypt were passing near it, and 2,000 stand of arms, complete with all the musket ball cartridges, were landed from them, and 200 barrels of powder. On the 24th October I relieved the marquis from that station, and having taken the island of Gozo, a measure absolutely necessary in order to form the complete blockade of La Valetta, the garrison of which at this time was composed of 7,000 French, including the seamen and some few Maltese, the Maltese in arms (volunteers), never exceeded 3,000. I intrusted the blockade to Captain Alexander John Ball, of the Alexander, of seventy-four guns, an officer not only of the highest merit, but of the most conciliatory manners. From that period to this time it has fallen to my lot to arrange matters for the feeding 60,000 people (the population of Malta and Gozo), and the arming of the peasantry. The situation of Italy, and in particular the kingdom of Naples, ofttimes reduced me to the greatest difficulties where to find food. Their Sicilian Majesties, at different times, have given more, I believe, than £40,000 in money and corn. The blockade has, in the expense of keeping the ships destined alone for this service, cost full £180,000 sterling. It has pleased God hitherto to bless our endeavours to prevent supplies getting to the French, except one frigate and two small vessels with a small portion of salt provisions. Your Majesty will have the goodness to observe that, until it was known that you were elected Grand-Master, and that the Order was to be restored in Malta, I never allowed an idea to go abroad that Great Britain had any wish to keep it. I therefore directed his Sicilian Majesty’s flag to be hoisted, ​as I am told, had the Order not been restored, he is the legitimate sovereign of the island. Never less than 500 men have been landed from the squadron, which although, with the volunteers, not sufficient to commence a siege, have yet kept posts and batteries not more than 400 yards from the works. His Sicilian Majesty, at the united request of the whole island, named Captain Ball as their chief director, and he will hold it until your Majesty, as Grand-Master, appoints a person to the office. Now the French are nearly expelled from Italy by the valour and skill of your generals and army, all my thoughts are turned towards placing the Grand-Master and the Order of Malta in security in La Valetta, for which purpose I have just been at Minorca and arranged with the English general a force of 2,500 British troops, cannons, bombs, etc., for the siege. I have written to your Majesty’s admiral, and his Sicilian Majesty joins cordially in the good work of endeavouring to drive the French from Malta. The laborious task of keeping the Maltese quiet in Malta, through difficulties which your Majesty will perfectly understand, has been principally brought about b the goodness of her Majesty the queen of Naples, who at one moment of distress sent £7,000 belonging absolutely to herself and children, by the exertion of Lady Hamilton, the wife of Sir William Hamilton, my gracious sovereign’s minister to the court of the Two Sicilies, whom your Majesty knows personally, and by the bravery and conciliatory manners of Captain Ball. If your Majesty honours these two persons with the decoration of the Order, I can answer none ever more deserved the cross, and it will be grateful to the feelings of your Majesty’s most faithful and devoted servant, “Bronté Nelson.”
In his reply to this letter the emperor says, “C’est avec plaisir que j’accorde a votre demande la croix de Commandeur au Capitaine Ball, et celle de Chevalier à Lady Hamilton que vous leur remettrez accompagnées des lettres de ma part.”
That Captain Ball was much gratified with his decoration is evident by the following extract from a letter he wrote to Lady Hamilton:—“I most sincerely congratulate your ladyship on ​the distinguished mark of favour which his Imperial Majesty, the emperor of Russia, has been pleased to confer upon you in creating you Chanoinesse of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. He has been graciously pleased to confer upon me the honour of Commander of the same Order, from which I derive a double satisfaction. The first in the honour of being your brother and defender, and secondly from the consideration of its being a token of regard of my invaluable friend and patron Lord Nelson. Adieu, my dear lady and sister; may you live a thousand years, but at all events may you be supremely happy while you live prays your obliged brother and friend, “Alexander John Ball.
“To her Excellency Lady Hamilton, C.S.J.J. Is that right? Pray tell me how to address your letter.”
​It has been suggested that, in thus depreciating the importance of Malta to England, Nelson was unconsciously reflecting the wishes of Lady Hamilton, whose intimacy with the queen of Naples would lead her to use her influence in securing the restoration of the island to that monarchy. Nelson’s peculiar views about Malta can, however, scarcely be attributed to this cause, since, as his letter to the emperor of Russia shews, he was quite ready to co-operate in the transfer of the island to that power. It seems, indeed, as if he utterly failed to realize its vast importance to England.
In the month of December, 1799, a small body of British troops, consisting of the 30th and 89th regiments, in all 1,300 men, under General Sir Thomas Graham (afterwards Lord Lynedoch), and two Neapolitan battalions, together 900 strong, landed in the island, and assumed the direction of the siege. Captain Ball, having been meanwhile elected by the people as president of the national council, had landed from the Alexander, and assumed the office of governor of the Maltese, fixing his head-quarters at the country palace of St. Antonio, about four miles from Valetta. This appointment was sanctioned by the allied powers. From that time the command of the blockading fleet devolved upon Commodore Martin, who was sent to Malta for the purpose.
Shortly afterwards, General Pigot also arrived, and took over the command of the allied forces from Sir Thomas Graham, who remained under him in command of the British forces only. On the 18th January, 1800, Nelson encountered off Cape Passaro a French squadron, consisting of a line-of-battle ship and four frigates, conveying troops from Toulon for the relief of Malta. The line-of-battle ship was Le Généreux, 74 guns, bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral Perrée, one of the few vessels that had escaped from the battle of the Nile. She was now captured by Nelson’s flagship, the Foudroyant, the French admiral dying on the following day of wounds received in the action. One of the frigates was also captured by the Alexander. This failure to relieve the beleaguered garrison made it clear to every one that before long a surrender must take place. Still the gallant Vaubois determined to hold out to the very last. Whatever faults, and even crimes, the French ​committed on their first seizure of the island, no one can deny them a tribute of admiration for the constancy and. cheerfulness with which they underwent the hardships and privations of the blockade. Not a murmur of discontent was heard in the ranks; on the contrary, they aided their superiors in every possible way, and to the very last moment the cry of no surrender was the popular watchword. Equal, if not still higher praise is due to the gallant Maltese, who underwent privations nearly as great as those of the French, and who, without the training or discipline of soldiers, bore the heat and burden of the struggle for two long years without flinching, or ever once yielding to the blandishments and tempting promises of the garrison. They had from the first determined to expel the hated French, and from this resolve nothing could turn them. Even when, after a year’s blockade, the English fleet abandoned the enterprise, and left the island for a fortnight, not a symptom of weakness showed itself. Let it, therefore, never be forgotten that the Maltese owe their deliverance from the yoke of France to their own dogged resolution and invincible determination.
Month after month of the year 1800 passed away, and at length it became evident to all that the time for surrender had arrived. Before taking this step General Vaubois made one last effort to save the ships which had fled for refuge to Malta, and which were now the sole relics of the French fleet present at the battle of the Nile. Great precautions had been taken throughout the siege to protect them from the fire of the Maltese batteries, and although they had been repeatedly struck, they still remained in serviceable condition. The Guillaume Tell made a futile attempt at escape early in the year. She had been fitted out most completely, and took her departure on the 28th March, the night being extremely dark, and the wind favourable. There were, however, keen eyes watching on all the neighbouring heights; the vessel was soon discovered, the signal given, and the British fleet placed on the alert. After a sharp pursuit, and a most heroic and desperate defence, she was captured off Cape Passaro, and brought back to Malta. In this action she lost 207 men killed, and a large number wounded, amongst whom were Admiral Decrès and Captain Saunier. After this defeat a last experiment was made to save the two frigates, the Diane ​and the Justice, and on the 23rd August they both left the harbour, only, however, to meet the same fate as that of the Guillaierne Tell.
Nothing therefore remained but to capitulate, and a council of war was assembled to deliberate on the measure. It was found that the stock of food would be completely exhausted on the 8th September, even at the very reduced rate of consumption then adopted. It was in consequence decided that terms of surrender should be offered five days before that date. On the morning of the 3rd September, 1800, General Vaubois wrote to General Pigot, and offered to capitulate. Two British officers, Major-General Graham and Commodore Martin, were appointed to arrange the terms. These were accepted after some discussion, and on the 4th September the articles were duly signed. On the afternoon of the same day the British troops occupied Floriana, fort Tigné, and Ricasoli, and two of their men-of-war entered the harbour. On the 8th, the bulk of the French troops embarked on board the transports prepared for their reception, and set sail for Marseilles. During the siege, which lasted one day over the two years. the garrison expended 52,000 shot and shell and 700,000 musket cartridges. in this time they only consumed the full rations of seven months. All the horses and mules had been killed for the use of the hospitals after the beef had failed. Those of the inhabitants who had interest to obtain for the invalid members of their families small portions of liver or other entrails were considered very fortunate. A flight of quails passing over the town on the day that the commissioners entered, enabled General Vaubois, by the aid of a good cook. to furnish them with an ample dinner composed of what they imagined to be a great variety of food. Some surprise having been expressed at being supplied with so many excellent dishes at a time when it was thought the resources of the town were thoroughly exhausted, General Vaubois confessed that the quails and a couple of tame rabbits constituted the only animal food on the table.
On assuming the command of the fortress, General Pigot issued ​an address to the inhabitants, announcing that his Britannic Majesty took the Maltese under his protection, and pledged himself to render them contented and happy, and to respect their religion and its ministers. He also announced that their chief, Captain Ball, would no longer remain among them, as the exigencies of the naval service called him elsewhere. The position occupied by Ball at this moment was somewhat anomalous. He had endeared himself to the islanders, and had acquired so much influence over them, that he was looked upon, and unhesitatingly obeyed as their chief. This led to some jealousy between him and General Pigot, who refused to recognize his independent position. As a result of this feeling, Ball was sent back to his duty, and the appointment as civil governor given to a Mr. Cameron. This selection gave great offence to the Maltese, who found that after all they had accomplished and suffered to rid themselves of their French masters, the English appeared to neglect their just claims to consideration. This feeling shewed itself so strongly that the British government wisely yielded to it, and in the following year replaced Mr. Cameron by Sir Alexander Ball, as he then was called, he having in the interim been made a Knight of the Bath.
By the treaty of Amiens it was proposed to restore Malta to the Order of St. John, with a condition that a Maltese langue was to be established, supported by the territorial revenues and commercial duties of the island; the langues of both the French and English nations being permanently suppressed, and no individual belonging to either country admissible into the fraternity. The British forces were to evacuate the place within three months after the conclusion of the treaty, and the fortress was then to be garrisoned by Neapolitan troops until the Order had organized a force of its own. This part of the treaty of Amiens (the tenth article) was strongly opposed by the Maltese, and they petitioned boldly against it. Fortunately for all parties, the transfer never took place. Governor Ball, who was fully alive to the injustice and impolicy of the measure, delayed the surrender of the island by every means in his power, and the result proved the ​wisdom of his tactics. War broke out, the treaty was annulled, and Malta remained in the possession of the British.
The seventh article of the Treaty of Paris, signed on the 30th May, 1814, determined the destiny of Malta in the terms: “The island of Malta, with its dependencies, will appertain in full authority and sovereignty to his Britannic Majesty.”
​The hold which England maintains over the fortress is w1l expressed in the inscription placed over the portico of t.he main guard-house in the centre of the city:—
“MAGN’E ET 1NVi(1’E BRTTANNICE METmNsIut AMOR ET EUROPE ‘.OX I-lAS INSULAS CONFIRMANT. A.1). 1814.”
* ↑ The whole of the plunder thus obtained was shipped on board l’Orient, and was lost when she blew up at the battle of the Nile.
* ↑ A plan exists in the Royal Engineer Office at Malta originally forming one of Tigné’s projects, but which had been used by the French engineers during the blockade. On this map the Maltese batteries are all approximately laid down, and distinguished by letters.
* ↑ It will be seen that this was a considerable over-estimate of the strength of the garrison.
* ↑ For the articles of capitulation see Appendix No. 13.
* ↑ See Appendix No. 14.
* ↑ A pension of £600 a year, charged on the revenues of Malta, was settled upon Sir Alexander Ball and his next heir, as a reward for the important services he had rendered on this occasion.
* ↑ The love of the Maltese and the voice of Europe have confirmed these islands to the possession of Great and Invincible Britain.