# A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 13

CHAPTER XIII.
From the period when the Order of St. John was first divided into langue, and the leading dignities in the gift of the fraternity were apportioned to those langues, no confusion or intermixture was ever permitted betwen them. A postulant for admission preferred his request either at the chef-lieu in the convent to the head of the langue of which he was a native, or at one of the grand-priories in his own country. If he sought admission into the ranks of the knights of justice, the necessary proofs of nobility were required from him, which proofs varied in the different Iangue, and have been already described. When it had been satisfactorily ascertained that his descent was sufficiently aristocratic to entitle him to admission, he was, if old enough, admitted at once as a novice. After the expiration of a year spent in probation he was duly received into the body of the Order as a professed knight.
The age at which a postulant was accepted as a novice was sixteen. He was thus enabled to be a professed knight at seventeen, but he was not required to begin his residence at the convent until he was twenty years of age, and in many cases he received a dispensation postponing still later the necessity for that step. The pages of the Grand-Master were, however, entitled to the exceptional privilege of admission when only twelve years old, and their service in that capacity counted towards the term of residence which every knight was bound to complete at the convent before he was qualified for nomination to a commandery. In times later on than those of which we are now writing, knights were received “in minority” even in ​their cradles, a far larger amount of entrance money, termed “passage,” being in such cases paid. This was, however, a modern innovation on the established rule, and only introduced to raise additional funds for the assistance of the treasury.
A knight having become professed, was bound to proceed to the chef-lieu, as soon as he had reached the age of twenty years, and to reside there for a certain term. During this time he performed such military and naval duties as were required of him. Each complete year of this service constituted what was called a “caravan,” and the number required for qualification as a commander was three. In later years that number was raised to four. In addition to these three years of what may be termed active service he was bound to reside for two more years at the convent before he could be made a commander, so that the earliest age at which he could attain to that office was twenty-five. Before a knight could be elected a bailiff, either conventual or capitular, he must have been professed for fifteen years, of which ten had to be in residence at the convent. It was very rarely, however, that these dignities were conferred on a knight until he had attained far riper years than were laid down for his qualification. During his residence he was attached to the auberge of his langue, where he lived at the table furnished by the conventual bailiff, as will be more fully detailed presently. After he had completed his term of service he was eligible for promotion to a commandery, and sooner or later received that appointment. The principle recognised in these nominations was a system of seniority modified by selection. No doubt in those days, as at present, interest carried great weight, and the young aspirant whose advancement was looked after by influential friends received the coveted appointment to a commandery somewhat sooner than his more friendless confrère. This promotion transferred him back again to his native province, where he resided upon the estate intrusted to his charge. He there fell under the direct supervision of the grand-prior within whose district his commaudery was situated. In many cases, however, knights who were qualified to become commanders received appointments at the chef-lieu, either in the Grand-Master’s household or in some other official capacity, which necessitated a continued residence ​in the island, and which was considered as an equivalent. After having presided over one of the inferior commanderies for a period of five years the holder was eligible for translation to a post of superior value, provided he had administered that originally entrusted to his charge with due prudence and care. He thus continued rising in dignity and emoluments until he had attained such seniority as rendered him qualified for the office of conventual bailiff, upon nomination to which he was called upon to resign his commandery and return to the convent to assume the duties of his new station.
The conventual bailiffs were, as has been said, eight in number, and ranked in precedence immediately next to the Grand-Master. Their duties are thus defined in the statutes:—“In order that the Grand-Master may be enabled to watch over the governance of our Order with greater prudence and moderation our predecessors have appointed as assistants in his senate men of worth and good repute, who shall each be invested with a separate office. For this purpose have been established the several councillors of our Order, such as the grand-commander, the marshal, the hospitaller, the admiral, the grand-conservator, the Turcopolier, the grand-bailiff, and the grand-chancellor, who are all called conventual bailiffs, because each is the president of his langue.”
These dignitaries each resided in the palace or auberge appropriated to his Iangue, which were large and stately edifices erected for that purpose out of the public funds. The treasury issued an allowance to every bailiff for the expenses of his office, and it also granted a fixed daily ration for every person entitled to a seat at the tables which he was obliged to maintain for their use in the auberge. Every member of the langue resident at the convent, whether knight, chaplain, or serving brother, had this right, excepting only a commander, who, being a knight, held a benefice of £200 a-year, or a chaplain or serving brother holding one of £100. In such cases they were considered provided for, and therefore excluded from the table of their auberge.
The allowance issued by the treasury was by no means sufficient to cover the expense of these tables; a large proportion fell consequently upon the private resources of the bailiffs. ​Burdensome as this charge undoubtedly was, the post of conventual bailiff was nevertheless eagerly sought after. Not only did it confer upon its holder a very high position, second only to that of the Grand-Master himself, but it was also, invariably, and as a matter of right, the stepping-stone to the most lucrative dignities in the gift of the langue. If either of its grand-priories or bailiwicks fell vacant the conventual bailiff had the option of claiming the post; or if he preferred waiting for one of greater value he might retain his position and allow the vacant nomination to pass to those junior to himself, until one fell in of sufficient value to meet his expectations. Not unfrequently the selection of a Grand-Master was made from amongst the conventual bailiffs, who, by being present at the chef-lieu at the time of the election, had many advantages in the way of canvassing, and otherwise making themselves popular and acceptable to the electors.
The amount of the allowance given to the bailiffs to support their tables whilst the Order was at Rhodes is not recorded. It may, however, be assumed to have been not very different from that which was fixed for them a few years later, when they were settled in Malta. It then consisted of sixty gold crowns a month in money, and the ration in kind was, for each person, one rotolo of fresh meat, either beef, mutton, or kid, or two- thirds of that amount of salt meat; and on fast days, in lieu of the above, a due portion of fish, or four eggs, together with six loaves of bread and a quartuccio of wine. Members were entitled to three meals a day, viz., breakfast, dinner, and supper. They were permitted to absent themselves from dinner three times a week, and in such case to draw an allowance in its stead. Should they be absent from either the breakfast or supper meal no compensation was given. The bailiff was supposed to provide for his guests only simple meals, such as the above-quoted rations would have afforded, but it rarely happened that he restricted himself within those limits. The sumptuousness and prodigality of the tables actually maintained depended on his disposition and private means. If he were a generous and wealthy man, and anxious to gain popularity, ​he knew that the surest way to attain this end was by a liberal entertainment of those who were dependent on him for their daily sustenance. A spirit of rivalry was thus engendered between the various langues, and he who could obtain a reputation for maintaining his auberge on the most open handed scale generally found his account in the popularity which he thereby gained. It is somewhat difficult to estimate the numbers accommodated in each auberge. It varied much, not only in the several langues, but also in the same langue according to circumstances. It may, however, fairly be assumed to have usually lain between 100 and 150. Amongst the regulations laid down in the statutes for the maintenance of order at the auberges was one prohibiting the introduction of dogs, under the plea that they consumed too much food. Another strictly forbade the members, under severe penalties, from striking the servants. These latter were most probably slaves captured during their numerous cruises. Doubtless the post of servant at an auberge was a far less repulsive lot than that of a galley-slave chained to an oar, and was consequently sought after by such captives as were of gentle birth. Hence, probably, the stringency of the regulation as to their treatment.
The title of “pilier” was given to the conventual bailiffs, symbolical of their being pillars of the Order, and it was by this name that they were designated in all official records. They were bound to reside at the convent as long as they held the post, and were compelled to make their first appearance there within a period of two years from the date of their election. Failing in this, the Grand-Master in council was entitled to proceed to a fresh election, annulling that which had been thus rendered useless. Three out of the eight were permitted to obtain leave of absence at the same time. This was granted by the Grand-Master in council upon good cause being shown, but could not be demanded as a right. Five were bound under all circumstances to be present, and those who had obtained leave were called on to nominate lieutenants to act for them during their absence, and to supply their places at the council.
The nominations to all commanderies were made by the Grand-Master in council, the principle of seniority, as has been ​already said, being usually adhered to. There were, however, the following exceptions:—In every grand-priory there was one commandery, the revenues of which belonged to the Grand-Master, and the nomination to this rested exclusively with himself. He had also the privilege of nominating to a vacancy in every priory once in each five years. This privilege was also held by the grand-prior. The exercise of the patronage was fixed in the following manner. The first commandery which fell vacant during the quinquennial period was in the gift of the Grand-Master, the second in that of the council, the third in that of the grand-prior, and all succeeding vacancies till the close of the period in that of the council. Should there not be three vacancies during the five years, the grand-prior lost his patronage; but this rarely happened, as translations and promotions were of very frequent occurrence, and the commanderies grouped in each grand-priory numerous. A commander appointed to a bailiwick or grand- priory at once surrendered his office to take possession of the new dignity, unless he were the holder of a magisterial cornmandery. This he was permitted to retain in connection with his new appointment.
​With regard to the election of the prior of the church, the statutes are thus drawn up:—“The more closely a dignity approaches to spiritual matters, with the more care and consideration should the selection of its holder be made. Bearing this in mind, we decree that whenever the priory of our church becomes vacant, the Grand-Master and the ordinary council shall assemble and proceed to a new election with calm and serious deliberation. Having with this object carefully examined into the manners, life, doctrine, and qualifications of our chaplains in every langue, they shall elect and nominate as prior a chaplain of upright life and of approved conduct, learned and well-versed in the practice of things ecclesiastical. It is essential that after this election he should reside continuously at the convent, and if on account of any urgent necessity he should ever be sent therefrom, the Grand-Master and ordinary council must fix a definite period for his return.”
In addition to the conventual chaplains thus appointed, the Order received into the second or ecclesiastical division of its fraternity another class termed priests of obedience, who were not called upon to reside at the chef-lieu, but performed the duties of their office in the various continental grand-priories and commanderies. These priests received the emoluments of their several benefices like other clergy, and where such revenues were too small for their due and honourable maintenance, they were entitled to a further provision from the local treasury. They were ineligible for either of the great offices which were appropriated to the conventual chaplains, and they were never appointed to the position of commander, as the latter were. They were usually natives of the province in which they performed their duties, and to the langue of which they were attached. After the Order had become settled in the island of Malta, its conventual chaplains were mainly recruited from the inhabitants of that island, and the posts of bishop and prior, both of which ranked with the conventual bailiffs, were constantly held by Maltese. This, however, was not the case at Rhodes. There the natives, belonging almost all to the Greek Church, were unable to enter the ranks of the fraternity, and although there was much toleration and even cordiality between the members ​of the two churches, the Order was compelled to seek elsewhere for Roman Catholic priests to fill the ranks of its conventual chaplains.
It has already been mentioned that all legislative powers were exclusively vested in the chapter-general, whilst the executive functions were intrusted to the Grand-Master in council. It will be well now to enter into some detail as to the composition both of the chapter and of the different classes of council. The chapter-general, the great parliament of the Order, was, during the earlier years of its existence, held regularly every five years, and in cases of emergency was often convened even between those periods. Gradually a longer time was allowed to elapse. The interval between them extended first to ten years, and later on still longer, until they were eventually almost entirely discontinued, one only having been held throughout the eighteenth century.
Many reasons may be alleged for the abandonment of this ancient council. The great expense attending its convocation; the extreme inconvenience and detriment to the interests of the community necessarily arising from the calling away of so many of its provincial chiefs from the seats of their respective governments; the turbulence which often characterized the sessions; and the difficulty which the Grand- Master invariably experienced in carrying out his views and policy in an assembly where his influence predominated but slightly; all of these were causes to check their frequent convocation. In the absence of a chapter-general the Grand- Master conducted the government with the aid and intervention of a council only, and in this assembly he was enabled to exercise a far greater influence, and to obtain a more complete subservience to his wishes than he could ever expect from the chapter.
The summoning of a chapter-general lay entirely with the Grand-Master or Pope. We have adduced reasons to show why the former should, as far as possible, neglect to assemble them. Similar views, to a great extent, actuated the pontiff, since, in the absence of a chapter-general, all legislative powers were vested in himself in the same way as the executive were in the Grand-Master and council. The court of Rome has ​never been backward in assuming such powers to their fullest extent whenever it has been in a position so to do.
The following is a list of the dignitaries who held a seat in the chapter-general in the order of their precedence. The Grand-Master, either in person or by a lieutenant nominated by himself, presided. The others were as follows:—
1. The Archbishop of Rhodes.
2. The Prior of the Church.
3. The Bailiff of Provence.
4. The Bailiff of Auvergne.
5. The Bailiff of France.
6. The Bailiff of Italy.
7. The Bailiff of Aragon (Spain).
8. The Bailiff of England.
9. The Bailiff of Germany.
10. The Bailiff of Castile (Portugal).
11. The Grand-Prior of St. Gilles.
12. The Grand-Prior of Auvergne.
13. The Grand-Prior of France.
14. The Grand-Prior of Aquitaine.
15. The Grand-Prior of Champagne.
16. The Grand-Prior of Toulouse.
17. The Grand-Prior of Rome.
18. The Grand-Prior of Lombardy.
19. The Grand-Prior of Venice.
20. The Grand-Prior of Pisa.
21. The Grand-Prior of Burletta.
22. The Grand-Prior of England.
23. The Grand-Prior of Capua.
24. The Castellan of Emposta.
25. The Grand-Prior of Portugal.
26. The Grand-Prior of Messina.
27. The Grand-Prior of Navarre.
28. The Grand-Prior of Germany.
29. The Grand-Prior of Ireland.
30. The Grand-Prior of Bohemia.
31. The Grand-Prior of Hungary.
32. The Bailiff of St. Euphemia.
33. The Grand-Prior of Catalonia.
34. The Bailiff of Negropont.
35. The Bailiff of the Morea.
36. The Bailiff of Venusia.
37. The Bailiff of St. Stephen.
38. The Bailiff of Majorca.
39. The Bailiff of St. John of Naples.
40. The Bailiff of Lyons.
41. The Bailiff of Manosque.
42. The Bailiff of Brandenburg.
43. The Bailiff of Caspa.
44. The Bailiff of Lora.
45. The Bailiff of the Eagle.
46. The Bailiff of Lango.
47. The Bailiff of St. Sepulchre.
48. The Bailiff of Cremona.
49. The Grand-Treasurer.
50. The Bailiff of Neuvillas.
51. The Bailiff of Acre.
52. The Bailiff of La Roceila.
53. The Bailiff of Armenia.
54. The Bailiff of Carlostad.
55. The Bailiff of St. Sebastian.
Such of the above as were not able to attend in person were bound to send thither proxies to act in their stead. All commanders had seats in the chapter below the above dignitaries, and in order of seniority. The time and place of meeting were fixed by the Grand-Master, and after having been approved by the Pope, were duly notified to the various members whose rank entitled them to a seat in the council. The first step taken after divine service had been performed was the nomination of a committee of three commanders of different langues to verify the ​proxies and to guarantee their validity. That ceremony having been gone through, every one took his place in accordance with the foregoing list, and the chapter-general was declared duly open. In token of homage to its sovereign authority, each member tendered as tribute a purse containing five pieces of silver. The marshal brought into the council hail the grand standard of the Order, which he surrendered into the keeping of the chapter, and the other dignitaries in succession also delivered up the symbols of their various offices. These were not returned until the assembly had passed a fresh grant for that purpose. Another committee of three members, each of a separate langue, was also nominated to receive petitions, and to organize the questions to be brought before the chapter.
In order to expedite the business, for the despatch of which they had been convened, a committee of sixteen commanders was selected, two from each langue. It was felt that in so large an assembly discussion would have been most inconveniently protracted. To this committee, therefore, the real working powers were entirely delegated. They were sworn to legislate honestly and fearlessly for the public weal, and the remaining members, including the Grand-Master, also took an oath binding themselves to abide by the decisions and decrees of the committee. The vice-chancellor, the secretary of the treasury, and the Grand-Master’s legal adviser, all took part in its meetings and debates, but had no vote, that privilege being reserved exclusively to the sixteen members nominated by the chapter.
The statutes laid down what should be the general order of the business to be transacted by the committee. They were, first, to examine into the incidence and pressure of the various imposts decreed by previous chapters, and to make such alterations and revisions as the state of the revenue and the exigencies of the treasury might render possible or advisable. They were afterwards to look strictly into the management of the treasury, and satisfy themselves of the correctness of its administration. The records were then to be passed in review, after which they were to proceed to reform any abuses that had crept in, and to pass such new laws as they might consider necessary, abrogating all existing statutes which ​appeared to them to be no longer suitable to the organization of the fraternity. In conclusion, they were to deal with any questions of a special nature which might be brought before them, but which did not come under any of the preceding heads.
The matters having all been debated and decided on by a majority of votes taken by ballot, the chapter was once more assembled, and the decrees of its committee ratified and promulgated. The business then closed with divine service, when the following prayers were offered in succession—for peace, for plenty, for the Pope, for the cardinals and prelates, for all Christian kings and princes, for the Grand-Master, for the bailiffs and priors, for the brethren of the Hospital, for the sick and captives, for sinners, for benefactors to the Hospital, and lastly for the confraria and all connected with the Order.
The duration of a chapter-general was very wisely limited to sixteen days, so as to check any spirit of opposition or factious debate by means of which it might otherwise have been indefinitely prolonged. If, at the conclusion of that time, any business remained unsettled it was disposed of by a council of reservation elected by the chapter prior to its dissolution. The chapter-general was the ultimate court of appeal from the decisions of the various councils, and in its absence that appeal lay with the court of Rome.
Provincial chapters were held in every grand-priory, presided over by the grand-prior or his lieutenant, at which all commanders attached thereto were bound to attend either in person or by proxy. The local interests of the fraternity were brought under discussion at these assemblies, and such matters were there disposed of as did not concern the Order at large, but only that branch of it embraced within the district. The appeal from these courts lay with the council at the chef-lieu.
The cede of laws known as the statutes of the Order were the result of the decrees of a succession of chapters-general, no additions to, alterations in, or omissions from this code having been permitted by any authority short of that which originally called it into existence. The duty of the Grand-Master as head of the fraternity consisted merely in enforcing obedience to the ​laws thus laid down, and even in this comparatively subordinate duty he was not permitted to act alone, but was associated with a council. Without the concurrence and sanction of that body none of his decrees had any legal effect, and he himself was rendered practically powerless.
The councils of the Order in its chef-lieu were of four kinds, viz., the complete, the ordinary, the secret, and the criminal. The latter was sometimes also called the council of state. The composition of the complete council differed from that of the other three, which were similar to one another.
The complete council consisted of the Grand-Master or his lieutenant, the archbishop of Rhodes, the prior of the church of St. John, the eight conventual bailiffs or their lieutenants acting for them, the grand-treasurer or his lieutenant, and any grand-cross who might chance to be present at the convent on the occasion. To these were added two members from each langue, who were bound to be knights of justice and resident in Rhodes for at least eight years. The seniors of each langue below the rank of grand-cross were usually elected to this office, the nomination resting with the langues themselves. The time for the assembly of the court lay at the discretion of the Grand-Master, but the place of meeting was invariably in the council-chamber of the magisterial palace. In this it differed from the other three councils, which might be convened wherever the Grand-Master thought fit. Before the complete council were brought all appeals against the decisions and sentences of the ordinary and criminal councils, the ultimate appeal being with the chapter-general or in its absence with the papal court.
The following was the order of procedure on the occasion. The Grand-Master having fixed the hour at which the council was to meet, his master of the horse gave due notice to that effect to all the members authorized to be present. The great bell of St. John’s church tolled for the half-hour previous to the appointed time, during which interval the councillors assembled within their hall. When the bell ceased the Grand-Master took his seat under the canopy which marked his place as president, and the business of the council commenced. Should ​any of the conventual bailiffs be absent and his lieutenant as well, the master of the horse announced the fact and called for the senior member for the langue of ———, the commander ———, whereupon the knight so named took his seat with the other councilors.
The court being duly organized, the vice-chancellor announced the various matters to be brought under discussion, which usually consisted of appeals from the decisions of the inferior courts. In any case requiring pleading the rival parties were bound to appear in person unless they could show a good and sufficient reason for employing a deputy. The following exceptions were made to this general rule. Members of the English and German langue. were permitted to employ advocates, as they would not have been able to make themselves intelligible in their own tongue. Knights who were unavoidably absent from the convent at the time when their cases came on for hearing might provide duly authorized substitutes to appear on their behalf. The same privilege was accorded to all knights of the grand-cross, who were never called on to plead in person. It appears to have been a main object in framing the regulations to throw as many obstacles as possible in the way of needless litigation amongst the fraternity. The “custom” or preamble which is attached to the statutes relating to these councils marks this principle very distinctly. It says—“In order that our brethren may study hospitality and the noble exercise of arms rather than embroil themselves in litigation and legal discussions, our predecessors have handed down the following very laudable custom—whenever differences shall arise between our brethren they shall be decided in council summarily—that is to say, there shall be no writings upon the subject in dispute, the parties shall plead their cause in person and state their cases simply, after which, judgment shall be passed. Writings which have been previously made and which have not been prepared expressly for the purpose may be produced in evidence, as also such witnesses as may be required, and, if necessary, the depositions of these latter may be reduced to writing.”
The case under consideration having been pleaded and responded to, the court was cleared for deliberation, and after ​the members had debated the matter under the seal of secrecy, a ballot was taken, the result of which decided the case. The court was reopened and the sentence announced by the vice-chancellor who recorded it in the archives.
The other three councils were composed of grand-crosses only, the two senior members of each langue below the rank of grand-cross being omitted. The ordinary council was considered to have a quorum provided the eight conventual bailiffs or their lieutenants were present, the attendance of the other grand-crosses being optional. It was in this council that all nominations to vacant offices were made, all disputes arising therefrom decided, and the ordinary business connected with the government of the island transacted. This was the council usually employed by the Grand-Master, who might assemble it at any time and in any place he thought proper. No subject could be introduced without his sanction and approval, and as all grand-crosses had a voice in the council he was enabled, by the creation of a fresh batch of honorary grand-crosses, to carry any measure which he had at heart, but upon which opinions were divided in the convent. The secret council was similarly constituted, and took cognizance of such matters of internal and foreign policy as were not considered fit subjects for publicity, its proceedings were therefore never made known. The criminal council, also composed of the same members, received and adjudicated upon all complaints lodged against individuals connected with the fraternity. The accused persons were arraigned before the court; evidence was taken openly, and sentence was passed in accordance therewith.
The institution of slavery flourished in the Order from the earliest days of its existence until the close of the eighteenth century. During the residence of the knights in Palestine it had been their invariable rule, in accordance with the usages of eastern warfare, to reduce to a state of slavery all prisoners taken in action. This system had been in full operation long before the crusaders had introduced a European element into the warfare of Asia. It was only natural that a spirit of retaliation should have led to the adoption of the same practice. After their establishment in the island of Rhodes the knights continued to enforce the penalty which long custom ​had legalized in their eyes. Both in that island, and afterwards at Malta, their galleys were invariably propelled by gangs of Turkish captives told off for that purpose, and driven to constant labour by the dread of punishment. A gangway ran along the centre of the vessel on which paced an official armed with a cruel whip, which he mercilessly applied to the back of any one of the unfortunate victims whom he considered was not putting forth his full strength. During the cruise the slave was never released from his seat at the oar, but as several men were attached to each, they took it in tums to obtain what rest and repose was possible under such miserable conditions. When not required on board the galleys, they were housed in a prison on shore established for the purpose. They were then employed either in the dockyard or on the fortifications. No one can have examined the stupendous and elaborate defences either of Rhodes or Malta, without perceiving that such works could have only been created under conditions of labour very different from those of the present day. The extraordinary width and depth of the ditches, so far beyond what seem actually necessary for purposes of defence, show that in their construction labour was a drug. It is true that in both instances these ditches were the quarries from which most of the stone used in the building of the respective towns was taken; still, but for the fact that there was a constant and never-failing supply of the cheapest manual power, the work would never have been carried to such vast depths.
There can be no doubt that great cruelty was often practised against these unfortunate captives, and the treatment which they received at the hands of their Christian masters was, as a rule, disgracefully barbarous. Their lives were held as of little or no value, and the records teem with accounts of the very thoughtless and cruel manner in which they were sacrificed to the whims and caprices of those who held control over their lives and persons. During the first siege of Rhodes a gang of these miserable beings was returning from the perilous labour of repairing the breaches made in the ramparts by the enemy’s artillery when a party of young knights chanced to meet them, and began to amuse themselves at their expense. A slight scuffle ensued, the wretched slaves endeavouring to shield themselves ​from their tormentors. The noise thus caused attracted the attention of a body of the garrison, who were patrolling near the spot, and these, imagining that the slaves were rising in revolt, fell on them, and without pausing for a moment to ascertain the truth of their suspicions, slew upwards of 150 of the poor defenceless creatures before discovering their error. So also we find it recorded at a period somewhat later than that at which we have arrived, viz., during the siege of Malta, that some hesitation having been shown by the slaves in exposing themselves during their pioneering labours to a fire more than ordinarily deadly, the Grand-Master directed some to be hanged, and others to have their ears cut off. We also find an English knight, named Massinberg, brought before the council in the year 1534 for having without cause drawn his sword and killed four galley slaves. Upon being called on for his defence, this turbulent Briton replied—"In killing the four slaves I did well, but in not having at the same time killed our old and imbecile Grand-Master, I confess I did badly.” The Grand-Master referred to was Peter Du Pont, and the defence was not considered satisfactory; we find, therefore, that Massinberg was deprived of his commandery, and stripped of his habit for a period of two days. That such a crime should have been dealt with in this manner shows that the insolence towards the Grand-Master was more thought of than the murder of the four slaves.
Having touched upon the question of slavery as it existed amongst the fraternity up to the time of which we are speaking, it may be well to complete the subject, although what remains refers to a later period of history. By degrees a system sprang up of not simply retaining the slaves for the service of the Order, but also of selling any number that might be demanded. The truth was, that eventually the convent of St. John became neither more nor less than a vast slave mart. The evil began at Rhodes; but it did not reach its full development until after ​the establishment of the knights at Malta. There the miserable trade flourished without a check. When the demand was brisk, and the supply of slaves within the bagnio scarce, the galleys of Malta scoured the seas, and woe betide the unfortunate Moslem who came within their grasp. The war which they unceasingly waged against the Ottoman maritime power was not maintained purely for the glory of the struggle, or from religious conviction as to its necessity; they found other attractions in the strife. In thus gratifying their privateering propensities, they were swelling at one and the same time their own private fortunes and the coffers of their Order. Honour there was none; religion there was none; it had degenerated into a pure mercenary speculation, and the only excuse which could be offered for this degradation of warfare, lay in the fact that it was an act of reprisal. The northern coast of Africa was one vast nest of pirates, who scoured every corner of the Mediterranean, and whose detested flag always brought with it the horrors of bloodshed, rapine, and slavery. With such a foe as this, it was but natural that there should be but scant courtesy shown. Had the fraternity confined its efforts to the extermination of this noxious swarm, the historian need not have been very severe in his criticisms on its treatment of its captives. It is, unfortunately, a matter of fact that in their anxiety to keep their slave mart at Malta well supplied, the knights of St. John were by no means careful to discriminate between the piratical corsair and the peaceful eastern merchant, and that the latter too often had to endure the fate which should have been reserved for the former only.
There exists in the Record Office of Malta a letter from the English king Charles II. to Nicholas Cottoner, at that time Grand-Master, which bears upon this question, and clearly proves the traffic in human flesh then subsisting, and by which it appears that the knights were purveyors of slaves, not only to the king of England, but also to the monarchs of France and Spain:—
“Charles the Second by the grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith &c. To the most illustrious and most high prince the Lord Nicholas ​Cottoner Grand-Master of the Order of Malta our well beloved cousin and friend, greeting.
“It having appeared to us a matter of interest not only to ourselves but likewise to the whole Christian world that we should keep in the Mediterranean Sea a certain number of galleys ready to afford prompt aid to our neighbours and allies against the frequent insults of the barbarians and Turks; we lately caused to be constructed two galleys, one in Genoa and the other in the port of Leghorn. In order to man these we directed a person well acquainted with such affairs to be sent, as to other parts, so also to the island of Malta subject to the rule of your highness in order to buy slaves and procure other necessaries. He having purchased some slaves it has been reported to us that your highness’s collector of customs demanded five pieces of gold of Malta money before they could be permitted to embark, under the title of toll at which proceeding we were certainly not a little astonished, it appearing to us a novel arrangement and one contrary to the usual custom, especially since it is well known to us that our neighbours and allies the kings of France and Spain are never accustomed to pay anything under the title of toll for the slaves whom they cause yearly to be transported from your island. We therefore beg your highness by the good and long friendship existing between us to grant to us the same privilege in regard to this kind of commerce within the territories of your highness as is enjoyed by both our said neighbours and allies which, although it ought to be conceded to us simply on account of our mutual friendship and our affection towards your highness and the illustrious Order of Malta, still we shall receive it so gratefully that if at any time we can do anything to please your highness we shall be always ready to do it with all attention and most willingly. In the mean time we heartily recommend your highness and all the members of the illustrious Order of Malta as well as all your affairs to the Divine keeping.
“Given from our palace at Westminster on the 12th day of February in the year of our Lord 1673 and of our reign the twenty-fifth. Your highness’s good cousin and friend Charles Rex.”
* ↑ The rotolo weighed 1¾ lb. avoirdupois, and the quartuccio was about three pints.
* ↑ The contemporary chroniclers record this as having been done “pour encourager lea autres.” The writer has more than once seen a claim made as to the original authorship of this phrase at a far later date than that now alluded to, which was in the latter part of the sixteenth century. Doubtless the quaint expression was even then no novelty.