# A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 9

CHAPTER IX.
1402—1476.
The success of Timour in the capture of Smyrna led him to contemplate the further prosecution of his ambitious views by an early attack upon Rhodes. He was, at the time, unprovided with a fleet sufficiently numerous for the operation, and his first efforts were therefore directed to the supply of this deficiency. Before, however, he had succeeded in collecting any considerable number of vessels within the harbour of the now utterly ruined town of Smyrna, intelligence reached him of an invasion of the eastern portion of his dominions by the king of India, who had taken advantage of his absence to assail the unprotected frontier. He was consequently compelled to retire from the scene of his recent successes, and to hasten eastward in order to grapple with his new enemy. Most fortunately for the peace of Europe, and more especially for the security of the Order at Rhodes, Timour did not live to return. Before he had succeeded in repelling the invasion and securing his eastern frontier, he died from the effects of the constant debauchery in which he was plunged. It is curious to note how, during these ages, men constantly sprang from obscurity in the East, and for a time threatened to attain almost universal dominion. Nothing, ​however, which they founded seemed to survive them, all being due to their own power of generalship and administration. The guiding hand once withdrawn, the empire crumbled to pieces, and remained in a state of disintegration until some new ruler arose with power sufficient to reunite the fragments.
De Naillac seized the earliest opportunity which this suspension of hostilities gave him to replace, as far as possible, the loss sustained by the destruction of Smyrna. The judgment which he displayed in the selection of a new point d’appui on the mainland was such that, so far from being weakened by its loss, the Order found itself in a far more commanding position than before. The point selected was a Turkish castle on the coast of Asia Minor, about twelve miles from the island of Lango. This stronghold had been built on the ruins of Halicarnassus, celebrated as the site of the tomb of king Mausolus, and also as the birthplace of Herodotus. Not deeming this place sufficiently secure for his purpose, de Nailac caused a new work to be erected at the end of a peninsula which jutted out into the sea. This he called the Castle of St. Peter Liberated. It may be noted that the present Turkish name for the fortress, viz., Budrum, is derived from Bedros, signifying, like Peter, a rock.
Nothing was spared which the art of fortification could devise to render this stronghold impregnable, and it remains at this day an imperishable record of the skill of the engineer at the beginning of the fifteenth century. It bore on its walls this inscription, which is still to be seen: “Propter fidem Catholicam tenemus locum istum.” Its present condition is thus described by Newton, the discoverer of the ruins of the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus:—
“On the site of the old Greek acropolis Philibert de Naillac built the stately castle which still stands a specimen of the military architecture of the knights, not less worthy of study than the fortress of Rhodes. The position of this castle is one of great natural strength as compared with the means of attack known in the fifteenth century. It is surrounded on three sides by the sea, while on the land side the rocky nature of the soil would have made mining impossible. The castle is entered from the isthmus by a ramp through the western corner of a glacis of unusual size, which forms the outer defence on the ​north side. Within this ramp is. a fosse which widens as it approaches the sea, having a breadth of 150 feet in the part where the gateway from the ramp opens into it. This end of the fosse is protected by a casemated battery, to hinder the landing of troops within the glacis. This battery has a roof of solid masonry, gabled externally to prevent the lodgment of shells. The north side is further strengthened by two towers, connected by a curtain wall, and a smaller fosse running parallel to the larger fosse. On the western side, which faces the harbour, the castle is defended by a wide rampart, within which is a deep fosse. It is in the sea face of this rampart that the lions’ heads from the Mausoleum are placed. On the eastern and southern sides the external wall of defence is a curtain wall with a strong tower at the south-east corner. The opposite angle on the south-west is protected by a platform with em brasures for nine guns on the south and eight on the west. The entrance to the castle is through a series of seven gateways, up to the first of which the ramp in the northern glacis leads. After crossing the northern fosse the road passes through three more gateways into the sea rampart of the western fosse, and thence winding through three more gateways, finally enters the interior of the fortress at its south-western angle. The seventh and last of these gateways is protected by the platform already noticed. The object of so winding an approach was, of course, to guard against surprises. The area contained within these external defences is divided into an outer and inner bayle. In the inner bayle, which is the highest ground within the castle, are two lofty square towers, which form the keep. The outer bayle contains the chapel of the knights. The two central towers seem to be the earliest part of the fortress, which was ​probably built by instalments, the lines being gradually extended till they embraced the whole of the rocky platform. It was constructed by Henry Schlegelholt, a German knight, who found in the ruins of the Mausoleum an ample supply of building materials. The masonry throughout is in admirable preservation. Since the day when the castle was handed over to the Mussulman conqueror it has undergone very few changes. The long brass gima of the knights still arm the batteries, and their powder lies caked up in the magazines. The Turks change nothing in their fortresses. There is in this castle a magnificent cistern cut in the rock, full of water. A few years ago a soldier fell into it and was drowned. The Turks, instead of troubling themselves to fish the body out, ceased to use the water of- the cistern, regarding it as polluted for ever. In the tower at the south-east corner is a rooni which was probably the refectory of the knights. Here, sitting in the wide bays of the windows, they beguiled the weariness of garrison life by carving their names and escutcheons on the walls. Many hundred valiant soldiers of the Cross, unmentioned in the glorious annals of the Order, have thus been preserved from utter oblivion, for the inscriptions are as fresh as if cut yesterday. This tower was probably erected by Englishmen, as the arms of Edward IV., and of the different branches of the Plantagenet family, together with many other English coats, are sculptured in a row over the door. Scattered about the castle are the arms of its successive captains, ranging from 1437 to 1522, when the garrison surrendered to the Turks. Among these is the name of a well-known English knight, Sir Thomas Sheffield, with the date 1514. The arms of another Englishman, John Kendal, who was Turcopolier 1477—1500, may be seen under the royal arms on the tower at the south-east angle. here, as at Rhodes, the stern monotony of military masonry is constantly relieved by shields and inscriptions sculptured on white marble and let into the walls. Wherever architectural decoration occurs it is of the same flamboyant character as at Rhodes. In the chapel may still be seen a beautifully carved wood screen, now adapted to Mussulman worship.”
In addition to the inscription already quoted, there was also Newton’s ​on the walls one in Latin from the 127th Psalm—”Except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain.” As soon as the fortress was sufficiently advanced towards completion to be tenable de Naillac garrisoned it with a strong body of the Order. Every precaution was taken to insure its security from attack by the hostile neighbours. Recent events had rendered this a matter of comparative facility for a time. The power of Bajazet had been shattered by the battle of Angora, whilst Timour was dead and his army disbanded. No ruler had for the moment arisen in their place strong enough to impede the operations of the knights of Rhodes, and meanwhile the new stronghold was month by -month developing in extent. It ally became a point of refuge for all who sought to escape from Mussulman tyranny, and the unfortunate Christian flying from slavery was sure to find within its hospitable walls a ready welcome and ample protection. As aids in the defence, a race of dogs was kept within the castle. These were so trained, and their natural instinct so developed, that they were rendered capable of performing, with great tact and sagacity, the part of outlying sentinels. By their aid and watchfulness the guard was ever sure of receiving early intimation of the approach of an enemy.
In the year 1403 de Naillac was enabled to render good service in a mediatorial capacity between the king of Cyprus and the Genoese, a dissension having arisen which if not quelled would have had the most calamitous results for Christianity in ​The Genoese republic had succeeded in obtaining possession of the town of Famagosta in Cyprus. It was held by a garrison in their name, to the great dissatisfaction of the king, James do Lusignan, and the rest of the inhabitants. An attempt was consequently made by him to expel the intruders, and a regular siege was laid to the town. When the news of this act of hostility reached Genoa, which was then under the protection of France, an expedition was at once despatched, led by the marshal do Bourcicault, for the purpose of repelling the attack. This fleet put into the harbour of Rhodes, where it was received with the most profuse hospitality. It consisted of seven large ships and nine Genoese galleys. Accompanying it was a Venetian squadron, under the command of the admiral Carlo Zeno. The latter was in reality watching the movements of the other fleet, the intentions of which roused the suspicions of the Venetians. It was not to be expected that under such circumstances there could be much cordiality between the commanders. In fact disputes soon arose, and from day to day became so embittered, that at length de Naillac dreaded an open rupture within the very harbour of Rhodes. He succeeded at last in so far smoothing matters that he induced Carlo Zeno to leave the island and proceed to the Morea. This preliminary difficulty being overcome, his next step was directed towards preventing the outbreak of hostilities between the forces of Bourcicault and the Cypriotes. Not only did the knights hold large possessions in that island, but they had always regarded it as a barrier against Saracen attack. Being in close alliance with the king of Cyprus they had been enabled to find shelter in its capacious harbours during their cruises on the Syrian coasts. De Naillac succeeded in persuading Bourcicault to remain quietly at Rhodes whilst he himself undertook a mediating embassy to Cyprus, hoping to induce the king to withdraw from his attempts on Famagosta. James acceded to his suggestions, the siege was raised, and the expeditionary force under Bourcicault rendered no longer necessary.
The French commander was, however, unwilling to return without having struck a blow somewhere. He therefore joined the Grand-Master in a predatory expedition against the principal ​Saracenic seaports in Asia Minor. Nothing of any permanent importance was effected, nor indeed was any intended. What they sought was booty, and this they obtained in amply sufficient quantity to pay the costs of the expedition.
On their return to Rhodes they were surprised to find a proposal from the sultan of Egypt, whose territories they had just been ravaging, to enter into an alliance with them. The fears which he entertained of the aggressive policy of his neighbours, the Ottoman Turks, led him to take this step, and de Naillac was sufficiently far-sighted to make the most of his opportunities. The treaty which he concluded with the sultan gave the Christians permission to enclose the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem with a wall. They were to be allowed to maintain six knights of St. John within the city, free from all tribute, who should carry on the hospitaller duties of their profession in favour of the pilgrims who still visited the spot. It was further agreed that Christian slaves might be redeemed either by purchase or exchange with Saracens, and that consulates should be established in Jerusalem and the other principal places in the Holy Land. For the benefits of this favourable treaty Christianity is indebted entirely to the ability of the Grand-Master at Rhodes.
Unfortunately at this time there was but too great need for the exercise of diplomacy on his part. The schism which had for so many years torn the bosom of the Church and introduced the spirit of dissension within his own Order, was still raging furiously; the rival popes, Benedict and Gregory, each claiming jurisdiction. A conclave was assembled at Pisa in 1409 to endeavour to heal the dispute, and its protection was intrusted to de Naillac and his fraternity. He left Rhodes for the purpose of assuming the duties thus imposed on him, and remained in Europe till the year 1420. Alexander V. was elected Pope at this conclave, making a third pretender to the title. At the same time de Nailac was pronounced sole legitimate Grand-Master. In spite of this decree, the priories of England, Scotland, Aragon, Germany, Italy, Hungary, and Bohemia refused to recognize his title, and continued to withhold their responsions. At length a new council, held at Constance in 1415, terminated the difficulty by securing the ​abdication of Pope John XXIII. and the election of Martin V., the validity of whose nomination was accepted on all sides without dispute. At this conclave also the protection of the electors was intrusted to de Naillac and his knights. It is most probable that it was again greatly by the influence and diplomatic ability of the Grand-Master that this favourable result was reached. The contumacious langues all promptly gave in their adhesion, and recognized the venerable Grand-Master as their chief. After having held a chapter-general at Avignon, and another at Ancona, de Naillac returned to Rhodes, after an absence of eleven years. His reappearance there was greeted with the utmost enthusiasm, prayers having been repeatedly offered up in the churches of the island during his protracted absence, beseeching his speedy return.
The last act of his long and useful life was presiding at a chapter-general, which he convoked at Rhodes shortly after his arrival. In this council all the acts which led to the reunion of the Order were ratified, and a general feeling of joy pervaded the assembly that their differences were at length reconciled. To de Naillac this glad scene was one of intense gratification, and served to shed a gleam of comfort over his latest days. His end, indeed, was fast approachiiig, and in the following year he breathed his last, having swayed the fortunes of his Order for twenty-five years. lie died comforted with the feeling that he left his fraternity at union with itself, at peace with its neighbours, and in a most flourishing state of Prosperity.
​The following inscription was placed on his tomb in the church of St. John at Rhodes:—
“Rhodiorum Deer: Averni Eq. Posuerunt.
“Philiberto Dc Naillac, S. Nq. H.M.M.M. Quod Imitutione Henrici Sehiegmihoit Equitis Germani Qui Timure Scytharum Rege Asiam Occupante In Continenti Caria Se Munire Vallo Contra Barbaros Ausus Fuit Ex Mausolei Ruinis Arcem Et Propugnacula In Halicarnasso Struxit.
“Novam Cond: Urbem Justit-Que Dedit Gentes Frcenare Superbas.
“By a decree of the Rhodians the Knights of Auvergne have erected this monument.
“To Philibert do Nailac, Grand-Master of the Holy Militia of Jerusalem. After the design of Henry Schlegmlhoit, knight of the German langue”, he dared to raise entrenehments, whilst Timour, the king of the Scythians, overran Asia. He built a citadel and fortress in Halicarnassus from the ruins of the Mausoleum.
“He was able by his justice to build a new city and to restrain proud nations.”
The rule of his successor, Antonio Fluvian (or, as the name is sometimes given, La Rivière), although it extended over a period of sixteen years, was marked by but few events of political importance. Dangers, indeed, threatened on every side, but none developed into really active mischief. On the one side was the new emperor, Mourad II., who had recently ascended the throne of his father, Mohammed I., and had so consolidated the Ottoman power as to become a very formidable neighbour; on the other was the Mamelouk sultan of Egypt, whose enmity was at that time even more threatening than that of Mourad.
This prince invaded Cyprus in the year 1423. The Order of St. John rendered every assistance in its power to the king, James de Lusignan, but its efforts were unsuccessful. The combined forces of Rhodes and Cyprus were defeated in a decisive action by the Egyptian sultan, and Lusignan was taken prisoner. In spite of this defeat the knights continued the struggle. Their interest in the island was not, it must be admitted, purely disinterested. One of the richest commanderies in their possession was situated there, and they strained every ​nerve to save it from destruction. In this they were ultimately successful, and peace was once more restored. The captive king was ransomed by a payment of 30,000 gold forms, the greater part of which was advanced by the treasury of Rhodes, and the sultan withdrew his forces from the island.
Two chapters-general were held at the convent, one in the year 1428, the other in 1432. At the former the Grand-Master submitted an urgent appeal for funds. He pointed out the cost of the recent struggle in Cyprus, the armaments rendered necessary throughout the Order’s possessions by the threatening attitude of the Ottoman emperor on the one side, and the Egyptian sultan on the other; the devastation caused in the French priories by the war with England; the very precarious position of the priories of Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, and Poland, the former owing to the disorders caused by the Hussites, and the latter to the hostile attitude of the Teutonic knights. He concluded by appealing to all the members for contributions in aid, he himself heading the list with a donation of 12,000 forms. The request was very generally responded to. Each priory was called on to send to Rhodes twenty-five knights and as many servants-at-arms. A large quantity of arms, ammunition, and provisions was contributed, and money poured in to the treasury from all quarters.
At the second chapter it was decreed that all novices should be appointed to some commandery within their langue, where they were to be maintained and trained in the religious and knightly duties of their profession. Hitherto much scandal had been brought upon the Order by the irregular life led by many of these novices, who, looking upon their profession merely as a distinction flattering to their vanity, totally neglected the duties inculcated by their vows. To check this demoralizing irregularity, the chapter wisely determined to place them under the charge of commanders, who from their age and position would be enabled to enforce a wholesome discipline. Members were also forbidden to establish themselves at the court of Rome. The pernicious example of Heredia had been so frequently followed as to render a restriction of this nature highly necessary. Indeed, for some time past it had become apparent that if the fraternity were to maintain its independence, a rigid ​check would have to be imposed upon the encroachments of the court of Rome. The time had passed when the support of the pontiff was necessary for its well-being. It was now a sovereign power, well able to hold its own, and but little prepared quietly to brook interference even from its ecclesiastical superior. From this time forward we shall find that the annals teem with disputes between the knights and the popes of Rome, all owing to autocratic attempts upon the part of the latter sternly resisted by the former.
The last act of Fluvian’s life was to rebuild the great hospital of the island and to add to its endowments. He died on the 26th October, 1437, leaving by his will the sum of 200,000 ducats as a gift to the public treasury. A monument was erected to his memory in the following year by the knights of the langue of Spain, which bore the following inscription, partly in Greek and partly in Latin:—
“ANEY XPIMATΩN OYΔEN ENTOPΘEITAI. Ternpore Pace Parcemonia Equites Citerioris Hispanie Antonio Fluviano Mag Svo: S. Nq. M. H. Pacis Et Frugalitatis Artibus Ornatissirno Longnvo Seni Adhuc Viventi De Cofliuni Cosilio Rhodii Sententia Anno MCCCCXXXV1II. Cum Magno Populi Plausu Erexere.
“Nothing can be done without money. In time of peace economy.
“The Knights of nearer Spain have erected this monument to Antonio Fluvian, Grand-Master of the holy and noble militia of Jerusalem, skilled in the arts of peace and economy, still full of rigour when advanced in age, with the consent of the council of Rhodes, in the year 1438, with the great applause of the people.”
John de Lastie was raised to the magisterial seat vacated by the death of Fluvian. This knight, who was born in Auvergue in 1371, had at an early age taken part in the war with England, having been made prisoner by that power in 1394. In the following year he arrived at Rhodes, where he was professed as a knight. He was appointed commander of Mont- calm, and afterwards grand-prior of Auvergne, which post he held at the time of his election. It was the custom in those ​days for a Grand-Master, on being elected to, pay the sum of three crowns to every knight to defray the cost of mourning for his defunct predecessor. It is recorded that Lastic had to raise a loan of 12,000 gold forms to meet this charge. Hence it may be seen that the ranks of the fraternity were well filled.
The Ottoman emperor was at this time fully occupied with the war in Hungary and the revolt in Epirus; but the sultan of Egypt, whose hands were free, was evidently meditating hostilities against the knights. Up to this time the Ottoman emperor had generally acted as a check upon the Egyptians, the jealousy raging between the two Moslem powers being even stronger than their animosity against their Christian neighbours. On the present occasion, however, Mourad declined to offer any opposition to the Egyptian enterprise, even if he did not, as is very probable, secretly support it. After vain attempts at negotiation with both sultans, de Lastic perceived that the issue must be decided by arms. He therefore strengthened his position by every possible means, and then quietly awaited the coming of the enemy. At length, in the month of September, 1440, the Egyptian fleet, to the number of eighteen galleys, accompanied by many smaller craft, appeared before Rhodes. The intrepid conduct of the inhabitants prevented the Moslems from attempting an immediate disembarkation. Before they had decided upon their line of conduct the fleet of the Order, led by their grand-marshal, left the harbour and advanced to the attack. The Egyptians declined the action, and under cover of night beat a retreat. The marshal, suspecting their object, pushed rapidly after them, and so compIeely out-sailed them that when they appeared before the castle of Lango they found him already there awaiting their arrival. Seeing that their design was thus rendered fruitless they proceeded to the mainland, where they took shelter under the guns of a Turkish fort. The marshal, who spurned the thought of returning to Rhodes without having made any attempt on his enemy, dashed at the hostile fleet as it lay at anchor, and a sanguinary engagement ensued without any very decisive result. The Order lost sixty men, which, in their small force, was a serious blow. Their antagonists, on the other hand, lost 700 men, and had several of their galleys seriously injured. Taking these figures in con​junction with the fact that the Egyptian fleet retired without attempting any further hostile operations, the palm of victory must be awarded to the Order.
The sultan, indignant at the failure of this expedition, lost no time in commencing the fitting out of another on a larger and more formidable scale. De Lastic was, on his side, by no means idle; and when, in the month of August, 1444, the enemy landed a force of 18,000 men, besides cavalry, they found the white cross banner floating proudly on the walls, and every preparation made for their reception. The siege lasted for forty days, and during that time was prosecuted with the utmost energy. Unfortunately, no record has been left of the details of this defence. All that is known is that several assaults were delivered in vain, and that the siege terminated with a sortie on the part of the knights, who inflicted fearful losses on the besiegers, and drove them in panic-flight to their ships.
The efforts which had been made to resist the aggression of the Egyptians had necessitated a large expenditure, whereby not only was the treasury exhausted, but its credit strained to the utmost. To meet this difficulty the amount of responsions payable by each commandery was, by decree of a chapter-general held at Rhodes in 144., increased for a period of five years, in order that funds might be provided to pay off the liabilities that had been incurred. Several of the commanders, living in indolence and luxury in Europe, were unwilling to contribute even in purse to the maintenance of their flag in Rhodes. They therefore appealed to the Pope against the decree. Nicholas V., who had just ascended the chair of St. Peter, being instructed only on one side of the question, wrote a strong letter of remonstrance to the Grand-Master. De Lastic returned a reply counter-signed by the whole council, in which he maintained his point with much dignity, though the missive was couched in temperate and respectful terms. The Pope was quite satisfied with the reply, and withdrew all support from the recusant commanders. They still continued obstinate, and peremptorily refused payment. The council, in this dilemma, decided on a measure for which there was no precedent in the annals of the institution. They vested in the hands of the Grand-Master dictatorial powers, ​resigning in his favour all their own authority. Thus armed, de Lastic made but short work of the recusants. He pursued with the utmost rigour those who persisted in disobedience, and even went the length of stripping thorn of their habit and expelling them from the Order. At the end of three years he was enabled to resign his extraordinary powers, having enforced complete submission and restored perfect unanimity and obedience throughout the fraternity. Well was it for them that at this crisis they were governed by one in whom they could venture to vest such autocratic powers, and who knew so well how to wield that authority to their advantage.
The failure of the attack on Rhodes in the preceding year. had led the sultan of Egypt to abandon for the time further hostile operations, and the chapter-general already alluded to had directed that every effort should be made to secure a permanent peace. The agent in this affair was James Cœur, a French merchant, who became afterwards treasurer to Charles VII. He succeeded in negotiating matters so favourably that he was able to summon an envoy from Rhodes to conclude the treaty. This envoy, on his return from Alexandria, after having signed the terms of peace, brought back with him a number of Christian slaves, whom the sultan had released in honour of the occasion. Among the records is a decree dated on the 8th February, 1446, directing Raymond d’Arpajon, grand-prior of St. Gilles, to repay to James Cœur the expenses he had incurred in the transaction.
It was pointed out at the commencement of this chapter that on the death of Timour his empire fell into a state of disintegration. The four sons of Bajazet took advantage of the difficulties caused by the disputed succession amongst the children of Timour. By degrees they each succeeded in wresting some portion of their late father’s empire from the hands of the Tartars. The three elder, after short and disturbed reigns, fell victims to their internecine warfare, and Mahomet I., the youngest, found himself upon the death of the last, whom he himself had murdered, in undisputed possession of his father’s territories. After a reign of eight years he was succeeded (1421) by his son Mourad II., under whose sway the Ottoman power became even more extended ​than in the days of Bajazet. Had it not been for the patriotism and gallantry of Hunyad and Scanderbeg, who, from their mountain fastnesses, maintained an incessant and often successful warfare against his aggressions, he would have carried his conquests still further. Doubtless, but for them, he would have accomplished the dream of his life by effecting the capture of Constantinople, and thus have completed the overthrow of the last relic of the once proud and powerful Byzantine empire. This, however, he was not fated to accomplish, as he died in the year 1452.
His son Mahomet II., at that time twenty-two years of age, was proclaimed emperor in his place. All the Christian powers of the east of Europe, including the Order of St. John, sent ambassadors to the court of the young prince to congratulate him on his accession. Contrary to the usual custom of Moslem princes, he received these envoys with the utmost courtesy, and promptly renewed all the treaties that had been signed by his father. This complaisance proved to be but dissimulation. Before the year was out he repudiated all his engagements and took steps to carry out his father’s designs of conquest. On the 29th May, 1453, Constantinople fell, and the banner of Islam waved over the ramparts of the degenerate city.
The scenes which were enacted upon this occasion, when the last of the Paleologi fell beneath the scimitar of the Ottoman, form a dark page in Eastern history. The speech of Mahomet, “Constantinople first and then Rhodes,” was now remembered, and the knights perceived that their turn would shortly conic. Still further to accentuate this warning, Mahomet sent an embassy summoning them to become vassals to his throne, and to pay a yearly tribute of 2,000 ducats. The answer of do Lastic was worthy of the man and of his profession. “God grant that I may not leave as vassals and slaves that Order which I found free and glorious. If the sultan desires to conquer Rhodes he must first pass over my corpse and those of all my knights.” Thoroughly on his guard by what had taken place, do Lastic lost no time in making all necessary preparations for defence. We find him, therefore, in that same year writing a circular to every European comman​dery, summoning the members to hasten instantly to the defence of Rhodes. In this document he says: “After weeping over the miserable downfall of the illustrious Constantinople, as we have recorded in previous letters, this is to command you to come hither instantly where the want of your assistance is most urgent, for not a day elapses without our hearing of some new slaughter of Christians by the Grand Turk, and of his inhuman cruelties, not from idle rumour, but from our own confidential emissaries, who record only what they have seen with their own eyes, so that it is a certain fact that the most fearful horrors have been already perpetrated. Wait for no further letters or exhortations from us, but the instant you receive these lines set out at once for Rhodes.”
At the same time de Lastic sent the commander, D’Aubusson, to the various courts of Europe to endeavour to procure such aid, either in men or money, as the almost exhausted enthusiasm of the monarchs of Christendom might still induce them to contribute for the defence of their advanced post in the Levant. It was in this embassy that D’Aubusson, whose name was destined eventually to shed such lustre over his Order, displayed the first germs of that ability by which he was afterwards so distinguished. Although he was everywhere met by the most disheartening lukewarmness and chilling neglect, he succeeded, by dint of perseverance, in extorting considerable sums of money from both Charles VII. of France, and Philip of Burgundy. Part of this he expended in the purchase of arms, ammunition, and stores, the remainder he forwarded to Rhodes to be laid out in such manner as the Grand-Master might deem expedient.
Meanwhile the most energetic measures were being taken to increase the strength of the fortifications. Ditches were deepened and widened, ramparts were heightened and strengthened. No point was omitted which, in the opinion of the engineers of the day, could tend to insure the safety of the place. Whilst in the midst of this occupation de Lastic fell sick, and after a short illness died on the 19th of May, 1454. Although, as has been already recorded, the title of Grand-Master was first awarded to Hugh de Revel, and was continued to most of his successors, still Bosio and Sebastian Paoli both assert ​that de Lastic was the first head of the fraternity who definitely and officially was recognized as having a claim to that title.
James de Milly, grand-prior of Auvergue, was nominated the thirty-fifth Grand-Master upon the death of de Lastic. The danger of an invasion from the Ottoman emperor being imminent, de Milly, who was at the time of his election resident in his priory, lost no time in reaching Rhodes, where the presence of the supreme head was felt to be indispensable. The storm which had been so long gathering was, however, not yet ready to burst. A powerful coalition of the principal Christian nations interested in the politics of the East had induced Mahomet to postpone for a while his hostile intentions against Rhodes. Fortunately for the knights, the Hungarian campaign of 1456 had been very disastrous to him, and had ended in a serious defeat inflicted upon his army by Hunyad. De Milly followed up this check to the Ottoman arms by ravaging their coasts with his galleys, and utterly ruining the commerce of the infidel. Mahomet, in spite of the check he had received, was not the monarch to submit tamely to these aggressions on the part of men whose destruction he had already vowed. He therefore rapidly equipped a fleet, with which he proposed to carry the war into the enemy’s country. He placed 18,000 men on board his galleys, and directed their first operations against the fortress of Lango. The knights who garrisoned the castle were happily able to repel the attack, and succeeded in driving the invaders back to their ships. A similar attempt upon the island of Symia met with no better fate. The news of these successful repulses reached the fraternity at Rhodes, and lulled it into a feeling of security. It was not thought possible that the Turks, having failed upon two unimportant points, would dare to harass their head-quarters. Such was not the view taken by the Turkish leader. Coasting by night along the shores of Rhodes, be effected a landing in the bay of Malona. From thence he succeeded in ravaging a large district of the island, and securing a certain amount of booty, before the knights were in a position to repel his attack. Thence the fleet sailed to Constantinople, laden with its pillage, which, although considerable, ​bore but a very slender proportion to the cost incurred in fitting out the expedition.
From the fact that no effort was made on the part of the Rhodian navy to prevent this incursion, or to attack the Turkish fleet, it may be assumed that they were at the time cruising elsewhere. This seems the more probable, because immediately afterwards, the council made a decree that a galley, fully manned and armed, and with forty knights always ready to embark in her, should be held constantly in readiness in the harbour of Rhodes, to oppose any sudden and unforeseen invasion. At the same time another fort was built on the southern extremity of the bay of Malona, to add to the protection already afforded on the north side by the castle of Archangelos.
It had been a leading principle in the diplomacy of the fraternity to maintain, as far as possible, peaceable relations with one of its Moslem neighbours when prosecuting war with the other. They were now dismayed to find that at the time when a fierce attack might at any moment be looked for from Mahomet and the Ottoman army, a cause of quarrel was springing up with the sultan of Egypt, with whom they were most anxious to keep on friendly terms. This dissension arose from a disputed succession to the crown of Cyprus, which John III. had, at his death, left to his daughter Charlotte, widow of John of Portugal, and afterwards married to Louis of Savoy. He had also an illegitimate son called James, whose ambitious spirit led him to endeavour to wrest the throne from his sister Charlotte. Louis of Savoy, however, who was ruling over the island in his wife’s name, drove the pretender away, and James thereupon took refuge with the sultan of Egypt. The king of Cyprus had of late years always paid an annual tribute to this potentate, and James, in order to enlist the interests of the sultan on his side, promised to double the amount if he were placed on his sister’s throne. Charlotte, on the other hand, threw herself on the protection of the knights of Rhodes, amongst whom the justice of her cause, and, as some say, the beauty of her person, raised for her many warm partisans. An embassy was despatched to the sultan of Egypt on the subject of James’s pretensions. That ruler, who was at the moment unwilling ​to quarrel with his redoubtable neighbours, would, in all probability, have thrown over the hapless James, but for the fact that Mahomet sent him a message promising to support him in maintaining the cause of the bastard against the knights. A descent was consequently made on Cyprus, and in spite of the most gallant efforts of the Hospitallers, the Egyptians overran and pillaged the whole island. It was in the course of this war that the galleys of Rhodes captured from out of some Venetian vessels a quantity of Saracen merchandise, which, together with its owners, they bore off in triumph. The haughty Queen of the Adriatic, insisting upon the principle that the flag covered the cargo, at once commenced a war of reprisals. This anger on their part was all the greater, that they were at the time on the look-out for a pretext to act against the Order from another cause. The bastard James had married a Venetian lady of high rank called Catherine Cornaro. The republic was, in consequence, desirous of pressing his claims to the crown of Cyprus, and felt much ill-will at the support given by the Hospitallers to the pretensions of Charlotte. These causes combined to make them take active measures, and a fleet under the command of Morosini, appeared off Rhodes with hostile intent. He entered the bay of Halki, and disembarked his forces for the purpose of pillaging the district. A number of the inhabitants had sought shelter in a cave at Amighdali. Morosini caused the entrance to be blocked with a quantity of brushwood, which he set on fire, and suffocated them all. To this day the bones of these unfortunate victims are to be seen within the cave, and the name of Morosini is still held in horror throughout the island. This cruel and vindictive action was repudiated by the Venetians; but their protest did not prevent their immediately ending a second and much larger fleet to the island, insisting upon the restitution of the Egyptians and merchandise which had been taken from the Venetian galleys. The more youthful amongst the knights were in favour of opposing the Venetian demands, being justly indignant at the brutality of Morosini; but de Milly was of a different opinion. He knew that he had already more enemies to contend with than be was able to meet, and he therefore checked the rash suggestion. By a prompt restitution of the disputed prize, he mollified the ​incensed republic, and had the gratification of seeing the fleet depart peaceably from his shores. It i8 probable that he also engaged to abandon the claims of Charlotte. Certain it is that no more serious efforts were made on her behalf, and that her brother James became undisputed king of Cyprus.
At this most inauspicious moment another trouble befell do Milly. A dispute broke out in the midst of the fraternity itself, which at one time threatened to aid materially the enemy, who was compassing its overthrow from without. From the earliest days the French element had always greatly preponderated in its ranks. Of the seven langues into which it had been divided, three belonged to that nation; the consequence was that most of the leading dignities fell to the lot of the French knights. The langues of Spain, Italy, England, and Germany complained bitterly of this preference. They asserted that in a body composed of the nobility of all Europe, the highest posts should be given, irrespective of nation, to the senior knights. On the other hand, the French argued that as the Order was originally established by them, and the other nations only admitted by adoption, they were fairly entitled to maintain within their own ranks the chief offices of state, and that as one of the most important dignities had been attached to each of the other langues, there was no just cause of complaint. The principal source of dissatisfaction arose from the post of grand- marshal, an office which was permanently attached to the knights of Auvergne. This dignity carried with it the power of captain-general over the island of Rhodes, and a direct control over all the other offices of state, and therefore invested its holder with powers second only to those of the Grand- Master himself.
De Milly, with the view of arranging the dispute which was attaining dangerous proportions, summoned a chapter-general, to assemble on the 1st October, 1459. The malcontents laid their case before this council, and a most embittered and virulent debate ensued. The bailiff of Aragon so far forgot himself as to cast down before the Grand-Master an appeal to the Pope, and thereupon to leave the chapter hall. Many knights of the four complaining langues followed his example, and the chapter broke up in confusion. De Mily was urged ​to take active measures against the culprits, which he ‘sisely refused to do, preferring to cast oil on the troubled waters. In this he was at length successful, and his statesmanlike and far-seeing views prevailed. The consequence was that by degrees the recusants began to perceive the danger and folly of their conduct, and in the end made ample submission to the Grand-Master and chapter.
De Mily died of an attack of gout on the 17th August, 1461. His remains were placed in a sarcophagus, bearing an inscription, with his name, titles, and date of death. Three years afterwards a member of the House of Savoy, who was prince of Antioch, died at Rhodes, and was buried in the same sarcophagus, his body being placed over that of the Grand.Master, and a second inscription added recording the fact. This sarcophagus is now in the museum of Cluny at Paris, and the two inscriptions are legible thereon.
Raymond Zacosta, castellan of Emposta, was elected to the vacant government. The nomination of a Spanish knight to the supreme dignity after the rule of so many successive Frenchmen at a time when the disputes between the nations had been running so high, proves that the majority were opposed to the pretensions of the French langues. The first act decreed by the council under their new chief also marks the same feeling, and clearly demonstrates the influence of a Grand-Master in its decisions. This was the subdivision of the langue of Aragon, removing from it the kingdom of Portugal, together with the provinces of Castile and Leon, which were formed into an eighth langue, to which the dignity of grand-chancellor was thenceforth attached. This compromise appears to have thoroughly healed the smouldering feud. The knights, no longer at discord within themselves, commenced once again to prepare for the attack which was still threatening them.
Raymond availed himself of their restored unanimity to carry out the erection of a fort on a rock which jutted out into the sea, at the extremity of the ancient Greek mole, forming one side of the entrance to the harbour of Rhodes. The importance of this spot had long been recognised, but hitherto the want of means and the pressing demands of other parts of the fortress had prevented steps being taken for its occupation. Now, how​ever, Philip, duke of Burgundy, having made a gift. of 12,000 gold crowns for the strengthening of the defences of the island, the Grand-Master determined to lose no further time in securing this salient point. It received the name of Fort Nicholas, from the fact that a small chapel dedicated to that saint stood there, and was included in the enceinte of the work. In the eventful sieges to which the course of events will shortly bring the history of the Order, this new stronghold became the centre of the desperate struggles which then took place, and was one of the main causes contributing to the success of the defence. The arms of the duke of Burgundy were in gratitude placed over the principal façade. Newton says of this fort: “At the extremity stands the castle of St. Nicholas, built by the Grand-Master Raymond Zacosta. Within this fort are casemates, magazines, and the remains of a chapel. Above these is a platform, on which are many brass guns of the time of the knights, some of which bear the date 1482 (shortly after the first siege), others 1507, with the arms of France and England. This part of the fort seems much in the state in which the knights left it.”
Whilst on this subject it may be well to insert what Newton says of the site of the Colossus: “The mole, at the extremity of which stands the tower of St Nicholas, has been an Hellenic work. The lowest courses of the original masonry remain in several places undisturbed on the native rock, which has been cut in horizontal beds to receive them. At the end of the mole enormous blocks from the ancient breakwater lie scattered about. Two of these are still in position, one above the other. As the celebrated bronze Colossus was doubtless a conspicuous sea mark, if not actually used as a Pharos, my first impression on seeing these immense blocks was that they were the remains of its pedestal, and that it stood where the fort of St. Nicholas now stands. This opinion, suggested originally to my mind by the aspect of the site itself, is corroborated by the testimony of Caoursin, the Vice-Chancellor of the Order, whose contemporary history of the first siege was printed at Ulm as early as 1496. When describing the building of Fort St. Nicholas, he states that it was placed in “molis vertice Septentrionem spectante— ​ubi priscis temporibus collosus ile ingens Rhodi (unum de septem miraculis mundi) positus erat.” On the other hand, it may be objected that from Pliny’s account of the overthrow of the Colossus, we may infer that it fell on the earth, whereas, if thrown down from the extremity of the mole, it could hardly fail to have fallen into the sea. It may, however, have been split open by the earthquake, and afterwards hauled down so as to fall along the mole. The notion that its legs bestrid the entrance to either harbour, as is commonly believed, is not based on any ancient authority.”
Zacosta felt how important it was that the work should be promptly completed, and at the same time knew that the contribution of the duke of Burgundy, liberal though it was, would not nearly suffice for the purpose. He therefore took a step in order to provide funds, which the exigencies of the case seemed to warrant, but which at the time gave great dissatisfaction. It has been already stated that when he was elected to the Grand-Mastership he was holding the post of castellan of Emposta. Under ordinary circumstances he should, upon attaining the higher dignity, have at once resigned the lesser office. This he resolved not to do, but still retaining the castellany in his own hands, to devote its revenues entirely to the completion of the new fort.
Raymond at the same time divided the whole line of defences around the city in such a manner that a specific portion of it should be appropriated to each langue, to be maintained and guarded by them, and to receive their name. it is worthy of record that in the emulation and keen competition which such an arrangement naturally elicited, the portion of the line set apart for the langue of England, became celebrated for the perfect manner in which it was kept up, and for the beauty of the decorations with which it was embellished.
The siege and capture of Lesbos, which took place in the year 1465, in the defence of which a body of Hospitallers had taken part and lost their lives, became a new warning to the fraternity to maintain its vigilance against its relentless and ever-advancing foe. Zacosta, who was determined not only to do his own duty, but also to compel those under him to be ​equally ready in the discharge of theirs, sent a special citation to the various receivers of the Order to press for the payment of all responsions that were due. These officials were becoming weary of the constant demands made on them to facilitate preparations against an attack which was always impending, but which seemed never to take place. They therefore appealed to the Pope against these new requisitions of their chief. Paul II., upon receipt of their complaint, directed that the chapter-general, which had been convoked to meet at Rhodes, should assemble at Rome instead, and that the Grand-Master should appear there in person. Although Zacosta might easily, had he chosen, have pleaded the necessity of his remaining in the convent at that most troublous epoch, he preferred to obey the mandate, being anxious to confront his enemies and calumniators. His success at Rome was so complete, and the explanations which he gave so satisfactory, that his enemies were clothed with shame, and the Pope hastened to make an earnest though tardy reparation for the wrongs which his suspicions had inflicted. Zacosta was laden with honours and distinctions, and enabled to compel the refractory commanders, now no longer supported by papal authority, to remit their just tribute to the treasury.
Whilst still at Rome, Zacosta was seized with pleurisy, which ended in his death on the 21st February, 1467. The Pope. decreed that his remains should be honoured with a burial in St. Peter’s, and in that cathedral his funeral obsequies were performed with great magnificence. His tomb lay on the left side of the chapel of St. Gregory. There it remained until, on the occasion of some repairs, it was transferred to the foot of the confessional of St. Peter. The monumental slab was at the same time placed in the crypt of the church, where it still exists.
The opportunity thus offered to the Pope by the death of a Grand-Master, and the consequent necessity for a new election, within the limits of his own immediate jurisdiction, was not thrown away by Paul. He at once convoked the required assembly from amongst such members of the chapter-general as were still in the city, and there, under his dictation, the prior of Rome, John Orsini, was raised to the vacant dignity. In spite, however, of the papal influence, the election was keenly ​contested, and the prior of St. Gilles, Raymond Riccard, was defeated by only a single vote, he having obtained eight against the nine recorded in favour of Orsini. Had the election been held anywhere but in Rome there is little doubt that he would have been the new Grand-Master.
The general summons to Rhodes which followed on the elevation of Orsini was responded to with enthusiasm. Large numbers of knights and others interested in the welfare of the convent, flocked thither to greet their new chief, and to assist him in his projects of defence. Foremost amongst these was the commander, D’Aubusson, whose name has been already mentioned. Eminently talented as an engineer, and well read in all the most modern and improved details of the art of fortification, he was felt to be a man to whom, in the approaching crisis, all could look for advice and assistance. He was appointed captain-general and inspector of the island. Under his direction the ditches were enlarged and deepened where practicable, and a wall was built on the sea front of the town, about 600 feet in length and twenty in height. The cost of this work was defrayed out of the private purse of the Grand-Master, in spite of which the wall bears the arms of D’Aubusson, surmounted with the cardinal’s hat. It must therefore have been fixed there after the siege, whilst D’Aubusson was Grand-Master.
At this time actual war had not been declared between Mahomet and the Order, but, on the contrary, more than one treacherous and badly kept truce had been concluded. Constant skirmishes were, however, taking place between the rival powers, and it was evident that before long open hostilities must break forth. In the year 1470 the spies who were maintained by the Hospitallers at the Ottoman court, and if report speaks truly, even within the walls of the harem, gave timely notice that a gigantic armament was being prepared, the ultimate destination of which was as yet a secret. Whilst it remained uncertain whether Rhodes or the Venetian island of Negropont was to be the point of attack, an attempt was made by the republic of the Adriatic to enter into a close alliance with the knights. Had this offer been made in good faith, it would, under the circumstances, have been highly advantageous to both ​parties, but when the terms came to be discussed, it was plain that the Venetians designed, under cover of an alliance, to render the fraternity entirely subservient to themselves. Their offers were consequently declined; still, when the storm actually burst on Negropont, the knights hastened to despatch to its assistance a squadron, under the command of D’Aubusson and Cardonne. Any benefit which might have accrued from the aid thus sent was rendered futile through the cowardice of the Venetian admiral, Canalis. That officer, at a critical moment, when the combined squadron of which he was the leader might have saved the town, carried off the Venetian fleet, and left the island to fall a prey to the Turkish arms.
The loss of Negropont would undoubtedly have been followed without delay by an attack on Rhodes but for the fact that at this critical juncture the shah of Persia declared war against the Ottoman empire. The shah, who had as good reason to dread that power on its eastern borders as the knights had on the west, entered into a league with the Pope, the kings of Naples and Aragon, the republics of Venice and Florence, and the Order of St. John. By virtue of this treaty he was to be furnished with men and money, and more especially with artillery, to aid him in carrying on hostilities against his formidable neighbour. The result was that for some years Mahomet found himself so much occupied on his eastern frontier that he was compelled for the time to postpone his ambitious projects in the Levant.
​During the years of his lieutenancy D’Aubusson had not been idle in adding to the defences of the city of Rhodes. Three new towers were constructed in the enceinte, and a huge chain was placed at the entrance of the harbour by which its ingress might be blocked at will. This chain was coiled in the basement of St. Michael’s tower, and the opening is still visible in the ruins through which it was drawn out when in use. Alter the Turks captured the island they stored it in the vaults of the Hospital. To provide for the large expenditure entailed by these works, the treasury of Rhodes was driven to have recourse to every possible shift. Amongst other measures the council appropriated a quantity of old plate belonging to the cathedral of St. John, which bore the arms of Elyon de Villanova, by whom it had been presented to the church. It was promised that when the crisis was past this plate should be restored, and that in the meantime it should be pledged as security for a loan.
The election of a successor to Orsini was little more than a matter of form. This was not a time when either petty jealousies or local interests could be permitted to interfere in the nomination of a chief, under whose guidance it seemed certain that the knights would be called upon to withstand the powerful attack that had been so long preparing. On the skill and judgment of that leader it would mainly depend whether they would be able to ride out the tempest unscathed, or be for ever overwhelmed by its furious onset. There was one name on every tongue. It was that of a man who had already shown himself well worthy of the confidence placed in his powers, so that when the council announced to the expectant fraternity the name of Peter D’Aubusson as its new chief, the decision was greeted with acclamations which showed how fully that selection had met with public approval.
Peter D’Aubusson, grand-prior of Auvergne, was descended from the family of the viscounts de la Marche, the name dating back to the ninth century. The ramifications of this family have included a connection both with the dukes of Normandy and also with the Saxon kings of England, so that, although D’Aubusson was French both by birth and education, there must ever exist a sympathy for his high name and gallant ​achievements of Malta. achievements on this side of the channel. He was born hi the year 1423, in the chateau of Monteil-le-Vicomte, his father being Renaud D’Aubusson, and his mother Marguerite do Camborn, a member of a very aristocratic French family. He had served with much distinction in his earlier days in the war between Sigismond and the Ottomans under the leadership of Albert, duke of Austria, at the close of which he spent some time at the court of Hungary. On the death of Sigismond he returned to France, where he was received with much distinction by Charles VII. Whilst there he took part in the war against the English. He particularly distinguished himself at the assault on Montereau Faut-yone, so much so that when, shortly afterwards, Charles VII. made his entry into Paris, he gave D’Aubusson a conspicuous position in the pageant.
* ↑ The knights seem to have made free use of the material furnished by the ruins of the Mausoleum in building the castle of St. Peter. Twelve slabs from the frieze of that monument were removed from its walls and sent to the British Museum in 1846, as well as the lions here referred to. Newton gives an amusing account of the difficulties he encountered in securing these lions. The Turkish minister of war had directed the commandant to remove them from the walls and send them to Constantinople, hearing that Lord Stratford de Redcliffe was endeavouring to obtain a firman giving them to England. They were already on board a calque awaiting a favourable wind to start, when the welcome firman arrived, and they were secured for England.
* ↑ “Travels and Discoveries in the Levant,” vol. ii., page 9.
* ↑ The extent to which this sagacity on the part of these canine allies was carried led to numerous legends in their honour, for the veracity of which the chroniclers of the times were ever ready to vouch. It was asserted that their sense of smell was so keen that they could invariably detect a Moslem from a Christian, allowing the latter to approach unquestioned, whilst the presence of the former was certain to elicit a prompt alarm. Bosio records a still stranger instance. A Christian captive, escaping from slavery, was so closely pursued that he was unable to reach the fortress. As a temporary measure he sought shelter in a dry well, where owing to the vigilance of his pursuers he was compelled to remain for several days. In this predicament he would have starved had not one of the dogs discovered him and brought him daily a part of his own food. The keeper of the dog seeing that he was losing flesh watched him to ascertain the cause, and thus discovered the fugitive, who was rescued and brought into the castle.—Bosio, vol. ii. lib. iv.
* ↑ A description of this hospital will be found in chap. xiv., as given by Newton.
* ↑ St. Nicholas was bishop of Myra and patron saint of sailors.
* ↑ Newton’s “Travels and Discoveries in the Levant,” vol. i. page 176.