# The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 4/International Position of the Czechoslovak Republic

International Position of the Czechoslovak Republic
By ALEŠ BROŽ.
To the Czechoslovak Republic the peace treaties of Versailles and Saint Germain signified its international recognition. By them the de facto existence of the Czechoslovak State became one de jure. The Allies, of course, had already, during the war, recognised the existence of the Czechoslovaks as an independent nation. Now the enemies also were compelled by their total military defeat to recognise the Czechoslovaks. To understand the terrible and tragic meaning of this event for the Germans it is necessary to remember the joy with which they accompanied the first journey of the Berlin-Constantinople express which meant to them the realisation of their long planned Berlin-Bagdad scheme. There is no better proof of the final and total defeat of this scheme than the existence of an independent Czechoslovak State. A glance at the map will show what an obstacle the Czechoslovak Republic constitutes to any future German push towards the East. The remaining few European nations which did not take part in the war, have, also one after the other, recognised the independence of the Czechoslovak State.
The Peace Treaty of Versailles and Saint Germain recognised the territorial integrity of the three old units of the ancient Czech State, namely Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, with the exception of the Teschen district; moreover Slovakia has been incorporated into the new Czechoslovak State. As the boundaries of the new State apart from Teschen are now definitely fixed, it is possible to make a more accurate estimate of the size of the Czechoslovak territory and the amount of its population.
The Czechoslovak Republic occupies the centre of Europe. It is over 1,000 kilometres in length, but in places hardly 100 kilometres broad. Its elongated form has been increased by the addition of an autonomous Carpathian Rusinia to the east of Slovakia, and this territory makes the Czechoslovak Republic a direct neighbour of Roumania. About a sixth of its whole frontier is with the latter country, about a third being with Poland and the remainder divided between Hungary, Austria and Germany.
The area of the Czechoslovak Republic may be estimated as between 130,000 and 140,000 square kilometres, no decision having yet been reached as regards the Teschen district and two districts in Slovakia. In point of size the Czechoslovak Republic will occupy a middle position among the European States. Apart from the great powers, its area will be exceeded by Sweden, Norway, Spain, Poland, Roumania and Jugoslavia, while Hungary will be about the same size. But the Czechoslovak State is larger than Denmark, Holland, Belgium, Portugal, Greece, Bulgaria, Switzerland and Austria.
If we consider the numerical strength of its population, the Czechoslovak State assumes a more prominent rank among European countries. We estimate the number of its inhabitants at thirteen to fourteen millions, and it is thus ahead of Finland, Norway, Sweden and Jugoslavia. As regards density of population, Czechoslovakia contains roughly 100 inhabitants per square mile and in this respect it is inferior only to Belgium, Holland, Great Britain and Italy. The density of population in the remaining States is altogether smaller. Thus the corresponding figures in the case of its industrial activities are greater than those of any other state. There are special branches of industry in which it is pre-eminent. Thus is occupies the foremost place in sugar manufacture, while its importance in glass-work is by no meats small. In the manufacture of beer it stand third among the European States. The supply of the commodities referred to depends, of course, upon a high standard agriculture such as exists along the valley of the Labe (Elbe), in Moravia and the south of Slovakia which possesses some of the best soil in Europe. Agriculture is thus able to fill the greater part of home requirements and many products such as oats, barley and hops can be exported.
In the textile and iron industries the conditions are less satisfactory because the ​country has to rely upon the import of raw materials from abroad. In particular it will be a long time before Czechoslovak industry will obtain sufficient supplies of wool and cotton, which are imported by means of expensive maritime routes, to keep its factories fully occupied. There is also an inadequate supply of iron ore within the Czechoslovak Republic, and the foundries of Vítkovice have to rely on ore from Sweden.
In many directions a better organization of industry would produce huge profits, especially in the manufacture of furniture, where advantage could be taken of the enormous forest wealth in Czechoslovakia. Of course advance of industry must be supported by means of mineral wealth. In this respect it must be emphasised that if Czechoslovakia retains possession of the Teschen coalfields, its supply of coal is assured, while the loss of this district would be a serious blow to the state.
Until fresh sources of mineral oil are discovered in the Czechoslovak Republic (there is good hope that they will be found in Slovakia), it will depend for this commodity upon foreign countries, especially upon Poland and Roumania. Again, it has to rely for salt upon Austria and Poland. Of gold there is but little, and production of copper is also very insufficient. On the other hand there is a fair supply of silver together with lead and antimony. Mercury is completely lacking.
Much wealth is contained in the mineral water springs of Czechoslovakia and many of these have a world-wide reputation.
If we sum up the economic conditions of the Czechoslovak Republic, we can say that it is one of the richest States in Europe. But its population is too great for its area and it therefore has to depend upon industrial activities. These in their turn are dependent upon the thorough organisation of transport, the zeal of the workers, the foresight of the manufacturer and the skill of the trader. Only a few years of peace are necessary to see that prosperity can flourish in the Czechoslovak territories in a way that few States can rival.
The Czechoslovak Republic is a racially homogeneous State, if we count the Czechs and Slovaks as one nation, as they really are. The Czechoslovaks form more than three-quarters of the whole population. The national minorities composed of Germans and Magyars and numbering about three millions will be granted full linguistic and civil rights. The Rusins living in the North-Eastern part of Slovakia who at their own wish were assigned by the Paris Peace Conference to the Czechoslovak State will enjoy local autonomy.
Whatever may be thought of the Peace Treaties of Versailles and Saint Germain, as far as the Czechoslovak Republic is concerned, they are on the whole just and fully compatible with President Wilson’s fourteen points and with the principles of self-determination. There are, of course, sceptics and pessimists who viewed with alarm the breaking up of the Habsburg Monarchy and who cannot believe that the new condition of affairs in Central Europe can endure. Moreover there are those who regard the present structure of Central Europe as being, “Balkanised”, by the use of which term they imply a permanent danger to European peace. Their reasoning may be summed up as follows: In the place of Austria-Hungary which, despite all its faults, represented a coherent economic activity, a number of small antagonistic States have been created whose jealousy will endanger the future stability of the Continent. Therefore, it is argued, some political organism resembling the former Dual Monarchy must be set up.
First of all, it is out of the question to restore anything resembling former Austria-Hungary, for neither the Czechoslovaks nor the Jugoslavs have the slightest sympathy with such a proceeding. No less an authority than President Masaryk expressed himself against the idea of a Danubian Federation in an interview with a representative of the “Tribune de Geneve” in the following terms:
“People who today still believe that we would create a federative union with Austrians and Magyars merely show that they cannot deduce the logical consequences of the war. No,” he said, “we cannot bind ourselves towards our neighbours. The Danubian Confederation, a political Alliance of States, established on the territory of Austria-Hungary, would be nothing else than a renewal of the late dualistic Empire. We are well satisfied with the freedom we have at length obtained to think of resuming our chains. We shall never indulge in such a policy. It is, of course, necessary ​for the new states to come to an agreement in economic matters. We are on the best of terms with Roumania, Jugoslavia and Poland, we shall need each other’s help, and mutual trust is fundamentally in our own interests. As regards Austrians and Magyars, we should like to establish a basis for friendly relations with them, but that depends exclusively upon them.”
Even the Viennese Social Democratic “Arbeiter Zeitung” does not believe in a Danubian Federation, for it recently stated that all ideas relating to such an arrangement are nothing but a childish utopia.
Leaving aside the utter practical impossibility of a Danubian Federation, let us see whether Central Europe in its present form is really “Balkanised,” and whether it constitutes a greater danger to future peace than the old Hapsburg Monarchy.
There is no “Balkanisation” of Central Europe in the proper sense of the term. The creation of the national states does not in itself entail “Balkanisation.” On the contrary, the revival of old historical units such as Poland and Czechoslovakia, and the completion of the national unity of other states such as Roumania, Jugoslavia, by the incorporation of their irredentist minorities, have not Balkanised, but rather debalkanised the whole of Central Europe. It has obliterated the Austro-Hungarian anomaly, which could not hold together any longer. Moreover the new outlook in Central Europe implies nothing else than the logical application of the principles of self-determination which constituted one of the primary war-aims of the Allies.
The existence of such unnatural organisms as Austria-Hungary and Turkey was, indeed, a permanent menace to the peace of Europe. The Habsburg Monarchy was incompatible with the people’s right to scelf-determination. It was a “survival of medieval times” as President Masaryk once remarked. For excepting the Germans and Magyars who predominated, all the other nations, whether Czechoslovaks, Poles, Roumanians or Jugoslavs, numbering in the aggregate about 30 millions, were longing to break away from it, and no force could have kept them permanently under the foreign yoke.
These 30 millions are now living in freedom under their own national sovereignty. But owing to their secession, the formerly predominant Austro-Germans are, no doubt, placed in a relatively unfavourable economic position, inasmuch as they, especially in Vienna, had grown accustomed to living at the expense of the wealth and industry of the subject races. Hence their complaint that their position is intolerable. It is, nevertheless, a fact that the existence of Austria-Hungary through the centuries as such has left many economic interests and ties among the nations once composing it. A close economic co-operation, such as is outlined in the above—quoted interview with President Masaryk, is therefore desirable. An economic co-operation among the Czechoslovaks, Jugoslavs and Roumanians appears to have been already arranged for, and if the Austrians and Magyars will renounce their claim to preferential treatment, not one of the: former Austro-Hungarian nations will be found unwilling to co-operate with them.
In, order, however, to prevent any possible “Balkanisation” of Central Europe the policy of the great European Powers should consist in facilitating the consolidation of the new states, while suppressing the principal causes of disagreement among them; in helping those states by every possible form of economic and moral support to ease their internal difficulties and arrive at a peaceful solution of their differences on a sound economic and ethnographic basis. Moreover, it is necessary to inspire the new states with a common political idea and to rally them around a new central organism which must be logical and carefully conceived.
In order to carry out all these plans, it will, of course, be necessary to discover a really practical basis of action. This must be looked for among such of the new states as by virtue of their geographical position, economic resources, stability of administration, and their high degree of civilisation would be best capable of constituting the pivot of the Central European group. The Czechoslovaks who by their attitude during the war have proved their capacity to become perhaps the strongest factor in new Central Europe, will form the nucleus for a large conglomeration of states extending from Danzig to Matapan and capable of acting as a powerful barrier against an aggressive Germany, as well as against the possible development of disintegrating forces from the East.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published in 1920, before the cutoff of January 1, 1930.
The longest-living author of this work died in 1952, so this work is in the public domain in countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 72 years or less. This work may be in the public domain in countries and areas with longer native copyright terms that apply the rule of the shorter term to foreign works.
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