# Epictetus his Morals, with Simplicius his Comment/The Life of Epictetus

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THE
LIFE
ΟF
ΕPICTETUS,
FROM THE
French Collections of Boileau.
INTRODUCTION.
While my Thoughts were employed about making good the Promise, which my Reader will find in the first Page of this Edition, it was my Fortune to light upon the following Account of Epictetus in French. Which, by comparing with the Original Authors, from whom the several Passages are taken, I observed to be collected with such Fidelity, as might reasonably excuse any farther Pains of mine, than that of Translating it into our own Tongue. I have therefore only added a marginal Note or two, and given the Narration as I found it. The greatest part will approve itself Authentick, because gathered from those very Discourses of this Philosopher, which Arrian hath preserved for us; and with regard to them, the References here are much more exact, than in Mr. Boileau, or any other Author I have met with upon this Subject.
This Man had sold one of his Slaves, who was a Shoemaker, to an Officer of Nero's, because he found him a Bungler at his Trade; But the same Felicio (for so the Slave was called) coming afterwards to make the Emperor's Shoes, Epaphroditus upon the News of this Preferment, was particularly civil, and most surprisingly respectful to him; consulted him in Business, applauded his Parts, and made this Good-for-nothing Fellow his principal Confident, and intimate Friend.
Another time, there came a Man to him, and in great Passion threw himself at his Feet, complaining most heavily of his hard Fortune, and what Distress he was reduced to; declaring, that now out of all his Estate, he had not above a hundred and fifty ​thousand Crowns left; to which Epaphroditus replied, not by way of Raillery, as any other Man would have done upon so extravagant a Complaint, but with great seriousness, and an appearance of Concern, that he was really astonished at his Patience, in forbearing so long to make his case known.
Under the Dominion of this coxcombly Master it was, that Epictetus passed the first part of his Life. At what time, or by what means, he obtained his Liberty, we have no positive Account: But thus much we are assured of, that upon an Edict of Domitian, for banishing all Philosophers from Rome and Italy, he withdrew to Nicopolis, a City of Epirus, called by the Moderns Prevesa. And his being included under that Prohibition, in the Quality of a Philosopher, is a manifest Proof that he was a Freeman. For indeed, it is not to be imagined, that a Person, whose Merit had recommended him to the particular Favour and Esteem of the Emperours of his time, should be suffered to continue in Slavery. It hath been generally thought, that after this Retreat, he never returned any more to Rome, but passed the remainder of his Life at Nicopolis: And this Opinion is grounded upon Arrian's taking express notice in several parts of his Collections, that those Discourses, of which his Book consists, were made and delivered at Nicopolis. But, notwithstanding this conjecture be supported by the Authority of Salmasius, I am apt still to suspect, that it wants Confirmation. And in this suspicion Spartian bears me out, who, in the Life of Adrian, tells us, that Emperor was very intimate with, and bore a particular Respect to Epictetus. Now it will by no ​means enter into my Head, how this regard should be so remarkable, and that familiarity so strictly kept up, if Epictetus his constant residence, from the time of Domitian's Edict, had been in a place so remote, as the City of Nicopolis.
It does not certainly appear, whether he were ever married; but as I have not Authority sufficient for affirming, so neither do I think there is enough for denying it. For Arrian, in several Passages, takes notice of Epictetus his aversion against the Epicureans, upon this Provocation particularly, that they spoke in prejudice of Marriage, But whether a married or a single Man, I take it for highly probable, that he had no Children. For, besides that no Author mentions any such, that Repartee of Demonax in Lucian, intimates that he had none. Who, when Epictetus advised him to marry and leave Children, replied pleasantly, With all my Heart, provided you give me one of your own Daughters.
But how liberal soever Spartian hath been in the commendation of Adrian's generosity, and high Esteem for the Poets, and Orators, and Philosophers, and Mathematicians, and the Masters of any sort of Science (though at the same time no Man living took more Delight in rallying them than he) yet we have no Grounds to believe, that either that Emperor or any of his Successors, who professed such Veneration for Epictetus, bestowed upon him so much, as might set him above even extreme Poverty. The reason of this probably was his obstinate contempt of Riches, which would not suffer any Favours of that kind to be fastened upon him. And this appeared by his manner of living at Rome, in a little Cottage, without so much as a Door to it, no Attendants but ​one old Woman, no Houshold-Stuff, but an earthen Lamp, to the Light of which we owe those beautiful, those Divine Thoughts, of which Arrian hath preserved some noble Remains: And by all these Circumstances, we may make a judgment how poor this Philosopher was.
I come now to give an account of his Opinions, and his Virtues. Among which his peculiar and darling one seems to have been Modesty. This was most eminent in his own practice, as well as in his recommendation to others. Hence he used to say, that there is no need of adorning a man's House with rich Hangings or Paintings, for the most graceful Furniture is Temperance and Modesty; These are the lasting Ornaments, and will never be the worse for wearing. He was so perfectly mortified to all Ambition and Vain-glory, that if any Philosopher ever made Humility the constant Principle of all his Actions, this was certainly the Man. For, as no Man of his age did so much good, so no body sure was so very industrious to conceal the good he did. This gave occasion to those Rules, which we meet with in the following Manual, "If you have so far mastered your Appetite, as to have brought your Body to coarse Fare, and to be well contented with mere Necessaries, do not glory in your abstemious way of living. And if you drink nothing but Water, proclaim not your own Sobriety upon every Occasion. Or if you would inure yourself to hardship, do it for your own Benefit, not to attract the Admiration of the People. Let vain-glorious Fools make their Trials as publick as they can; but know, that all Affectations of this kind are utterly unworthy the Character of a Philosopher."
​Another Instance how free he was from Vanity, is this; that, although no Person whatsoever of his time was better qualified for becoming an Author; yet. he was so insensible of any Excellence that way, so perfectly untouched with an Inclination predominant usually in the most exalted Minds, as to leave nothing of his own composition behind him. And, had not Arrian transmitted to Posterity the Maxims taken from his Master's Mouth, we have some reason to doubt, whether the very Name of Epictetus had not been lost to the World.
It was his Judgment,that a true Philosopher was obliged to distinguish himself, not so much by what he spoke, as by what he did: And this gave him occasion to say, that the greater part of them, who made profession of this Science, were only Philosophers in Word, but not in Fact. One day, meeting with a certain Person, who was angry at being pitied, Epictetus represented to him, how very unjust that Anger was, since his very being out of humour upon such an occasion was an evident proof, that his case was so wretched as to call for Pity. Another time, upon meeting a Man of most profligate Life, and infamous Character, who yet had the confidence to set up for Learning and Philosophy, he accosted him thus: "O senseless Creature, what is it thou wouldest be at? Hast thou been careful to see, that thy Vessel be sweet and clean, before thou put any Liquor into it? For if that be not seasoned, whatever is poured into it, will turn sour as Vinegar, rank as Urine, or if you can think of any thing yet more offensive and corrupt than either." A. Gellius, who cites the passage, gives it this Com​mendation, that nothing could be more weighty, nothing more true; meaning, that, when moral Principles, or any sort of useful Knowledge, are infused into a Soul depressed, and polluted with vicious Habits; this, like a foul Vessel, gives them such a tincture, that they presently become good for nothing, and turn all to corruption.
But there was in Epictetus one Quality, so much the more valuable, because Philosophers are but seldom famous for it; which is, that he was a very great Lover of Neatness, and said himself, upon occasions, that he had much rather see one of his Scholars come to him well dressed and curled, and had more hopes of such a one's improvement, than of one, whose Hair was matted and greasy, and his Habit slovenly. He did indeed share with the most celebrated Philosophers of old, in that common misfortune of an ill Person. A weakness and lameness in his Body he suffered under, by means of a Humour that fell into his Leg. This he acknowledges very frankly in an Epigram composed upon himself, and quoted by A. Gellius.
Δοῦλος Ἐπίκτητος γενόμην, καὶ σώματι πηρός, Καὶ πενίην Ἶρος, καὶ φίλος ἀθανάτοις.
Although by Birth a Slave, In Body lame, In Fortune poor, yet dear to Heaven I am.
Planudes in his Anthology must needs be mistaken in attributing this Epigram to Leonidas, because, as Salmasius hath rightly observed, he was a Poet of note long before Epictetus his time. But then Salmasius himself will not allow this to be composed by Epi​tetus neither, but thinks that some half-witted Pedant first made, and then inserted, it into the Text of A. Gellius. The only Argument alledged for this Opinion, is, that this Epigram is not to be found in any ancient Manuscript of A. Gellius. But admitting this to be so; if the conjecture be true, we must say that the same Pedant foisted it intoMacrobius too: For he also quotes it for Epictetus his own, in the first Book of his Saturnalia. I own however, there is one reason which inclines me to suspect his being the Author of it, which is the inconsistence that appears to me, for a Man of Epictetus his singular Modesty and Humility, to speak so advantageouly of himself.
But whatever become of the Composer, the Matter of the Distich is incontestable. It being certain, that Epictetus was very ill used by Fortune; but how niggardly soever She was to him, Providence made him good amends, by the liberal endowments of his Mind. And it looks as if Fortune were permitted to make War upon him, on purpose to add to the Glory of his Triumphs: For I will venture to affirm, that the Condition and Hardship of a Slave, as well as the Infirmities of his Body, were necessary to recommend his Virtue, and set it off in a brighter lustre to all Posterity.
The meanness of his Fortune had no Influence upon the greatness of his Soul; nor could he ever be brought to a servile Flattery of Persons in the most exalted Station, but dealt with them very plainly, when he saw occasion. Speaking of Princes and Tyrants, the Power they boast of over their Inferiors, and the Submissions they expect upon that account, ​he expresses himself to this purpose:"These Great People are much in the wrong, when they value themselves upon the deference and services, paid them by those under their Jurisdiction. Do they think all this Court is made to them for their own sakes? Nothing less. Each Man that makes it, hath a regard to his particular Interest; and, when such addresses cease to be for the Interest of their Subjects, the Prince quickly finds himself neglected and despised. We take care of such, as we do of Beasts of burden, as we feed and rub down our Horses, that they may be capable of doing us better Service. We adore them, as the Men of Rome sacrifice to Diseases; if the Fever have Altars, it is from the fear of being hurt by it." And in another place;"Why all these Terrors? says he, What is it that they can do to us, which we should be so much afraid of? The worst their Malice can inflict upon us is Death. And, must we not of Necessity die, some time, and some way or other? If we cannot avoid going out of the World, what mighty matter is it how we go? Nay, is not that the shortest and easiest way, which Violence and Rage sends us out by? Was any Tyrant ever so cruel to his bitterest Enemy, as to be killing him six Months together? And why then is not such a Death rather to be chosen, than a Hectick Fever, which oftentimes is whole years before it has dispatched us?"
Observe, what freedom he takes with those, who fancy themselves free, because they were nobly descended. "You think, says he, because you have been twice Consul, your Father was a Senator, and you are the Emperor's Favourite, that your Quality makes you more free, than others of a ​meaner Birth and Fortune. Alas! you are more a Slave, than the despised Man, who was born so; and his Condition is more at large than yours. He may be sometimes ill used by a barbarous Master, but you are perpetually plagued and harrassed, by as many Masters, as you have ungoverned Passions. The difference is, that he is a Slave in Hemp and Hair-cloth, and you in Silk and Tissue.If he be wanting in his Duty, he undergoes the lash; but if You neglect yours, you are punisht according to your Quality, and because you are Noble and Cæsar's Favourite, you have the privilege to have your Head taken off. A worthy privilege indeed?"
So little Reserve did Epictetus use to those above him, when it was necessary to shew them to themselves, and convince them of the vanity of those Prerogatives they were so causlessly proud of; Whereas, in truth, they contributed nothing, either to their Virtue or their Happiness. Contentedness gave him true Liberty under the most calamitous Circumstances; And, without any flourish upon the matter, it may be truly said, that no Man ever carried the point of Constancy, to so high a degree of Perfection.
While he was yet a Slave to Epaphroditus, this Brute of a Master one day took a Frolick to wrench his Leg, Epictetus observing him delight with so barbarous a Pleasure, and that he continued it with greater Violence, said, with a smile, and free from any appearance of Passion, If you go on, you will certainly break my Leg. In short he did so, and then all the return he made was this, Did I not tell you, Sir, that you would break my Leg?Celsus transported with ​admiration of Philosophy, extols this Patience so far above any other Instance of it ever seen in the World, that he runs his Argument up to a most extravagant and blasphemous Impiety. If, thro' the Injuries of time and neglect, we had not lost that Book which Arrian composed of the Life and Death of this excellent Person; I make no doubt, but we should see a great many other like Examples of his Constancy. For it cannot reasonably be supposed, but he, who could with so much calmness support the breaking of a Leg, had exercised his Patience upon several other very trying occasions.
Himself hath told us, of what use it is to accustom one's self to bear the smallest accidents with evenness of Temper. "If your Oyl, says he, be spilt, or your Wine stolen, reflect presently, that by such slight Losses as these, the Virtue and Habit of Constancy is purchased."Accordingly having purchased an Iron Lamp, which he accounted a very costly piece of Furniture, as he sat one day deep in thought, it was stolen out of his Hut. When he looked about, and missed it, he said with a smile, "I shall cheat this Rogue next time, for when he comes to steal another Lamp, he shall find only an earthen one." This is not indeed an instance equal to that of his broken Leg, but yet it well deserves our mention: Because in matters of greater moment, Vain-glory, or some other Passion is apt to step in; but in those which are trivial, a Man is under no Temptation to disguise, and therefore must be supposed to proceed according to the true and natural disposition of his mind.
In Him the Habit of Suffering was so masterly that no Man ever had learned that Art more perfectly. He needed no partakers in his Afflictions, to soften ​them; but had all the Guard within himself. Nay, he thought it a sign of a very corrupt Nature, for a Man to solace himself, from others sharing in his Miseries; as if what any one felt were abated or increased in proportion as his Neighbours felt more or less.And he would expose the ridiculous folly of those who aggravated their own Misfortunes, by the consideration of their being singular. "What, says he, in case you were condemned to be beheaded, must all mankind be sentenced to the same Punishment, merely for the sake of giving you that fantastical Comfort that other People suffer as well as You?"
And, as Epictetus his practice advanced him far above other Philosophers, so did the correctness of his Notions likewise, concerning this Virtue of Resolution.For he distinguished very rightly between Courage, and Foolhardiness; between enduring and courting Suffering and Danger. He advised no Man to chuse a rough way, if he had it in his Power to take a smooth one; nor to climb Rocks and Precipices, when Providence allowed him to travel this Journey of Life upon even ground. He was not like that sturdy Philosopher, who would rather suffer a Carriage to drive over his Body, than turn out of the way to avoid it. When Epaphroditus broke his Leg, he bore it patiently, but he could have been very well satisfied, to have found him better natured. He thought it as much a Reproach, to run into Danger, as to run away from it; and, though Honour oblige Men to encounter it when it assaults them, yet he acknowledged no such high-flown Punctilio, as should render it commendable to prefer it before Safety, and make it their own Act and Deed.
When Reason and Duty lead us on, then he admits of no changing a right course, upon the account ​of any hazards or inconveniences, which may attend our persevering in it. To such occasions, we must apply what he says of the advantage such tryals are to good Men."Had Hercules sat at home by the Fire-side, and passed his Life in effeminate ease and indulgence, he had never been Hercules.They were the Lion, the Hydra, the Boar, and all those Monsters he so laboriously defeated, which exercised his Gallantry. What honour had he acquired, if his Virtue had not been thus dangerously employ'd? What benefit had Mankind reap'd from so great a Soul, if he had declined the occasions of exerting it?" This plainly shews, that he did not think those Monsters desirable things, but only maintained the combating with, and quelling of them, to have been an occasion for discovering what kind of Person Hercules was, and for perpetuating his Glory in the World.
Epictetus had been very just to the Reputation of Helvidius, for his undaunted steadiness in this Virtue."This Senator thought it became him to make a motion, which the Emperor, Senate, and People, all conspired together to obstruct; but still that universal Combination was not able to discourage him from prosecuting his purpose, and acting according to the dictates of his own Reason and Conscience. Vespasian was extremely desirous to get something passed in the House, which he foresaw Helvidius would be sure to oppose. He therefore, knowing his Humour, sent a message to desire, he would not come to the House that day. Helvidius his return was, that it was in the Emperor's Power to deprive him of his Senatorship, but so long as he continued a Member of that Body, he could not dis​pense with himself from attending the Business of his Post. Well, says Vespasian, I am content you should be there, provided you will be sure not to speak in the debates that shall arise to day. I engage to be silent, said he, provided my Voice and Opinion be not asked. Nay, but if you are there, you must be advised with, said Vespasian; And if I be, replied Helvidius, I must give my Advice freely, and according to what I conceive most reasonable and just. But do it at your Peril, said Vespasian, for be assured, if you are against what I propose, your Head shall pay for it. Sir, (returned Helvidius) did I ever tell you I was immortal? You will do Your part, and I shall endeavour to do Mine. It may be Your Business to sentence me to die, and it must be mine to die bravely and chearfully. If you will please to order, I shall take care to submit."
He had also a very particular regard for Agrippinus; because one day being told of an Accusation preferred against him before the Senate, he only replied,"'Tis very well, but what of the Clock is it?" And when they told him it was about five, "Well then, said he, let us go to the Bath, it is time to be moving." In his return, he was met by one, who brought him News, that the Cause was given against him. "Well, says he, what have they sentenced me to, to Death? No, replied the other, to Banishment only." Whereupon Agrippinus answered without any Concern, "Come then, we will sup to Night at Aricia."
Epictetus had also a particular Respect for Pyrrho, because he looked upon Life and Death as things indifferent. He valued him more especially, for the smartness of a Repartee, to one who had a ​mind to banter him upon this Subject. "If living and dying be indifferent in your esteem, why then, says he, do you not shew it by dying? For this very reason, replied Pyrrho, because they are both so indifferent, that I know no Reason for preferring either."
In short, Epictetus made all Philosophy to consist in Continence and Patience, for which reason he had always those two words in his Mouth, Bear and Forbear: Words, which in Greek have a peculiar Elegance, there being but the difference of a single Letter between them. He frequently expressed his admiration of Lycurgus the Lacedemonian's Bravery, to a Man who had put out one of his Eyes. The People delivered this Offender up to his Mercy, to be punished as he saw fit. But Lycurgus, instead of revenging the Injury, instructed him in Virtue, and after he had modelled him into a good Man, he brought upon the publick Theatre the Person supposed to have long before been put to death, and to the astonishment of all the People, told them, "That the Malefactor, whom they had delivered into his hands full of Treachery and Wickedness, he now restored to them, with all the Qualifications of Justice and true Goodness."
Epictetus would frequently extoll the Gallantry and invincible Courage of Lateranus, who, when condemned by Nero to be beheaded, stretched out his Neck to receive the Blow; and, when the Executioner gave the stroke too feeble for the Business, disposed himself a second time, and laid his Neck fairer for the second stroke. The same Person, having been before examined by Epaphroditus, concerning the Conspiracy of which he stood accused, made this resolute Answer, "If I had any thing to discover, I would tell it to thy Master, and not ​to thee." These Passages I the rather mention, because Epictetus, being a Person who made so nice and so just a judgment of Men and Actions, it is much for the Honour of Their Memory, whose behaviour merited his Approbation; and the greatest Men need no more, for establishing their Reputation with considering Persons among all Posterity.
He all along professed the Stoical Philosophy, which was of all others, the most severe and exalted; and no Man of all the Ancients, was more expert at reducing the rigour of their Maxims and Precepts into Practice. For, though he was one of the last, who formally applied himself to the Rules of this Sect, yet was he one of the greatest Ornaments of it. He conform'd himself, in his Discourse and Behaviour, to the manner of Socrates, and Zeno, and Diogenes. And upon undertaking any thing of moment, used in the first place to consider, what one of those Worthies would have done upon a like oссаsion. Whenever he reproved any Person for his Vices, or instructed him in Virtue, it was his constant Custom to quote some of these Philosophers for Examples. In short, he reverenced them, as Persons of an extraordinary Character, far above the common standard; but above all, he was an admirer of Socrates, and formed his Style upon the Model he had set him. The Comparisons he made use of in all his Discourses, were so familiar, so apt, so just in every Circumstance, that every Body was insensibly won over by them. He did not affect elegance and politeness in speaking, but was content with making himself intelligible, and delivering found and good Sense in perspicuous and significant Terms. In this too he copied after Socrates, as indeed he did throughout, making him his universal Pattern, for all his Actions, and all his Instructions.
​Though he bore a particular regard to Pyrrho himself, yet was he a most irreconcileable Enemy to the ridiculous Scepticism of the Sect that went under his Name: He asked one of his Followers upon occasion, who pretended there could be no such thing as Certainty, and, that Men were continually imposed upon by the Report of their Senses,Who among them, was ever so grosly deceived, as to go to the Mill, when they intended to go to the Bagnio? And often he used to say, "That, were he a Servant to one of these Scepticks, he should take delight in plaguing him.For when such a Master commanded him to pour Oyl into his Bath, he would pour Brine upon his Head; when he called for a Julep, he would bring him Vinegar; and if he should pretend, says he, to be angry at this perverseness, I would either oblige him to acknowledge, that that Vinegar was his Julep, or constrain him to renounce his own fantastical Principles."
Fancy and Fortune, the Two things, by which Mankind are governed, were what he waged War against, all his Life long. For the Former, he observed, that all the most important Events of human Life, all the Revolutions that make the greatest Noise in Story, were at the bottom, nothing but Fancy and Humour. "What is the whole Iliad of Homer, but a Succession of most unreasonable Humours? Paris took a Fancy to carry off Menelaus his Wife, and Helena to go away with him. Now, if her Husband had been so prudent, as to account the loss of such a Wife, rather a Deliverance than an Affliction, the whole Jest had been spoiled. We had had neither Iliad nor Odysses. But upon his ​being as extravagantly humoursome as the rest, followed Wars and Tumults, the Slaughter of infinite innocent Men, and the utter subversion of several antient Cities. And this in good truth, is the general way of the World." The Latter he used to compare to a Woman of Quality, who prostitutes herself to Servants. "The Life, which Men lead in dependence upon Fortune, he would resemble to a Torrent, foul and rapid, whose Stream is dangerous to pass, fierce in its Course, and yet runs quickly off. On the other hand, a Mind devoted to Virtue he compared to a perpetual unexhausted Spring, whose Waters are Clear and Smooth, delightful to the Eye and Taste, sweet and wholesome, free from all manner of sully or corruption." In agreement with these Notions, his vigour in the study of Virtue was such, that no Man ever aspired more eagerly after perfection.
He had entirely renounced all the Delights which gratifie the Senses, to devote himself solely to the nobler Satisfactions of the Soul. When he was any time at an Entertainment, his Care was not so much to regale his Body, as his Mind: as being duly sensible, that whatever is bestowed upon the Body, perishes quickly, and turns to no account, but whatever is bestowed upon the Mind, is a lasting Advantage, and can never be lost. This Consideration moved him to prefer inward Peace and Tranquillity, before the greatest Advantages in the World; for, as it would be no Comfort to a Man to be drowned in a Vessel, though never so beautiful, or laden with the richest Treasures; so that Man makes a very ill Choice for himself, who, for the sake of Wealth and Magnificence, is content to be oppress'd with Cares and ​Disquiets, and purchases any degree of Grandeur, or what the mistaken World calls Happiness, at the expense of his own Ease and Liberty. Το this purpose he would sometimes argue as follows, "A Man born in Persia, would never be uneasy that he did not dwell in Greece. All that Nature suggests upon this occasion, being only a desire to live happily in one's own native Country. When a Man therefore is born in mean and low Circumstances, why should he torture himself with ambitious Thoughts, and so eagerly aspire after Greatness and Abundance? Why does he not rather employ his Care, about making that Condition easie to him, which Providence at first had placed him in? Is it not much more desirable to sleep in a hard Bed, short and narrow, with good Health; than to be sick in Damask or Velvet, and toss about upon Down? And the preference is manifestly due to a Mind perfectly composed, and easie with a moderate Fortune, when compared with the highest Elevation of worldly Greatnesses, soured by Vexation and perpetual Anxiety of Heart.We are infinitely in the wrong (would he often say) to charge our Misery upon our Poverty; no, 'tis our Ambition or our Discontent, that makes us truly miserable. And had we the whole Earth at command, the possession of this could not set us at ease from our fears and melancholy. That must, and can be the Work of Reason only; therefore the Man, who cultivates his Mind well, and provides against this Evil, by stocking it with sound Principles, is satisfied from himself, and never complains of Poverty, or Fortune": Thus I have given you a short sample of Epictetus his manner of arguing upon these occasions.
​He would by no means bear with those, who industriously sought for some colourable pretence, either to cover, or to give countenance to what they did amiss. "Such, he used to say, were like the wanton Wives of Rome, who, the better to conceal their own Shame, used to make Plato's Books of his Commonwealth, the constant Subject of their Commendation and Discourse, merely, because he there is against Women being confined to one, as now they are. But in this Point too, they put a very partial and malicious Construction upon that Philosopher's Words, without attending to his true meaning and design. For it was no part of his Intent, that a Woman should first contract herself to one Man, and then prostitute herself to all the Sex; but the Marriage now in use he thought fit to be abolished, only, that way might be made for Engagements of another kind."
This Principle appeared no less in the Practice, than it did in the Doctrine and Discourses, of Epictetus. For, when he was sensible at any time of having failed or done amiss, his Sincerity never was solicitous to find out an Excuse for it. Nay, he upon no occasion expressed greater Satisfaction, than in having his Faults or Defects roundly told him. "Rufus one Day happened to reproach him in terms immoderately severe, for having over-looked a fallacy in a Syllogism. Epictetus to mitigate his Fury, made answer, Why so rough and hot, Sir? I have not set Fire to the Capitol. Slave, replied Rufus, dost thou think no Fault deserves reproof, but burning the Capitol? Thou hast been guilty of the worst this Case could bear". Epictetus was so far from resenting this smartness amiss, that he smiled at the Wit of it, acknowledged the Justice of the Argument, and took delight in telling the Story publickly.
​Another time, one who had formerly lived in great Plenty,but was then reduced to extremity of want, came to him with a Request, that he would recommend him to the People. Epictetus, very ready to do him that piece of Service, endited a Letter in his behalf, full of kind and tender Expressions, represented his Misfortune in complaints so moving, that the hardest Hearts must needs have been softened by them; which when the Party concerned had perused, he gave it back again, telling him, "That he made that Address in hopes of receiving some Relief, and not with a design to be taught how to bemoan himself, for of that he had no need, as not thinking, that his Sufferings were any real Evil". This disdainful Answer pleased Epictetus so exceedingly, that he never forgot it afterwards.
But above all, Epictetus was a Person of most nice Honour in the matter of Friendship. The Reader need only be put in mind, that he was a Stoick, to convince himself, that he did not proceed upon a Principle of Interest in this point."He would not allow Men to consult the Oracle for Advice, when the Defence of a Friend was under consideration: Being satisfied, that this was a Cause, in which they were bound to engage, though with the hazard of their very Lives. As he was once maintaining, that the Wife Man only was capable of making a true Friend, and loving sincerely; a certain Person in the Company made answer, that he was none of the Wise, and yet he loved his Son with a most true and tender Affection notwithstanding. You do but imagine so, replied Epictetus, but I will convince you of your mistake. Have you never seen a couple of Whelps ​playing together? One would think these little Dogs were infinitely fond of one another; and yet do but cast a piece of Meat before them, and this Experiment will soon shew you, how far they are from the love you fancy. Just thus is the Case between you and your Son. Throw in a bone of Contention, a bit of Land, or any such trifling Advantage, and see, whether he will not wish your Death in order to get into possession; and, whether you will not hate him mortally in a very little while upon this account. Were not Eteocles and Polynices Children by the same Father and Mother? Were not they brought up all along together? Had not ten thousand solemn Protestations of the most inviolable Friendship passed on both sides? And yet, when a Kingdom fell to them, which is the Piece of Meat that makes Dogs worry one another, were not all their former Promises and Professions as absolutely forgotten, as if they had never been? Did not their brotherly Affection vanish in a moment? And did not these two Persons do their utmost, with a most savage Cruelty to destroy and murder one another?"
"Menelaus entertained Paris with great Hospitality, and so particular a Kindness, that any Man, who had seen how dear these two were, while under the same Roof, would have passed for a perfect Infidel, if he had so much as seemed to doubt, whether they were true and eternal Friends. But here again, another Bone of Contention, a fine Lady, was cast between them; and this gave rise to one of the longest and most Bloody Wars, that hath ever been recorded in Story. So vain a thing it is, to conclude Persons Friends indeed, whose Passions are irregular, whose Minds are unstable, ​and who, so long as they are enamour'd with the things of this World, cannot possibly be fixed, and firm to any Professions or Principles whatsoever."
"A Gentleman of the first Quality coming one day to visit him, after some Discourse about other Affairs, Epictetus happened to enquire, whether he were married, and how he lik'd that State; the other answered, that he was indeed a married Man, but extremely unhappy in being so. How so? says Epictetus, for I presume all People that marry, do it with with a Prospect of bettering their Condition. True, says the Noble-man, but it is my misfortune, never to enjoy one quiet hour, for my extreme fondness and solicitude for my Children. I had a little Daughter sick lately, and my Tenderness was so great, that I was forced to quit the House and run away from the poor Girl. And do you reckon that an Argument of Affection? says Epictetus; Methinks we would be glad to have our worst Enemies shew their Concern, just as you do yours for your dearest Friends. The very truth is, it was not Love, that drove you from your Child: but some other disorder of mind, like that of a certain Racer at Rome, who, when his Horse was upon full speed wrapped himself up in his Cloak, for eagerness at the Sport; and, when he had won his Prize, without knowing his good Fortune, was fain to be dismounted, and refreshed with Spirits and Cordials, to recover him to his Senses. Consider of this instance a little, and then you will come to judge rightly of that, which you miscall Excess of Love for others."
Some Persons had alledged the necessity of endeavouring to be rich; upon a pretence, that Poverty incapacitates a Man for being serviceable to his Friends. "Alas! said Epictetus, how infinitely ​you deceive yourselves! Do you think, that there is no way of being useful to one's Friend, but only by lending him Money? No such matter. I allow Men to take all lawful and honest methods of getting Wealth; that, when they have it, they may be in a Condition of Relieving their Friends in want. But then take care, that you use no methods, but such as are fair and decent. And if, as the World now goes, you can instruct me in any such way of growing and being Rich, I engage to employ my utmost endeavours to be so my self. But if you expect from me, that I should purchase things not really good, at the expence, and with the certain Loss of others, which are really so; there I must desire to be excused. And you are doubtless unreasonable and unjust to the last degree, in requiring me to submit to such hard Conditions; and much in the wrong, if you do not prefer the good Qualities of the Mind, before the Advantages of Fortune; a good Man before a wealthy one; a Man capable of being a faithful Friend, before a rich unfaithful pretender to Friendship". This was an Answer truly worthy a Philosopher.
But that, which seems to be the peculiar Glory and Commendation of Epictetus, is, that of all the ancient Philosophers, he seems to have made the nearest Approaches to the true Christian Morality, and to have entertain'd more just and becoming Notions concerning the Nature and Providence of God, than any who were enlightened by the Gospel. His Doctrines were in truth, so very agreeable to ours;that St. Augustin, notwithstanding his violent prejudice against the generality of the Heathen Sages, thought, himself in Justice bound to make one exception at least, and to speak of this Author with a great deal of Re​spect. Nay, so far hath he proceeded in this Point, as to make no difficulty of honouring him, with the Character of a very Wise and exceeding good Man. And reason good there was, why Epictetus should be treated in a manner different from the rest; when we reflect, how clearly he was convinced of, and how nobly he argues for, the Immortality of the Soul; the Unity and Perfections of God; the Wisdom and Goodness of Providence; and, which can be said of none besides, when Humility was so truely his Character, that neither his Morals, nor his Practice, have the least tincture of Vanity in them.
Another Excellence peculiar to himself, is, that he admitted all the Severity of the Stoicks, without taking in any of their Sourness. He hath nothing of the Insolence so usual with that Sect, of making their Romantick Wise Men in a manner equal with God. He rejected their Chimerical and impracticable Perfections; and thought a Philosopher never more truly so, than when molt modest. So that he reformed Stoicism as well as professed it, and espoused no Principles so implicitely, as not to leave himself a Liberty of departing from them, or altering them for the better, as he saw occasion. If then St. Jerome did not grudge a Philosopher of that Sect, the honour of being numbred among the Saints, What place shall we allow Epictetus? Who, besides that he vindicates the Immortality of the Soul, as strenuously as Seneca, or ever a Stoick of them all; hath the advantage over his Brethren, in declaring openly against that most impious and Anti-christian Maxim, maintained by the rest of this Profession, (viz.) That a Man may lawfully die by his own hands.
I am sensible, Wolfius thinks him as deep in here ​as the rest, but this seems to be only from a wrong Interpretation of that Passage, That when a Man is weary of playing his part, he may be comforted with remembring that the Door is open. But the meaning of the Door being open, is not, that we may go out when we please; but, that our term of Life is so short, that it cannot be long before we are called out. That this was his true Intention is evident from another Passage, where he exposes the folly of being full of Care for to morrow. If you have any Sustenance (says he) you will he supported; if not, you will make your exit; the Door stands always open. The Phrase here is the same, and let Epictetus be his own Expositor, who two or three Lines before hath this remarkable Sentence. Let us wait God's leisure to deliver us from enraged Tyrants: When he gives the signal, then march out to him. And again, How ridiculous is it to suppose, that a Man ought not rather to be cut in Pieces, than desert the Post his General hath fixed him in; and to imagine ourselves at Liberty to quit the Post God hath set us in, whenever we please?
But to return. The unblemished Probity, so remarkable throughout his whole Conversation, was the very thing, which recommended him to the particular Favour and Esteem of all the greatest Men of the Age, in which he lived. He contracted a particular intimacy with Favorinus, and Herod the Sophist, who are two very eminent Persons in Antiquity; as we find by Philostratus in his Lives.Spartian, as I observed before, ranks him among the Emperour Adrian's most considerable Friends.Themistius, in his Oration to the Emperour Jovinian, says, that he received several marks of Honour, and par​ticular Respect, from the two Antonines. And accordingly Marcus Aurelius, in his Book of Meditations, εἰς ἑαυτὸν, or Soliloquies, mentions him more than once, with so great regard as to set him upon the same level with the Socrates's, the Zeno's, and the Chrysippus's. In short, his Reputation was so great that Lucian, who calls him a wonderful Man, rallies an ignorant Fellow, for purchasing Epictetus his Earthen Lamp at three thousand Drachms, upon a vain imagination, that studying by the Light of this Lamp, would inspire him with the Wisdom of its former Master. Whatever he said carried such Force, and met with so general Acceptance and Respect, that no body could stand out against his Arguments."Herod the Sophist, met one day with a pert young Blade, who pretended himself Professor of the Stoick Philosophy; and talked and swaggered at so insolent a rate, as if he thought all the Greeks and Latins to be mere Ignoramus's in comparison of himself. After having heard patiently all he had to say, the way Herod took to reprove and put him out of countenance, was to send for Arrian's Collection of Epictetus his Discourses, and turn him to that Chapter in the Second Book, where he speaks of those conceited People, who talk much, and fansy themselves Philosophers, because they can do it fluently. This so confounded that forward young Gentleman, that he had not one Word to say for himself." We may judge from this instance, of what Authority Epictetus and his Doctrines were, at that time in the World.
Of all his Scholars, Arrian is the only one, whose Name hath been transmitted with Reputation to Posterity; and He is such a one, as sufficiently demonstrates the Excellence of his Master, though we should suppose, that he alone had been of his forming. For ​this is the very Person, who was afterwards advanced to be the Preceptor of Antonine,surnamed the Pious, and distinguished by the Title of Xenophon the Younger; because, like that Philosopher, he committed to writing the Dictates delivered by his Master in his Life time: and published them in one Volume, under the Name of Epictetus his Discourses or Dissertations; which at present we have in four Books. After this he composed a little Book, called his Enchiridion, which is a short Compendium of all Epictetus his Philosophical Principles; and hath ever been acknowledged, for one of the most valuable and beautiful Pieces of ancient Morality. He likewise wrote another large Book of the Life and Death of Epictetus, which is now unfortunately lost. Marcus Aurelius mentions a Tract, called the Commentaries of Epictetus, which he had read with great application.But these probably are the same with those Discourses mentioned before. For Arrian in his Preface to those Books, gives them the Title of ὑπομνήματα. Probably this double Title might proceed from the different form, under which they were published, in two several Copies, during Arrian's own Life. I am also apt to believe, that these Dissertations were formerly larger, than we now enjoy them; and possibly, there might not be four only, but five or six Books of them. Thus much is certain, that A. Gellius cites a Passage out of the fifth, and that Stobæus relates several, as of the same Author, which no where occur in his Writings extant at this day. It is not unlikely, that Arrian, in a second Edition, might think fit to leave out some things published in a former; and that he might new cast the Work, by reducing six Books ​into four. But however that be, I can by no means credit Suidas his Account, when he tells us, that Epictetus was himself a great Writer; for this is very hard for any Man to conceive, who hath read Arrian at all, and is acquainted with Epictetus his Manner, and Principles.
There are besides, some Answers pretended to be made by him to Questions put by Adrian the Emperour; but any Man, who gives himself the trouble of reading them, will easily discover the Forgery, and that they cannot belong to this Philosopher.Wolfius indeed did once put us in hopes, of seeing some Letters, written by this Great Man published, which, he had been informed, were in the Library at Florence. But in all probability, the Person who communicated this picce of News to him, was not rightly informed himself, and we are like to wait a great while, before our Eyes are gratified with the sight of that Curiosity.
We have no account that can be depended upon, either of what Distemper, or about what time, Epictetus died. Suidas indeed affirms, that he died when Marcus Aurelius was Emperor; but I am very apt to suspect the Truth of this Assertion.Salmasius, who hath enlarged upon this matter, is of Opinion that Suidas is mistaken; and produces several Reasons for thinking so, which I shall consider in this place.
1. The First is, that the same Author tells us, Epictetus was Slave to Epaphroditus, a Captain of Nero's Life-Guard. Now from the Death of Nero, to the beginning of Marcus Aurelius his Reign, there intervened no less than Ninety Four Years. That ​which adds more to the improbability of this account, is, that we must suppose Epictetus some Years old, before he was capable either of doing Epaphroditus any Service, or of removing from Hierapolis to Rome. So that according to this Computation, Epictetus may be presumed to have reached a Hundred and Fifteen Years, or thereabouts, which is not very easy to believe. This Conjecture carries somewhat of Argument in it, though it be not absolutely conclusive; because, as Lipsius hath observed judiciously enough, 'tis posible he might not be taken into Epaphroditus, his Family, 'till after Nero's Death. But then, in answer to this Solution, it may be replied, that Epaphroditus, being distinguished by that Title of Captain of Nero's Guard, it is more credible, that Nero was living at the time when Epictetus belonged to him, and that he served him whilst in that Quality.
2. The second Argument is, that Marcus Aurelius does not reckon this Philosopher, among the Perfsns with whom he had any Conversation, but only speaks of reading some Discourses of his, which Junius Rusticus had communicated to him. This to me seems to carry less Strength than the former. For, besides that Epictetus had retired to Nicopolis long before that time, we may allow his Death to ​have happened, much about the beginning of this Emperor's Reign. Suidas affirms no more, than that he lived till the time of Marcus Aurelius. And he might very well be supposed to live till the beginning of his Reign, without implying any necessity of this Emperor's seeing his Discourses, till after the Author was dead.
3. The Third Reason is, in my Judgment, of little or no Consideration. Epictetus his Lamp was sold in Lucian's time, and from thence it is inferred, that Epictetus was dead, before that Sale was made. But this is no consequence at all. For we have all the Reason in the World to believe, that Lucian out-lived Marcus Aurelius. And so this Lamp being sold while Lucian was yet alive, is no bar to Epictetus his being alive in Marcus his Reign. Nay, it might very well happen, that the Lamp might be sold in Epictetus his own life-time; and, if this be admitted, that Circumstance will create us no Difficulty at all.
4. The Fourth is, that A. Gellius, who wrote under Antoninus Pius, or at least in the very beginning of Marcus Aurelius, says of Epictetus, that the Memory of that Philosopher was still fresh at Rome. But Salmasius hath not produced that Passage entire, for A. Gellius does not speak there of his Memory in general, but of every body's remembring, that he had been a Slave; which alters the case very much.
5. The last Reason alledged by Salmasius is taken from that Expression of Gellius, I have heard Favorinus say; And since Favorinus died under Adrian, Salmasius concludes it impossible, for Epictetus not to have died before the Reign of Marcus Aurelius. Now this Reason is not convincing; because Favorinus might very well inform A. Gellius, what Epictetus had said upon some certain occasions; though Epictetus himself ​were still alive. But still it must be confessed, there is some Ground for urging it. For A. Gellius, who wrote his Book under Antoninus Pius, the Predecessor to Marcus Aurelius, when mentioning Epictetus, does it in these terms; Epictetus would say, That venerable old Man used to say, Such a one hath told me, that Epictetus was wont to say, and the like. Now this is a manner of speaking, very unusual and odd, when the Person spoken of is yet in being. And I am indeed the rather inclined to embrace the Opinion Salmasius contends for, because it seems to me highly probable that Epictetus was dead, before the composing of Arrian's Book, in which he collects his Discourses. And if so, I see no possibility, how Suidas his account of his living down to Marcus Aurelius his time should stand good. For it is evident, that Book was publish'd, when A. Gellius wrote his Noctes Atticæ, and that is as much as to say, that it was well known, and commonly read, in the Reign of Antoninus Pius. I own it may be objected, that Arrian might collect and publish those Dissertations, before the Death of his Master; but I can scarce think he did so: it being highly improbable, and a thing out of the common way, to set forth the Discourses and memorable Actions of a Person surviving the publication. And therefore, without some Authority to warrant such a Conjecture, bare Presumptions ought not to prevail for its being received.
One Difficulty more indeed occurs to me, which Salmasius takes no notice of, and yet, in my apprehension, it is as considerable, as any of the former. 'Tis the space of time, between the Death of Nero, and the Edict of Domitian for banishing the Philosophers. Now this very little, if at all, exceeds Twenty Years. For that Edict is placed in the Eighth of Domitian. And, if Lipsius his Notion be admitted, that Epictetus did not serve Epaphroditus, ​till after Nero's Death, the difficulty grows yet more upon us. For at that rate, he could not be above Eighteen or Nineteen at most, when he left Rome, in obedience to the Emperour's prohibition. But this is never to be reconciled with A. Gellius his account, who speaks of him, as a Person of great Repute at that time, and constrained to withdraw to Nicopolis, in the Quality of a Philosopher concerned in the Edict. We can hardly allow him this Character at less than Thirty Years old; and, according to that calculation, to bring him down as far as Marcus Aurelius his Reign, will ask a Hundred and Eight or Nine Years. And yet so many we cannot afford him neither; when it is remembred, that Lucian, who was his contemporary, makes no mention of him, in that Dialogue, concerning Persons who lived to a great Age. I acknowledge, that Eusebius takes notice of a second Edict against the Philosophers, not published till the Fifteenth of Domitian; but, besides that he stands single in this Point, and is not strengthened by the Testimony of any other Chronologer or Historian, Scaliger in his Animadversions hath observed expressly, that the Decree meant by A. Gellius (which is plainly that under debate at present) was published in the Eighth Year of Domitian. This Argument is of so great weight with me, that it would quite bear down all that Suidas hath said, were it not, that I find my self still in some suspense, from a passage in Themistius; who positively affirms, that the Two Antonines shewed Epictetus particular Marks of their Favour and Esteem. But this Objection too may be taken off, by replying, that Orators, in their Speeches, do not always tye themselves up to the same Rules of Exactness, which are strictly required of a Faithful Histo​rian; Or else by saying, that, Marcus Aurelius might express an Honour for Epictetus, in the time of Adrian, and Antoninus Pius, and before he came to be Emperour himself: Or lastly, that this Veneration was paid to his Character and Memory, after the Person was dead. And this we plainly find done, in the Books he hath left us, where Epictetus is mentioned upon several occasions, with a more than ordinary Respect.
Upon the whole Matter, the Difficulties on both sides of the Question are such, that I will not take upon me to determine either way; but shall satifie my self, with thus laying before my Reader what may be said for, and against, this Relation of Suidas. And yet, if I may be admitted to interpose my own private Opinion, this, I confess, inclines rather to Salmasius, and I am apt to think Epictetus was dead, before Marcus Aurelius began to Reign. For, besides that Suidas is not always in the right; we have an Instance in the Person before us, where he is manifestly in the Wrong; That, I mean, in which he affirms Epictetus himself to have been a great Writer of Books. And he, who hath mistaken in this Point, may be presumed to have mistaken, in the calculation of his Age too. But whenever he died, 'tis certain his loss was much lamented by all the Men of Note then alive; and his Memory will be valuable and glorious, among all succeeding Ages of the World. And thus I have given the Reader what scattered Remains I could gather up concerning him; which I hope will be the more kindly received, because it is the first attempt of the kind that I know of, since that Life written by Arrian hath been lost.
* ↑ Suid. in Epict.A. Gell. Lib. II. Cap. 18.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 19.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 26.
* ↑ A. Gell. Lib. XV. Cap. II. Euseb. Chron.
* ↑ Not. ad Epict. & Simpl. p. 4.
* ↑ Spart. in Adr. Cap. 16.
* ↑ Lucian in Demon.
* ↑ Spart. in Adr. ubi supra.
* ↑ Stob. Serm. 38.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. IV. Cap. 8.
* ↑ Ch. LXX.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. II. Cap. 19. Lib. III. Cap. 12. & alibi passim.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. IV. Cap. 6.
* ↑ A. Gell. Lib. XVII. Cap. 19.
* ↑ Arrian. Dissert. Lib. Cap. 11.
* ↑ A. Gell. Lib. II. Cap. 18.
* ↑ Salmas. in Epictet. & Simpl. p. 3.
* ↑ Macrob. Lib. I. Cap. 11.
* ↑ This Argument Casaubon will by no means admit, but contends for a very different Sense of this Distich, and thinks it designed only to shew, that the Prosperity or Adversity Men meet with in the Affairs of the World, ought not to be esteemed a distinguishing Mark of their being more or less Favourites of Heaven.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 19.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. II. Cap. 6.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. IV. Cap. 1.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. III. Cap. 26
* ↑ See Orig. cont. Cels. Lib. VII. Pag. 368. Edit. Cantabr. 1658. where Celsus pretends to prefer the Constancy of Epictetus above that of Jesus Christ.
* ↑ Enchirid. Chap. XVII.
* ↑ ⟨Arrian. L⟩ib. I. Cap. 18.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 1
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 1
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. II. Cap 15.
* ↑ Lib I. Cap. 6.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap 2.
* ↑ Stobæus. Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 1.
* ↑ A little Village not far from Rome.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 1.
* ↑ Arrian.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 27.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. II. Cap. 20.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 28.
* ↑ Stobæus. Serm. I.
* ↑ Stobæus. Serm. 38.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. II. Cap 16.
* ↑ Stobæus
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I.. Cap. 7.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 9.
* ↑ Lib. II. Cap. 7.
* ↑ Epictet. Enchirid. Chap. 39.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. II. Cap. 22.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. II. Cap. 22.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 11.
* ↑ Epictet. Enchirid. Cap. 31.
* ↑ De Civit. Dei.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 9. Lib. II. Cap. 14. & alibi.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 9.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 9. & 24.
* ↑ Arrian. Lib. I. Cap. 9.
* ↑ A. Gell. Lib. XVII. Cap. 19. Lib. I. Cap. 2.
* ↑ Spart. in Adr.
* ↑ Themist. Orat. 12. ad Jovin. Lib. I. Sect. 7. Lib. XI. Sect. 34, 36, &c.
* ↑ Dialogues advers. Indoct. multos Libros ementem.
* ↑ A. Gell Lib. I. Cap. 2.
* ↑ Cap. 19.
* ↑ Geneb. in Chron. A. Gell. Lib. XVII. Cap. 19.
* ↑ Simpl. in Jovin.
* ↑ De seipso, ὑπομνήματα. Arrian. Præf. A. Gellius.
* ↑ Some say XII. of these called Διαλέξεις, and VIII. entituled Διατριβαί. See Holsten. de Vit. & Script. Porphyrii. Pag. 2. Edit. Cantabr. 1655.
* ↑ A. Gell. Lib. XIX. Cap. 1.
* ↑ Altercat. ad Calcem Edit. Wolf.
* ↑ In Præf. ad Altercat. Adr.
* ↑ Suid. in Epictet.
* ↑ Salmas. in Annot. ad Epictet. & Simpl.
* ↑ Pag. 2.
* ↑ Lips. Manuduct. ad Stoic. Philos. Lib. I.
* ↑ I cannot but observe here a gross mistake in the Preface to Berkelius's Edition of the Enchirid. with Wolfius his Notes printed at Lugd. and Amst. 1670. where this Epaphroditus is taken for the Person of that Name, Coloss. 4. 18. who brought that Church's Charity to St. Paul at Rome. 'Tis true, that Chapter mentions Saints of Cæsar's Houshold, ver. 23. But the Character given of Epictetus his Master, will not incline us to believe him one of them. And though it be highly probable, that Epictetus had some knowledge of the Christian Doctrine, (as indeed the Philosophers, who write after the publication of the Gospel, do, by their way of arguing so much more refined than their Predecessors, seem all to have had,) yet we have little ground to imagine, that a Person of such infamous Qualities, such insolence, and barbarity, and meanness of Spirit, as this Epaphroditus, either instructed him in it, or ever imbibed it heartily himself.
* ↑ Salmas. ib. Marc. Antonin. Lib. I. Cap. 7.
* ↑ Dialog. advers. Indoct. multos Libros ementem.
* ↑ Salmas. pag. 3.
* ↑ Salmas. ibid. p. 2. & p. 3. A. Gell. Lib. II. Cap. 18.
* ↑ A. Gell. Lib. XVII. Cap. 19.
* ↑ Euseb. in Chron.
* ↑ Lucian. in Dialog. cui Titulus Macrobii.
* ↑ Orat. ad Jovin.