# Arrian's Voyage Round the Euxine Sea/Dissertation on Arrian's Periplus of the Euxine Sea

DISSERTATION
ON
ARRIAN'S PERIPLUS
OF
THE EUXINE SEA.
DISSERTATION.
FLAVIUS ARRIANUS, the Author of the work now under consideration, was a native of Nicomedia, the metropolis of Bithynia, a city situated at the extremity of a bay of the Propontis, on the Asiatic side. He was early in life remarkable for learning, which recommended him to the notice of the Emperor Hadrian, and procured for him, although a stranger, the freedom of the Roman and Athenian states. He afterwards became Priest of Ceres and of Proserpine in his native city, and was raised by his Patron, the Emperor, to the dignity of a Roman Senator, and to the Consulate. In this character he was made Præfect of Cappadocia, and waged a successsful war with the Alani, and with the Massagetæ. He died probably during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, but at what exact time is not certain. He left several works behind him of considerable merit; and among them the one now before us. His qualifications in Literature and Science, particularly Geography, must have been very agreeable to the disposition of the Emperor Hadrian, who was himself fond of travelling, and had visited in person a large proportion of his own extensve domimons.
​The Periplus appears in form of an Epistle from Arrian to the Emperor, giving him a geographical, or perhaps, to speak more properly, a topographical sketch, or survey, of the coast of the Euxine sea, proceeding Eastward from Trapezus, and returning to the same place by Byzantium from the West; It is written in the Greek language, which was probably more familiar to himself than the Latin, and more agreeable to the Emperor, who was attached to the Greek language and literature. He alludes however to Letters or Dispatches in the Latin language, which alone was used in properly official communications.
It is not unlikely that the Periplus was undertaken by command of the Emperor himself, and that it was executed when Arrian was Præfect of Cappadocia. Mr. Dodwell thinks that it was performed early in the reign of Hadrian, as one of the petty Kings of that country was advanced to the regal dignity by Trajan, Hadrian's predecessor, and was living at the time that the account of the Periplus was Written. This conjecture however is weakened by the consideration, that Arrian mentions several other Kings of that country, who received their advancement from Hadrian himself.
The province of Cappadocia, which included Trapezus, from whence the expedition was fitted out, was well suited for such a purpose, being probably under his jurisdiction, and as it furnished,by his own account, materials for ship-building, and other stores ​for a sea voyage. We should observe further, that the Periplus of Arrian is not the history of one voyage executed by the narrator,as that of Nearchus, and others. It consists of three separate voyages, or expeditions of discovery, and these perhaps executed by different persons, and at considerable intervals,
The first of these, in the order of his relation, is the report of his own voyage along the coast from Trapezus to Dioscurias, or Sebastopolis; a City situated upon the Northern part of the Eastern extremity of the Euxine sea, lying in Latitude 43° 18′ nearly, and in Longitude East from; the Canaries about 60°. This was evidently performed by Arrian himself in person, and seems to be the most correct of any.
The next division of the Periplus comprehends the account of the distance of the places from one another, which lie upon the Southern coast of the Euxine sea, from Byzantium to Trapezus, Whether these are put down from the personal experience of the Author, is not ascertained. Mr. Dodwell thinks that they might be the result of his own examination in his journey from Byzantium, when he went to take possession of his government of Cappadocia; and this conjecture is not improbable. This part of the Periplus is more correct than the one remaining to be spoken of; but lets so, I think, than the former. It is however a valuable performance.
The third and last part of the Periplus contains an account of the distances between the places that lie on the coast of the Euxine ​sea, proceeding from Dioscurias, round the Northern and Western shores, as far as Byzantium. This survey, as it seems to be, is probably the work of some other hand; as it is less correct than the former parts, and the materials, of which it is composed, might be collected by Arrian from various persons, in order to complete the circuit of the Euxine sea.
In the computation of the measurements referred to in this Dissertation, I have followed the calculation laid down by the late Dr. Reinhold Forster, in the Geographical Dissertation annexed to Spelman's Translation of Xenophon's Anabasis, which sates, that 960 Greek feet are equal to 967 English, and, of course, that a stadium of 600 Greek feet would be equal to 604 English feet, and 375 decimal parts.
My reasons for adopting this calculation will be seen in a Discourse annexed to the present work.
I proceed now to the examination of the Periplus.
The Title of it, according to the Cæsarean MS. is as follows.
Ἀῤῥιάνου Περίπλους Εὐξείνου, καὶ Βιθυνίας τῆς ὡρὸς τὸν Πόντον. Περίπλους Παφλαγονίας. Περίπλους Πόντων τῶν δύω. Περίπλους τῶυ ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ μέρων τοῦ Πόντου. Περίπλους Θράκης καὶ ὡρὸς Πόντον.
Perhaps these different heads, or divisions, as they appear to be, may have been the titles of some ancient detached accounts, from which a part at least of the Periplus may have been compiled. The voyage seems to have been intended for the purpose of ​graphical information, and perhaps with a view of constructing an Itinerary of this coast, similar to those of various other parts by Antoninus. The measurements of the distances in the first part appear to have been taken at sea; but how they were ascertained, it is not easy to say. Several ships we know were employed, and perhaps the distances may have been computed from a medium of the calculation of each. They are too near the truth to allow us to suppose, that the time which elapsed in the passage from one place to another was the only guide they had in ultimating the interval between them. They may possibly be reckoned according to the measurements by land. The commencement of the voyage is dated from Trapezus, a Greek city, and a colony from Sinope, situated on the Southern side of the Euxine sea , nearly in the ​same Latitude with Consiantinople, but about 10° 41′ 25″ more to the Eadward. This city had been in early times, and probably was even in those of Arrian, a place of great trade, and of course much resort of shipping, and was also the principal rendezvous of the Roman naval force on the Euxine sea. Both Arrian and Tournefort remark the abundance of materials and other necessaries for ship-building, which were afforded the surrounding country; and navigation appeared to be their primary object. Arrian tells us, that the statue of the Emperor Hadrian was constructed in an attitude pointing towards the sea, as the source of their riches and prosperity. Goltzius has given two figures of Trapezuntine coins, one of which exhibits an anchor, and the other the prow of a ship, as emblems of naval industry. This was the first Greek city, which the army led by Xenophon reached in their retreat after the death of Gyms: and probably the view of the tea, to which Arrian here
​alludes, was that which took place at the games, which the Greeks celebrated at Trapezus, as a thanksgiving for their reaching a Grecian city, and which were performed, as Xenophon informs us, on the declivity of a hill towards the sea. Hutchinson, in his Notes on this passage of Xenophon's Anabasis, remarks, that the altars mentioned by Arrian might be the same with those which served as metæ, or goals, at the games above mentioned.
The first place that Arrian's fleet reached on their voyage was Hyffus, a port at the mouth of a river, and a small Roman military station, at the distance of 180 stadia (equal to 22.5 Greek miles, and to 20.6037 English) from Trapezus. In D'Anville's map Hyssus is placed to the East of Trapezus, as we might expect it to be, from the direction of the intended voyage; but in the text of Ptolemy, it is put down as lying in 15′ of Longitude to the West of Trapezus, and is so laid down in the first and third maps of Asia in Bertius's edition. It seems indeed somewhat extraordinary, that a place to the West of Trapezus should lie in the way of Arnian's fleet, which were meant to proceed Eastward. But the maps, if they are to be trusted, explain this difficulty, as Trapezus appears in them to be placed at the Southern extremity of a bay of some depth, and Hyssus is laid down at the Western extremity of the promontory, that forms the bay on that side, and. might therefore serve as a station, or rendezvous, where the ships might collect and put-out-again to sea when the wind served; which convenience might, compensate for their deviating a little from their course; Pliny seems to A-allude to this situation of'Trapezus, when he describes it as inclosed by a-vast-mountain, (vasto monte ​clausum) and the print in Tournefort's Travels seems to coincide with the account in Pliny. It must however be owned, that the Peutingerian Tables place the port of Hyffus at the distance of 24 miles to the East of Trapezus, which differs but little from that assigned by Arrian; from which indeed that of Ptolemy, in point of distance, does not greatly vary, Ptolemy placing Trapezus in Longit. 70° 45′, Latit. 43° 6′; and Hyffi Portus in Longit. 70° 30',and Latit. 43° 20′; so that there is a difference of 15′ of Longitude, and 14′ of Latitude, which gives a distance equal to about 20 English miles and a half, or 179 stadia and some fraction besides, approaching very near to the computation of Arrian.,
From Hyffus to the river Ophis 90 stadia.
No river appears in the place assigned by Arrian either in Ptolemy, or in the modern maps; but a city is described by Ptolemy in this situation, which is called in the Greek text Ὄπιους, and Opius in the Latin translation. It is called in the maps in Ptolemy's Geography, Pityusa, which is said in the margin of the text to have been its ancient name; doubtless derived from the pine trees, which both ancient and modern accounts assure us grow so plentifully on this coast. The Word Ophis (supposing, with Arrian, that it is a river) may imply, either that it flowed in a serpentine direction, or that its banks or neighbourhood were infested with serpents. But perhaps the name of this river, or place, which soever it be, may admit of a different interpretation. The Word Ὄπιος, the name given by Ptolemy, may imply a relation to the ​drug called Ὄπιον, which was a Greek as well as a Latin word,expressing the substance, which we call Opium at present.
Colchis was famed in all ages for its fertility both in medicinal and poisonous plants.
   ———Ille et venena Colchica, Et quicquid usquam concipitur nefas Tractavit. Hor. Od. lib. ii. 13.
   Herbasque quas et Colchos atque Iberia Mittit, venenorum ferax. Hor. epod v. 21.
The drugs, with which Medea supplied Jason, in order to appease the fury of the bulls, which guarded the golden fleece, are called. by Apollonius,
   Θελκτήρια φάρμακα ταύρων. Argonaut. lib.ver. 738.
words, which imply a foothing, or anodyne quality. The preparation itself is described by the same writer as procured from the root of a plant, which bears a yellow flower, and is about a cubit in height; and, as it should seem, the drug was gained by pressure, or rather perhaps by incision, as it is said to be in form of a. black juice, collected in a shell.
   Τῆς οἵην τ' ἐν ὄρεσσι κελαινὴν ἰκμάδα φητοῦ Κασπίῃ ἐνι κόχλῳ ἀμήσατο φαρμάσσεσθαι. Argon. lib. ver. 858:
This account bears a great resemblance to Opium; The effects produced, its black colour, audits being collected in a shell, which ​was the method in use in the time of Dioscorides, both withOpium, and withScammony, and is mentioned by Dr. Russel to be the method practised at present in the East for collecting the latter drug, indicates this very strongly. As to its being procured from the root, Dioscorides says, that in his time the whole plant of the Poppy was pressed, and its inspiffated juice made use of which had the name of
Meconium, and was much weaker than Opium; and this account is confirmed by Pliny. The juice of the root therefore, though not in use at present, might have been so formerly, and is probably possessed of similar virtues with that of the rest of the plant. Mithridates, whose kingdom was contiguous to Colchis, and included the place in question, was celebratedfor his skill in Botany and Medicine. He invented the celebrated Antidote, or Alexipharmic, which has his name, and which has been retained in medical practice even to the present day. The principal ingredient is well known to be Opium; and ​in that light almost altogether is the preparation regarded by modern practitioners.
The country, of which we are speaking, still produces Opium in great plenty and perfection. Dr. Alston says, that "the Opium of Natolia, or Anatolia," (the modern name of the country, that lieson the southern side of the Euxine, or Black Sea,) "is produced in greater quantity, and is of a better quality, than what comes from Egypt."
It is as probable that the name of this place, or river, might be derived from the production of Opium, as that its other and ancient name, Pityusa, should be derived from the pine trees, Which, Tournefort tells us, still grow in great numbers and perfection in that country.
From the river Ophis to the river Psychrus 30 stadia.
The name of this river is doubtless derived from its coldness, a quality remarked of other rivers in Asia Minor, particularly the Cydnus, which had nearly proved fatal to Alexander the Great, who bathed in it, and is said to have actually caused the death of the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa.
​From the river Psychrus to the river Calus 30 stadia, From the river Calus to the river Rhizius 120 stadia.
A port of this name is put down in Ptolemy, probably the mouth of this river, which he places at only 10′, or about 100 stadia to the East of the Ophis, or rather of the place, which he calls Opius, or Ὄπιος.
From the river Rhizius to the river Afeurus 30 stadia.
From the river Ascurus to the river Adienus 60 stadia.
From the river Adienus to Athena: Ponticae 180 itadia.
Arrian makes the whole distance from Trapezus to Athenæ Ponticac 720 stadia, equal to 90 Greek miles, or 82½ English miles. Its direction is nearly East. The Peutingerian Tables make this distance to be 91 m.p. or 728 stadia, very near to the calculation of Arrian. It had its name, as Arrian says, from a temple in the Grecian style, which was built there;, but the place appears to havebeen, even in his time, in a eserted state, the castle being in ruins; and the whole was probably noticed here more for its name, than on any other account. This was the first place the fleet touched at, being driven in by a violent tempest, which endangered them very much., He describes it as preceded by a cloud suddenly ​arising in the East, which was followed by a violent gust of wind from the same quarter, and opposite to the course they held. In the same manner the cloud, described in the Book of Kings, foretold wind, as well as rain; and Sir John Chardin informs us, that great storms are wont to begin with such a kind of cloud, and that it is the sign of them at sea in the Eastern countries.
The East wind is often spoken of as being of a violent and dangerous nature. It is said in the Book of Pfalms to "break the ships of Tarshish;" and a similar expression concerning it is found in the Prophet Ezechiel. Virgil mentions its ravages in the Woods of Mount Caucasus, a part of which, and that with which Virgil was most likely to be acquainted, lies on the Eastern border of the Black Sea.
   Ipsæ Caucasio steriles in vertice sylvæ, Quas animoii Euri assdue franghntqne feruntque.
Geor. lib. ii. ver. 439, 440.
It is described by others as accompanied by clouds, and as raising such a swell of the sea, as Arrian tells us was experienced by his fleet. .
   ————quodcunque minabitur Eurus Fluctibus Hesperiiss Horat. Carm. lib. i. ver. 25.
   ————ubi nubifer Eurus Naufragium spargens, operit freta. {{Smallcaps|Sil. Italia. lib. x. ver. 323, 324.
   Niger rudentes Eurus inverso mari Fractosque remos differat. Hor. Epod. x. ver. 5.
​It was also a principal instrument of the mischief done to the fleet of Æneas.
   ————Tres Eurus ab alto In brevia, et Syrtes urget. Æn. lib. i. ver. 114.
   Vix septem oonvulsæ undin Euroque superfunt. Æn. lib. i. ver. 386.
Ovid speaks of the swell of the Euxine Sea in terms nearly similar to those of Arrian.
   Inque modum tumuli concava surgit aqua.
   Trist. lib. ii. Eleg. x. ver. 20.
Apollonius describes the ship Argo, as nearly sunk in the same situation with that of Arrian, by the swell of the sea breaking over the middle or side of the vessel.
   Ἔνθα μὲν ἠλιβάτῳ ἐναλίγκιον οὔρεϊ χῦμα Ἐμφέρεται προπάροιθεν ἐπαΐσσονται ἐοικὸς, Αἰὲν ὑπὲρ νεφέων ἠερμένον, οὐδἐ κε φαίης Φεύξεσθαι κακὸν οἶτον, ἐπεὶ μάλα μεσσόθι νηὸς Λάβρον ἐπικρέμαται καθάπερ νέφος.
   Apoll. lib. ii. ver. 169.
The embarrassment however of Arrian and his associates did not terminate altogether on their arrival at this port. The storm continued, and the wind veered about to different points, as is common both in the Mediterranean, and in other places subject to hurricanes. Thus Virgil, describing storm, specises several winds as either blowing at the same time, or in rapid succession.
   Una Eurus Notusque ruunt, crebcrqnc proccllis Africus.
   Æn. lib. i. ver. 89.
And Ovid in more express terms.
   Inter utmmqne fremunt immani turbine venti. Nescit, uri domino parent, undai maris. ​Nam modo purpureo vires capit Eurus ab ortu: Nunc Zephyrus, sero'vespere missus, adest Nunc gelidus ficca Boreas bacchatur ab Arcto Nunc Notus adversa prælia fronte gerit. Trist. lib. i. El. ii. ver. 25.
They seem to have been first incommoded by the North-Westwind, called in that country Thrascias, or by the Greeks Sciron. This probably brought the thunder and lightning, which Mr. Stuart, in his account of the winds on the Temple of Andronicus Cyrrhestes at Athens, tells us, is the distinguishing character of this wind. It came however about to the South, and from thence to the South-West, so that in the course of the tempest the wind shifted to every point of the compass, like the storm above described by Ovid.
The harbour of Athenae Ponticæ proved however a sufficient protection for most of the ships; and the trireme, which rode out the storm, under ihelter of a rock, perhaps owed its safety to the promontory Σκίρων, mentioned by Ptolemy. They however used the precaution to draw many of their ships ashore in the manner, in which the Grecian fleet is described by Homer; which seems to have been the means of their preservation, but implied that their draught of water, and consequently their ability to fail near the wind, was but small. It seems however, from an expression ​which occurs a little after, that they were able to sail with a wind at right angles to the ship's course, or, as it is expressed in nautical language, "with the wind on the beam."
One of the vessels was wrecked by the sea breaking over it, but the rigging and naval stores were prebserved. He also tells us, that they even scraped off the wax, with which the tides were smeared, which he and other writers represent as one of the most necessary articles in the fitting out ships. Wax was produced in great quantity in this country. Xenophon, Polybius, Pliny, and Dioscorides, all mention the abundance of honey; and it appears from Pliny, that part of the tribute of these countries was paid in wax, the use of which in large quantities is, in some degree, explained by this passage of Arrian. It may appear extraordinary that the use of pitch for naval purposes being then well known, it was not employed preferably to Wax, as being more adhesive, tenacious and permanent. But it appears that both of them were in use mixed together, for naval purposes, into a composition called Zopissa.
​Soon after their setting fail from Athenæ Ponticæ, the North or North-East wind, (Βοῤῥὰς) he tells us, calmed the sea. This effect is much the same as is ascribed to it by other Eastern writers. Thus it is said in the Book of Job, that "fair weather cometh out of the North," and in The Proverbs, "that the North Wind driveth away rain." Boreas is called by Homer Αἰθρηγενετῆς or serenitatem inducens, in several places. Hippocrates, who may be regarded much in the same light with Homer, as an Oriental writer, observes, that the North wind produces fair weather, and clears the air, and is on that account the most healthy of all the Winds. We are next informed, that before noon they reached Apsarus, having, as he lays, sailed more than five hundred stadia. There is some difficulty respecting this account of the distance. If it be meant of the whole distance from Trapezus, is much too small, indeed nearly by one half, as he himself computes it to be an thousand stadia. If it be meant to mark the interval between Athenæ Ponticæ and Apsarus, it is too great, as Arrian says it is only 280 stadia. Perhaps he might mean, that, by the wind being contrary, they were driven so far out of their course, that they were obliged to traverse near double the real distance between Apsarus and Athenæ Ponticæ. At Apsarus Arrian took a survey of the fortifications, and reviewed the troops stationed there; which circumstance indicates, that he was one of the military governors, or Proprætors, nominated by the Emperor, ​and not one of the Sanatorian Procunsuls. He mentions, that his reports on this subject were transmitted in the Latin language, in which the properly official communications were always made.
Arrian derives the name of this place from Absyrtus, the brother of Medea, whom she is said to have murdered at this place, and whose sepulchre was still to be seen.
I wish to observe here, that the numerous traditions and local evidences of the Argonautic expedition, which Arrian discovered on this coast, and which other writers have recorded to have existed in the neighbouring countries, are strong presumptive proofs that such a voyage was once undertaken, and that the history of it is not merely an allegorical tale invented by poets, or persons of fertile and flowery imagination, but a narrative of a real event. The purpose of it is undoubtedly very mysterious, and the circumstances, which accompany it, complicated with poetical imagery and mythological machinery; but that such a hero as Jason commanded such an expedition, seems to me unquestionable. The proofs of it are not derived from Greece, the region of fabulous invention, but were found to subsist in countries barren, uncultivated, and of vast extent, such as no forgery of such a kind could influence, or probably penetrate. Strabo and Diodorus observe, ​that Armenia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, the whole coast of the Euxine sea, the Propontis, and the Hellespont, were full of heroicmonuments bf this expedition. It is indeed somewhat extraordinary that any of these should have remained even to the time of Strabo, since he tells us, that they were industriously destroyed by Alexander's Generals, from a ridiculous jealousy, left the same of Jason might outrival that of their mailer. Parmenio, asStrabo tells us, destroyed one of this kind at Abdera.
This account is confirmed by Justin, who also says, that nearly the whole of the East paid divine honours to Jason as to their founder, and that the jealousy of Parmenio prompted him to destroy several of the temples erected in honour of Jason.
Tacitus observes, that the Iberians and Albanians, nations almost barbarous, retained notwithstanding, even in his time, the tradition respecting Jason, and the Argonautic expedition. These are facts which cannot be forged, and aford arguments of the authenticity of the history much superior to any, that can be urged against: it from its seeming improbability and absurdity, things of which we are at present very incompetent judges, considering the difference of our age, climate, and manners, and also the obscure and mutilated accounts, which we have of those remote ages. But ​should we presume to declare all history fabulous, or unfounded, in which the events did not exactly coincide with our ideas of probability, we should expose our own pride and narrowness of sentiment, which cannot submit to credit any thing, but such as we can exactly reconcile to such principles, as we may premise as necessary to truth.
The history of the Crusades, an expedition almost as unaccountable as that of Jason, undertaken by a set of military adventurers, in an age nearly as rude and as warlike as that of the Argonauts, is disguised in the prose accounts We have of it, with as much imagery as the poem of Apollonius Rhodius, and little less incredible. Yet we do not therefore question the existence of Peter the Hermit, of Godfrey of Bouillon, or of Raymond of Toulouse; or deny, that such persons conducted armies into Palestine, and actually founded a kingdom there, which subsisted for more than two centuries.
But to return to the subject.
From Athenæ Ponticæ to the river Prytanis 40 stadia. This is marked as a river in D'Anville, but is not so specified in Arrian, although I think it is implied. Here was a palace of King Anchialus, probably the one mentioned afterwards by Arrian, as King of the Heniochi. From Prytanis to the river Pyxites 90 stadia. This ​river is mentioned byPliny, as lying between Trapezus and Apsarus.
From the Pyxites to Archabis 90 stadia. This is put down as a river in Ptolemy, but not in Arrian, although, I think, implied. The text of Ptolemy is undoubtedly very corrupt. According to the Latin copy, it is placed in E. Long. 61° .59′, and according to the Greek in 52° E. Long. a difference of full ten degrees, or more than 500 English miles. The longitude according to D'Anville is nearly 59° 40′ East. In the maps of Ptolemy it is placed, as it ought to be, to the North-East of Trapezus and Athenæ Ponticæ. It seems to be specified in the Peutingerian Tables under the name of Abgabes; but is there placed too much to the West, being only nine miles, or seventy-two stadia, from Athenæ Ponticæ; Whereas Arrian counts it to be 227 stadia, or more than 28 miles.
From Archabis to Apsarus 60 stadia. This is the name of a river, and of a cattle on its banks. It is placed by Ptolemy 80′ ​to the East of Athenæ Ponticæ, which, in the latitude laid down by D'Anville, is equal to 67½ English miles, or in the latitude, according to Ptolemy, to about 67 English miles. According to Arrian, it is 287 stadia, or nearly 33 English miles; so that these computations differ considerably. According to D'Anville, Apsarus is but little to the North of Athenæ Ponticæ, so that the difference of longitude of these two places scarcely varies from their true distance by sea. In the Peutingerian Tables Apsarus is set down as 36 miles from Athenæ Ponticae. Pliny seems to say, that Apsarus was 150, or, as some copies read, 140 miles from Trapezus. According to Arrian, it is 1000 stadia, or 125 Greek miles, or 114.465 English. miles. From Apsarus to theAcampsis 15 stadia. From the Acampsis to theBathys 75 stadia. This river is not, as far as I can find, mentioned by name by any other writer, except Pliny; but probably the Portus Altus fet down in the Peutingerian Tables, and which is nearly in the same situation, may be the place meant by Arrian. It appears to have been no unusual appellation, as a port so called (Βαθὺς λιμὴν) in Africa, is mentioned by Ptolemy. From the Bathys to the Acinafis 90 stadia. This river seems to have derived its name from the Scythian Sword so called, which was worshipped as a deity. Whether its name was employed to denote the straight course of the river, or to indicate that it was a ​sacred stream, is doubtful. From the Acinans to the Isis 90 stadia. From the Isis to the Mogrus 90 stadia. This river is noticed by Pliny under the name of Nogrus. From the Mogrus to the Phasis 90 stadia. This river preserves in some degree its ancient name, being still called the Fasz, or Rion. Its mouth is placed by Ptolemy in 45° N. Lat. and 72° 30' E. Long. According to Arrowsmith's Chart it lies in nearly 42° of N. L. and 59° 6′ 50″ E. Long. from the Canaries. The map of the country between the Caspian and the Black sea makes it to be 42° 25′ N. L. and 59° 2′ E. from the Canaries. Ptolemy then makes it, according to the last computation, no lets than 13° 28′ too far to the Eastward, which is nearly 685 English miles, a vast difference, which must effectually confound all calculation.
The mouth of the Phasis is, according to Ptolemy, ⁠31/36⁠ of an hour to the East of Alexandria, which is equal to 35 minutes of time, or 8° 45′ of longitude, which in latitude 42° is equal to nearly 452 English miles. This calculation, although erroneous, is less so than the former.
| Long. of the Phasis | 59° | 6′ | 50″ | E. | Arrowsmith |
| Long. of the Pharos at Alexandria | 47 | 30 | 50 | E. | Walsh's Journal. |
| Difference | 11° | 36′ |
Strabo says, it is 1400 stadia from Trapezus to the Phasis. Arrian makes it 1450 stadia, which agrees nearly with Strabo. The distance between the Bathys and the Phasis is, according to Arrian, 360 iizadia. The map of the country between the Black sea and the Caspian makes it 375 stadia, differing but little from Arrian.
D'Anville's map agrees nearly herewith. Arrian says, that the water of the Phasis is lighter in the balance, and more changeable in colour, than any water, with which he was acquainted. It may probably be soft, as being mostly rain water, which is also light. It is however, according to Hippocrates, a sluggish and almost stagnant river, and its water not at all coinciding with the character given of it by Arrian. Itfurther appears from Hippocrates that the water of the Phasis is subject to become putrid from its stagnation, and the warmth of the sun; and that those, who drink it, are liable to diseases from ​this circumstance. Arrian, although he uses an expression denoting clearness and transparency, allows that it resembles water impregnated with lead or tin, and that it deposits a sediment on standing. He adds, that it does not become putrid by keeping, a quality seemingly inconsistent with that ascribed to it by Hippocrates. Very different accounts of this river are given by other writers. Although Hippocrates represents it as the most itagnant of all rivers, others describe it as rapid and violent;,
   ———— rapidas limosi Phasidis undas. Ovid. Met. lib. vii. ver. 5.
   Magnus ubi adversum spumanti Phasis in æquor
   Ore ruit. Val. Flacc. lib. v. ver. 179.
But I think these seemingly opposite accounts may be reconciled, if we consider, that this river rises among the mountains of Armenia, which during a considerable part of the year are covered with snow
, and which that remains unmelted, the river may be as Hippocrates represents it; but on the melting of the snow, it may become rapid and violent, like other rivers that rise in mountainous countries. It is called Nivosi by Statius, which indicates somewhat of this kind. Hippocrates also mentions, that large and violent showers frequently fall in that region, which might contribute to swell it.Plutarch says, that this river was formerly ​called Arcturus, which may probably allude to its periodical overflow about the time of year, when this star rises cosmically, which took place then about the latter end of August, when the snows are melting. Apollonius remarks in the same country the wet Weather, which accompanied the rising of Arcturus, which might contribute to the same purpose, and is agreeable to the observation, of Hippocrates mentioned above..
Ὕδασι σημαίνων διερὴν ὁδὸν Ἄρκτούροιο. Argon. lib. ii. ver. nor.
It may be added in confirmation of what has been just observed, that the Nile, whose annual increasé is thought to be owing to the same cause, which is here suggessted respecting the Phasis, begins to increase about the Summer solstice, and continues increasing until September; but as it rises in very hot countries, it may begin to overflow earlier than the Phasis, as the snow melts sooner. Somewhat of a similar analogy may, according to Selden, be observed between the Nile and Sirius, as is here suggested between the Phasis and Arcturus. The Dog-star (Sirius) was, as he thinks, so called from Siris, the ancient name of the Nile, as the cosmical rise of Sirius coincided with the time of the greatest increase of the river.
The same circumstance may account for the different character given of the salubrity of the water. That of the Nile is thought unwholesome, when the river is rising; but at other times, if ​allowed to stand, and deposit its sediment, as Arrian says of the Phasis, it becomes like that river, limpid, and excellent for drink.
What Arrian says respecting the statue of Cybele, and its resemblance, both in attitude and accompaniments, to the one by Phidias at Athens, argues strongly in favour of the early intercourse, which is supposed to have subsisted between Greece and this country. The statue of the Goddess is described by Arrian as holding a cymbal in her hand, with lions under her throne, or seat. This is exactly the same representation, as is to be found in Montfaucon's Antiquities, of which many examples both from coins and sculpture are produced. Arrian observes, that the statue of Cybele at Athens was placed ἐν Μητρῴῳ. This word was applied in general to the temples of Cybele, as appears from many ancient coins and inscriptions, as well as authors. Paufanias speaks of a Μητρῷον at Elis in Greece, which he remarks, as singular from its not having a statue of Cybele in it.
Julius Pollux says, that the temple of Cybele at Athens was called Μητρῷον and Suidas, Harpocration, and Athenæus add, that it was the repository of the public records, and of the laws. ​At or near this temple, an anchor of iron was shewn, which was reported to have belonged to the ship Argo; which Arrian very justly rejects as spurious, since anchors of stone only were in use at that early period. The fragments of a stone anchor, which was reported to have belonged to the same ship, are properly determined by him to be more probably genuine. Perhaps these fragments might be the remains of the anchor, which the Argonauts brought from Cyzicus, where, as Apollonius tells us, they exchanged a small stone anchor for a larger of the same kind. It is remarkable that Apollonius notices, that the old anchor was laid up as a sacred deposit in a temple at Cyzicus, as probably the fragments of the new were prebserved in the time of Arrian in the temple of Cybele. The cattle at the mouth of the river appears to have been regularly fortified as a frontier place. He notices, that it was built of baked brick (πλίνθου ὀπτῆς), a circumstance particularly mentioned to distinguish it from sun-dried brick, which formed the walls of many of the cities and in Asia Minor, and, as it should seem, even in Greece. Xenophon observes, that the wall of Media, which extended from the Euphrates to the Tigris, was built of burnt brick, in opposition to raw brick. Herodotus notices, that the walls of Babylon were, in like manner, constructed of burnt bricks. Pausanias, speaking of the walls of Mantinea, which were destroyed by Agesipolis, who turned the stream of the river Ophis against them, tells us, that they were ὠμῆς ᾠκοδομημένης τῆς πλίνθου, built of raw or crude bricks, which, he says, dissolved by water, as wax does by the fun.
​Arrian observes in this part of the work, that the Pontic sea was much less salt than the sea without the Hellespont, on account of the numerous rivers, which discharge themselves into it. Strabo and other writers make the same observation, and ascribe it to the same cause. Modern accounts agree with ancient in this respect.
From the Phasis to the Chariens go ftadia. This is the Charisius of Ptolemy, and, according to him, lies N. E. of the mouth of the Phasis, with 15′ difference of latitude, equal to 17.4 English miles. It seems in the Russian map to be about ten Greek miles, or 80 stadia, from the mouth of the Phasis. In the Peutingerian Tables, only three miles are set down, as the distance from the Phasis to the Chariens, and 16 miles from the Chariens to the Chobus. These numbers are probably erroneous; but the whole distance from the Phasis to the Chobus is not so different from the one given by Arrian, as to make it probable that they used a different calculation.
From the Chariens to the Chobus 90 stadia. According to some modern maps, a place of the name of Copi still remains at the mouth of this river. From the Chobus to the Singamis 210 stadia. The Greek copy of Ptolemy makes the difference of latitude between the Chariitus and Siganeum to be 30 minutes, equal, as was then supposed, to 300 stadia, which is exactly the distance ​laid down by Arrian. The Peutingerian Tables count from the Chariens to Sicanabis 35 miles, or 280 stadia. From the Singamis to Tarfuras 120 stadia. The Peutingerian Tables make this distance to be 16 miles, or only eight itadia more than it is reckoned by Arrian. From Tarfuras to Hippus 150 Itadia. From Hippus to Astelephus 30 stadia. From Astelephus to Sebastopolis 120 stadia. This place was, in early times, called Dioscurias from the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux), who were reported to have founded it. It has now recovered its ancient name, although much corrupted, being called by the Turks Iskouriah, or Isagour, although the Greeks, I believe, retain the modern name of Sevatopoli. It is placed by Ptolemy in Latitude 44° 45′ N. and Long. E. 72° 20′. By the Russian map the latitude is 43° 27′ 30″, and by Arrowsmith's Chart 43° 18′. Longitude by the Russian Map, 57° 56′; by Arrowfmith, 58° 21′ 50″. It is reckoned by Arrian to be 2260 stadia, equal to 282 Greek miles, or 258.68 English, distant from Trapezus. Pliny says, that it is 100 miles distant from the Phasis, which agrees nearly with Arrian, who reckons this interval at 810 stadia, equal to 101 Greek miles and a quarter. The medium distance in two modern maps is 96 English miles, equal to 838 stadia, or three Greek miles and a half more than Arrian's calculation.
Arrian, having enumerated the rivers, by which he passed, proceeds to speak of the inhabitants of the country. His account ​of the Drillæ agree with that ofXenophon, save that the latter says nothing of their form of government. We see by the threats, which Arrian expresses towards this people, the manner in which the Romans treated their refractory tributaries; which explains the reason, why these nations, when they gained the superiority, as they did a tew centuries afterwards, retorted the same ill usage on the Romans. The accounts of these writers agree very well with those given of the modern predatory inhabitants of these countries. It appears, that these nations were tributary, and perhaps feudatory, to the Romans, and governed by princes nominated by the Emperors. The description, which Arrian gives of the direction in which he proceeded in his course by sea, is perfectly correct. As far as Apsarus, he observes, that their course lay Eastward, and this place he considers as the extremity of the Euxine sea towards that point; and this is true of it, as to what regards the Southern coast, or the right side of the Pontus. From thence their course lay Northward to the Chobus and the Singamis. At the latter place the shore began to verge a little to the Westward, or what he calls the left side of the Pontus, and continued in that direction to Astelephus and Dioscurias, where his voyage terminated.
The View of mount Caucasus from Dioscurias described by Arrian resembles that given by Apollonius Rhodius. I do not find that the summit of mount Caucasus is called Strobilus by any other writer. It is undoubtedly so named from its resemblance in shape to a pine cone; and the plenty of trees of this kind in the surrounding country makes this more evident. Strabo mentions ​a mountain of this shape, which is observed indeed to be the general form. of such as have been volcanic, which might in early ages have been the case with mount Caucasus. The Periplus now reverts to an account of the distances of the several places from one another, that lie between the Thracian Bosporus and Trapezus.
From Byzantium to the temple of Jupiter Urius 120 stadia. This was situated on the Aiiatic side of the Thracian Bosporus, and nearly on the point of land, which joins that strait on the Eastern side, and the Euxine sea on the North. It might possibly be on the spot, where the Argonauts sacrificed to the same deity, by the advice of Phineus. Polybius says, that the place bore the name of Ἱερὸν in his time, and that Jason sacrificed there to the twelve deities, a circumstance recognized by Apollonius. The Scholiast on Apollonius says, the spot was so called in his time. Gyllius says, that in his time it bore the name Ἱερὸν, and Tournefort mentions its being called Ioro, which he takes to be a corruption of Ἰερὸν, or possibly of Urii. The word οὔριος is said to be particularly applicable to sea-voyages. It is derived from οὐρὰ, cauda, and signifies, as we are informed by the Scholiast on Thucydides, a wind that blows on the hinder part, or stern, of the ship, and, by an easy accommodation, a fair or a prosperous wind. The Greeks, being defective in navigation, regarded that wind as the most favourable, that blew directly towards the point aimed at, although they could fail with one more oblique, and even with the wind on the beam. The deity here mentioned seems to be the same with the one, which is called in Apollonius, Διὸς ἰκμαῖος, or Jupiter humidus. Thus the Scholiast explains it. Perhaps Tournefort's ​observation may be thought more applicable to the epithet, when he tells us, "that much more rain falls in the Black sea than in "the Hellespont." The word then bore a proper application to a situation, which marked the boundary between a moist and a dry climate. The distance of this temple from Byzantium, as laid down by Arrian, is, as nearly as possible, agreeable to modern measurements. The Peutingerian Tables appear to set it down too tar to the Eaitwardz but no dependence is to be placed on them as a map, otherwise than by the measurements expressed in the numbers annexed.
From the temple of Jupiter Urius to the river Rhebas 90 stadia. This river still goes by the name of Irva, or Riva, and appears to be, by the map, about nine English miles, or about 80 stadia, from the temple above mentioned. The stage to this river is put down in the Peutingerian Tables, Adherbas, which is probably a mis-spelling of Rhebas. The Rhebas is called by Apollonius a swift flowing river (ὠκυρόην). Dionysius Periegetes describes it as a beautiful stream flowing into the Pontic sea near its mouth. It appears from Strabo to be a winding stream, as he says the road crosses it seven times in a short space. Toumefort however says, that, when he passed it, it was no better than a brook.
From the river Rhebas to Acra Melaena 150 stadia. This place is twice mentioned by Apollonius under this name. It is also called ​by Ptolemy Ἀκρίτας ἄκρα, or the indistinct cape, or promontory, perhaps from its being often enveloped in clouds, which might also be the origin of its other name. It itill retains its ancient epithet, being now called Kalin acron, or the Black cape. Its distance from the Rhebas, as here laid down, agrees with modern maps, it being in the latter 18 English miles, which differs only a fraction of a mile from Arrian's computation. It is put down in the Peutingerian Tables, as 25 miles from the temple of Jupiter Urius; but, according to Arrian, it is 240 stadia, or 30 Greek miles.
From Aera Melaena to Artanes 150 stadia. Some think that this was a fortress, not a river. Ptolemy calls it Ἀρτάκη χωρίον. D'Anville adds a river, and there is one about this distance in the modern maps. It is set down in the Peutingerian Tables under the name of Artane, and is placed at the disiance of nineteen miles from Acra Melæna, which is as near as possible to Arriarfs calculation of 150 stadia.
From Artanes to Psilis 150 stadia. This seems to be mentioned by Ptolemy, but the text is corrupted, or doubtful; and it is uncertain whether the Psilis or the Rhebas be meant, and the longitude indicates that the latter was understood. A place or stage called Philium is put down in the Peutingerian Tables, at the distance of 10 miles from Artanes, which agrees so nearly with the interval assigned by Arrian, that there is little doubt that the same place is meant by both. The mouth of this river is ​mentioned byApollonius, and confirmed by the Scholiast to be a river of Bithynia. It is also mentioned byPliny andStrabo.
From Psilis toPortus Calpes 210 stadia. This place is probably so called from its resemblance in shape to a water-pot. The port is accurately described byXenophon, being, as he says, "situated in Asiatic Thrace in the midway between Heraclea and Byzantium. A promontory runs out into the sea, of which that part, which lies contiguous to the sea, is a craggy rock; in height, where it is lowest, not less than twenty fathoms. The neck of land, by which this promontory is joined to the continent, is about 400 feet in breadth, and the space within the neck is ample enough to afford habitation for ten thousand men. The port lies under the rock upon the western shore, and close to the sea flows a spring, plentifully supplied with fresh water; this spring is commanded by the rock. This place affords great plenty of timber, particularly such as is proper for ship-building, in great quantity and perfection, close to the sea"
Ptolemy makes it to lie in 25′ of longitude to the eastward of Psilis, equal to about twenty-one English miles, or 183 stadia. This river is specified by Apollonius to beremarkable for its depth.
​From Calpe to Rhoe Portus 20 stadia. I do not find this place mentioned by any other Writer. From Rhoe Portus to Apollonian Insula 20 stadia. This island, Was sacred to Apollo, as We learn fromApollonius Rhodius, and from thence had its name. It was usually called Thynias; or Daphnufa. It appears to have been uninhabited in early times. It is called Kerbeh, or Kirbe, in the modern maps.
From Apollonian to Chelas 20 ftadia. The distance from Pfilis to Chelas is set down in the Peutingerian Tables as 20miles, equal to 160 stadia. It is set down in Ptolemy 20′ to the east of Calpe. In Arrian the same space is reckoned to be 270 stadia, or 33.75 Greek miles. This river is now called by the Greeks Ava, or Ayala; but Tournefort says, the Turks call it Sagari, or Sacari; by the former of which names it appears both in the Peutingerian Tables, and in modern maps. This river was the boundary between Cappadocia and Bithynia. Tournefort says, he found no river between the Rhebas and the Sangarius. This river is mentioned by Homer in twoplaces, as a river of Phrygia, so that its ancient name has been continued through many ages.
Apollonius notices the mouth of this river, as appearing to the Argonauts early in the morning, on the third day of their voyage from the entrance of the Euxine sea.
Arrian says, it is 990 stadia from the temple of Jupiter Urius to ​the mouth of the Sangarius, or about 113 English miles; and several maps agree nearly' with this distance: but Mr. Arrowsmith's chart makes it to be less than 87 English miles, or about760 stadia. The Peutingerian Tables make it 148 miles, equal to 1184 stadia. Strabo says, that it is 500 stadia from the mouth of the Sangarius to Heraclea. Arrian makes it to be 660. Modern maps in general agree with Strabo's computation; but Mr. Arrowsmith's chart makes it only about 30 English miles, or about 262 stadia. Ptolemy makes the distance to be one degree of longitude, which in that latitude is about 52 English miles and a half, or about 400 stadia.
From the mouth of the Sangarius to that of the Hippus 180 stadia. This distance is set down in Ptolemy as equal to a degree of longitude, or 52.452 English miles; but Arrian makes it 22.5 Greek miles, equal to 20.5 English miles, and is nearer the truth. The Peutingerian Tables make it 19 Greek miles, or about 152 stadia. The Hippus is mentioned by Scylax, and by Apollonius, and characterised by the latter as a deep river.
From the Hippus to Lilium Emporium 100 stadia. D'Anvillle's map places a river here; if so, this was the port at its mouth; but I cannot find any mention of one. There is, however, in all the modern maps, a place called Halebli, at the mouth of a river, which agrees nearly with the situation of this place.
From Lilliam Emporium to Elem 60 stadia. 'D'Anville's map ​places a river here, and there is one in modern maps in this place, called Kaba-Sakal. A place nearly in this situation, of the name of Bylæum, is to be found in the Peutingerian Tables.
From Elæum to Cales Emporium 120 stadia. There is in D'Anville's map a river of the name of Cales. If so, the port, or emporium, was probably formed by its mouth.
From Cales to the river Lycus 80 stadia. This river is mentioned byApollonius, by Scylax, and by Xenophon; the latter of whom says, it was near Heraclea, and 200 feet wide.
From the Lycus to Heraclea 20 stadia. Heraclea was a Greek colony, said to be founded by the Argive Hercules. Strabo ascribes it to the Milesians, and Arrian and Xenophon to the Megareans. There is in Goltzius a plate of a coin of Heraclea, exhibiting a figure crowned with towers, and bearing a cornucopia filled with fruits, indicator of the plenty of provisions, with which it was furnished. Strabo and Xenophon, as well as Arrian, notice Heraclea as a haven for ships, and it was at one time a considerable naval power, but was destroyed by Cotta, in the Mithridates war. It appears from Tournefort to have had no natural harbour, but a mole only, which is now, in ruins. Its present name is Penderachi, or Elegri, both of which are perhaps corruptions of the ancient name.
It is set down in the Peutingerian Tables at the distance of only 38 miles from the Hippus. Arrian makes it 380 stadia, or ​Greek miles and a half. Strabo says, that Heraclea is distant 1500 stadiafrom Chalcedony. This is probably too large a computation, as it measures only 128 English miles, equal to 1118 stadia, on Arrowsmith's chart. Marcianus Heracleota says, that it is 1530 stadia from the Fanum Jovis Urii to Heraclea, and that it is only 1200 stadia in a direct line by sea. The anonymous author of the Periplus of the Euxine sea makes it to be 1550 stadia. Strabo says, that it is 500 stadia from the Sangarius to Heraclea. Arrian makes it 560. Arrowsmith's chart makes it to be little more than 35 English miles, or rather more than 305 stadia.
From Heraclea to Metroum 80 stadia. I do not find any mention of this place elsewhere. It was probably so called from being sacred to Cybele, or from there being at the place a fane, or temple of that goddess, both of which were very numerous on this coast, as I before observed.
From Metroum toPosidæum 40 stadia. I find no account of this place in any author. It might be so called from a temple of Neptune.
​From Posidæum to Tyndarida: 45 stadia. This place was probably so called from Caftor and Pollux, the sons of Tyndarus, who were adventurers in the Argonautic expedition, and forms another local evidence of that event.
From Tyndaridae to Nymphzeum 15 stadia. From Nymphmum to Oxinas 30 stadia.
Marcianus Heracleota makes it to be 90 stadia from Posidæum to Oxinas, which agrees with Arrian.
From Oxinas to Sandaraca 90 stadia. From Sandaraca to Crenides 60 stadia. From Crenides to Psylla 30 stadia.
This place is mentioned by Ptolemy, under the name of Psyllium,and is placed 26′ to the west of Tios, or Tion, which is near double the distance assigned by Arrian. Scyllaeum is placed in the Peutingerian Tables 12 Greek miles distant from Tion, which is nearer the computation of Arrian.
From Piylla to Tios 60 stadia. Pliny says, that Tios is 38 miles distant from Heraclea. This is not⅔ of the distance assigned by Arrian. Perhaps the doubling of the Acherusia Chersonesus might cause so great a difference between the computation by land and that by sea. The distance by land agrees nearly with Pliny's computation.
​From Tios to the river Billaeus 20 stadia. This river is mentioned by Apollonius as a dark coloured water, and is noticed by Pliny.
From the River Billaus to the river Parthenius 100 stadia. This river is mentioned by Homer, and in a commentary on the passage, it is described as "fluens per regiones valde arnoenas et valde placide, unde hoc delicatum nomen nactus est." It is called a very gentle river byApollonius. Tournefort says, the Greeks retain its name, calling it Partheni, but the Turks call it Dolap. He confirms the opinion that its name was derived from its beauty, and the flowery meadows through which it flows, which had been before observed by Strabo. It is placed by Ptolemy 19′ to the east of Tion, equal to about 10% English miles, or 144 stadia, not very different from Arrian. It was the boundary between Bithynia and Paphlagonia.,
From the Parthenius to Amaistris'90 stadia. Amastris is described by Strabo as situated on a peninsula, the isthmus of which forms a port on each side. This corresponds exactly ​with the description given by Tournefort, who remarks at the same time, that both these ports are now choaked up with land. The goodness of its ports gave occasion for several medalsto be struck, celebrating their convenience and utility. It is now calledAmastro, and is about 12 Greek miles, or 100 stadia, distant from the Parthenius by modern maps.
From Amaitris to Erythinus 60 stadia. This place was so called, according to Strabo, from two red rocks, like the Saxa rubra on the Flaminian way in Eturia.
From Erythinus to Cromna 60 stadia. Cromna is placed by Ptolemy 10' to the east of Amastris, equal nearly to 73 stadia, whereas in Arrian it is 120 stadia. The distance from Cromna to Cytorus is in Arrian 90 stadia, but in Ptolemy it is nearly 113.5 stadia. But although there be a difference here, yet the whole distance between Amaitris and Cytorus does not vary greatly in the two authors, it being in Arrian 210 stadia, and in the Latin copy of Ptolemy 192 stadia nearly.
From Cromna to Cytorus 90 stadia. This was a place dependent upon Sinope, and had its name from the box-trees that grew there, as we are told by Strabo, and Theophraitus. Catullus and Virgil both remark the abundance of this tree at the same place. Apollonius calls it ὑλήεντα Κύτωρον, which the Scholiast explains by ​saying, that this epithet was applied on account of the box-tree growing there in great plenty. The name of Cytorus is partly preserved in that of a village called Kitros, which is distant from Amastris, by the map, 25 Greek miles, or 200 stadia. Pliny says, that it is 64 miles from Tios to Cytorus, which is equal to 512 stadia, but, according to Arrian, it is only 420 stadia. Ptolemy makes it equal to 43.5 English miles, or 380 stadia, which calculation is nearer to Arrian than to Pliny.
From Cytorus to Ægialos 60 stadia. This place was, in later times, called Ἡωνσκόλις, which has the same signification with Ægialos, importing a place or city on the sea-coast. This, as well as Cromna, Cytorus, and Erythinus, are mentioned both by Homer and Apollonius.
From Ægia1os to Thymena 90 stadia. This was formerly called Teuthrania, and seems to be the place now called Temeneh in Arrowsmith's chart.
From Thymena to Carambis 120 stadia. This distance measures on Arrowsmith's chart 13′ of latitude nearly, equal to about 131 stadia. Carambis is a promontory, now known by the name of Cape Pisello, or Comana, among the Greeks; but among the Turks it retains somewhat of its ancient appellation, being called Karempi Bouroun. It is the most northerly spot on the southern shore of the Black sea from the Fanum Jovis Urii to Apsarus; Two maps and onechart of the Black sea place this promontory in Lat. 41° ​31′; but Arrowsmith's chart places it in Lat. 42° 24′, or 47′ more to the northward.
Pliny says, that the promontory Carambis is distant from the Os Ponti 315, or as some say 350, miles. The latter number approaches nearly to the computation of Arrian, who makes it amount to 2810 stadia, equal to 351 Greek miles, which is a close coincidence. In Ptolemy, the difference of longitude between Carambis and the Os Ponti is 4° 56′, equal to 258 English miles, or nearly to 2810 Greek miles, or 2252 stadia. D'Anvi11e makes it to be 275 Greek miles, or about 2200 stadia, and Faden's map and Laurie's chart agree nearly herewith. But Arrowsmith's chart differs considerably, making the difference to be no more than 4° 11′ of Long. and 1° 7′ of Lat. equal nearly to 226 English miles, or 1974 stadia nearly. This place is described as a projecting cape by Apollonius.
From Carambis to the promontory Zephyrium 60 stadia. From Zephyrium to Abonitichos 150 stadia. Ptolemy places a city called Callistratia half way between Zephyrium and Abonitichos, but I do not find any mention of it elsewhere. Tournefort says, that there is still a place of the name of Abono in that situation. The maps remark a castle in ruins near the place. Abonitichos is twice mentioned by Lucian, once in the Psudomantis, and ​again in the Alexander Pseudomantis, with some reflections on the folly and superstition of the inhabitants.
From Abonitichos to the river Æginetis 150 stadia. From the river Æginetis to Cinolis 150 stadia. This place still retains its ancient name, being now called Cimoli, or Cinoli.
From Cinolis to Stephanes 180 stadia. This place also keeps its ancient name, being now called Stephane, or, according to Arrowsmith's chart, Istifane. Tournefort says, it is a beautiful village, in which rank it is placed by Ptolemy.
From Stephanes to Potamos 150 stadia. From Potamos to Leptes acra 120 stadia. From Leptes acra to Harmene 60 stadia. Harmene was a village belonging to Sinope, with a good port, as we are told by Strabo, Marci anus Heracleota, and Scylax. Ptolemy makes the distance between Harmene and Carambisto be 786 stadia, andArrowsmith's chart gives 855 stadia, but Arrian makes it 930 stadia. As Arrian followed the coast, the doubling of Cape Stephane would increase the distance, and perhaps to that amount. It is now called Armiro.
From Harmene to Sinope 40 ftadia. Strabo makes this distance ​to be 50 stadia. Sinope was a colony of the Milesians, and the most famous of any of the cities on the Euxine sea. It was the birth-place and residence of Mithridates Eupator, who made it the capital city of Pontus. It was situated upon the isthmus of a peninsula, about six miles in circuit, and terminating in a considerable cape, or head-land. It is mentioned by Apollonius and by Valerius Flaccus, as subsisting in the time of the Argonauts. It had two ports, one on each side of the isthmus, and was remarkable for its tunny fishery. The city, and particularly the suburbs, Were very magnificent, and ornamented with a gymnasium, a forum, and superb porticos. The land surrounding it was fertile, and suited both to gardens and agriculture. It was once a seat of learning, and of arts, being the birth-place of Diogenes, the Cynic philosopher; and Strabo mentions the Sphere of Billarus the astronomer, which was taken away from city by Lucullus. Both Strabo and Plutarch mentions a celebrated statue, by the sculptor Sthenis, of Autolycus, Who was one of the companions of Hercules, and, as Strabo thinks, one of the Argonauts, and the founder of Sinope, which statue was carried away by Lucullus. Tournefort, who was at Sinope, concurs exactly with Strabo in his account of this place. Its present trade consists of salted fish, particularly young tunnies, as in former ages. Stadia.
| From Heraclea to Sinope is, according to Strabo, | | 2000.0 |
| according to Arrow, | | 2140.0 |
| according to Ptolemy, | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 1881.0 | Gr. cop. |
| according to Ptolemy, | $\scriptstyle {\left\{{\begin{matrix}\ \\\ \end{matrix}}\right.}$ | 2157.0 | Lat . cop. |
| In a straight line, according to D'Anville, | | 1300.0 |
| according to Arrowsmith | | 1747.0 ​ |
| From Fanum Jovis Urii to Sinope is, according to Strabo, | | 3500.0 |
| according to Arrian, | | 3690.0 |
| according to Ptolemy | | 3476.5 | |
| In a straight line, according to D'Anville, | | 2544.0 |
| according to Arrowsmith, | | 2733.0 |
| From Carambis to Sinope is, according to Strabo, | | 700.0 |
| according to Arrian, | | 700.0 |
| according to D'Anville, | | 500.0 |
| according to Arrowsmith, | | 838.0 |
| From Cytorus to Sinope is, according to Pliny, 164 Greek miles, equal to | | 1312.0 |
| according to Arrian, | | 1240.0 |
| according to Arrowsmith's chart,115 Eng. miles, or | | 1004.0 |
From Sinope to Carusa 150 stadia. This place still preserves its name, being called Carsa at present, according to Tournefort, or Kesereh, according to Arrowsmith's chart. Tournefort travelled this stage himself, and found it, as he says, 18 miles, and observes thereupon, that 18½ miles make just 150 stadia; and that "it is surpriiing that the measures of the ancients should answer so exactly as they do to modern computation." In confirmation of this, We may observe, that Arrowsmith's chart makes this distance to be 19 miles.
From Carusa to Zagora 150 stadia. Zagora in the Peutingerian ​Tables is placed to the east of the Halys. Ptolemy, as well as Arrian, places it to the west of that river.
From Zagora to the river Halys 300 stadia. This river takes its name, as Strabo tells us, from the beds of fobssil salt, through which it flows. Tournefort observes, in confirmation hereof, that "all the country is full of fossil salt, which is found even in the great roads, and arable grounds." Arrian's account of the rise of this river to the eastward, rather than to the south, is confirmed by Tournefort, who also bears testimony to the accuracy of Strabo, who says, that it rises in the greater Cappadocia, where it flows towards the west, and then winds towards the north, through Galatia and Paphlagonia. The. maps of Ptolemy mark its course in much the same way. It must however be acknowledged, in favour of Herodotus, who gives the account, which is here corrected by Arrian, that its course is, for a considerable space, from the southward. D'Anville's map makes two rivers of this name, which, in their course, unite. One of these, according to him, rises near the borders of Cilicia, not far from the Cydnus, and nearly south of the mouth of the Halys. Xenophon says, that it was (not far from the mouth, I suppose) two stadia, or 1208¼ feet, in breadth; but perhaps this may not be a correct account, as it is in a speech intended to magnify the difficulties of the passage. This river is mentioned byApollonius, and by Valerius Flaccus.
From the river Halys to Nausiathmos 30 stadia. From Naustathmos to Conopæum 50 stadia. This was a lake, probably so called from the multitude of infects which it produced.
​From Conopæum to Eusene 120 stadia. From Eusene to Amisus 160 stadia. Strabo and Stephanus Byzantines say, that it is 900 stadia from Sinope to Amisus. Arrian makes it 1060. According to the Peutingerian Tables, it is 94 m. p. from Sinope to Amisus, equal to 752 stadia. Pliny says, that it is 130 miles, equal to 1040 stadia, not very different from Arrian's computation. D'Anville makes it to be only 740 stadia. Arrowsmith's chart makes it to be about 89.5 English miles, equal to about 781 stadia. Citizen Beauchamp's Geography of the Black sea makes it to be 75′, equal to about 87 English miles, or 756 stadia. Strabo says, that the distance from Trapezus to Amisus is about 2200 stadia. According to Arrian, it is 2325 stadia. Arrowsmith's chart makes it nearly 3° of longitude, which in latitude 41° is about 157.5 English miles, or 1370 stadia nearly.
From Trapezus to the Phasis is, according to Strabo, near 1400 stadia. Arrian makes it 1450, which agrees well with Strabo, who meant to express a rude calculation only. It is not, by Arrowsmith's chart, more than 947 stadia, in a direct line; but that is not the distance understood by these writers.
Strabo, in the same place, counts it about 8000 stadia from the Fanum Jovis Urii to the Phasis. Arrian makes it, from the Fanum lovis Urii to Trapezus, 6935 stadia, and from Trapezus to the Phasis 1450, in all 8385 sitadia; a difference in the proportion nearly of 20 to 19, which is no great difference in a rude calculation.
From Amisus to Ancon 160 stadia. This is the mouth of the Iris, the largest river, according to Tournefort, on this coast. The ​river is now called Casalmac. The distance is put down in the Peutingerian Tables at 22 Greek miles, not far from Arrian's calculation.
From Ancon to the promontory Heracleum 360 stadia. The Peutingerian Tables make it 40 miles, or 320 stadia.
From Heracleum to the river Thermodon 40 stadia. This river is mentioned by Apollonius, who says, that it rises in the mountains of the Amazons, and that it divides into no less than 96 streams. This circumstance seems to indicate, that it runs through a flat country, which is said by Tournefort to be the case. This river is also mentioned byValerius Flaccus. It rises, according to Strabo, among hills, bordering on the plains of Themiscyra, from a variety of sources; Whereas Apollonius says, that it rises from one only. Perhaps Strabo might take, what Apollonius describes as so many divisions or branches of the river, for so many streams, that contributed to form it. Xenophon says, that it was 300 feet wide. Arrowsmith's, and another chart, put it down under the name of Therme, or Termeh.
From the river Thermodon to the river Beris 90 stadia. From the river Beris to the river Thoaris 60 stadia. From the river Thoaris to Oenoe 30 stadia. From Oenoe to Phigamus 40 stadia. From Phigamus to Phadisana 150 stadia.
From the river Thermodon to Phadisana is nearly 31 English miles, by Arrowsmith's chart, which is little more than 270 stadia; ​whereas Arrian makes it to be 370 stadia. Arrian's measurement however followed the coast, which is rather irregular. A place called Fatia, said to be of great trade, is in this situation, and the river, at the mouth of which it stands, is called Phadizza, or, according to Tournefort, Vatiza. He mentions the place at the mouth as a village only.
From Phadisana to Polemonium 10 stadia Pliny says, that from Amisus to Polemonium is 120 miles, equal to 960 stadia. Arrianmakes it 940 stadia, or 117½ miles.
From Polemonium to Cape Jasonium 130 stadia. This cape retains its ancient name, arid adds to the testimonies yet remaining of the Argonautic expedition.
From Jasonium to the Insula Cilicum 15 stadia. From the Insula Cilicum to Boona 75 stadia, (now Cape Vona, according to Arrowfmith) From Boona to Cotyora 90 stadia. This seems to have been in ruins in Strabo's time, having been demolished to build Cerasus and Ischopolis. It was probably a larger place atthe time of Cyrus's expedition. Xenophon informs us, that it was a Greek city and a colony from Sinope. ​From Cotyora to Melanthius 60 stadia. From Melanthius to Pharmatenus 150 stadia. From Pharmatenus to Pharnacea 120 stadia. This place, as well as some others in the same country, has recovered its ancient name, being now called Cerafonte, or Kirisontho. It is Well known to have been famous in early times for the cherry fruit; and Tournefort says, that at present cherry-trees grow naturally, and in great abundance, in that neighbourhood.
From Pharnacea to the island Arrhenius 30 stadia. From Arrhentias to Zephyrium 120 stadia. Arrian makes it 420 stadia from Melanthius to Zephyrium, the Peutingerian Tables make it to be 480 stadia, or 60 Greek miles
From Zephyrium to Tripolis 90 stadia. Tournefort says, that Tripolis is 36 miles from Cerasonte. Arrian makes it 240 stadia, or 30 Greek miles.
From Tripolis to Argyria 20 stadia. From Argyria to Philocalea 90 stadia. From Philocalea to Coralla 100 stadia. From Coralla to Hieron Oros 150 stadia. This is called Cape Ioros, or Ioros ​Burun, at present. From Hieron Oros to Cordyla 40 stadia. The Peutingerian Tables make it to be 30 miles from Cordyla to Philocalea. Arrian reckons it to be 290 stadia, or 36¼ miles.
From Cordyla to Hermonassa 45 stadia. From Hermonassa to Trapezus 60 stadia. The Peutingerian Tables make it 15 miles from Trapezus to Cordyla. Arrian makes it 105 stadia, equal to rather more than 13 Greek miles.
Arrian here sums up the account of the distances of the places from one another in his own voyage from Trapezus to Dioscurias, and finds them to amount to 2260 stadia, which number corresponds exactly with the separate accounts of the distances, and is an undeniable proof of the correctness of the numbers specified in the text.
The voyage from Dioscurias to the Cimmerian Bosporus was also, I am inclined to think, performed by Arrian himself in person, on his hearing of the death of King Cotys; and was meant to facilitate any interference which the Roman Government might choose to employ in the affairs of that country. This was professedly his intention; but whether he executed it personally, or not, is not clear.
The first place mentioned in the voyage, northward from Dioscurias, is Pityus, which lies rather to the north-west of Dioscurias, and is the first situation mentioned, Where the coast bends in any considerable degree to the westward, which circumstance is remarked by Strabo, When speaking of the direction of the coast. ​is reckoned by Arrian to be 350 stadia, or 43.75 Greek miles, or about 40 English miles distant from Dioscurias. Strabo agrees nearly herewith, as he makes it 360 stadia, a trifling difference from the calculation of Arrian. There is a place of nearly the same name still on this coast, but it appears much farther to the north than the situation described by Arrian. It probably derived its name from the pine-trees, which still grow in great plenty throughout all that country. It is called by Strabo "the great Pityus," and by Pliny, "oppidum opulentissimum," probably from its sharing with Dioscurias in the trade of the East.
Arrian speaks of Dioscurias as the boundary of the Roman Empire, Whereas Theodoret, who lived in the fifth century, and at least 300 years later than Arrian, and when the Empire was in a declining state, mentions Pityus as the frontier place. It was regarded in still later times as a fortress only, and both this place and Sebastopolis are considered in that light by Procopius, and in the Preface to the 28th Constitution of the Novels of Justinian.
From Pityus to Nitica 150 stadia. Beyond Pityus, Theodoret represents the people, as ferociously savage, and this is probable from Arrian's account of them, as Nitica was the resort or the residence of the Scythian Phthirophagi, or Lice-eaters. Arrian seems to cast an oblique censure on Herodotus, for his account of these people; but they are mentioned both by Strabo and by Pliny, ​without any marks of disbelief of their existence; and it is said, that some modern savages resemble the ancient, and their counterpart monkies, in being fond of this beastly viand. Arrian might certainly have spared his censure of Herodotus, as he owns, that what that Historian relates was the common opinion in his own time.
From Nitica to the river Abascus 90 stadia. This river probably belonged to the Abasgi before mentioned.
From the Abascus to the river Borgys 120 stadia. From the Borgys to the Nefis 60 stadia. Arrian says, that here was the promontory Herculeum. If there be no mistake here, there was another place of the same name about 300 stadia to the northward.
From Nesis to Masætica 90 stadia. From Masætica to the Achæus 60 stadia. Arrian observes, that this river separates the nation of the Zicchi from that of the Sanigæ, and that Satchempax was king of the Zicchi, and nominated by Hadrian, which shews that the Romans interfered in the nomination of kings beyond the limits of their own acknowledged territories.
From the Achæus to Promontorium Herculis 150 stadia. From Promontorium Herculis to another promontory 180 stadia. From the other promontory to ancient Lazica 120 stadia. The Lazi were the old inhabitants of this country, according to Procopius, and changed their name into that of Colchi. These people were in some measure subject: to Rome, as Julius Capitolinus tells us, that ​Antoninus Pius nominated Pacorus to be their king; and it appears from Procopius, that something of the same kind, although probably more in shew than in reality, was continued for many ages afterwards.
From ancient Lazica to ancient Achaia 150 stadia. Strabo intimates, that this name of Achaia was derived from some of the Thessalians of Phthiotis, who settled here at the time of the Argonautic expedition, and that the Lacedæmonians also formed a settlement in Heniochia under their leaders, Rhecas and Amphistratus, who were charioteers to the Dioscuri, or Castor and Pollux; and this circumstance is said to have given occasion to the name Ἡνίοχος; another memorial of the Argonautic expedition.
From ancient Achaia to Pagræ 350 stadia. From Pagræ to the Sacred port 180 stadia. There is a place on this coast, which still retains the name in a kind of mixture of Turkish and Greek, being called Koddos-liman, which has the same meaning. This is about 160 Englisbh miles, or 1400 stadia, in a straight line from Iskouriah, or Dioscurias; but Arrian makes it amount to 1990 stadia. The computation however of these distances may be expected to be less correct, as they refer to places beyond the bounds of the Empire.
From the Sacred port to Sindica 300 stadia. Strabo calls this a port, and one called Sundgik Liman still remains at the distance of about 51 English miles from the Sacred port, which is sufficiently ​near to make it probable that this is the place meant by Arrian Scylax, as Well as Strabo, calls it the Sindic port.
From Sindica to Panticapæum 540 stadia. The distance on the modern maps is about 74 miles, or rather more than 640 stadia. Panticapæum was the principal city of the Cimmerian Bosporus, on the European side, as Phanagoria was on the Asiatic. It was a colony of the Milelians , situated on an eminence, 20 stadia in compass, with a port and a citadel to the eastward. It was in early times a free city, but fell afterwards under the power of Mithridates. It seems however to have been a free city in the time of Arrian. The mouth of the Tanais, where it empties itself into the Black sea, through the Palus Mæotis, forms the Cimmerian Bosporus, and in early times was counted to mark the boundary between Europe and Aisa, as Arrian shews by his quotation from Æschylus.
The whole distance from Dioscurias to Panticapæum is, according to Arrian, 2890 stadia, equal to 331 English miles nearly. According to Arrowsmith's chart, the rectilinear distance is 251 English miles nearly, or about 2200 iisadia. The map of the country between the Black sea and the Caspian makes it 236 miles, and Faden's map 243 English miles.
We now enter upon the European part of this voyage.
From Panticapæum to Cazeca 420 stadia. This is probably the ​place set down in the Russian map under the name of Konezek, as it lies on the sea-coaft, about ⁠3/5⁠, of the Way from Panticapæum to Theodosia.
From Cazeca to Theodosia 280 stadia. Strabo computes the distance between Panticapæum and Theodosia to be 530 stadia. This is nearly true, if it be reckoned in a straight line; but if it be measured round the capes and head-lands, it will agree nearly with that given by Arrian. The account of the distance in Pliny is too corrupt to be depended upon. The author of the fragment of the Periplus of the Euxine sea says, that Theodosia was then called by the Alani, Ardauda, from the seven deities worshipped there, as that word signifies in the Alanic language.
Theodosia was an ancient Greek city, a colony of the Milesians, and, with many cities on this coast, was remarkable for monuments of literature. Arrian remarks, that it was deserted, and probably in ruins, in his time. It still subsists under the name of Kaffa; but whether the modern town stands exactly on the same site with the ancient, is doubtful. It had a good port, and was situated in a fertile country. It recovered itself during the middle ages under the Genoese government, who took it A. D. 1255, and made it an emporium for eastern commodities. It was taken from them by the Turks, A. D. 1474, and is again in decay, although it still subsbsists as a considerable town.
From Theodosia to a port of the Tauro-Scythaz 200 itadia. We are told by Pliny, that there were several of these on this ​coast. They seem to have been the resort of pirates, which was the character of the people. It appears from the fragment of the Periplus above cited, that this place was called Athenæon. In Arrian's time it was deserted.
From the port of the Tauro-Scythæ to Halmitis Taurica 600 stadia. It is somewhat extraordinary that Arrian should pass by the celebrated promontory of Criu-Metopon unnoticed, which lies between the port last mentioned and Halmitis Taurica, and is opposite nearly to the promontory of Carambis on the south side, and, as it were, divides the Euxine sea into two parts.
From Halmitis to Symboli Portus 520 stadia. This was, according to Strabo, a piratical sea-port, belonging to the ancient Scythians.
From Symboli Portus to Cherronesus Taurica 180 stadia. This was a colony from Heraclea, situated on the south-west part of the peninsula. It was called Cherson by the late writers, as Zonaras, Procopius, and others. It is not, however, the same place with the one which has at present that name, that being situated on the Western side of the Borysthenes.
From Cherronesus Taurica to Cercinetis 600 stadia. From Cercinetis to Calus 700 stadia. From Calus to Tamyraca 300 stadia. There is here a road or station for ships, according to Strabo. This place was, at an early period, the capital city of Sarmatia Europæa. ​From Tamyraca to the Ostium Paludis 300 stadia. The marsh here alluded to is formed by the peninsula of Dromos Achillisrunning parallel with the ihore to the westward.
From the Ostium Paludis to Æona 380 stadia. From Æona to the Borysthenes 150 stadia. Arrian mentions Olbia, which lies on the western side of the Borysthenes, near its mouth, which was a Greek city, and in the time of Strabo a place of great trade, and an emporium for manufactures. It was also called Borysthenes, and seems to have been situated nearly where Ockzakow now stands.
From the Borysthenes to a desert island 60 stadia. From the desert island to Odessus 80 stadia. This is called Odessus, or Ordessus, by Ptolemy, and is described by him as lying on the river Axiacus, which does not disagree with the situation assigned by Arrian.
From Odessus to the Portus Istrianorum 250 stadia. From the Portus Istrianorum to the Portus Isiacorum 50 stadia. From the Portus Isiacorum to the Psilon Os Istri 1200 stadia. The intermediate country was desert, and without a a name. This mouth, as the name implied, was the smallest of the mouths of the Danube, and seems now to be nearly choaked up. It is called Kilia-Bogasi in Arrowsmiths chart, and lies in Lat. 45° 28′, and in Long. east from Greenwich, 29° 15′, and from Ferro 47° 0′ 50″.
From the Os Psilon to the second mouth of the Danube 60 stadia. Some of the modern maps mark out five mouths of the Danube; but Arrowsmith's chart notices four only. The second mouth is ​called Ruiki Bogasi, and is said to be the deepest. To the north of the first mouth lay the island of Achilles, which Arrian seems to have mistaken for the Dromos, or Course of Achilles, which was a peninsula to the north of the island. The island was called Leuce, or white, from its colour, and is noticed under that name by Ptolemy. It seems the same that is at present called Ilan-Adassi, or Serpents Island. Arrian spends more words in the description of this insignificant place than it seems to merit; but as he has thought proper to do so, I shall notice what he says. It appears to have been inhabited in his time by a few goats only; but there was a temple in it, which contained many votive offerings, as cups, rings, and precious stones. There were likewise inscriptions, both in the Greek and Latin languages, hung up in the temple, in honour both of Achilles and of Patroclus; and sacrifices were performed there, which shews that the superstition continued until the time of Arrian, and is another instance of the preservation of the ancient Greek traditions in this country. He remarks, that the fiery vapours, which are probably electrical, and which are frequently seen in the Mediterranean sea, playing about the masts, yards, and rigging of the ship, which went formerly under the name of Castor and Pollux, and are now called the fires of St. Helmo, were seen about this island, and were then called the fires of Achilles, and were at that time thought, as they have been in later times, to foretell a prosperous voyage.
From the second mouth of the Danube to the one called Κάλον 40 stadia. From the mouth called Κάλον to the one called Νάρακον ​60 stadia. From the mouth last mentioned to the fifth mouth 120 stadia. Arrian makes only five mouths to the Danube, but Pliny and Ptolemy reckon six. The names assigned by Pliny are, 1. Spireostoma; 2. Boreostoma; 3. Pseudostoma; 4. Calostoma; 5. Naracostoma; 6. Peuce. . Pliny says, that the fifth mouth was so called, "a congelatis et stupidis piscibus, quarum ibi magna copia "reperitur." The sixth mouth is probably so called from the pine trees, which grow plentifully on all the sides of the Euxine sea; The names given by Ptolemy agree nearly with those of Pliny.
| Names of the mouths | Names of the mouths | Longitude | Latitude | | Distances. |
| From | Πεύκη | 55° 20′ | 46° 30′ | Latin copy and greek agree | 36.5 Eng. miles. |
| To From | Ἱερὸν | 56° | 46° 45′ | Latin copy and greek agree | 54 Eng. miles. |
| To From | Θιαγόλα | 55° 20′ | 47° 15′ | Latin copy | 26 Eng. miles. |
| To From | Θιαγόλα | 56° 15′ | 47° | Greek copy | 26 Eng. miles. |
| To From | Θιαγόλα ψιλὸς | 56° 15′ | 47° | Latin copy and greek agree | 21 Eng. miles. |
| To From | Βορείον | 56° 30′ | 46° 45′ | Latin copy | 47.5 Eng. miles. Gr. Copy |
| To From | Βορείον | 56° 15′ | 47° | Greek copy | 47.5 Eng. miles. Gr. Copy |
| To From | Ἰναριακίον | 56° 20′ | 46° 20′ | Latin copy and greek agree | 26 Eng. miles. |
| To From | Ψευδόϛομον | 56° 15′ | 46° 40′ | Latin copy and greek agree | 11.5 Eng. miles. |
| To | Καλὸν | 56° 15′ | 46° 30′ | Latin copy and greek agree | Total 204.5 English miles, very incorrect. |
Arrian makes this distance to be only 280 stadia, a wide difference from the computation of Ptolemy.
Arrowsmith's chart, and that of Laurie and Whittle, make only four mouths of the Danube; but Faden's map makes them to be five, one of them a branch of one of the other mouths, and ​which I suppose to be the one called (probably from that circumstance) Pseudoiizoma, by Pliny and Ptolemy.
Distance according to Arrowsmith's chart,
| From the first mouth Bogaii) to the second, called Sulina Bogaii, | 16′ | |
| From the second to the third, Ghiurcheri, | 17′ | |
| From the third to the fourth, Vizi Bogasi, | 7′ | 30″ |
| | 40′ | 30″ |
| Equal to 47 miles, or about 409 stadia. |||
Laurie and Whittle's chart varies but little, and these calculations are a kind of mean between those of Arrian and of Ptolemy. It is possible that the river may have changed its course, and some of the mouths be blocked up, or choaked with soil and sand, brought down by the current.
The fifth mouth of Arrian is the same with the iixth of Pliny and of Ptolemy. Strabo makes seven mouths, and about 300 stadia, or about 37½ Greek miles, or 34¼ English miles from the first to the seventh. He reckons the order of them in an opposite direction to Arrian, as he counts the most southerly to be the first.
From the fifth mouth to the city of Istria 500 stadia. Strabo says, that from Pence to Istria is 500 stadia. D'Anville makes it to be 400 stadia only, which is nearly the distance which a place called Vistar, or Vistwar, measures on modern maps. Perhaps this may be the site of the ancient city of Istria, or Isiropolis, although the distances do not exactly agree.
​From Istria to Tomi 300 stadia. This is set down in the Peutingerian Tables at 40 Greek miles, equal to 320 stadia, agreeing nearly with Arrian. Antoninus°s Itinerary makes it to be 36 miles, or 288 stadia, which approaches still nearer to Arrian. Strabo makes it to be only 250 stadia, or 313 Greek miles. From the mouth of the river, on which Vistwar is situated, to Baba, or Tomiswar, is, by Laurie and Whittle's chart, 34 English miles, equal to 37 Greek miles nearly, and very near 300 stadia. Tomi seems to have been a more considerable place at the time the Peutingerian Tables were constructed, than it was in that of Ovid. Hoffman says, in his Lexicon, that there is a lake there, which in its name (Ouvido Jezeoro) carries some memorial of that poet. The name of Tomi bears, according to Ovid, a testimony respecting the Argonautic expedition. Perhaps Tomi might have become more considerable after the removal of the imperial feat to Constantinople, from its neighbourhood to that city.
From Tomi to Callantra 300 stadia. This appears to be the Callatis of other authors. Strabo makes this distance to be 280 stadia, or 35 Greek miles. The Peutingerian Tables make it to be 34 Greek miles, equal to 272 stadia. The Itinerary makes it 30 Greek miles, or 240 stadia. The distance from Tomi to Callatis is, in D'Anville's map, about 280 stadia. In Arrowsmith's chart, ​the distance from Tomiswar to Mankala is 31¼ English miles, equal nearly to 273 stadia, which makes it likely to be the same place.
From Callantra to Carus Portus 180 stadia. From Carus to Tetrisias Arca 120 stadia. This is probably the place called Trissa in the Peutingerian Tables, and is placed 24 miles from Callantra, or Callatis. It is called Tirisitria Promontorium by Ptolemy, and Tirstis by Mela.
From Tetrisias to Bizus 60 stadia. This is called Bizon in Pliny, and is said by him to have been swallowed up by an earthquake It is called Bihone in the Peutingerian Tables, and is put down as 12 miles distant from Trissa.
From Bizus to Dionysopolis 80 stadia. This distance is marked 12 miles, or 96 stadia, in the Peutingerian Tables. The Itinerary makes it 42 miles from Callatis to Dionysopolis, equal to 336 stadia. Arrian makes it 440 stadia. From Tomi to Varna, or Dionysopolis, measures on the map 97 English miles, allowing for the doubling of the Cape. In Arrowsmith's chart, it measures 91 miles, or nearly 800 itadia. Arrian makes it to be 740 stadia, or nearly 85 English miles. It was formerly called Κρυνος from the springs of water in its neighbourhood; and afterwards Dionysopolis, from a statue of Bacchus being there cast up by the sea.
From Dionysopolis to Odessus 200 stadia. This distance is marked in the Itinerary, 24 m. p. which agrees nearly with Arrian. ​In the Peutingerian Tables it seems to be 32 m. p. equal to 256 stadia. Cedrenus the historian says, that in the eighteenth year of the Emperor Justinian, A. D. 544, the sea inundated the cities of Dionysopolis and Odeissus.
From Odessus to the foot of Mount Heemus, 360 stadia. This place is called Mesembria by Strabo, and in the Peutingerian Tables. In the latter the distance is set down as 43 miles, equal to 344 stadia, not very different from Arrian's calculation. Arrian, however, places Mesembria farther on towards Apollonian.
From the foot of Mount Hæmus to Mesembria 90 stadia. This place retains, in some degree, its ancient name, being called Msfeure, Miseuria, or Miseurin.
From Mesembria to Anchialus 70 stadia. This distance is set down in the Peutingerian Tables at 12 miles, or 96 stadia.
From Anchialus to Apollonian 180 stadia. The Peutingerian Tables count this distance to be 18 miles, or 144 stadia. Laurie and Whittle's chart makes it to be about 14 English miles, or 112 stadia. Arrowsmith's chart does not make it to be so much.
Strabo accounts the distance from Callatis to Apollonian to be 1300 stadia. Arrian makes it to be 1340, a remarkable coincidence, which argues strongly, that the stadia used by Arrian and Strabo were the same. The Peutingerian Tables reckon it at 153 miles, ​or 1224 stadia . Arrowsmith's chart makes it to be in a straight line 113 English miles, equal nearly to 123 Greek miles, or 984 stadia only. Pliny reckons it at 188 miles, or about 1504 stadia. It is now called Sizeboli. Apollonian was a colony of the Milesians, and formerly remarkable for a colossal statue of Apollo, which Lucullus carried away, and placed in the Capitol. It was 30 cubits high, (equal, if Roman measure, to 43.5 English feet,) and cost 550 talents, equal to 105,562 pounds sterling.
From Apollonian to Cherronesus 60 stadia. From Cherronesus to Aulai-tichos 250 stadia. From Aulai-tichos to Thynias 120 stadia. This seems to have been a colony from Apollonian. The island of Thynias on the south side of the Euxine sea was sacred to Apollo, and called Apollonian. There is still a cape Thyniada in this situation. It is called a promontory by Ptolemy.
From Thynias to Salmydessus 200 stadia. Strabo says, that it is 700 stadia from hence to the Cyaneae Insulæ. According to Arrian, it is 650 stadia. Strabo says, the coast is desert, stony, without harbours, and exposed to the north wind, which may account for ​the great degree of cold mentioned by Ovid and by Xenophon in this country, which might otherwise appear rather extraordinary in a latitude not exceeding 43 degrees. Salmydessus has somewhat of the old name prebserved in Midiah, (Midjeh, Arrowsmith,) a place built on the same spot. Xenophon, in the passage alluded to in the text of Arrian, says, that many ships, upon their arrival in the Euxine sea, strike, and are driven ashore, the coast being full of shoals, that run a considerable way into the sea. The Thracian's, who inhabit this coast, raise pillars, and every man plunders the wreck that is cast upon his own coast. Salmydesssus is mentioned by Æschylus in the Prometheus, with much the same character as is here ascribed to it; but the place there meant is said to be on the eastern side of the Propontis, and near to the river Thermodon.
From Salmydessus to Phrygia 330 stadia. This place is called Philea in Anonymi Periplus Maris Euxini, and Philias in the Peutingerian Tables. A place called Pliilin now stands on the same spot, which is in the modern maps nearly 40 English miles, or 349 stadia, from Salmydeissus.
From Phrygia to the Cyanean rocks 320 stadia. These are now called Urek Tachi.
From the Cyanean rocks to the Fanum Jovis Urii 40 stadia. ​From the Fanum Jovis Urii to Daphne 40 stadia; From Daphne to Byzantium 80 stadia.
Table of the Distances of the Philosophy mentioned in the Periplus of Arrian, one from another, together with their Latitudes and Longitudes, according to Ptolemy, and to modern observation.
From TRAPEZUS to DIOSCURIAS.
| From | to | Distance in stadia | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. |
| Trapwzus | Hyffus | 180 | 70 | 50 | 0 | | 43 | 5 | 0 | | 57 | 28 | 0 | Arrows. | 41 | 2 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | 70 | 45 | 0 | L. c | 43 | 6 | 0 | L. c. | | | | | | | | |
| Hyffus | Ophis | 90 | 71 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 0 | 0 | | 58 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 7 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | 70 | 30 | 0 | L.c. | 43 | 20 | 0 | L.c. | | | | | | | | |
| Ophis | Pfychrus | 30 | 71 | 0 | 0 | L. c. | 43 | 25 | 0 | | 57 | 55 | 50 | Arrows. | 41 | 3 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | | | | | 41 | 26 | 0 | L. c. | | | | | | | | |
| Psychrus | Calus | 30 | 67 | 20 | 0 | | 47 | 20 | 0 | | 58 | 12 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Calus | Rhizius | 120 | | | | | | | | | 58 | 12 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 2 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Rhizius | Ascurus | 30 | 71 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 10 | 0 | | 58 | 3 | 50 | Arrows. | 41 | 10 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | 71 | 10 | 0 | L. c. | 43 | 36 | 0 | L. c. | 58 | 6 | 0 | Rus. map | 41 | 12 | 0 | Rus. map |
| | | | | | | | | | | | 58 | 28 | 24 | D'Anv. | 40 | 10 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Ascurus | Adienus | 60 | | | | | | | | | 58 | 34 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 11 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Adienus | Athenæ | 180 | | | | | | | | | 58 | 45 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 16 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Athenæ | Prytanis | 40 | 71 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 15 | 0 | | 58 | 25 | 50 | Arrows. | 41 | 15 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | | | | | 43 | 45 | 0 | L. c. | 59 | 3 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 19 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Prytanis | Pyxites | 90 | | | | | | | | | 59 | 10 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 20 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Pyxites | Archabis | 90 | | | | | | | | | 59 | 23 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 20 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Archabis | Apsarus | 60 | 61 | 59 | 0 | | 44 | 0 | 0 | | 59 | 35 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 25 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | 52 | 0 | 0 | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Apsarus | Acampfis | 15 | 72 | 20 | 0 | | 44 | 20 | 0 | | 59 | 7 | 0 | Rus. map | 41 | 37 | 0 | Rus. map |
| | | | | | | | 44 | 40 | 0 | | | | | | ​ | ​ | ​ | ​ |
| Acampfis | Bathys | 75 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Bathys | Acinacis | 90 | | | | | | | | | 59 | 9 | 0 | Rus, map | 41 | 40 | 0 | Rus, map |
| | | | | | | | 60 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 40 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Acinacis | Isis | 90 | | | | | | | | | 60 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 40 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Isis | Morgus | 90 | | | | | | | | | 60 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 40 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Morgus | Phasis | 90 | | | | | | | | | 60 | 7 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 55 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Phasis | Chariens | 90 | 72 | 30 | 0 | | 44 | 45 | 0 | | 59 | 5 | 50 | Arrows. | 42 | 25 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | | | | | | | | | 59 | 5 | 0 | Rus. map | 42 | 25 | 0 | Rus. map |
| Chariens | Chobus | 90 | 72 | 0 | 0 | | 45 | 15 | 0 | | 60 | 20 | 0 | D'Anv. | 42 | 37 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Chobus | Singames | 210 | | | | | | | | | 60 | 18 | 0 | D'Anv. | 42 | 22 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Singames | Tarfura | 120 | | | | | | | | | 60 | 16 | 0 | D'Anv. | 42 | 47 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Tarsua | Hippus | 150 | | | | | | | | | 60 | 16 | 0 | D'Anv | 42 | 57 | 0 | D'Anv |
| Hippus | Astelephus | 30 | 58 | 20 | 0 | | 42 | 15 | 0 | | 60 | 4 | 0 | D'Anv. | 43 | 2 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | 58 | 40 | 0 | L.c. | 42 | 45 | 0 | L.c. | | | | | | | | |
| Astelephus | Dioscurias | 120 | | | | | | | | | 60 | 2 | 0 | D'Anv. | 43 | 8 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Dioscurias | | | 72 | 20 | 0 | | 41 | 45 | 0 | | 58 | 31 | 50 | Arrows. | 43 | 18 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | | | | | 44 | 45 | | L. c | 58 | 0 | 0 | Rus. map | 43 | 23 | 0 | Rus. map |
| Trapezus | Dioscurias | 2260 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
From BYZANTIUM to TRAPEZUS.
| From | to | Distance in stadia | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. |
| Byzantium | Fanum Jovis Urii | 120 | 56 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 5 | 0 | | 46 | 39 | 39 | | 41 | 1 | 0 | Blair's Geog. | 41 | 1 | 24 | Requis. Tables. |
| Fanum Jovis Urii | Rhebasi | 90 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Rhebas | Aera Melæna | 150 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Aera Melæna | Artanes | 150 | 56 | 20 | 0 | | 43 | 35 | 0 | | 47 | 15 | 50 | Arrows. | 41 | 6 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | | | | | 43 | 45 | 0 | L. c. | 47 | 16 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Artanes | Psilis | 150 | 57 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 5 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Psilis | Port. Calpes | 210 | 57 | 15 | 0 | | 43 | 5 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | 43 | 15 | 0 | L. c. | | | | | | | | |
| Port. Calpes | Rhoe | 20 | 57 | 20 | 0 | | 43 | 5 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Rhoe | Apollonian | 20 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Apollonia | Chelæ | 20 | 54 | 50 | 0 | | 44 | 20 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Chelæ | Ost. Sangarii | 180 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Ost Sangarii | Hippi | 180 | 58 | 0 | 0 | | 42 | 15 | 0 | | 48 | 47 | 0 | D'Anv. | 40 | 53 | 0 | D'Anv. ​ |
| Ost. Hippi | Lilium Emporium | 100 | 71 | 0 | 0 | l. v. cap 10. | 46 | 30 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | 58 | 20 | 0 | | 42 | 45 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | 58 | 40 | 0 | L.c. l.v. cap. 1. | 42 | 15 | 0 | L c | | | | | | | | |
| Lilium Emporium | Elæum | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Elæum | Cales Emporium | 120 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Cales Emporium | Lycus fluv. | 80 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Lycus. fluv | Heraclea | 20 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Heraclea | Metroum | 80 | 59 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 10 | 0 | | 50 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | | | | | | | | | 49 | 10 | 0 | Arrows. | 41 | 10 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Metroum | Posidæum | 40 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Posidæum | Tyndaridæ | 45 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Tyndaridæ | Nymphæum | 15 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Nymphæum | Oxinas | 30 | 63 | 45 | 0 | | 47 | 3 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Oxinas | Sandraca | 90 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Sandanca | Crendia | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Crenides | Psylla Emporium | 30 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Psylla Emporium | Tios | 90 | 59 | 30 | 0 | | 43 | 10 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Tios | Bilæus fluv | 20 | 60 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 10 | 0 | | 50 | 30 | 0 | D'Anv | 41 | 12 | 0 | D'Anv |
| | | | 59 | 56 | 0 | L. c. | 43 | 30 | 0 | L. c. | | | | | ​ | ​ | ​ | ​ |
| Billæus fluv. | Parthenius fluv. | 100 | | | | | | | | | 49 | 52 | 50 | | 41 | 36 | 0 | Arrows |
| Parthenius fluv. | Amastris | 90 | 60 | 15 | 9 | | 43 | 10 | 0 | | 50 | 3 | 50 | | 41 | 39 | 0 | Arrows |
| Amastris | Erythinus | 60 | 62 | 10 | 0 | | 43 | 10 | 0 | | 50 | 12 | 50 | Arrows. | 41 | 45 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | | | | | | | | | 51 | 0 | 0 | D' anv. | | | | |
| Erythinus | Cromna | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Cromna | Cytorus | 90 | 61 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 15 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Cytorius | Ægialoa | 60 | 61 | 0 | 0 | | 41 | 20 | 0 | | 53 | 39 | 50 | Arrows. | 41 | 54 | 50 | Arrows. |
| Ægialoa | Thymena | 90 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Thymeria | Canmbris | 120 | | | | | | | | | 50 | 59 | 50 | | 42 | 11 | 24 | |
| Crambis | Zephyrium | 60 | 61 | 20 | 0 | | 41 | 25 | 0 | | 52 | 0 | 0 | D' Anv. | 41 | 36 | 0 | D' Anv. |
| | | | | | | | 44 | 26 | 0 | L.c. | 51 | 6 | 0 | Arrows. | 42 | 23 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Zephyrium | Abonitichos | 150 | 61 | 10 | 0 | | 41 | 15 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | 61 | 30 | 0 | | 44 | 20 | 0 | L.c. | | | | | | | | |
| Abonitichos | Æginetis | 150 | 62 | 2 | 0 | | 41 | 25 | 0 | | 52 | 8 | 0 | | 41 | 20 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | | | | | 44 | 0 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Æginetis | Cinolis | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Cinolis | Stephanes | 180 | 61 | 20 | 0 | | 40 | 15 | 0 | | 51 | 57 | 50 | | 42 | 3 | 0 | |
| Stephanes | Potamos | 150 | 63 | 20 | 0 | | 43 | 56 | 0 | | 52 | 53 | 50 | | 42 | 16 | 0 | |
| | | | | | | | 43 | 25 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Potamos | Leptis Acra | 120 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Leptis Acra | Harmene | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Harmene | Sinope | 40 | 62 | 25 | 0 | | 40 | 25 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Sinope | CarusA | 150 | 63 | 10 | 0 | | 44 | 0 | 0 | | 52 | 60 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | | | | | | | | | 52 | 53 | 20 | Arrows. | 42 | 1 | 48 | Arrows. ​ |
| Carusa | Zagora | 150 | | | | | | | | | 53 | 2 | 50 | | 41 | 45 | 5 | |
| Zagora | Halys fluv. | 300 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Halys fluv | Naustathmus | 90 | 64 | 10 | 0 | | 43 | 10 | 0 | | 53 | 20 | 0 | | 40 | 26 | 0 | |
| Naustathmus | Conopæum | 50 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Conopæum | Eusene | 120 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Eusene | Amisus | 160 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Amisus | Ancon | 360 | 65 | 0 | 0 | | 45 | 0 | 0 | | 54 | 0 | 0 | D'anv | 40 | 10 | 0 | D'anv |
| | | | | | | | | | | | 54 | 8 | 50 | Arrows | 41 | 7 | 0 | Arrows |
| Ancon | Heracleum | 40 | 66 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 0 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Heracleum | Thermodon | 40 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Thermoden | Beris | 90 | 67 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 15 | 0 | | 54 | 45 | 50 | | 40 | 58 | 0 | |
| Beris | Thoaris | 160 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Thoaris | Œnoe | 30 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| œnoe | Phigamus | 40 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Phigamus | Phadisama | 150 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Phadisima | Polemonium | 10 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Polemonium | Jasonium | 130 | 67 | 15 | 0 | | 43 | 5 | 0 | | 55 | 19 | 0 | | 40 | 57 | 0 | |
| Jasonium | Insula Cilicum | 15 | 68 | 20 | 0 | | 43 | 15 | 0 | | 55 | 26 | 50 | Arrows. | 41 | 1 | 0 | Arrows. ​| |
| Infula Cilicum | Boona | 75 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Boona | Cotyora | 90 | | | | | | | | | 55 | 33 | 50 | Arrows. | 41 | 5 | 36 | Arrows. |
| Cotyora | Melanthius | 60 | 67 | 5 | 0 | | 43 | 5 | 0 | | | | | |
| Melanthius | Pharmatenus | 150 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Pharmatenus | Pharnacea | 120 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Pharnacea | Arrhentias | 30 | 58 | 10 | 0 | G.c | 43 | 20 | 0 | | 56 | 5 | 50 | Arrows. | 40 | 51 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Arrhentis | Zephyrium | 120 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Zephyrium | Tripoli | 90 | 68 | 20 | 0 | | 43 | 0 | 0 | | 56 | 20 | 50 | Arrows. | 40 | 58 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Tripolis | Argyria | 20 | | | | | | | | | 56 | 37 | 50 | Arrows. | 40 | 46 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Argyria | Philocalea | 90 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Philocalea | Coralla | 100 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Coralla | Ἱερὸν ὄρος | 150 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Ἱερὸν ὄρος | Cordyla | 40 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Cordyla | Hermnonassa | 45 | 71 | 20 | 0 | | 43 | 15 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Hermonaissa | Trapezus | 60 | 68 | 0 | 0 | | 43 | 0 | 0 | | | | | | | | | |
| Byzantium | Trapezus | 7055 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
From DIOSCURIAS to the CIMMERIAN BOSPORUS.
| From | to | Distance in stadia | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. |
| Dioscurias | Pityus | 350 | 72 | 20 | 0 | 41 | 45 | 0 | 60 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. | 43 | 18 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | | | | | | | 58 | 15 | 0 | Arrows. | 43 | 18 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Pityua | Nitica | 150 | | | | | | | 59 | 2 | 0 | D'Anv. | 43 | 20 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | | | | | | | 57 | 23 | 50 | Arrows. | 43 | 20 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Nitica | Abascua | 90 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Abascus | Borgys | 120 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Borgys | Nesis | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Nesis | Masætica | 99 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Masætica | Achaæus | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Achæus | Prom. Hercul. | 150 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Prom. Hercul. | Aliud Prom. | 180 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Alud Prom. | Vetus Lazica | 150 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Vetus Lazica | Achia Antiqua | 150 | | | | | | | 57 | 20 | 0 | D'anv. | 43 | 30 | 0 | D'anv. |
| Achaia Antiqua | Pagræ | 150 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Pagræ | Sacer Portus | 180 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Sacer Portus | Sindica | 300 | | | | | | | 55 | 15 | 20 | Arrows. | 44 | 5 | 0 | -style="border-bottom:1px solid;vertical-align:top;" | Sindica | Bosporus Cimmerius | 540 | 54 | 30 | 50 | Arrows. | 44 | 42 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Bosporus Cimmerius | Tanaidos Ostium | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Dioscurias | Bosporus Cimmerius | 2890 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
From PANTICAPÆUM to FANUM JOVIS URII.
| From | to | Distance in stadia | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Longitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Latitude according to Ptolmey | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Longitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. | Modern Latitude. |
| Panticapæum | Cazeca | 420 | 64 | 0 | 0 | 47 | 55 | 0 | 44 | 11 | 50 | | 45 | 21 | 0 | |
| Cazeca | Theodosia | 280 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Theodosia | Port. Tauro-Scytharum | 200 | 63 | 20 | 0 | 47 | 20 | 0 | 52 | 56 | 50 | Arrows. | 45 | 5 | 0 | Arrows. |
| | | | | | | | | | 53 | 6 | 0 | Ruf map | 45 | 20 | 0 | Ruf map. |
| Port. Tauro-Scytharum | Halmilis Taurica | 600 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Halmitis Taurica | Symboli Portus | 520 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Symboli Portus | Cherronesus Taurica | 180 | 61 | 0 | 0 | 47 | 15 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Cherronesus Taurica | Cercinetis | 600 | 61 | 0 | 0 | 47 | 0 | 0 | | | | | | | | ​ |
| Cercinetis | Calus | 700 | 59 | 40 | 0 | 48 | 30 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Calus | Tamyraca | 300 | 59 | 90 | 0 | 48 | 0 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Tamyaraca | Ost Paludis | 300 | 59 | 20 | 0 | 48 | 30 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Ost Paludis | Eona | 380 | 63 | 0 | 0 | 48 | 20 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Eona | Borythnes | 150 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Borythesnes | In{{ls}]ula Deserta | 60 | 57 | 0 | 0 | 49 | 0 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Insula Deserta | Odessus | 80 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Odessfus | Port. Istrianorum | 250 | 54 | 50 | 0 | 45 | 15 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Port.Istrianorum | Portus Ifiracorum | 50 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Portus Ifiacorum | Psilon Os Istri | 1200 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Psilon Os Istri | Secundum Os Istri | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Secundum Os Istri | Calon Os Istri | 40 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Calon Os Istri | Naracum | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Naracum | Quintum Os Istri | 120 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Quintum Os Istri | Istria | 500 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Istria | Tomea | 300 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ​ |
| Tomea | Callantra | 300 | 55 | 0 | 0 | 45 | 50 | 0 | 46 | 0 | 0 | D'Anv. | 44 | 29 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| Callantra | Carus Portus | 180 | 54 | 40 | 0 | 45 | 30 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Carus Portus | Tetrisus | 120 | 54 | 40 | 0 | 45 | 30 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Tetrisus | Bizus | 60 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Bizus | Dionysopolis | 80 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Dionysopolis | Odessus | 200 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Odessus | Prom. of Mount Hæmus | 360 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Prom. of Mount | Hæmus Mesembria | 90 | | | | | | | 46 | 50 | 0 | Arrows. | 42 | 28 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Mesembria | Anchialus | 70 | 55 | 0 | 0 | 44 | 40 | 0 | 46 | 27 | 0 | | 42 | 25 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Anchialus | Apollonia | 180 | 54 | 45 | 0 | 44 | 30 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Apollonia | Cherrones | 60 | 54 | 50 | 0 | 44 | 20 | 0 | 45 | 40 | 0 | | 42 | 20 | 0 | |
| Cherronesus | Aulitichos | 250 | 55 | 0 | 0 | 44 | 40 | 0 | 46 | 32 | 0 | | 42 | 19 | 0 | |
| Aulaitichos | Thynias | 120 | 45 | 24 | 0 | 42 | 2 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Thynias | Salmydessus | 200 | 57 | 40 | 0 | 43 | 26 | 0 | 45 | 33 | 0 | | 41 | 54 | 0 | |
| | | | | | | 43 | 20 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Salmydessus | Phrygia | 330 | 55 | 20 | 0 | 43 | 40 | 0 | 45 | 40 | 0 | | 41 | 45 | 0 | Arrows. |
| Phygia | Cyaneæ | 320 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ​ |
| Cyanæ | Fanum Jovis Urii | 40 | 56 | 30 | 0 | 43 | 26 | 0 | 47 | 10 | 0 | D'Anv. | 41 | 10 | 0 | D'Anv. |
| | | | 56 | 10 | 0 | 43 | 25 | 0 | | | | | | | | |
| Fannum Jovis Urii | Daphne | 40 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Daphne | Byzantium | 80 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| Pantiacpæum | Fanum Jovis Urii | 10,310 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | Stadia. |
| From Trapezus to Dioscurias | 2260 |
| From Fanum ]ovis Urii to Trapezua | 6935 |
| From Dioscurias to Bosporus Cimmerius | 2890 |
| From Panticapæum to Fanum Jovis Urii | 10,310 |
| Circuit of the Euxine sea | 22,395 | =2564 English miles nearly. |
* ↑ Dio. Caff. ad lin. Vit. Hadr. Imp.
* ↑ Suidæ Lex. Vox Ἀῤῥιανός.
* ↑ Lucian in Pardomante.
* ↑ Suidæ Lex. ut supra.
* ↑ Imbutusque Hadria nus impensius Græis studiis, ingenio ejus sic ad ea. declinante, ut a nonnullis Græulusdiceretur. Spartian. Vit. Hadr. Φύσει δὶ φιλόλογος ἦν ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ τῇ γλώσσῃ Suid Lex. Vox Ἀδριανός
* ↑ See Casaubon's note on the above passge of Spartian.
* ↑ D'Arville, Ancient Geogr. Map of Asia Minor.—Arrowsmith's Chart places Diosculris nearly in Lat 43° 19′, and in 58° 17′ 50″ E. Long from Ferro.
* ↑ The dimensions of the Euxine sea have been variously represented. I here give the best account of its length and breadth I am able to collect from modern writers and geographers. First then of its length. Its, greatest length, as measured nearly on a parallel of Latitude from East to West, seems to be from the mouth of the Phasis to the corresponding Latitude on the opposite side. According to Laurie's Chart, the mouth of the Phasis lies in Long. 41° 33′ East and Varna on the opposite side lies in Long. 28° 13′ East. The difference of these is 13° 2.5′, which in Latit. 42° 30′ amounts nearly to 687 English miles. Fadwn's Map of Turkey in Europe makes the mouth of the Phasis to be in Longit. 41° 18′, and Varna to be in 23° 4′ The difference of these is 13° 4′, or nearly 669 English miles and a half. D'Anville places the mouth of the Phasis in Longitude from London 42° 31′ 10″, and the opposite shore (in the same Latitude) in 28° 46′ 10″, The difference of these is 13° 45′, equal to 703.564 English miles, Arrowsmith's Chart puts down the mouth of the Phasis in Long. 41° 21′ 30″, and the opposite shore on the parallel of 42° in nearly 28°. The difference of these is 13° 21′ 30″, equal to 687 English miles and a half nearly. According to Citizen Beau champ, the length of the Black sea is 214 nautical leagues, equal to 642′, equal to 740.44 English miles nearly: but I think this calculation over-rated. He computes from the mouth of the Phasis to the meridian of Trebizond 32.6 leagues, equal to 97′.8, equal to 113 English miles nearly: but the Charts make the difference of Longitude between Trebizond and the Phasis to be no more than 1° 40′, equal to 86 English miles nearly, which makes a difference of 27 English miles in that portion of the distance. It must however be considered, that as Varna lies 1° 14′ to the North of the Phasis, he estimates the distance from S. E. to N. W. but this obliquity will only make the whole distance to be 690 English miles, which is 50 English miles short of what he specifies.
* ↑ In like manner Themitlocles directed the pulpit for public orations to be turned towards the sea. Plut. Vit. Themist.
* ↑ Lib. vi. cap. 4.
* ↑ In the Peutingerian Tables it is spelt Nyffilime, which can mean nothing but Ὑσσοῦ λιμὴν Hyffus portus.
* ↑ Pliny. calls Opium, Opion. Lib. xx.
* ↑ This place is called Opiunte in the Peutingerim Tables.
* ↑ See Tourneforts Travels in Georgia.
* ↑ Τοῦ δ' ἤτοι ἄνθος μὲν ὄσον πηχύιον ὕπερθε Χροιῇ Κωρυκίῳ ἴκελον κρόκῳ ἐξεφαάνθη. Argon. lib. iii. ver. 854A
* ↑ Porto opii faciundi hæc ratio est. Cum ros in eo exaruerit. cultro decussatim in stellas ne penitus adigatur, ex obliquo in rectum summam cutem incidere oportet, lacrimam exeuntem digito in ooncham abstergere. Dioscor. Matthioli Edit. p. 526. Constantine, in his Lexicon, Vox Ὄπος, reads a passage in Pliny, respecting the collection of Opium, "in conchis, " instead of "ut lactucis."
* ↑ Legitur ad hunc modum succus. Capite exmpto radix in testudinis speciem cultro excavatur, quo fit ut in cavum confluat succus, qui conchis demum excipitur. Matth. Diosc. p. 610.
* ↑ The method of collecting the Scammony is this: having cleared away the earth from about the upper part of the root, they cut of the top in an oblique direction, about two inches below when the stalks spring from it. Under the most depending part of the Dope they fix a sbell, or some other convenient receptacle, into which the milky juice gradually flows. Med. Observ. vol. i. p. 18.
* ↑ Aliqui capita ipsa et folia tundunt et prelo exprimunt, terentesque digerunt mortario in pastillos, id Meconium vooatur, multum Opio ignavius. Matth. Diosc. p. 526.
* ↑ Cum capita ipsa et folia deeoqmmtuf, succus Meconium vocatur lnnltum Opio ignavior. Plin. lib xx. cap. 18. Suidas and Czlius Rhodoginus both mention a city of the name of Μηκώνη, derived probably from the abundant: of that grew in the neighbourhood.
* ↑ Plin. lib. uv. c. a. 6. 19.
* ↑ Edin. Med. Essays, vol. v. It is remarkable that many of the coins of the cities situated upon the southern coast of the Black Sea have a reference to medicine. Tournefort says, "that many of the medals of Amastrisare in honour of physic, as a great many Esculapius's with sticks, round which a serpent is winded, and of the Goddess of Health with the serpents." The same may be said of the coins of Tios, Abonitichos,and other places on the same coast.
* ↑ Tourneforts Trav. vol. iii. p. 75. Eng. Transl.
* ↑ Ψυχρὸς, cold. Arislotle mentions a river of the same name in Thrace, probably so called for the same reason. His. Anim. lib. xii. c. 12.
* ↑ From Trapezus to Nyffilime 24, m. p.   Nyffilime — Opiunte 18   Opiunte — Reila 15   Reila — Ardinco 8   Ardinco — Athenis 16         91 m.p = 728 stadia
* ↑ It is now called Ortouna, or Athenah.
* ↑ "Behold there ariseth a little cloud from the sea, of the bigness of a man's hand. And it came to pass in the mean time, that the heaven was black with clouds and wind, and there was a great rain." B. I. ch. xviii. ver. 43. 45.
* ↑ Harmer's Observat. vol. i. p. 56.
* ↑ Psalm xlviii. 7.
* ↑ Chap. xnii. 25.
* ↑ It is, "he says, "accompanied with fierce and frequent lightnings." Stuart's Athens, vol. i. p. 23.
* ↑ The harbour of Athenae Ponticæ was, as Arrian tells us, sheltered from the N. E. wind, called Βοῤῥὰς, but exposed to the North Ἀπαρκτίας and to the North-West Σκίρων. It seems probable that the wind had shifted from the last mentioned quarter before they reached the harbour, as Arrian tells us, the tempest blew at Grit from thence, but came about afterwards to the south and South-West. Had the original wind continued to blow, the harbour would not have afforded to the fleet sufficient protection.
* ↑ Πλαγίου τοῦ κλυδῶτος ἐπειρώμεθα. It appears from Xenophon's Anabasis, lib. v. p. 402. ed. Hutch. 8vo. that a North wind (Βοῤῥὰς) was counted favourable to those, who intended to fail from the Southern coast of the Black sea to Greece. This, it is plain by the map, must have been nearly at right angles to their course. I suppose Βοῤῥὰς here means the North wind, as it is opposed to Notus, and as it signifies the North wind on the temple of Andronicus Cyrrhestes at Athens: but it has not this meaning in Arrian, as Βοῤῥὰς there means the North-East, or some point near it.
* ↑ Veget. lib. iv. c. 37. Ovid Metam. lib. xi. ver. 514. Lucan. lib. iii. ver. 685.
* ↑ Anabas lib. iv.
* ↑ Wax was one of the articles of trade from this country to Byzantium. Polyb.lib. iv. c. 5.
* ↑ Lib. xxi. c. 14.
* ↑ V. Cera et Mel.
* ↑ Gensque ea, cum ceram in tributa Romania præstet, mel (quoniam exitiale est) non vendit. Lib. xxi. c. 13.
* ↑ There was an ancient Athenian law, prohibiting the exportation of wood and pitch,to which some add wax. Petit. Leg. Att.
* ↑ Plin. lib. xvi. c. 12. Dioscorid. v. Zopissa.
* ↑ Job, chap. xxxviin ver. 22.
* ↑ Prov. chap. xxv. ver. 23.
* ↑ Il. xv. ver. 171 x. xix. ver. 3 58. Odyss ver, 296,
* ↑ Hippocr. de morbo sacro, § 15. Tournefort however says, that the Turkish sailors on the Black sea were particularly afraid of the North wind: but he adds, that they were very unskilful, and that the North wind caused little disturbance to their navigation. Tournefort's Trav. vol. iii. p. 56. Eng. Transl.
* ↑ It was understood that the Emperor and the Senate, in their quality of partners in the sovereignty, should have the nomination of the governors governors in their respective provinces; that those named by the Senate should be civil officers, merely with the title of Proconsul, but without the power of the sword, or any military rank; and they are not to remain in office longer than one year; that the officers to be named by the Emperor should have military rank, with the title of Propœtor, and were to act in the capacity of his Lieutenants, accountable only to himself, and to hold their commissions during his pleasure. Ferguson's Hist. of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic, vol. iii. p. 360. ed. 4to.
* ↑ Græciæ fabulositas. Plin. lib. iv. in Præf.
* ↑ Strabo, lib. i. p. 45, 46. lib. xi. p. 526. Diadorus, lib. xiv. c. 30
* ↑ Ἡρώειον—μνημεῖον. Hesych. et Phavor. monument um heroi dicatum.
* ↑ Strab. lib. xi. p. 530.
* ↑ Itaque Jasoni totus ferme Oriens, ut conditori, divinos honores templaque consituit, quæ Parmenion, dux Alexandria Magni, post multos annos dirui jussit, ne cujusquam nomen in Orient: vencrabilius quam Alexandria esset. Justin. lib. xlii. cap. 3.
* ↑ Feruntque se Thessalis ortos, qua tempestate jason, post avectam Medeam genitosque ex ea libcms, inanem mox rcgiam Æetæ, vacuosque Colchos,repetivit. Multaque de no mine ejus, et oraculum Phyrxi celebrant. Tacit. Anual. lib. vi. cap. 34.
* ↑ See the account of the vision, that led to the discovery of the head of the spear which pierced the side of our Lord, when on the cross, which was to ensure victory to those, who were in possesson of this holy relic. Robert. Monlch. lib. vii. Baldriei Archiepisc. Hist. Hierosol. lib. iii. Raymond de Agiles, p. 155. Vision of the Crucifxion, and of St. Mark the Evangelist. Raymond de Agiles, pp. 166, 157. Vision of Peter the Hermit. Albert. Aquenii §. v. Effects of pieces of the cross in defeating the Turks, recorded in the same writer, with much more in the same strain. Gesta Dei per Francos.
* ↑ Plin. lib. vi. cap. 4.
* ↑ Now called Gonieh.
* ↑ The latitudes laid down in Ptolemy's Geography are very incorrect, and particularly those in the neighbourhood, or under the same parallel with Byzantium. He erroneously supposed, as indeed Strabo had done before him, that this city and Marseilles were in the same latitude; and as the latitude of Marseilles had been ascertained by Pytheas by the proportion of the length of the gnomon to its shadow at the Summer solstice, and found, according to his computation, to be 43° 5′, or according to a more accurate calculation, which included the semidiameter of the Sun, 43° 19′ 25″, they reckoned the latitudes of many other places according to their distance North or South from the one, which they assumed as a standard; which was the source of great confusion, since the true latitude of Byzantium is only 41° 1′, and of course it was placed by Ptolemy:2° 18′ 25″ too far to the North; a space, which is nearly equal to 160 English miles; and the same error was extended to every place, whose latitude was computed from a comparison of its difference with that of Byzantium." Blair's History of the Rise and Progress of Geography, p. 88.
* ↑ The cost here begins to verge towards the North.
* ↑ D'Anville seems to think the Bathys and the Acampsis the same river. They have both of them Greek names, the former implying depth (βαθὺς, altus), and the other a straight course (ἀκαμπὴς, rigidus): but I know not that these epithet: have any connection, although they are by no means incompatible.
* ↑ A place called Batumi is still to be found in this situation in modern maps, The river seems to be the Isehaurk.
* ↑ It was the emblem of Mars. Καὶ τοῦτ' (ἀκινάκης) ἔστι τοῦ Ἄρηος τὸ ἄγαλμα· τούτῳ δὲ τῷ ἀκινάκεϊ θυσίας ἐπετείους προσάγουσι προβάτων καὶ ἵππων. Herodot. lib. iv. p. 6z.Ed.Wessel. Sec also Lucian's Jupiter Tragædus et Toxaris.
* ↑ Pliny says it is 1000 miles from Chaleedon to the Phasis. Arrian makes it to be 8385 stadia, or 1048 Greek miles. D' Anville makes it about 13 degrees of Long. and ⅓ or about 688 English miles. Arrowsmith's Chart makes it considerably less, and not more than 630 English miles.
* ↑ The Pharos of Alexandria lies, according to Walsh's Journal, in Lat. 31° 1′ 5″ N. L. and in 29° 45′ East Long. from Greenwich. N. B. The Isle of Feno in the Canaries is 17° 44′ 50″ West of Greenwich. The Long. and Lat. of Alexandria, according to Denon, are Long. E. from Paris 27° 35′ Latitude 31° 12′ 20″ Difference 10′ more Easterly than Walsh's calculation.
* ↑ Plin, lib, vi, cap, 4.
* ↑ P. 548. Paris ed.
* ↑ Αὐτός τε ὁ Φάσις στασιμώτατος πάντων τῶν ποταμῶν καὶ ῥέων ἠπιώτατα. Hippocrat. de Aer. Aq. et Loc. §83. Ed. Coray à Paris, 1800
* ↑ Τὰ δὲ ὕδατα, θερμὰ καὶ στάσιμα πίνουσιν, ὑπό τε τοῦ ἡλίου σηπόμενα, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ὄμβρων ἐπαυξανόμενα. Ibid.
* ↑ Τὴν τε χροιὴν ὠχρὴν ἔχουσι, ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ἱκτέρου ἐχόμενοι. §. 84. Pindar calls them Κόλχοισιν κελαινώπεσσι Pyth. iv. Stoph. 10. vers 377. Ed Heyne.
* ↑ Καθαρώτατον.
* ↑ Chardin makes the same observation. L'eau en ell fort bonne A boire, quoique else foil trouble, épaisse, et de couleur de plomb. Vol. i. p. 148.
* ↑ Mount Niphates, which lies to the South of the source of the Phaiis, had its name from the snows, which cover it; and Mount Caucasus is so called from the same circumstance. Νιφάτης, sic dictus ἀπὸ τῆς νιφάδος, a nivibus. Vid. Stephan.— Et Caueasum montem, Graucasum hoc est nive candidum. Plin. lib. vi. c. 17. Le haut du mont Caucase est perpétuellernent couvert de neige. Chardin, liv. i. pag. 155.
* ↑ Thebaid. lib.xiui. ver. 182.
* ↑ Ὄμβροι τε αὐτόθι γίγνονται πᾶσαν ὥρην πουλοί τε, καὶ ἰσχυροί. Hippocr. § . 83.
* ↑ Plut. de Fluv.
* ↑ Sirio cane, cujus exortu Nili ascenfus quotannis fiebat, a Siri, id est Nilo, etiam procul dubio denominator. Selden. de Vitulo Aureo, Syntagm. i. c. 4. The Nile is called Sihor in various passges of Scripture.
* ↑ Pocock's Travels, vol. i. p. 199. Walsh's Journal of the Campaign in. Egypt, p. 254.
* ↑ Harmer's Observat. vol. ii. p. 295.
* ↑ Vol. i. p. 1.
* ↑ See Mus Florentine. vol. i. plate 96.
* ↑ Lib. i. p. 4.29. Ed. Kühn.
* ↑ Cybele was a Phrygian Goddess, and much revered throughout the course of the Euxine sea. Jasson in Apollonius, lib. i. ver. 1094. is commanded to ssacrifice to and to propitiate her, as being the directress of the earth, winds, and seas. Strabo tells us, that at Dindymene in Phrygia there was a temple built by the Argonauts, and dedicated to the mother of the Gods. Strab. lib. xiii.
* ↑ Jul. Poll. lib. iii. cap. 3.
* ↑ Athenæus says, that Apellicon the Grammarian, whose library fell into the hands of Sylla at the taking of Athens, was in posession of the original legal decrees of ancient times, which had been stolen out of the Μητρῷον or. Athen. lib. v. p. 214. Ed. Casaub.
* ↑ Argon. lib. i. ver. 955.
* ↑ Anabail lib. ii. p. 145. Ed. Hutch. 8vo.
* ↑ Pausan. lib. viii.
* ↑ Διὸ καὶ γλυκύτατον εἶναι τὸν Πόντον. Strab. lib. i. Ipsum mare Ponticum dulcius quam caetera. Fragm. Sallfustii.Amm. Marc. xxii. c. 8. Copia tot laticum, qnas auget, adulterat undas; Nec patitur vires aequor habere fuas. Ovid. Ep. lib. iv. ep. 10. Vimque fretum multo perdit ab amne suam. lbid. verf. 46.
* ↑ Tournefort remarks, that it is certain that the water of the Black sea is less briny than the water of our seas. Desc of the Canal of the Black Sea.
* ↑ In D'Anville's map the Chariens and the Chobus seem to have changed places, as he lays down the Chobus to the South of the Chariens, whereas Arrian puts it to the North.
* ↑ Solinus and Ammianus Marcellinus say, that Diofcurias was founded by Amphitus and Cercius, the charioteers to Castor and Pollux, from whom also originated the nation of the Heniochi. Strabo calls them Rhecas and Amphistratus. Strab. lib. xi. Amm. Marcell. lib. xxii. c. 8.
* ↑ Isagour is Hill a road for ships, but the place is in ruins, and uninhabited. Chardin, vol. i. p. 54.
* ↑ Arrowsmith's and Laurie's Charts.
* ↑ Xenoph. Anabas
* ↑ Apollonius, with more propriety, supposes the mouth of the Phafis to be the extremity of the Pontic sea. Lib. ii. ver. 1265.
* ↑ Lib. ii. ver. 1251.
* ↑ Virg. Georg. lib. ii. ver. 440.
* ↑ Apoll. lib. ii ver. 525.
* ↑ Lib. iv. c. 39.
* ↑ Apoll.lib. ii. 533, 534, and the Scholiast.
* ↑ Vol. iii. p. 16.
* ↑ It was probably in this temple, that Darius Hyitaspis sat, when he set out on his expedition against the Scythian. Herod. lib. iv. p. 320. Ed. Wessel.
* ↑ Lib. ii. ver. 349, 652.
* ↑ Line 795, 796.
* ↑ Tournefort observes, that most of the brooks or rivers on this coast are either dried up, or reduced almost to nothing.
* ↑ Lib. ii. ver. 349, 653.
* ↑ Trecarris, or the Black mountain in South Wales, is probably so called for the same reason.
* ↑ Lib. ii. ver. 654.
* ↑ Lib. vi. c. 3.
* ↑ Lib. xii.
* ↑ Κάλπη· ὑδρία, τάμνος, Hefysh. According to Steph. Byz. there was both a city and a port this name.
* ↑ Anabas. lib. vi.
* ↑ This agrees nearly with Arrian's computation. According to him, From Byzantium to Heraclea is 1670 stadia. From Byzantium to Calpe 870 stadia.
* ↑ This is an exact description of Gibraltar, (Calpe) with the diffisrence of the proportions of size in its respective parts. Editor
* ↑ βαϑυρείοντα τε Κάλπιν. Argon. lib. ii. vers 661.
* ↑ Argon. lib. ii. veris 688, 689.
* ↑ Q. if not 28 miles = 224 stadia.
* ↑ Iliad iii. vers. 187. Il. xvi. verif 719.
* ↑ Argon. lib. ii. vers 724. The Scholilst fays, there was a temple of Cybele at the mouth of the river, called ὀρείας Δήμητρος ἱερὸν, probably to mark the boundary between the countries. In like manner Jupiter was under certain circumstances called Ζεῦς ὀρείος, or Δίος ὀρείος, and in the Latin, Jupiter terminalis.
* ↑ Mr. Arrowsmith's chart seems to mean the Sangariue by the Kara: the other maps and the chart make them to be two distinct rivers.
* ↑ βαθυρείοντος ὑφ' εἱαμεναῖς ὑπίοιο. Argon. ii, vers. 797.
* ↑ Lib. ii. vers 726.
* ↑ Pliny says, lib. vi. cap. 1. that Heraclea is 200 miles from the mouth of the Pontus, which is 1600 stadia. Arrian makes it 1550 stadia.
* ↑ Laurie and Whittle's charts make it 3° 30′ of longitude, which in lat. 41° amounts to about 166 English miles, or about 1450 stadia. Faden's map makes it 173 English miles, or 1511 stadia.
* ↑ Xenophon, in the Anabasis, says, that a trireme galley would, in the space of a very long day, sail from Byzantium to Heraclea.
* ↑ Hercelea is said by Ptolemy to be 4′ or ⁠1/15⁠ of a degree, to the weft of Alexandria.
* ↑ The chart published by Laurie makes it 54.5 English miles, or about 476 stadia.
* ↑ From Heraclea to Amastris is by Arrowsmith's chart 61 English miles; according to Laurie, 63.5; according to Citizen Beauchamp, 60′, or 69.5 English miles nearly.
* ↑ Marcianus Heracleota makes Posidæum to be 100 stadia from Heraclea. Arrian makes it to be 120, as does the anonymous author of the Periplus of the Euxine sea.
* ↑ The Greek copy of Ptolemy makes a difference of 56 minutes of longitude between Psyllium and Tios.
* ↑ It seeme by the Peutingerian Tables to be 42 miles from Hetaclea to Tium.
* ↑ Ὅσσους Βιλλαίοιο μέλαν περίαγουνται ὕδωρ. Argon. lib. ii. ver. 791. Plin. lib. vi. c. x. The Billæus is represented in a coin of Antoninus Pius under a female form, with ears of com and a cornucopia. Vaillant, Numism. Græc.
* ↑ Il. ii. vers 854. See Damm's Lexic. vox Παρθ.
* ↑ Καὶ δὴ Παρθενίοιο ῥοὰς ἁλιμυρήεντος, Πρηϋτάτου ποταμοῦ, παρεμέτρεον. Argon. lib. ii. ver. 936. Scymnus Chius describes the Parthenius as a gentle river, but large enough to be navigable. Veril 226, 22.7.
* ↑ Strab. lib. xii. In Vaillant's Numismat. Græca, there is an account of a medal of Marc. Aurelius, with the river Parthenius on the reverse, represented by the figure of a young man with a reed in his right hand, and leaning on an eminence, out of which the river flows, with an inscription, ΑΜΑϹΤΡΙΑΝΩΝ ΠΑΡΘΕΝΙΟΣ.
* ↑ From Amastris to Carambis is, according to Arrowsmith, 63 English miles; according toCitizen Beauchamp, 38′, or 44 English miles,and according to D'Anville, 54 English miles.
* ↑ Strabo says, that in his time they were called Erythrini, from their red colour.
* ↑ Et juvat undantem buxo spectare Cytorum. Virg., Georg. ii. vers 437.
* ↑ D'Anville—Faden-Laurie and Whittle's says, chart. Ammianus Marcellinus, after Strabo, that the promontory Carambis is distant from the opposite one of Criumetopon in the Taurica Cherfonefus 2500 stadia. Pliny makes it only 170 miles, or 1360 stadia. It measures on Laurie and Whittle's chart 186 minutes of latitude, equal to about 1873 stadia. Faden's map makes it about 197 English miles, equal to about 1720 stadia. D'Anville makes it nearly 1500 stadia, or 187 Greek miles. Arrowsmith's chart makes it to be 117 minutes of latitude, or 1178 stadia only. The relative situation of these places is but imperfectly ascertained, even by modern geographers.
* ↑ Xenoph. Anab. lib. vi.
* ↑ The difference between Harmene and Caarambis is, according to Ptolemy, Long. 1° 36′, Lat. 24′, Latin copy; Long. 1° 5′, Lat. 1°, Greek copy; equal, according to the Latin copy, to 84.285 English miles, or 734 stadia nearly. According to the Greek copy, = 88 English miles, or 768 stadia nearly. Average of both 751 stadia nearly. The Greek Copy gives the latitude both of Carambis and Harmene nearly ture, according to some maps; but maps, even the most modern, vary much from one another
* ↑ 98 English miles.
* ↑ This is the average of the numbers in the Latin and Greek copy.
* ↑ Xenoph. Anabas lib. v.
* ↑ Argon. lib. ii. verf. 955.
* ↑ Val. Flacc. lib. iii. vers. 157.
* ↑ Argon. lib. ii. vers 973.
* ↑ Lib. iv. vers 610.
* ↑ The Peutingerian Tables make it 127 miles or 1016stadia   M. P. From Amisus to Ancon, 22 From Ancon to Heracleum, 40 From Herncleum to Cena, 30 From Cena to Camila, 7 From Camila to Pytane, 8 From Pytane to Polemonium, 20 127 × 8 = 1016. 127
* ↑ From Cape Iafonium to Cape Vona is, on Arrowsmith's chart, about nine English miles and a quarter, or about 82 stadia, in a. right line.
* ↑ Keresoun, Arrowsmith-Ghirecin, or Keresontas, Laurie's chart.
* ↑ Pliny, St. ]erome, and one of the Sophists in Athenaeus, speak of the cherry-tree as being first brought into Italy from the town of Cerasus, in Pontus. But it was well known in Greece at the time of Theophraitus, who describes it accurately, and at length, and calls it by the name of κέρασος. The person likewise, who answers the Sophist in Athenaaus, says, that Diphilus, who lived in the time of Lysimachus, had described the fruit by name, and given an account of its qualities. It appears from Servius, that the tree was known in Italy before the time of Lucullus, but that be introduced a better kind from Asia Minor. Casaubon thinks, that the place received its name from the fruit, and the observation of Tournefort, cited here, gives probability to this conjecture.
* ↑ This was a promontory, now called Kara Bouroun, or the Black Cape, perhaps for the same reasons as Acra Melæna was so called.
* ↑ Lib. xi. p. 497. Ed. Paris
* ↑ Bityunta—Map of the country between the Black sea and the Caspian. Byzjunta—Arrowfmiths chart.
* ↑ Theodor. Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. v. c. 34.
* ↑ Procopius says, it is two days journey from Sebastiopolis to Pityus. If this be meant of a day's journey for a foot traveller, which was usually reckoned at 20 miles a day, it agrees nearly with Strabo and Arrian.
* ↑ ὠμωτάτοις βαρβάροις.
* ↑ See Heame's Joumey from Prince of Vales's fort to the Copper-mine river, passim. Editor.
* ↑ P Bell. Goth. lib. iv. c. 13.
* ↑ Bell. Periscum lib. ii. c. 15.
* ↑ Laurie and Whittle's chart of the Black sea. Arrowsmith's chart callis it Kaldosliman.
* ↑ By Faden's map; but Arrowsmith makes it much less, not more than 56; English miles: the Rulhan map however makes it 70 English miles.
* ↑ Harum (sc. Milesiarum civitatum) velut mater omnium, Panticapæum. Ammian. lib. xxii. c. 8.
* ↑ Ammianus says of the Cherronesus, that it was "coloniarum plena Græcarum." Lib. xxii. cap. 8.
* ↑ Now called Cape Avis, Arrowsmith; or Ava-Bama, or Cape Kandge, Faden.
* ↑ Philo{ls}}tratus {ls}}ays, it was 30 {ls}}tadia in length, and four in breadth. Heroic. c.xix. sect. 16.
* ↑ The superiiition of the times forbad its being inhabited. Philostrat. Heroic.
* ↑ Donariis eidem heroi consecratis. Amian. lib. xxii. c. 8.
* ↑ There is in Goltzius a coin of Tomi, of the head of a young man with a laurel crown, with a lyre by him, which probably was meant for Ovid.
* ↑ Inde Tomos dictus locus hic, quia fertur in illo Membra soror sratris consecuisse sui. Trist. lib. iii. eleg. 9. I should rather suppose, that it had its name from the cutting the tunnies into pieces for curing. The Tomus Thyrianus is well known, and why should not a place on a coast so celebrated for the preparation of the tunny, have the name of Tomi? Editor.
* ↑ Istropolis, Tomi, and Callatis appear to have been flourishing places in Pliny's time, as he calls them "pulcherrimas urbes."
* ↑ Lib. iv. c. rr. Mel. lib. ii. c. 2. f
* ↑ Anonymi Peripli Pont. Eux. Steph. Byzant.
* ↑ Now called Emireh Burun.
* ↑ Anchialus id still called Akkilli. In Arrowsmith's chart it seems to be called Akliman.
* ↑ From Callatia to Triffa. 24 m.p Trissa to Bihone 12 Bihone to Dionysopolis 19 Dionysopolis to Odessus 32 Odessus to Erite 11 Erite to Templ. jovis 16 Templ. lovin to Mesembria 16 Mesembria to Auchialus 12 Anchialus to Apollonian 18   153 =1224 stadia.
* ↑ Lib. iv. c. xz.
* ↑ From Apollonian to the Os Ponti is, ac cording to Pliny, 188 m. p. or 1504 stadia. Arrian makes it to be 1320 stadia only.
* ↑ In Arrowsmith's chart it is remarked, that this is the most dangerous place, where shipwreck is to be feared, being at the entrance of the Bosporus.
* ↑ Quid? ex æde jovis, religiosissimum simulacrum jovis Imperatoris, quem Græci Urion nommant, pulcherrime factum, nonne abstulisli?—Jovem autem Imperatorem quantohonore in suo templo suisse arbitramini? hinc colligere potestis, si recordari volueritia, quanta, religion suerit eadem specie atque forma, signum illud, quod ex Macedonia captum in
* ↑ Cobi, Chardin. t. i. p. 56.
* ↑ Tachar, Chardin.
* ↑ Socom, Chardin.
* ↑ Schinifenrl, i. e. le fleuve Cheval, Chardin
* ↑ It is in Ptolemy (Greek copy) μα, which is 41°, but probably should be μδ or 44°,as it is in this Latin copy. In chap. 10, Dioscurias is put down 71° 10′, Long. 46° 5′, both in the Greek and Latin copies.
* ↑ The difference of longitude between Byzantium and Trapezus amounts, according to Beauchamp's calculation and Artowiinitlfs chart, to 42′ 45″ of time, equal to 10° 41′' 25″, which in that latitude are equal to 558; English miles.
* ↑ It is observed in the Travels of Pallas, that the distances of those places, which could be ascertained in the Taurica Chersonesus, pretty accurately correspond with those specified in the Periplus. Pallas, Travels, vol. ii. p. 341.