# The New England Magazine/Volume 5/Number 1/The French Canadian Peasantry

THE FRENCH CANADIAN PEASANTRY.
By Prosper Bender.
THE cession of Canada in 1760, in ending the long duel between the two great colonies of the two leading European powers, is an ever memorable event, from which the greatest blessings have already sprung, with a broad horizon of hope for the future. The French Canadians, by their manly and philosophic resignation to the decree of destiny, asserted the best title to the confidence of their conquerors, which they have since generally enjoyed. For years they had reason to complain of the exactions of their new masters; but the Quebec Act of 1774, recognizing the official use of the French language and granting French civil laws, proclaiming free religious and civil rights, removed many of their grievances and gradually led to their becoming attached to British rule. After 1812, political and constitutional differences, which had lain dormant during the struggle with the American colonies, revived between the Lower Canada (Quebec) elective Legislative Assembly, mainly French, and the Governor-General of the Executive Council, appointed by the Crown, and they soon took menacing form. The Assembly had not the coveted power over the public expenditures and public appointments, both sides struggling bitterly for the success of their respective views. Race and religious prejudices imported into the country aggravated the dispute, and excited, on the part of extremists, radical views, with revolutionary object. At length after a good deal of local disturbance and political agitation among the French Canadians, stimulated by Louis Papineau, a clever lawyer, who declared for a Canadian Republic, the rebellion of 1837 broke out under his leadership. The revolutionary party being imperfectly armed, led by politicians instead of military men, and seriously opposed by the Roman Catholic clergy, was soon suppressed.
The union of Upper and Lower Canada in 1840, under a system of responsible government, based upon that of Great Britain, was accepted enthusiastically by the English of Upper Canada (Ontario); but with distrust by many of the French Canadians of Lower Canada. The latter, however, guided by sagacious statesmen and the clergy, decided to give it a fair trial. The relations between the two elements continued somewhat strained until 1849, when full and final acknowledgment of the principles of ministerial authority and related responsibility was granted. Those rights and privileges the French Canadians fully appreciated. They naturally desired the full benefits of the British system, despite the fossil notions and prejudices of some of the arbitrary bureaucrats sent to represent Royalty in Canada, and administer their affairs. On receiving the full measure of responsible government, the political troubles of the French and other Canadians speedily died out, and their loyalty to Great Britain is decidedly gratifying to English statesmen of whatever party, who are proud of the sentiment of French Canadians, happily expressed by the late Sir George Cartier: "We are Englishmen speaking French." None more keenly appreciate the feeling voiced by the late Sir Etienne Taché, that "the last gun fired for British supremacy in Canada would be fired by a French Canadian."
In 1861, Upper Canada had an excess of population over Lower Canada of 285,427, and the increase of the surplus excess continued till it reached nearly half a million in 1866. This was made the basis of a demand by the Liberals (the bulk of them Western men) for representation by population ; but it was resisted successfully by the Conservatives, chiefly French, till 1867, when a crisis ensued. The leaders of neither party could com​mand a working majority in parliament, and a deadlock followed. Under those circumstances, a coalition of the hostile parties was formed and the union of all the British North America provinces was decided upon, under the title of the Confederation or Dominion of Canada. Notwithstanding the greater increase still of British numbers after confederation, due to the addition of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Manitoba and the other Western provinces to the Union, the French in Canadian politics retain an immense influence. This is one of the wonders of our new world politics. In fact, without the aid of the French, no important political step can be taken in Dominion affairs. They hold the balance of power. Their leaders have generally evinced not only sagacity, but remarkable courage and party loyalty. These qualities render them most useful colleagues on the one hand, and powerful opponents on the other.
The ablest and most distinguished of the French Canadian leaders, in the first quarter of this century, was Sir Hypolite Lafontaine. Appearing at a critical time in the history of his country, he rendered his people valuable service, politically and socially. It was his mission to introduce to his countrymen the benefits of the new privileges given them by the Act of 1838, and to obtain from unwilling governors their complete assent to the full operation of those reforms. Truly is it said that, when he retired from the government, the new system of self-government was in thorough working order, though not so perfect in its details as it has since been made. M. A. N. Morin worthily followed in his footsteps, but with easier duties to perform. While continuing the training of the people in the work of responsible self-government, he succeeded in allaying the apprehensions of the British and gaining their respect by the moderation and wisdom of his public acts. Mr. Robert Baldwin of Upper Canada truly appreciated the merits and services of this statesman, his French colleague, for which he suffered at the hands of extremists of his province, and lost his parliamentary seat. But M. Morin did both himself and colleague honor in securing his election by a French constituency, which did not contain half a dozen of English votes at the time.
Sir George Cartier followed those statesmen, having the advantage of their experience to guide him, no less than the co-operation of that able, energetic, and sagacious British chieftain, Sir John A. Macdonald. Each worked hard for country and party, rendering valuable service to both for many years. Sir George possessed the courage, determination, and fidelity of the Briton, united with the vivacity, cleverness, and courtesy of his race. Only a short time since, Sir John A. Macdonald in speaking of his former colleague’s gifts, remarked: "He was the most far-seeing and practical of any politicians, I have ever known." Most of the great undertakings and reforms carried in the Canadian Parliament since 1840, either originated with or were fostered by him, such as the act abolishing the remaining commercial and political restrictions; the repeal of the navigation laws and differential duties; construction of the Grand Trunk Railway; Reciprocity Treaty with the United States; the abolition of seignorial tenure; and the settlement of the clergy reserves. Some of these measures aroused feelings equal in violence to those which have drawn universal attention to the Irish question. The civil code, the code of procedure, the cadastre, the revision of the various educational laws in favor of a more complete and uniform system, were other enactments previous to the union of all the British provinces under the Act of Confederation. The Treaty of Washington, the Intercolonial Railway, the great improvement and extension of the canal system of Canada, now the equal of any in the world, were followed by the purchase of the Northwest, giving a new and a vast empire to Canada. To open up and foster the settlement of the new region, as well as to bind all parts of the new union from the Atlantic to the Pacific close together for mutual benefit and support, the Canadian Pacific Railway was built. Most of these great enterprises Sir George lived to see completed before his lamented death, and he truly deserved this gratification. Such labors ​and achievements form the staple of his fame, which will long be a sacred treasure to his countrymen.
Sir George Cartier's successor, Sir Hector Langevin, has certainly shown much ability and tact in securing the loyal support of the British Protestant population of Ontario and the other provinces. The eminent qualifications for leadership of the French Canadians are daily manifested in the course of the Liberal chief at Ottawa, Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, who has gained the confidence and good-will of his own party, two-thirds of whom are Protestants. Able men like Hon. Edward Blake, the late leader of the Liberals, and his clever colleagues, Hon. Alexander Mackenzie and Sir Richard Cartwright, heartily co-operate with him, not only on account of his brilliant oratorical power and statesmanship, but his consistency, sterling honesty, and pure-minded patriotism. Another clever representative of this race is the Hon. Honoré Mercier, Prime Minister of the Province of Quebec, a man of vast political resources, excellent judgment, and the best debater in the local house.
The present condition and prospects of the Dominion have for some time commanded a considerable share of the attention of the leading men of all races and parties. That its actual position is not devoid of difficulties calculated to excite no ordinary uneasiness in many quarters, as well as a sense of the necessity of a prudent policy by both the leading parties, or by the sections of them averse to a revolutionary change, it would be absurd to deny. Popular opinion on some of the important issues of the day is much divided. Many Canadians, British and French, undoubtedly favor a further trial of the existing constitution, on the ground of uncertainty as to whether a new one, or one much different from the present, would be an improvement. On the other hand, many, especially among the working classes, favor more intimate relations with the United States. Such questions as "the future of Canada," "the best commercial policy for Canada," and "the proper attitude for Canada toward the United States," etc., are topics of daily discussion, both in the press and at public meetings. The impression is steadily gaining ground that, despite more or less obstructive tariffs, or party political contrivances, the trade of Canada and the Republic is certain to keep growing, and at a rapid rate, too. With expanded material, we usually look for and witness extended social relations; results which the recent history of the United States and the Dominion emphatically exemplifies.
The idea of the possibility of some decided change in the mutual relations of the several provinces, and some, also, in their relations with Great Britain and the United States ere long, has been generally admitted of late years. Many British Canadians openly extol a legislative union of the provinces, believing it would prove more economical than the actual system of confederation, with its various local legislatures and official systems, besides the general government at Ottawa. And recently a certain number have pronounced in favor of a Federation with Great Britain. But the French Canadians so far regard both schemes with disfavor and apprehension, stating they would be at a numerical disadvantage at Ottawa in any settlement of provincial questions, and overshadowed as a foreign-ruled province, of a world-encircling empire like Great Britain's. They strongly desire to preserve their autonomy, and to exercise supreme power in the management of their local affairs. And when these political reforms are urged upon them, they deal freely in prediction and menace. Politicians and litterateurs speculate as to the probable consequences of the gravitation of any large province in the Dominion to the Republic, many naturally perceiving the vast increase of the moral and material difficulties that would be cast in the path of the weakened power, and the much greater likelihood of an early similar settlement of the other provinces within the same great prosperous constellation. It would not be wise on the part of the friends of British connection to alarm French Canadian interests, ​or offend their susceptibilities on such questions.
The ill-feeling and strained relations for some time existing between the French and British in Quebec and Ontario are a relic of the old troubles mainly arising from national and religious prejudice, from which the country has greatly suffered at times, ever since the conquest. Fanatics have always been numerous enough in each rival camp to supply subjects for quarrels, as well as disputants at short notice, to the danger of the public peace. In this way the growth of mutual confidence between Protestants and Catholics, and English and French is slower than it ought to be. At election times such prejudices are often found ready and effective weapons by either party, with mischievous results felt long afterwards. The terrifying pictures the French Canadian opponent will often draw of the British candidate, and of the woful consequences of his election, to the French and Catholic element, the shocking descriptions given of the past iniquities and probable future persecutions of the British tyrant, would be amusing, if not so liable to prove hurtful. On the other hand, to their honor be it said, even agricultural constituencies containing a French Canadian majority, have returned British or Protestant representatives mainly influenced by political or party motives, and sometimes despite the vigorous efforts of French fanatics. The appeals of liberal, broad-minded leaders, of either race, at critical seasons, fortunately prevail to overthrow prejudice, procure concessions, and avert disasters to the constitutional fabric.
One often hears portions of the British element in the province of Quebec complain that they are not fairly treated by the majority. In reply to this accusation a recent Quebec paper, L'Electeur, says that the British have, in reality, a larger representation in parliament than they are entitled to according to! population. It fixes the Protestant population at 188,309 out of a total of 1,859,027, and states that the Protestants are in a majority only in six out of the sixty-five electoral districts of the province; viz., Compton, Stanstead, Brome, Missisquoi, Huntington, and Argenteuil. And yet there are ten Protestant members in the local house. In the legislative council, where Protestants have a right to only three seats, they have five; and in the five districts they represent the Catholics are in a majority of 123,127. And the article concludes with the further statement that the Protestants are equally well treated in other directions. The Toronto Globe, a newspaper not by any means friendly to the French Canadians, says on this subject:
"Those who, influenced by the vagaries of certain newspapers, doubt that the population of the province of Quebec is generally exempt from religious intolerance, should study the treatment of the Protestant minority in the matter of education. The two hundred thousand Protestants have nine hundred and sixteen elementary schools supported by the government, and under the control of a Protestant committee of the council of public instruction. . . . In fact, the Protestants of the province receive much more than their share, based upon numbers, of the sum total of the appropriations voted for public instruction."
The annexation party is composed of both French and British Canadians, and although not large in numbers, is influential in the principal centres of business and population. It has been quietly working for a good many years to leaven the surrounding community with its principles and its objects. Ina young country with a tentative constitution like Canada, such an organization can hardly fail to spread its opinions rapidly and gain in numbers fast. Most of the members possess the advantages conferred by travel, the comparison of the business conditions of the rival nations, with that useful and practical experience of the working of their respective institutions. The annexationists have not sought strength, much less mere notoriety, by idle boasting or vainglorious predictions of early success. Their policy is to avoid ridiculous bombast and childish display which might be turned to the disadvantage of either of the great parties with which any of their members are connected. In that way they secure the sympathy of intelligent, sensible critics. In some directions they have to contend against prejudice, owing to the unfriendly attitude of the United States toward Canada; but in the main this feeling is being rapidly replaced by esteem and ​good will. Annexation, many believe, would raise the country from an unprosperous, dispirited condition, to one of great prosperity and importance. In truth, Canada needs and must have free trade with her nearest, wealthy and powerful neighbor, whether under the form of Annexation or a Reciprocity Treaty. The striking success of great numbers of their fellow countrymen in the United States causes Canadians to realize the great importance of more extensive industrial and social relations with it, and further they recall the rapid increase of Canadian prosperity under the old Reciprocity Treaty, although it only admitted a few Canadian products to the American market. A liberal policy on the part of the Republic might promptly bring about such results as the true patriots on both sides must desire.
Political as well as other experiments are in this generation judged by their fruits. Many, French and British, believe that the last experiment in constitution moulding has not evinced signs of great wisdom. The rapid, the startling growth of the debt of Canada, which has increased from $78,209,742 in 1870, to $238,000,000 in 1890, with a population almost at a standstill and a stagnant trade, has struck calm, impartial observers with the idea that there has been something wrong in the government of a peaceful young state of enormous extent and great natural resources. Of course, a large portion of this debt was incurred for the construction of railways, improvements of canals, and similar political and commercial works; but the results or returns do not compensate for the vastness of the new debt with its oppressive load of interest. They freely comment upon the fact that while the United States have reduced their debt from $59 to $16.50 per head in twenty years, Canada has run up her's from $21 to $47.
Other sources of discouragement are the local troubles, the large and steady emigration of Canadians of all origins to the United States. Actually twenty-eight thousand left the country last year. Another of the influences quietly yet vigorously promoting, among French and other Canadians, annexation feelings is the already huge debt of the Province of Quebec, with its heavy burdens and discouraging prospects of early and yet further considerable augmentation, fora new loan of nine or ten millions is contemplated at an early day.
No secular subjects elicit such remarkable differences between men of similar intelligence and abilities, even in the same community, as those connected with politics. However well informed or honest, neighbors and fellow citizens and even friends will often see public transactions in the most different lights, forming opposite conclusions. Thus, I am sorry to dissent from some of the opinions of a well-known Canadian writer for the press. I sincerely wish I could see the condition of my native land in that rose-colored light present to Dr. George Stewart, Jr., at the banquet to the Comte de Paris at Quebec City in October, 1890. A judicious critic, charming essayist, and reliable historian, his remarks on the state of the country, on that occasion, naturally elicited considerable applause. The subjoined extract will give an idea of the learned doctor's views:
"We are here a happy, a loyal, an industrious, and a religious people. We enjoy the freest system of Government in the world. Our Parliamentary methods have been borrowed from the splendid experiences of England and the United States. We think we have embodied the better features of both. We make our own laws. We regulate our own tariff. We afford our people perfect liberty of action as regards their politics, their religion, and their way of life and movement. Our press is independent and free. The door to our highest offices is never shut. We have unbounded confidence in the ballot box, and our appointed officers rarely afford grounds for criticism. Two great oceans wash our shores, and the land is rich, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, in the choicest products of the field, the farm, the forest, and the prairie. Our soil from end to end, is abundantly watered by thousands of rivers and lakes, and population only is the demand of Canada. In time population will come. Our people are self-reliant. The best blood of France, of England, of Scotland, ​and of Ireland flows in their veins, and side by side the lusty young sons of an older civilization, born three thousand miles away, are working out a destiny, which three centuries ago was begun under conditions which more than once appalled the heart, but never crushed the spirit. Side by side, English Canadians and French Canadians are developing the resources of the land, rivalling each other in a friendly way only, dwelling together amicably, and working out, with equal intelligence and hope, the political and social problems which, from time to time, press for solution."
I heartily indorse the speaker's remarks concerning the loyalty of the people, their piety, industry, and excellent moral qualities, their free government, admirable parliamentary system, their independence, the freedom of the press, and particularly, their great natural resources; but in a complete survey of a subject, the shadows of the picture must be noticed as well as the lights. The perils of the political fabric, the serious disagreements among different races and creeds, the unfortunate condition of several of the provinces, some of them heavily indebted and poor, with no signs of early improvement, are entirely overlooked. Into the ill-governed provinces few capitalists enter, and few or no immigrants, while multitudes of their own people, chiefly natives, continually move off to the United States. The prospect for the Dominion is not flattering, many writers and speakers openly declaring, from time to time, that Quebec and some of the other provices have no other resource than an early call upon the federal government for increased subsidies in order to make ends meet. Present allowances come lamentably short of this result. And the provinces cannot safely levy heavier taxes upon the farmers, business men, and artisans, while the foreign creditors insist upon the payment of all their interest. Much discontent prevails among the farmers; they complain of constant increasing difficulties in their position, owing to heavier taxation of recent years, the greater cost of labor, and poor markets for their various products. In consequence of these drawbacks, there has been a material fall in the value of farms, even in the best districts. The American trade is sadly missed, and will be more so, and they sigh for a Reciprocity Treaty. But I do not wish to further enlarge upon such painful topics, and therefore return to the main subject of this paper.
The intelligent and educated French Canadians are easily moulded into politicians. They have a natural taste for politics, and possess the qualifications necessary, being fluent speakers, demonstrative, and excitable, with pleasing manners, which give a decided advantage over men less attractive, though otherwise as able. The system of education favored by their clergy, of combining classical with religious instruction, although adopted for the preparation of suitable candidates for their order, has been the means of preparing many a suitable man for the political arena. Of course, as regards immediate results, the clergy soon saw that only a portion of their pupils or beneficiaries entered their ranks, the majority always drifting to the learned professions ; but with true patriotism they continued to prepare the French Canadian youth for the higher callings, and start them in careers of honor and usefulness. In this way popular chieftains are prepared, the race enjoying an advantage over some others in the matter of a large proportion of college-bred political leaders. These facts explain the extent of the intellectual hiatus between a set of distinguished politicians and professionals, and a large body of ignorant peasantry. Most of the notable figures in French Canadian politics and literature have been the sons of farmers. Often, indeed, too, was their education obtained at the cost of much self-denial on the part of parents. The clergy, friends, and relatives, realizing the importance of education, often encourage in substantial ways promising young men to devote themselves to the religious and other professions. Such distinguished men as Sir Hypolite Lafontaine, Morin, Papineau, Laberge, Etienne Parent, F. X. Garneau, L'Abbé Ferland, Bedard, Sir George Cartier, Lieutenant-Governor Letellier, and many others, were of such ​humble origin, beginning life as clerks in notaries' or lawyers' offices.
The fluent, quick-witted rhetoricians of this people, with fair oratorical powers, soon acquire much ascendancy over the habitants. This influence some of them often put to a base use. The chief strength of such politicians lies in their knowledge of human nature, and mastery over the passions. Shrewdly, by means of varied and solid inducements, they secure not a few followers in the political arena. To young lawyers they hint of promotion to the bench; to others, lucrative civil service appointments for themselves or relatives, or valuable aid to local railways and other projects in which they are interested. There would appear to be some truth in the theory that most politicians have their price, especially when we watch the course of these gentlemen. It must be admitted that such leaders have also British followers at their beck and call, men likewise willing to turn their talents and opportunities in public life to the best account, and they usually leave it not a little the better as to financial condition. Rebellious members of the House are often made tractable by other means, too, such as the sale, at fabulously low prices, of excellent tracts of land in the Northwest and elsewhere, for ranches or mining purposes.
The average peasant is not easily excited by questions of administration, accusations, and counter-accusations of corruption, extravagant management, and increase of taxation. Free mutual abuse and detraction is looked for at the hands of political opponents when they meet on the hustings, the strict limits of fact and politeness are sometimes, as in other democratic countries, overlooked. Political principles and ideals being by many little understood, worthy party interests often count for naught. One county will return a Liberal for the provincial chamber one day, and a Tory, a man of the opposite camp, for the Dominion party the next, as in Montmorency County last August, 1890. The farmer is more sympathetic and confiding than logical, and it is, therefore, easy to practise upon his credulity. The politician possessing personal magnetism or some charm of manner will generally capture his susceptible heart; reason too readily yielding to personal prejudice. None more enjoys befooling him than the politician, who will often entertain his intimate friends, after an election campaign, with humorous sketches of how he duped the farmers. ‘To illustrate the extent to which many of the people may be imposed upon, I shall mention the case of a notorious French Canadian politician, known to many by the sobriquet Le Grand Moulin, to designate his wind-mill style of oratory, doubtless. In spite of having committed his native province to all sorts of undertakings, each one more reckless than the preceding, this politician could yet stump many counties without raising a howl of indignation. While prime minister of the province, with only a numerically weak opposition to contend against, and many needy sycophants to humor and assist in various speculations, in return for their support, he ran up the provincial debt during his régime many millions of dollars. Notwithstanding these facts he could, because possessed of a fluent tongue and plausible manners, appear among the farmers, pretend undying patriotism, often boast of valuable services never rendered, and so befool them generally that they would return him and even his creatures to Parliament. This self-seeking politician, by such arts and the ready use of melodramatic airs, contrived to maintain himself Premier of Quebec for several years to the great injury of the province. In their native innocence many of the habitants cannot believe that so good a speaker (un si beau parleur) could be such an arrant humbug, and unprincipled schemer.
The good name and financial condition of the province of Quebec have suffered much on both sides of the Atlantic, owing to the deeds of corrupt politicians and unprincipled speculators. The province started in 1867, at the time of the formation of the confederation, equal with Ontario. The Western province has now a surplus of over seven millions dollars, while the Eastern has a debt of over twenty millions dollars. The former has also been very generous to all sorts of public or promising undertakings, inclu​ding railroads, but taking due precaution not to legislate in a way to put much money into the pockets of contractors and jobbers. Reckless politicians, like the one above referred to, never fail in Quebec to make out a strong case for the most visionary or dishonest projects if they promise large profits or advantages to party. A gratifying contrast to such a charlatan is Hon. Wm. Joly, who was premier of the province of Quebec for about eighteen months. This gentleman's name is a synonym with all parties, races, and creeds, for probity and political honor.
One day, conversing with an able French Canadian journalist on the regrettably backward condition of education among the masses, and the lamentable ease with which quacks and plausible political humbugs can carry their points outside or inside of parliament, he remarked: "There is no such thing as public opinion among French Canadians, though the press will talk habitually of public opinion. We tell the people they think this or thus on such a subject, and whether they think so or not in the first instance, they finally persuade themselves they did originally." Without undertaking to strictly define the line of error or indifference at which a great number of those people halt in public or political action, I must admit that in this way, as also through weakness or apathy, too many come far short of duty to themselves and honest party, or country, by which all suffer and run serious danger. More knowledge, intelligent study of political questions, as well as firmness and justice in judging between political rivals, are urgently needed to secure that wise and honest system of government essential to the peace and prosperity of this important central province. No matter how trivial or improbable may be an accusation against a political opponent, if he be not eloquent and ready to reply at the instant—donner la réplique, and with wit or force as well, he falls at once in the estimation of the people. Even if he be undoubtedly wrong, let him make an earnest and stirring defence, a little in the tu quoque style, and he will be sure to win much sympathy, if he do not actually turn the tables on a much better and honester man than himself. A_politician of unenviable reputation, whose long flowing locks and charlatan looks are familiar to most of the people in the province, on one occasion was aggravated by the offensive personalities of a political opponent. He denounced from the public hustings the course of his adversary, characterizing it as the most infamous and ignominious he had ever known, stamping the base perpetrator of it as the vilest creature on earth. "But let him beware," he exclaimed, in his usual melodramatic tones, throwing his head backward and at the same time nervously raising one of the stray locks from his forehead with his right hand, "if he continue to pursue such slanderous methods, I shall follow him on his chosen ground and repay him in his own coin." (Je le suiverat sur son propre terrain et le paierai de sa propre monnaie.) This unique style of defence aroused the speaker’s unsophisticated hearers to no ordinary enthusiasm and admiration.
One unfortunate habit of the people is that of looking to the government, or their rulers, for everything. If a bridge is wanted in a parish, a wharf or landing on a river bank, or a highway, or a public structure of any kind, the government must be appealed to through the popular representatives, or other leading citizens. Much money has been injudiciously spent in this manner, instead of the people being taught to depend upon their own efforts and resources. In Ontario we find a material contrast in this respect. Local councils or rulers look mainly to the people for local improvements, from the cutting out of the newest road into the last surveyed patch of bush, to the construction of the last schoolhouse erected for the children of the pioneer settlers. It would appear from a remark of Napoleon III. to the late Mr. Washburn, minister to France in 1870–71, that the same tendency exists among the French. "The great trouble with the French," said Napoleon, “"was that they always looked to the government for everything, instead of depending upon themselves."
A Gascon politician secured his election by acclamation, by assuring the ​voters he had the ear and good-will of the government, and could obtain for them a new bridge, a new schoolhouse, better mail facilities, with other advantages. On presenting himself for re-election, he declared that the ministers had been too busy in other directions to grant what he had promised them; but they might expect them at an early day. No performance followed those promises either. He again sought re-election; this time, also, assuring the voters the promised benefits were sure to come. He explained that the deputy minister of public works had informed him that the government proceeded methodically in such matters, and could not have acted otherwise. They had a long list of counties to serve this way, which came in alphabetical order, and the turn of his and their county had almost arrived. By such declarations, enforced by a genial, plausible manner, the knave secured his third election, the people not distrusting his honesty after all.
Election day in the rural constituencies is an exacting time. The habitent, with an air of pride and defiance wears the colored ribbon of his party in his hat or buttonhole. All work is thrown aside for the day, and he gives himself up to the pleasure of the political contest. The sightseer joins the voters on the way to and from the polls, and even the women, regardless of the weather, feel the excitement and interest of the day. The touters or cabaleurs call for the voters in wagons, with fluttering ribbons of the color of their chosen candidate at the horses’ heads. They rake every cabin, hole and corner for a voter (électeur), disregarding fatigue, snubs, or rebuffs. They eloquently laud the character and merits of their favorite, drawing on their imagination, in order that, like charity, it may cover a multitude of sins. Their story of coming benefits from his election is often brighter than a fairy tale. At times they will almost use force to bring some recreant voter to the polls; and they have been known to imprison active touters or influential citizens, to prevent their using their influence in behalf of the opposite candidate, during the day of struggle. The Hon. M. P. Pelletier was thus disposed of during the recent local elections in Quebec in 1890. The common folk have a curious habit of mixing titles in connection with candidates. During the canvass they will refer to the party candidate as "our member" (notre membre), though not yet elected, while after his return they will speak of him merely as "our candidate" (notre candidat).
A meeting of the rival cabaleurs on the road, either with or without a voter "aboard," usually results in that prime test of party or personal superiority, a good race. The shouts of excited competitors and lashing of horses are thus made a prominent feature of the day; and indeed the goal itself sometimes hardly arrests the contest, the foaming horses and reckless drivers, unconquered in spirit, demanding another trial on the return trip.
The French Canadians regard political events with calm enough tempers the greater part of the year, or the life of a parliament: but toward election time they become rapidly excited and perform acts—or many of them do—the like of which on other occasions would be considered very reprehensible. Different rules of conduct seem permissible in political matters. The offences committed are often injurious, and their concealment calls forth more acuteness still. The use of the ballot in French as well as British Canada has doubtless assisted in diminishing considerably those frauds at elections, formerly rather common and mischievous. All parties habitually accused each other of being the chief offenders. Some of the plain-spoken disputants occasionally plead in defence the necessity of their respective parties resorting to corruption, fraud, or violence now and then, just to prevent their opponents having it all their own way by the sole use of such rascally practices. Clever dodgers, cunning plotters, and muscular roughs all had their uses at elections in the old time, or in the pretty evenly-divided constituencies, particularly when political gladiators were the contestants, or the fate of parties hung in the balance. If the contest at the polls had been close, the excitement ran high, and the stronger ​party would take possession of the polling register and fill it with votes for their candidate. Hot-blooded appeals to muscle would also occasionally follow among the bullies (fiers à bras). After struggles, howls, and uproar, the fracas would end with "the survival of the fittest" and their manipulation of the registers for their particular man. Afterwards, the blood of the "martyrs" often proved the seed of the lawyers and the harvest as well.
Less violence but more ingenuity is resorted to since the use of the ballot boxes. Not long ago a leading politician found himself defeated at the close of the poll. In the evening a crowd of admirers, the majority of the residents of his own village called at his house to sympathize and cheer him with promises of future more successful support. He ordered them out, with hostile looks, calling them a pack of hypocrites, for their village showed a majority for his opponent. They one and all protested they had voted for him, and offered to take their oaths in support of their statement. This led to an investigation, and the discovery that during the absence of the poll clerk at the mid-day meal, emissaries of the opposite party had entered the poll house through a cellar trap-door, opened the ballot-box and extracted some of the bulletins and replaced them with a sufficient number of fictitious ones to insure the election of their own candidates.
Experience has proved that however honest and wise may be the law in favor of legitimate elections, even in the least intelligent or progressive country, due care and vigilance are required for its proper carrying out. Among the tricks employed by rival politicians, I have heard of clerks who are paid by the public and should be fair or impartial to each side, deftly misusing their position to track the course of voters and give hints and reports in aid of some favorite candidate, who can turn this help to the best account before the close of voting. I have heard of this trick, also: one voter is sent with a counterfeit ballot, which he deposits in the box, bringing back the proper paper given him by the chief poll-clerk or returning officer; this one is now regularly crossed and marked and given to another person, with the promise of a reward should he duly deposit it and come back with a fresh ballot, to be used again in the same way. The law has been improved of late years, with the object of rendering gross irregularities difficult, if not impossible ; but vigilance and honesty on the part of its executors continue still indispensable in the public interest. Many of the rustics are liberally furnished with the material of the average politician. ‘They have an easier or more elastic law of conscience in regard to public voting than to various other duties. ‘They look upon the franchise as a species of private property which they have a right to sell to the highest bidder. The absence of exacting issues leaves a pretty large field open to the speculator and corruptionist. No wonder the resources of ingenuity are exhausted by the canvassers to devise means of evading the law, the most ridiculous bribes being resorted to. In certain cases, in addition to money deposited in the palms of the children or of the voter's wife, stock-breeding privileges, presents of groceries, sucking pigs of popular breeds, etc., are cleverly employed. In fact all that can be extracted from either political candidate, or from both, is considered legitimate spoil. Such patriots will visit the different election committees, accept all drinks and money offered them, indifferent as to the promised return. The warnings of the priests and exhortations of moralists will often be laughed at as idle wind. It is not seldom difficult to find out on which side they intend voting; and they are often seen to join in the jubilation of the victors when they should be mourning with the defeated party. If told their course is discreditable, they defend it with the reply that the candidate cares nothing for their interests and seeks their vote only for his own election and future advantage, often adding that he will not show himself until he desires re-election. They no doubt see too much reason to conclude that politics is too often pursued as a game mainly for individual and party advantages; and therefore believe that the candidate should pay for the votes he solicits.
​Of course, all peasants are not alike in this respect. There are many who are sensitive to party views or appeals on grounds of principle, and will form opinions and honorably back them at the polls. There are also the old families connected with political traditions, who adhere to them strictly. This is so well-known to canvassers during election times that in computing the votes of a county they always place to one side a certain number known beforehand to belong to one side or the other, and consequently unapproachable or unpurchasable.
The triumphal procession immediately after the election in a constituency is an important feature of the campaign, arousing general attention and exciting unusual interest among the friends of the victor. The turnout is often attractive as regards decorations, numbers, and triumphal insignia. The party, preceded by the Union Jack, is headed by the carriage containing the new member with a guard of friends, the bulk of the voters following in a train of carriages, two-wheeled open carts, and other vehicles. A few fiddlers and clarionet players accompany the cortege. The route is generally gay with flags of various forms and colors, displays of evergreens, and triumphal arches set up in conspicuous places. Should the procession pass a schoolhouse, an address and a bouquet is often presented to the member elect. These demonstrations frequently take place by torchlight, when the effect is picturesque, and often weird, as they proceed by hill and valley. After a pleasant, jolly parade enlivened by songs in which all join, or to the strains of music, the procession returns to the house of the member, or that of some friend, where speeches follow and a round of festivities to suit the tastes and wants of all present. Such rejoicing and generous hospitality is the more welcome that treating or other favors to the voters, however slight, are now strictly forbidden by law before the elections.
The French Canadians continue to cherish kindly feelings towards La Belle France as the mother country of their race, the great nation of whose glory also they inherit no small share. They are proud of her, despite material changes of time and lamentable reverses of fortune. Her power may be somewhat reduced, and her dazzling fame partially eclipsed through the bad errors and insane ambition of unworthy rulers; yet her wondrous vigor, irrepressible spirit, and invincible patriotism enable her to sweep forward again majestically to the front rank of nations, to play once more a leading part on the world’s imposing stage. The very name France remains an inspiration to her children in North America, associated with scenes, events, and characters which must ever occupy a brilliant position on the historic page. The worthy descendants of the old Gallic colonists follow all the mother country's experiences, woful or glorious, with the deepest interest, sympathy, and pride. But while mindful of ancient traditions and faithful to the duties of kinship, they are sensible and patriotic enough to respect the obligations of their present position. England's policy touching Canada has reflected a spirit of justice and friendly consideration truly wise and honorable, and it has been to the present hour heartily appreciated. In this way only can colonies of vigorous freemen be retained and developed into loyal, prosperous nations. The French Canadians have acted upon the counsel of the dying soldier to his son in M. P. A. de Gaspé's classical work, Les Anciens Canadiens: "Serve thy new sovereign with as much zeal, devotion, and loyalty, as I have served the King of France, and may God bless thee!" M. Faucher de Saint Maurice on a memorable occasion, but voiced the sentiment of his race, in the remark: "The French Canadians while truly loyal to England will never forget France." It is only natural, then, that in all their patriotic banquets and public celebrations the toast of La France is honored in connection with those expressing the well-known loyalty to Great Britain.
One of their orators at the banquet given in October, 1890, at (Quebec, to the Comte de Paris, thus apostrophized the old land:
Oh France, dear France, who could know and not admire and love thee! Who could deny thy glory and thy genius—thy constant worship of art, thine aspirations so elevated, thy noble and ​ generous character! What people has loved truth, justice, and liberty more than thine—has struggled more for their triumph! What nation has a more brilliant mind, a warmer heart, or feels more deeply that constant desire for higher and better things!"
At the same public banquet in honor of the claimant to the throne of France, the distinguished guest himself, in due appreciation of the high compliment paid him, as well as of the spirit and attitude hitherto manifested towards his family by the nation under whose flag he finds welcome shelter, said:
". . . .Gentlemen, in your midst we forget that we are in exile. Is this not, in effect, a corner of France? At each step we take on your soil, we meet a familiar aspect, or a heroic souvenir. The proud and touching device of your province, is it not, je me souviens ('I remember'). Your old city resembles one of the towns of Normandy whose sons colonized the shores of the St. Lawrence. . . . I have seen your monument raised to the joint memory of Wolfe and Montcalm. England was generous when she inscribed on this column the names of the two great adversaries reunited in death and associated in glory."
His Royal Highness concluded an able, pathetic address with this toast, creditable to both heart and mind—"England, Canada, and France."
As already intimated, French visitors of respectability or distinction invariably meet with a hearty welcome in this province, no pains being spared to make the travellers from outre mer feel at home. Until recently, it was not an unusual thing to hear a peasant say, "But our good kin will come again."
Making all due allowance, however, for the claims of kinship and legitimate community of natural sentiment, it is only right to make, at this point, particular acknowledgment of the fact that the French Canadian to-day is as sensible of the privileges of British citizenship as any other section of Her Majesty's subjects; nor would many of them return to the French rule were that option presented them to-morrow. Hon. Wilfrid Laurier exclaimed in the Dominion Parliament only the other day: "If I had my choice, I would not return to French alliance," adding: "If a poll were taken in Canada, all my countrymen would declare to the same effect." This exhibits a state of feeling no less than a measure of intelligence well calculated to render them more useful and congenial citizens than if animated by "mere French ideas," whether it be their destiny to continue British subjects, or become citizens of the American Republic in the not distant future.