# A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 16

CHAPTER XVI.
1534—1565.
The council assembled for the purpose of electing a successor to their deceased chief, nominated Peter Dupont, a member of a Piedmontese family, to that office. At the time of his election, Dupont was residing in his grand-priory of Calabria, and it was with extreme reluctance that he accepted the supreme dignity. He felt that his great age made him unfit for the onerous duties of a Grand-Master at. the perilous crisis in which the affairs of the Order were then involved. Eventually his scruples were overcome, and he set out for Malta to assume his new dignity.
The dangerous position in which the garrison of Tripoli stood rendered the maintenance of that post a subject of anxious consideration to the new Grand-Master, and he turned his eyes towards Charles V., then by far the most powerful potentate in Europe, for assistance in its protection. Charles had originally bestowed this unwelcome gift on the knights, partly to escape the expense of its maintenance, and partly in the hope that the establishment of the Order of St. John in that spot might act as a check upon the piratical enterprises of the surrounding princes. He was therefore well disposed to render every assistance in his power, and as a matter of fact the appeal of ​Dupont reached Madrid at a moment when the emperor was himself actually contemplating a descent upon Africa.
The northern coasts of that continent abutting on the Mediterranean had first been occupied by the Arabs during the latter part of the seventh century. The country had since then gradually become subdivided into several kingdoms, of which Morocco, Algiers, and Tunis were the most important. These principalities were now inhabited by a mixed race comprised of Arabs, negroes, and Moors, the latter having been driven there from Spain during the preceding two centuries. Until of late these petty kingdoms had not interfered in the politics of Europe, and their very existence was but little known and as little cared for.
At the commencement of the sixteenth century a revolution took place which materially altered their position. Two of the four sons of a Turkish inhabitant of Mitylene, named Horuo and Hayradin, prompted by a love of adventure, had abandoned their father’s island and joined themselves to a crew of pirates. Their daring and skill in this new calling soon raised them to the command of the band, and they gradually augmented their forces until they became masters of a fleet of twelve large galleys, besides smaller craft. Calling themselves the Friends of the Sea and Enemies of all who sailed thereon, they scoured the Mediterranean and rendered their names terrible in every part of its waters. These brothers were known by the surname of Barbarossa, from their red beards. Horuc Barbarossa was recognized as the supreme chief; at the same time the power of Hayradin Barbarossa was but little inferior. Increasing in ambition as their control extended, they at length sought the acquisition of a new port whence they might carry on their buccaneering expeditions in security.
An opportunity was not long in presenting itself. The king of Algiers had called in Horuc to support him in a war with a neighbouring chief, and the freebooter took the opportunity of dethroning and murdering his ally, and of establishing himself in his place. To render his position the more secure, he placed his new acquisition under the protection of the Turkish sultan, to whom he tendered the homage of a tributary prince. It accorded well with the ambitious views of the Ottoman emperor ​to add these extensive provinces to his power; he therefore accepted the proffered homage, and promised his support to the sell-elected usurper.
In the year 1518, Horuc fell in an action against the marquis de Comares, the Spanish governor of Oran, and his brother Hayradin ascended the vacant throne. The fame of his naval exploits having reached Constantinople, the sultan appointed him commander-in-chief of the Turkish fleet. Thereupon Barbarossa repaired in haste to that city, full of a new project of aggrandisement which had presented itself to his ambition. The king of Tunis had died leaving behind him a flourishing family of no less than thirty-four Sons, of whom the youngest, named Muley Hassan, had been named by the late king as his successor owing to the influence of his mother. As soon as the nomination had been declared, Muley Hassan poisoned his father, and ascending the throne promptly put to death as many of his brothers as he could get into his power.
Al Raschid, one of the eldest, succeeded in making his escape, and fled to Algiers to implore the protection of Barbarossa. This wily chief at once promised his support, and took the fugitive to Constantinople, where he trusted to obtain means from the sultan for the prosecution of his design, which was simply to make use of the claims of Al Raschid to secure the kingdom of Tunis for himself. The sultan readily adopted his scheme, and gave him the command of a powerful fleet, with an ample land force. Thus armed, Hayradin set sail, the unfortunate Al Raschid being meanwhile retained a prisoner in the seraglio at Constantinople. Arrived off Tunis, he succeeded in obtaining possession of the fort of Goletta, through the treachery of its commander. That work commanded the bay, and on it the protection of the town entirely depended. Possessed of this important point, Barbarossa soon effected an entrance into Tunis, asserting throughout that the object of his attack was the restoration of Al Raschid. Once fairly established he threw off the mask, and caused himself to be proclaimed king. Muley Hassan, who had fled at his approach, proceeded direct to Madrid, and there implored Charles to aid him in the recovery of his kingdom.
This application was made at the same time that the Grand​Master Dupont was also requesting assistance in the same direction. The emperor, therefore, was induced to undertake an enterprise with the object of establishing a friendly power in the neighbourhood of Tripoli, in lieu of that of the dreaded Barbarossa. This expedition he determined on directing in person, and the whole power of his empire was laid under contribution to insure its successful prosecution. The army was composed of contingents from Italy, Germany, and Spain, whilst the fleet, commanded by Andrew Doria, the greatest naval officer of the age, was numerous and well equipped. The knights of St. John contributed to the force, four large galleys, eighteen smaller vessels, and the great carrack of the Order.
The army, which numbered 30,000 men, lauded without opposition on the shore of Tunis, in close proximity to the fort of Goletta. This work was now garrisoned by 6,000 Turks, under the command of a renegade Jew named Sinan, the most able and daring of Barbarossa’s lieutenants. The siege was opened in form, and after its ramparts had been duly breached, it was carried by storm, the knights as usual occupying the van, and rivalling their ancient fame by the valour with which they headed the assaulting columns, and seized the obstinately defended breach.
Barbarossa was both surprised and dismayed at the loss of this bulwark. Garrisoned as it was by the flower of his army, and defended by so daring a spirit as his lieutenant Sinan, he thought it impregnable. Now that it had fallen, the road to Tunis lay entirely open to the conqueror. The whole of Barbarossa’s fleet, together with an enormous accumulation of military stores, fell, by this success, into the hands of Charles, who, as he entered the fort, turned to Muley Hassan, then in attendance on him, and said, “Here is the gate open for you by which you shall return to take possession of your kingdom.”
Barbarossa had assembled a large force, principally composed of Moors and Arabs from the neighbouring tribes, but he soon found that little confidence was to be placed either in their valour or fidelity. With such an army he considered that it would be unwise to attempt a defence of Tunis, or to await the ​emperor’s arrival before its walls. He determined, therefore, upon advancing boldly to meet the Christians on the open plain, where his wild horsemen might be made more available than they could be behind the ramparts of the town. He had, however, one great source of uneasiness in the presence of no less than 10,000 slaves within the place. Barbarossa dreaded that they would avail themselves of this critical juncture to rise and regain their freedom, unless he left a large force to guard them. This, under the circumstances, he did not feel able to afford. So, with the ruthless barbarity which had marked every step in his career, he proposed a general massacre of the whole body, as the quickest and safest method of overcoming the difficulty. To this sanguinary suggestion he encountered a strong opposition from all his partisans. The atrocious and cowardly brutality of the scheme was too great even for the piratical horde whom Barbarossa had assembled beneath his banner; added to which their interests were as much opposed to the measure as their humanity. The Jew Sinan was the owner of many of them, and several other leaders were in a similar position. They therefore resisted this suggestion for the wholesale destruction of their property so strenuously that Barbarossa was forced to abandon the idea, and to sally forth to meet the emperor, leaving the body of slaves as well guarded as his limited means permitted.
The action which ensued was hardly worthy of the name. Although the forces of Barbarossa far exceeded those of the emperor in point of numbers, they were not to be compared with the latter in discipline or steadiness. The very first onset decided the day, nor could the utmost efforts of the Algerine rally his flying battalions. The rout became general, and the usurper hastened to re-enter Tunis so as to take proper measures for its defence. Here he found that his original fears with regard to the Christian captives had proved well founded. As soon as they discovered the departure of the main force, they had risen on their guards, recovered their freedom, and seized upon the citadel, which they now held against the retreating Barbarossa. Amongst these captives was a knight of St. John, named Simeoni, the same who, in earlier youth, ​had greatly distinguished himself in the defence of the island of Leros against a Turkish force. This knight immediately placed himself at the head of the revolting slaves, and took such prompt measures that the whole city fell into his hands. Barbarossa was compelled to fly, and his troops rapidly dispersed.
Simeoni advanced to meet the emperor, and informed him of what he had done. Charles, who was overjoyed at this unlooked-for assistance, embraced him with warmth, and praised him in the most emphatic manner for the intrepidity and discretion with which he had acted. Muley Hassan was restored to his throne as a tributary of Spain, and the expedition being thus happily ended, the knights returned to Malta laden with substantial marks of the emperor satisfaction. They arrived there in time to see the last of their chief, who died shortly afterwards, having wielded the baton of Grand- Master for little more than one year.
He was succeeded by Dither de St. Gilles, a French knight, whose short reign was undistinguished by any event of importance beyond the destruction of a fort called Alcade, which the Algerines had constructed close to Tripoli. Botigella, to whom had been confided the command of the fleet of the Order in the late expedition, was intrusted with this enterprise, and the complete success which crowned his efforts marked the wisdom of the choice. The fort was utterly destroyed in spite of every effort on the part of the Algerines to save it, and the expedition returned in triumph to Malta.
St. Gilles himself never reached the chef-lieu after his nomination, but died at Monipellier, where he was residing for the benefit of his health. The vacancy which thus occurred gave rise to a warm contention in the election of a successor. The two commanders, Botigella and De Grolée, the latter of whom had led the assault on the fort of Goletta, were considered to have an equally good claim upon the suffrages of the electors. The Spaniards, however, whose influence in the convent had of late wonderfully increased, owing to the power of their emperor, were determined that a knight of their own langue should be chosen. They succeeded in carrying their point, and John D’Omedes, of the langue of Aragon, was nominated ​to the post. Although his claims were by no means equal to those of either Botigella or De Grolée, ho had nevertheless greatly distinguished himself during the siege of Rhodes, where he had lost an eye whilst defending the Spanish quarter.
The memory of D’Omedes has been much vilified by the French historians, and apparently somewhat undeservedly. These writers had evidently been imbued with warm feelings of partisanship in the struggle between the emperor and their own king. Everything Spanish was, therefore, regarded by them with a jaundiced eye, and the memory of D’Omedes, whose election was of itself calculated to awaken jealousy, has borne the brunt of this unfavourable bias. At the same time it must be admitted that some of his acts were arbitrary and unjustifiable, and that he was too often influenced by a partiality for his own nation.
A feeling of jealousy against his late rival Botigella, prompted him to remove that knight from the command of the galleys. in his place he appointed a young Florentine, named Strozzi, who in after years became notorious as one of the most adventurous and daring corsairs in the Mediterranean. At the time of his appointment he had done but little to distinguish himself, and his claims for the post were not for one moment to be compared with those of Botigella. The real reason of the change was that D’Omedes did not consider it safe to continue so important a trust in the hands of a man who had been his disappointed competitor, and whom he suspected of being still violently inimical.
The condition of the city of Tripoli had never ceased to give rise to feelings of anxiety. Though everything had been done that the limited means of the Order admitted, the place was still but feebly fortified. Each succeeding governor, as he returned to Malta, impressed upon the council the necessity of taking further steps to strengthen the place. These representations became at length so urgent that the Grand-Master appealed to the emperor either to assist in increasing its strength or to permit the knights to abandon it. The reply of Charles to this petition was a demand on them to join him in an expedition which he was contemplating against Algiers, still the stronghold of Barbarossa, and the chief haunt of the ​pirates. whose depredations kept the coasts of the Mediterranean in a state of constant alarm. He trusted by crushing them in their nest to insure the safety of Tripoli without further outlay, and at the same time relieve his maritime subjects from an incubus which had long weighed upon them.
Four hundred knights, each accompanied by two armed attendants, formed the contingent which the Order contributed to the army of the emperor, who, inflated by the success of his late expedition against Tunis, determined once again to lead his forces in person, and directed a general rendezvous in the island of Majorca. In vain his veteran admiral Doria remonstrated with him on the imprudence of attempting a maritime expedition so late in the year, when the storms which, at that season, are so violent and frequent in the Mediterranean, might at any moment disperse his fleet. Charles was not to be diverted from his purpose by any such prudential considerations, and he persisted in prosecuting the enterprise. The result proved the sagacity of Doria and the foolhardiness of the emperor. The army landed before Algiers, and commenced operations against it, but two days after they had broken ground a fearful storm arose from the north-east (known in the Mediterranean as a gregale). This not only deluged the camp and prostrated the army, but caused the far more irreparable loss of the greater part of the fleet, which had been lying off the coast, and the bulk of which was driven ashore. Fifteen galleys and 140 transports and store ships were lost in this dreadful tempest.
Doria, who, by the exercise of superior seamanship, had succeeded in rescuing some of his ships, took shelter under cape Matifu, whence he despatched messengers to the emperor announcing his whereabouts. After a most harassing march, Charles at length brought his prostrate force to the spot, hampered during the retreat by the hostile action of the Moorish cavalry. During this movement the knights of St. John had ample opportunity for distinction, as the task of covering the march of the army was intrusted to them. Their losses in carrying out this duty were most severe, and the number ​who survived to bear the tale of the disaster to Malta was but comparatively small.
The failure of this expedition rendered the position of Tripoli still more precarious. In this crisis the Grand-Master and council selected for the onerous post of governor a knight of the langue of Provence, called John de la Valette, a name which subsequent events rendered one of the most illustrious in the annals of his fraternity. Even at that time La Valette had distinguished himself by his bravery and zeal in numerous cruising expeditions against the Turks, he had never quitted the convent from the day of his first profession, except on the occasions of these caravans or cruises, and he had gradually risen from post to post within its ranks until he had attained a high position.
The fate of Tripoli was destined, however, to be postponed for yet a little while, and La Valette avoided the painful duty of its government before the blow fell. Meanwhile, Malta itself had a very narrow escape from suffering a similar catastrophe. Barbarossa had died at Constantinople, and was succeeded in the command of the Turkish fleet by his lieutenant, Dragut. This man had attained a notoriety in the Mediterranean, second only to that of his chief, and this addition to his power was followed by prompt and decisive measures. He possessed himself of the town of Mehedia, a port situated midway between Tunis and Tripoli, where he established a naval depôt in the most dangerous contiguity to the latter stronghold. D’Omedes viewed with very natural alarm the fresh danger which menaced his feeble outpost, and he persuaded the emperor to direct an expedition against this new foe.
Charles was the more readily induced to accede to this request because he was desirous of wiping out the stigma of his late failure in the attack on Algiers, and also because the proximity of the Turkish corsair menaced the coasts of Naples and Sicily. The Order of St. John despatched a contingent to join the main force, which was under the command of Doria. This auxiliary body consisted of 140 knights and 500 hired soldiers, the whole being under the command of the bailiff Do is. Sangle. The siege of Mehedia took place in ​June, 1550, and, after a desperate resistance, ended in its capture. As it was not intended to hold the place, the fortifications were destroyed and the post abandoned.
This success, in which the knights had the principal share, brought down on them the anger of the sultan, and he forthwith began to prepare an expedition for the purpose of driving them from Malta. Neither time nor means were available for D’Omedes to place the island in a proper state of defence. When, therefore, the Turkish fleet under Dragut anchored off the Marsa Muscetto on the 16th July, 11, very few additions had been made to the feeble fortifications with which the Bourg and the castle of St. Angelo were protected. The commanders of the Turkish armament landed upon Mount Sceberras, and from that elevated spot surveyed these several works. The natural strength of the position seems to have daunted the Turks, for they abandoned the idea of an assault at that point, and decided instead to commence operations against the Città Notabile. The troops were disembarked and marched directly into the interior, taking with them artillery for the siege of the town. The garrison was not prepared to yield tamely, and stoutly maintained its resistance, although the prospect seemed somewhat desperate. Fortunately intimation reached the Turkish commander that Doria had set sail, with a large fleet, for the relief of the island. This intelligence, which was completely false, so far terrified Dragut, that he decided upon abandoning his attempts on Malta, and reembarked his troops with the utmost expedition. As a last effort, he made a descent upon the island of Gozo, which he ravaged without resistance, the governor, De Lessa, behaving on the occasion with the most abject cowardice.
The descent upon Malta having thus failed, Dragut directed his course towards the city of Tripoli, fully determined to capture and destroy it, so as not to return to Constantinople empty-handed. At this time the governor of Tripoli was a French knight, named Gaspard la Vallier, the marshal of the Order. To the summons of the Turks he returned a disdainful reply, and the siege was commenced in due form. Dragut made the greatest possible efforts, and the works were pushed forward with the most ominous rapidity. Treachery within the ​town aided the designs of those in its front, and before long La Vallier was forced to treat for a capitulation. The most honourable terms were granted, but when the time came for their fulfilment they were basely violated, and the garrison, together with many of the citizens, were made prisoners. D’Aramont, the French ambassador at the Porte, had visited the Turkish army during the siege, hoping to divert its attack from Tripoli, and had been compulsorily detained. He now exerted himself to the utmost, and partly by his influence, partly by the expenditure of a large sum of money, he procured the release of all the prisoners, and set sail with them for Malta, where he anticipated being received with the gratitude he so richly deserved. The general feeling in Malta at the loss of Tripoli was so very bitter that D’Aramont soon found that he was regarded with distrust and antipathy. He was compelled, therefore, to return to Constantinople, saddened with the conviction that his kindness to the unfortunate garrison had been entirely misconstrued.
D’Omedes, feeling that he himself was not without blame in having left the beleaguered city to its fate, became anxious to divert the popular wrath into another channel. He therefore caused the marshal to be arrested, with three of his late companions in arms. Never were innocent men more basely sacrificed to popular clamour. They were all stripped of their habits, and La Vallier, than whom a braver man or more skilful captain did not exist, was further handed over to the civil power and imprisoned. He would undoubtedly have met with a still worse fate, but for the bold and indignant remonstrances of a knight named Villigagnon.
Whilst these events were taking place, the course of the religious revolution in England had been gradually reaching its climax. The quarrel between the king and the Pope had already assumed the most threatening aspect even before the death of L’Isle Adam, and fears for the security and permanence of the English langue had embittered the last moments of that venerable chief. Since then matters had rapidly developed, and the Reformation had become an accomplished fact. An institution like the Order of St. John, still ​maintaining fealty to the papacy, was not likely to remain long undisturbed under the new régime. Henry VIII., even before his quarrel with the Pope, had shewn a strong inclination to interfere in the affairs of the fraternity in England, and to possess himself of much of its property. Now the moment had arrived when a plausible pretext was afforded of laying hands on it all.
There still exists in the Record Office of Malta a document addressed by the king to the Grand-Master, which deals fully with the subject. This document is dated on the 7th July, 1538, at Westminster, and is in the form of letters patent. It begins by styling Henry the supreme head of the Anglican church, and the protector of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. It then goes on to declare, first, that for himself and his successors, he gives license to brother William West, grand-prior of the priory of England, to confer the habit and receive the profession requisite to admit such English subjects as may desire to enter the Order under the usual conditions, provided always that such postulant shall have been previously required to take an oath of allegiance to the said monarch as his supreme lord, in accordance with the form duly instituted for that purpose, which oath the king exacts from all his subjects, whether lay or clerical; secondly, that any person nominated by the Grand- Master in council to a commandery, situated within the limits of the kingdom of England, shall of necessity obtain a confirmation of his appointment from the king. Such newly- appointed commander will be required to pay the revenues of the first year accruing from his commandery into the king’s treasury, nor will his nomination to the commandery be ratified until he shall previously have taken the oath of allegiance, and have paid the said year’s revenue, or, at all events, have given due security for its future payment. Thirdly, it shall not be lawful for the Order of St. John to make eleemosynary collections within the realm of England, unless in virtue of a royal warrant, which warrant shall contain the express clause that such collection was not made in pursuance of any bull ​from the Roman pontiff, but under letters patent emanating from the king of England. Fourthly, those brethren holding, or hereafter promoted to commanderies within the realm of England, shall not recognize, support, or promote the jurisdiction, authority, rank, or title of the bishop of Rome. Fifthly, those brethren holding, or hereafter promoted to commanderies within the realm of England shall, after payment of the first year’s revenues into the king’s treasury, transfer those of the second year to the treasury of the Order for the general maintenance and support of the convent with the reservation of such annual tithes as the king retains to himself from all the cornmanderies within his kingdom. Lastly, that every year a chapter of the priory shall be held, in which all crimes committed by the fraternity within the realm of England shall be examined into and duly punished; and if any offending brother shall consider himself aggrieved by the sentence of the chapter, he shall appeal either to the vicar of the king, or to the conservator of the privileges of the Order of St. John duly appointed by the king.
A very cursory study of the clauses contained in this document will show both the subtlety and rapacity of those by whom it was drawn up. The fourth clause was in itself amply sufficient to prevent any member of the Roman Catholic Church from holding office or emolument within the kingdom of England; but as though the monarch feared lest the members of the Order might be possessed of consciences sufficiently elastic to take the oath, he secures for himself an ample provision from the revenues of the commanderies, payment of which would be enforced even upon the most compliant of the fraternity. Had the knights of St. John been in the habit of yielding any annual tithes or contributions to the See of Rome, it would have been but natural that the king of England, when he assiuned to himself the papal functions within his realm, should at the same time have transferred to his own treasury all such payments. This, however, had never been the case. From the earliest period of its institution, the brotherhood had been exempted by papal authority from any demand for ecclesiastical tithe or contribution, and this exemption had been continued and confirmed from time to time ever since. Henry, therefore, ​in exacting the payment of tithes, was arrogating to himself a privilege such as had never been assumed by the pontiffs of Rome, even in the days of their most dictatorial authority. One of the great sources of revenue enjoyed by the treasury was the payment of the first year’s income by the successor to a vacant commandery. It was this of which Henry contemplated the spoliation. It is true that he substituted the second year’s revenue for the benefit of the treasury, but in so doing he only mulcted the unfortunate commanders by so much additional taxation.
It is greatly to the credit of the members of the English langue that they did not permit the natural desire of retaining their large possessions in England to outweigh their sense of religious duty. Hard as the terms were which Henry was endeavouring to impose on them, they were such as many men would have deemed preferable to absolute confiscation; but the Order of St. John was not prepared to admit any such compromise between its duty and its interests. It had been reared in the bosom of the Church of Rome, it had been nurtured by the protection of each successive pontiff, and now that a storm had burst over the head of the father of the Church, which bid fair to deprive him of the spiritual allegiance of an important section of his flock, the knights were not prepared to abandon his cause for the sake of retaining their worldly advantages. The terms offered by Henry were peremptorily declined, and the langue of England—which had been so long considered one of the brightest adjuncts of the Order, and of which the historian Bosio, himself an Italian, and therefore an unbiassed witness, has recorded “cosi ricco nobile e principal membro come sempre era stata la venerabile lingua d’Inghilterra"—was lost to the fraternity. A general sequestration of its property took place, accompanied by much persecution. Some perished on the scaffold, others lingered in prison, and the remainder, homeless, destitute, and penniless, found their way to Malta, where they were received with all brotherly kindness and consideration. By an Act of Parliament, dated in April, 1540, all the possessions, castles, manors, churches, houses, &c., of the Order of St. John, were vested in the Crown; out of this revenue, pensions to the amount ​of £2,870 were granted to the late Lord-Prior and to other members of the institution.
It has already been stated that at the commencement of his rule D’Omedes had appointed to the command of the galleys a young Florentine knight named Leo Strozzi, who had attained the dignity of grand-prior of Capua. The father of this knight had been imprisoned by the emperor Charles, and had ended his life by suicide. Leo, burning with resentment at his death, abandoned the service of the Order and entered that of the king of France. He trusted that under that flag he would have an opportunity of avenging himself upon the emperor. For some time he served in the French navy with much distinction, and had risen to the chief command of the fleet. Being naturally of an imperious and fiery temper, he had in that position made for himself many powerful enemies in the French court, and was, in consequence, eventually compelled to resign his command and leave the kingdom. He then applied for readmission into the fraternity at Malta, but D’Omedes, who, as a Spaniard, was a warm partisan of the emperor, declined to permit him to land on the island.
The abandonment of his post had closed to him all French ports; his antagonism to the emperor prevented his finding shelter within any of the harbours of Sicily, and now that he was refused admission to Malta he was compelled to cruise in the Mediterranean without any means of refitting his galleys. Under these circumstances, he was in a measure driven into acts of piracy in sell-defence, and for some time he became the scourge of the Mediterranean, under the title, assumed by himself, of “The friend of God alone.” Charles, who was too wily a politician to permit his resentments to interfere with his interests, now that he saw this able captain quarrelling with his former protector, at once opened negotiations to induce him to enter his own service. It is doubtful whether Strozzi, whose anger at the imprisonment of his father appears never to have subsided, seriously contemplated the acceptance of this offer; but he permitted the negotiation to ​be carried on, as during its progress he was freed from all hostility on the part of the emperor.
His daring deeds Shad raised for him a host of friends amongst the fiery spirits who dwelt in Malta. From some of these he received an invitation, whilst his parleying with the emperor was still continuing, to present himself once more in their island, pledging themselves that he should not again receive an inhospitable rebuff. Strozzi had now become very desirous of once more entering the ranks of the Order. He trusted that from his celebrated name and high interest he might one day attain to the supreme dignity. He therefore promptly accepted the invitation, and again presented himself off the harbour. The Grand-Master had by this time become acquainted with the overtures of Charles to the Florentine. He also knew how warmly Leo was respected by the knights, and therefore no longer refused him readmission into the fraternity; but, on the contrary, welcomed him into its ranks with every possible honour. The extreme ability of Strozzi was now freely displayed for the benefit of his confrères, and by his judicious counsels and suggestions he rendered them the greatest possible assistance.
In conjunction with two other knights, he was appointed to inspect and report upon the state of the fortifications, and to suggest such additions as might be considered necessary for the complete security of the island. The commissioners pointed out that, although the Bourg was enclosed by a rampart and ditch, it was, nevertheless, commanded by the rocky extremity of the peninsula of St. Julian, which ran parallel to that on which stood the castle of St. Angelo. They therefore strongly urged the necessity of establishing a fort on this promontory of sufficient capacity to hold a considerable garrison. Mount Sceberras also required occupation, in order to deny to an enemy the use of the harbour on the other side, called the Marsa Musceit, or Muscetto. Their recommendations on this head included the occupation of the entire peninsula, but the funds in the treasury did not admit of so extensive a work. Forts were, however, erected at the extremity of each promontory, that on Mount Sceberras being called St. Elmo, and that on the peninsula of St. Julian, St. ​Michael; their further recommendations as to an increase in the works of the Bourg and St. Angelo were also adopted.
In order to carry out these additions with the greater vigour, the three commissioners each took charge of one of the works, and assisted by other knights, pushed forward the construction with the utmost rapidity, stimulating the workmen by their constant presence. Don Pedro Pardo, a celebrated Spanish engineer, designed the forts, to the rapid completion of which every one devoted his utmost energies. The bailiffs and other grand-crosses contributed the gold chains from which the insignia of their rank were suspended, as also a large portion of their plate; other knights followed their example, subscribing liberally from their private means in aid of the treasury. The galleys also were retained in port so that their crews, which were principally composed of slaves, might be employed upon the rapidly rising ramparts. The result of these exertions was so satisfactory, that in the month of May in the following year, 1553, the forts of St. Michael and St. Elmo, and the bastions at the head of the Bourg, were completed and armed.
The last event of importance which marked the rule of D’Omedes was an unsuccessful attack upon Zoara, made under the command of Strozzi. This ill-fated expedition ended in the destruction of almost the entire force, and Strozzi himself only escaped being taken prisoner by the valour of a Majorcan knight named Torcillas. D’Omedes died on the 9th September, 1553, at the advanced age of ninety. It has already been stated that the French historians have omitted nothing which could blacken the memory of this chief. To the vices of avarice and favouritism they add a charge of general incapacity. That the French langues, long accustomed to see the Grand-Master selected from amongst their number, should feel it a grievance that this monopoly had been broken through, was but natural. It was also to be expected that the langue of Spain, suddenly brought into prominence and supported by the overwhelming influence of the emperor, should assume somewhat on its new position, and should arrogate to itself many of those good things which it had never before had the power of obtaining. Parsimony was doubtless ​a vice of D’Omedes, nor can he be altogether acquitted of nepotism; still in neither particular was he worse than many of his predecessors, nor would he, but for the circumstances in which he was placed, have been treated with the virulent abuse which has been poured upon him. During his later years extreme old age rendered him personally almost irresponsible for the acts of his government, and the 0-rand-Master, who sank into the tomb a dotard of ninety years of age, was a very different man from the hero who had so bravely held the post of Spain during the siege of Rhodes, and who lost an eye in that memorable struggle.
The general feeling at the death of D’Omedes was that Strozzi, the grand-prior of Capua, should be his successor, but it having been pointed out to the council that he would probably use the power thus intrusted to him in furtherance of his private quarrels, which were many and bitter, the choice ultimately fell on the grand-hospitaller Claude de la Sangle, who was at the time acting as envoy at Rome. This nomination, so contrary to his anticipations, gave dire offence to Strozzi. He at once resigned the command of the galleys, and set sail on a private adventure of his own, in which he was accompanied by several of the younger knights, who expected to earn renown under so distinguished a leader. Their anticipations were never destined to be realized, as Strozzi lost his life almost immediately afterwards before a small fort in Tuscany. Ills successor in the command of the galleys was La Valette, in which position that gallant leader added to the reputation he had already won.
During the first year of La Sangle’s rule an evanescent prospect sprang up of the restoration of the English langue. The death of the young king, Edward VI., having placed his sister Mary on the throne of England, that princess being a zealous Roman Catholic, at once despatched ambassadors to Malta to treat for the revival of the English langue, promising at the same time the restoration of its sequestered lands. To this proposition the council of the Order naturally gave a prompt and joyful assent, and for a few brief years it seemed as though that venerable langue was about to resume its former status. But this was not to be. The death of Mary crushed ​all the rising hopes of the fraternity, for on the accession of Elizabeth it was again suppressed in a still more formal and complete manner.
The successful forays which the galleys of Malta had carried out under the able command of La Valette, so far enriched the public treasury that La Sangle determined to add still further to the fortifications erected by D’Omedes. Both at St. Elmo and the Bourg considerable additions were made, but his main efforts were directed to the further strengthening of the promontory of St. Julian. D’Omedes had, it is true, erected at its extremity a fort called St. Michael, but this was not deemed sufficient, as the whole peninsula was much exposed to the neighbouring height of Coradino. To remedy this, La Sangle constructed a bastioned rampart along the side of the promontory facing those heights, and he enclosed its neck in a similar manner. These works were carried out principally at his own expense. The fraternity, in grateful commemoration of the fact, named the enceinte thus formed, and the town which rapidly sprang up within it, after its public-spirited chief. From that day it has always been known as the Isle do Ia Sangle, since Italianized into Senglea.
The prospects of the island of Malta were every day improving; the maritime successes of the Order not only enriched the treasury, but added so considerably to its already widely-spread renown that its ranks became rapidly recruited with much of the best blood in Europe In the midst of this prosperity, however, a calamity occurred which, but for prompt assistance on all sides, might have proved irreparable. The island was visited by a furious hurricane on the 23rd September, 1555. The violence of this tornado was such that numbers of the houses were laid in ruins. Almost all the vessels in harbour sank at their anchorage, and many of the galley slaves forming their crews were drowned. The most prompt and energetic measures were necessary to restore the lost fleet, and, fortunately for the Order, it found friends both within and without its own ranks to aid it at this crisis. Philip II. of Spain instantly despatched two galleys, well armed and fully manned, as a present to his protégés. The Grand-Master, at his own expense, caused another to be built ​at Messina, and the Pope, not to be behindhand in the good work, furnished its crew from amongst his own galley slaves. The prior of St. Gilles forwarded a galleon laden with ainmurntion and troops, and the grand-prior of France proceeded to Malta in person, with two galleys, and tendered his services to the Grand-Master.
These patriotic efforts proved to be of vital importance. The corsair Dragut, trusting to find the island in a defenceless state, made a descent on it, and even attempted a landing. He was repelled with great loss by the aid of the new fleet, and the prior of France promptly carried the war into the enemy’s country by ravaging the coasts of Barbary. In this operation he was so successful that he returned to Malta with a vast accumulation of valuable spoil.
La Sangle died on the 17th August, 1557, and was succeeded by John Parisot de la Valette, who, during the last year of his predecessor’s rule, had filled the office of lieutenant of the Mastery, holding, at the same time, the grand-priory of St. Gilles. His name of Parisot was derived from his father’s fief, which was so called, but he is far better known to posterity by the family name of La Valette, which his deeds have rendered so illustrious. He was born in the year 1494, of a noble family of Quercy, and entered the Order at the age of twenty; he had been present at the siege of Rhodes in 1522, and followed the fortunes of the knights through their various wanderings after the loss of that island. Indeed, it is recorded of La Valette that, from the day of his first profession to that of his death, he never once left the convent except when cruising with the fleet. His successes as a naval commander soon singled him out from amongst his compeers, and he had, by his own unaided merits, raised himself step by step through the various dignities of the Order, until he now found himself elected its forty-seventh Grand-Master.
He had once been taken prisoner in an encounter with a Turkish corsair named Abda Racman, and during his captivity suffered great hardships and many indignities at the hands of his victor. Curiously enough, in later years he succeeded in capturing a galley commanded by Abda Racman, who thus, in his turn, became the prisoner of his former captive. History ​has not recorded how the Turk was treated, or whether La Valette avenged himself for the indignities he had suffered at the hands of Abda. He was in due course ransomed from his slavery, and was shortly afterwards appointed governor of the fortress of Tripoli, at a time when it was difficult to find a man qualified, and at the same time willing, to accept that onerous post. After his recall from thence, he attained successively to the position of bailiff of Lango, chief-admiral of the fleet, and grand-prior of St. Gilles. On the arrival of the grand-prior of France, after the hurricane of 1555, La Valette resigned in his favour the post of commander of the fleet, and the Grand-Master, La Sangle, was so struck by this disinterested act, that he named him his lieutenant, an office which La Valette continued to fill until he was himself elected Grand-Master in August, 1557.
His first efforts, on assuming the magisterial office, were directed towards the recall of the chiefs of the Bohemian and Venetian priories to the allegiance which for many years they had cast off. In this he was so successful that a deputation was despatched to Malta from the recusant priories, praying to be once more received into the bosom of the fraternity, and pledging themselves to the punctual payment of their annual responsions for the future. By this wise and politic measure the influence and stability of the Order were largely increased, and its revenues much augmented, at a time when the course of events seemed to forebode a great strain upon both. La Valette also reversed the sentence which had been passed on the marshal La Vallier, for the loss of Tripoli. His discriminating judgment perceived from the first that this unfortunate knight had been sacrificed to popular clamour. The Grand-Master La Sangle had so far recognized the injustice of the original sentence as to release the prisoner from the close confinement in which he had been kept by D’Omedes. It was now the privilege of La Valette completely to wipe away the stain upon the honour of La Valuer, and in restoring to him the habit of which he had been stripped, publicly to proclaim his total innocence of the crime laid to his charge, and the consequent injustice of the sentence that had been infficted.
At about this time the viceroy of Sicily, acting under the ​Philip II., who had lately succeeded to the throne of Spain, vacant by the abdication of his father, Charles V., assembled a force for the recovery of Tripoli, the importance of which for the protection of Sicily and Spain had become more than ever apparent since its capture by the Turks. A strong contingent from Malta joined this army, numbering upwards of 2,000 men, of whom 400 were knights, under the command of de Tessières, the new admiral of the fleet. The viceroy, who was at the head of the expedition, caused its utter failure through his obstinacy and vanity. Instead of directing his first attack against Tripoli, as had originally been intended, he captured the little island of Galves, upon which he began the construction of a fortress, intending that it should bear his own name. The delay proved fatal; disease spread rapidly amongst his forces, and the knights, perceiving the futility of the entire operation, abandoned the enterprise, by order of La Valette, and returned to Malta. Heedless of all warnings, the viceroy persisted in remaining within his new acquisition, where he was surprised by a powerful Turkish squadron, and with difficulty escaped the capture which awaited the remnants of his force. No less than fourteen large vessels and twenty-eight galleys, the flower of the Spanish fleet, were captured and carried off by Piali to Constantinople. It is computed that altogether 14,000 men perished in this unfortunate and mismanaged enterprise.
The exultation of the Barbary Moors at their success knew no bounds; indeed, it seemed as though of late years the Cross had been fated always to suffer humiliation at the hands of the Crescent. The tide was now, however, about to turn. Encouraged by the reverses the Spaniards had sustained in their late expedition, as well as in a fearful storm which at about this time—viz., 1562—overtook a squadron of twenty-four galleys, whilst carrying supplies to the Spanish colonies, and in which 4,000 men and nearly the whole fleet were lost, the Algerines determined on making a bold effort to sweep the Christians entirely from the coast of Africa. Since the fall of Tripoli, the principal possessions of the latter in that quarter were the fortresses of Oran and Mers-el-Kebir, which were in immediate contiguity to each other. It was against these ​neighbouring strongholds that the first efforts of the Algerines were directed. On the 15th March, 1563, Hassan, their leader, commenced the attack on Mers-el-Kebir, detaching a small portion of his force for the investment of Oran, which was only three miles distant. For nearly three months the siege was carried on with the utmost vigour, and the assaults delivered by the Algerines were both frequent and desperate. The governor of Mers-el-Kebir, Don Martin de Cordova, was a man equal to the emergency, and his resistance was so firm that when, on the 8th June, a relieving force despatched by Philip hove in sight, the fortress was still in his possession. Hassan was compelled at once to abandon the siege and retire in haste. Great were the rejoicings at this success, and a feeling of exultation spread through the maritime provinces of southern Europe, to which they had for some years been strangers.
Philip was not slow in following up his advantage, and carrying the war into the enemy’s country. He wrested several important acquisitions from the hands of his discomfited antagonist, in doing which he was warmly supported by the knights of St. John. The Moors appealed to the sultan for aid, and suggested that he should wreak his vengeance on the Order in its island home. At this crisis an event occurred which, though apparently insignificant in itself, sufficed to determine the enraged sultan on immediate action. The Maltese galleys had succeeded, after a desperate struggle, in capturing a Turkish galleon armed with twenty guns and manned by 200 janissaries. This galleon was the property of the chief eunuch of the sultan’s harem, and several of its fair inmates held shares in the valuable cargo, which Spanish historians have estimated at over 80,000 ducats. All the power of the seraglio was therefore exerted to induce Solyman to avenge the affront by a signal chastisement; and the attack on Malta, when pleaded for by bright eyes and. rosy lips, was at length decreed by the amorous sultan. He determined as a fitting close to that long and glorious reign which had earned for him the title of Magnificent, to drive the knights from their new acquisition as he had in the commencement of his reign driven them from Rhodes. His preparations for this undertaking were made upon a most formidable scale, and the ​attention of Europe was speedily drawn to the vast armament collecting in the port and arsenal of Constantinople. The uncertainty as to its destination filled the maritime provinces of the Mediterranean with alarm, and on every side precautions were taken for defence in case of need.
La Valette, who, in accordance with the practice of his predecessors, always maintained spies in Constantinople, was not long in discovering that Malta was the real point of attack. He at once despatched emissaries to the powers of Europe to crave assistance, but with the exception of the Pope, who contributed 10,000 crowns, and Philip, who sent a small body of troops, these appeals were unavailing, and he soon found that it was to his own Order alone that he would have to trust for the defence of the island; still, undeterred by the lukewarmness of those who should have been earnest in the cause, he promptly set himself to meet the storm as best he might. The front of Senglea on the land side was greatly strengthened, terrepleins were added to the ramparts, and the ditches of the Bourg were completed. La Valette also constructed a small battery for three guns beneath the fort of St. Angelo, nearly on a level with the water’s edge, to flank the front of fort St. MichaeL This battery, during the siege then impending, proved a work of the utmost importance at a very critical moment. A huge chain was fixed so as to close the entrance to the port of the galleys, one extremity of which was secured to the platform of rock below St. Angelo and the other to the point at Senglea.
So anxious was La Valette to hurry these works and to insure their completion before the arrival of the enemy, that he and his knights laboured themselves constantly at them. It is recorded that the Grand-Master, although at the time seventy years of age, joined with the other officials of the Order in taking his place among the long file of labourers who were carrying materials to the ramparts. By the suggestion of the viceroy of Sicily, who at that moment visited the island, a ravelin was also constructed at fort St. Elmo on the side nearest to the Marsa Muscetto.
Meanwhile, La Valette had summoned his confreres from all their European commanderies; and the call was obeyed with the utmost enthusiasm. They poured into Malta from all quarters; ​and contributions also came in from those who were unable to render personal service either on account of age or infirmity. The Maltese militia was organized and drilled, and soon became a very effective body of soldiery, numbering upwards of 3,000, and 500 galley slaves were released under pledge of performing faithful service during the coming siege. The Sicilian viceroy, Don Garcia do Toledo, who was still prolonging his visit to the island, concerted with La Valette a project of mutual defence, and from this dignitary the Grand-Master received the most earnest pledges of assistance as soon as a sufficient force could be collected. He left his own illegitimate son under the charge of the knights, so that he might gain his first experience of war in the strife now about to commence.
La Valette was deeply gratified at the eagerness with which the flower of his Order had flocked to the island in the hour of danger. He assembled them all together, and in that glowing language which is ever the utterance of true earnestness, called upon them to stand firm in the good cause they had adopted at their first profession. They had then voluntarily devoted themselves to the defence of their religion, and if they were now called on to sacrifice their lives, it was their duty and their privilege cheerfully to lay them down. At the close of his address he led the way into the chapel of the convent, where they solemnly partook of the Holy Communion together.
Although the lapse of four centuries and a half had done much to weaken the simple and earnest religious feeling which had characterized the founders of the Order, it needed but a call like this to awaken something of the spirit of old. As they stood round their venerable chief the remembrance of many a gallant struggle was warm within their hearts. The scenes which had been witnessed at Jerusalem, at Acre, and at Rhodes, were once more to be enacted, and the devoted band determined with one heart that the renown of their predecessors should stiffer no diminution by their conduct during the coming crisis.
* ↑ About nine miles east of Algiers.
* ↑ This name should be Weston, as Sir William Weston was the grand-prior at the time.
* ↑ Alluded to in Chapter VII. under the title of confraria.
* ↑ For further details of the suppression of the langue of England, see Chapter XXII.