# A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 3

CHAPTER III.
1187—1230.
Jerusalem had fallen, and was now in the possession of Saladin. That chief, in the hour of his triumph, behaved with a generosity hardly to have been anticipated from his previous conduct. Instead of enacting scenes of carnage, such as those which had disgraced the entry of the Christians in the preceding century, he took every precaution that no license should be permitted. He allowed the military, the nobles, and all who had borne arms to proceed to Tyre, and he fixed the ransom of the civil population of the town at the rate often crowns per man, failing the payment of which they were to become slaves. In many instances, at the supplication of the queen, he was induced to forego the demand of this ransom, and the Hospitallers freely lavished what remained in their already nearly-exhausted treasury to purchase the liberty of others, so that the number of those who were eventually doomed to slavery was comparatively small, lie also permitted ten of the fraternity of the hospital, in consideration of their charitable functions, to remain for a limited period within the city to complete the cure ​of those sick who were under their charge, and not in a state to undergo immediate removal.
Thus were the Christians forced to turn their backs on the scene of so many struggles, hopes, and triumphs. The crescent again waved over the ramparts where the rival banners of the Hospital and Temple had for so long fanned the breeze, and the church of the Holy Sepulchre once more became a Mahometan mosque. Was it for this that Peter the Hermit had in the preceding century thundered forth his denunciations against the infidel? Was it for this that Europe had poured forth her countless hosts to whiten the shores of Palestine with their bones? Was it for this that generations of zealous devotees had consecrated their swords and their lives to the preservation of that precious conquest wrung at such cost from the Moslem? It was, alas, ​too true. Europe had stood looking supinely on whilst the web of destruction was slowly but surely being woven round the sacred province, and now, when it was too late, when all was lost, a cry of indignation and vengeance arose on every side.
It may be well to pause for a moment and analyse the causes which led to so speedy a decline and fall of the kingdom of Jerusalem. These were twofold: one, the increase and concentration of the power of the Moslem; the other, the decadence and disunion of that of the Christians. When first the crusaders established themselves on the shores of Palestine, they found the enemy divided into factions, and combating as to certain disputed tenets of their faith with a rancour and animosity such as only religious warfare could excite. Either party was generally ready to coalesce with the new corners to ensure the overthrow of its rivals, and the Christians, in most of their earlier campaigns, were able to count for aid on one or other of the parties. As, however, the power of the Turcomans gradually consolidated itself, and opposing pretensions were eventually concentrated in the person of a single leader, the position of the Latins became more and more precarious. The troops which the Saracens brought into the field had also greatly improved in their discipline during this period. The lessons taught by their European opponents were not thrown away on their commanders, and they eventually became but little inferior in prowess and skill, whilst always remaining vastly superior in numbers.
On the side of the Christians may be traced much and ever increasing disunion. Instead of that firm and steadfast alliance between the various principalities which constituted their only chance of safety, they were prepared, at every trivial quarrel and at every petty jealousy, to jeopardize the existence of the kingdom. We have already touched upon the disputes between the military Orders and the regular clergy. There is no doubt that these disputes originated in the greed of the latter, who were loth to see such wealthy communities exempted from the payment of tithes. In addition to this, jealousies had latterly sprung up between the Hospitallers and the Templars themselves, which in time led to very serious results. Instead of confining their rivalry to a friendly emulation on the battle​field, they often became more intent on thwarting and impeding each other than on opposing the Saracens. These were all so many contributing causes to the final catastrophe. That in these quarrels and jealousies the Order of St. John was always in the right it would be absurd to assert; still, there is much to be said in their favour. In their disputes with the clergy they were clearly most unjustly attacked. They merely defended the privileges granted to them by the See of Rome, the common superior of themselves and of the clergy; whilst as regards their dissensions with the Templars, the conduct of that Order during this eventful period seems to show that they were probably in the wrong. The weight of contemporary evidence certainly leans strongly in favour of the Hospitallers. In a letter which Conrad of Montferrat addressed to the archbishop of Canterbury whilst engaged in the defence of the city of Tyre, he says:—“All succour is denied me, and what is still worse, the Grand-Master of the Templars has carried off the money which the king of England had sent for me. As to the Ilospitallers I have nothing but praise to record of them, and I call God and yourself to witness my gratitude towards them, for from the moment when they first took up arms in defence of this place they have never ceased to render the greatest possible service, and so far from imitating the Templars by retaining that portion of the subsidy from the king of England which they were bound to furnish, they have in addition positively spent upwards of eight thousand crowns of their own money in the defence of Tyre.” Another anecdote of the period also bears on the subject. Whilst King Richard I. of England was in Normandy on his way to the East, the vicar of Neuilly addressed an exhortation to him, in which he said that the king should, before starting on his Crusade, lay aside those besetting sins which he called his three daughters, vis., pride, avarice, and luxury; to which Richard replied, “If I am to part with these three daughters of mine, I do not think I can provide for them in a more suitable manner than by bestowing the first on the Templars, the second on the monastic Orders, and the third on the bishops of my realm.” it is difficult not to feel that the two Orders had by this time achieved very different reputations, and that the feelings of the powers of Christendom towards ​them indicated which was in the wrong. Those feelings were not slow in finding a vent, as the difference of their respective fates was destined before long to show.
The lose of Jerusalem deprived the Order of St. John of that home which for upwards of a century had been a shelter not only for themselves, but for all whose misfortunes demanded their aid. The buildings which the merchants of Amalfi had originally appropriated to their kindly hospitality, and which bad been greatly increased in extent since those times, once more reverted to the Moslem, in whose hands they remained until they fell into ruins.
Recent explorations have largely cleared up the difficulties as regards position, which until of late rendered it almost impossible to define what were the actual dimensions and limits of the establishment of the Order in Jerusalem. The following description may be taken as correct as far as sites are concerned, very few of the actual remains having been as yet uncovered.
To the south of the church of the Holy Sepulchre there is a plot of ground nearly square, about five hundred feet a side, which is bounded on the north by what was formerly the Street of Palmers, now known as the Via Dolorosa, on the west by Patriarch Street, now Christian Street, on the south by Temple Street, now David Street, and on the east by the Malquisinat or Bazaar. Within this area stood the later buildings of the Order. North of the Street of Palmers, and to the east of the church of the Holy Sepulchre stood the churches and hospitals of St. Mary ad Latinos and St. Mary Magdalene, also ad Latinos, the original establishments of the Amalfi merchants. No traces of these are now to be found. To the south of the Street of Palmers, in the western angle of the square, stood the church of St. John Eleemon and its hospice.
​On the east of that they had erected another large church, called Sta. Maria Majora, with a monastic quadrangle to the south of it, and along the south of the whole square, looking towards Temple Street, ran the noble Hospital of St. John. When Jerusalem was captured by Saladin, the church of St. John the Baptist was by the Saracens converted into a madhouse (in Turkish, Muristân). Hence the whole space has since been known by that name. In the year 1869 the eastern hail, on which stood the church of Sta. Maria Majora, the monastic quadrangle, and a portion of the Hospital of St. John, was given by the sultan to the crown prince of Prussia. This part of the Muristân has since then been excavated by the Germans, and the ruins of the old buildings laid bare. The most conspicuous and interesting feature in this space is the gateway of St. John. It consists of a large round arch comprising two smaller arches within it. A few remains only of the latter now exist. The spandril between the two was formerly adorned with sculpture, now nearly all gone. These arches rest at one side on a central pillar, and at the other on an entablature reaching from the small side columns of the portal. The main arch rests on a buttress adjoining the, portal. Around this runs a broad sculptured frieze, representing the months. January, on the left, has disappeared. Then come “Feb,” a man pruning a tree; “Ma,” very indistinct; “Aprilis,” a sitting figure; “Majus,” a man kneeling and cultivating the ground; “nius” (Junius), mutilated; “lius" (Julius), a reaper; “Augustus,” a thresher; “eptem” (September), a grape gatherer; “br” (October), a man with a cask, above whom there is apparently a scorpion. November is missing, as regards name, but has a woman standing with her hand in her apron, probably the symbol of repose. December missing. Above, in the centre, is the sun (with the superscription “Sol"), represented by a half figure holding a disc over its head. Near it is the moon (“Luna"), a female figure with a crescent. The ​cornice above is adorned with medallions, representing leaves, griffins, etc.
Passing through this gateway the visitor would enter the north side of the church of Sta. Maria Majora, which consists of a nave and two aisles, terminating in three apses at the east. In its greatest length it is about 120 feet, and about 65 feet in breadth. It is, of course, roofless, and only portions of the columns are to be seen. The aisles were separated from the nave by four arches, carried on three clustered columns on each side. Behind the church on the south is a vaulted quadrangle, evidently the monastic establishment, and on the south side of the quadrangle was the refectory now used as a German Lutheran chapel. South again of this the excavations have laid bare a number of piers and columns, which were no doubt a portion of the Hospital. It was thus described by Mandeville in 1322:—“ Before the church of the Sepulchre, 200 paces to the south, is the great Hospital of St. John, of which the Hospitallers had their foundation. And within the palace of the sick men of that Hospital are 124 pillars of stone, and in the walls of the house, besides the number aforesaid, there are fifty-four pillars that support the house. From that hospital, going towards the east, is a very fair church, which is called Our Lady the Great, and after it there is another church very near called Our Lady the Latin, and there stood Mary Cleophas and Mary Magdalene and tore their hair when our Lord was executed on the cross.”
Such is the present state of these most interesting rains, and it is to be hoped that when the western half of the Muristân (still in the possession of the Turks) is excavated many valuable remains, both of the Hospital and conventual church, will be laid bare.
View of part of the Muristan, forming the quadrangle of the Benedictine Monastery behind the church of Sta. Maria Majora, as it appeared before the excavations were commenced by the German Government.
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​during the most stirring times of war, had never been permitted to suffer neglect.
The ladies of the Order, unequal to cope with the hardships consequent on a further residence in the East, abandoned the Holy Land for ever, and divided themselves between their various branch establishments in Europe. Amongst other places they were possessed of a very extensive settlement at Bucklands, in Somersetshire, the gift of Henry II. to the hospital in the year 1180, and hither came a great number of the wandering sisterhood. The queen of Aragon had also shortly before erected a noble establishment for the ladies of St. John at the village of Sixenne near Saragossa. This also threw open its hospitable doors for the reception of all who sought its shelter. Here these pious devotees passed the remainder of their lives in the strictest seclusion, mourning the loss of their home, and bewailing the fate of those heroes who now lay mouldering beneath the sandy plains of Palestine.
The history of the Order throughout its residence in the East was so closely connected with that of the kingdom of Jerusalem, that it would have been difficult to trace the progress of the one without entering into some detail with regard to the other. Now, however, that we have reached the point where a fatal blow had been dealt at the fortunes of that kingdom the narrative of what followed may be told more briefly. It must, however, be borne in mind that in all the struggles with which that period was rife, the Order bore a noble part, and contended with unflagging zeal against ever-increasing obstacles. The incidents of the third Crusade are too well known to all students of history to call for more than a passing remark here. Boasting amongst its leaders no less than four crowned heads, the emperor of Germany, Richard of England, Philip Augustus of France, and Leopold of Austria, this expedition found Guy de Lusignan engaged in the siege of Acre. That city, the Ptolemais of the Romans, was the most important maritime post on the coast of Syria, and had opened its gates to the Saracen army without resistance after the disa.ctrous conflict of Tiberias. For three years did the crusaders besiege the town, and the defence was, throughout that interval, maintained with the most unflinching obstinacy. During the latter part of the time the attack was ​led on by Richard of England himself, and eventually his efforts were crowned with success, the place being forced to surrender.
Hither, as soon as order was in some degree restored, the Hospitallers removed their convent from Margat, and it was in their new establishment in this city that Ermengard flaps died in the year 1192. The siege of Acre is notable for the formation of a fourth military Order, which, during its progress, was called into existence. This fraternity received the name of the Teutonic Order, and was composed exclusively of Germans. They wore a white mantle with a black cross embroidered in gold, and their rules were very similar to those of the Templars.
The capture of Acre led to no further successes on the part of the crusaders. Dissensions, such as must ever arise in a force composed of so many differing elements, soon sprang up, and the length of time during which the siege had been protracted cooled the enthusiasm of the army. Some of its leaders, on various pretexts, had already returned to Europe, and the termination of the siege led to the departure of many of the remainder. In vain Richard strove to keep together the rapidly dissolving fragments of the force; not even his energy and perseverance could overcome the reluctance with which further operations were contemplated. He was at length, much against his will, driven to conclude a truce with Saladin, and to abandon the cause which he had so much at heart, and in which he personally had reaped so much distinction.
Ermengard Daps was succeeded by Godfrey de uisson, whose lineage and nation are somewhat uncertain, though it is generally thought that he came from Picardy. Shortly after his accession an event occurred which for a few years gave a little breathing time to the shattered relics of the Latin kingdom. Saladin, the renowned enemy of the Christians, who had so often routed their forces, and who had torn the sacred city from their grasp, died in the year 1193, leaving his empire to be divided among his eleven sons. As may readily be imagined, such a disposition of his power soon kindled the flames of civil commotion from end to end of the newly-consolidated Saracen empire. Had this internecine warfare been permitted to continue for any length of time it is possible that the Latins might have succeeded in re-establishing themselves ​with greater durability and more extended empire than before. Unfortunately for the prospects of the Christian cause, Saffradin, the brother of the deceased chieftain, craftily taking advantage of his nephews’ struggles with each other, overpowered them in detail, and re-organized the empire on a basis nearly as extensive as it had been during the reign of Saladin.
Whilst these events were occurring, the Latins had found time to take measures for securing their few remaining possessions in the Holy Land. Richard of England, having touched at Cyprus on his road to the East to join the crusading army, had been refused permission by the king of the island to enter the harbour. Enraged at this wanton breach of hospitality, Richard, being at the time supported by a considerable force, seized upon the island, and brought away the king and his daughter as prisoners in his train to Acre. Whilst, however, he was loading the father with chains of silver, he was himself, if ancient scandal be credited, becoming entangled in the bonds of love by the daughter. Be this as it may, he eventually bestowed her hand, and with it the kingdom of Cyprus, on Guy de Lusignan, whose position had by this time become so dubious in its nature that he was not above wedding with the cast-off mistress of the king, endowed with a throne, even one of such limited extent as that of Cyprus.
At Guy’s death his brother Almeric succeeded to the crown, and was soon afterwards, through the good offices of the Master of the Hospital, united to Isabella, the widow, successively, of Conrad and of the count of Champagne, as well as the divorced wife of Humphrey of Thoron. As by Guy’s death this princess became his undoubted successor to the crown of Jerusalem, Almeric, by his marriage, established his right to that dignity in addition to the throne of Cyprus. His presence being in consequence imperatively called for in Palestine, to hold together the few remaining possessibus which still acknowledged his rule, he suggested to the military Orders that they should undertake ​the protection of Cyprus on his behalf. This island, from its position, formed an excellent base of operations whence to support the isolated posts still held by the Christians in Palestine. Strong detachments were therefore sent by both bodies to insure its safety from aggression.
The chronology of these times is so very obscure that it is impossible to trace with accuracy the precise dates at which each change of Master took place. None of the fraternity at this early period seem to have undertaken the task of chronicling the deeds of themselves or of their companions in arms; we are therefore totally dependent on the writers who have treated generally of the fortunes of the kingdom of Jerusalem and of the numerous Crusades by which it was from time to time supported. The military Orders are only very cursorily mentioned, and the most confusing contradictions in names and dates constantly occur, rendering it difficult to determine which are the most probably correct. Godfrey de Duisson died somewhere about the year 1194, and was succeeded by Alfonso of Portugal. This knight claimed to belong to the royal family of that kingdom. The inscription on the tomb, which was erected by himself in his lifetime, ran thus: “Alfonso, Master of the Holy Hospital of Jerusalem, son of the King of Portugal, etc., etc.” As, however, the history of Portugal makes no mention of such a scion of the royal family, it is probable that the honour was tainted by the bar sinister.
The accession of Alfonso was the signal for a rigid reform in the discipline of the Order. The century which had elapsed since its first foundation had brought many changes in the habits and mode of life of the period, luxuries having been gradually introduced which in earlier times were unknown. The Hospitallers had followed in the tide of progress, and many innovations had crept into the convent, by no means in accordance with the rigid code framed by the austere Raymond du Puy. Alfonso was one of those men, so common in all periods, who, without discernment sufficient to note the signs of the times, are determined to abide rigidly by the rules of their forefathers. He was unable to see how vain it was for him to attempt to oppose himself to the stream of progress, and that ​nothing short of complete isolation from the world would have sufficed to keep the fraternity in the path laid down by their chief. Rules, which in the days of Raymond merely engendered simplicity of life and an absence of ostentation, would, when carried out a century later, have involved a degree of austerity never contemplated by him. Impressed, however, with the necessity for a rigid observance of the oaths taken on his assumption of office, Alfonso at once began to enforce the antiquated discipline.
In this endeavour he met with the most vehement opposition from the council. So strenuously and pertinaciously were the objections of its members urged, that he lost his temper. Thundering forth the imperious mandate, “I will be obeyed, and that without reply,” he sought to silence remonstrance by an appeal to authority. Language such as this had not of late been heard at the council board, and an immediate outcry proclaimed the resentment of those present. Open rebellion soon succeeded to remonstrance, and Alfonso was, before long, taught that the estimate he had formed of his magisterial power was greatly exaggerated. Disgusted at the failure of his attempt, and cowed by the storm of opposition he had evoked, he resigned his office, abandoned the Holy Land, and retired to Portugal, where he shortly afterwards fell in an engagement during one of the civil wars of that country.
Numerous attempts were made by the powers of Western Europe to recover some of the lost ground in Palestine during the first half of the thirteenth century. Had these efforts been properly directed, and not diverted to objects other than those for which they were organised, they would probably have proved successful. The history. of the times is, however, filled with the rancorous hatreds and petty jealousies which were constantly arising to thwart any vigorous or concerted movement. Wave after wave of attack surged on the shores of Palestine, only to recede again, rather through the ignorance and impatience of the leaders than the resisting power of the infidel. One of these expeditions had turned its arms against the city of Constantinople, and wresting it from the enfeebled grasp of the Byzantine dynasty, converted it for a short time ​into a Latin kingdom, the crown of which was given to Baldwin, count of Flanders.
Meanwhile Almeric had died, leaving vacant the two thrones of Jerusalem and Cyprus, the former of which was inherited by Mary, daughter of Isabella by her first husband. It was the unhappy lot of Palestine, at a time when she most needed a clear head to guide her councils and a firm hand to lead her armies, that the crown should be worn by either women or children. To obviate the evils likely to arise from female rule at such a critical time, a deputation was sent to Philip Augustus of France, requesting him to name some prince who might receive the hand of the new queen, and with it the crown of Jerusalem. Philip, in accordance with this wish, selected John of Brienne, count of Vienna, for the heritage, which was one more of danger than of glory. John at. once set forth for the Holy Land, and on his arrival was united to Mary and assumed the throne of the attenuated kingdom.
Whilst these changes were going on, the dissensions between the Orders of the Hospital and Temple, which had long been smouldering with ill-disguised virulence, burst forth into open hostility. There had for many years existed a deep feeling of jealousy between these fraternities, a jealousy rendered the more rancorous on the part of the Templars from a sense of inferiority in wealth and territorial possessions. Matthew Paris, a contemporary historian, estimates the property of the Hospital in the various states of Europe at the beginning of the thirteenth century at 19,000 manors, whilst that of the Temple at the same period was only 9,000. The term manor in those days was used to signify the extent of land that could be tilled by one yoke of oxen. This great difference in point of wealth, which marked the superior estimation in which the Hospitallers were held throughout Europe, naturally excited the jealousy of their rivals, and at last found vent in open warfare.
In the neighbourhood of the town of Margat, where, as has already been said, the Hospitallers had established their convent after their expulsion from Jerusalem, stood a castle, the property of a knight. named Robert de Margat. That knight held the place as a vassal of the Hospitallers, and acknow​ledged them as his feudal lords. To this castle the Templars laid claim, and, supporting their pretensions by force, seized the disputed property. Robert de Margat at once claimed the protection of the Hospitallers, whose vassal he considered himself to be. These latter, incensed at the unprovoked outrage committed by their rivals, mustered their forces, sallied forth from their establishment at Margat, and retook the castle by storm. Prom this moment open and systematic warfare broke out between the Orders, and, several very sanguinary collisions ensued. Utterly oblivious of the vows they had taken at their profession, and of the obligations then imposed on them, they turned their swords, which had been consecrated to the cause of their faith, with fratricidal rage against each other, and throughout the length and breadth of the land men’ were dismayed at the sad spectacle thus afforded, and. the new danger threatening the poor relics of the kingdom.
Alarmed at the injury likely to accrue from this ill-timed antagonism on the part of those who had hitherto been the most powerful, as indeed sometimes they had been the only defenders of the kingdom, the patriarch and other ecelesiastics appealed to the Pope to interfere in the dispute. That prelate, having heard the statements of the deputies who had been despatched to Rome by both Orders, decided that neither party was free from blame. The Hospitallers had acted unjustiflably and in opposition to their own rules in endeavouring to redress by force of arms the wrong which had been done them; and on the other hand he decided that the claim of the Templars to the castle in question was unfounded. Under these circumstances he decreed that the Hospitallers should, in the first place, retire from the disputed property, leaving it in the possession of the Templars, and that then the latter, in their turn, should restore it to Robert de Margat at the expiration of one month. Matters were thus at length amicably settled, and a temporary truce, since peace it could scarcely be called, was established between the rival factions.
John of Brienne, having failed in his efforts to carry with him to the East an army sufficiently powerful to establish ​the rights he had acquired by his marriage, implored the Pope for assistance at this critical juncture. Innocent I [I., who at the time occupied the papal chair, entered warmly into his views, and supported by Robert de Courçon, an English priest, who partook largely of the enthusiasm and zeal of St. Bernard and Peter the Hermit, caused a new Crusade to be preached throughout western Christendom.
The first results of these efforts showed themselves in the force which in the year 1216, with Andrew, king of Hungary, at its head, made its way to the East. At Cyprus, Andrew met the Master of the Hospital, with whom he had appointed a rendezvous, and escorted by his fleet of galleys they proceeded in company to Acre. Here he refused the palace which the king of Jerusalem had prepared for his reception, preferring to take up his abode at the convent of St. John. Whilst residing there he was so impressed with the admirable manner in which the duties of the Hospital were conducted, not only at Acre but also at Margat, which place he visited as well, that he announced his desire of becoming a knight of the Order. Anomalous, as it undoubtedly was, for a monarch whilst retaining his crown to take upon himself the monastic obligations of poverty, obedience, and chastity, his desire was complied with, and he was enrolled amongst the ranks of the fraternity. Thus the king of Hungary became the first crowned head received as a knight of St. John, and he celebrated the event by a becoming act of dotation, settling upon the Order an annuity of seven hundred silver marks, secured upon the salt mines of his country. His brief stay in Palestine was of no real benefit to the kingdom.
His was a character far too unstable for any great enterprise, and before he had been three months at the head of his army he wearied of the undertaking. This impulse of restlessness was aggravated by grief at the assassination of his queen, the news of which had reached him whilst at Cyprus. The result was that he abandoned the Crusade, and in spite of the threats of excommunication fulminated against him by the patriarch, returned to Europe.
John of Brienne was not deterred by this defection from carrying on the struggle. Fresh bodies of crusaders having ​arrived, it was decided to attack Damietta, then considered the key to Egypt. Siege was accordingly laid to the town in the month of May, 1218, the military Orders as usual occupying a conspicuous position in the van of the army. The sultan of Egypt was apparently doubtful of the powers of resistance of this fortress, and dreading lest its fall should occasion the loss of his entire kingdom, he proposed a treaty to the Christians in virtue of which Jerusalem and the whole of Palestine, with two exceptions, were to revert to them, and all prisoners in the hands of the sultan to be released, provided the siege of Damietta were raised and the invasion of Egypt abandoned. John of Brienne and the Master of the Hospital were urgent that this very advantageous treaty should be accepted, but the papal legate, Pelagius, who had usurped almost unlimited authority in the allied camp, was of a different opinion, and in this he was joined by the Grand-Master of the Temple. Thus backed, his influence carried the point; the offers of the sultan were disdainfully rejected, and the siege was pushed on with redoubled vigour. John of Brienne retired for a time iii anger from an army in which, whilst he was the nominal head, the legate, in point of fact, ruled with absolute power.
After a defence which lasted for upwards of a year, Darnietta fell into the hands of the Christians, more on account of the exhaustion of the defenders than from any very active effort on the part of the assailants. Its population, which before the siege numbered upwards of 70,000 persons, barely at its close amounted to 3,000, and the victors, when they entered the place, found it one vast grave.
Fresh divisions arose in the councils of the army on the capture of Damietta. The king, who had by this time returned to the command, the Hospitallers, and those of the other chiefs who had all along supported his views, urged strongly that they should at once advance on Jerusalem, whilst the legate, the Templars, and their party, were equally strenuous in advising a penetration into the heart of Egypt and the complete overthrow of that monarchy. This they considered would prove the most certain method of permanently securing the safety of the Latin kingdom. The latter, as on the first occasion, carried their ​point; the army turned its back upon the sacred city and advanced into Egypt. The king, deeply though he resented the secondary position in which he found himself, could not bring himself to abandon a cause in which he had so much at stake, and which was promising so fairly, and for these reasons accompanied the army.
The Christians boldly pushed their way into the Delta of the Nile, the Egyptian forces retreating as they advanced. Here they found a new enemy before which they were powerless. The sultan broke down the banks of the Nile, flooded the whole intervening tract of country, and completely surrounded the Latin forces with an impassable lake. It was equally impracticable either to advance or retreat, whilst to remain where they were entailed certain starvation. In this unfortunate predicament the Christians were driven to treat with the enemy, and had at length to purchase their safety by the surrender of all their recent acquisitions. Daniietta was restored to the sultan, the army retired to Acre, and thus, owing to the obstinacy and presumption of Pelagius, backed by the Templars, the campaign was brought to an ignominious close, although at one time it bid fair to lead to the complete restoration of the kingdom.
The unfortunate result of this expedition did not, however, quell the high spirit of Europe, now once more aroused into its old crusading fervour. Further and still more energetic efforts were set on foot for the recovery of Jerusalem. Herman de Saltza, the head of the Teutonic Order, returned to Europe to solicit aid from the German emperor, Frederic. He proposed to him to marry Violante, the daughter and heiress of John of Brienne, who was at the time twelve years of age, and suggested that her father could probably be induced to resign his crown in favour of so distinguished a son-in-law. Flattered with this prospect, and tempted by the crown thus tendered for his acceptance, Frederic, with the sanction of the Pope, married Violante, and John of Brienne, weary of a throne which existed only in name, resigned in his favour.
Delays of various kinds caused a period of five years to elapse before Frederic found himself on the shores of Syria. During this interval the ill-feeling which had been gradually growing ​up between him and the Pope culminated in open hostilities. A sentence of excommunication was launched against the emperor, ostensibly on account of the delays which had interfered with his Crusade, and he in his turn invaded and ravaged the papal dominions. Undeterred by these ecclesiastical thunders, and whilst still lying under the anathema of his Holiness, Frederic proceeded to Palestine in the year 1228, accompanied by a considerable force, and prepared to march into the interior of the country.
A difficulty at first arose with the military Orders, who were unwilling to render aid to a prince who had been placed outside the pale of the church, and to whom the Pope had forbidden that they should render any assistance whatever. Eventually, however, matters were amicably arranged, and the army proceeded on its march to Jerusalem, meeting with no opposition on the part of the Saracens. Camel, the sultan of Egypt, dreading the ambition of his brother Coradinus, thought it advisable to make overtures of peace to the emperor, and thus, without striking a blow, Frederic was enabled to conclude an advantageous treaty on behalf of the Christians. Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, and Jaffa, were restored to the Latins, and pilgrims were to be permitted to traverse the land freely on their way to the Holy Sepulchre, the only proviso made being that the Mahometans were also to be allowed free access to the sacred spot which they had converted into the mosque of Omar. Whilst at Jerusalem Frederic caused himself to be crowned in this church. Owing to the ecclesiastical ban under which he lay none of the clerical dignitaries nor of the military Orders assisted at the ceremonial, with the exception of the Teutonic knights. These preferred their temporal to their ecclesiastical allegiance, and supported the emperor throughout, their Grand-Master pronouncing a laudatory oration at the close of the coronation ceremony.
The latter Order, ever since its first formation during the siege of Acre, had rendered the most vital assistance to the feeble state. Acting, as it always did, in harmony with the other fraternities, it was justly entitled to share with them the glory of maintaining the defence of the relies of the kingdom. From the date, however, of Frederic’s return to Europe, its assistance ​was lost to Palestine. Following in the train of the emperor, these knights left the Holy Land, and their achievements, though frequently brilliant and well worthy of record, have no further place in these pages. It is true that a few of them declined thus to abandon the cause they had originally adopted. These remained in Palestine until the final expulsion of the Latins from its shores, and are mentioned as sharing in the defence of Acre; but the main body, with their Grand-Master, retired with Frederic.
It is asserted by writers in the imperial interests that during Frederic’s stay in Jerusalem a conspiracy was entered into between the Hospitallers and the Templars to betray him into the hands of the Saracens, and that in this disgraceful and treasonous plot they were instigated by the Pope, who was his most virulent enemy. This treachery was discovered through the magnanimity of the sultan of Egypt, who, with righteous indignation at the authors of so foul a scheme, lost no time in making the emperor acquainted with it. That there was some truth in the accusation seems, from collateral evidence, to be most probable, although writers in the Papal interest have not hesitated to assert that the story had its origin in the fertile brain of Frederic himself, anxious to frame some plausible pretext for abandoning an enterprise into which he had been forced much against his own inclination. The discovery of such a conspiracy would in a great measure account for the animosity with which Frederic ever after regarded those Orders, and the persecutions and extortions to which he subjected them. The true facts of the case, and the due share of blame to be allotted to the various members of the plot, are very difficult to discover. All the historians of the epoch are biassed by their own political views and inclinations, and their narratives must be received with great caution. Those who wrote in the imperial interest, whilst dwelling strongly on the treachery of the military fraternities, aver that in the treaty entered into with the Saracens by Frederic, the Christians were placed on as advantageous a footing as that which they had held before the ill-fated battle of Tiberias. On the other hand, the papal writers not only deny the existence of any plot, but assert that the much-vaunted treaty was useless. It contained, they said, a clause that the ​fortifications of Jerusalem, which had been levelled by the Saracens during the siege of Damietta, should not be restored, thus rendering the possession of the city by the Christians an absolute nullity. This stipulation is alluded to by the Arabic writer, Abulfeda; and the fact that no attempt was ever made to restore the walls of the place during its brief re-occupation by the Latins seems to bear out the statement.
As has been said, Frederic had no sooner formally established his claim to the throne by his coronation in the mosque of Omar, than he at once returned to Europe, where his presence was without doubt urgently required in his own dominions. He, however, pledged himself to maintain a considerable force in Palestine for the protection of his kingdom there. Whilst these events were occurring, several changes bad taken place in the governance of the Order of St. John. At the resignation of Alfonso of Portugal in the year 1195, Geoffrey le Rat, a French knight, was elected in his place. This chief, by the mildness of his rule and the general urbanity of his conduct, soon restored that peace and unanimity in the councils of the Order which had been so rudely disturbed by the violent reforms of Alfonso. Geoffrey died in the year 1207, and was in his turn succeeded by Gurin de Montaigu, a native of the province of Auvergue. It was during his Mastership that both the Crusades lately recorded took place, and he bore a very prominent and glorious part throughout them. He lived till the year 1230, thus enjoying his dignities for a period of twenty-three years, a longer rule than that of any Master since the death of the venerable Raymond du Puy.
Bertrand de Tens succeeded Guérin at a time when the affairs of the unfortunate kingdom were in a state of confusion, even more lamentable than usual. The emperor Frederic had found, upon his return to Europe, that the constant warfare in which he was engaged against the Pope prevented him from sending those succours which on leaving Palestine he had fathfully promised to the council of the realm. His wife, Violante, had lately died in giving birth to a son, who was named Conrad, and who was, through her, heir to the crown of Jerusalem. In the absence of the infant prince and his father, rival claimants appeared to dispute the title. The scandalous injustice with which the emperor was at this time treating the military Orders, ​whose European property he was seizing, pillaging, and confiscating wherever it was exposed to the violence of his animosity, would have made it only natural that they should avail themselves of this opportunity for revenge. To their credit, however, it is recorded that in spite of the ill-usage which they were receiving at his hands, they nevertheless remained, under all provocations, true to him as their legitimate sovereign, and in spite of the seductive temptations held out to them by his rivals. The Pope felt so strongly on the subject of these wanton aggressions of the emperor, that he addressed a special letter to him on the subject, exhorting him to make immediate restitution to the two Orders, on the ground of the good service which they were daily rendering for the protection of the tottering kingdom of Palestine.
This letter is the more important in a historical point of view, because in it the Pope warmly extols the military Orders, and seems to consider their conduct worthy his highest approbation and sympathy. Only eight years afterwards, however, we find him writing in the most vehement strain to the then Master, Bertrand do Comps, and putting forward the gravest possible charges against the discipline of the fraternity. In this document he accuses them, on the faith, as he asserts, of undeniable authority, of harbouring within their convents women of loose character, of possessing individually private property in opposition to their vow of poverty, and further of assisting the enemies of the church with horses and arms, together with a long catalogue of other crimes, evidently collected together by their inveterate and implacable enemies, the ecciesiastics of Palestine.
It is more than probable that some of these accusations were founded on truth. We have already seen how Alfonso of Portugal endeavoured to introduce reforms into the convent, and how he lost his magisterial dignity in consequence. We may also safely conclude that the haughty spirits which so vehemently resisted his energetic measures had not become curbed during the milder rule of his successors. Yet it seems impossible to review all the concurrent testimony which bears upon the question without feeling that the more important of the charges thus brought forward were in no way borne out ​by the facts. Twenty years had barely elapsed since the king of Hungary, whilst residing at the convent, and having every opportunity of judging as to the regularity and decorum of their conduct, had expressed himself so highly edified by what he there witnessed, that he caused himself to be enrolled a member of the fraternity. Twelve years later again we find, as above stated, the Pope himself once more reiterating his approbation, and thereby ratifying the oft-expressed encomiums of his predecessors, an approbation not likely to have been extorted had such crying and barefaced irregularities existed. It is, moreover, scarcely probable that these vices, so scandalous in their nature, and requiring so much effrontery for their practice, could have gained a footing in the short space of eight years. We may therefore pretty safely conclude that whilst, on the one hand, such irregularities may have crept into the convent as would render reform highly advisable, on the other hand, the crimes detailed with such malevolent emphasis in the Pope’s letter to Bertrand were for the most part the offspring of calumny.
It may not be amiss, whilst on this topic, to draw attention to the many members of the Order who at this very time were earning for themselves, by the extreme sanctity of their lives and the rigid austerities which they practised, the high honour of canonization, an honour which in those days marked a life distinguished by a resolute withdrawal from the lax morality of the age. Amongst these may be noted Uhaldesca, a sister of the Order, who passed her life in the convent of Carraja. Her sanctity was such that miracles had been frequently attributed to her during her life, and she was specially reputed to have on one occasion rivalled that performed by our Lord at the marriage in Cana. After her death, which occurred in the year 1206, her body performed divers pilgrimages—a common fate for saints to whose mortal remains the piety of succeeding generations very frequently denied that rest which is the acknowledged privilege of the tomb, and which was enjoyed without disturbance by the more humble and sinful section of humanity. Nearly 300 years later, during the Grand-Mastership of Verdala, the sacred remains of this pious lady were transported to Malta, where they were deposited in the con​ventual church of St. John. They have ever since been an especial object of devotion to the faithful, certain indulgences having been, at Verdala’s request, granted by the Pope to all worshippers at her shrine. Here her bones still remain, and here it is to be hoped they will be permitted to rest in peace until the last trump shall once more summon her from her narrow bed.
About the same time another sister of the Order, named Veronese, started into celebrity from her extraordinary devotion to the services of the Hospital. This lady’s beauty was only to be equalled by her piety and modesty. Her virtues were indeed so pre-eminent that the legend which records her life asserts that three young men, dazzled by her charms, had on one occasion forgotten the respect due to her sex and profession, and were instantly struck dead at her feet. The tale concludes by stating that they were restored to life by her earnest prayers, and were themselves in consequence led to adopt a life of piety.
And lest it should be supposed that it was only amongst the ladies of the Order that this sanctity and devotion were to be found, history has also embalmed the memory of many members of the ruder sex, who, in addition to the chivalric exercise of their profession, rivalled in their religious zeal the piety of their fair sisters. Conspicuous on the roll were Hugh, head of the commandery of Genoa; Gerard Mecati, whose virtues are recorded by Paul Mimi in his treatise on the nobility of Florence; and Gerland of Poland, who was attached to the court of the emperor Frederic to represent the interests of his Or4er. Here he set such an edifying example to the dissolute courtiers of that prince that he established a very high reputation for sanctity. It is, however, much to be feared that he failed to work any striking reformation amongst the gay libertines by whom he was surrounded, and who were content to hold him in the highest veneration without being induced to follow his example.
* ↑ Saladin appears to have greatly admired the Order. The contemporary records relate an anecdote of him which, though bearing on its face the impress of invention, still shows in what high estimation he was sup posed to have held his relentless foes of the Hospital. The fable relates that, having heard of the boundless liberality and care lavished by the brethren on all who sought their help, whether Christian or infidel, Saladin determined to test the truth of the report. He therefore disguised himself as a Syrian peasant, and in that character sought admission to the Hospital. He was received at once, and his wants attended to. In pursuit of his design he refused all offers of food, alleging that he felt unable to eat. He continued this conduct so long that the brothers began to fear lest he should starve to death. At length, after having been pressed to name some article of food that might tempt his appetite, he, after much apparent hesitation, suggested that the only food he could fancy would be a piece of the leg of the Master’s favourite horse, cut off in his presence. The brethren were struck with consternation at such an extravagant request, but the rules of the Hospital were most stringent on the point of yielding to the utmost possible extent to the fancies of their patients. They therefore communicated the wish to the Master, who, much as he grieved at losing his favourite charger, at once gave orders that he should be taken to the Hospital, there to undergo in the presence of the patient the amputation necessary to gratify so inconvenient an appetite. Saladin thus saw that the fraternity in reality suffered nothing to interfere with what they considered the sacred duties of hospitality, and at once declared that the desire to gratify his craving had so far cured him, that he could partake of ordinary food without the necessity for consummating the sacrifice. He left the Hospital disguised as he had entered it, ever after retaining the warmest regard for his antagonists. Some writers assert that he made several liberal donations to the institution, but this probably is as fabulous as the tale itself.
* ↑ In the south-west corner of the site still stands an old Byzantine basilica of St. John the Baptist, earlier than any other known building in
* ↑ This description of the gateway is taken from Baedeker’s “Palestine and Syria.”
* ↑ The king of Cyprus murmured at being secured like a common prisoner in iron fetters. Richard, with a bitter irony, directed chains of silver to be substituted; and, strange to say, the vain and weak-minded prince was much gratified at the change.