# A History of the Knights of Malta/Chapter 24

CHAPTER XXIV.
1669—1797.
Although all connection between the kingdom of England and the Order of St. John had ceased from the time when the property of the English langue was sequestrated, still an interchange of correspondence appears to have taken place on matters connected with the navigation of the Mediterranean, and other kindred subjects, between Charles II. and the Grand- Master. We have already, when treating of the subject of slavery, quoted a letter from that king, dated in 1673. We have now to deal with another, which was written in order to secure a hospitable reception at Malta for a squadron which the king was sending there. The letter is as follows :—
“Charles II., by the grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, etc., Defender of the Faith, To the most eminent prince, the Lord Nicholas Cottoner, Grand-Master of the Order of Malta our well-beloved cousin and friend—Greeting.
“Most eminent prince, our well-beloved cousin and friend. The military Order over which your eminence most worthily presides having always used its power to render the navigation of the sea safe and peaceable for Christians, we in no way doubt that our ships of war armed for the same purpose will ​receive from your eminence every office of friendship. We therefore are desirous of signifying to your eminence, by these our letters, that we have sent a squadron of our royal fleet to the Mediterranean sea, under the command of Sir John Narbrough, knight, to look after the safety of navigation and commerce, and to oppose the enemies of public tranquillity. We therefore amicably beseech your eminence that if ever the above-named Admiral Narbrough, or any of our ships cruising under his flag, should arrive at any of your eminence’s ports or stations, or in any place subject to the Order of Malta, they may be considered and treated as friends and allies, and that they may be permitted to purchase with their money, and at just prices, and to export provisions and munitions of war, and whatever they may require, which, on similar occasions, we will abundantly reciprocate to your eminence and to your most noble Order.
“In the meantime we heartily recommend your eminence to the safeguard of the most high and most good God.
“Given from our palace of Whitehall, the last day of November, 1674.
“Your highness’s cousin and friend, “Charles Rex.”
In accordance with the instructions he had received, Sir John Narbrough in due course made his appearance at Malta. A dispute seems then to have arisen, the admiral declining to salute the town unless he were assured of an answer, the Order being unwilling to pay that compliment to the British flag. The Grand-Master wrote a letter of complaint upon the subject of this grievance to the king of England, and Charles replied in the following terms
“We know not how it came to pass that our admiral in the Mediterranean sea, Sir John Narbrough, knight, should have given such cause of complaint as is mentioned in your eminence’s letters, addressed to us under date of the 5th April, as to have refused to give the usual salute to the city of Malta, unless, perhaps, he had thought that something had been omitted on the part of the Maltese which he considered due to our dignity and to the flag of our royal fleet. Be it, however, ​as it may, your eminence may be persuaded that it is our fixed and established intention to do and perform everything, both ourselves and by our officers, amply to shew how much we esteem the sacred person of your eminence and the Order of Malta. In order, therefore, that it should already appear that we do not wish greater honour to be paid to any prince than to your eminence, and to your celebrated Order, we have directed our above-mentioned admiral to accord all the same signs of friendship and goodwill towards your eminence’s posts and citadels as towards those of the most Christian and Catholic kings, and we no way doubt your Order will equally shew that benevolence towards us which it is customary to shew to the above-mentioned kings or to either of them.
“Given in our palace of Whitehall, on the 21st day of June, 1675. Your eminence’s good cousin and friend,
“Charles Rex.”
This letter does not appear to have produced the desired result, as may be gathered from the following, the original of which is in the Record Office at Malta:—
“To the most eminent prince the Lord Nicholas Cottoner, Grand-Master of the Order of Malta.
“Most eminent Sir,—
“After the tender of my humble service with my hearty thanks for the manifold favours vouchsafed unto my master the king of Great Britain, etc., and for your highness’s extraordinary kindness manifested to myself, and, most eminent sir, since your favour of product (query, pratique), I have sent on shore one of my captains to wait upon your highness with the presentment of this my grateful letter, and withal to certify to your eminence that I did and do expect a salute to be given by your highness to my master’s flag which I carry, correspondent to the salutes which you give to the flags of the king of Spain and of the king of France, which are carried in the same place, it being the expectation of the king my master.
“Formerly your eminence was pleased to make some scruple of my command as admiral, which I humbly conceive your highness is fully satisfied in, since you received the last letter from the king of Great Britain.
​“Sir, I have, since my arrival at your eminence’s port, often employed the consul Desclaus to wait upon your highness concerning the salutes, but have not received any satisfactory answer thereto, which I now humbly desire may be returned unto me by my officer, and withal that your eminence will be pleased to honour me with your commands, wherein I may serve you, which shall be most cheerfully embraced and readily performed by
“Most eminent Sir,
“Your highness’s most humble
“and faithful servant,
“John Narbrough.
“On board H.M.S. Henrietta, Malta, October 17th, 1675.”
It is not very clear of what this complaint of Narbrough’s consisted, since, by the journal of the Rev. henry Toougc, chaplain on board H.M.S. Asistance, one of Narbrough’s squadron, there appeared no reluctance on the part of the town to return the salute, or, at all events, that they consented eventually to do so, and that, too, after considerable rudeness and bluster on the part of the captain of the Asistance, such as would not in the present day have been patiently tolerated by the weakest power. This is the extract:—
“August 1st 1675.—This morn wee corn near Malta; before wee corn to the cytty a boate with the Maiteese flagg in it corns to us to know whence wee cam. Wee told them from England they asked if wee had a bill of health for prattick viz entertaynment, our captain told them he had no bill but what was in his guns mouths. Wee cam on and anchored in the harbour betweene the old toune and the new about nine of the clock, but must wait the governours leasure to have leave to corn on shoare which was detarded because our captain would not salute the cytty except they would retaliate. At last cam the consull with his attendants to our ship, (but would not corn on board till our captain had been on shoare,) to tell us that we had leave to corn on shoare six or eight or ten at a time, and might have inything that was there to be had, with a promise to aCCel)t our salute kindly. Whereupon our captain tooke a glass of sack and drank a health to king Charles, and fyre4 scvcn gunns the ​cytty gave us five again, which was more than they had don to all our men-of-warr that cam thither before.”
It is evident from the date of this entry, which was the 1st August, 1675, that this condescension on the part of the city, although, according to the chaplain, it was more than had ever been yielded previously, did not satisfy the punctilious admiral, since his letter, as given above, is dated seven weeks later. That the Grand-Master did eventually yield to his demands and salute his flag to his heart’s content is clear by the follow. ing extract from Teonge’s diary, under date February 11th, 1676:—
“Sir John Narbrough cam in from Trypoly and four more ships with him. The noble Malteese salute him with forty- five guns, he answered them with so many that I could not count them. And what with our salutes and his answers there was nothing but fyre and smoake for almost two hours.”
Indeed, the behaviour of the townspeople appears throughout to have been courteous and even cordial, as witness the following extracts:—
“August 2, 1675.—This cytty is compassed almost deane round with the sea which makes severall safe harbours for hundreds of shipps. The people are generally extremely courteouse, but especially to the English. A man cannot demonstrate all their excellencys and ingenuitys. Let it suffice to say thus much of this place, viz Had a man no other business to invite him, yet it were sufficiently worth a mans cost and paines to make a voyage out of England on purpose to see that noble cytty of Malta and their works and fortifications about it. Several of their knights and cavaliers corn on board us, six at one time, men of sufficient courage and friendly carriage wishing us good successe in our voyage, with whom I had much discourse, I being the only entertainer because I could 5peak Latine for which I was highly esteemed and much invited on shoare again.
“August 3.—This morning a boate of ladys with their rnusick to our ships syd and bottels of wine with them. They went severall times about our ship and sang several songs very sweetly; very rich in habitt and very courteous in behaviour, but would not come on board though invited, but having taken their ​friscs returned as they corn. After them corn in a boat four fryars and cam round about our ship, puld off their hatta and capps, saluted us with congjes and departed. After them cam a boat of musitians, played severall lessons as they rowed gently round about us and went their way.
“August 4.—This morning our captain was invited to dine with the Grand-Master which hindered our departure. In the meantime wee have severall of the Malteese com to visit us all extremely courteous. And now wee are preparing to sail for Trypoly. Deus vortat bene.”
Here the worthy chaplain, apparently excited with his subject, drops into poetry:—
“Thus wee the ‘Assistance’ and the new Sattee
Doe steare our course poynt blanke for Trypoly.
Our ship new rigged, well stord with pigg and ghoose-a,
Henns ducks and turkeys and wine cald Syracoosa.”
This civility on the part of the Grand-Master and town was amply requited, as the expedition to Tripoli referred to, ended in the liberation of a large body of Christian slaves, amongst whom were no less than fifty knights, who were rescued by the gallant English. Cottoner appears to have taken advantage later on of the powerful support of the British fleet to obtain the liberation of another knight, a German named Robert von Sael, who was languishing in chains at Algiers. He wrote on the subject to Charles on the 15th August, 1678, when the English were preparing a fresh expedition against the Algerines. lie received the following reply:—
“Most eminent prince, our well-beloved cousin and friend. The thanks which your eminence, by your letters, written under date of the 15th of August last, returns to us on account of the fifty knights of your Order liberated by our assistance from the slavery of the barbarians, could hardly be more acceptable to us than the prayers adjoined to the above-mentioned letters for the liberation from the slavery of the Algerines of another member of your holy Order, the German John Robert A. Stael. We, in consequence, in order that we may not appear to be wanting either in the will or in affection towards your eminence, have communicated our orders to our ​well-beloved and faithful subject, Sir John Narbrough, knight, commanding our fleets in those seas, that if the city of Algiers should be constrained to agree to a treaty of just peace and submission by the force of our arms, assisted by divine help, he should use every effort in his power so that the liberty of the said John Robert & Stael be obtained. Your eminence is already well aware of the fidelity and zeal of our above- mentioned admiral, and we have no doubt that he would willingly and strenuously observe our orders on that head. It remains for us to heartily recommend your eminence, and the whole of your military Order, to the safeguard of the most high and most good God.
“Given from our palace at Whitehall, the 2nd day of November, in the year of our Lord 1678. Your eminence’s good cousin and friend, Charles Rex.”
The fleet of England at this period rendered the most vital assistance in aiding to cheek the depredations of the African corsairs. It was then establishing the first rudiments of that supremacy in the Mediterranean which has since become so indisputable. Neither Charles nor Cottoner could have dreamt that the island fortress, whose guns showed such reluctance to pay due honour to the flag of England, should some day be one of the most valued possessions of that country.
The conclusion of the siege of Candia had left the Turks at liberty to pursue their aggressions elsewhere, and as the knights had during that war rendered much help to the Tenetian Cottoner now began to dread lest his island should he the nest point of attack. He therefore lost no time in taking measures for its farther security, and with this object invoked the aid of a celebrated Italian engineer, named Valperga. With his assistance, and under his direction, a stupendous work was projected and commenced, which was to sweep round in rear of the two peninsulas of the Bourg and Senglea, so as to enclose them and a large extent of ground behind them in one vast enceinte. This line, which forms a complete semi-circle, is little short of three miles in length, and includes nine bastions, with two demi-bastions at the extremities. Great opposition was raised to the undertaking, owing to the enormous expenditure its prosecution would necessarily involve ​indeed, the whole scheme was such as to render it open to much criticism.
Notwithstanding the objections urged against his grand design, Cottoner was not to be deterred from carrying it out, and on the 28th August, 1670, he laid the first stone in the bastion of St. Nicholas with much pomp and ceremony. Four commissaries were appointed, who were charged with the responsibility of providing everything requisite for carrying on the work with vigour. For their accommodation houses were built in the gorges of the bastions, so that they might remain continually on the spot. AU the artificers in the island were assembled there, and others brought over from the neighbouring countries; bakeries and cisterns were established for their convenience, and every effort made to push forward the undertaking. For ten years the building was carried on under the eye of the Grand-Master, who felt his honour intimately bound up with the fortification to which he had given his name, and during that period a vast expenditure was incurred. At his death the ramparts had been raised throughout to the level of the cordon; none of the outworks, however, had been begun. By this time the treasury was almost exhausted, and his successor gave directions that all further progress should be suspended. When the island of Malta passed into the possession of the British the lines of Cottonera, as they have always been called in honour of their founder, were still unfinished. Indeed, it was not until twenty years ago that the design, altered to suit the exigencies of more modern warfare, was really completed. Many additions were also made by Cottoner to the defences of Floriana, which were considered to have been left by Lascaris in a very defective state, and to add to the protection of the grand harbour, a new fort was erected on the extreme point of its eastern entrance, and received the name of Ricasoli, having been constructed mainly at the cost of the chevalier Francesco Ricasoli. It was designed by Valperga.
Nicholas Cottoner died in the year 1680, at the age of seventy-three years, deeply regretted in the convent, where he had been most deservedly popular, as well from the success of his government as the courtesy of his demeanour. The public works which he had carried on not only added materially to the ​security of the island, but also afforded constant employment to the inhabitants, many of whom, being relatives and dependents of men who had fallen in conflicts with the Turk, would otherwise have been left in a state of destitution. Although we shall find this prosperity continuing, to a certain extent, under his successors, still every year hastened the decadence of the fraternity. The want which called the Order into existence had passed away. So long as the Turkish power continued to flourish and increase, and so long as the ambitious policy of its rulers had caused it to be a perpetual source of uneasiness to Europe, the knights of St. John, as its natural and sworn foes, were recognized as a necessity. The reign of Solyman the Magnificent had been the culminating point of Turkish prosperity. Under him the nation had reached the climax of its greatness, and after his death numerous causes contributed to bring about a rapid diminution in the forces of the empire. For upwards of a century this decline was too gradual and imperceptible to calm the fears of Europe. Aggressions still continued, and had to be met; Hungary and Poland, Candia and the Levant, were still the scenes of much bloody strife and many a hard contested fight. In most of these the Order bore its part, and bore it manfully, maintaining, so far as the altered conditions of the times• permitted, its ancient reputation for constancy and valour. From the middle of the seventeenth century it became no longer possible to doubt the serious and rapidly accelerating reduction of the Turkish power. True the Ottomans now and again still rallied their energies. It was after this date that they effected the conquest of Candia, and at a later time we find them under the walls of Vienna, threatening the existence of Austria. These, however, appear to have been the last expiring efforts of their ambition, for from the date of their utter defeat by the heroic John Sobieski they withdrew within the limits of their own empire, and the fears they had excited throughout Europe were quelled for ever. As a natural result of this retirement, the Order of St. John, the decline of which had commenced with that of the Moslem, rapidly degenerated, and eventually became so effete that when, at the close of another century, it was swept away without a struggle, no friendly voice was raised to prevent the act.
​The new Grand-Master elected to supply the place of Cot- toner was Gregory Caraffa, prior of La Rocella, and the cornmander of the Maltose galleys at the battle of the Dardanelles. This was the first time for 100 years that an Italian knight had been raised to the supreme dignity; his accession was consequently hailed by his countrymen with the most lively satisfaction. The peace and unanimity which had prevailed within the convent in the days of the brothers Cottoner still continued, and rendered the rule of Caraffa prosperous and happy. The bishop who occupied the see of Malta was a prelate of liberal views and enlightened piety. He did not, like so many of his predecessors, interfere in political matters; far less did he endeavour to subvert the authority of the Grand-Master in order to increase his own influence. Whilst peace thus reigned at home, Caraffa was not an idle spectator in the war raging between the Turks and the Austrians, the galleys of Malta having been most successfully engaged in the waters of the Levant during this period. Thus we find the emperor Leopold, in 1683, addressing a special letter to Caraffa, in which he thanks him in the warmest terms for preserving Christendom from the Turkish fleet, and in the same year John Sobieski sent him two letters, in which he related the particulars of the glorious victories which he had gained over the Turks, one under the walls of Vienna on the 13th September, and the other crossing the Danube, on the 10th October, 1683. The fact that this chief should have deemed it advisable to forward a detailed account of his movements to Malta proves that the knights of St. John still ranked high in public estimation as opponents of Turkish domination.
The brilliant successes of John Sobieski led to the formation of a new league against the Turks, the principal members of which were the Pope, the republic of Venice, and the Order of Malta. For several years this alliance subsisted in full force, and the shores of Barbary and the Moron felt the weight of its power from end to end. Previsa and Santa Maura both fell by the prowess of the knights, and afterwards, in conjunction with the Venetian and papal galleys, they attacked the port of Coron, and notwithstanding a most desperate resistance, carried it by storm. On this occasion Correa, the general of the galleys, ​commander of the Maltese contingent, fell gloriously. A fort had been seized by the allies, but was recaptured by the Turks, when the gallant Correa, advancing at the head of his force, amidst a storm of missiles, once more gained possession of the disputed point. That moment of victory was, however, his last, for in the very act of planting the White Cross banner on the conquered rampart he was struck on the chest by a bullet, and only lived long enough to know that Coron had fallen into the hands of the league.
After the capture of old and new Navarino, siege was laid to Napoli di Romana, the chief town in the Morea. This last stronghold of the Moslem was defended with the utmost tenacity. Three separate times did they strive to effect its relief from without, but each time they were routed with great slaughter beneath its walls. At the end of a month, the town despairing of relief, and harassed by the incessant attacks of the besiegers, surrendered unconditionally, and thus the whole of the Morea fell into the power of the allies. In 1687 the Dalmatian coast became the scene of war, and Castel Nuovo, a fortified town at the entrance of the gulf of Cattaro, was carried in triumph. This success dislodged the Turks from the Adriatic, and restored the command of its commerce to the Venetians. It was principally effected by the instrumentality of the grand-prior of Hungary, count Heberstein, who was a general in the imperial service, and commander of the Maltese contingent to the allied force. Letters from the Pope and the doge of Venice speak in the highest terms of the services of the knights in the strenua Castrinovi expugnatio, and the doge expressly specifies “the general of the knights of Malta, count Heberstein,” as the principal agent in the victory.
In the early part of 1689, James II. of England, then a fugitive in France, wrote the following letter to the Grand- Master, relating to his illegitimate son, Henry Fits James Stuart, whose mother was Arabella Churchill, sister to the duke of Marlborough.
“To my cousin the Grand-Master of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem:
“My cousin. We are so strongly persuaded of your zeal for the Catholic religion that we do not doubt you will readily ​embrace every occasion which may present itself of manifesting it. And as we have particular gratification in seconding your good intentions in such laudable designs, we have resolved to dedicate to the Order of the Knights of Malta Henry Fitz James, our natural son, already well known to you. For your kindness and civility extended to him when at Malta we have to thank you sincerely. Although young, he is not wanting in experience, for he has already crossed the sea, and for nearly two years fought against the heretics. Wherefore, when you have this attestation of his sanctity, which we have thought proper to send you on the subject, we hope that in your goodness you will kindly grant him the dignity of grand-prior of England, enregistering him according to the usual forms of that rank. And as we doubt not that you will grant this favour, we promise you all aid and assistance which is or shall be possible for the glory and advantage of so illustrious and useful an Order in the service of God and to the glory of His church. May God keep us in His holy care. My cousin, your affectionate cousin, James R.
“Given at St. Germain en Laye, 24th February, 1689.”
This request was naturally acceded to, as the dignity applied for was at the time a practical nullity. Moreover, by this appointment the Grand-Master felt that should James recover his throne (and the battle of the Boyne had not yet been fought), he would most certainly strive to render the defunct grand-priory something more than a barren title. It does not, however, appear that the young man, although duly made a grand-cross and grand-prior of England, was ever professed as a knight.
The last public event of Caraffa’s life did not end so successfully as those already recorded. The allies, in 1689, attempted the capture of Negropont, and met with a bloody repulse, in which the Order had to mourn the loss of twenty-nine knights and a large number of soldiery. Caraffa was already in a failing state of health when the news of this disaster reached Malta. The vexation and grief it caused brought on a violent attack of fever, from which he never rallied, and on the 21st July, 1690, he died, at the age of seventy-three. He was succeeded by Adrian de Vignacourt, nephew to the former Grand-Master ​of the same name, whose short rule of seven years presented no incident worthy of record. He was in his turn succeeded, in 1697, by Raymond Perrelos, a knight of Aragon, and bailiff of Negropont, whose first efforts on assuming office were directed towards the introduction of reforms into the mode of life at the convent. Several sumptuary laws were by his influence passed in council, as also strict prohibitions from indulging in games of chance and other similar amusements. These regulations were, however, totally unheeded. The days when a Grand-Master could impress his own religious austerities upon the knights were long past. The young, hot-headed, and thoughtless cavaliers who were now living in Malta were not to be deterred by any decrees in council from such roystering joviality and dissipation as they considered adapted to their age and social position.
In the year following the election of Perrelos the Order was honoured by a special mission from an ambassador of Peter the Great. The Czar, whose empire was in such near contiguity to that of the Moslem, was anxious to secure support in his frequent collisions with his aggressive neighbours. With this view he determined to cultivate friendly relations with the knights of Malta, and, having selected a boyar named Kzeremitz, one of his leading generals, as his envoy, he despatched him to the court of Rome, with instructions to extend his journey to Malta, and enter into negotiations with the Grand-Master. Kzeremitz arrived in the island on the 12th May, 1698, and remained there a week. During his stay he was invested with the grand-cross by the hands of Perrelos himself. The decoration was touched by a piece of the true cross, then by the hand of St. John the Baptist, and eventually placed round the neck of the Russian, suspended from a massive gold chain.
The naval exploits of the knights continued throughout the rule of Perrelos, but they found themselves no longer able to compete, as they formerly did, with the Turkish fleet. It is true that in the year 1701 a man-of-war of eighty guns was captured, and this feat was considered to redound so greatly to the fame of a knight named Richard, to whose daring the result was principally attributable, that it was decreed the colours of ​the captured ship should be placed in the church of St. John, at Aix, the birthplace of the hero. Still it was found that, as a rule, the galleys of Malta were not of sufficient size to grapple with the vessels now comprising the Turkish fleet, and it was therefore determined to add larger vessels to aid them in their expeditions. Three ships of considerable size were consequently built in the dockyard of Malta, and were named the St. Raymond, the St. Joseph, and the St. Vincent. The command of this new fleet was given to St. Pierre, a French knight, who made his first cruise in 1706. On this occasion he captured the Tunisian flag-ship, a vessel of fifty guns, which was immediately added to his squadron under the name of the Santa Croce. In 1707, another knight, named de Langon, succeeded in forcing his way through the Algerine fleet, then blockading Oran, and throwing a supply of ammunition and provisions into the fortress, upon which event the Pope wrote a letter of congratulation to the Grand-Master. In 1708 de Langon captured the Algerine flag-ship. In this combat, however, the Order had to mourn the loss of the conqueror, as he fell at the moment of victory. His body was interred with great honour under the high altar in the cathedral of Carthagena, and a tablet with a long laudatory inscription was placed by the Grand-Master in the nave of St. John’s church at Valetta.
At this time the convent of Malta was in a most flourishing condition. The bailiff of Chambray, who has left a manuscript record of the period, says that, “in 1715, at the moment of the declaration of war by the Turks against the Venetians; the court of the Grand-Master Perrelos presented a most brilliant aspect. No less than 1,500 knights, many of them general officers in every army in Christendom, formed the main ornament of the residence of the Order.” From that date until 1718, when peace was once more declared between these two powers, the knights of Malta continued to render the most valuable assistance to Venice. So pleased was the Pope with their exertions that he gave the title of lieutenant-general of the papal armament to the admiral of the Order, that he might be able, in case of separation, to take command of any papal levies that were acting in concert with him. The ​peace which the Venetians concluded with the Turks expressly excluded the Hospitallers from its action. They, therefore, continued their naval exploits, and in 1719 captured two rich galleons, one of which had on board the pasha of Roumelia, who became their prisoner.
Perrelos died in 1720, and was succeeded by Mark Antony Zoudodari, of the langue of Italy, brother to the cardinal of that name. He only lived two years, when Anthony Manöel de Vilhena, of the langue of Castle, was appointed to the vacant dignity. Manöel’s rule lasted nearly fifteen years, and was undistinguished by any stirring events. He died on the 12th December, 1736, having realized to a great extent the somewhat pompous eulogy recorded on his tomb:—“Memento viator quod ubi gressum in his insulis sistes pietatis eius munificentiæ securitatis amenitatis monumenta ibi inventes.” “Remember, traveller, that wherever you place your foot in this island, there you will find monuments of his piety, munificence, foresight, and charity.” Although the naval warfare conducted under his rule had been unimportant, the Pope seemed to consider that it was sufficient to warrant his sending to Manöel the consecrated sword and casque, presented only to those who had distinguished themselves by memorable actions against the infidel. The sword was of silver gilt, five feet in length, and the casque was of purple velvet, embroidered in gold and enriched with an emblem of the Holy Ghost embossed in pearls. Manöel, like so many of his predecessors, was ambitious to leave a record of his rule by some substantial addition to the defences of Malta; he, therefore, erected a fort on the island in the Marsa Muscetto. This work, which in honour of its founder, has been called Fort Manöel, commands the harbour, and covers the fortifications of Valetta on that side. It was designed by the Chevalier de Tigné in 1717, but no steps were taken in regard to it until now. Owing to the peculiar nature of the ground on the island, Tigné was compelled to adopt a square trace, but he proposed several outworks to strengthen the fort; these have never been carried out.
Manöel’s successor was Raymond Despuig, whose rule lasted only five years. He was followed, in 1741, by Emanuel Pinto do Fonseca, of the langue of Castile, and bailiff of Acre. The ​principal event which occurred to break the calm and peaceful monotony of this chief’s reign was a conspiracy amongst the Turkish slaves in Malta, and which was nearly bathing the island in blood. The plot originated in the following manner. The Christian slaves who manned a Turkish galley had risen upon their officers, captured the vessel, and brought it in triumph into the harbour of Valetta, with the pasha of Rhodes a prisoner on board. This dignitary was a man in high repute at the court of the sultan, and the Order, fearful of drawing down upon itself the animosity of the Porte, and anxious at the same time to conciliate the court of France, placed him under the protection of the bailiff du Boccage, the French envoy in Malta. The pasha was treated with every attention and respect; a house was given him with a pension of £125 per month; he was permitted to receive the visits of the Turkish slaves, and his position was, in every respect, rendered as little irksome as possible.
At the head of the conspiracy which had resulted in the capture of the Turkish galley was a negro, who had planned the whole affair, and consequently, anticipated a magnificent reward. He was much disappointed at the sum allotted to him, and his active brain speedily began to hatch a fresh plot, in which, by way of a counter conspiracy, the island should be delivered into the hands of the Turks. The number of slaves in Malta was at this time very large. Independently of those who were employed on the public works or as crews to the galleys, and who, when on shore, were lodged in the bagnio, or slaves’ prison, there were many filling various domestic offices about the persons of the knights, as well as of the Maltese gentry. In fact, the great majority of the servants in the island were Turks. They were almost uniformly treated with the utmost kindness; their situation, indeed, was, in many cases, so far superior to what it would have been in their own country, that it was quite a common practice amongst them to refuse their liberty, even when offered to them. Many filled positions of the highest trust in the household of the Grand-Master, and two, who acted as his confidential valets, slept in an adjoining room to himself, and had free access to his apartment by day or night.
The plot which the negro first devised, and which he sub​mitted for the approval of the pasha Mustapha, was to organize a rising amongst this large body, massacre all the Christians, and then transfer the government to the Porte. Mustapha, with the blackest ingratitude, entered warmly into the design. The pasha of Tripoli was communicated with, and promised assistance, and the slaves generally were enlisted as oonfederatos. The festival of St. Peter and St Paul was selected as the most appropriate day for carrying out this modern imitation of the Sicilian Vespers. It was then that the bulk of the native population was in the habit of flocking to the Città Veochia, where the ceremonies of the day were carried out with great magnificence. It was thought that an opportunity ‘would be thus the more readily afforded of seizing the city of Valetta whilst denuded of so many of its inhabitants. One of the two confidential valets of the Grand-Master was appointed to give the signal for the commencement of the insurrection by murdering his master, and exposing his head on the balcony of the palace. An indiscriminate massacre was then to ensue; the armoury was to be forced, to supply arms, and the gate of the city and other commanding posts to be promptly occupied. The troops of the pasha of Tripoli were to be landed as soon as the successful issue of the enterprise was announced, and with their assistance the island was to be held until the arrival of succours from Constantinople. Such were the principal details of the plot to ‘which the pasha Mustapha lent his name and support.
It was strange that the slaves in Malta should have been permitted such ample liberty of action. Considering their great numbers, and the natural discontent which a condition of slavery, even in its most modified form, must have generated within the minds of many, it is wonderful that stricter precautions were not habitually taken to prevent the possibility of treachery. Certain it is that on the present occasion, had it not been for an accidental quarrel amongst themselves, the conspirators would most undoubtedly have succeeded in murdering every member of the Order within the convent. The discovery of the plot was thus made. A certain tavern kept by a Jew was the principal resort of the chief actors in the drama. One day, shortly before the time selected for carrying it into effect, a violent quarrel sprang up between two of them, and after a ​fierce altercation they proceeded from words to blows, and, at length, one of them drew a dagger and endeavoured to stab the other. The latter succeeded in making his escape unhurt, but vowing vengeance. In the blindness of his rage he proceeded instantly to the commandant of the guard, and revealed the plot. That officer lost not a moment in communicating with the Grand-Master, and took with him the faithless conspirator. Meanwhile the Jew, who was also one of the traitors, having heard the vows of vengeance which had been uttered, became alarmed, and fearing that the discontented man might reveal everything, determined to forestall him, insure his own safety, and probably receive a reward by himself betraying the whole affair to the Grand-Master. When, therefore, the commandant of the guard, and his conspirator, sought an audience of Pinto, they found him engaged in listening to the tale of the Jew. The matter being thus corroborated, energetic steps were at once taken to crush the affair; the leaders of the plot arrested and subjected to torture, and by degrees all the particulars were elicited.
A similar plan had been formed on board the galleys which were cruising near the island, and this was to have been carried into execution on the same day as the rising on shore; but a swift boat was at once sent after them, and the warning arrived in time to prevent any attempt being made. The criminality of the pasha was clearly proved. As, however, he had. been placed under the protection of the French ambassador, the council did not deem it prudent to proceed to extremities, but confined him in Fort St. Elmo, until a French frigate arrived from Toulon, which conveyed him to Constantinople. It was with extreme difficulty that he was saved from the just indignation of the Maltese, and had he not been very securely guarded, they would certainly have torn him in pieces. Nearly sixty of the conspirators suffered the extreme penalty of the law, and in order to prevent the recurrence of such a design, it was decreed that for the future all slaves employed in a domestic capacity in the houses of knights or citizens, should be compelled to retire to the bagnio every evening at sunset, and remain in confinement there till the following morning. The Jew, by whose treachery the discovery was made, received a ​handsome pension, and from that time the anniversary of the day was regularly celebrated as long as the Order remained in Malta.
The second expulsion of the Jesuits from the island was the only other domestic event of importance which marked the sway of Pinto. This decree was carried out through the intervention of the marquis of Pombal, prime minister to the king of Portugal, and of the marquis Tannuci, regent of the Two Sicilies during the minority of Ferdinand IV., and the example was shortly afterwards followed in almost every kingdom in Europe. The rule of Pinto was very popular amongst his subjects, and his name is still revered in Malta as a wise and energetic prince. At the same time, he was undoubtedly far more despotic than any of his predecessors, and encroached materially on that liberty which the Order had under former chiefs permitted to its subjects. The leading features of his government were, nevertheless, salutary, and if he ruled the Maltese with an iron hand, they did not the less respect him.
The naval superiority of the fraternity had, during these years, dwindled imperceptibly, but steadily, and the fleet was now becoming more an appanage of dignity than of real service. The Ottoman empire had almost ceased to cause uneasiness in Europe; her navy was no longer spreading terror along the coasts of the Mediterranean, and so the caravans of the galleys of Malta, there being no foe worthy of the name, degenerated into mere pleasure cruises to the various ports in the south of Europe. Sonnini, in his travels in Egypt, gives the following description of these galleys at the time:—“They were armed, or rather embarrassed, with an incredible number of hands; the general alone (or flag-ship) had 800 men on board. They were superbly ornamented; gold blazed on the numerous basso relievos and sculptures on the stem, enormous sails striped with blue and white carried on their middle a great cross of Malta, painted red. Their elegant flags floated majestically. In a word, everything concurred, when they were under sail, to render them a magnificent spectacle. But their construction was little adapted either for fighting, or for standing foul weather. The Order kept them up rather as an image of its ancient splendour, than for their utility. It was one of those ancient institutions ​which had once served to render the brotherhood illustrious, but now only attested its selfishness and decay.” The truth of this description was incontestable. The knights had reached that stage of decline when it only required a bold hand, or a national convulsion, to sweep them away.
The fatal day was rapidly approaching which was to witness this consummation, but it was to occur whilst the island was under other and far feebler guidance than that of Emanuel Pinto, who died on the 25th January, 1773, at the age of ninety-two. His character was of that firm and determined nature that had he been at the head of the fraternity twenty- five years later he might, perhaps, have warded off, at least for a time, the blow which was then struck. The following speech marks well the despotic tendency of his ideas of government:—“If I were king of France I would never convoke the states-general; if I were the Pope I would never assemble a council; being the chief of the Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem, I will have no chapters-general. I know too well that these assemblies almost always finish by destroying the rights of those who have permitted their meeting.” Jealous of his rank, which he sustained with dignity and regal magnificence, he claimed for his envoys at foreign courts the prerogatives of those who represented the sovereigns of Europe, and for himself insisted on the title of Most Eminent Highness, whereas his predecessors had all been contented with that of Eminence.
An anecdote about him is still current in the island which, whilst it by no means reflects credit on his honesty, marks his despotic character. An institution had been formed on the principle of a friendly society, the funds of which were to be devoted to the purchase of masses for the souls of those who, having been members of the society during their lifetime, were afterwards supposed to need this assistance. Of this fund Pinto succeeded in obtaining the trust, and under his management it gradually melted away. When struck down with his last illness, questions began to be asked touching the balance, and a deputation waited on him for some explanations as to its whereabouts. Being introduced into his presence, Pinto boldly avowed the misappropriation of the money. “But,” added he, “be not distressed, my brethren, I shall myself shortly be in ​the same situation as our friends, and I promise you I will make matters smooth with them when we meet.”
Francois Ximenes, grand-prior of Navarre and seneschal to Pinto, was elected to succeed him. He did not long survive his elevation, but he nevertheless in that short period contrived to render himself universally hated. He was a man of haughty demeanour and uncourteous address, and rapidly alienated the affections of all classes; he irritated the clergy by passing a law forbidding them to indulge in field sports and other worldly amusements, whilst the lower orders complained bitterly of a tax which he levied on bread to raise funds for the liquidation of the debts contracted by his predecessor.
General discontent having been thus excited, a plot was laid and carried into execution, principally by the priests. Availing themselves of a moment when the galleys were absent, blockading the port of Algiers, the conspirators, on the 1st September, 1775, succeeded in surprising the guard at St. Elmo and capturing that fort, making prisoners of the garrison, which consisted of 200 of the Grand-Master’s guard. They also seized the cavalier within the bastion of St. James, and then called upon the inhabitants to join them in expelling the Order. Great as most undoubtedly was the influence of the priesthood over the minds of the population, and widely spread as was the general discontent, no movement was made to second the violent measures which had been adopted, and the conspirators soon discovered that they would have to fight their battle unaided. Under these circumstances the issue could not long remain doubtful. In spite of threats to blow up the magazine which formed the basement of the cavalier, they were at once attacked by a force under the bailiff do Rohan, and made little or no resistance. Four hundred of the disaffected were captured, and tranquillity was speedily restored. A few of the ringleaders were executed, and several others condemned to imprisonment for life. When the French army entered the city in 1798 several of these captives were still living, and regained their freedom after a confinement of twenty-three years.
Various rumours were set afloat as to the origin of the plot and its ultimate design. Many persons thought that Russian ​influence was at work. It was well known that that empire was anxious to obtain a footing in the Mediterranean, and the island of Malta would undoubtedly have been a very valuable acquisition for that purpose. The Marquis do Cavalcado, minister to Catherine II., was mentioned as the concocter of the plot, the result of which was to have been the expulsion of the knights, and the transfer of the island to Russia. This, however, was contradicted by him, and the statement has never been substantiated. Whatever were the causes, and whoever may have been the fomenters of this sedition, the danger through which Malta had now for a second time passed within a few years alarmed the court of France. In order to prevent any future attempts of a similar character, the French government persuaded the Grand-Master and council to establish a new battalion of 1,200 men for the protection of Valetta, of whom at least two-thirds should be foreigners. This regiment was raised at Marseilles, Naples, and Genoa, and was maintained until 1795. Ximenes did not long survive the affair. The annoyance and anxiety it created brought about a serious illness, from which he never rallied, and he died on the 11th November, 1775, at the age of seventy-two.
François Marie des Neiges Emmanuel de Rohan Polduc, a French knight of ancient lineage, was by acclamation raised to the vacant dignity. His father, having been condemned for treason, had succeeded in making his escape into Spain, where his son Emmanuel was born in 1721. The youth entered into the service of the Spanish monarch, but anxious to revisit his native land he eventually threw up his appointments at that sovereign’s court and returned to France. Being the only surviving son of his father, his first endeavour was to obtain a restoration of his forfeited rights, and with this object he presented himself at court. Here the princess de Marsan interested herself warmly in his behalf, and it was by her persuasion that he was induced to enter the Order. She afterwards used her influence to have him raised to the dignity of grand-cross, and obtained for him the appointment of general of the galleys, which post he held until he was elected Grand-Master.
Since the death of Vignacourt, in 1697, no French knight had been raised to the supreme dignity; the three langues of ​that nation consequently celebrated the nomination of de Rohan with the most brilliant festivities. His first act was to summon a chapter-general. A period of 150 years had elapsed since the last convocation of this assembly, and now de Rohan, who did not deem the powers intrusted to him by the council sufficient for the position in which the fraternity found itself, once more called into existence this venerable parliament of the Order. The statutes were revised, and additional stringency given to many of the prohibitions, especially those relating to duelling, gambling, and loose living. On the whole, the chapter effected but little in the way of reform, and when, at the close of its sixteen days’ session, it was dissolved, never more to reassemble, the code of laws was left much as it had been found. De Rohan himself, however, instituted many beneficial measures; he established public schools, and made some very judicious changes in the courts of law.
Whilst carrying out these internal reforms he was not neglectful of external policy. The Order of St. Anthony, an institution as ancient as that of St. John, was incorporated with it, and its property divided between the latter Order and that of St. Lazarus. In 1781 the whole property was made over to the knights of Malta, who thus became possessed of a considerable augmentation to their resources. In 1782 a new langue was created in Bavaria, and joined to the dormant langue of England under the title of Anglo-Bavaria. This new body was endowed by the elector of Bavaria with the forfeited possessions of the Jesuits, who had been suppressed in that country as elsewhere. The value of this additional revenue was £15,000 a year, and the assessment of responsions was calculated on the basis of this sum. The dignities of Turcopolier and grand-prior of Bavaria were attached to the new langue, which comprised twenty commanderies for knights and four for chaplains. In Poland, de Rohan succeeded in obtaining the restoration of some property with which the Order had been originally endowed by a prince of the family of Sangaszko, but of which it had subsequently been deprived. By the negotiations and personal influence of the bailiff di Sagramoso this property was once more restored.
De Rohan was interrupted in the midst of these reforms by a calamity which occurred in 1783, and which filled the southern ​provinces of Europe with consternation. A fearful earthquake ravaged Sicily and Calabria, by the force of which whole towns were prostrated, and numbers of the inhabitants engulphed in the ruins. Those who escaped death were left houseless and destitute, and a cry of misery arose on every side. Much as the knights of St. John had degenerated from their original profession, they were not deaf to the call made to them on this occasion. The galleys had been laid up for the winter at the time the news reached Malta, but so great was the energy displayed by all classes that in a single night. they were got ready for sea and stored with what was considered likely to be serviceable to the unfortunate sufferers. They first touched at Reggio, where they landed one half of the supplies with which they were laden. They then proceeded to Messina, intending there to distribute the remainder. On their arrival, however, they were informed by the commandant that the king had already provided for the wants of his people, and he refused the succours which the knights had brought, from a sense of unwillingness to place himself under an obligation to the fraternity. The galleys therefore returned to Reggio, where the remainder of their stores were landed, and were gratefully accepted on behalf of the destitute people of that town.
The Order at this time seemed, to outside observers, to be in a position of the greatest prosperity. Its territories had lately been considerably increased; a new tongue had been added to replace that of England; its revenues were large; and members of the noblest families in Europe still sought entry into its ranks. Profound peace reigned between the fraternity and its old enemy, and if from this cause the zeal of the knights seemed to be growing somewhat dulled, and if their galleys cruised in the Mediterranean rather as a pleasure trip than a warlike demonstration, the tranquillity of the times brought with it many substantial benefits to the island. The town was bristling with ramparts and guns. Manuel had, as already stated, erected a large fort on the island, which has since borne his name; de Rohan, following his example, and tempted perhaps by the immortality which that act had bestowed on his predecessor, determined on a similar measure. A new defence, therefore, soon arose upon point Dragut to aid fort Ricasoli in protecting the ​entrance to the harbours. If de Rohan designed in this way to perpetuate his name he failed, since the work has been called Tigné, after the grand-prior of Champagne, who contributed largely towards its cost. It has been alleged with justice that there was as much of display as of precaution in most of these later additions to the fortress, and the duke of Rovigo expressed himself truly when he observed that “all the Grand-Masters since the establishment of the Order in Malta seem to have craved no other title of glory than that of having added some new defence either to the harbours or town. Being the sole care of the government, it had ended in becoming a pure matter of ostentation.”
Such was the position of affairs at Malta when the first mutterings of the storm, which was destined before long to sweep the fraternity from its home, made themselves heard in France. The history of the French revolution does not enter within the compass of this work; it will only be necessary to touch upon such points of it as bear directly on the fortunes of the Order. The property held by it in France was, at this time, as indeed it always had been, managed with a prudence and liberality which rendered its estates models to the surrounding proprietors. The fact was recognized and admitted that nowhere throughout the kingdom was land so carefully cultivated and .niade to yield so large a return as that under the management of the knights; it was natural, therefore, that at a time when general spoliation had become an accepted maxim with the revolutionary party, these tempting estates should attract its cupidity. The institution of the Hospital was far too aristocratic in constitution to escape the antagonism of the sans cullottes, whose cry of “à bas les aristocrats!” was ringing through France. Everything, therefore, marked the Order as one of the most fitting victims to revolutionary fury and popular clamour.
Nor had the conduct of the knights during the few years which immediately preceded the subversion of the monarchy been such as was in any way likely to conciliate the animosity of the dominant faction. When Necker, the finance minister of Louis XVI., demanded a voluntary contribution of one-third of the revenue of every landed proprietor, the ​Order of St. John was the first to come forward with its quota; and when afterwards the unfortunate monarch, reduced to destitution, besought assistance from the fraternity, it pledged its credit for the sum of 500,000 francs, to aid him in his attempt at flight. No diplomacy could therefore avert the fate impending over an institution which had added to the crime of being wealthy that also of fidelity to the sovereign. The steps by which its spoliation was consummated were quickly taken, and met with no effectual resistance on the part of the victims. In the first constituent assembly the Order of St. John had been defined as placed in the category of a foreign power possessing property within the French kingdom, and as such subject to all the taxes imposed on the natives. This step was soon followed by a decree enacting that any Frenchman becoming member of an order of knighthood requiring proofs of nobility should no longer be considered a citizen of France.
These preliminary measures having been taken, the great blow was struck on the 19th September, 1792, when it was enacted that the Order of Malta should cease to exist within the limits of France, and that all its property should be annexed to the national domains. At first mention was made of an indemnification, in the shape of pensions to be granted to the knights who were thus despoiled of their property; but the power of deriving benefit from this apparent concession was taken away by the condition annexed thereto, which was that to entitle a knight to his pension he must reside within the French territory—an utter impossibility at a time when the aristocracy was being exposed to the most cruel persecution. This decree was the signal for a general plunder of the cornmanderies. Such members of the fraternity as were not fortunate enough to effect their escape were thrown into prison and left to the fearful suspense incident to those dens of horror. During these scenes of anarchy and bloodshed the knights comported themselves with a dignity and firmness worthy of their institution. Their ambassador at Paris, the bailiff de la Brilhane, fulfilled his difficult and dangerous duties to the very close with unexampled determination. In thus doing his duty he naturally became liable to that imminent personal danger ​which the antagonism of the ruling faction invariably brought with it. lie was warned that his life was in the greatest peril, owing to the noble and daring efforts he had made in defending the cause of the Order, hopeless as it was. “I am under no apprehensions,” replied he, “for the moment has now arrived when a man of honour who faithfully performs his duty may die as gloriously upon the scaffold as on the field of battle.” At his death, which occurred shortly after, his place was left unfilled; he was consequently the last accredited envoy the fraternity ever possessed within the French kingdom.
Great as had been the provocation, the knights did not break entirely with the French directory, nor did they openly join the forces of those who sought to crush the dreadful outbreak. A temporizing policy seems to have been their object, but in this they certainly did not act with much discrimination. They might have been sure that no concessions and no appearance of neutrality would lead those who had destroyed the French langues to regard the central government with a favourable eye. Their principles were essentially monarchical, and therefore averse from the changes that had taken place. They had so far avowed their sentiments and revealed their sympathies with the fallen monarch of France, that when the news of his execution arrived at Malta, a funeral service was performed in St. John’s cathedral, at which de Rohan presided; the nave was hung with black, and the fraternity, in deep mourning, offered up prayers for the soul of him who had been thus sacrificed to popular fury. Had the knights openly and unreservedly thrown the whole of their influence into the alliance, by which it was sought to stay the progress of the revolution, they could not have found themselves in a worse position than that to which their timid and temporizing policy had brought them. They would then, at least, have had the consolation of feeling that they had acted consistently, and in a manner suited to an institution based on the principles which governed the foundation of the Order of St. John.
Their chief was indeed unsuited to the perilous crisis in which he was placed, and physical incapacity had latterly been added to break down his energy and spirit. In 1791 he had been struck with apoplexy, which at the time it was thought must ​end fatally. Although he recovered to a certain extent from this illness, he never regained his vigour of mind, and his last days were clouded with the knowledge that his Order was doomed. The number of ruined Frenchmen who flocked to Malta desiring admission into the ranks of the fraternity greatly increased the poverty of the treasury, and the utmost efforts of the Grand-Master, nobly seconded as he was by the langues which had escaped confiscation, were unable to relieve so much destitution. The conduct of de Rohan, under these circumstances, was most praiseworthy. Being remonstrated with by an officer of his household for the extent of his charities, which his diminished resources no longer permitted without curtailing the dignity of his court, he replied, “Reserve one crown daily for the expenses of my table, and let all the rest be distributed amongst my distressed brethren.”
The worst had not, however, as yet arrived, though the day was near at hand on which the fatal blow was to be struck, The directory had for some time looked with longing eyes on the island of Malta, and had determined, if possible, to expel the knights and attach it to the French territories. Spies and other emissaries were set to work within the convent and island generally, sowing those seeds of discontent and turbulence which were so soon to bear fruit. The government of de Rohan was most blameworthy for permitting this continuous tampering with the fidelity of its subjects; it seemed as though, by some unaccountable fatality, the supineness of the Order itself was destined to aid the designs of its enemies. In the midst of this gloomy period de Rohan died, on the 13th July, 1797.