# Life in Petrograd in 1919

LIFE IN PETROGRAD IN 1919.
A Russian soldier sent to Russia from France in exchange for a Frenchman, gives the following description of life in Petrograd at the end of May:—
I have been in Russia for three days. The voyage, instead of lasting eight days, as that brave citizen Bouison promised, lasted 35 days. Pichon simply hunted us out of France to Finland just when there was war between her and Russia. And Finland kept us prisoners on board a French boat until she was able to obtain a double quantity of counter-revolutionaries in exchange for us. This is the way that the French Government has treated certain Russians, who are not even sentenced to expulsion; among them there are about 40 children under age. But what is even more "gracious" is the fate of a thousand Russian soldiers who composed part of our convoy. These soldiers, who fought for France, for right and liberty, after so many sufferings, find themselves still in the black hands of the White Finns, who allowed only the civilians of the convoy to leave. They still keep the soldiers, and every day Finland becomes more exacting and demands quite impossible things in exchange for these soldiers. Further, I greatly fear that the Commander of the boat and the chief escort captain will be tempted to get rid of this prolonged and boring mission by some method of provocation, which may end for our soldiers in a bath of blood. In the grandiose tragedy of the time in which we live, the fate of 1,000 soldiers is evidently not of much account, but in this little fact the working-class can find a good lesson, if the Socialists take the trouble to make it generally known.
Everything is so original here that it would take a book to explain all that I have seen in the last three days since my arrival.
All whom I have seen have absolute faith in the power of the régime and look upon the many events with perfect serenity. The reverses on the different fronts of the immense battle that is being waged here, do not trouble anybody, and have not stopped the feverish march of the internal life of the country. All these reverses are due to the betrayal by a few officers, and to some local misfortunes, The men in power are absolutely certain of re-establishing the military situation on the Petrograd front. And during the three days that I have been here I actually see the situation is improving. One has to bear in mind that the war is, to a certain extent, guerilla warfare, the fronts are neither stable nor continuous, and audacious, sudden attacks and individual betrayals, have much less serious results. Here is an example: A White regiment of Finns and Esthonians succeeded in pushing its way through a forest to Gatchino, where it found some patrols. It burnt the bridges, killed some men and women, and departed hastily. The telegraph communicated to the whole world the sensational news that the Whites had occupied Gatchino. Then a sufficiently armed force was sent from here, which even chased the Whites from their front position, and the situation was not only re-established, but improved. That is only by way of an example of what happens. On the other hand people are quite accustomed to see reverses at first on all the new fronts, until the day when the distances of Russia and her poor means of communication permit them to concentrate on this new front sufficient forces, and especially trusted forces, or, as they are called here, Communist regiments. Because you must remember one essential feature of our military organisation: the regiments where we have a sufficient number of Communist officers and men are really of remarkable strength. The regiments where the non-Communist elements and the old officers predominate, are not of much military value by themselves. The army, like everything else here, is in process of formation and in a constant state of being improved. The strength of the Soviet Régime is just in that state of elasticity, in that infinite capacity to transform itself, in improving and in awakening always new forces in the working masses.
Returning to the military situation, you know, probably through the newspapers, that there are sufficient Communist troops upon the Ural front. For the last month they have been repulsing Koltchak's armies, and we are once more in Orenburg and near Ufa, whose capture we await momentarily. We are masters of the situation in the Ukraine. We are only threatened on the Finnish and Esthon​ian fronts, and Trepeal. These events here are regarded with perfect serenity.
I assisted at the departure for the front of a regiment composed entirely (8,000) of pupils from out military schools, officers and soldiers. The authorities looked at them with an almost indifferent calmness. As for me, I was moved and overcome, seeing this regiment of Communists, composed of our Petrograd workers, marching past with its cavalry, artillery, convoy, ambulance, etc., to the tune of revolutionary songs. You must come here to see.
What strikes you in the streets here is that crowd, which is almost entirely composed of working people and the sight of their children, all dressed, nourished and educated, as nowhere else in the world, for here everything is for them. The youth of the workers is truly happy here.
Here are a few words on provisioning in Petrograd. All the dwelling houses have their committees, which are entrusted with feeding the tenants. It is through them that the bread is distributed and the various foods by means of cards, as well as the clothing, heating, etc. In fact, more than 400,000 inhabitants receive meals (once a day) in the communal restaurants, with permission to take their meals home with them. The applicants are allocated in advance to the restaurants, where the prices are fixed in advance at 6 roubles (5.22 to take the meal away). At the present rate of exchange six roubles is worth two francs. They distribute 1 lb. of black bread a day per head, 2 lbs. to workmen, 2½ lbs. to soldiers. Last year at the same period the ration received was only ½ lb. Therefore bread is not lacking. The Commune of the North has reserves until the harvest, if the military events do not recall too large a number of soldiers here. In these restaurants the meals, as well as the bread, are uniform for the whole of the Commune of the North: soup with meat, viands and vegetables, and a cup of tea. The children receive a hot meal free at their schools, crêches, children's gardens, etc. But as regards all the other products, they are distributed very rarely in absolutely insufficient quantities (except milk, which is given to the children up to three years of age and to invalids)
Many products are absolutely lacking. You have to wait your turn for clothing, footwear, or utensils, two, three or four months, and then you pay very reasonable prices. But as soon as you apply to the free and clandestine traders, you pay fabulous prices, surpassing all imagination.
The salaries and appointments are scheduled, the minimum is 800 roubles a month, the maximum 2,400 roubles, tariffs absolutely insufficient for the intellectuals, and for all the officials of the Soviets, from which an aggravation of lack of nourishment results. I saw numbers of those in high places, they are famished, but I have the impression that they do not even notice it in the whirl of formidable events.
The whole situation is dominated by the military intervention All these counter-revolutionary armies could not hold out eight days without the help of the Allies, but the latter cause fresh fronts to spring up every day. Thus it is that they have forced Finland, in exchange for its independence, to declare an open war after a non-official war, although it is as bloody.
After superhuman efforts the economic life of the Northern Commune (Petrograd and a few neighbouring departments) has been organised, to a certain extent; for a few months most of our factories have been working, the transport on the Neva has very active And now the Esthonians and Finns, paid, nourished and supported by the Allies, begin to approach Petrograd; the workmen are being mobilised by closing a number of factories, by upsetting all the provisioning, transport, calculations, etc. And especially it is necessary to withdraw a quantity of men, vital for the economic life, to throw them on to the front as commissaries, propagandists and so forth. Many peasants are withdrawn from their work just when it is most urgently needed. And all this in a ruined country, at the time of a radical transformation. And after all this they will say that the Soviets are not capable of organising life!
Dear friends, the campaign of the Socialists and Syndicalists against the intervention of the Allies, has forced the latter to give up open intervention. It is time to put in all seriousness before the workers the question of indirect intervention. Russia has been at war for five years; for 20 months the Soviets have been bled white by the Allies, whilst they have been starved as even Germany never was. It is evident that you can no longer protest against intervention by appealing to the right of the peoples to control their own destinies, or from reasons half patriotic, halt sentimental. Now or never one must appeal to the good traditions of the workers.
Published by The People's Russian Information Bureau, 152, Fleet-street, London, E.C.4, and printed by the Friars Printing Association, Ltd. 26a, Tudor-street, E.C.
This work was published in 1919 and is anonymous or pseudonymous due to unknown authorship. It is in the public domain in the United States as well as countries and areas where the copyright terms of anonymous or pseudonymous works are 104 years or less since publication.
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