# Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021)/3:51pm

​[3:51 p.m.]
    BY MR. :
Q What did you, at the time, understand to be the expectations for the speakers and what they would speak about at the event?
A A lot of details were in flux. So what we wanted to do was communicate, not set things in stone but to communicate because there were a lot of moving parts. I remember Wren talking about where the VIP entrance would be, and I don't know if she talked about the locale or the process or—or what.
    BY :
Q Okay. So moving to January 4th, right. So it's January 3rd, and now it's January 4th. Do you recall speakers being changed, or being notified that speakers were changed from your original list for the January 6th Ellipse rally?
A I don't recall.
Q You don't recall being told by Ms. Wren on the evening of January 4th or the morning of January 5th that there was a new group of speakers that would be speaking on January 6th? I'm not referring to the text messages. I'm just asking if you remember.
A I don't remember. I don't remember at all. I remember every day there being significant changes in logistics and/or speakers for either event.
Q Who was communicating these significance changes to you around January 4th or 5th?
A Caroline Wren.
Q And what was her—and what was her reaction, or her mood as she was communicating these changes to you?
​A I don't know what her mood was.
Q Was she telling you someone that was making these decisions about the changes? Who was she saying was making these changes?
A I can't recall.
Q You can't recall if it was the White House making these changes?
A Yeah, I can't—I—there were changes every day. And I can't recall a specific change.
Q I guess I'm just trying to understand. If there's changes being made to a program that you're helping Ms. Wren with, it makes common sense that you'd want to know why the changes were being made. So what was your understanding at this point of why these changes were being made?
A That's an easy mistake to make. But it's not—the Trump campaign is a bigger fish than me. So it actually would not be common sense for me to give a rebuttal or ask for a reason why if I wasn't already provided one.
Q So you thought it was the Trump campaign making these changes?
A She was there as a representative of Trump World, and I was there to keep them happy and be a team player.
Q You weren't aware if Ms. Katrina Pierson was making changes to the speaker list?
A I—I don't know if I had direct knowledge or not. I had suspected that because of Ms. Pierson's previous relationship with Women for America First and her advocacy for them and things that had happened in prior events that got disrupted, that there was interference going on in Trump World and that Katrina Pierson was likely a source of that or a part of that.
Q So when you say interference going on in the Trump world, are you referring ​to the Trump campaign like you say with Ms. Wren? Is that what Trump world is?
A Trump world, it's—it's—you know, I don't know.
Q So Trump world, your testimony here today, can include the Trump campaign and the actual White House? Is that fair to say?
A Yeah, I think I'm using it in the same way that the press uses it. So it could be RNC. It could be the Trump White House, it could be the Trump campaign. And it could be joint fundraising committees that they have any influence over.
Q So your understanding: Why would Ms. Katrina Pierson or Women for America First be running interference on your speakers around this time?
A They don't like several of us. In November, we had a call with Ms. Katrina Pierson, me, and Kylie Kremer before our D.C. rally, I think November 14th, in which she had tried to—would seem like misrepresent a position in the White House. That stuck out to me because I knew she wasn't employed at the White House.
Q What was she trying to misrepresent to you about the position of the White House?
A That—that they didn't want the term "Stop the Steal" to be used. Instead, they wanted—there was another coalition going on and they wanted—they wanted the rest of us to kind of fall in line behind that.
Q So I saw text messages of that with Ms. Kylie Kremer where she was telling you to stop using the term "Stop the Steal." Why was it your understanding that this was not the representation of the White House?
A Because Katrina does not work at the White House. And then when I immediately confronted her that one of the President's children had recently just tweeted that, and that a either—yeah, I think an RNC official had just tweeted that, that that couldn't possibly be true, that if I was kind of the last to find out, then these other ​people, in a closer orbit of the President would surely be in the know. And shortly after that call, another official tweeted it.
So it was strange. It was obviously untrue. When I confronted her, then she said, "Oh, well, I just walked out after meeting with chairman—Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel."
And I don't like Ms. McDaniel. So I wouldn't follow that advice, even if the President told me what to do.
Q But in this text message, it appeared like you were alluding that you knew from directly from the White House that they liked the message Stop the Steal. So who in the White House was telling you that they liked the term "Stop the Steal," or were you just relying on a tweet?
A I don't—I don't recall.
Q You don't recall anyone from the White House calling you about Stop the Steal in November?
A No. I—what I recall is that there's RNC officials and people with the last name Trump tweeting #shopthesteal, and that the President's longtime advisor, Roger Stone, had come up with the term to kind of save an RNC delegate fight. So I just knew it could not be true. And I've got a good read on the President usually. And, you know, sometimes I'm wrong. But I've done a lot of commentary and analysis on his behavior sometimes, and that's why a lot of people followed me on Twitter.
Q So what is your view today on December 9th of 2021 of why certain speakers that you were advocating for didn't end up speaking at The Ellipse on January 6th?
A Considering all the press reporting that I've read?
Q Just tell us what your view is. Why did your speakers not speak on January 6th?
​A I'm unsure, and I'm still investigating that, because it's something that greatly concerns me.
    BY :
Q Did Ms. Pierson call you directly at some point and tell you that you wouldn't be speaking at the event?
A No.
Q Did she ever contact you directly to tell you that your associates wouldn't be speaking at the event?
A Certainly not.
Q All right. So your expectation, I think as you covered early, just so we know, the morning you walked in on January 6th was that at The Ellipse was that you would be speaking.
A Yes, and that's why I wore suits. It was only one of four times I wore a suit during the whole 60-plus day thing. It's why I showed up early. It's why I worked my ass off.
    BY MR. :
Q Do you recall recording a video where you said you were the person who came up with January 6th, the January 6th idea with Congressman Gosar, Congressman Brooks, and Congressman Andy Biggs? Do you recall saying that?
A I do recall saying that.
Q So when did you come up with this idea of Congressman Gosar, Congressman Brooks, and Congressman Biggs?
A I think that was a synthesis based off of interactions that I've given this committee that includes the Brooks staff call about the Dear Colleague Letter, Andy Biggs and me talking in December, and, you know, generally me having a good relationship with ​Dr. Paul Gosar, and him being very supportive of an effort that involved peacefully protesting outside.
Q So just to continue part of that statement, you say we four schemed it up. And just to make sure we're clear here: You all, the four of you never sat down or got on the phone call and schemed up January 6th, correct?
A I can definitively say that the four of us did not get on a conference call together.
Q Okay.
A Or any type of messaging service and scheme it up like that.
Mr. . Just so I—what was the January 6th scheme? When you say that, what do you mean?
The Witness. I meant that instead of—the general tenor was that December was the last time people were going to travel to D.C., and that people were then going to protest on January 6th at their State capitals, and that seemed like a wasted opportunity. So when I ran the idea by Congressman Gosar and he's, like, you know, Yeah, that would be a good idea, then I felt that it was a really good idea. And we wanted to primary bad Republicans was our chief cause.
Mr. . You said it sounds like—you said that sounds like a good idea. When did you speak to Congressman Gosar?
The Witness. Probably when I was in Arizona. We both spoke at that rally on—on—that you pointed out in Arizona. So I don't know if it was before then or if it was—or if it was on that day.
Mr. But you had spoken to him in person about January 6th?
The Witness. No, I don't—I don't know if it was in person or on the phone.
    BY MR.
​Q Okay. So you're saying you talked to Dr. Gosar and said to the effect of we should have people come to D.C. to protest on January 6th.
A Yes, we definitely spoke about that.
Q Okay. And he said that was good idea?
A Yes.
Q Was anyone else, do you recall, a part of that conversation you had with Mr. Gosar?
A I don't recall.
Q Did you ever have a conversation with Mr. Van Flein along the same lines about January 6th?
A Yes.
Q And he agreed it was a good idea for people to come to D.C. to protest that day?
A I don't—I don't recall what he specifically said at all.
Q Did you understand him to be in agreement though?
A That's my understanding of it.
Q Sure. And when you talked to Mr. Gosar about this—or Dr. Gosar, apologies—what was the plan that you talked about in terms of how the protest would play out, where it would be, and what would be done?
A That it would be somewhere—I think initially, it was, like, just anywhere in D.C. and that—and it could have been that we had talked about the Capitol Grounds, but I'm not sure.
And what we talked about was that there were some soft Republicans that were leaning towards voting the same way that the House Freedom Caucus was voting, the majority of them, and that having that many people who are your door knockers and ​phone bankers and small donors, that some of those Republicans would come to our side, that we'd probably still lose, you know, short of a miracle.
But we'd lose, but we'd lose doing the right thing. We'd lose doing the legislative remedy and that—and that 2022 would be kind of like a Tea Party year where we primary bad Republicans.
And I've said as much in those same speeches where I characterize coming up with the idea of January 6th.
Q And did Mr. Gosar help you in anyway, or Dr. Gosar, with planning for your event in January—on January 6th?
A I don't know.
Q You don't know whether he provided you any help?
A It seems overly broad. And I don't want to, like, misstate, you know.
Q What did he do regarding January 6th that you're aware of?
A He was supportive of it. He tweeted in favor of it and
Mr. You're basing your statement he was supportive off of it based upon tweets, right?
The Witness. No.
Mr. So what other support did he provide to you then?
The Witness. No, I—I—you said—you're asking two—you're mixing up two different things in your questions. I can attest to his support because I'm a primary source to him telling me he supported it. And then I'm saying what he—and then, you know, counsel asked what did he do to potentially help? That's different, you know. And I said, well, I do recall that he tweeted about it. If he did anything else, I don't recall.
    BY :
​Q Would he have worked with anyone else in your orbit, other than you, to provide help?
A That would probably be a question for him because I don't recall and because, like, for example, The Ellipse was a coalition event. If he was talking to someone else additional, then I don't have any recollection of hearing that third-hand.
Q How about Mr. Van Flein? Did he do anything, to your knowledge, in connection with the events of January 6th to help organize, or otherwise put that together?
A He made sure that his boss was going to be there on time.
Q All right. And then when it comes to Mr. Brooks—
Mr. Mr. Brooks.
Mr. —I know if we can just hone in. So you think that was when that you talked to him, or it was about the Dear Colleague Letter?
The Witness. I remember talking to his staff around the time of the Dear Colleague Letter. And then, you know, in an exchange with the committee, I provided a copy of something that was either sent by Mo Brooks or his staff, or secretary. And the text of that is in here, and we've said that I'm going to work with my counsel to provide a timestamp or something for that?
Mr. Not a timestamp. The actual communication of when you received that.
The Witness. Okay.
Mr. So when Mr. Brooks says he's never met you or never met or spoke with you, is that true?
The Witness. I think that we met in 2010, you know, at the Tea Party years. I think it was likely.
​Mr. So if he had met you, to your memory, it would have been 11 years before January 6th—excuse me—yeah, 11 years before January 6th.
The Witness. Yeah, we haven't shared a room together in my knowledge, and been in physical proximity, you know, since then in The Ellipse?
Mr. Or talked, right? Does that include talking? You and—
The Witness. No, this was the message that I sent to Ed Martin was, again—and I don't know if it was sent by him or someone, a representative of his, and who had the authority to talk, you know, because of the conversation I had with his staff. And that, to my knowledge, is our only interactions.
    BY :
Q And then Mr. Biggs, again, can you put a finer point on that just so I understand? When would that conversation about January 6th have taken place the first time?
A So we didn't—I don't know that we talked about January 6th specifically. In fact, I don't think that we talked about the date, you know. I don't think so. And I don't think you were here. But I talked about we had the Jericho march which is a Judeo-Christian event that Stop the Steal did in which, again, kind of like, you know, it wasn't a Stop the Steal event. It was a Jericho march event that Stop the Steal was a part of, and that's how these events work.
And the day after that, there was another opportunity to speak. And I found myself backstage with Congressman Biggs. And he had said that he had talked to U.S. Senators and conveyed, that he conveyed his optimism about whatever. And he mentioned Rick Scott. So I remember optimism and Rick Scott.
Q But that's the extent of whatever involvement, to your knowledge, he had with January 6th when you were speaking about it?
​A Yes. And this Arizona event, he was supposed to appear at it. And then I think he was stuck in D.C. or something like that. And I got ahold of a video, and I played it on my phone on the microphone.
Q But that—but that's it in terms of when you say that you schemed together. That's as far as it goes.
A Yeah, because, again, when I'm publicly taking credit for it, what I'm trying to do is contrast the disinformation campaign from, you know, people who consider themselves, myself—myself their rival for no reason.
And I'm synthesizing that Paul Gosar and I are thinking about the mechanics of it. Andy Biggs is saying that there's juice with some soft Senators. And Mo Brooks is doing this Dear Colleague Letter. The synthesis of that is that we are seeking a peaceful legislative remedy that would occur on January 6th, that could legally allow the vote for the certification of the electoral college, or the protest thereof, to occur at a later date, or later that date or lose, and our objections are in the record.
Q Right. And so, you could understand, though, how someone could interpret your statement that you schemed up January 6th with Representative Biggs, Representative Brooks, and Representative Gosar as suggesting that you had a conversation together with the three of them, and the four of you together came up with the idea?
A I can absolutely understand that. And the first time that I—it was almost—it was the first political, you know, nightmare scenario that I was dealing with post 6th. So it's very fresh in my memory, because what happened is initially, you know, very liberal Democrats took a video of mine right as I was being deplatformed, chopped it, and then misreported the date, because I'm talking. You can watch the video. I'm almost also talking in a past tense, and it's before January 6th.
​And so to them, they think I'm confessing to admitting that me and three Members of Congress secretly got in a backroom to plot violence. And so I can understand that that much disinformation coming allowed a lot of people to put a lot of eyeballs on something that is exactly what I've just characterized.
Q Okay. So put aside the violence that happens, the words you use to say that you schemed it up with the three of them would convey, to a reasonable person listening, I would think, that you, together, the four of you, worked out the details, not the violence, right? I mean, you schemed up with them.
A I wouldn't say so in politics. I'd say it was a—it's a synthesis. It's the same reason why we adopt—in our, you know, congressional body, we allow cosponsors and co-authors. There's a credit-sharing thing that goes on in politics.
Q Sure. And cosponsors get the decision to say they sign off on that and they say I'll cosponsor that.
A And that's—and that's in politics for government. But in politics electioneering, there's a lot of things that that go on like, Oh, I'm going to do the repeal pledge or I'm going to do this type of repeal pledge or this is the Drill Here, Drill Now pledge.
And a lot of people like to—because I'm not an elected Member of Congress, when I'm saying, Hey, if—it would be easier for me to say we four schemed this up than me saying, Well, I went to this Congressman and he said this. I went to the second one, and he said this. I went to the third one. He said this. And then I came up with this brilliant idea, and you all need to praise me.
It's easier to say I want credit alongside these other three guys than, you know, this idea took form over thought, prayer, and individualized conversations with different aspects.
​Q Okay.
A And that's the truth.
Mr. . Thank you.
Ms. , did you have any follow-up to that?
Ms. . No.
    BY :
Q Leading up to January 6th, I want to talk about, like, the crowd-building promotion of this. How did you build awareness and excitement for the event on January 6th?
A I don't think we had to, because the President's tweet. I don't think that there's anything that I could have done to top that, or contribute to that. There's no person who said, I saw an Ali tweet. I saw the Trump tweet. I'm not going. I saw the Ali tweet. I am going.
Q So did you use your social media at all to promote the events on January 6th?
A Yes.
Q Which social media platforms did you use to promote the events on January 6th?
A Primarily Twitter.
Q Primarily Twitter?
A Yes.
Q And approximately how many followers at this time did have you on Twitter?
A I'm not sure. I don't have access to my account anymore.
Q You don't—can you give us a ballpark—recall how many you had around ​January 6th?
A No. I mean, it's definitely more than 100,000.
Q And what were you tweeting on Twitter to your followers about January 6th?
A I probably put out a couple of hundred, or several hundred tweets. So I wouldn't know.
Q Did you use Parler at all to advertise for January 6th?
A I don't recall using Parler. And if I did, it would have been a copy and paste of some post on Twitter. I certainly didn't have time to put all my tweets on Parler. And I didn't trust anyone with my—well, I think there was one person with my password. But, you know, I—so, I certainly didn't have time. So if anything, it's there's some copying and pasting going on but nothing unique or exclusive to Parler. Parler doesn't have any direct messaging feature, I don't believe. So it really was kind of lame.
Q Did you utilize influencers on the social media to get the word out on January 6th?
A Influencers made up what Stop the Steal Coalition was.
Q Okay. So who are these influencers that you—that made up the Stop the Steal Coalition?
A Scott Presler, one S. Brandon Straka, myself, Michael Coudrey, C.J. Pearson, Alexander Bruesewitz, Rose Tennent, you know, we all had—well, not all of us that I mentioned. Maybe I shouldn't have mentioned some of this, but we had large accounts and we would retweet each other.
Q What do you mean by large accounts? What does that mean?
A You know, if you have, like, more than—more than 50,000 followers, you have a large account, I think.
​Q Were you all advertising or publicizing the January 5th event in Freedom Plaza and the January 6th events together?
A Not always. And I do know there was a graphic that mentioned the 5th and two events on the 6th.
Q So there were times where you were advertising the events on the 5th and the 6th together?
A Yes.
Q Were you asked by Women for America First to promote the event at The Ellipse?
A No. I think I ceased contact with them in November. And—and though the permit was in their name, it wasn't solely their event.
Q So whose event was The Ellipse then?
A It's difficult to say. The permit is under their name. It's, you know, under the influence of the Trump campaign, to my understanding. We were supposed to be a part of it. Either we weren't a part of it and we were led to believe we were, or the morning of we show up and we're disbarred. And so that's why I tried to be accurate in this migrating timeline of people who either exercised decision-making power, or exerted it that they shouldn't have had but had.
Q And you used—I believe you maintained or created websites to also advertise for the events on January 5th and 6th?
A I believe so.
Q Such as stopthesteal.us? Did you advertise for the events on January 5th and 6th on stopthesteal.us?
A I'm not sure, but normally what we would do with a large event is put a graphic at the top of stopthesteal.us.
​Q What about was Trumpmarch.Com a website that you controlled?
A Not at all.
Q Okay. Was Wild Protest.com a website you controlled?
A Yes, I got that name based off of the President's tweet.
Q So what did you advertise on WildProtest.com?
A Initially that was going to be our sole event, you know, for a morning event that would go until whenever the voting was done. And we advertised the speakers, the location. And we may—I think we may have even done the website prior to getting the permit. That's how fast things were moving. And, so, it was kind of like a precursor that kind of fell apart.
Q Do you recall creating a website fightfortrump.us to advertise for the events on January 5th and 6th?
A I don't recall. I don't recall making a unique site. I vaguely recall getting that URL. I probably pointed it to stopthesteal.us or another property.
Q Okay. And then what about March to Save America? Was that a website that you maintained control of?
A Yes, that was a website that I maintained. And, you know, I got the name from Caroline Wren who said, you know, this was the branding that they were going for. And then, you know, it kind of migrated. It kind of was called several things, you know. But, and you guys can see based off of this and even the MOU agreement that I gave you guys about the event of the 5th, you can see, I was talking with my counsel earlier today. And we observed that—
Mr. We don't want to hear that.
Mr. Kamenar. Yeah, attorney-client privilege.
The Witness. Yeah, I want to say this.
​But just to say how things were moving is that that contract is either signed on 1-2 or 1-3. So that's how in flux a lot of these things are.
And like—and I think part of the reason I'm here testifying today instead of taking the stance that several other, you know, I think well-meaning people are is because I want y'all to understand the timeline, because none of these other press pieces have them correct. And it just seems like a stupid shame.
    BY :
Q Why is Ms. Wren going to you to make the website marchtosaveamerica.com?
A No, I got the—we got the name from her of what we were going to call The Ellipse. And we made the website, and because we were trying to figure out who makes the website. I'm a guy of action. I'm, like, let's just make a website. Whether we control it, whether we hand it over, whether we delete it, I need the website done.
Q And the March to Save America website included directions to start at The Ellipse and then march to the Capitol grounds on January 6th?
A I don't recall any of the contents of that website. I know that we went, like, for a different color scheme. But that's the extent to marchtosaveamerica.com, what I recall of it.
Q Why didn't you just fold in everything that you wanted to advertise in the trumpmarch.com website?
A I didn't own trumpmarch.com.
Q Who owned trumpmarch.com?
A It's my understanding that that's Women for America First and their consultant, Scott Graves.
Q And if you all were working together on this, how come you-all didn't make a ​website together?
A Through working through Caroline Wren, because we weren't talking to them and they weren't talking to us.
    BY :
Q Wren told to you make marchtosaveamerica.com. Did she give you money to create that?
A She didn't tell me to make the website. She gave me the name, because I know they were making a decision outside of my—I know I gave, at some point, some suggestions of what we should call The Ellipse event.
Q Oh, I'm sorry. A minute ago you said, "I said we should just create a website," and you said, "Caroline Wren gave me the name March to Save America. Got it."
A And I don't mean the domain name. I mean the literal phrase.
Q Got it. Did you buy the marchtosaveamerica.com domain?
A Yes, I believe so.
Q Okay. How did you do it? Who paid for that?
A Me.
Q How?
A I don't know if I owned it as my persons, or if I owned it as Stop the Steal, but Stop the Steal is just me. So that's what that was.
Q And for, I think you said Stop the Steal U.S., Wild Protest, Fight for Trump, and March to Save America, did I get all your websites right?
A I believe so.
Q Okay. Because I excluded Trump March after you said that wasn't you. Were all of those post-creation Stop the Steal—remember our conversation earlier when ​you said, "Oh, after Stop the Steal, I was using Donorbox"? Were you using Donorbox for the fund raiding on all of those sites?
A I believe so.
Q Okay.
A Around the dates we're talking about?
Q Well, I hadn't—from what I remember you saying, you had said after you created Stop the Steal, I want to say two thousand—when was that, November—
A I originally created Stop the Steal in 2018.
Q That's what I had in my notes. I thought you had said, after you created that, you were using Donorbox.
A Okay. That is not what I mean at all.
Q Oh, okay. So, let's actually clarify that, because that's really important. When we were talking about the time earlier, I thought you had said, I was using personal stuff, PayPal, et cetera, to my person; and then when Stop the Steal was created, I moved to Donorbox.
A Uh-huh.
Q I thought you had said Stop the Steal was created in November 2018. So I thought that's when you were using Donorbox. But let's clarify. When did you stop collecting the money personally?
A The collection of the funds personally was from my personal activism. When Stop the Steal 2020 became a more organized effort that I knew was going to involve other people, accountability, you know, all that other crap, that was—we got off my person as soon as we could. And so, that requires first doing an LLC, then setting up something or applying for something. I think you have to get a Stripe account, connect it to your Donorbox account. So there's several moving technical parts, some of which ​I'm aware of and others which, you know, I may not be aware of.
And then as soon as we could, you know, because it's a volunteer effort, we make stopthesteal.us' button, donate button, not go to my personal site where people can support me or any of my friends, but instead support a broader thing where, you know, each person's running their own State.
Q Okay. I think I understand now.
So prior to Stop the Steal 2020 creation was when you were using the personal stuff. I think you said PayPal and—
A For part of November.
QFor part of November 2020?
A Yes.
Q Okay.
A Stop the Steal, Stop the Steal as a hashtag, Stop the Steal as an Ali Alexander effort that harkened back to the themes of 2018, that was personal. That was personal. When Stop the Steal got an LLC—and I believe and we've submitted that paperwork—we began the process of moving that all over so that an organization could have that.
Q And I thought you said earlier all your tweets, et cetera, like, when you would fundraise prior to November 2020, that was also all personal, either PayPal or some kind of direct transfer to you.
A Prior to November 2020?
Q Right.
A Like October 2020 and prior?
Q I mean just prior to 2020. You were doing fundraising, I'm assuming, prior—
A For what?
​Q Well, for your activism, with your tweets, I mean—oh, here. Let me ask it a different way. When did you start fundraising?
A When I have one-off projects, I fundraise it. I'm sorry. I fundraised, and it really depends on what that project is. I've had a variety of clients. And then if I'm doing a project under my own name, then I'll say, I'll ask people to contribute to me.
So I did a documentary in 2019, a 20-minute documentary. And I raised money for that. I don't know if that was through the entity that published the documentary or through my persons.
Q Okay. So—
A But there was no—and I've seen this in this binder. I'll just leave it there.
Q No. I think I understand what you're saying. For these websites that I'm assuming Stop the Steal U.S., Wild Protest, Fight for Trump, March to Save America, what was the fundraising mechanism for those?
A Those websites came after November 4th. So—
Q Right. Donorbox?
A The websites themselves, like even those domains, if I own stopthesteal.us from 2018, then it was probably dormant. And those other sites are all in particular, like, January 6th focused. So I couldn't have owned them before December 16th.
Q No, I know. I'm saying after you created them, what was the fundraising mechanism when you set—
A Donorbox.
Q Donorbox. Yeah, okay. That's what I thought. Okay.
And did that ever change?
A Through January 6th?
Q These websites, if I was understanding you, you used Donorbox for ​fundraising. At any point did the fundraising mechanism for these websites change from Donorbox to anything else?
A I don't believe so outside of our conversation when I said, when we gotdeplatformed and we moved to an independent credit card processor for stopthesteal.us
Q And I don't think I asked you, but do you remember when that was, the deplatforming?
A Different websites deplatformed us on different days.
Q Ballpark? Like a month?
A Well, January 6th is the fallout. So I would just say from January 6th to a week or two later.
Q Oh, it that was—okay. I thought—it was quick. Okay.
A I was eviscerated.
Mr. Kamenar. Excuse me. Could we be able to take a 5-minute break?
Mr. We'll go on recess now for 5 minutes. We'll come back at 4:30.
[Recess.]