# Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society (1665-1886)/Volume 2/Number 28

Contents:
* Contents
* An Account of more Tryals of Transfusion, accompanied with some Considerations thereon, chiefly in reference to its circumspect Practise on Man; together with a farther Vindication of this Invention from Usurpers.
* The Method of Transfusing into the Veines of Men.
* Answers to some of the Inquires formerly publish'd concerning Mines
* An Extract of a Letter sent from Paris, about the Load-stone; where chiefly the suggestion of Gilbert touching the Circumvolution of a Globous Magnet, call'd Terrella; and the Variation of the Variation, is examined.
* An Account of some Books.
* I. Free Considerations about Subordinate Forms; by the Honourable Robert Boyle
* II. Joh. Swammerdam, M.D. Amsterodamensis de Respiratione & Usu Pulmonum
* III. Observations faites sur un Grand Poison, & un Lion, dissequés dans la Bibliotheque du Roy à Paris, le 24. & le 28. Juin, 1667
* IV. Historia Ambræ, Authore Justo Klobio, D. in Academ. Wittenbergensi.
* An Account of an Experiment made by Mr. Hook, of Preserving Animals alive by Blowing through their Lungs with Bellows.
Numb. 28.
PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Monday, October 21. 1667
The Contents.
An Account
This Experiment, as it hath raised Disputes among the Curious both here and abroad; so it hath put some of them upon considering such ways, and given such cautions, as may ​render the use of it safe and beneficial. Of the number of these seems to be that French Virtuoso, Gasper de Gurye de Montpoly, who in a late Letter of his to Monsieur Bourdelot, declares to the World, that this is a very Ingenious Invention, and such an one, as may prove very useful; but withall, that, in his opinion, it is to be used with much caution, as not being like to be practised innoxiously, if imprudent men do mannage it, and the concourse of two differing sorts of Blood requiring many tryals, and a careful observation of many circumstances, to give assurance. He supposes, that the Blood of every Animal is endowed with its peculiar Temper, and contains in the Aggregate of its parts, different natures, principles, figures, and even different Center. Whence he concludes, that two Substances thus differing, and containing plenty of Spirits, are not reducible to one and the same Center, nor to one and the same Body without Fermentation; and that this Operation may prove of danger to him, that shall have admitted into his Veins a strange Blood (wont to be free in its native Vessels) without passing through those degrees, that must give it Impressions sutable to the temper and functions of the Vitals of the Recipient: And taking for granted, that no considerate man will hazard a Total Transfusion, he acknowledges that a Partial one may be in some cases and sicknesses very useful; provided; it be practised circumspectly, upon a Body yet strong enough, and in a moderate quantity, so as the Spirits and Blood of the Recipient may be able to dissolve and master the transfused strange Blood, and convert the same into its own nature by a gentle Ebullition; to obtain by such a commixture principle of motion, that may cause a better habit of Body. And he believes, that this Ebullition must always happen in Bloods of differing parts and qualities; and that very hardly two Animals, of differing species, ages and tempers, will be met with, that have Blood so like one another, as not to need Fermentation, to make a requisit mixture. He doubts not, that if a substance could be found so resembling that of our Spirits, as that it would immediately unite it self with them, not needing any alteration, the Transfusion of such a Substance would be capable to produce effects little less than miraculous, by relieving the prostrated ​forces of Nature, and by fortifying in us the Spring of the motion and life: In a word, by exciting that Principle of continual Motion, which, whilst it has strength enough, still subdues and gathers to it self whatever is proper to entertain it, and rejects what is not so. But such an Invention as this he sees cause to esteem very difficult, in regard that different Moulds cannot but Characterize things differently. Hence he proceeds to the Examples, wherein Transfusion hath been experimented, even upon Men; alledged in that known ingenious Letter of Monsieur Denys. And here he intimates, how much he was pleased to learn, that, according to his Conjecture, a Moderate Intromission of Blood hath well succeeded, and the Fermentation, which we foresaw would be caused by the commixture of two Bloods, was made with advantage to the Patient: Which he judges did manifestly appear by his Bleeding at the Nose, (a sign of an Ebullition made in the Blood:) confirmed to him by this, that an expert Acquaintance of his, transfusing a great quantity of Blood into several Doggs, observed always, that the Receiving Doggs pissed Blood.
And as to the other successful Experiment, made upon a healthy and robust man, he notes, that he being a lusty Fellow, stored with blood, and taking the Air, and working hard on the same day that the tryal was made upon him, his vigorous Blood, Spirits, and Constitution, and the strong motion of his Heart, were able to convert into the substance of his own Blood that of the Lamb received, and to impart thereto his own nature, and to mould it into Figures sutable to the pores where it was to pass, and proper to the functions it was to perform.
But to these Reflections he subjoyns two other Instances, of an unlike success; whereof the one is afforded by a Man, the other by a Dogg. As to the Man; it ought to be related beforehand, to prevent wonder or misconstruction, that his Intestines, when he was opened after death, were found to be gangren'd, and consequently, that then he appeared to have been a subject altogether unfit for this Experiment, seeing it was naturally impossible for him to live with such putrefaction. But to come to the tryal it self; this Author saith, that Baron Bond, Son to the first Minister of State to the King of Sweeden, undergoing the ​Operation twice, appeared the first time to find new strength by it; but expired soon after the second Operation: ** It were to be wished the Author had expressed the Interval of time, wherein these two operations followed one another; that seeming to be a material circumstance in the Case. The Ebullition, it seems, of the corrupt Blood having mastered and enervated all the Blood he had in his Body: which, when open'd, no Blood at all was found in his Heart: probably, as the Author conjectureth, upon this account, that there being not left in the Patient Blood enough of his own, nor strength sufficient to turn a strange Blood into a substance homogenius to that; the Heart was not capable to admit the Blood of the Emittent, as consisting of parts disproportionate to his own. But, as hath been already observed, his Entrails were altogether vitiated by a Gangrene, and he therefore out of the reach of being relieved by this Experiment.
Concerning the other Instance, viz. of the Doggs, the Letter affirms, that the Tryal was made by Monsieur Gayen with great exactness, after this manner. He drew three great dishes of Blood from the Dog that was to receive, and weighed the other Dog that was to furnish; and, the operation being perform'd, he weighed him again, and found him weigh less than he did by two pounds; of which having abated an ounce more or less, for the Urine, made by the Dog, and an ounce or two more for the Blood spilt in the Operation, there remaineth at least one pound and a half Blood, that was transfused. But, the Recipient, though well dress'd, and well fed, died five days after, the Emittent being yet alive. Whence it seems evident to this Writer, that the too large Intromission of new Blood was predominant over the Native, and as 'twere, overwhelm'd it. Whence he again inculcates the dangerousness of infusing too much Blood at once, in regard that such Blood being now separated from the principle of life it had in the Emittent, and as yet destitute of the stamp necessary to live the life of the Recipient, it could not be moved and assimilated by the live Blood, which remained in the Recipient; and the Fermentation, that was made, passed rather to an Eagerness or Sowerness, than to such an one as precedes Digestion. And this kind of eager acidity he intimates was seen by the Spectators, and felt by the Receiving Animal, ​which swounded, and remained as dead for half a quarter of an hour: And when some alledged, that the Dog died, because he was wounded in the neck, where he could not lick himself, which rendred his wound incurable, answer was given, that Experiments had been made, wherein not only a Vein was opened, but also an Artery, yea, even the Aspera arteria cut of a Dog, that could not lick himself, and yet survived.
This whole Account is concluded with an Admonition, that all those, who have convenience, would make frequent and exact trials of this Experiment on Brutes, and carefully observe Weight and Measure, and all other circumstances, before any thing be hazarded, that may damnify the publick, and depreciate the Invention.
Abundans cautela non nocet, is a Maxime very fit to be minded here; though several succesful Experiments have been made in London, of very plentiful Transfusions; and among others (to mention a signal one) that upon a Bitch, which lost in the operation near 30 ounces of blood, and was recruited accordingly. This Animal does not only survive to this very day, but had another more severe Experiment soon after tryed upon her, by which her Spleen was cut out, without tying up the Vessels, whence that viscus was separated: Since which time (even before the wound was healed up) she took dog, was with Puppy, and brought forth Whelps, and remains well and jocund, being kept for a piece of remarquable Curiosity in the House of a Noble-man, that is as severe in Examining matters of fact, as he is able in Judging of their consequences.
So that it is not too hastily to be concluded, that large Transfusions are dangerous; but rather frequent Experiments should be made, before any thing be therein determined, with great as well as smaller quantities, both upon sound and sickly Beasts, carefully observing, how either is endured in either, and what are the Effects following thereon.
Before we dismiss this Subject, something is to be said of the Cause, why the Curious in England make a demurr in practising this Experiment upon Men. The above-mentioned ingenious Monsieur Denys has acquainted the World, how this degree was ventured upon at Paris, and what good success it there met ​with: And the Journal des Scavans glorieth, that the French have advanced this Invention so far, as to try it upon Men, before any English did it, and that with good success.
We readily grant, They were the first, we know off, that actually thus improved the Experiment, but then they must give us leave to inform them of this Truth, that the Philosophers in England had practised it long ago upon Man, if they had not been so tender in hazarding the Life of Man (which they take so much pain, to preserve and relieve) nor so scrupulous to incur the Penalties of the Law, which in England, is more strict and nice in cases of this concernment, than those of many other Nations are.
The Publisher can assert bonâ fide, that several Moneths agoe he saw himself the Instruments ready, and heard the Method agreed on, thought proper to execute this Operation upon Man. And, for further proof thereof, he shall here insert the whole way, peculiarly contrived here for this purpose, by the Ingenious Dr. Edmund King, and by him communicated in a Letter; Monsier Denys not having thought fit to describe the manner they used in France for Men; nor any body else come to our knowledge.
The Letter is as follows,
So far this Letter; which maketh the practicableness of this Method look so fair and easie, that nothing seems wanting to encourage the Trial, but the Direction and Assistance of discreet and skillful men, taking care, not to experiment it upon Subjects, that have their internal parts vitiated; for as much as it seems not reasonable to expect, that this Transfusion should cure Cacochymies, or restore a depraved constitution of the viscera.
We would have said no more of this Argument at this time, were we not obliged to remove a mistake found in one of the late French journals, affirming with confidence, that 'tis certain, the ​French have given the English the first thought or notion of this Experiment. And why? because (say they) they are witnesses, that a Benedictine Fryer, one Don Robert de Gabets, discoursed of it at Monsieur de Monmors, ten years agoe. Surely, all ingenius men will acknowledge that the certain way of deciding such Controversies as these, is a Publick Record, either written or printed, declaring the time and place of an Invention first proposed, the contrivance of the Method, to practice it, and the instances of the success in the Execution. All this appears in the field for England.
Numb. 7. of the Transactions (printed An. 1665. in Decemb. acquaints the World, how many years since Dr. Christopher Wren proposed the Experiment of Infusion into Veins. And this was hint enough for the R. Society, some while after to advance Infusion to Transfusion; for the trial of which latter, they give order at their Publick Meeting of May 17. 1665. as may be een in their Journal, where 'twas registred by the care-of their Secretaries obliged by Oath to fidelity: The trials proving then lame, for want of a fit apparatus, and a well contrived Method of operation, the Learned Physician and Expert Anatomist, Dr. Lower, since found out such a Method, which is not only registred in the same Book, but also published in Print Numb. 20. of these Tracts; before which time it had been already practiced by the said Doctor in Oxford, who was followed by several ingenious men at London, that succesfully practiced it by the Publick Order of the aforesaid Society.
It seems strange, that so surprizing an Invention should have been conceived in France, as they will have it, ten years ago, and lain there so long in the Womb, till the way of Midwiving it into the world was sent thither from London: To say nothing of the disagreement, there seems to be about the French Parent of this fœtus, Monsieur de Gurye in the Letter above mentioned, fathering it upon the Abbot Bourdelot, but the Author of the French Journals, upon a Benedictine Fryer.
But whoever this Parent be, that is not so material, as that all that lay claim to the Child, should joyn together their endeavours and cares to breed it up for the service and relief of humane life, if it be capable of it; and this is the main thing aimed at and sollicited in this Discourse; not written to offend or injure ​any, but to give every one his due, as near as can be discerned by the Publisher.
Answers
That the Queries, scattered up and down in these Tracts, may not seem lost, or left un-regarded, the Publisher intends to impart at convenient times such of the Answers shall be sent in by observing men, as may be thought acceptable to the Reader.
He begins now with an Account, communicated to him by the Learned and Inquisitive Mr. Joseph Glanvil, who premises in a Letter, that he procured the following Answers from a person living near the Mendip-Mines, and upon whose relations we may securely depend: Adding, that he does not by these few suggestions think himself absolved of his Taske, but shall pursue the matter farther, as soon as he has an opportunity of going into these Parts, whence he expects to be farther inform'd.
The Reader will be pleased to look back to the said several Queries, as they are extant in the Number 19; the following Answers respecting thither, and being accommodated to the Mines of Mendip in Somerset-shire, where the following Observations were made; viz.
To the 1, 2, 3 Queries. That all Mendip is Mountainous, yet the Hills not equal in height. That it is barren and cold, and rocky, in some places. That the Ridges thereof run confusedly, but most East and West, and not in any Parallel one with another. That upon the Surface thereof it is Heathy, Ferny and Furzy; and the Cattel, it feeds, for the most part are Sheep, which go there all the year; and young Beasts, Horses and Colts at Spring and Fall. That the Sheep are not fair, but big-bellyed, and will grow to no bigness, after they have been there fed; but will grow fat, if they are removed into better soyle, and so their Beasts and Horses.
To the 4, 5, 6, 7 Queries. That the Natives and Inhabitants ​live neither longer nor shorter, than ordinary, but live healthy, saving such, as are employed about melting of the Lead at the Mines; who, if they work in the smoak, are subject to a Disease, that will kill them, and the Cattel likewise that feed thereabout. The Smoak, that rests upon the Ground, will bane them. And therefore the Inhabitants have Keepers to keep them from it, for fear of the Infection. That the Country is not furnisht with many Rivers, and Waters, that rise upon the Hills: But from the bottom of the hills there are many Springs round about, both to the North, South and West; and those Waters are very wholesome, and produce Rivers, after they have run to some distance from thence. That the Air is moist, cold, foggy, thick, and heavy. That it is observed often covered with mists and fogs; and if any Rain be in the Country thereabout, it is surely there; and 'tis probable, it may arise from the Mineral and Subterraneous Strems. That the Soyle near the surface of the Earth is red and stony; and the stones that are drawn out thence, are either of the nature of Fire-stones, or Lime-stones, but no Way Clayie Marly or Chalky.
To the 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 Queries. That the Trees, growing thereon, have their tops burnt, and their leaves and out-sides discoloured, and scorched with the Wind, and grow to no bigness or stature. That the Stones and Pebles, that are washed with the Brooks and Springs, are of a reddish colour, and ponderous. That Snow, Frost, and Dew lay upon Mendip longer, than upon any of the neighbouring grounds; but whether the Dew falling upon the ground, will discolour Linnen, I have not observ'd.
To the 16, 17, 18, 19 Queries. That Mendip is more than ordinary subject to Thunder and Lightnings, Storms, Nocturnal Lights and fiery Meteors, That the Mills arise out of the Vales; but whether they signifie, where the Minerals are, I cannot say. That the Virgula divinitoria hath not been knowh to have been seen used in these parts. That there are no certain signes above ground, that afford any probability of a Mine, to my knowledge.
To the Querie in the fifth Title, I can say liittle save only, That the Ore upon Mendip lies in Veines as a Wall; in some ​places deeper, in some shallower; in some places narrower, in some broader; but lies altogether, and is perfect Lead, only in the outside, covered with reddish Earth.
To the Queres in the sixth Title, I cannot say much; it must be resolved by them, that melt the Lead-Ore, with which I have not been much acquainted, save only, that they beat the Ore small; then wash it clean in a running stream; then lift it in Iron-Rudders; then they make of Clay or Fire-stone a Hearth or Furnace, which they set in the ground, and upon it build there Fire, which is lighted with Char-coal, and continued with young Oaken-gadds, blown with Bellows by mens treading on them: And after the Fire is lighted, and the fire place hot they throw their Lead-Ore upon the Wood, which melts down into the Furnace; and then with an Iron-Ladle they take it out, and upon sand cast it into what form they please.
So far this account, which is hoped will be made in time more compleat, and succeed with the like Answers from other places.
An Extract
This Letter was written by the Intelligent and Experienced Monsieur Petit, Intendant of the Fortifications of his Most Christian Majesty, to the Publisher, as followes;
I have received yours, wherein you desire to know my sentiment about the present Variation of the Needle; intimating withal, that an Artist in London affirms, that whereas heretofore the Declination was East-ward, 'tis now about one degree and a half to the West.
Nothing can be more welcome to me, than to have occasion given me to discourse of this Subject, especially to the Philosophers of England, whence the Philosophy of the Magnet ​had its rise, and whence also the Principal Observations of the Change of its declination are come to us; so that 'tis just that the Observations, made elsewhere concerning the same, should return thither, as to its source.
I shall therefore let you know, that having alwayes been Curious in the Doctrine of the Load-stone, after I had made the Experiments that are in Gilbertus and others, I made that of the Needles Declination on three different Meridian-Lines, which I traced An. 1630. in several places of Paris, and found, that the Needle declined 4½ degrees North East: which having publisht, and made known here to the Curious and to Artists, some of whom counted 9 or 10 degrees according to the Tradition and Writings of Orontius Fineus, and Castelfranc; others, 11½ degrees, following Sennertus and Offusius: all at first rejected my Observation; and as commonly new things meet with obstacles and contradictions, before they are establisht, those that could not contradict what they saw, pretended, that this Variety did perhaps proceed from the greater or lesser vigour in the Loadstones, employed to touch with; or from thence, that the Needles had been touch't nearer to or farther from their Poles; which might make them decline more or less from the Meridian, so as a Needle, being precisely toucht by the Pole of a good Magnet, might perhaps have no Declination at all.
All which conjectures were not without their probability; which was the greater, in regard that all the Load-stones I had seen, being rude and like Flints, with irregular surfaces, in bunches and cavities, there Poles were always ill posited, and often within some of the Cavities, so that one could not be sure to strike the Needle thorow the Pole of the Stone. To remove which difficulty, and at the same to find another quality (one of the excellentest of the World, if true;) viz. that which Gilbert had assigned to Terrella's; I resolv'd to make the Experiment of it. And because I have not yet written of it, nor any man, I know, (Men having contented themselves with refuting this Error by Discourse only) you will perhaps not be displeased to be inform'd of the success thereof.
​Yet know, that Gilbert, though the first, that has writ rationally of the Magnet, and began to say no follies of it, writes about the end of this Book (yet without being positive) that if a Magnet altogether round were placed on a Meridian, and its Poles so posited, as to answer to the Poles of the World, and consequently it Axis to the Axis the World, the Stone would continually of its self turn round in 24 hours. Whence he inferrs, that the whole Earth, as a great Magnet, turns also round about its Axis in the same space of time.
To explore the truth of this Proposition (which I wish were true; since then we should have a perpetual motion without Wheels, and a Watch yet juster than Pendulums) I found the means of causing two Magnets to be turn'd with the powder of Emery; the one whereof having been made Spherical with all possible exactness, became very solid, plain, and without any visible pores, or diversity of matter, being 1½ inch in diameter: the other, bigger, of 3½ inches diameter, but of less vigour, porous also and uneven; which made me lay it aside as useless for this Experiment, because, though it had been perfectly spherical, as the lesser, I could not be assured, that its Center of Magnitude was the same with those of its Gravity, and Strength; which was requisite to make good Gilberts Proposition.
But for the other smaller Magnet, that had no defect, and its three Centers were the same, with so much justness, that after I had exactly found the two Poles of this Stone, I caused two small holes to be made therein, to support it by two points of Needles, as by two pivots: which having put in a Meridian of Brass, and suspended the Ball betwixt them like a little Globe, it was so easily moveable that I made it turn every way with a blast only of my mouth, and it stopp'd indifferently, now in one, then in another place, not any side of it prevailing by its gravity, nor descending, as it would have done, if any of them had been heavier than another.
This Stone thus prepared without any defect in virtue or figure, uniform, homogeneous, equilibrated, being adjusted on its Meridian and a Horizon, so placed on its Meridian-line, that the Poles thereof answer'd to the Poles of the Heavens (as hath been said already;) the success was, that it had not any Motion, ​and a small white mark, I had made upon this Stone, remained still in the same place, where I had put it, without turning at all, whence I thought the proposition of Gilbert sufficiently refuted.
This Stone, having serv'd me for this Experiment, did, together with the greater Stone, (whereof the Poles were also well marked) serve me also to find out, whether the Needles, touched in different places, nearer to, or further from the Poles, had different Declinations. Which having tryed frequently with these, and with other Stones, I found no difference at all in the Declination of the Needles.
And now to return to the main subject of the Letter, I then observ'd, that all these Needles declined then from the Meridian 4½ degrees from the North Eastward. And, as I did not suspect, that this declination would have changed, having found it to be the same in many places, from Brest in Brittany to the Valtoline amongst the Alps, I believed, the Antients had ill observ'd, and that the want of their exactness, in respect either of the Meridian-line, or the fabrick of their Needles, or the division of their Circles was the cause of this defect. But I was soon undeceived of my own Error, when I learned a little while after, by Letters from England, that Mr. Burrows, Anno 1580. had near London observ'd the declination of the Needle to be 11. degr. 11. min. as well as Offusus and Sennertus: And that Anno 1612. Mr. Gunther, Professor of the Mathematicks, had in the same place found that Declination much diminisht, having then found but 6 degrees: And lastly, that Anno 1633. Mr. Gellibrand had found it but 4 degrees North-east, conformable to my Observations. Which did assure me, that those Declinations were not constant, but had varied.
And that I might be convinced by my self, I made from time to time Experiments in divers places, and found still more and more diminution; so that Anno 1660. in June, after I had very exactly traced a Meridian by many Azimuths, before and after noon, with a Brass-Quadrant of 6 foot diameter, and applyed good Needles upon it, the one of 7 the other of 10 Inches long, I found that they declined but one degree, or thereabout: And ​the last year ** This Letter was written this present year. I found no more but 10 minutes on the same Meridian. Upon which having lately applied, since the receipt of the Letter, the same two Needles, me thinks, the Declination is yet less, than the last year. But this I can assure you, that the Declination is yet some minutes towards the East, at least at Paris. So that you may, upon my word, doubt ** By the favour of the Author, is not conclusive, that because the Declination is yet somewhat towards the East at Paris, that therefore it must be so at London: Since 'tis known here, that even the Variation of White-Hall differs from that of Lime-Houses which two places are but 4 English miles, or thereabouts, distant from one another. of the Observation of your friend, whom perhaps the Meridian, or the Needle, or the Construction and Division of his Compass may have deceived to a degree and a half North-east, which he at the present assigns to the Declination, But I doubt not, but in 12 or 15 years it will be found true what he affirms, as I have prognosticated by my Hypothesis, which maketh the Declination to vary a degree every seven or eight years.
This is, what I had to return to the Letter, which I wish might deserve to be presented to your Illustrious Society, and contribute something to the discovery of so many admirable vertues lodged in the Stone, and principally to the finding out of the Cause of this Variation; for which I have already made some attempt, and proposed my thoughts in a Dissiertation de Latitudine Parisiensi & Magnetis Declinatione, which M. du Hamel caused to be printed Anno 1660. with his Astronomia Physica, I shall be very glad, to learn the sentiment of your Learned Philosophers thereupon, and what cause they suspect there is of so singular an effect. I could discourse to you of other particulars touching the Proprieties of the Load stone, and especially of a remarkable one, I have discover'd, and which, if I am not deceived, subverts that Theory, which undertakes to explicate all these effects by the Pariculæ striatæ but I reserve that for another occasion.
An Account of some Books.
This Tract is an Appendix to the Noble Author's Examen of Substantial Forms, published last year, and reprinted this. There hath been already given an Account of the principal Part, as appears by Numb. 11. 'Tis very fit the like should be done now of this considerable Appendix.
First then it clears up and states the Doctrine about Subordinate Forms, as it is maintain'd by divers learned Moderns, especially Sennertus, who teacheth, that beside the Specific Forms (so called by him) there may reside in Animals and Plants, certain other Forms, so subject to the predominant Mistress-Form, that they deserve the Title but of Subordinate Forms, and during the Reign of the Specifick, are subservient to it; yet when that is deposed or abolisht, these Inferiour Forms may come to set up for themselves, viz.
This done, the Author tryes, Whether the Phænomena and Effects of these pretended Subordinate Forms may not be as well as the principal ones, intelligibly explicated by the Mechanical Principles, vid. Matter and Motion, and the thence resulting Shape an Texture. Which that it may be done, is so happily made out in this Tract, that a Rational, Unprejudiced and Attentive Reader cannot but embrace the Author's Doctrine, and, according to it, be satisfied, that the portions of Matter, that are endowed with these pretended Subordinate Forms, cannot the presumed Superintendent Form any other obedience, than some such kind of one, as the parts of a Clock or Engine may be said to yield to one another. So that the whole matter may be well conceived to be nothing but this; That, when divers bodies of differing natures or Schematisms come to be associated so as to compose a Body of one denomination, though each of them be supposed to act according to its own peculiar nature, yet by reason of the coaptation of those parts, and the contrivement of the compounded Body, it will many times happen, that the ​action or effect produced, will be of a mixed nature, and differing from that, which several of the parts consider'd as distinct Bodies or Agents, tended to, or would have perform'd; As when in a Ballance, by putting in a weight into one of the Scales, the opposite Scale, though as a heavy body it will naturally tend downwards, yet by vertue of the fabrick of the Instrument is made to mount upwards. So that those Actions, which Scholastical men attribute to the conspiring of subordinate Forms to assist the Specifick, are but the resultant actions of several Bodies, which being associated together, are thereby reduced in many cases to act jointly, and mutually modifie each others actions; and that which they ascribe to the dominion of the Presiding Form, is to be imputed to the structure and connexion of the parts of the compound body.
This the Author confirms and illustrates by many very instructive Examples and Comparisons, taken from manual Arts and Practises, Physicks, Chymistry, &c, And applying his droctrine about these subordinate Forms to inanimate Bodies, he sums up the heads of all, and casts them into 9 distinct Propositions, which are
1. The word Form is of an interminate signification.
2. 'Tis not easie, to decide the Nobleness of Forms.
3. In divers Bodies the Form is attributed upon the account of some eminent Property or Use; which if it be present and continue, though many other things supervene, or chance to be wanting, the matter is nevertheless lookt upon, as retaining its Form, and is wont to be allow'd its usual denomination.
4. By reason of the Conjunction or Connexion of the parts, that make up a whole (or, at least an Aggregate of Bodies, that for their connexion are looked upon as such) it will often happen, that several things will be perform'd by the joint or concurrent Action of these united or coherent parts.
5. We may yet in a sound sense admit, that in some Bodies there may be subordinate Forms.
6. The supervening of a new Form is often but accidental to the Pre-existent Form, and (then) does not at all destroy its nature but modifie its operations.
7. Besides the Specifick actions of a Body, that harbours subordinate Forms, there may be divers others, wherein some of the ​Parts or Ingredients may act according to their particular and pristine nature.
8. In divers Bodies, that which is call'd or look'd upon as the Specifick Form, is often not so much as the Presiding, but only the most eminent.
9. The forms discoursed of, seem to be rather concurrent, than subordinate.
To each of these Propositions are annexed short Comments, full of very pertinent and teaching Instances, Relations, Comparisons, &c. for which the Reader is referred to the Book it self.
This Author is of opinion, that all those Philosophers, who have hitherto inquired into the Nature and Use of Respiration, have only caught the shadow of it, nothing of the substance. And of this he gives this for the chief reason, because they have been too negligent in considering the first manifest motion of the Breast and Lungs in a Fœtus; which particular being understood he thinks it very easie to judge of the Respiration of born Animals. He scruples not to reprehend the immortal Doctor Harvey, for having excluded from the office of the Lungs the use of Refrigeration; which he pretends to have asserted himself by most evident Experiments, and uncontroulable Reasons.
To represent distinctly, what he undertakes to make out in this Tract, we may take notice of these particulars.
1. He takes pains to refute the Doctrine of Attraction, and to substitute in its place the Doctrine of Pulsion or Intrusion of Air into the Lungs.
2. He endeavours to assert, that the Lungs do not fall down, but are by the Breast contracted.
3. He affirms, to have clearly shew'd, what is the proper function and work of the Diaphragme, and' other Muscles serving for Respiration.
4. He pretends, to have experimentally evinced the Genuine Use of Respiration, and the Benefit thence resulting to the Animal Life.
​In short, He makes Respiration to be a Motion of the Thorax and Lungs, whereby the Air is sometimes implled by the Nose, Mouth and Wind-pipe into the Lungs; and thence again expelled, farther to elaborate the Blood, by Refrigerating it, and by seperating its fuliginous steams, and so raise it to its ultimate and highest perfection, for the Conservation of the Life of Animals.
Notice may be taken here by the by, that this Author in his Preface promises the publishing of a Treatise about Insects, in which he ingages to shew many wonderfull things in those little and seemingly contemptible Creatures, and in particular to demonstrate to the Eye the very method and manner how a Caterpillar is transmuted into a Chrysalis or Aurelia: By performing of which, he hopeth, he shall make the Curious bear more easily the loss of Dr. Harvey's Treatise on that Subject.
This Great Fish, dissected by the Parisian Philosophers, was a Vulpecula Marina (a Sea-fox:) in which they observ'd;
First, The length of his Tail, equalling very near the whole length of the rest of his body (the whole Fish being 8½ feet long) and fashioned after the manner of a Sithe, bowed and turned up toward the belly.
Secondly, His Mouth was armed with two sorts of Teeth; One sort, in the upper Jaw, being pointed, hard and firm, and of one only bone, in the manner of a Saw: the other sort, found in the rest of the upper, and in the whole under-Jaw, were moveable, and fastned by fleshly membranes.
Thirdly, His Tongue did altogether adhere to the lower jaw, and its skin was hard and covered with little shining points, which rendred it very rough and scabrous one way. The points viewed with a Miscroscope, appeared transparent like Chrystal.
Fourthly, His Throat was very large, and the Oesophagus, as large as his Maw; concerning which Authors say, that he hath the dexterity of disengaging himself from the swallowed hook, by casting it up together with his Maw, the inside of it turned out. They ​found in his Maw the Sea-herb Varec 5 inches long, and a Fish of the like length without head, scales, skin and guts, all being wasted but the musculous flesh, which remained entire.
Fifthly, The superior part of his great Gut had this peculiar, that instead of the usual circumvolutions of Guts, the cavity of this was divided transversly by many partitions, consisting of the membranes of the Gut turned inwards, and in the figure of a Vice, like Snail-shels, or winding Stairs.
Sixthly, His Spleen was double; his Liver divided into two Lobes; the Gall found to have more of bitter than sower: the Heart, without a Pericardium, as big as a Hens egge; the Head almost nothing but a mass of flesh, very little Brains in it, and that which was there, having very few meanders or windings: the Eyes, bigger than those of an Ox, only half-spherical, flat before; the Sclerotica formed like a Cup, very thin, but very hard; the Cornea very tender and soft; the Chrystallin perfectly spherical; the Vaea grayish; the Chorodies of the same colour and pierced, for the production of the Retina, by a very large hole: the bottom of this Chorodies had that lustre of Mother of Pearl, which is found in Terrestrial Animals, but with less vivid colours: and the Retina was also streaked with very apparent sanguineous Vessels.
The observables in the Lyon were,
In General, that for outward shape, and the constitution of many parts, as the Claws, Teeth, Eyes, Tongue, (besides the likeness of the Viscera) a Lyon resembles very much a Cat.
In particular, an admirable structure of his Claws; peculiar shape and position of his Teeth a very stiff Neck; a mighty rough and sharp Tongue, having points like claws both for hardness and shape, Eyes very clear and bright, even after death, which without closing the Eye-lids, Lyons can cover with a thick and blackish membrane, placed towards the great Angle, which by rising it self and reaching towards the small Angle, can extend it self over the whole Cornea, as tis in Birds, but especially in Catts: The reverse of the anterior Uvea, where it lies over the Chrystallin, is altogether black: the Chrystallin very flat, and its greatest convexity, which is not usual, in its anterior part, at tis in Cats: the Aqueous humour very plentifull, equalling almost the sixth part of the Vitreous, which plenty was judged to be the cause of the brightness that remains in the eyes after death.
​His Throat was not above an Inch and a half large: the Stomach, 6 inches large, and 18 inches long: all the Guts 25 foot long: the Liver, divided into 7 Lobes, as in Cats; its cavity under the Bladder of Gall was full of Gall, shed abroad in the substance of the Liver, and of the neighbouring parts, which was suspected by the Physitians, administring this operation, to have been the cause of this Lyons death: the Bladder or Call was 7 inches long, and 1½ inch large, of a peculiar structure: the Spleen, a foot long, 2 inches large, and ½ inch thick: the Kidney weighed somewhat above 7 ounces: the Genitals of a peculiar conformation, causing this Animal to cast his Urine backwards, and to couple like Camels and Hares.
His Lungs had 6 Lobes on the right side, and 3 on the left: the Wind-pipe had its annular Cartilages entire, excepting two or three; it was above four inches in compass, being very firme, and by this bgness and firmness enabling a Lyon, strongly to thurst Air enough through it, for his dread ful roaring.
His Heart was dry, and without water in the Pericard; much greater in proportion, than of any other Animal, between six inches long, and four inches large towards the basis, and terminating in a sharp point, It had very little flesh, and was all hollow, the Ventricles very large; the Auricles very small: the proportion of the branches, which the ascending Aorta casts out, was such, that the Carotids were as big, as the left Subclavial branch, and as the rest of the right Subclavial, whence they issue; Which is considerable, seeing the Brain is so small: For the Brain was but two inches big, of any dimension; the rest of the head being very fleshy, and consisting of very firm Bones. By comparing the little quantity of the Lyons Brain with the plenty of that of a Calf, it was Judged, that the having but little Brain is rather a mark and a cause of a fierce and cruel temper, than want of wit. Which conjecture was strengthened by the observation formerly made in the Sea-Fox, in whom almost no Brains was found, though it thought, that his craft and address hath occasioned men to give him that Name.
This Author reckons up 18 Opinions concerning Ambergreese, and having examined every one of them, he embraces that, which holds, That it is the Dung of a Bird, (called in the Madagascar Tongue Aschibobuch:) of which he gives the description out of Odarotus Barbosa and others; who affirm it to be of the bigness of a Goose, curiously feather'd, with a big head, well tufted. These Birds being found in great numbers in Madagascar, the Maldives, and other parts of East-Indies, are affirmed by Authors to flock together in great numbers, as Cranes; and frequenting high Cliffs near the Sea-side, and there voiding their Excrement, the Sea washes thence, if it fall not of it self, into it.
There is another opinion among the said 18, for which the Author hath a good inclination, but yet dares not embrace it; viz. that 'tis the Excrement of a certain kind of Whales. If this Amber were but in those other places, where there is good store of such Whales, it seems that would make the Author relinquish the former Opinion.
This puts us in mind of a Relation, to be met with in Purchas, which, giving an Account of a certain Commission for a Gentleman to go Factor into Greenland for the killing of Whales and Morses, takes notice, among other Particulars, of a sort of Whale, called Trompa, having but one Trunk on his head, whereas the Sarda, another kind of Whales, hath two. This Trompa (saith that Author) hath teeth of a span long, and as thick as a mans Wrist, but no Finns. In his Head is the Sperma Ceti, saith he farther, and in his Entrails, the Ambergreese, being in shape and colour like Cowes-dang. Express order was given in the said Commission, that the person deputed should himself be present at the opening of this sort of Whale, and cause the residue of the said Entrails to be put in small Casks, and bring them along with him into England.
This will give occasion to increase our Inquires for Greenland, which perhaps may be inserted in the Book of the next Month.
An Account
This Noble Experiment came not to the Publisher's hands, till all the preceding Particulars were already sent to the Press, and almost all Printed off, (for which cause also it could not be mentioned among the Contents: (And it might have been reserved for the next opportunity, had not the considerableness thereof been a motive to hasten its Publication. It shall be here annexed in the Ingenious Author his own words, as he presented it to the Royal Society, October. 24. 1667. the Experiment it self having been both repeated (after a former successful trial of it, made by the same hand a good while agoe) and improved the week before, at their publick Assembly. The Relation it self follows;
I did heretofore give this Illustrius Society an account of an Experiment I formerly tryed of keeping a Dog alive after his Thorax was all display'd by the cutting away of the Ribs and Diaphragme; and after the Pericardium of the Heart also was taken off. But divers persons seeming to doubt of the certainty of the Experiment (by reason that some Tryals of this matter, made by some other hands, failed of success) I caus'd at the last Meeting the same Experiment to be shewn in the presence of this Noble Company, and that with the same success, as it had been made by me at first, the Dog being kept alive by the Reciprocal blowing up of his Lungs with Bellowes, and they suffered to subside, for the space of an hour or more, after his Thorax had been so display'd, and his Aspera arteria cut off just below the Epigolotis, and bound on upon the nose of the Bellows.
And because some Eminent Physicians had affirm'd, that the Motion of the Lungs was necssary to Life upon the account of promoting the Circulation of the Blood, and that it was conceiv'd, the Animal would immediately be suffocated as soon as the Lungs should cease to be moved, I did (the better to fortifie my own Hyphothesis of this matter, and to be the better able to Judge of several others) make the following additional Experiment; viz.
The Dog having been kept alive, (as I have now mentioned) for above an hour, in which time the Tryal hath often been repeated, in suffering the dog to fall into Convulsive motions by ceasing to blow the Bellows, and permitting the Lungs to subside and lye still, and of suddenly reviving him again by renewing the blast, and consequently the motion of the Lungs: This I say, having been done, and the Judicious Spectators fully satisfied of the reality of the former Experiment; I caused another pair of Bellows to be immediately joyn'd to the first by a contrivance, I had prepar'd, and pricking all the outercoat of the Lungs with the slender point of a very sharp pen-knive, this second ​pair of Bellows was mov'd very quick, whereby the first pair was always kept full and always blowing into the Lungs; by which means the Lungs also were always kept very full, and without any motion, there being a continual blast of Air forc'd into the Lungs by the first pair of Bellows, supplying it as fast, as it could find its way quite through the Coat of the Lungs by the small holes pricked in it, as was said before. This being continued for a pretty while, the dog, as I expected, lay still, as before, his eyes being all the time very quick, and his Heart beating very regularly: But, upon ceasing this blast, and suffering the Lungs to fall and lye still, the Dog would immediately fall into Dying convulsive fits; but be as soon reviv'd again by the renewing the fulness of his Lungs with the constant blast of fresh Air.
Towards the latter end of this Experiment a piece of the Lungs was cut quite off; where 'twas observable, that the Blood did freely circulate, and pass thorow the Lungs, not only when the Lungs were kept thus constantly extended, but also when they were suffered to subside and ly still. Which seem to be Arguments, that as the bare Motion of the Lungs without fresh Air contributes nothing to the life of the Animal, he being found to survive as well when they were not mov'd, as when they were; so it was not the subsiding or movelesness of the Lungs that was the immediate cause of Death, or the stopping the Circulation o the Blood through the Lungs, but the want of a sufficient supply of fresh Air.
I shall shortly further try, whether the suffering the Blood to circulate through a vessel, so as it may be openly exposed to the fresh Air, will not suffice for the life of an Animal; and make some other Experiments, which, I hope, will thoroughly discover the Genuine use of Respiration; and afterwards consider of what benefit this may be to Mandkind
FINIS.
In the SAVOY,