# The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 3/Masaryk's First Presidential Message

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Masaryk’s First Presidential Message
Two days after his arrival in Prague on December 23rd, 1918, President Thomas G. Masaryk read his first message to the members of the National Assembly in the ancient royal castle of Prague. In addition to the deputies there were present also diplomatic and military representatives of the Allies.
The adress was introduced by a quotation well known to every Czech, a quotation from the great educator and the last bishop of the Bohemian Brethren, John Amos Comenius: “I firmly trust in God that after the tempests of wrath brought upon our heads by our sins have passed over, the government of thy common wealth will return to thee, oh Czech people.” Then the president said:The times through which the Czechoslovak nation is passing seem like a fairy tale. But the fairy tale is a reality. The whole world was divided into two camps; after a terrible fight victory was gained by those who defended the ideals of justice; the idealists won. Autocracy which claimed that sovereigns ruled by divine grace was defeated by democracy resting on the principles of humanitarian society. Prussian militarism was vanquished by popular armies which had first to be organized during the course of the war. The Allies, faithful to democracy, declared for the rights of all states and nations, the small as well as the great, to independence. Against the four Central Powers the whole of mankind united. And if the consensus of nations could be used as an argument for the existence of God, then the consensus of all nations of the world in this war is proof of the truth of democracy.
We Czechs and Slovaks could not stand aside; we had to decide against Austria-Hungary and Germany. For our entire history, its contents and significance, led us to union with democratic powers. And so quite correctly and fortunately we took our stand from the very beginning of the war on the side of the entente. There was no place for us in the ranks of those who attacked us, led by barbarous war-cries of violence.
Permit me, my friends, to give you a report of our activities abroad. I can mention only the most important facts, for a history of the four years work would be long and voluminous; I shall desribe only the principles by which our work was governed, rather than report all that we have done.
I myself saw clearly that I could not and must not remain in the services of Austria-Hungary. It is true that at first I hesitated to act: I felt the tremendous responsibility. I counted the cost of defeat—but our soldiers refusing to serve and surrendering to the Allies, criminal execution of our men who rejoiced at the promises of the Russian commander, the entire machinery ​of Vienna and Budapest barbarity forced me to a decision. I took counsel with individual political friends, for the parties as parties were suppressed. I took a trip to Vienna to talk with the more serious Austrian-Germans and found what they expected of the war, especially in case of victory; I was twice in Holland, I passed through Germany and there also I sought diligently information. In the middle of December 1914, I departed for Italy, then still neutral, and from there to Switzerland. I had hoped to return once more to Prague and communicate the information gained by me, but it was no longer possible. For a time I remained in Geneva and in the fall of 1915 I proceeded by way of Paris to London from whence I made frequent visits to Paris. In Paris the work was in charge of Dr. Beneš and General Štefánik, devoted, faithful and efficient co-workers. In May 1917 I had to go to Russia, from Russia I departed early in March by way of Siberia to Japan, through Japan to United States, and after seven months residence there I returned at the call of our government after a lapse of four years as the first president of the Czechoslovak Republic.
It was a strange, unexpected trip around the world, in reality a journey of information, gaining the entire Allied world for our national cause and for our political progress, the principal part of which was the disruption of Austria-Hungary and thereby the isolation of Germany, compelling it to remain content with its own national territory. Austria was Germany’s strongest card, but also its weakness.
We organized abroad all our emigrant colonies and inaugurated a well planned propaganda by personal contact and through the press and also diplomatic activities. But politics and especially revolution is impossible without money; in this our people in America and Russia helped. I declare here most emphatically that we never took a penny from the Allies: I emphasize this fact because our enemies talk of Russian, British and other gold; and I also declare that during all that time we have never employed a single falsehood against our enemies, not a single one of the so-called diplomatic tricks. Such honorable political fight, such honorable revolution I dare say has never before been carried out. It was clear to me that neither propaganda nor revolution at home and in the Austrian Army was sufficient, that we must have our own army. The first legions arose in France and Russia; soon volunteers came from all lands, from England, America, Canada, Africa, Australia. At first the units were small, but they grew with the increase of prisoners. This is true especially of Russia, where our captured men were very numerous.
The history of our army in Russia is the history of Russia during the war, at least the development of Russia is mirrored in the developments of our army. Here I can only say briefly that the old Stuermer regime discouraged the formation of a large army; Kerensky also was at first against us, until he found out that his offensive was to a large extent carried out by our three regiments and that our boys covered the fatal flight of the Russian army. Praise of the bravery of our army by Brusilov, Aleksejev and others, as well as by French and Italian military authorities, is well known.
After many attempts we finally managed to organize an army corps; I can say without boasting that organizing this army during the anarchy and the complete break-up of the Russian army is the best testimony to the maturity, not merely of our boys, but of the whole nation, for 100,000 men is enough to represent a nation. The army in Russia grew in the spring of this year to 50,000 men under arms, and 50,000 more had volunteered. This organizing ability and national discipline is exceeded only by their heroic heart, their love for liberty and fidelity to the nation.
I cannot refrain from asking you to render honor to the dear fallen boys, to our heroes in Russia, Dobrudja, France and Italy and on the Saloniki front, who made possible the present memorable meeting and our whole liberation. Nor let us forget the martyrs of the Hapsburg terror at home and the thousands upon thousands victims of the Russian internment, those that died in Murman and in Turkestan, all over the wide plains of unfortunate Russia, unable to care for the welfare of our captured men. And then the thousands that died during the flight across the Albanian mountains; Czech graves are found in all the belligerent countries.
It is but right that I should express gratitude and satisfaction for your conduct and political actions and those of the whole nation, Czechs and Slovaks. Perhaps my opinion, who as you know was not easily satisfied, has a certain weight, though we all agree that even criticism has its place.
Our army fighting on three fronts won our liberty for us. The history of our action abroad and especially the history of our army, its fights and heroism, the history of the Siberian anabasis—all this will be splendid educational material for our future generations. Here I can only sum up the results. And alongside of our fighting men many of our co-workers conducted the organization in all lands. The most work was naturally done in Russia, and I give thanks here to all the members of the Russian Branch of the Czechoslovak National Council, and remember especially the deceased general secretary, George Klecanda.
France was the first to recognize the significance of our nation for the Allies and for Europe in February 1916 and was the first to recognize our national council abroad. It recognized and maintained our army in France and later even in Russia, behaved toward us truly magnificently. Italy was always very friendly toward us; ​we have a considerable army there and with Italy we concluded our first treaty, thereby gaining her recognition; all the other Allies then turned toward us with sympathy. We were recognized by England, United States, Japan, Serbia, Belgium, Greece, Cuba. I hardly know whom to thank first. It is natural that recognition by England and United States, the greatest Allied Powers, strengthened us greatly, as the behavior of the enemies made plain.
The United States rendered to us of their riches immediate help and gave us definite promises for the future. President Wilson himself devoted much sincere attention to our country. We are greatly indebted to him and all the Allies, and they may always count upon us; I can express our feelings toward them best in the words of premier Dr. Kramář who asked me in the first wireless message sent from Prague to Paris: “Assure the governments and nations of the Allies of our gratitude and firm fidelity.” After receiving official recognition from the Allies we declared the independence of our nation and constructed a government; the nation at home approved this step and entrusted the government to you and me.
The principal aim of the war and of the present time is the reorganization of Eastern Europe and the solution of the eastern question. The war was the continuation and culmination of the fights and attempts for the solution of the eastern question in the broad meaning of the term. Te German push toward the East is aimed at the zone of smaller and small nations, living between the Germans and the Russians, beginning with the Finns and ending with the Greeks. This zone includes 18 small nations. Pan-Germanists preached that the small nations had no future, that history favored the construction of great states; this view is manifestly incorrect; for since the 18th Century a great number of small states arose. Napoleon’s imperialistic attempts did not succeed, and German, Austro-Hungarian and Russian imperialism was also wrecked.
The negative aim of the war is achieved. Europe is faced with the positive task of organizing the east of Europe and thus all Europe and all humanity. We stand on the threshold of a new era when all mankind realizes its unity. Our nation wishes to contribute with full consciousness of the task something to the realization of this magnificent and noble aim. We know that the nations look for new, creative and organizing statesmanship and we promise that we shall make an honorable attempt toward it.
Bismarck said that the master of Bohemia is the master of Europe. He described thus in his own way the special world significance of our nation. We are the westernmost Slav branch in the Centre of Europe and we successfully helped to balk the German push toward the east. Our present victory was made possible by our national firmness as well as the natural riches of our country. Our victory is likewise the victory of the other small nations, menaced by Germany and Austria.
Similar fate and similar dangers lead us to close friendship with our neighbors in the East and the Southeast. I started friendly relations abroad with all these nations, the Poles, Ukrainians, Jugoslavs, Roumanians, Lithuanians, Letts, Finns, Greeks and Albanians. We attempted in America to form a union of Mid-European nations. Twelve nations were gained and the attempt was promising. America took lively interest in this union, and a special society was formed for the support of Mid-European nations which, I hope, will make its contribution to the great task. President Wilson greatly favored this union and its aims, and efforts to solve the problems of small nations found in him a warm friend.
Our immediate tasks can be sketched very briefly. Speaking in general we want to organize as close relations as possible with our neighbors and the Allied nations. The fact that we are neighbors and have a similar history should make for close friendship with Poles. I took this up on many occasions with Polish leaders, we even spoke of a federation, but decided that in the immediate future each nation had its special constructive work and that it would be better not to complicate our tasks; but we shall try at any rate to reach an economic and military agreement. That would be of course purely defensive. I also discussed the Polish question in Silesia. And an agreement is easy, for it is on the whole an insignificant problem in comparison with the great work ahead of us. It is in the interest of both parties that we should both be as strong as possible. But I must say that the manner in which some Poles attempt to occupy our territory is in our opinion improper. At first we must consolidate the territory of each state and then we may voluntarily agree to a rectification of the boundaries. I hope that the Poles will approve of this attitude, the more so, as their example might incite in others similar attempts against the Poles. When the Poles have a consolidated state, we can take this up as a matter between the two states.
We were in harmony with Roumanians, especially in Russia; strong friendship grew between us. I was myself in Roumania and negotiated with the government and the King especially for joining our army with the Roumanian army. But the plan was not realized. The possibility is now given to us to be neighbors. Uhro-Rusins through their representatives in America laid before us the proposition that their people should be an autonomous part of our state. A similar proposition was made by the so-called Carpatho-Russians. I did not, of course, have the authority to settle these questions, but I expressed approval of this union. There seems no doubt that the Rusin people in Hungary will approve from the prop​osition. I expect that Roumanians and Jugoslavs will reach an agreement, especially in the matter of the Banat.
I ned not say that our relations with Jugoslavs are most cordial, sealed by common fights; common frontiers with Roumanians would make possible more direct relations. Both in our own and in Jugoslav political circles there exists the absolute conviction of the necessity for our direct geographical union. Austrian-Germans now ask for this territory, but the Magyars have recently told them that the territory in question has numerous Croat and Slovene elements. In any case the fact that we have no territorial controversy with the Roumanians and the Jugoslavs will make possible most intimate harmony. I conferred with representatives of both nations, and we reached an agreement; the Greeks also through their leading men, especially Venizelos, approved of this entente. If the contested questions between the Jugoslavs and the Italians are made up, as we have good reasons to hope, then the pan-German Mittel-Europa will be replaced by a close understanding of states from the Baltic Sea to the Adriatic and on through Switzerland to France. That would be a strong wall against Germans, if they should wish to keep up their plans against the east; it would protect Russia, thus separated from Prussia.
Strong Russia, united on a federative basis, is needed both by us and by Europe. Russia is going through a difficult crisis. Incapable and degenerate czarism fell, just as Viennese and Berlin czarism fell, but the Russian revolution has not been sufficiently creative; Russians have not learned how to administer, and without administration there is no democracy. I doubt whether Russia can be made well by self-help without the help of the Allies- I cannot explain this plan in detail. I merely indicate the direction in which it is desirable that foreign politics should develop.
This sketch must be completed by mentioning our relations toward the Germans and the Magyars. As far as Germans of our own lands are concerned our program is well known; territory inhabited by Germans is our territory and will remain ours. We constructed our state, we maintained it, we are reconstructing it now; I wish that our Germans would colaborate with us, as that would be a better policy than their present mistaken efforts. I understand of course that they are in a difficult position. They accepted unfortunately the aggressive pan-German program against the Czechs and too willingly they misconstrued the world situation. They were drunk with the first apparent successes; our Germans became victims of false Austrianism and of shortsigted Hapsburgs. It is easy to understand that they are sore over their fatal miscalculations and over the fact that we were right. I repeat: We constructed our state; and that determines the fundamental position of our Germans who came here originally as immigrants and colonists. We have the full right to the resources of our territory necessary both for our industry and that of the Germans living among us. We cannot and will not sacrifice strong Czech minorities in the so-called German territories. We are also convinced that economic motives lead our German countrymen toward us. It is for them to take the right attitude. Let them remember that in 1861 they asked the king together with us that he should allow himself to be crowned King of Bohemia. I sincerely wish that we might soon reach an agreement.
To be sure it will be difficult for us to forget that our Germans and all the Germans in Austria accepted without protest inhuman cruelties of Austrian and Magyar soldiers; it will be difficult to forget that our Germans were the most violent supporters of pan-Germanism. But nevertheless we will accept them, if they make up their minds to work with us. No one can take it ill, if we are careful after many bitter experiences, but I promise that minorities in our state will enjoy equal national rights and civic equality. The American Republic undertook a civil war rather than admit a secession of the south.
Neither will we admit a secession of our nationally mixed north. By creating a truly democratic local government we shall have the means for the solution of the national question. To draw a straight boundary line is out of question on account of the mixed population, and the problem is not merely national, but also to a large extent social.
The old Austria-Hungary was a clear organization of violence aimed against the majority of its peoples. As for our duty toward the present German Austria, if the Austrian Germans abandon their lust of domination, if they abandon their pan-German plans, if they will act kindly toward us and refuse to interfere in our affairs, then satisfactory relations of neighbors are possible and Austria may be able to retain its independence. I believe that in that way the difficult problem of Vienna may be solved best for the Germans themselves. We shall naturally be moved by considerations for our large minority in Vienna.
Our relations to the Germans of Germany will depend on what politics they will pursue. We hope that the defeat of Prussian militarism will be the victory of the German people, but it is necessary that the German people abandon its aggressive policies in the east and devote its great abilities to the organization of the nation and of mankind. This is a nobler aim than the Pan-German aim.
At this point President Masaryk used the Slovak speech. He said: It is not necssary to say much about the Magyars. Up to the sixties of the last century they played a modest role, but at that time the fertility of their soil made itself felt and they gained in economic importance ​over industrial parts of Austria. At the same time they employed Bismarck’s policies toward Austria and became the devoted vanguard of the Germans in the Balkans. Their feudal nobility supported by the capitalists erected an artificial state structure which the war caused to fall as it did the entire artificial structure of the Hapsburgs. It was almost unbelievable that a nation like the Magyars could exploit so long four other nations, our Slovaks, Rusins, Roumanians and Jugoslavs. Cavour already discerned clearly that the Magyars could not respect the liberty of other nations, although they had to defend themselves against the Germans: politically the Magyars have during this war lived on their prestige from the year 1848. But the falsehood of their propaganda has ben everywhere realized, and today the Allies see that the Magyars have a right to their own national state only. I should like to have our relations with them adjusted firmly and quickly.
Magyar minorities will everywhere enjoy civic rights. The Magyars were so cruel as to claim that the Slovak was not a man. But I would not repay them evil. We only desire that the Slovaks may have the frontiers necessary for their development. The same thing is true of the Rusins who wish to join us.
I wish to finish. We know we shall not attain our national program merely by foreign politics, but we must work hard internally; there also our policies will be honest and reasonable. During the time of transition we shall endeavor to maintain order and devote ourselves to peaceful administrative work. The substance of democracy is not domination, but work for the safe-guarding of justice; it is the mathematics of humanity. We must devote special attention to agriculture, industry and commerce. We shall enter upon new railroad and communication policies. Our new life and relations with the Allies will be not merely political, but also economic.
I have already entered upon economic and financial relations with influential factors in America, England and France. Financial assistance of Allied countries has been promised to us. The United States and President Wilson himself promised help in the way of food-stuffs during the period of transition. The government has already indicated a list of what we need; we asked for only the most necessary things, because we know that others also need assistance. America has helped and is still helping efficiently our army in Russia. The American Red Cross is doing wonderful work there. The government and financial circles are willing to make loans to us. I myself have provisionally negotiated small loans which will have to be constitutionally approved.
But men and nations do not live bv bread alone. WTe have all realized that we need to be re-educated. Creation of schools and spiritual life need our most intensive efforts. It is evident that our legislative organs must make new laws, corresponding to new conditions. Unhealthy Austrianism must be completely eradicated and that requires more than doing away with outward signs. In general we have the possibility now to carry out many plans that were heretofore theoretical.
Let us beware of too much haste; we have time ahead of us now, everything does not need to be done at once. Let us begin with the most necessary things, with matters that will make further orderly development possible. The situation of the world and of our country demands radical social reforms; democratic equality cannot live together with exploitation and domination of classes.
I am happy to see women in this assembly. I believe that women should devote themselves to public life just as men.
Let us hope that the peace conference in Paris will secure for us a permanent peace. That does not do away with the necessity for national defense, on the contrary we must create an all-national system of efficient defense. That means that we shall have to give much attention to the increase of population, and I am glad that we have a ministry of public health as a part of this government. Experience in the long war impels us to care for the body and spirit of future generations. The ideals of Fuegner and Tyrš have proved their value in our army.
Our army from Italy is on the way back, and I wish that our boys from Russia might also return, but distance and technical difficulties are in the way, neither can we as one of the Allies act independently in such a serious concern. We shall employ the army for safeguarding our territory and maintaining order. Our army is a part of the Allied armies and we hope that our seperatists may realize this fact and its consequence as based on the conditions of armistice.
I did not intend, my friends, to render a detailed program. I merely lay before you certain leading principles for our political activities and I tried to summarize briefly the meaning of this terrible experience in this, let us hope, last war which ended so fortunately for us. Its sense may be expressed briefly thus: We all, individuals and nations, firmly hope that the great sacrifices of lives and goods have not been in vain. We have achieved our goal. Let us try to make it secure forever, and this is a task more difficult perhaps than our tasks during the war. All citizens of good will regardless of party, religion and nationalitv, have the opportunity to create an exemplary democratic state that will watch over the interests of free, selfgoverning citizenship.
A few more words, gentlemen. We have gained the sympathies of the Allies and the respect of our enemies by our organizing ability and by the fact that we were able to make and maintain order. Now this order must be maintained in the future under all circumstances. In our lands there must be no violence, and I ask you strong​ly, friends, to help wherever you can to still the passions. Disorders would cause us grave political harm, and England and America especially would be unfavorably affected. I ask your cooperation very earnestly.
I came to Prague accompanied by a part of our army abroad; you will see that we have all of us taken it very seriously, offering our goods and our lives. I am sure that the whole nation will love our boys as I love them. I had been an anti-militarist and disliked the Austrian soldier, but our armies were not organized for militaristic reasons, but for the winning and maintaining of liberty and democracy. To defend this we must have our army; it will be the serious task of men entrusted with this work to create a republican and democratic army. Now democracy in the army, as in every other sphere, cannot be had merely by doing away with Austrianism, but by a rebirth of the spirit.
I have finished. May you all enjoy a Happy Christmas!