# The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 3/Organized Labor in Czechoslovakia

Organized Labor in Czechoslovakia
By FERDINAND ŠŤASTNÝ,
Delegate to the International Labor Conference in Washington.
While the boundaries of the Czechoslovak Republic are not yet definitely settled in the case of Teschen and small rectifications of frontier as against Prussian Silesia and Hungary remain to be carried out, we are in a position to estimate its population with considerable accuracy at thirteen and a half million people. Of that number about three million are workingmen and employees; roughly speaking one million are agricultural workers, half a million are engaged in transportation, commerce and the service of the state, while the rest are industrial workers.
About one half of the labor is organized in trade unions. These labor unions stand for the conviction that the present social order is unjust; and while the war has resulted in victory for political democracy, in the economic sphere class oppression still persists. What the economic situation of the Czechoslovak workingman is today cannot even be imagined by his American brother who in comparison enjoys great prosperity. The war has played havoc with prices, and while wages have in many instances increased 500%, the necessities of life cost ten times as much, as before the war, and many articles of ordinary consumption are beyond the reach of all except the very rich. Thus the increase in wages has been illusory, and the families of workers suffer terribly for lack of food, clothing, shoes and decent shelter.
Now the Czechoslovak workingman is quite intelligent and realizes that the principal share of the blame for this condition is due to the war. The former Austrian government actually favored and systematically worked for such a result, as Count Czernin openly boasted. At the same time the workers see that the wealthy manufacturers and particularly the commercial classes took advantage of the world catastrophe to pile up their riches. The working classes in Czechoslovakia are justified fully, when they speak of their exploitation, but on the other hand they see, how the idea of class revenge has worked out in Russia, in Hungary and in Munich, and they have no desire to try anything of that kind.
These sound sentiments have been strengthened by wise measures of social legislation undertaken by the present Czechoslovak government and National Assembly. Shortly after the declaration of independence the new government introduced unemployment grants. It was quite impossible to do anything else, because all the big factories had been working on war orders which suddenly ceased. Transition from war production to peace production was far more difficult with us than in America, because manufacturers could get no raw material with which to go to work on new orders; most of the raw materials had been consumed long ago and what little still remained was taken out of the country by the Austrian government, when it saw the end coming. Our country has a highly developed and technically excellent steel and foundry industry, but many essential materials are lacking and as every where else in Europe, production is hampered by insufficient supply of coal. And even if there had been found work for those who were employed before the break up came, there was no work to be had for hundreds of thousands who suddenly returned home from forced service with the Austrian army at the end of 1918. Without the grant of unemployment dole a million men would have either starved or upset all order.
On the 11th of January, 1919, the National Assembly enacted the eight hours of labor law. Thus a demand for which Czechoslovak workingmen fought for thirty years has at last been realized. The law benefits employees in industry, commercial establishments and agriculture. The law providing for the insurance of workers against sickness and accident has been improved, and another law will soon be passed for old age pensions. If we add to these accomplishments in the interest of the working classes also the law taking over for the nation, upon proper compesation, all large landed estates, the total result explains, why the workers in the Cze​choslovak Republic stand absolutely loyal to their new state which in addition to political liberty has already realized so much of their program. Even though they are often still hungry, they have confidence in the future.
The workingmen are very devoted to their organizations, for they see in them the instrument for the bettering of their economic condition. Disputes as to wages etc. are settled for entire industries by collective bargaining between the employers and the labor unions. In the metal industry, for instance, the Association of Steel Manufacturers (Zemský Spolek Strojíren) deals with the labor organization of metal workers for all of Bohemia. In February of this year these two bodies agreed on changes which the eight hour law made necessary in the conditions of labor, by simply bringing up to date the existing agreement which had been in effect since February, 1912. I wonder, how many contracts between employers and workers in this country have been faithfully observed for seven years and then modified without a strike. The agreement I am speaking of applies to some fifty steel mills and foundries, employing 30,000 laborers: it provides for the distribution of the 48 hour week between the weekdays, settles the minimum wage to be paid by the industry, under what conditions piece work shall prevail, pay for overtime, rights of labor representatives etc. An agreement like this is looked upon by both parties as law and is strictly observed on both sides. Labor unions are responsible and stick to the bargain they made.
But while labor unions have been constructed primarily for the purpose of improving the material lot of the members, they cannot avoid contact with politics. Most of the organized workers are socialists, and as there are at present two principal socialist parties among the Czechoslovak workingmen, there are also in most cases two labor unions for the same industry, and some clash is bound to result among the workers. The situation arose out of the development of political life among the Czechs during the last two generations. After 1848 came first the period of purely nationalist agitation, but with the growth of industrial life the social question came to the fore and its first champions were social democrats, professing the doctrines of Marx. When the first social democratic deputies of Czech nationality put aside the traditional demand for the restoration of national rights, a large part of the working class organized a new labor party, known first as national socialist, now as the Czechoslovak socialist party. In order to maintain itself this party had to create its own labor unions. This party was the worst enemy of Austrian militarism, and during the war most of its leaders were arrested and its organizations suppressed.
When the Czechoslovak Republic came to life on the ruins of the Dual Empire, one half of the program of the Czechoslovak socialists was realized. There remained the effort to bring about in the new, free state economical and social justice. In this it is at one with the social democrats, except that it refuses to adopt the Marxist doctrines. The two parties co-operate in the National Assembly and cabinet, and while local friction is bound to occur, they will undoubtedly coalesce sooner or later. While the labor unions are thus dragged into politics, they nevertheless try to limit their activity to the economic field. A very promising branch of their work is the establishment of co-operative societies which on the one side reduce the cost of living for the members, and on the other side teach the workers not lo look forward to exaggerated and false dreams of complete and sudden socialization, but to gradual development which will come through the spreading of co-operative institutions.
Let me emphasize once more that the Czechoslovak organized labor has no intention of indulging in social experiments at the risk of the republic and of its own prosperity. It is devoted to the Czechoslovak Republic and collaborates heartily at its upbuilding.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published in 1919, before the cutoff of January 1, 1930.
The longest-living author of this work died in 1957, so this work is in the public domain in countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 67 years or less. This work may be in the public domain in countries and areas with longer native copyright terms that apply the rule of the shorter term to foreign works.
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