# The Czechoslovak Review/Volume 3/Events in the Republic

THE CZECHOSLOVAK REVIEW
OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE AMERICAN CZECHOSLOVAK BOARD :
| Jaroslav F. Smetanka, Editor Published Monthly by the Bohemian Review Co., 2324 S. Central Park Ave., Chicago, Ill. |||
| Entered as second class matter April 30, 1917 at the Post Office of Chicago, Ill., under act of Congress of March 3, 1879. |||
| Vol. III, No. 10. | OCTOBER, 1919 | 15 cents a Copy $1.50 per Year |
Events in the Republic
The question of greatest public interest during the whole month of September was the disposition of the Teschen district. Ever since the first days of November, when Poles invaded this ancient duchy from Galicia and occupied the greater part of it, the final decision of this touchy question was constantly delayed by the peace conference, in view of the intense feeling displayed by both Czechs and Poles.
The Czechs claimed that Teschen had been part of the Bohemian territory for the last six hundred years and should no more be separated from the Republic, than certain border districts with German-speaking majority. France had actually agreed during the war to give to the Czechoslovak Republic its historical boundaries. Economic considerations exerted an even greater strength on the determination of the entire Czechoslovak nation to insist on the retention of Silesia. This small district contains the most important coal mines of the new state; without Teschen the deposits of coal in the Czechoslovak Republic would be only 9.3 billion tons, with Teschen 25.7 billion. As against that the Poles are getting from Germany the almost inexhaustible coal areas of Upper Silesia which are estimated to contain 2200 billion tons. Polish industry does not need Teschen coal, Czechoslovak industry cannot live without it. The Slovaks, equally with the Czechs, are vitally interested in this quarrel, for their coal came almost exclusively from the Teschen area, and the principal railroad connecting Slovakia with the Czech lands passes through territory claimed by Poles.
When it was rumored at the end of August that the peace conference decided this dispute adversely to the Czechoslovak Republic, the whole nation rose in protest. Mass meetings were held everywhere, public corporations sent resolutions to the government calling upon it to agree under no circumstances to the cession of Teschen; Czech coal miners in the disputed area went on strike as a protest against coming under Polish rule, and finally even the National Assembly called upon the government not to sign any treaty depriving the Republic of this district.
Czechoslovak peace delegates in Paris struggled hard to secure a favorable decision for their country, but in the end they were placed before a dilemma: either divide Teschen on the basis of the last Austrian statistics, or let the peace conference decide on the division of it after a plebiscite had been taken. They chose the latter course, and in the near future a vote will be taken in the entire Teschen district as to the preference of the people for either Czech or Polish citizenship. In 1919 the Austrian census found in the disputed area 224,000 Poles, 115,000 Czechs and 77,000 Germans. The Czechs are convinced that the plebiscite will result more favorably for them than these figures indicate, because transition from Czech to Polish speech, as one goes east, is so gradual that entire villages entered in the census as using Polish speech will prefer to consider themselves Czech, if proper guarantees are taken against intimidation in the larger part of the territory occupied by Polish forces. The Germans, too, will undoubtedly by a large majority favor Czech, rather than Polish rule.
Thus, while the general feeling in the country is very bitter against the Paris decision, neither the government nor the people have any intentions to try Fiume experiments and will abide by the result of the voting.
The German question is becoming a pressing one. Since the revolution public authority has been altogether in Czech hands, but participation of the considerable ​German minority in affairs of state cannot be indefinitely denied. The government is ready to deal with German leaders, but it naturally insists as a prerequisite to negotiation that the Germans accept as irrevocable the decision of the peace conference, making them citizens of the Czechoslovak Republic, and that they dissolve their farcical government of so-called German Bohemia, still existing in Vienna. But there seems to be very little good-will on the German side to make the best of the situation. They cannot realize that they are the defeated party and cannot dictate conditions to the Czechs.
It was thought that German social democrats would show less national chauvinism, than the German nationalist parties. But at their recent conference the German socialists made the following ridiculous demands: that the Czechoslovak Republic break off its alliance with “Allied imperialism”, that there should be no standing army, that militia regiments should be formed on the basis of nationality so as to have special German regiments with German comamnd, that all officers should be elected, that each militiaman should keep his gun and ammunition at home, that both Germans and Czechs should have separate National Councils with power to legislate on practically every subject, and that the government of the Czechoslovak Republic should consist of delegations of these two councils with power to administer common affairs only by common agreement. Of course, all negotiation on any such basis is out of question, and Germans will have to remain excluded from participation in government, until they are amenable to more moderate counsels.
An unpleasant problem, though fortunately not of great practical importance, is separatist agitation carried on in Slovakia. It is due to several causes. The Magyars, whether radical, as under Karolyi, or Bolshevist, as under Bela Kuhn, or Christian socialist, as under the present premier Friedrich, never give up hopes of getting the Slovaks back under their rule. There are still many Magyar officials scattered in Slovakia, there are many men, Slovak by birth, but thoroughly Magyarized, who hold positions of influence; a large part of the Catholic clergy, and especially the bishops, who had received their preferment from the former Magyar government, look with newly aroused hope to the Christian socialist ministry of Budapest. Many Czech of ficials and teachers, sent to Slovakia to supply the vacancies caused by the expulsion of Magyar functionaries, have not been men of sound character or tact, and have been guilty of offending the sensibilities of the Slovak peasants. The leader of the discontented element is Father Hlinka who went to Warsaw to seek Polish support for Slovak separatism and traveled to Paris on a Polish passport to bring Slovak complaints before the peace conference. His action was sharply rebuked by the unanimous resolution of the Slovak deputies to the National Assembly, the more so, as he is seeking Polish help at a time, when the
Prague Girls Say Good-bye to Boys from America.
Poles are trying to obtain cession of the Orava and Spiš districts of Slovakia. There is no danger that this separatist movement will assume any serious proportions, especially as the Czechs show the utmost willingness to comply with any request of the Slovak deputies for special treatment.
In domestic politics the outstanding sensation was the resignation of the minister of railways, Jiří Stříbrný. An official of a Prague savings bank lost considerable sums of money, belonging to the bank, in gambling, and minister Stříbrný was accused of being frequenter of the gambling palace in question. He resigned in order to be free to defend his honor by court proceedings. His action had no effect on the political situation.
Photo by International Film Service.
Volunteers from America in the Czechoslovak Army Landing in New York from the Steamship Rochambeau.
National Assembly met after its summer vacation on September 10 and took up discussion of economic questions. The great depreciation of the Czechoslovak crown which now is worth only something over three cents continues to be a serious problem. The only consolation is that it is still equivalent to nearly two Austrian crowns, and did not depreciate any more than the German mark. One reason for the depreciation is the counterfeiting of the stamp which distinguishes Czechoslovak from Austrian crown. But new currency is rapidly displacing the old money; bills for 5000 and 100 crowns are already in circulation, one and five crown notes were placed in circulation in September, and by the end of the year the entire old currency will be withdrawn.
In other respects trade is improving. For the first four months of 1919 exports amounted to 6,297,613 quintals, valued at 737,606,778 crowns, while the imports were 2,703,523 quintals valued at 556,959,104 crowns, giving a favorable balance of 180,647,674 crowns. Navigation on the Danube has been opened, and a convention signed with Jugoslavia by which this state will furnish cattle and grain in exchange for coal and sugar. Another commercial convention with Poland provides for exchange of Polish petroleum and its products for Czechoslovak steel manufactures, agricultural implements, glass, paper, matches etc.
Early in September a census was taken in Slovakia, where it was badly needed, as the old Magyar census was utterly unreliable. Complete results are not yet available, but so far as known, the figures are more favorable, than even the Slovaks dared to hope for. While the country districts had to be returned as Slovak even by Magyar enumerators, the cities used to have a Magyar appearance. Now Lučenec which in 1900 had just 9% Slovaks has 65, Nitra had 36% and now has 78, Košice, formerly a Magyar stronghold, increased its Slovak percentage from 23 to 43%. These figures show that most of the Magyars in Slovakia were denationalized Slovaks who are now returning to their national allegiance.
Vojta Beneš, secretary of the Czechoslovak National Council and of the Bohemian National Alliance|, returned last month from a short trip to Bohemia. He delivered to the 22nd regiment, composed largely of volunteers from America, a flag as a gift from the Czechoslovak organizations in this country; he spoke at the Fourth of July celebration at Prague and addressed a mass meeting nearly every day during his sojourn in the old country. He reports every one eager to hear about America and particularly about the work of Czechoslovaks in America during the war against Austria. An exhibit which he arranged at Prague, consisting chiefly of pictures, posters and newspapers from the campaign for independence, drew thousands of visitors. He was instrumental in hastening the return of volunteers from America to their homes.
Delegates of the National Alliance of Bohemian Catholics, Monsignor Bouška and Rev. Oldřich Zlámal, also returned last month. On their way over they passed through Rome and had the honor of personal audience with the pope. Father Zlámal, like Beneš, addressed about 80 large open-air meetings, encouraging the people to make good, now that their freedom was won. On the way back he again stopped in Rome and made a report to the pope on religious conditions in Czechoslovak Republic and the so-called reform movement in the Catholic Church in Bohemia.
All the returning delegates found things to criticize in the public life of the new republic, but they report steady improvement and feel very optimistic about the future.
This work was published before January 1, 1930 and is anonymous or pseudonymous due to unknown authorship. It is in the public domain in the United States as well as countries and areas where the copyright terms of anonymous or pseudonymous works are 95 years or less since publication.
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