# The American Democrat/On Publick Opinion

ON PUBLICK OPINION.
Publick opinion is the lever by which all things are moved, in a democracy. It has even become so powerful in monarchies, as, virtually, to destroy despotism in all really civilized countries, holding in check the will and passions of princes.
Publick opinion, however, like all things human, can work evil in proportion to its power to do good. On the same principle that the rebound is proportioned to the blow in physics, there can be no moral agent capable of benefitting man that has not an equal power to do him harm. Publick opinion rightly directed is ​the highest source of national virtue, as publick opinion, which has taken a wrong direction, is the surest means of serving the devil.
In a democracy, as a matter of course, every effort is made to seize upon and create publick opinion, which is, substantially, securing power. One of the commonest arts practised, in connection with this means of effecting objects, is to simulate the existence of a general feeling in favor, or against, any particular man, or measure; so great being the deference paid to publick opinion, in a country like this, that men actually yield their own sentiments to that which they believe to be the sentiment of the majority.
In politics, however, and, indeed, in all other matters that are of sufficient magnitude to attract general attention, there are adverse sentiments, which, were it not for the absurdity of the phrase, might almost be termed two publick opinions. This is the result of party feeling, which induces men to adopt in gross, the prejudices, notions and judgments of the particular faction to which they belong, often without examination, and generally without candor. When two men of equal intelligence, of the same means of ascertaining facts, and of the same general fairness of disposition, hold the opposite extremes of opinion on the character of a particular individual, or of a particular measure, we see the extent to which a bias may be carried, and the little value that those who wish only to support the truth ought to attach even to publick opinion, in matters that will admit of doubt.
As no reparation can ever be made, in this world, to the individual who has been wronged by publick opinion, all good men are cautious how they listen to accusations that are unsupported by testimony, vulgar report being more likely to be wrong than to be right.
​In matters that admit of investigation and proof, publick opinion in the end, when passion, prejudice and malice have had their day, is very apt to come to a just decision, but this is often too late to repair the wrong done to the sufferer. In matters that, by their nature, cannot be clearly established, artifice, the industry of the designing, and studied misrepresentations, permanently take the place of facts, history itself being, as a whole, but an equivocal relation of all the minor events, and a profound mystification as to motives.
Publick opinion will be acted on in this country, by its enemies, as the easiest and most effectual mode of effecting their purposes, bodies of men never being sufficiently clear-sighted to detect remote consequences. It is said to be a common practice in Europe, for the governments to incite commotions, when they wish to alarm the country on the subject of any particular opinion, as the surest and promptest method of checking its advance. The excesses of the French revolution are now attributed to the schemes of agents of this sort; the opponents of liberty finding it impossible to stem the torrent, having recourse to the opposite policy of pushing it into revolting extremes.
Excitement is a word that, as regards the publick in a country like this, ought to be expunged from its dictionary. In full possession of the power, there is every motive for deliberation and enquiry on the part of the people, and every inducement to abstain from undue agitation. "Excitement," may favor the views of selfish individuals, but it can never advance the interests of truth. All good citizens should turn a deaf ear to every proposal to aid in producing an "excitement," as it is calling into existence a uniform enemy of reason, and the most certain agent of defeating the ​intention of the institutions, which are based on investigation and common sense.
Whenever the government of the United States shall break up, it will probably be in consequence of a false direction having been given to publick opinion. This is the weak point of our defences, and the part to which the enemies of the system will direct all their attacks. Opinion can be so perverted as to cause the false to seem the true; the enemy, a friend, and the friend, an enemy; the best interests of the nation to appear insignificant, and trifles of moment; in a word, the right the wrong, and the wrong the right.
In a country where opinion has sway, to seize upon it, is to seize upon power. As it is a rule of humanity that the upright and well intentioned are comparatively passive, while the designing, dishonest and selfish are the most untiring in their efforts, the danger of publick opinion's getting a false direction, is fourfold, since few men think for themselves. Perhaps there is not, in all America, apart from general principles, a sentiment that is essentially just, and which is recognized as publick opinion; a sufficient proof of which is to be found in the fact that publick opinion is constantly vibrating around truth, which alone is unchangeable.
Publick opinion has got a wrong, if not a dangerous direction, already, in this country, on several essential points. It has a fearfully wrong direction on the subject of the press, which it sustains in its tyranny and invasions on private rights, violating all sanctity of feeling, rendering men indifferent to character, and, indeed, rendering character itself of little avail, besides setting up an irresponsible and unprincipled power that is stronger than the government itself. One of its consequences is a laxity of opinion on the subject of wrongs committed by the press, that amounts ​to a denial of justice. Another, and a still graver result, is to give an unrestrained supremacy to an engine that is quite as able, and perhaps more likely, to corrupt and destroy society than to reform it. This fearful state of things, which is better adapted than any other, to restrain good, and to prefer bold and bad men, has been brought about by the action of the press, itself, on publick opinion, and is an example of the manner in which this tremendous agent can be perverted to evil, in a popular government. It follows, that publick opinion should be watched and protected from receiving a wrong bias, as we would protect and overlook the first impressions of a child.
Publick opinion in America is exposed to another danger, growing out of the recent colonial origin of the country. There is no question that the people of this country defer in an unusual manner to foreign opinions, more particularly to those of the nation from which they are derived. The proof of this is ample, but one may constantly see quotations from English journals, in support of the pretensions of politicians, writers, artists, and all others, who are liable to the decisions of their fellow citizens for the estimation in which they are held. An opinion is seldom given in Europe, of any thing American, unless from impure motives. The country attracts too little attention in the other hemisphere, to be included in the ordinary comments of the civilized world. There are, and may be, an occasional exception, but this is the rule. As many of the interests of this country are opposed to the interests of European nations, efforts are constantly made to influence opinion here, in favor of interests there. The doctrine of free trade, as it is called, has this origin, having been got up by English writers, to prevent other states from resorting to the same expedients to foster industry, that have so well ​succeeded in Great Britain. The factitious condition of ail things in that great empire, renders any derangement hazardous, and while America trifles with her welfare, like a vigorous youth who is careless of his health through reliance on his constitution, England watches over every material concern, with the experience, vigilance and distrust of age. Hence it is that every means is resorted to, to extol men who have become the dupes of English sophistry, and to depreciate those who resist her schemes.
We have lately seen, on the part of France, an open and a direct attempt to interfere between the people and the government, in an affair touching the character and highest interests of the country, and although the appeal injured the cause of those who urged it, by exposing their sophistry and bad faith, it proves the reliance that foreign powers have on their ability to influence publick opinion, here, even in matters touching our own dearest interests!
Another familiar and recent instance of the efforts of foreigners to influence American opinion, may be cited in connection with the late quarrel with France. It is known that the English government mediated to prevent a war. This mediation was accepted on the part of the American government, with the express reservation that France must comply with the terms of the treaty. In other words, we merely conditioned to delay acting, until the effort should be made to induce France to comply with all we asked. France saw reasons to change her policy, and to comply with our terms, before the acceptance of the English mediation was known, and yet strong efforts have been made to persuade the American people that the accommodation was produced through English mediation, and that England was pledged to see this accommodation effected, in the character of an arbitrator. The first ​is untrue as to fact, and the last is opposed to all the principles of arbitration, as nothing was placed at the decision of the English government. The case is a recent proof of the vigilance that is necessary to keep publick opinion independent of foreign domination.
Opinion is the moving power of this country, and it would be extreme weakness to suppose that other nations, which are ever ready to lavish their treasure and to shed their blood, in order to effect their purposes, would neglect means so sure, easy and noiseless, as that of acting on the common mind. The danger of evil from this source will increase with the growing power of the country, or, as her policy will be likely to influence foreign interests, in a ratio proportioned to her strength and wealth.
No nation can properly boast of its independence while its opinion is under the control of foreigners, and least of all, a nation with institutions dependant on the popular will.