# Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society (1665-1886)/Volume 3/Number 36

Contents:
* Contents
* An Account of a Controversy betwixt Stephano de Angelis, and John Baptista Riccioli, concerning the Motion of the Earth.
* An Enlargement of the Observations formerly publisht Numb. 27. imparted by a Curious Travellour to Jamaica; Where do occurr Discourses about the Steams of the Sea; the Colour of the Sea; various Plants and Animals in Jamaica, and other Islands of the Caribes; the qualities of Tobacco growing in Nitrous Ground; Hurricans; a way to make a Boat ride at Anchor in the main Sea; the effects of the Change of Climat on Human Bodies; a probable way of Preventing and Curing Sickness in Travellors to the West-Indies, &c.
* An Extract of a Printed Letter, addressed to the Publisher, touching a late difference, risen at Paris, about the Transfusion of Bloud.
* An Account of two Books
** I. THE PROGRESS and ADVANCEMENT of KNOWLEDGE since the dayes of ARISTOTLE; by JOS. GLANVILL.
** II. ABRAH. COULEII Sex Libri PLANTARUM.
Numb. 36.
PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Monday, June 15. 1668
The Contents.
An Account
RIccioli in his Almagestum Novum pretends to have found out several new demonstrative Arguments against the Motion of the Earth. Steph. de Angelis, conceiving his Arguments to ​be none of the strongest, taketh occasion to let the world see, that they are not more esteem'd in Italy, than in other places. Manfredi, in behalf of Riccioli, endeavours to answer the Objections of Angeli, and this latter replyes to Manfredi''s Answer. The substance of their discourse is this following.
Although the Arguments of Riccioli be many, yet the strength of them consists chiefly in these three:
The first.
Multa corpora gravia, dimissa per Aerem, in Plano Æquatoris existentem, descenderent ad Terram cum Velocitatis Incremento reali & notabili, & non tantùm apparenti. Sed si tellus moveretur motu diurnotantùm circa sui centrum, nulla corpora gravia, dimissa per Aerem, in Plano Æquatoris existentem, descenderent ad Terram cum velocitatis incremento reali ac notabili, sed tantùm cum apparenti. E. Tellus aut non movetur, aut non movetur diurno tantùm motu.
The second.
Si Tellus moveretur motu diurno, aut etiam ammo, multò debilior esset ictus Globi bombardici explosi in Septentrionem aut Meridiem, quàm ab Occidente in Orientem. At consequens est falsum. E. & antecedens.
The third.
Si tellus diurno revolutione moveretur, Globus argillaceus unciarum 8. ex altitudine Romanorum pedum 240. per acrem quietum dimissus, obliquo desccesu in Terram delaberetur absque incremento reali ac physico velocitatis, vel certè nunquam tanto, quanta est proportio percusionis ac soni per casum ex dicta altitudine fasti Sed posterins est absurdum. E. & prius.
In Answer to the first of these Arguments, Angeli denieth the Minor, which Riccioli pretends to prove thus;
​Si Tellus moveretur solo diurno motu, aliquod Grave dimissum ex Turris vertice C in Plano Æquatoris existentis, describeret suo motu naturali portionem linea CTI, quæ esset ad omnem sensum circularis.
V. Fig. I.
This Angeli denies, shewing by Computation, that Riccioli his Observation proveth no such thing. For (faith Angeli) according to Riccoli, in one second of an hour the weight descends 15 foot; in 2 seconds, 60 foot; in 3 seconds 135 foot; and so continually the spaces from the beginning are in duplicate proportion of the Time from the beginning; and, according to the
FS is 53 parts, of which AC is 10000000000: Hence concludeth Angeli, that CSIA is no wayes near to a semi-circle; which is most sure, if so be the weight fall not to the Center of the Earth precisely in 6 hours: For, in this case of Riccioli, the weight falls to the Center of the Earth in 21 minutes and 53 seconds.
Manfredi in his Answer for Riccioli affirms, that Angeli understands not the Rule of Three, in giving out FS, for 11596 ⁠54356/224189⁠, of which AC is 200000000000: And Angeli in his Reply affirms his Analogy to be so clear, that there can be nothing said more evident than it self to confirm it; referring in the mean time the further determination to Geometers.
Angeli might have answer'd Riccioli's Argument, granting the weight to move equally in a semi-circle, by distinguishing his Minor thus;
Nulla Corpora gravia descenderent ad Terram cum velocitatis incremento reali ac notabili, si Velocitas computetur in circumferentia semi-circuli; Minor propositio est vera. At non computatur ita Motus descensivus: nam hic motus æqualis in circumferentia semi-circuli CIA. componitur ex motu æquali in quadranti CD, & motu accelerato in semidiametro est versus & simplex motus descensivus; in qua acceptione Minor propositio est falsiẞima, & Riccioli etiam experientis contraria. But it seems, that Angeli answereth otherwise, to make Riccoli sensible, that CIA is no semicircle; concerning the nature of which Line they debate very much throughout the whole discourse,
The Second Argument is much insisted upon by Angeli, to make his solution clear to vulgar capacities; but the substance of all is, That the Canon-ball hath not only that violent motion, impressed by the Fire, but also all these motions proper to the Earth, which were communicated to it by the impulse received from the Earth: ​for, the Ball, going from West to East, hath indeed two impulses, one from the Earth, and another from the Fire; but this impulse from the Earth is also common to the mark, and therefore the Ball hits the mark only with that simple impulse, received from the Fire, as it doth being shot towards the North or South; as, Angeli doeth excellently illustrate by familiar examples of Motion.
To Riccioli his third Argument Angeli answereth, desiring him to prove the sequel of his Major, which Riccioli doeth, supposing the curve, in which the heavy body descends, to be composed of many small right lines; and proving, that the motion is almost always equal in these lines, and after some debate, concerning the equality of motion in these right lines, Angeli answers, that the equality of motion is not sufficient to prove the equality of percussion and sound, but that there is necessary also equal angles of incidence; which in this case he proveth to be very unequal. To illustrate this more, let us prove, that, other things being alike, the proportion of two percussions is composed of the direct proportion of their velocities, and of the direct proportions of the Sines of their angles of incidence. Supponamus autem sequens principium, nempe, quod percussiones (cæteris paribus,) sint in directa proportione cum velocitatibus, quibus mobile appropinquat planum resistens.Fig. 2da. Sit planum C F, sintque duo mmobilia omni mode æqualia, & similia, quæ motu æquali accedant à puncto A, ad planum CF, in rectis AD, AF: dico, percussionem in puncto D ad percussionem in puneto F. esse in ratione composita ex ratione velocitatis in recta AD. ad velocitatem in AF, & ex ratione sinus anguli ADE ad sinum anguli AFE. Ex puncto A in planum CF, sit recta AE normalis, sitque recta AC æqualis rectæ AF, & AB æqualis recta AD, & planum BGH, parallelum plano CF: supponamus mobile, prioribus simile & æquale, rnoveri æqualiter in recta AC, eadem velocitate, qua movetur mobile in recta AD: quoniam plana BGH, CF, sunt parallela, & motus in recta AC est æqualis, igitur mobile eadem locitate accedit ad planum BH, qua ad planum CF, & proinde percussiones in punctis B, C, sunt æquales; atque percussio in puncto D, est ad percussionem in puncto B, ut recta AE ad rectam AH, sen (ob æquales rectas AD, AB) ut sinus anguli ADE ad sinum anguli ABH, quod sic probo; velocitas mobilis in recta AD, est æqualis ​velocitati mobilis in recta $AB$, ipsi $AD$ æquali, & ides eodem tempore perficitur utraque recta $AD$, $AB$; & proinde eodem tempore perficiuntur accessiones ad planaresistentia $AE$, $AH$; ideoque velocitates accessionum ad planaresistentiasunt in directa ratione $AE$ ad $AH$, atque ideo percussio in puncto $D$. est ad percussionem in puncto $C$. in eadem ratione $AE$ ad $AH$; nempe ut Sinus anguli incidentiæ $ADE$. ad sinum anguli incidentiæ $ACE$, vel $AFE$. Quoniam antem recta $AC.AF$, æqualiter inclinant ad planum $CF$, mobilia in rectis $AC$, $AF$, accedunt ad planum $CF$, in eadem proportione qua moventur in rectis $AC$, $AF$; & ideo percussio in C est ad percussionem in $F$ in ratione velocitatis motus in $AC$ seu in $AD$ ad velocitaten motus in $AF$; At demonstratum est ante, percussionem in puncto $D$ ad percussionem in puncto $C$, esse in ratione sinus anguli $ADE$ ad sinum anguli $AFE$. & nunc demonstratum est, percussionem in puncto $C$ esse ad percussionem in puncto $F$, ut velocitas motus in $AD$ ad velocitatem motus in $AF$. Igitur ex 5. defin. 6. Elementorum, percussio in $D$, est ad percussionene in $F$, in ratione composita ex ratione sinus anguli incidentiæ $ADE$, ad sinum anguli incidentiæ $AFE$, & ex ratione velocitatis in $AD$ ad velocitatem in $AF$; quod demonstrare oportuit. Neminem moveat, quod hæc demonstratio adstricta fit motibus æqualibus in lineis rectis & planis resistentibus; est enim vera in omni casu: nam, cumpercussiones fiant in puncto, in hoc coincidunt rectum, curvum, æquale, & inæquale; si autem in punctis percussiones non fiant. de illis non potest dari consideratio geometricia, sed judicandus est conclusionis defectus secundum defectum materiæ à conditionibus requisitis, sicut semper fieri debet, dum demonstrationes geometricæ corpori physico applicantur.
In Angeli his reply to Manfreddi, he maketh mention of an Experiment, which (as was related to him by a Swedish Gentleman) had been made with all due circumspection by Cartesius to prove the Motion of the Earth, The experiment was; He caused to be erected a Canon perpendicular to the Horizon; which being 24 times discharged in that posture, the Ball did fall 22 times towards the West, and only twice toward the East.
An Elargement
1. IT can hardly be described, how those substances, formerly specified to you, viz. Sweet-Meats, Sugar of Roses, &c. were dissolved by the Steams of the Sea; those and such like Compositions not only giving again, but being in the substantial parts so penetrated, that I did then call to mind, what M. Garenciers observes of Sugar, how it intenerates the flesh, and disposeth to tabidness English Ladies upon alteration of weather, when the Sugar, as Salts in moist weather, becomes fluid in the body, and produceth effects not discernable at other times. I doubt not but the Saline Atomes in the Sea, and in Liquors, flote in little composures, till a principle of another nature occasions their solution. And thus we see in Diseases, that it is not the bare alteration of weather, but some peculiar mixtures in the Air, that incline to, or increase Consumptions and Coughs; since oftentimes the greatest Raines are less fatal to such bodies, as hazy weather tenders dangerously indisposed. All the alteration, our Sweet-Meats, and Lozenges, and Gamons of Bacon underwent, must be attributed to some peculiar principle in the Air: For, in all our Voyage to the Barbadoes we had not one Shower, that I remember. And if any will have the Air moist, while a constant Levant (that is, a drying) Wind fills our Sailes, at least during the long reach, how comes it to pass, that so much heat joyn'd with moisture doth not occasion putrid Feavers? And why in all that journey, and after in Jamaica, when the Glasses for many weekes flood open and uncover”d, did not the Lixiviate Salts of Wormwood and Ash contract any moisture? I am sure, I never set any Salts in the Sun or near a Fire, during my stay there, to preserve them, or to restore them to their coagulated forme. Nor will other Sea-Salts there loose much, if not kept dry by a Fire; no, nor lying on the ground. For, I have seen it kept so; yet if it immediately touch the ground, some of it will moisten away. But I have seen Tortoises dry-salted, and lie on the ground ​cover with salt a year, and the salt under all vicissitudes of weather never give much, or spoil the salted Tortoise.
2. The way of drinking Brandy with Water, as Sir Christopher Mings observ'd, was this. First to take a mouth-full of Brandy, and whilst it was yet hot in your mouth and unswallow'd, to drink the Water and so wash it down; it being his and a common observation at Sea, that it was ever wholesome to drink it so, then either mix: with the Water, or after it, For, said he, if you drink the Water first, it gives instantly such an impression of coldness to your Stomach and Lungs, as that it is too late to correct it by the succeeding Brandy. Which reason I could not but allow of; for in those parts the passages or porofities of the Body are so pervious, that what you drink, though cold, instantly dischargeth it self in sweat, or checks your constant and necessary Diaphoresis, before you can get the subsequent Brandy down. And in Man there is so exact a Machine, that a much less thing disorders him there, then here. And if a little Brandy should be mixt with a draught of water, it would not be effacacious; the coldness of the water being more powerful in bodies so tender (as we are there if hot) to hurt them, then so little brandy to correct it. But the other way washes the brandy down first, and as that goes, it fortifies nature everywhere to receive and distribute the subsequent cold liquor.
3. About the Colour of the Sea, l have this to add, That as we went, and passed from a Green Sea to an Azure, in the way when it was dark colour'd (which we formerly have spoken of,) the top of each wave, as it was cast up before the Sun, shew'd it self to be Azure, the rest of the wave being dark-colour'd, approaching to black. And the like I observ'd coming home; for, though the Sea in its dark-colour resembled exactly what we saw before, as we went out; yet did the tops of the wave break and appear to be green, long before the great Waves or body of the Sea became green. I observ'd, that the Sea, which was Azure, and transparent in Sun-shiny dayes, was black and dark colour'd, and much less transparent, when the Sun did not shine. But in the Green Sea there happens not the like Difference.
4. As to those Plants, whose roots I said were stony, it may be ​noted, that some of their rootes are totally putrify'd, some only in part; the rest being of another kind of more Vegetable-like confidence, whilest the Boughes and Trunk are of another Nature. Several of these are to be seen at the Lord Mordants at Parsons-green, where you may fee those Accretions oi Stone on the Boughes. And these Accretions are often loose, and moveable, as Beads on a string. But the Nitrous Stone was lost in the bringing. There are also some of these Trees like Buckshorns, but broke by the way, with their particular excrescences that are beautify'd with stars imprinted in them.
5. Of the Water at the Point of Jamaica (concerning which I formerly noted, that at the said Point, wherever you digg 5 or 6 Foot, it will appear ebbing and flowing as the Tide) I shall further observe, That, though the Sand does so percolate, that you find it upon digging so deep; yet from that Sand there ariseth no steam into the Air, notwithstanding the heat of the Country. For proof hereof, I observ'd, that Men would lie all night, and sleep on the Sands without hurt. And (to take notice of that particular on this occasion) 'tis an usual thing for the Weavill (or fly, that breeds in Meal, Currants, Raisins, &c.) to be thus cured: After that the Sun hath heated the Sand, they spread a Sheet, and on that spread their Meal, Currants, &c. the Sand being hot under, the said Weavils or wing'd Animal (which yet flies not) retire from the bottom to the upper parts; and these being heated, they retire all into the middle and thence, being heated, they are fore'd to run away out, and are so swept away. And if you, spread the Sheet on the firm ground, though never so much heated with the Sun, it will presently grow damp there, and the Weavils will lodge themselves at the bottom; so as that you can never separate them any where else, but on the sand. Also in the nights I observed, that between the other ground and our pendulous Hamacks there gather'd not only a greater coldness* * This is the reason, that the Indians make Fires under their Hamacks. of Air, but also moisture, than was observable at the Point, when we hung in the like posture. It is true, that the reason is obvious, why there should be an Aire under the narrow passage betwixt the Hamack and the ground, which is not ​observable above it; but there is also a dampness, so that [was forc'd to put two Blankets betwixt me and the bottom, whilest I had never an one to cover me a top.
6. Although I was so weak with the paresis after a Bilious colick, as not to have the use of my hands, and as little of my legs; yet at the Caymans, during an hour or two's stay there, I examin'd that assertion of Mr. Lygons, that a Tortoise hath three Hearts, and I found it false. For, although the resemblance of the two auricles be such, as also their bodies or flesh, as to deceive the unwary observer; yet is there but one Heart, triangular, and fleshy; the other two are only the auricles, yet of the same shape and body. The two auricles move at a several time from the Heart, and they are distanc'd from the Heart about an inch; and the passage fleshy (as I remember) and narrow, by which the bloud is infus'd into the heart. This Heart hath but one Ventricle; yet are there several columns of flesh and receptacles in it, such as are not in the auricles. I was not able to examine the way, how the Bloud circulates through the Lungs in that Animal; nor the use of its Lungs, which is not ob refrigerium. Had I ever had my health perfectly, I intended to have made a voyage to the Caymans on purpose, to contemplate the Generation of Tortoises and Crocodiles there, their parts, and the manner how their Eggs are hatch'd; and I should thence have given you an account of many wonderful things. The Grasse of the Sub-marine Meadows is not a span long, that I could observe, and is of a green approaching to yellow. They bite much more then they swallow, so that the Sea is cover'd with the Grass, where they feed at the bottom. Once in about halfe an hour they come up, and fetch one breath like a sigh, and then sink down again. And if out of the water, they breath somewhat oftner. If you hurt them on shore, as they lie on their backs, the teares will trickle from their Eyes. You may keep them out of the water 20 dayes and more, and yet they will be so fat as to be fitting meat, provided; you give them twice a day about halfe a pint of Salt-water. The Fat that is about their Guts, is yellow, though that of the Body be green. The Head being cut off, dies instantly: and if you take out the Heart, the motion continues not long. But any quantity of the flesh will move, if pricked, and ​also of it self, for many houses after it is cut into quarters; and the very Joynts oi the Bones of the Shoulders and Legs (answering our Omo-plate and thigh, yet within the Shell) have their motion; and even though you prick only the Fat of it. But if you place these parts of the Tortoise in the Sun, they presently die. The Legs die as soon, in a manner, as cut off.
7. The Eggs of Crocodils and Allgaters are little bigger then a Turky's. I thought to bring one to England, but it was lost. I never broke any to see the Yolk and White; but the Shell is as firme and like in shape to a Turky's, but not spotted. I inquired into the Stone in the Stomach of a Cayman or Crocodile, and I found by the inquiry of a very observing Gentleman there, that they were nothing but several Stones, which that Creature swallows for digestion. He took out of one a piece of a Rock as big as his head: out of others he had taken 16 or 20 lesser. None regards them much there, whatever Monardes relateth.
8. I could not hear of any Stones found in the Gall of the Hogs there; but 'tis usual to find little stones in their Bladder of several sizes, but the shapes of them (none weighing a scruple) were angular, and pointed with five angles.
9. De Laet is in the right as to his description of Manati-Stone; into the nature of which Fish I would willingly have made Inquiries, had I had health to goe, where they are catched. But he is out in his Lapis Tuberorum. For though a Tiburon or Shark be all one, and differ from a Manati or Sea-Cow; yet, by his leave, though that same be a kind of friable calx, when it is brought hither; yet when 'tis first taken out, it is not so, but a white substance near approaching to the nature of any Brain, and encompassed in a Gelly transparent. The Gelly dries all away, as it is expos'd to the Sun; and the white substance dries into the body, he speaks of. If my memory faile me not extreamly, it is taken out of two places over each eye; and both being usually by Seamen put into the same paper together, to dry, pass for one. That creature hath no bone in his back, as vast as his strength is; onely in his Head there are bones. His Jawes are Gristles; and he hath rowes of teeth, which are bones like Lancets, and moveable in him, to erect, or lay flat; and multiply to 3, or 4, or 5, (perhaps more) as he growes in years, His ​backbone is all gristly (and so are his Ribbs) yet divided into vertebræ. The Seamen usually cut them into, Walking-staves. They and the Dolphin swim faster than any Ship saileth: So do the Spanish Maccarel also.
10. Civet-Cats, if you do not give them drink at all, they will not die in a longer time than a Moneth. I kept one much longer without drink. But if they drink once a Moneth, they will yeild more Civey, as I was told; and so, if they be fed with fish. Yet they piss much, as do Rabbets. In those places, where there is no Rain for a whole Moneth, or longer, nor any River, or Pond, Cowes lick the dew, for a supply. A Butcher kill'd a Bull in an Island, where he could have no water but what was salt: he assur'd me, that his Bladder was dryed up, so that he made very little or no water; yet he muff be guessed to have lived in that Island before the English came thither; which was 6 yeares before he was killed.
11. The Swallowes in Jamaica, as hot as 'tis, depart in the Winter-Moneths, and the Wild-Ducks and Tale come hither then.
12. As for the Palme-trees, perhaps you would not imagine, that the so famed Tree, cal1'd a Cabbidge-tree, is one. I assure you, it is nothing else; and all .that is eaten as the Cabbidge, is, what sprouted out that year, and so is tender. If eaten raw, it is as good as new Almonds; and if boyl'd, excells the best Cabbidge. When that top is cut off the Tree dies. There was one of those Trees at Barbadoes, above 300 foot high, as I was told for certain. This Tree will never rot, and when 'tis dryed, growes so hard, that you cannot drive a nail into it.
13. 'Tis certain, what was said formerly, that the Tobacco, which growes on Salt-peter-Ground, flasheth as 'tis smoaked; but 'tis a mistake, that any Tobacco growes wilde, in Jamaica at least. The same nitrous Tobacco will not come to so good a colour, nor keep so long, as other Tobacco; insomuch that the Merchants oftentimes lose all their Tobacco in the Voyage for England, or Ireland; it rotting all by the way. In the same Salt-Peter-Ground the Potato's, at are planted there, are ripe two Moneths sooner than elsewhere; but if they be not spent presently, they rot, the Salt-peter (as they told me) fretting the ​outward skin of the root, which is thinner in that sort of ground, than in other places. The Sugar-Canes also in those places grow larger and faster, than in other grounds, but rot presently, if not ground; and do not boyl so well to Sugar.
14. In Jamaica the Sugar cures faster in ten dayes, than in six moneths at Barbados: And, this happens in such places, as it rains for many Moneths at the same time, but you must know, that Raines there are sudden, and make no previous alteration in the Air before they fall, nor do they leave it moist afterwards.
15. There is an infinite variety in the Grain of Woods, and the Colours of them. Amongst others, there is a Tree, call'd a Bastard-Cedar, whose Wood is really so porous (though you would not guess so upon view) that being turn'd into Cups, Wine and Brandy will soak through at the bottom in a short time.
16. There are many kinds of wood in the Indies, besides that of the Acajou or Cajous, that breed no Wormes, and there is a Tree, call'd White-wood, in Jamaica, of which if you build Ships, they will never breed any Worm.
17. Of the Soape-Tree, I have seen it grow at the Spanish-Town; and the Berries of it (being as big as bullets of Musquets) without any proportion of Salt-Lixiviate, or Sulphur, or Oyle, wash better than any Castile-Soape, but they rot the Linnen in time. The Negro's use them.
18. As for Tanning-barks, they have in Jamaica 3 barks to Tann with, the Mangrave, Olive-bark, and another. They Tann better than in England, and in 6 weekes the Leather is ready to work into Shooes.
19. The Juyce of Manioc or Cassavi is rank Poison. All Hogs and Poultry, that drink it, swell and die presently. If the root be roasted, it is no Poison, but only occasioneth Torsions in the Belly.
20. Concerning the Oyle of Palma Christi, the Indians use it for Lamps; it is a delicate, sweet and transparent Oyle: But I could never find it operate in Physick, notwithstanding I have given a spoonful of it, and three in a Clyster. This Palma does yeild an exceeding great quantity of Oyle, and, did we mind any thing, might be a Staple-commodity. The leaves applied to the ​head, give great ease to the head-ach, as I have tried in my self; and it is the onely remedy of the Indians and Negro's.
21. About the Manchinei-Tree, I shall only say, it is a wood of an excellent grain, equalling the Jamaica-wood, but large to four foot Diameter. The Spaniards turn it into beds, and the English usually flour their rooms with it in Jamaica; yet it is as malignant, I am told, as 'tis described.
22. The Birds, called by some Fregati, we call Men of war; their fat is good against aches, &c; so is that of A1legators, or the shell-fish, call'd Soldats, or Souldiers.
23. Of the shining or Fire-flies there is a great difference in Hispaniola and Jamaica, as to bigness. They can contract and expand their Light as they fly, I am sure; and their light continues some days after they are dead: So that I am not of their mind, who affirm, that 'tis the flammula cordis in their tail.
24. The Wood-lice will eat Covers and Books, though printed, as I found to my cost. Of their eating of Timber, it is true they will eat some forts of Timber, but not all.
25. Of the Cirons or Chegos enough is said by Ligon. I knew a man who burnt his Negro alive, because he was over-run with them. When they come among the nervous and membranous parts, they are very painful, and not to be pull'd out, lest your needle touch the nerves; and in other places the hole you cut, to take them out, equals a pease.
26. I could never hear of any Hurrican about Jamaica; yet Vincent le Blanc saith, he was in one not far from it. I enquired of some, that had been in Hurricans, if it were so cold then, as the said Vincent relates it? They said, they had not found it to be so cold; but yet in comparison of other times, it was much colder then. I enquired of the nature of those Tempests, whether the wind varied all the points of the Compass, as 'tis said? They answer'd, No; but it began always wit a North-wind, and when it came East, it ceased: but betwixt the North and East-point it varied so fast, and with such a violent gust always, that it was impossible for any ship in the water to answer the Vering of the wind: Whence it hapned, -that the backs of the ships are broken, and the Sails carried by the boord the masts. I saw a vessel of about 400 tun, whose back was broken, and the laid up at ​Jamaica. Her main Mast (which is no small one in such a ship) was wreath'd as you would wreath a With, in an instant, and so born by the boord, before ever they could hand a aail.
27. I know not, what news it may be to you, but to me it was no unpleasant divertisment to see a Boat ride at anchor in the main sea, which our Mariners effected thus, As we sailed for England, and were to double the Cape at the end of Cuba in order to our passing the Gulf; betwixt the two Capes of Cartooche towards the Main, and Cape Antonio in Cuba, there is a Current, which sometimes sets Westerly, sometimes Easterly. If it set Easterly, the ships have a speedy passage in three or four days to the Havana; otherwise 'tis a fortnight or three weeks sail, the ship being imbayed in the Gulf of Mexico. To know which way the Current sets, in calm weather, no wind at all stirring, thus they try it. They hoyse out their boat, and having row'd a little from the ship, they let loose their plummet (ours did weigh 40 pounds) and sink it 200 fathom. Then though it never touches the bottom, yet will the boat turn head against the » Current (which constantly runs very strongly of it self, since so much of Sea runs into the Gulf of Mexico) and rides as firmly, as if it were fastned by the strongest Cable and Anchor to the bottom. If you wonder to hear me mention a Calm thereabouts, where you would expect a constant Levantin-wind; I shall inform you, that 'tis no unusual thing to meet with Calms, if you approach within any distance of Land, (and betwixt these two Capes it is no very broad Sea, as the Map will shew you;) for though you see not any land, yet some gust, or land-wind will so poyse the Levantin-wind, thatyou shall have a perfect Calm: so as we went away out of our course to Jamaica, to avoid the Spanish Fleet, which saild before us; though we came not near the main, as we thought, yet it gave us a Calm of two days, whilst they saild on.
28. The Change of Climat and the effects of it are very sensible to our Bodies, as we approach the Tropick. There usually happened (as you may observe in Purcbas's Voyages) sicknesses in our ships about that time; and as soon as the sea-men pass the Tropick, they still use expressions of joy by firing of Guns in testimony of gladness for their safe arrival so far. I could not learn of the Old sea-men any other reason for the different ​condition of health, with which our ships now sail, in comparison of what our Ancestors experimented, than this: Generally all our Seamen and Passengers let blond in the Voyage before that time. Yet is not that to be done rashly, nor by all in the same degree of Latitude; for, I carefully observ'd in our ships the alteration of our bodies upon the change of Climat, and found, that the blond of the English, which consists of parts more gross, and is extracted from a more substantial food, viz. that of Flesh, than in other Countries, did attenuate, and the pulses in some became very lofty, full and quick; in others, slow, yet more lofty and full than before. In some there was a sense of pricking in their flesh, in some a great dulness and oppression of spirits and heaviness: after which, they pass into a condition of sweating, which pursues them afterwards for so long a time, as I mention'd. From this agitation of humours, it is easie to shew the reason, why our Ancestors fell sick, and how necessary it is to bleed, when any feels those symptoms in him: for, immediately upon bleeding the pores are open'd, and they fall to sweat; and by this course, those numbers of people, we carried over with us to Jamaica, arrived safe. Some I caused to be blouded in 32 degrees, some in 28, some in 24. and 23. deg. And in all our ships there died but three. In our ship, two had the disease, so much talk'd of, called the Calenture; concerning the progress of which disease I can say nothing; for they were thus cured presently; I was talking with one of them, and on a sudden he beheld green leaves, as he imagin'd, floating on the sea, which yet was Azure-coloured: after that, he began to admire the fine woods, which he fancied to be near us. I immediately gave him a Vomit of the Glass of Antimony in Sack; which no sooner had wrought its effect, but all those imaginations vanished. At night I gave him some Conserve of red-Roses vitriolated. Salt of Worm-wood and Diascordium: the next day he was blouded at the arm in the morning; and in the forehead in the after-noon. His diet was water-gruel with cream of Tartar in it; and also some Prunes stew'd. I could perceive nothing of any Feaver in the disease; his pulse was low, slow and equal; his temper rather colder than ought to be; so far was he from any sense of heat, or discoloration of his tongue, or thirst. The other person imagin'd nothing but Groves of Oranges and Limons, and begg'd the opportunity ​of a boat, to go ashore, with great earnestness; so that if not watched, perhaps, he might have leaped into the sea. The Symptoms were the same as in the other; only his whole body seem'd to he much colder; yet was he not sensible of any coldness in himself. I caus'd him to be vomited; and he was well in his Head, as soon as ever the vomit made him sick at the stomack, as yet not having wrought. I dieted him as the other, and only blouded him in the arm. I let them bloud meerly out of caution (for else they seem'd well) and to promote Transpiration and Sweating: which succeeded according to my desire.
Undoubtedly the seat of that disease is in the stomack and those parts adjoining to it, in which the first concoction is perform'd, and 'tis highly probable, that it principally ariseth from the ill diet, by eating too much Salt-meat in Voyages; the salin steams from the stomack affecting the Brain in a peculiar manner.
As to the Cure by Vomiting, I shall not now explain, How Vomits work; it sufficeth, that the disease was seated in and about the Ventricle; and that in hot Countreys, as well as in hot seasons, the Rule of Hippoc. takes place, Æslate per superiora. I never saw any good effect of the most innocent Purge during my stay in the Indies, except in Chronicall distempers; nor did I ever almost give any (after frequent trials had made me cautious;) but pills that were Antimonial, or Mercurius vitæ, or Vomitive Infusions. And by this method I preserved our ships well, and effected these speedy Cures, which I think, none had before seen in Jamaica. It is true, of the common sort in the other ships, when we came to Barbardo's, upon view I found many Hydropical and Scorbutical: And as soon as we came there, I caused all, that were any thing ill, to be vomited and purged with Mercurius vitæ, the Vomitive Infusion, and Cambodia; by which means, and one meals fresh meat, and some Limons sent them, all the disorderly rabble recover'd; so that only three died, as was said before, in the whole Voyage. Nor would I doubt, again, by God's help, to convey over afar greater number with the like means and care.
So far at present this Ingenious Observer; who perhaps may give the Reader another entertainment of the like nature hereafter.
An Extract
After that the Author of these Tracts, having been desired from his Parisian correspondents, to inform them, Whether the Magistrate of London had forbid the use of the Transfusion of Bloud (as it was there noised) had assured them, That he never heard, that any Magistrate in England had as much as concerned themselves in this matter; and after that also the said Author had desired particular information of the Intrigues, used in those parts to perplexe the matter of fact in the practice of the Transfusion on a certain distracted man at Paris; Monsieur Denis was pleased to oblige the Publisher by giving him the Information as it was printed at Paris with priviledge; which was thought fit to be here inserted in English, the better to satisfie the Inquisitive of these parts about the said matter of Fact, and candidly to declare the truth of that whole affair.
SIr, you have sensibly obliged me to have assured me by your Letter of April 29, That the Magistrate of London had not at all concern'd themselves to prohibit the Practice of the Transfusion of Bloud; and that that operation had been hitherto practised with good success on Brutes, and without any ill consequence upon a Man. The Enemies of New Discovery's had taken so great care of publishing every where this false News to decry this Experiment, that there needed an authentic testimony to disabuse the multitude. If one should undertake to dissipate all the false rumors, they spread touching this matter, one should never lay aside the Pen; but the best of it is, that men of discretion do so much disdain these wild reports, that they hearken no more to them but with disgust. And as to me, I was resolv'd to write no more of it, until some new Experiments had first countenanced my first Conjectures. But your last Letters do so civilly engage me to impart to you the secret cabale, practised by some persons to embarass the History of that Mad man, that was cured six moneths ago by the means of the Transfusion, that I could not omit sending you the summe of what hath hitherto pass'd upon that subject, expecting mean time, what the Parliament of Paris, who, I believe, will be the judges and Arbitrators thereof, shall determine therein.
You already know, that the Transfusion of Calves-bloud did so temper the excessive heat of the Bloud of the Mad man, who for four moneths had run naked up and down the streets night and day; that he fell asleep two hours after the Operation, and that after ten hours sleep he awaken'd being in good sense, and that he remain'd in that good condition about two Moneths, until the too frequent company with his wife, and his debauches in Wine, Tobacco, and Strong Waters had call him into a very violent and dangerous Feaver.
You may also have heard, how that this Operation had effects quite contrary at the same time, and that for one Brain cooled thereby, it fired many, ​forasmuch as by curing the madness of one poor Wretch, it disturbed the Wits of many such, as aim at nothing, but to signalize themselves by opposing all new Discoveries, which themselves are not capable to make. It was indeed but three or four days after that this man was recover'd, that some malitious spirits began to publish, that he died under our hands, and that we had put an end to his Extravagancies by putting an end to his Life. This first Story having been convicted of falsity, they mended the tale, and were resolv'd to make people believe, he was relapsed into his former madness, and even was grown-worse than ever. This obliged the First President and many other persons of quality to send for him to their houses, to examine the truth themselves, who after they had entertain'd 'him awhile, were all satisfied of the good effect of the Transfusion, and that those wanted no malice, who reported things so contrary to what they saw with their own Eyes.
These things you may have learned from our formerly printed Letters; but what perhaps you know not yet, is, that these Envious spirits were not ,the only ones that were troubled at this Cure. The wife of the Patient was most allarum'd at it, though she us'd artifice enough to shew us the contrary, and to persuade us, that the thought on nothing else; but to relieve him in his distempers. The truth is, that this man having been a Lacquay, and since a Valet de Chambre, had no profession, that could bring in a subsistence for his family. A Lady of quality, whom he had served, had indeed promis'd to preferr him, but his deplorable condition of health proved an obstacle to the performance of that promise. And indeed the time of his madness was not so troublesome to his wife, than as of his being in his wits; for, whereas she had her freedom to make certain visits, and to live as she Tisted, when he was not at home, but ran up and down, and even lay at night in the streets; she was on the contrary in great pain, when he come to stay at home, because he observed her narrowly, and could not forbear reproaching her, for having often attempted to poison him; now and then expressing also some Jealousie, he had conceiv'd against her comportment. These are the complaints, she her self hath often made to credible persons, who thought themselves obliged to depose it judicially, thereby to discover the mis-understanding, which doubtless hath been the original of the troublesome sequel in this affair.
And indeed this poor man falling ill again, his wife urged us beyond measure, to try the third Transfusion upon him, insomuch that she threatened, she would present a Petition to the Solicitor General to enjoyn us to do, what we did absolutely refuse. At last she came one morning to my house, and not finding me, she left word, that she intreated me to exercise that charity as to come after Dinner to her house, where would be a certain Meeting. I went, and there met M. Emmerez, and finding a Calf and every thing ready for a Transfusion, we would go away, telling her, that her husband was not in a condition for this operation. Then she fell down with tears in her eyes, and by unwearied clamour she engaged us not to go away without giving her the satisfaction, of having tried all possible means to recover her husband. Her art was great enough to make us condescend to ​another trial, to see whether we could give him any relief M. Emmerez, to content her, passed a pipe into the vein of the Patients arm; and since 'tis necessary to draw away some of the old blond, when new is to be infused, he opened a vein in his foot for that end. But a violent fit having seised on him in that instant, together with a trembling of all his limbs, there issued no blond out of the foot, nor the arm; which obliged M. Emmerez to take out the pipe put into the arm, without opening the artery of the Calf, and so without any Transfusion.
This poor man dying the night after, and that news being brought us, we went thither next morning together with M. Emmerez and another Chirurgion; and remembering the Complaints the dead man had often made of his wives attempt to poyson him, we would gladly have open'd his Body in the presence of 7. or 8. witnesses. But she did so violently oppose it, that it was not possible for us to execute out design. We were no sooner gone, but she bestirr'd her self exceedingly, as we were inform'd, to bury her husband with all speed. But being in an indigent condition, The could not compass it that day. Mean time a famous Physitian of the Faculty of Paris, hapning to be that night at the house of a Lady, who was solicited for a charity towards this Burial; was of the same mind with us, that his body should be open'd, and therefore sent instantly for Chirurgions to execute. But she being resolv'd against it, used lyes and other arts to elude this design. And when we threatened her, that we would return next morning, and do the thing by force, she caused her husband to be buried an hour before day, to prevent our opening of him.
As soon as his death was bruited abroad, the Enemies of the Experiment begin to triumph, and soon after they publisht defaming books against us. I then resolved to be silent, but that silence made our Adversaries but keener. And I was surprised, when two moneths after I was advertised, that there were three Physitians that did not budge from the Widow, importuning her by promises of a great recompense, onely to let them use her name to accuse us before a Court of Justice for having contribut'd to the death of her husband by the Transfusion; and that even they addressed themselves to the neighbors of this woman to engage them to bear false witness against us. And some time after, this woman, raised by the hopes given her by those men, came and told us, that some Physitians did extremely sollicit her against us, and that she had always refused them, knowing her obligations to us for having relieved her husband freely. But the drawing from hence no profit, as she expected she should, she turned her advertisements into menaces, and sent us word, that in the present necessity, to which she was reduced, she was obliged to accept of the offer, made her by certain Physitians, if we would not assist her. I sent her this answer, that those Physitians, and her self stood more in need of the Transfusion then ever her husband had done, and that, for my part, I cared not for her threats. But yet I then thought it time to break silence, not only my interest being concern'd, but the publick, to discover to the world those persons that would he engaged in intrigues so unworthy of Learned men. I complain'd of it to the Lieutenant in Criminal ​causes, who presently allowed me to inform both against the Widow, and those that solicited her. Some witnesses hiving been called before Justice, they deposed against the three Physitians and this Woman, accusing them to have secretly given to her husband certain powders, which might have contributed to his death.
This Information, brought in by five Witnesses, having been presented in a full Court to the said Lieutenant by Mr. Dormesson, the King's Advocat; he gave Sentence, That the Woman should have a Day set her, to appear in Person to be examined upon my Informations, and that in the mean time new Informations should be taken against her at the desire of His Majesties Atturney. And because he thought, that there might be danger in permitting indifferently the practise of the Transfusion to all sorts of persons, he order'd, that for the future it should be used but by the prescript of Physitians. This is, what you'l see more fully in the Sentence it self;
An Extract
IN this Cause. there are proofes and evidences of these Particulars;
1. That the Operation of Transfusion was twice performed upon Anthony Mauroy, a Madman, and that it was attempted the third time: that it succeeded so well those two times, that the Patient was seen, for two moneths after it, in his good senses and in perfect health.
2. That from the time of the two first operations his Wife gave him Eggs and Brothes, and Bedded with him four times, notwithstanding the prohibition of those, that treated him, and that she carried him to her house without speaking to them of it, and with great reluctancy of her Husband.
3. That since that time, he went from one Cabaret to another, and took Tobacco, and failing ill again, his Wife ordinarily gave him him strong-Water to drink, and Broths, wherein she mixed certain Powders; and that Mauroy, having complain'd that she would Poyson him, and gave him Arsenic in his Broths; she hindred the Assistants to taste thereof, and making a show of tasting of it her self, cast it down upon the ground, what, she had in a Spoon.
4. That du Mauroy had frequent quarrels with his Wife since, and that she gave him many strokes, as sick as he was, but having once received a box on the Eare from him, she said, he should repent it, though he should die on't.
5. That when the Transfusion was attempted the third time, it was at the instant request of his Wife; those that were to performe the operation, refusing to do it without permission of the Sollicitor General; that same dayes after that, the Operation was begun, but that almost no blood issuing neither out of the foot nor of the arme of the Patient, a Pipe was inserted, which made him cry out, though it appeared not that any blood of the Calfe had pass'd into his veins: that the Operation was given over, and that the Patient died the next night.
6. That this Woman would no wayes suffer any to open the body of her Husband saying, for an Excuse, He was already in the Coffin, when he was not.
​7. That a good while after the Decease of the said du Mauroy, three Physitians did sollicit the said Woman to take Money, and to make Complaints, that the Transfusion had kill'd her Husband: that she said, when these Persons were gone away from her, that they had been with her upon that account; and that unless those, that had made the Operation, would give her wherewith to return into her Country, she should so what those others pressed her to: that a Witness deposeth, that, she came to pray him, that he would advertise those, who had made the Operation, that unless they would maintain her during her life, she would accept of the offer made her by the said Physitians: that another Witness deposeth, that one was come to him from a Physitian, and had offer'd him 12 Golden Louys's, if he would depose, that du Mauroy died in the very act of the Transfusion.
That the matter was important enough to inquire into the bottom of it; that there was cause enough to examine this Woman, where she had those Powders? Why she had given them to her husband? and by whose Order? Why she had hindred the Opening of the Body by a lie? That he required, further information might be taken about it, and she in the mean time put in safe Custody.
That as to the three Physitians, who had sollicited her with Money to Prosecute those that had made the Operation, and who had been seen with her, he demanded, that a Day might be set them to appear in Person.
Lastly, that since the Transfusion had succeeded well the two first times, and had not been undertaken the third but at the earnest request of the Woman, who otherwise had so ill observed the orders of those, that had made the operation, and who was suspected to have caused the death of her Husband, he demanded, that the execution-of the decree of prefixing him a day for personal appearance might surcease.,
Whereupon it was decreed, that the Widow of du Mauroy shoukd on a set day appear personally, and undergo the examination upon the alledged informations; and that more ample information should be made of the Contents in the Complaint of Mr. Denys: And then, that for the future no Transfusion should be made upon any Human Body but by the Approbation of the Physitiane of the Parisian Faculty.
Since this Sentence, new Informations have been given in, considerably stronger than the former; and Witnesses have been discover'd, to whom the Woman had committed it as a truth, that it was Arsenick, she mingled in her Husbands Broths, and even that the deceased, having given the rest of one of the Messes of broth to a Cat, the Animal died of it a few dayes after.
As to the Transfusion, you see it is not absolutely prohibited by this sentence, there needing no more to practise it, but to have the approbation of some Physitians of Paris; and at this very time there are seven or eight, that have signed the Proposition made for one. 'Tis not, that I would make use of that Licence for the practise of this Operation; for the Physitians of Montpelier, Rheimes, and other Universities of France, who hold at, Paris the first places about their Majesties, the Princes and Princesses of the blood, the chief Magistrates and other persons of Quality, find themfdves in some manner wounded by this sentence. They do not think they are obliged to ​stay for the Judgment of the Doctors of Paris, to enable them to prescribe an Operation oi this nature. Doubtless we shall in a short time have this point determin'd and regulated by a higher Jurisdiction. And I have now before me a paralytick Woman (a neighbour and friend to her, that was cured of the Palsey this way) who is resolved to present a Petition to the Magistrate, and therein to desire, the Transfusion maybe allowed her.
Mean time, if ever the Faculty of the Parisian Physitians meet upon this business, I do not believe, that they will act with that precipitancy, as some fancy. And as to the Parliament, I do not see, that those, who compose it, are of a revolution to strike at this Operation, unless it should happen, that the Experiments, that maybe made before them, should not succeed as those have done, that have been made hitherto. 'Tis well known to that Court, that the Faculty made a decree, an hundred years since, against Antimony, which was then used by the Physitians of Montpelier, and that, after they had given it a place among Poysons, they obtain'd a sentence, prohibiting the use thereof: yet notwithstanding these Physitians not having forborne to use it under another name, the effects thereof proved so advantagious, and the recovery of our Great Monarch thereby so famous, that the same Faculty of Paris was constrain'd, two years agoe, by a decree to approve what before they had forbidden, and even demanded an other sentence for permitting the use of the same.
This Example alone will not let them go so fadt for the future upon the like Occasions: besides that the time, wherein we are, seemes to be much more favourable for New Discoveries, than it was an Age agoe. His Majesty, how much soever taken up in the Government of his Kingdome, and in his Victories and Triumphs, is not wanting to give a very particular encouragement and protection to Learned and Inquisitive Men: And at a time, when his said Majesty sends all over the World recompenses and gratifications to those, that cultivate Sciences, I cannot believe, that in his Dominions there will be found Magistrates, resolved to condemne persons, that have no other Crime than that of consecrating all their interest and labour to the Progress and Advancement of Knowledge and New Discoveries. I shall not faile, punctually to impart to you the issue of this affaire, in the meane time believe me,
An Account of two Books.
THe chiefe design of the Discourse in this Book is, to encourage more and more the free and better disposed spirits to a vigorous endeavour in the pursuits of such knowledge, as may really enrich the understanding of Man, and more amply provide for the Necessities and ​ons of Humane life; and to raise the Capable and Ingenuous from a dull and drowsie acquiescence in the Discoveries of former times, by representing the great Encouragements, we have to proceed from modern Helpes and Advancements. Of these the learned and ingenious Author hath given considerable instances in many Particulars, casting chiefly an Eye upon the R. Society, and the noble purposes of that Illustrious Body, looking upon the same as the great Ferment of Generous and Useful knowledge, designed to turn Learned men to that excellent study, from which men have been so long, and so unhappily diverted, viz. of Gods Great Book, UNIVERSAL NATURE.
And because some Good men seem to be afraid of an Institution, they have heard but imperfectly of, and are jealous of what they have not had opportunities to understand, he hath therefore given a succinct as well as a genuine and polite account of the Reason, nature and designs of that Establishment, for the information of such, as have not yet met with their Excellent History. Whence it will appear to unprejudic'd men, That the Business of that Society is not to Dispute, but Work; and their Aim, not to pursue Phancyful Designs, but to free Philosophy from the vain Images and Contrivances of Fancy, by making it palpable, and bringing it down to the plain Objects of the Senses.
Taking to task that insulting Question, What have they done? He gives an Answer to it, which doubtless will satisfie discreet and sober men. And as for those that would have them give the Great Elixir, the Perpetual Motion, the way to make Glass Malleable, and Man Immortal, &c. or they wild object, they have done nothing; for such, he saith, their impertinent Taunts are no more to be regarded, than the Chat of Ideots and Children.
II. ABRAHAMI COULEI ANGLI, Sex LIBRI PLANTARUM, Poemate Latino conscripti. Londini in 8° Impensis Joh., Martyn.
This Author (whose un-common Genius and Parts maybe read with great satisfaction in the account of his life, given, and prefixt to this excellent Piece, by M. Thom. Sprat) Treats in the two first Books, of Herbes; in a style resembling the Elegies of Ovid and Tibullus: In the third and fourth, of Flowers; in the variety of Catullus and Horace's Numbers; In the two last, of Trees, in the way of Virgil's Georgick's. OF these, the sixth Book seemes wholly dedicated to the Honour of his Country; as is observ'd in the newly-mention'd Account.
ERRATA.
Pag. 700. l. 16. r. And man. p. 701. l. 1. r. petrify'd.
In the SAVOY,
Printed by T.N. for John Martyn, Printer to the Royal Society, and are to be sold at the Bell a little without Temple-Bar, 1668.
Errata