# Lenin's Views on the Revolution

Lenin's closing speech to the Eighth Congress of the Russian Communist Party, March 23, 1919 in Moscow. The second part is a summary of Lenin's report to the Petrograd Soviet on March 12, 1919.
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LENIN'S VIEWS
ON THE
REVOLUTION.
Lenin's Speech to the Eighth Congress of the Russian Communist Party.
COMRADES,
We meet at a time which is exceedingly difficult for us, not only because we have lost our great organiser and leader, Jacob Michaelovich Sverdlov, but especially because international imperialism is making, there is no doubt, a last and very powerful effort to crush the Soviet Republic. We are convinced that the counter-revolutionary offensives from West and East, the various White Guard disturbances, and the attempts to destroy the railways which have occurred in various places, all result from a carefully arranged plan devised in Paris by the Entente Imperialists. After ending four years of capitalist warfare it was very hard for Russia to be forced to take up arms again in defence of the Soviet Republic. We have all borne the heavy burden of war; we are all exhausted by it. If this war is carried on with redoubled energy and courage it is only because, for the first time in the history of the world, an army has been raised that knows why it is fighting. For the first time in the world's history the workers and peasants, who are making unheard-of sacrifices, are clearly conscious that they are defending a Socialist Soviet Republic, that they are upholding the working man's strength against the capitalist, and the cause of the international proletarian Socialist revolution.
​In spite of our difficulties, we have succeeded in carrying out a great work in a short space of time. We have succeeded in settling our programme with unanimity, and in spite of editorial and other shortcomings we are convinced that it has already found a place in the history of the Third International as setting forth the main points of the newest lines of communication for the International proletarian bid for liberty. A translation of our programme, we feel sure, would do much to show our friends in other countries what the Russian Communist Party, one of the battalions of the proletariat, has already achieved. Our programme should be most useful as a means of propaganda and agitation; on reading it our brothers will be able to say: "Here are our comrades, our brothers. This is our common cause."
Comrades, at this Congress we have succeeded in carrying the most important motions. We have given full recognition to the formation of the Third Communist Internationale, which was founded here in Moscow. We are unanimous on the question of the war; although in the beginning the differences of opinion seemed to be suggestive of a division. We are now able to leave this Congress fully convinced that our chief defenders, the Red Army—for whom the whole country is making extreme sacrifices—will find us devoted and faithful helpers, champions, leaders, friends, and fellow-workers.
Comrades, the question of organisation has also been readily solved. The problem of work on the land, and the relations between the proletariat, when it overthrew the bourgeoisie, and the millions of the middle grade of peasants have been fully debated, and a line of action drawn up. The resolutions of this Conference will assuredly establish our power.
The resolution which we have adopted under these trying conditions should help us safely through the coming half-year. We are passing through hard times, and the Imperialists are making a mighty effort to overthrow the Soviet by force. But we are convinced that this half-year will see the end of our troubles; the success of the proletarian revolution in Hungary points to our speedy success.
Comrades, we are informed that the arbitrary ultimatum which the Allies sent to Hungary, on the question of sending troops through that country, decided the bourgeois Government there to abdicate in favour of the Communists. The Hungarian comrades, then in prison, were approached by the bourgeois opportunist Government, which recognised that the power had to be in the hands of the workers.
​Comrades, the story of the Hungarian revolution shows the world that the Bolshevik Government has not usurped power, neither is it supported by violence, as some of our calumniators allege. The bourgeois Government in Hungary declared its belief in the Soviets; it saw further than our bourgeoisie did before October 25th, and realised that the country was being ruined; that the people were being asked to bear still heavier burdens, hence the workers and peasants of Hungary were given a chance to become the saviours of their country. The difficulties of the Hungarian revolution are indeed great, the smallness of the country makes it easier for the imperialists to overcome it. Yet whatever may happen, we see in the introduction of Soviet rule into Hungary a great victory for our system. For has not the Hungarian bourgeois Government admitted that in this most difficult time, for that country, only the Soviet, the proletarian dictatorship, could prevail!
Comrades, many revolutionaries have given their lives to free Russia. Fate has been unkind to them; they suffered persecution under the Czar, but, alas! have not survived to rejoice with us in our victory. How much happier has been our fate, who have lived to see the Revolution, and to know that the seed sown by the Russian Revolution is bearing fruit in all Europe. It is this knowledge that convinces us that, great though our trials may be, international imperialism (now in its death-throes) will be overcome, and Socialism will be victorious throughout the whole world.
("Folkets Dagblad Politiken," May 14th, 1919.)
"Volksrecht," May 13th, quotes "Der Freie Arbiter," a Vienna revolutionary Socialist organ, in which Lenin's views on recent events are summarised thus:—
Faced with the question as to what form of organisation to select for the revolutionary masses, we remembered the Soviets of 1905 and decided to re-introduce them as the most suitable means of uniting the proletarian masses in their fight against their oppressors.
Prior to the German Revolution we maintained that the Soviets were the best organisations for Russia, but at that time we were unable to say whether they would also prove most adaptable for the Western countries. Events were destined to solve this question. The Soviets are gaining greater and greater popularity in the West, and the struggle for them is not merely confined to Europe, but has likewise spread to America. Soviets are being formed everywhere, and it is only a question of time till they become all-powerful.
The daily routine of government and the unavoidable duties of reconstruction are apt to absorb our attention and to force us to forget the world-revolution, which is the principal matter in hand. Only by contemplating the ​work and mission of the Soviets on a world basis can we find our way amid the details of their internal workings and be able to adjust them at the right moment.
Reconstruction in Russia is absolutely dependent on the progress of the revolution in the powerful nations of Europe. Only as these revolutions succeed shall we be able to concentrate on internal reconstruction. The "Socialist Revisionists" in Berne described us as "terrorists." But they absolutely shut their eyes to what is going on in their own bourgeois countries. When we seized the reins here the "bourgeois compromise" clique had come to the end of its resources; but the problem of bringing about the world revolution is much more difficult. Acts of revolutionary terrorism from the world standpoint seem very small; they require not only much preparation, as was the case in Russia, but a far longer period must elapse before success is attained.
The mood of the Parisian masses is that of a crowd possessing an extremely keen sense of hearing and prompted by instinct. To-day it will not permit a word to be uttered against the Bolsheviki, whereas six months ago it listened quietly to those who maligned us. At one time the disintegration of our army was attributed to the instability of the Russians, but now it is understood that disintegration is the ultimate fate of all armies which enter upon the path of revolution. The eyes of the French masses are being opened by the brazen acts of robbery in which the French Government is taking a hand; and they will be still further enlightened by the quarrels which will develop over the division of the loot.
In spite of the unfavourable conditions under which we in Russia are at present forced to exist, we possess one advantage, which has been pointed out by the London "Times." Its military correspondent admits that, whilst rapid disintegration is manifest in all other armies, the army of Soviet Russia, on the contrary, is improving. Hemmed in on all sides by our enemies, we are defending ourselves, and every foot of our soil, whilst every month of the campaign brings us nearer and nearer to the world revolution,
We have been the world's pioneers in seizing power for the workers, and to-day the classes which formerly were oppressed are ruling Russia by their Soviets.
Shall we retain this power? Even if it is snatched from us, its acquisition was an historic deed which has no rival!
Even now we are justified in pride that we stood the test, that we defended the rights of the oppressed masses in spite of every hardship.
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