# The Story of Egil Skallagrimsson/Notes

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NOTES.
Ch. I.—shapestrong] Men were so called who had fits of superhuman rage and strength: in which they were even believed to take the shape of brutes. In this Saga Kveldulf has such an access of fury in ch. xxvii., Skallagrim in ch. xl. See on this subject Dasent's 'Burnt Njal,' Introd., p. xx. There is no change of shape in the 'hamrammir' men of our Saga: but Gunnhilda in ch. lxii. assumes a swallow's shape by witchcraft.
Kveldulf] That is 'evening-wolf': a wolf being the brute whose shape or temper he assumed.
Ch. III.—war-arrow] This was sent round as a summons to war, like the Fiery Cross of the Scottish clans described in the 'Lady of the Lake.'
Ch. IV.—skald] Bard or poet. Kings and chieftains kept such about them, 'poets-laureate.' Besides long poems, they supplied short staves on occasion, as we shall see abundantly in Egil's case.
Jamtaland, Helsingjaland] In Sweden. The words 'Normandy in France, the Faroe isles,' have been inadvertently omitted.
Ch. VII.—Hildirida's sons] The cause of the after trouble to Kveldulf's house, when their claim is rejected: so that this account of Bjorgolf's second marriage is not superfluous.
Ch. VIII.—second highseat] The seat of honour opposite the chief or master. Cf. 'Burnt Njal,' Intr. p. ciii.
Ch. IX.—Vik] 'The Bay': that is to say, Skage-rack, Christiania-fjord and the adjacent coasts.
whom iron bit not] Curious ideas there were about iron not wounding certain men. We see them later on in the duel between Egil and Atli. 'It has been remarked that probably the Norsemen's weapons had not blades of steel generally. About Berserks Dasent's Introd. to 'Burnt Njal,' p. xxii., may be consulted. The origin of the name is very doubtful. That 'bare sark' is so seems improbable: no trace of 'bare-shirtedness' is there in the passages about them. Another derivation is from 'bear,' these men being supposed able to take a bear's shape. Later in this Saga Egil has a duel with a Berserk.
Ch. XI.—banquets] 'veizlur': repeatedly used of the entertainments given to the king as he made a circuit through the provinces.
Ch. XIV.—Kiriales] Or 'Careles.' The relative position of these peoples and countries is given a little further on.
Ch. XVII.—penny] A borrowed word, used again of English silver coins in ch. lxxxix. During Saga times money was little used. Rings were broken off and given: worth was estimated by weight of metal: also 'wadreal,' a stuff or cloth, was a standard of value.
Ch. XVIII.—homes to be attacked] 'Helmferd' here has a special sense, visitation of a house for seizure of property.
some . . . on land] That is, some landed before they came up to the ship, and went (unseen probably through brushwood) till they came opposite to it, then suddenly boarded it.
was no lie] No lie about the cargo being valuable, but how about its being rightfully the king's? Did Harold really believe the slander? And ​was it altogether slander? To the latter question probably the answer is yes. For when years afterwards Arinbjorn speaks of Thorolf as 'slain by the slander of wicked men, and for no crime,' Eric does not gainsay him.
in partnership] The king had by his act declared open war against Thorolf: Thorolf therefore would play the same game and get what share he could.
Ch. XIX.—ice loosed] Norsemen's movements depended on the seasons: in winter they 'sat at home.' In 'Head-ransom' st. i. Egil says he launched his bark vid isa brot.
Eyrar] By meaning 'banks': but used especially of the shores about Copenhagen. Eyrar-sund 'the Sound.' The word is still seen in 'Elsinore.' Elbe] Not the well-known river, but a Norwegian one.
Ch. XX.—like his father] Kveldulf, Skallagrim, Egil were alike in much. Both the Thorolfs and probably Bodvar were of another type. Thorolf the elder, we are told, was like his mother's kin. There continued to be these two types in Skallagrim's posterity. See ch. xcii. Kveldulf seems to have loved most the cheerful Thorolf, his opposite. And Skallagrim did not much love Egil, who was rather on his own pattern.
Ch. XXI.—sail and row] i.e., you will make double haste back. Harold says it with malicious humour.
two hundred men] One hundred to each ship seems to have been the usual complement. In next chapter one edition puts Harold's four hundred in four ships, though afterwards in six when the bonders' ships are used, which were perhaps smaller than the king's.
Ch. XXII.—brew the ale] They brewed ale for each occasion, and drank it new. The original here has one word, 'farar-mungat, journey-beer.'
shield-wall] 'Alfred . . . made his men hold close together with their shields' (Freeman). We constantly hear of this array. Asser calls it a testudo or tortoise, the Roman term for the same or nearly the same array.
Ch. XXIII.—Kettle Haing] Dasent, p. xliii. of Introd., gives the origin of the by-name 'Trout' of this Kettle. The elder Kettle Hæing was son of Hallbjorn Half-troll whose sister Hallbera was Kveldulf's mother. Therefore he was first cousin to Kveldulf. Hrafnilda was thus Thorolf's second cousin. But her son may not have been much older than Thorolf, as Kveldulf married rather late in life.
Ch. XXIV.—Thorolf in] Jónsson thinks this verse not genuine.
such good fortune] He means that Harold himself will not fall. Nor did he.
Ch. XXV.—A vigorous chapter is this: Skallagrim's character comes out.
coal-biter] Explained by lexicon as 'an idle youth always sitting by the fireside.' How one of Skallagrim's chosen twelve could be this is not clear.
Thorir Hroaldsson] This foster-brother of Skallagrim, we shall see, is of some importance in the story. The younger Thorolf comes to him afterwards, and marries his sister's daughter. And Egil becomes a fast friend of his son Arinbjorn.
Ch. XXVII.—shape-strength] One of the chief passages about the fits of shape-strength, and the after weakness.
vengeance] This verse Jónsson rejects as spurious.
coffin] We are told that with these emigrants it was a custom to cast overboard the pillars of the high seat, and, wherever they drifted ashore, there to take land: Kveldulf's coffin is to be in the place of these.
Borgarhraun] 'Hraun' in Iceland is 'lava field': it enters into many local names: naturally so, looking to the character of the country.
Duck-kyle] 'Kyle' appears in the North of Scotland in many places of a ​long inlet or estuary: e.g., the Kyle of Sutherland, of Durness, Kyle-Akin, etc. Anda, 'of ducks': önd is Germ. Ente, Lat. anas, anatis.
Ch. XXIX.—many legs] A quaint expression 'stód a mörgum fótum.' Skallagrim had 'many irons in the fire,' 'his eggs in more that one basket,' would be other proverbial equivalents.
Ch. XXX.—to the falls] 'Foss.' 'Force' is still used in the North for waterfall. This Long-river foss is several times mentioned: the stream appears to have been navigable up to it.
Four men] Homer's Hector lifts a stone 'which not two men could bear'; Virgil's hero one big enough for 'twelve.'
this stave] Not genuine according to Jónsson.
Ch. XXXI.—sprinkled with water] This is not Christian Baptism: which is expressed in Icelandic differently. To baptize is skira 'to purify': Baptism is skirn. Cf. ch. xcii., Thorstein tók skirn.
Egil] Two sisters were between Thorolf and Egil: Egil's birth is thought to have been at least ten years after Thorolf's. The date which is most certain, and from which the others are reckoned, is the year of Egil's return to Iceland after his service with Athelstan: this was 927. He had been out twelve years, therefore he and Thorolf went out in 915. A year before that Thorolf returned from his freebootings with Bjorn: and the year before that (913) Egil is said to have been twelve years old; thus his birth would fall in 901, in which year Jónsson puts it. Thorolf goes out with Bjorn in 903 or 904, soon after the feast at Yngvar's when Egil is said to have been three years old. Thorolf cannot well have been less than eighteen years old then, which would bring his birth to 886 or thereabouts. Skallagrim came to Iceland in 878, and had several children before Thorolf, none of whom lived. Suppose these to have numbered three or four, this would agree well enough with the date assigned for Thorolf's birth. But Egil's birth may have been two or three years earlier than 901. One authority puts it in 898. This would make Egil two or three years older at Yngvar's feast: and it is not unlikely that in telling of his childish exploits his precociousness came to be rather overstated. There seems nothing that can fix absolutely the date of Thorolf's first going out with Bjorn but if Asgerdr (Thorolf's wife) was born (as is probable) about 900. Thorolf's first voyage falls in 903 or 904. He is said to have been 'abroad a long time,' which we may take to mean about ten years. Egil is said (ch. xc.) to have been in the eighties (upwards of eighty) in the last (or first) days of earl Hacon: i.e., in 975-85 or 985-95. The reading is uncertain: see note on ch. xc.
draught horse] Or 'yoke-horse.' Eykr akin to ok 'yoke.' Cf. Gr. υποζύγιον.
Gold . . . guardeth] Gold is called the 'serpent's treasure' in allusion to the story of Fafnir in Volsunga-Saga. Cf. the golden apples of the Hesperides and their dragon. This and the next verse are not thought genuine.
dogs] Why? The lexicon says it is an allusion to Icelandic children's play, who put pebbles for animals.
Ch. XXXII.—Bjorn took Thora] The abduction of Thora by Bjorn is something like that of Hildirida by Bjorgolf. And earl Atli disallows it as a marriage. But it was afterwards accepted and confirmed by Thorir, Thora's brother.
Ch. XXXIII.—they stood slant-wise] Or 'beat up against the wind.' The Icel. word is 'beittu,' from beita 'to bite.' It is plainer to see what this means in nautical phraseology than why it means the same. The term is used when with a head or cross wind tacking is needed, when the ship does not run before, but advances across, or into the teeth of the wind, by slant​ing the sail. Cf. Orkn. 356 undu their segl sín ok beittu út, 'they set their sails slantwise and beat out.' The phrase often occurs when capes have to be weathered on which the wind is blowing. E.g., in this Saga, ch. lxii., fengu their beitt fyrir Skotland, translated by Petersen 'de havde ondt nok med at krydse forbi kysten,' 'they had trouble enough to weather the coast.' The word 'krydse' is given in Danish dictionary 'to cross, to lay crosswise, to cruise, to laver.' We do not use 'cruise' now just in this sense; 'to laver' is (I suppose) the French louvoyer 'to tack.' Is it not possible that the English nautical 'beat' comes from the Iceland beita 'to bite,' not from 'to beat' in the sense of 'strike'? If the head or nose (or mouth) of the ship points against, or partly against, the wind, the ship may be said to be 'biting' the wind.
Ch. XXXVI.—fostered] A common practice was this, for a son of king or chief to be fostered away from home. Hacon, Eric's brother, was fostered in England with king Athelstan; a son of Eric was fostered with Arinbjorn. Why ever does Freeman (p. 159 of his small history) suppose that Hacon was fostered not with king Athelstan, but with Guthorm Athelstan of East Anglia, who died in 890 (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle)? His death surely falls before Hacon was born. For Eric Bloodaxe was born in or near 894, and Hacon was almost certainly younger. He goes from England to be king in Norway in 934, and dies, not an old man, in 960. This sending young princes or nobles abroad for part of their boyhood doubtless was on the principle that 'home-staying youths have ever homely wits.'
Ch. XXXVII.—Bjarmaland] Eric's journey to Bjarmaland must have been later in date than it appears in the Saga. Probably it was in 919, as Jónsson puts it. This would be during Thorolf's second outing with Egil. Jónsson thinks it may be an error to make Thorolf accompany Eric at all on this journey. For Eric's meeting with Gunnhilda and her up-bringing among Finnish wizards, the curious may consult vol. ii. of 'Burnt Njal,' p. 378.
Bergonund] He marries Bjorn's second daughter, and he, and after him Atli, keep back property from Asgerdr, Egil's wife.
heathen worshipper] So were all in Norway and Iceland then. But Christianity was, as it were, throwing its shadow before: hence those prominent in heathen worship are noticed.
Ch. XXXVIII.—an axe] Skallagrim puts this presentation axe to a hard test. Doubtless he was not inclined to receive favourably anything from the son of Harold his old foe.
'tis good] Best to leave off in time. The two proverbs both express much the same. Petersen gives for the second 'megen færd kan blive ukær,' which perhaps is meant to be a sort of rhyme: 'too much travel makes trouble.'
Ch. XXXIX.—Kettle Blund] His grandson, Thorgeir Blund, comes into the story in ch. lxxxviii.
Ch. XL.—Ball-play] There is a description of this in the story of Gisli, ch. viii. : but in spite of the details given, it is not easy to understand exactly the rules of the game. It was played on the ice in Gisli's story: the ball was large, for a blow with it knocked down Thorgrim; the players ran with the ball, and tried to prevent their adversaries from getting it; a bat was used for striking it. Sides were chosen; yet (we see from this Saga) that they were somehow matched in pairs, as in this chapter Egil against Grim. Some points the game has like Rugby football, some like hockey perhaps Dasent pronounces it 'something between hockey and football.' Plainly it was a rough game, and led to excitement and sometimes quarrel.
father and son] Skallagrim and Egil were too much alike to bear and ​forbear. Egil seems to have admired and liked his elder brother (just as Skallagrim did the elder Thorolf). Thorold did not, when Egil was a boy, return the affection: but they got on better together afterwards.
CH. XLII.―Thorolf asks Asgerdr] This marriage probably is misplaced; it appears here as in 915: probably it was in 923, as also the slaying of Bard, etc.
CH. XLIV. False deceiver] Egil's ire at stinginess and inhospitality is shown here, and again in his Vermaland journey at Armod's, ch. lxxiv.
CH. XLV.—Sheppey] Sheep were kept on it, and visited now and again, as is done on small islands off the Scotch coast. The whole description of this island, with its overgrowth, brake, etc., is a vivid picture, and recalls several such places in the Scotch highlands.
CH. XLVI.-the eastward way] i.e., to the Baltic: Courland is at the east end of that sea.
CH. XLVIII. cast their lots] Skaut may be either the skirt of a cloak, or a kerchief, in fact anything of a bag-like character: the earl then draws the lots out. In Homer lots are thrown into a helmet and shaken out.
why sittest] Jónsson disallows this stave, as also the other girl's stave later in the story. According to the Saga this Holland expedition seems to fall in 916 but Jónsson thinks it may have been later.
CH. XLIX. Eyvind Skreyja] He fell by king Hacon's hand in the battle at which Hacon received his death-wound in the year 960.
CH. L. Alfred] The account given of England and its kings at that time is remarkably correct, considering that it was written by a foreigner some three hundred years after Alfred's time. The Saga-writer terms Alfred first of his family supreme king over England.' Historians count Egbert, his grandfather, to have been so in some sense: 'under Egbert,' says Freeman, 'the West Saxons became the chief people of Britain, and their kings became lords over all the princes of the island.' But the reigns that followed, of Ethelwulf and his elder sons, were so much troubled with wars, especially against the Danes, that none till Alfred earned permanently the claim to be regarded einvalds-konungr.' Alfred, after much fighting, well deserved the title. Alfred's reign, as the Saga says, was in the days of Harold Fairhair. Harold came to the throne in 860, and lived till 933: but he made over part of his kingdom to his sons before his death.
Edward] King from 901-925. His reign, in which there was much fighting, was a prospercus one. The Danes were a large part of the population, and had an established power in the East and North-East: but they owned Edward as over-lord. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for 924 says, "In this year king Edward was chosen for father and for lord by the king of the Scots, and by the Scots, and by king Ragnald, and by all the Northumbrians, and also by the king of the Strathclyde Welsh, and by all the Strathclyde Welsh."
Athelstan] Of this king we have now facts recorded in the Saga that are found nowhere else. But these seem very probable, and agree with what we know of Athelstan from other sources. He had, as our writer says, many brothers, and sisters too, ' most of whom became kings and queens' (Freeman).
a young king] Athelstan was thirty at his accession. That occasion would be taken by some to rebel, and that it was so, is plain enough; but the Chronicle does not tell us much about this at the beginning of Athelstan's reign, only giving details of the great struggle at Brunanburh twelve years later.
Britons, Scots, and Irish] Britons: i.e., Welsh, either of Wales (as we use the word), or of Strathclyde. The English had to deal with both. ​Perhaps the Strathclyde Welsh were the more likely to combine with the Scots. What Irish there were is hard to say. A Danish king, Anlaf, came from Ireland with many ships to help at Brunanburh in 937. Whether he or others had really Irish soldiers is uncertain. There had been intercourse between Ireland and Scotland long before this: Columba came over to Iona about 560; but there had been no claim of rule over Ireland by the English.
thoroughly Christian] Augustine was sent to England by Gregory in 596. With the battle of the Winwæd in 654 (says J. R. Green) 'all active resist- ance on the part of the older heathendom came to an end. Christianity . . . became the faith of the New England at large.'
the first signing] One among several passages in the Sagas about this practice. Prim-signa, to give the prima signatio or signaculum crucis preliminary to christening. The social advantages with the liberty of belief thereby ensured are naïvely described here. Also this 'prim-signing' gave a right to burial at the edge of churchyards where consecrated and uncon- secrated ground meet. This we see in the case of Egil himself at the end of the Saga.
CH. LI.-Olaf] There were several of this name. Constantine was king of the Scots when Athelstan came to the throne, and had apparently long been so, as he is called 'hoary warrior' in the poem on Brunanburh. This Olaf Jónsson thinks was Constantine's son-in-law. An Olaf (or Anlaf) took part in the battle of Brunanburh, he was Danish, he came from Ireland, and he, as well as Constantine, escaped from the field but a son of Con- stantine was slain. We cannot reasonably expect absolute accuracy about names and small details of earlier English and Scotch history in an Icelander writing near the end of the twelfth century.
Ragnar Lodbrok] A famous man of whom romantic stories are told. The Danish invasion in the middle of the seventh century is said to have been undertaken by his sons to avenge the fate of their father, cast by a Northumbrian king into a cave of vipers.
Danish] The Danes became masters of Northumbria and occupied it long before this. Palgrave names many towns which were called the Danish Burghs.' 'In these burghs there appears to have settled a large and effective population composed of the higher classes of the Danish warriors' (Palgrave's England, vol. i., p. 115). And later of the events, about 880, Halfdane completed his conquest by dividing great part of the Northumbrian territory amongst his followers, who, settling amongst the Angles, were at last so mixed with them as to form almost one people.'
Bretland . . . Hring . . . Adils] It is impossible to identify for certain these Welsh earls or kinglets. In 922 we read in Anglo-Saxon Chronicle ' the kings of the north Welsh Howel, Cledauc, and Jeothwel . . . sought him (Edward) for lord.' Palgrave writes Edwall' for the last of these three: 'Adils' is not unlike this.
now were disloyal] On the early events of Athelstan's reign the Chronicle is very brief. Indeed (if we except the poem on Brunanburh), there is on all Athelstan's reign but one (not very full) page in Thorpe's translation, as compared with ten full pages on Edward's reign. Of the year 926 we read: In this year fiery beams of light appeared in the north part of the sky. And Sihtric died, and king Athelstan assumed the kingdom of the Northumbrians; and he subjugated all the kings that were in this island first Howel king of the West Welsh, and Constantine king of the Scots, and Owen king of Gwent, and Ealdred son of Ealdulf of Bamborough and with pledge and with caths they confirmed peace, in the place which is named Eamot (Emmet?), on the ivth of the Ides of July ​(July 12th), and renounced every kind of idolatry; and after that departed in peace.'
Now, though nothing is said of any one great battle here, yet there may well have been one or more of some importance. Great expectations had been formed of Athelstan's prowess, and 'he engaged as soon as he was settled on the throne in a succession of warlike enterprises against the other nations who dwelt in Britain' (Palgrave). As Jónsson suggests, the 'fiery beams of light' may have been looked on as tokens of coming battles. 'Else' (as he says) 'their mention seems rather meaningless.' In some battle at this time Thorolf and Egil may have taken part. Athelstan would be glad of additional men at such a time; and so naturally 'he received them well.' He had (Palgrave writes) at an early age 'sailed over the North Sea and visited the opposite shores of the Baltic. Here he became acquainted with the old Norsk tongue and acquired great fondness for the usages and customs of the Northmen.'
And now as to the exact position of Vin-heath, where the battle so minutely described in the Saga took place, we know it not: but neither do we know where Brunanburh was, further than that it was in Northumberland. A passage indeed is quoted by Jónsson and others from a Latin history by Simeon of Durham, in which it is said that Athelstan fought a battle against Olaf Constantine and the Cumbrians' king, 'apud Wendune.' Here is a name in place of Brunanburh (if our battle be meant) which is something like Vin-heidi: the first part may be called the same the second 'dune' or 'down' is much the same as heath. More exactly than this we shall never determine about Vin-heath: Thorold and Egil probably did take part in a real battle quite early in Athelstan's reign: but very likely the more important battle of Brunanburh some twelve years later eclipsed the former, and some particulars and names connected with the one have taken their place in the account of the other. The account of the battle of Vin-heath, if not in all details vero, is so ben trovato that we could ill spare it. There is nothing demonstrably untrue or unlikely about it. And (as Jónsson reminds us) an error or two in details of English history in no way impair the trustworthiness of the Saga for what concerns Norway and Iceland.
Ch. LII.-enhazel] The process is clearly explained further on: the lexicon refers to two other places that mention this curious kind of challenge to a pitched battle.
wait a week] Any way the battle was not to be till the week's end (from the date of the proposal); but supposing one side not to be on the field by then, the other side were to wait a week (from the time of their arrival on the field), and not harry.
wise men] One is rather led to understand that it was by Thorolf's and Egil's counsel that these delays had been secured.
CH. LIII-high enough] When the butt rested on the ground the socket was just at the convenient height for the hand to grasp, the hand being probably about level with the waist. The shaft may have been 'wrapped with iron' to balance the blade when the weapon was in use and held hori- zontally, or nearly so.
Earls-ness] Where? In Wales, says Petersen: in England, says Jónsson. Any way on the west coast. Alfgeir must have gone southwards and round the Land's end, etc.
CH. LIV.-Scots . . . loose in array] A truthful description of Scotch Highlanders' battle tactics for any time.
CH. LV. Dauntless, etc.] Jónsson doubts the genuineness of this verse.
Olaf, young prince] Constantine the king of Scots was an old man (as we ​have seen) at Brunanburh: and probably was not young even at Athelstan's accession. 'Young prince' would suit his son or son-in-law.
Egil was, etc.] A wonderfully drawn picture. The personal appearance of Egil is often recurred to. He himself speaks of his own uncomely face in Höfudlausn and in Arinbjorn's-drápa.
a ring] A ring worn on the arm, not a finger-ring, as is plain from the rest of the description.
two chests] Of these more anon in chs. Ixi. and lxxxix.
Ella] Athelstan is looked upon as successor to Ella king of Northumbria long before. The reindeer trod hills' mean the Scotch mountains.
CH. LVI. unfriendly] The translator does not pretend to have solved the riddle (if there be one) in this stave. Arinbjorn thinks a woman's name is hidden. Commentators think Asgerdr's name is hidden; but are not agreed how. Egil's next stave seems to make this doubtful. The gist of this first verse appears to be: 'There is a coolness between me and Asgerdr: I once so bold am reserved and sad.'
several winters] Probably from 927-932.
a swift cutter] The various Norse names for ships do not exactly correspond to the English. This appears to have been a light vessel built for speed, and not drawing much water: see ch. lviii., where it passes through a shallow sound.
Gula-Thing] This is inentioned in the Njal's Saga, ch. ii. : and the Gula- Thing's code in Dasent's Preface, p. lii.
precincts] 'Ve-bönd': 'hallowed cords'; also the space thus enclosed. For the Icelandic courts Dasent's Preface may be consulted, p. cxl., etc. The Saga here gives a full description of a suit.
captive of war] Much the same had been said of Hildirida. But in her case there had been no reconciliation between the two families as there had in this.
CH. LVIII.-like] This might suggest that Egil in the morning dimness thought he was casting a spear at the king. Else why is the likeness mentioned? But Egil's verse shows that he at all events knew very soon that it was Kettle whom he had slain.
loops] Either of a strap or withe fastened to the thole-pin. In the same way the Athenian sailors had oar-thongs (rpoπwrñpaç).
Frey and Njord] Givers of wealth. In Arinbjorn's-drápa 18 the same two deities are said to have enriched Arinbjorn.
CH. LIX.-Harold] This making over of the kingdom would fall in 930 : Harold's death in 933. The suit at the Gula-Thing in 934; and all up to Skallagrim's death. Hacon, one of Eric's brothers, was all this time with Athelstan he thus escaped Eric's cruelty, and was accepted as king in the winter of this same year.
CH. LX. must not drink less] A rivalry in potations evidently: they were hard drinkers these Norsemen.
let the sword hang] Just the same do earl Atli and Egil in their combat in ch. lxviii.
Forest-foe] This stave is very spirited: the sense is plain: the kennings poetical. One sees as in a picture the Viking exulting as his barque plunges on it reminds one rather of the German ballad 'Du Recke, wohin im Sturmesgebraus?'
CH. LXI.-Death of Skallagrim] A curious and interesting chapter. Skallagrim and Egil are alike in a certain hoarding propensity: the last act of the life of each was to hide money. There is a case of burial very like that of Skallagrim in the 'Ere-dwellers': upon which Magnusson has an instructive note, giving much of the passage about the breaking through ​the wall and carrying the corpse that way out, and not by the door. Such a precaution was (they say) to prevent the ghost of the dead coming back to haunt the house.
CH. LXII. to flee the land] This was in 935: no news of this could reach Iceland (as we are told below), hence in the next year, 936, Egil is surprized to find Eric at York. The marriage of Eric's daughter to earl Arnfinn is probably misplaced it could not have been in 935, but some years later. Eric can hardly have had a marriageable daughter yet: besides, it is elsewhere said that Ragnhildr was married to Arnfinn after Eric's death; i.e., after 950.
government of Northumberland] About Eric's government in Northum- berland there are some obscurities. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is silent about his rule there for Athelstan. But accepting this as true, it is probable that he lost this rule on Athelstan's death (940). In Edred's reign (948) we find 'king Eadred harried over all Northumberland because they had taken Eric for their king' (A.-S. Chr.). And a line or two further, when the king was homeward, the army within York (Eric's) overtook him, and there made great slaughter. Then was the king so indignant, that he would again march in and totally destroy the country. When the Northumbrian "witan" understood that, they forsook Eric, and made compensation for the deed to king Eadred.' Then again the Northumbrians received Eric, Harold's son' and later 'expelled Eric.' The dates given in the Chronicle (Thorpe's translation) reach down to 954: some modern chronologers think his, Eric's, death was in 950. It is plain that after he lost Norway he was several times in and out of Northumberland. This quite agrees with what we know of the disturbed state of things there. And there is no reason to doubt that Eric's first 'innings' in Northumberland came as our Saga gives it.
came . . . evening] Egil's ride would be about fifty miles or more.
keen glance] Egil speaks of the king's terrible look in st. 5 of the Epic on Arinbjorn.
who . . . teasing] No 'ertinga-madr': a man who stands no nonsense. In the eastern counties such irritable persons are termed 'short-waisted.'
a swallow] Of course, though it is not so said, Gunnhilda is 'the swallow' whose shape flits away presently.
CH. LXIII.—No one will call] Arinbjorn appeals to the king's nobler feelings throughout: Gunnhilda to his meaner nature. Arinbjorn's plead- ing is manly, free, truthful, well argued. The whole scene at York is wonderfully well given.
Head-ransom] Höfud-lausn. The earliest complete 'Drápa' that we have. Different editors divide it differently. Petersen divides it into three main parts. I. Introduction of five stanzas. 2. Middle part of ten stanzas. 3. Third part of five stanzas. And the middle part he further divides into three subdivisions with an initial burden omkvæd (1+3×3=10). The more natural arrangement seems to be to consider three stanzas (1-3) intro- duction then there are four sets of two stanzas and a burden: then two stanzas (which have no burden in our text): then a conclusion of two stanzas (or three if the short stanza at the end be genuine).
In sense the first three are plainly introductory, asking for silence, etc.: the last two (or three) are conclusory. They are thus arranged in Thordarson's edition except that he puts no 'fyrsta stefja-mal' at head of st. 4.
The poem has both rhyme and alliteration throughout. It is indeed a wonderful composition if completed within a night but it is striking any way. It may be noticed that while there is great variety of phrase for Eric's battles and exploits, we can gather very little that is definite about ​them, where they were, or when. This might be partly because Egil was an unwilling eulogist. But probably Eric's rule, while cruel, was yet in some respects weak, and his battles perhaps in no very worthy cause. It has been supposed by some that Egil was all the while laughing in his sleeve, and meant not to praise Eric heartily: but this seems hardly probable. For Egil no doubt meant to do his best to save his own head; and Eric was personally brave and warlike. Arinbjorn's loyalty to Eric shows that Eric. had good points in his character; but Gunnhilda was his prompter to evil. 'The king will not let himself be egged on to all thy dastardly work,' said Arinbjorn to the queen. Hence we may suppose Egil to be heartily praising what he would heartily appreciate, valour in war.
St. 1. when . . . icefloes broke] In the spring of the year. The expression might denote either the 'when,' or the where (from Iceland); indeed, it comprises both.
2. Odin's mead] One of the numerous expressions for 'poetry.'
3. Odin saw] Rumour tells much; but Odin the war-god alone knows, and the inspired poet can therefore best tell. So Homer invokes the Muses to tell him of the battle, 'ye are present everywhere and see, we only hear the rumour, and do not know ' ἡμεῖς δὲ κλέος οἷον ἀκούομεν οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν).
4. Swell d] Here begins the middle part and substance of the eulogy.
6. Of men] The first burden, repeated with part changed in st. 9.
8. Odin's oaks] Warriors. The 'kennings' in this poem present little difficulty, being poetical metaphors, 'ice-of-sword-belt is the exact ‘kenning' for sword here.
10. Scotland's scourge] 'Eric was Athelstan's keeper of the land against the Scots.' Ogress' steed] In the Edda an ogress is spoken of as thus horsed.
12. Axe] Another burden, varied in st. 15.
13. Strings sang] Λίγξε βίος, νευρὴ δὲ μέγ' ἴαχεν, ἄλτο δ' δϊστός. Hom.
14. East] Eric's prowess in Northumberland, or about the Scotch coast and isles, would be reckoned as exploits 'in the west': their fame would therefore travel east to Norway: not strictly so to Iceland perhaps. But Egil was much in Norway.
15. Bees wound-bearing] 'Unda-by': wound-bees. The word 'by' seldom occurs: 'by-fluga' is mod. Icel. for 'bee.' Stinging arrows' is natural enough: and the hum of the twanging string and whizz of the arrow justify Egil's phrase as most suggestive and poetical.
16. Weapons] He rouses the goddess of battles when he goes to fight: Bellona then knows that battle is toward.
17. Frodi's flour] Or 'meal': this 'kenning' rests on a passage in the Edda.
18. crowned] This stanza ends the fifth 'stefja-mal.' It appears to take the place of a 'stef' or 'burden' with which the others end.
19. heart's ground] Egil at all events professes sincerity.
20. hear] Egil spoke in a high tone and at once got a silent hearing, we are told. The half verse that follows in most editions is according to the best critics not genuine, a much later addition. The literal rendering of it is 'May he enjoy gold-rings, as Bragi did his eye, as the whale does the firth, ship does the haven, the raven the battle!' It is a wish of wealth to Eric or someone; the meaning of the sentence about Bragi is obscure. The translator in Corpus Poeticum Boreale' takes a different reading and rendering.
CH. LXIV.-in features loathly] Cf. st. 7 of Arinbjornar-drápa, ‘Not well-favoured seemed my head,' etc.
Dragvandil] The descent of the sword Dragvandil from one giver to ​another is like the descent of the sceptre in Homer, 'Iliad,' ß. 102. The sceptre passes from Hephæstus to Zeus, Hermes, Pelops, Atreus, Thyestes, Agamemnon; the sword from Kettle Hæing to Grim, Thorolf, Skallagrim, Thorolf, Arinbjorn, Egil. As to the meaning of Dragvandil, the Arna-Magnæan editor gives two in Latin, vibrari consuetus and periculum afferens, 'wont to be drawn' and 'bringing danger.' Whether either is satisfactory, seems doubtful. There are many compounds of vöndr 'wand' used for sword: might not the last half of Dragvandil be this? 'Draw-wand would be as natural a kenning for sword as many of the compounds with 'wand.'
CH. LXV.—foresight] Something more than mere wisdom is meant by this expression; something like the 'second sight' of the Scotch.
to London] Now coming into prominence apparently as a royal seat. Alfred repairs it in 886: Edward occupies it in 911 (Freeman).
wheat and honey] The same kind of freight is brought from England in ch. xvii.
CH. LXVI.—cast a stone] A proverbial way of expressing rivalry with a stronger power, against which in the generation before Kveldulf had warned Thorolf.
gaps] The same phrase is used by Egil in Sona-torrek, st. 6, sonar-skard gap of a son.'
CH. LXVII.—my bounden duty] Egil well requites hospitality: this was also for Arinbjorn's sake.
sang a stave] Jónsson doubts the genuineness of this stave and the two next. Perhaps,
boundary-stones] Ljot appears to break this rule presently. however, some time limit was set to a 'round,' after which a combatant might go outside the boundary.
a foreigner] Ljot was a foreigner: so Egil did not get the land. But as the land was unjustly taken by Ljot from natives, it would seem rather hard that neither they nor Egil should reap benefit. The case seems to have been arguable: Arinbjorn, as will appear in ch. lxxi., thought Egil had some law on his side, but that he would not succeed.
little mourned] Everyone was against Berserks. There is a curious case in the Ere-dwellers' of Berserks being utilized to build a causeway, then unscrupulously put to death. Giants and the like seem looked on as makers of causeways of bridges and dykes sometimes even the devil is (in popular legend) the maker.
CH. LXVIII.—the oath of twelve men] This apparently would have made Atli's case good, but for the appeal to arms. Before, against Bergonund, there were twelve to swear on Egil's side, through the help of Arinbjorn; but Arinbjorn was now in England.
He was experienced] This appears to have been the hardest fight against one opponent that Egil ever had. The resource by which Egil secures the victory was almost exactly reproduced in a combat between a Cameron of Lochiel and an officer in General Monk's army. They fell, the Englishman uppermost, who, while making a violent effort to extricate himself from Lochiel's grip, in order to stab him, gave his foe a chance, 'who swift as a tiger seized his prey by the throat, tearing away the piece with his mouth, the sweetest mouthful, as he used to relate, that he had ever had in his lifetime' (Black's 'Scotland,' p. 523).
CH. LXIX.—years not a few] Twelve, from 938 950. All the children are mentioned first in this chapter. But very likely one of the daughters was born between 927 and 932 when Egil was at home before. Thorgerdr ​appears to have been married soon after Egil's final return in 952: indeed, both she and Bera were married before Bodvar's death in 960.
CH. LXX.—Eric . had fallen] 950 or thereabouts was the year of his death Athelstan died in 940.
CH. LXXI.-the king's treasury] A neat proverb 'rumr ingangs en throngr brott-farar.'
He must tend] I who live in Norway must bend to Norway's king.
CH. LXXII. intersected] This description of the flat country and its dykes is surely by one who had seen such. It is not quite plain what the 'large stakes or poles' were for. The old editor says 'partim palis defixis (vallis) arva circum sepiebant.' But this sense would surely have been more clearly expressed by our Saga-writer by skid-gard, or some such word. More likely the large stakes were set in the dykes here and there to support and strengthen the banks; perhaps where the bridges were.
his shield behind] So he describes Eric as doing in Headransom, st. 14.
Arinbjorn went] This is the last we see of him in the Saga.
CH. LXXIII.-Vermaland] In the south of Sweden.
cleared] eversis silvis ad cultum humanum accommodaverat' is a note in the old edition. The nickname 'tree-cutter' one may suppose was given to Olaf from his energy as a pioneering backwoodsman. That there was still much work for the axe to do is plain from the description of the forest country through which Egil makes his way.
Arnvid] It is mentioned in 'Njalssaga, ch. v., that 'Arnvid had kept back the taxes from Hacon Athelstane's fosterchild, and both father and son had fled away from Jemtaland to Gothland.'
a sending to death] 'forsending': the prefix has much the same force in some words as the German ver in verrathen, etc. The mission we may say was something in purpose like Bellerophon's with the 'fatal tokens.'
CH. LXXIV. sledges] We come upon quite a different scene in this winter journey: a very graphic one of the horses floundering in the snow, etc.
no beer] The same treatment and deceit as in the case of Bard, ch. xliii. The rites of hospitality were much prized in those rude times, and any infringement of them resented.
CH. LXXV.-Helga] There is a curious mixture of superstition and common-sense in Egil's prescription and treatment of the invalid. We shall see in ch. lxxix. that the runes had been wrongly written by a suitor.
leck-tending] This is one explanation of the kenning 'leek-linden' for a woman; that women had to look after the kitchen-garden with leeks, etc., in it.
CH. LXXVI.—six men] those spoken of in last chapter: two parties, one seen by Thorfinn, one by his house-carle.
CH. LXXVIII.-Egil took] A most remarkable resource by way of defensive armour. In the note to the Arna-Magnæan edition a similar ex- pedient is quoted from another Saga.
fresh as ever] The expression is spán-nyir 'span-new': the 'span' being as in 'spick and span.' Spánn means 'chip': but the compound seems to be used of quite other things than wood: e.g., of wine.
CH. LXXIX.-Gautland] part of western Sweden; written sometimes 'Gothland' and 'Gottland. for that winter] Nor indeed did he go abroad any more.
CH. LXXX.-in the district] A paragraph about a Kettle Gufa and his family has been omitted, as it does not bear upon Egil's history. And all the marriages of Egil's children have been thrown into this chapter, so as to begin ch. lxxxi. with Bodvar's death. ​Olaf] He and his come into the Laxdæla-Saga. These marriages appear to have been soon after Egil's return: certainly before 960. Asgerdr, if married in 953-5, was probably born before 933; see note on ch. lxix.
Ch. LXXXI.—Reykjar-hamar] A 'hamar' is a rock, beetling crag.
nones] Three in the afternoon. As an ecclesiastical word, this of course came in after Egil's lifetime. The earlier method of marking time was by sunrise, day-meal, sunset, night-meal.
Thorgerdr] The daughter humours her father, makes at first as though she would die with him, then gets him to chew and drink, then suggests a poem, and so wins him back to life. Baring-Gould in his interesting book on Iceland has a translation of this scene, as also of Sona-torrek very freely rendered into English verse.
Hardly can Thorstein] Thorstein was younger than Bodvar, and Gunnar came between them. Thorstein would probably be quite three years younger than Bodvar, and about thirteen years old at this time. In Vigfusson's chronological table Thorstein is put as born about 950. We cannot tell exactly the years of the children's birth, but most of them must have been born 938-950. But Vigfusson puts the drowning of Bodvar and Sona-torrek in 975. How can this be? For Bodvar is distinctly said to come first of the sons, Thorstein to be the youngest. And nothing is plainer than that Bodvar was not come to full manhood when Sona-torrek was composed but according to Vigfusson he would be some twenty-eight years old! Jónsson's arrangement seems better: Bodvar born 943, Thorstein 945, Sona-torrek 960. A rather larger interval, however, is probable between Bodvar and Thorstein. And the exact date of Sona-torrek must remain uncertain only it is plain that Bodvar was not older than sixteen or seventeen. As two daughters came before Bodvar. 943 is perhaps full early for his birth, unless we suppose a daughter born while Egil was at home between 927-32.
Sona-torrek] 'Loss of sons.' Or, if Sonar-torrek, 'loss of a son.' The poem is mainly on Bodvar, at least, he is the occasion of it; but Egil had lost Gunnar as well.
Some renderings in this translation of Sona-torrek differ from those in Corpus Poeticum Boreale. But the text there differs from that of Thordarson, which has been here mainly followed; as have also his interpretations.
Sona-torrek is certainly the most remarkable of Egil's poems. There is a deep pathos running through the whole: it has coherence and plan throughout, though this is obscured by corrupt passages. It is unlike most other Icelandic poems. The train of thought is as follows:
'How can I utter words? how essay song? (1-2). A blameless son I have lost: I hear the waves beating on his and my father's tomb: my kindred fall away how can I be gay and sing? (3-4). My father is gone: my mother sad theme for poetry! Now is the worst breach made in my house by the sea: my noble son cut off (5-7). Could I avenge him I would, but none can wreak vengeance on such resistless power. And I am growing old and lone (8-9). The shield of my house is gone: had he come to manhood he had been a mighty warrior. He was ever dutiful, my hope and stay (10-12). Now recall I the earlier loss of my brother Thorolf. Nought else can replace son to father, brother to brother (13-15). Few now see I in the land faithful and true: brother slays brother: deceit is rife. Some live in peace, but in selfishness. Happier are the dead (16-17). Odin hath dealt hardly with me: first by sickness I lost a son: for him, fair branch, still I grieve (18-20). Once I deemed Odin my friend: he helped my spear. Now he fails in my need. Worship I will pay him no more (21-22). Yet some good hath he given for evil: him I thank for poesy, for wit to see and ​expose falsehood (22-23). Wherefore, though hard beset, I will patiently wait till Death lay me by my loved ones in the tomb on Digra-ness."
St. 1. Poesy] Odin stole poesy from the giants. See also st. 2.
3. He who Commentators give up as desperate the first four lines. Some suppose they continue the mythological account of the origin of poetry. Ought they not rather to state the subject, Egil's loss? There is the word 'blameless,' and the word 'boat,' and that is about all that is certainly intelligible. The translator has ventured to suppose Bodvar the 'blameless one (cf. st. 19 for words about Gunnar's guilelessness); and the 'boat' to be the luckless boat that caused his death.
It is agreed that the last four lines of st. 3 mean that Egil hears the beating of the wave on the tomb of his father upon Digra-ness. The blood flowing from a slain giant Ymir formed the sea according to the Edda.
6. gap] The same word was used by Hacon in ch. lxvi. of the loss inflicted by Egil's kin on Harold's house.
7. strand] So Eric is called in ch. lxii. 'strong strand of Harold's family.'
11. laid hand] i.e., had he lived to reach his full warrior strength. Others (less probably) interpret the four lines 'had he lived to reach manhood before Odin took him away by death.'
13. brotherless] By the death of Thorolf. But some refer this to Arinbjorn. weak-winged] Or faltering in flight.' He means that he often misses Thorolf. He said that he should oſten rue his loss: ch. liv.
15, 16] With these as usually arranged there seems no coherence. With the transposition of stanzas 15 and 16 all seems to hang together. Brotherlessness, sonlessness take up 13-15: then complaint of the degeneracy of the times, 16-17.
17. bees' home] Or 'beehive:' býskip may be the English 'bee-skep' or 'bee-skip,' which is common for beehive in provincial English. Egil having been much in England would probably have heard the word; nor is there any strong proof that it would not have been understood by his hearers. Or skip might be taken as 'covering, vault, dome' (σκέπας): and the rendering be 'bee-dome.' It is at any rate more likely that býskip (even if 'bees' ship') means 'bee-hive,' than that 'ship of bees' means the sky or heaven, because bees live there. Nor does it seem very far-fetched to compare the realms of the swarming countless dead to a 'beehive.' Some northern scholars think that for býskips should be some other word, a name of Odin, then 'the home of Odin' would of course be heaven, i.e., Valhalla. But it is questionable if it be necessary to suppose the text corrupt.
[The passage was discussed by the translator in a paper read before the Camb. Phil. Soc.]
18. drooping brow] Cf. the description of Egil at Athelstan's board after Thorolf's death on Vinheath, ch. Iv.
19. a son Gunnar,
20. friend of men] Odin: so also are 'Vilir's brother,' and 'Mimir's friend' below.
22. Now victim] A curious renunciation. No more will I worship one who fails at need,
boot for bale] As an after-thought Egil bethinks him that he has some compensation in poetry. So he will be patient, and, while not hurrying death, will welcome it. Of Egil's delight in poetry we hear in the next chapter, where he and another poet make friends.
24. Of Odin's captive] Hela was sister of the monster wolf of northern mythology.
CH. LXXXII.-King Hacon] His rule, here said to be long, was for ​twenty-six years according to his Saga. He came to Norway in 934, his death was in 960 or 961. We should suppose it after Bodvar's death from our Saga. A very interesting account of the fight at Fitjar, where Hacon faced great odds, is given in Hacon's Saga. Eight sons of Harold Fairhair are said to have fallen in battle before Hacon fell.
Arinbjorn] He joined Eric's son's nine years before, as we saw ch. lxxii.
A part thereof] How much more there was, we cannot exactly determine. There is no appearance of incompleteness in the first twenty-four stanzas (except a few lines lost in 12 and 23-24). The poem begins with a sketch of Egil's own principles and early fortunes: then he comes to the great danger of his life at Eric's court in England, in which Arinbjorn saved him. This he treats of fully: then goes on to praises which lie ready and plentiful. First he tells of his generosity; and of this he speaks much. Then we should expect much about his warlike prowess: he had been on freebooting expeditions with Egil, had fought much for Eric and his sons, 'was a great warrior and a victorious.' But there is nothing: 'a large gap,' says Petersen. The whole 'drápa' may have been of sixty stanzas: this is mentioned as a not unusual length in Vigfusson's Dict.
st. 3. Yngling's son] Yngling is a proper name of a descendant of Odin, to whom the kings of Norway traced back their pedigree. So that the phrase about matches Homer's 'Zeus-born kings.'
hood of daring] Egil we are told took a bold heart' and rode to York to Arinbjorn's.
6. bolster-mate] i.e., head. There are some other explanations of this kenning and of the lines: but the whole must be meant of the Höfudlausn.
7. Not beauteous] Just what Egil said in ch. lxiv. He now goes on to describe his head and all its parts in very curious kennings: 'hood-knoll' or 'hat-knoll,' etc.
8. pit-holes] i.e., his eye-sockets or eyes.
9. Tooth-fence] ἕρκος ὀδόντων. The inner and outer part of the ear are next described.
11. framed no lies] Arinbjorn's bold truthfulness before Eric was re-markable.
12. Of the stay] This stanza is corrupt: but the general opinion is that it alludes to what Harold Fairhair said about Thorolf the elder, whose death he pronounced to be a great loss.
13. Wrong] '’Twere wrong that such help were wasted in vain,' is the whole sense: 'thrown to the seas' is curiously amplified. But not very unlike is Horace's tristitiam et metus tradam protervis in mare Creticum portare ventis.
15. Now] The debt of gratitude paid, I go on to further praises.
16. voice-plane Cf. 'song-pounder' in st. 1 of Sona-torrek.
17. hearth-fire This kenning has been noticed in the Introduction, p. x., as one of the riddle kind.
20. The last part of this stanza is of uncertain text and meaning.
21. Few] Arinbjorn is generous, which is rare: he is friendly and suits everyone which is rare. To repair with shaft broken spears, etc., may have been a not uncommon duty of a host to his guests in a break-spear age.
23. Draupnir] The ring which Odin laid on Baldur's pyre: 'it was such that every ninth night eight gold rings of the same weight dropped therefrom.' As good as the gold-egg-laying goose.
23, 24. It is not certain how these lines should be arranged. But it looks as if the chief gap should come here. The stanza 25, 'Long course of life,' would come best after some description of Arinbjorn's warlike exploits.
​26. To stand] A poem to live in men's memory among other buildings of poesy. Exegi monumentum are perennius regalique situ pyramidum altius. Hor. Bragi was the Apollo of the north.
CH. LXXXIII.—Einar] This friendship of the two poets is interesting.
One with eight] These exploits were in Friesland and Eida-wood, chs. lxxii, and lxxviii.
King Harold fell] Some put this in 965, some in 969, some in 975. Einar's gift of the shield Jónsson puts in 970 The Saga does not profess to put all these facts about Skála-glam in exact chronological order. His poem Vell-ekla is said to have been later by chronologers. Skála-glam seems to mean 'tinkling bowl,' or tinkle of bowls'; but is it a name of praise or blame? Clanging bowls, beakers' clang are the accompaniment of feasts: is it that minstrels also are there found?
islet-studded] Fit term for sea in that region of fjords and isles.
slay him] Hard measure. It is said that the giver of a present reckoned himself above the receiver, and that Egil was offended at this idea. But Egil accepted gifts from many, and probably gave gifts too. As Egil did after all write about the shield, and remained Einar's friend, perhaps the threat was half in jest. At any rate he did not ride after him.
CH. LXXXIV.-loved him little] He was too quiet for his taste. But Thorstein bore him bravely in the quarrel with Steinar, and Egil helped him by his decision, and after that they were more friendly. Asgerdr] About 973.
CH. LXXXV.-Aunund] Son of Ani, one of Skallagrim's followers, whence Ana-brekka 'Ani's brink' was named. The quarrel that follows is rather a petty one, but Egil as arbitrator makes about his last public appearance, being then nearly, if not quite, eighty years old.
CH. LXXXVI.-roofed their booths] The walls of these Thing booths were fixtures, but new roofed each season.
fighting horses] To match horses in fight was a favourite sport then it is mentioned in the 'Njala.'
tongue of Odd] By this he means to jest upon Odd's nickname of Tongue. But query whether Odd were so called from his speaking power, or because he lived on a tongue of land?
shape and shear] i.e., do with it as you please.
Thing-banquet] provided by the priest.
went out] In a sort of procession to the law-hill. On such an occasion Thorstein spoiled his father's cloak, ch. lxxxiv.
CH. LXXXVII.—flitting days] The fixed days for 'moving house'; four days at the end of May.
this judgment] As between Thorstein and Steinar, the judgment seems right Steinar began the wrong, and persisted in it despite of Thorstein's forbearance. But one wishes that Egil had treated an old comrade's son with leniency for auld lang syne, especially when Aunund had reposed such trust in him. It is, however, a mark of the truthfulness of the Saga-writer that Egil's overbearing use of power is not cloaked.
CH. LXXXVIII.-we must lengthen] They were to take two sides of a triangle instead of one. Thorstein did not choose to meet the superior force.
CH. XC.-haltered horse] It is not quite clear why a haltered or tethered horse (as the word is explained) should stumble. Does it mean a horse 'hobbled' by a cord round the legs?
let us forbear] Egil is more civil than the cook. 'Bask' is by origin reflexive from bake,' as appears in the Icelandic form. 'Fire-maid' literally 'fire-goddess.'
​Feet] There is an untranslateable pun here. Egil uses ekkjur which means 'widows': but hæll which means 'widow' means also 'heel.' Ekkjur is meant to suggest hæla, then that to express 'heels.'
first days of Hacon] Hacon reigned from 975 to 995. If his 'first days' be taken to mean the first five years or so of his reign, Egil was eighty odd years old about 980 or before. Suppose him born in 898 (Munch's date). this would be so; or with Jónsson's date of birth 901 he would be eighty ('in his ninth decade') by 981, and this may equally suit. Vigfusson takes as the text ofan-verdum 'last, later' instead of öndverdum 'first, earlier.' And he puts Egil's birth in 904: thus he would be eighty in 984, and Vigfusson supposes him to die about 990. The earlier date for his birth appears better for the early incidents of the Saga. But one cannot determine precisely the age meant by 'in his ninth ten': whether 'just past eighty' or well on for ninety. Critically (according to Jónsson) öndverdum is the better reading. And with this it would seem that in the early years of Hacon's reign Egil entered on his ninth decade. But how much longer he lived one cannot determine: Jónsson thinks not later than 983. As he was 'hale and hearty save for blindness,' his death may have been several years after the beginning of his eighties; the Saga does not profess to give all the events of his old age year by year. One may be pretty sure he did not live to be over ninety.
One summer] A curious freak of the old man: one more fight he wished to see. As they would not let him have his way, he would not let them have the money.
slain Grim's thralls] How? For he was old, blind, encumbered with the chests.
Ch. XCI.—baptized when, etc.] i.e., in 1000.
Egil moved] As 'prim-signed' Egil might be buried in the outskirts of the churchyard.
Skapti] Priest from 1143 onwards.
wave-marked] Like a mussel-shell, Petersen says.
Ch. XCII.—two types] Fair and handsome, dark and ugly. The Thorolfs were, in the Saga, of the handsome type; perhaps Bodvar was so.
Skuli] His great-grandson Einar is suggested as a not improbable compiler of the Saga.
Iron Ram] 'A ship beaked with iron.' So 'barded' is used of horses in armour. This ship of Eric's is described elsewhere.