# The Works of the Rev. Jonathan Swift/Volume 3/The Examiner, Number 41

NUMBER XLI.
THURSDAY, MAY 17, 1711.
———— Quem cur distringere coner, Tutus ab infestis latronibus?
Safe it lies Within the sheath, till thieves and villains rise.
I NEVER let slip an opportunity of endeavouring to convince the world, that I am not partial; and to confound the idle reproach of my being hired or directed what to write in defence of the present ministry, or for detecting the practices of the former. When I first undertook this paper, I firmly resolved, that if ever I observed any gross neglect, abuse, or corruption in the publick management, which might give any just offence to reasonable people; I would take notice of it with that innocent boldness which becomes an honest man, and a true lover of his country; at the same time preserving the respect due to persons so highly entrusted by so wise ​and excellent a queen. I know not how such a liberty might have been resented; but I thank God there has been no occasion given me to exercise it; for I can safely affirm, that I have with the utmost rigour examined all the actions of the present ministry, as far as they fall under general cognizance, without being able to accuse them of one ill or mistaken step. Observing indeed some time ago, that seeds of dissension had been plentifully scattered from a certain corner, and fearing they began to rise and spread, I immediately writ a paper on the subject, which I treated with that warmth I thought it required; but the prudence of those at the helm, soon prevented this growing evil; and at present it seems likely to have no consequences.
I have had indeed for some time a small occasion of quarelling, which I thought too inconsiderable for a formal subject of complaint, although I have hinted at it more than once. But it is grown at present to as great a height, as a matter of that nature can possibly bear; and therefore I conceive it high time that an effectual stop should be put to it. I have been amazed at the flaming licentiousness of several weekly papers, which, for some months past, have been chiefly employed in barefaced scurrilities against those who are in the greatest trust and favour with the queen, with the first and last letters of their names frequently printed, or some periphrasis describing their station, or other innuendoes contrived too plain to be mistaken. The consequence of which is, (and it is natural it should be so) that their long impunity has rendered them still more audacious.
​At this time I particularly intend a paper called the Medley; whose indefatigable incessant railings against me I never thought convenient to take notice of, because it would have diverted my design, which I intended to be of publick use. Besides, I never yet observed that writer, or those writers (for it is every way a Medley) to argue against any one material point or fact that I had advanced, or make one fair quotation. And after all, I knew very well how soon the world grow weary of controversy. It is plain to me, that three or four hands at least have been joined at times in that worthy composition; but the outlines, as well as the finishing, seem to have been always the work of the same pen, as it is visible from half a score beauties of style inseparable from it. But who these Medlers are, or where the judicious leaders have picked them up, I shall never go about to conjecture; factious rancour, false wit, abandoned scurrility, impudent falsehood, and servile pedantry, having so many fathers, and so few to own them, that curiosity herself would not be at the pains to guess. It is the first time I ever did myself the honour to mention that admirable paper; nor could I imagine any occasion likely to happen that would make it necessary for me to engage with such an adversary. This paper is weekly published, and as appears by the number, has been so for several months; and is, next to the Observator, allowed to be the best production of the party. Last week my printer brought me that of May 7, Number 32, where there are two paragraphs relating to the speaker of the house of commons, and to Mr. Harley, which, as little as I am inclined to engage with such an antagonist, I cannot let pass without failing in my duty to the ​publick: and if those in power will suffer such infamous insinuations to pass with impunity, they act without precedent from any age or country of the world.
I desire to open this matter, and leave the whigs themselves to determine upon it. The house of commons resolved, nemine contradicente, that the speaker should congratulate Mr. Harley's escape and recovery, in the name of the house, upon his first attendance on their service. This is accordingly done; and the speech, together with the chancellor of the exchequer's, are printed by order of the house. The author of the Medley takes this speech to task the very next week after it is published; telling us in the aforesaid paper, that the speaker's commending Mr. Harley for being an instrument of great good to the nation, was ill-chosen flattery; because Mr. Harley had brought the nation under great difficulties, to say no more. He says, that when the speaker tells Mr. Harley, that Providence has wonderfully preserved him from some unparallelled attempts, (for that the Medley alludes to) he only revives a false and groundless calumny upon other men; which is an instance of impotent, but inveterate malice, that makes him [the speaker] still appear more vile and contemptible. This is an extract from his first paragraph. In the next, this writer says, that the speaker's praying to God for the continuance of Mr. Harley's life, as an invaluable blessing, was a fulsome piece of insincerity, which exposes him to shame and derision! because he is known to bear ill will to Mr. Harley, to have an extreme bad opinion of him, and to think ​him an obstructor of those fine measures he would bring about.
I now appeal to the whigs themselves, whether a great minister of state, in high favour with the queen, and a speaker of the house of commons, were ever publickly treated after so extraordinary a manner, in the most licentious times? For this is not a clandestine libel stolen into the world, but openly printed and sold with the bookseller's name and place of abode at the bottom. And the juncture is admirable, when Mr. Harley is generally believed upon the very point to be made an earl, and promoted to the most important station of the kingdom; nay, the very marks of esteem he has so lately received, from the whole representative body of the people, are called ill-chosen flattery, and a fulsome piece of insincerity, exposing the donors to shame and derision.
Does this intrepid writer think he has sufficiently disguised the matter, by that stale artifice of altering the story, and putting it as a supposed case? Did any man, who ever saw the congratulatory speech, read either of those paragraphs in the Medley, without interpreting them just as I have done? will the author declare upon his great sincerity, that he never had any such meaning? is it enough, that a jury at Westminster-hall would perhaps not find him guilty of defaming the speaker and Mr. Harley in that paper? which, however, I am much in doubt of too; and must think the law very defective, if the reputation of such persons must lie at the mercy of such pens. I do not remember to have seen any libel, supposed to be writ with caution and ​double meaning in order to prevent prosecution, delivered under so thin a cover, or so unartificially made up, as this; whether it were from an apprehension of his readers' dullness, or an effect of his own. He has transcribed the very phrases of the speaker, and put them in a different character, for fear they might pass unobserved, and prevent all possibility of being mistaken. I shall be pleased to see him have resource to the old evasion, and say, that I who make the application am chargeable with the abuse: let any reader of either party be judge. But I cannot forbear asserting as my opinion, that for a ministry to endure such open calumny, without calling the author to account, is next to deserving it. And this is an omission I venture to charge upon the present ministry, who are too apt to despise little things, which, however, have not always little consequences.
When this paper was first undertaken, one design among others was, to examine some of those writings so frequently published with an evil tendency either to religion or government; but I was long diverted by other inquiries, which I thought more immediately necessary; to animadvert upon men's actions, rather than their speculations; to show the necessity there was of changing the ministry, that our constitution in church and state might be preserved; to expose some dangerous principles and practices under the former administration; and prove by many instances, that those who are now at the helm, are entirely in the true interest of prince and ​people. This I may modestly hope has in some measure been already done, sufficient to answer the end proposed, which was, to inform the ignorant, and those at a distance; and to convince such as are engaged in party from no other motive than that of conscience. I know not whether I shall have any appetite to continue this work much longer; if I do, perhaps some time may be spent in exposing and overturning the false reasonings of those, who engage their pens on the other side, without losing time in vindicating myself against their scurrilities, much less in retorting them. Of this sort there is a certain humble companion]], a French maitre des langues, who every month publishes an extract from votes, news-papers, speeches, and proclamations, larded with some insipid remarks of his own; which he calls, 'The Political State of Great Britain.' This ingenious piece, he tells us himself, is constantly translated into French, and printed in Holland, where the Dutch, no doubt, conceive most noble sentiments of us, conveyed through such a vehicle. It is observable in his account for April, that the vanity so predominant in many of his nation, has made him more concerned for the honour of Guiscard, than the safety of Mr. Harley. And for fear we should think the worse of his country upon that assassin's account, he tells us there have been more murders, parricides, and villanies committed in England, than any other part of the world. I cannot imagine how an illiterate foreigner, who is neither master of our language, nor indeed of common sense, and who is devoted to a faction, I ​suppose for no other reason, but his having more whig customers than tories, should take it into his head to write politick tracts of our affairs. But I presume, he builds upon the foundation of having been called to an account for his insolence in one of his monthly former productions; which is a method that seldom fails of giving some vogue to the foolishest composition. If such a work must be done, I wish some tolerable hand would undertake it; and that we would not suffer a little whiffling Frenchman, to neglect his trade of teaching his language to our children, and presume to instruct foreigners in our politicks.
* ↑ That for a ministry to endure, &c. — a low ungrammatical mode of expression. It should be — 'that a ministry's enduring such open calumny, without, &c.
* ↑ Abel Boyer.