# The New Europe/Volume 7/Number 86/Unrest in Bohemia

Unrest in Bohemia
The Dual Monarchy is to-day in the throes of a grave political and economic crisis, in which Slav resistance to arbitrary authority plays an important and increasing part. In order fully to understand the significance of the present situation, we must give a brief sketch of the development of the movement for the last twelve months. Stimulated by the Allies’ Note to President Wilson, the Poles, Czecho-Slovaks, and Jugoslavs boldly declared their programme of national unity and independence in the Reichsrat on 30 May, 1917. These declarations were followed by revelations by Czech, Polish, and Jugoslav deputies of the ruthless Austrian persecutions during the past three years of war. In July the imprisoned Slav leaders were released and the movement gained fresh impetus. Unmoved by this act of the young Emperor Charles “the Sudden,” intended no doubt to appease them, the Slavs continued in their opposition. The released Young Czech leader, Dr. Kramář, entered Prague like a triumphant sovereign, hailed as the leader of the whole nation. In October the leadership of the Czech Socialist Party was transferred from the Opportunist Šmeral to Deputy Habermann. During peace negotiations with Russia ​Czechs and Jugoslavs protested in vain, demanding representation at these negotiations. Following upon the decree of the French Republic with regard to the formation of an autonomous Czecho-Slovak army in France, a great Constituent Assembly of all Czech Deputies was held in Prague on 6 January, at which the Czecho-Slovak national programme of full independence was again emphasised in a resolution which, in Dr. Seidler’s words, was conceived in a spirit absolutely hostile to Austria, and which did not contain even a distant echo of dynastic or State allegiance. In February four Czech parties were amalgamated into one party, called the “Czech Independence Democracy,” under the leadership of Dr. Kramář. Two months later Klofáč’s party, which was hitherto a radical nationalist party, officially accepted international socialism and changed its name from “National Social” to “the Czech Socialist Party,” thereby preparing the final amalgamation with the Social Democrats. Thus, party politics are being simplified and the internal unity of the nation strengthened.
On 2 April Count Czernin delivered the famous speech which brought about his downfall, and in which he fiercely denounced the Czech leaders, accused them of high treason, and called them “Masaryks.” At the same time he alleged that the Czech people as a whole were loyal to Austria. The Czech leaders did not refute his first charge of high treason and identity of views with Masaryk. Indeed, the Lidové Noviny openly declared: “We are proud to be called traitors.” But they vehemently protested against the second allegation; and in order to prove that the whole Czecho-Slovak nation unanimously stands behind its leaders in their struggle for independence they summoned a large Assembly to Prague for 13 April, at which some 6,000 delegates and representatives of all parties and classes participated. The Assembly took unanimously a solemn oath declaring that the whole nation will hold on until the victory of Right over Might. The Assembly also confirmed Czech solidarity with the Jugoslavs, who sent their delegates to Prague for that occasion.
Immediately afterwards Czernin resigned. The grip of Prussia on Austria was tightened. “Strong men” were again installed in Vienna and Budapest, the Reichsrat was adjourned until June, and Bohemia was threatened with partition by arbitrary Imperial decrees. Undismayed, the Czechs continued on their chosen path. On 1 May demonstrations were held all over Bohemia which were not only of a social, but pre-eminently of a national character. Furthermore, the Rome Conference of Oppressed Nationalities had a direct repercussion in Central Europe, since it enabled the Czechs to organise a similar Congress in Prague on 16 May on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the opening of the National Theatre. The Slovenes alone sent over 100 delegates to that festival, including Deputies Ravničar, Ribář, and Dr. Pogačnik. There were delegates of the Croatian Starčević Party, as well as the Jugoslav leaders, Count Vojnović, S. Radić, and Mr. Hribar; Serbian dissidents like Dr. Budisavljević, Pribičević, and Šunarvić; Mr. Šola from Bosnia; and the Mayor of Zagreb, Dr. Srpulje. There were seventeen Italians, with the Deputy Signor Conci at their head. The Roumanians from Transylvania ​and Bukovina likewise sent their delegates, and the spokesman of the Slovaks of Hungary was the poet Hviezdoslav. About sixty Poles took part in the manifestation, mostly from Galicia, three from Silesia, and one from Posen. The Galician delegation included the ex-Minister, Deputy Glombiński; Count Dr. A. Skarbek; Deputies Tetmajer and Witoš; the Socialist leader, Moraczewski, whose father took part in the Panslav Congress of Prague in 1848; and many others. The Russians and the Lusatian Sorbs, although invited, could not come owing to the prohibition of the Austrian Government. During the manifestations, Dr. Kramář declared: “We have suffered so much that no danger and no threats can turn us from the path we have entered upon. Happily we see that all that we want is also desired by the whole world. We see that we are not alone. To-day we greet here representatives of all nations who suffered as we did. Our victory is their victory, and their victory is ours.” Deputy Radić assured the Czechs of Jugoslav solidarity, and Deputy Moraczewski expressed the gratitude of the Poles for the warm welcome and sympathy extended to his countrymen in Prague, and for the proclamation of the watchword “For your liberty and ours.”
The most striking speech during the main celebrations in the Pantheon of the Bohemian Museum was that of the Italian Deputy Conci, who, amid loud cheers, assured the Czechs of Italian sympathy, and declared that Italians and Czechs are united by the same fate: by common oppression and by the struggle for independence.
On 17 May all the foreign delegates and representatives of all Czech parties passed a resolution which reads as follows:—
“The representatives of Slav and Latin nations who, for centuries past, have been suffering under foreign oppression, assembled in Prague, this seventeenth day of May, 1918, have united in a common desire to do all in their power in order to assure full liberty and independence to their respective nations after this terrible war. They are agreed that a better future of their nations will be founded and assured by the world democracy, by a real and sovereign national people’s government, and by a universal League of Nations, endowed with the necessary authority.
“They reject emphatically all steps of the Government taken without the consent of the peoples. They are convinced that the peace which they, together with all other democratic parties and nations are striving for, will only then be a just and lasting peace if it liberates the world from the predominance of one nation over another and thus enables all nations to defend themselves against aggressive imperialism by means of liberty and equality of nations. All nations represented are determined to help each other, since the victory of one is also the victory of the other, and is not only in the interests of the nations concerned but in the interests of civilisation, of fraternity and equality of nations and of true humanity.”
Awe-struck by this significant event, Vienna again began to resort to terrorism. According to the Dělnické Listy of 22 May, immediately after the manifestations, the Prague police issued and placarded all over the city an order saying that, owing to events of a treasonable character which recently occurred, all public meetings and processions were prohibited, as well as the wearing of the Slav tricolour. The National Theatre was ​threatened with being closed down, and the Národní Listy was suppressed as from 19 May because, “despite the warning of 14 February, 1918, this journal continued systematically to foster sympathies for the Entente, thereby working in favour of our enemies.” At the same time numerous arrests took place in Bohemia, and Dr. Kramář was expelled from Prague.
For how long will Austria be able to thus postpone her inevitable collapse?
V. Nosek.
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