# Transcribed Interview of Dustin Stockton/4:02pm

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​[4:02 p.m.]
    BY
Q I think you had mentioned—testified earlier that, during that conversation with Ms. Wren on January 5th, she said that she was going to give you and Ms. Lawrence some VIPs but no one else. How did you end up getting the VIP passes for the other VIPs associated with the Kremers?
A We actually never got the VIP passes. We ended up using these cheap paper wristbands as kind of a first attempt.
And then what we ended up doing is putting, I believe, Jennifer Halsey and—I believe it was Jennifer Halsey and maybe her daughter Katie. Anyway, Jennifer, who had a list of our people, was standing there at the VIP entrance, you know, "Yes, that's one of our people; you can let them through."
And so we kind of had to do an ad hoc system, because she never delivered—and, I mean, I could physically see them in the room. She had a big stack of them that she hadn't passed out. So we ended up having to do kind of, like, an ad hoc system to get people in.
Q And do you know who prepared the VIP list for the Kremers for January 6th?
A I think, at one point, I think it was Keri Morgan—a combination of Keri and Jen, my fiancee.
Q Did you ever review the VIP list?
A Yeah, I'm sure I did.
Q Do you recall seeing members of the Proud Boys on any versions of the Women for America First VIP list?
A I don't. I think that would've stood out to me.
I do remember at one point on the room list there was—like, we caught that ​there were a bunch of people. Like, there were some Alex Jones and Roger Stone people, like, on our VIP room block that we were like, how on Earth? And the assumption we came to was that Cindy had put them on our block at some time previously.
[Discussion off the record.]
The Witness. Oh, yeah, no, that there were definitely people who had been openly attacking us and unfriendly on our room list, like, on our room block at the Willard that needed to be removed.
    BY
Q Do you know how they got on that list?
A We assume it was Cindy Chafian, because, before, like, the breakup, if you will, she was the one handling, like, the communication with the Willard. So we're assuming that's where it came from.
Q Quickly, I wanted to go back to what you were saying about January 5th and there was an individual who represented themselves to be associated with NBC and then you learned that was not the case. Did you meet that person?
A I did, yes.
Q Did you get their name?
A No. So I—one of the red flags was that he refused to provide a card. Anyway, we do have pictures. Like, Jen has a picture from both the morning and, I think, the evening, like, confrontation that we had with him. And it's one of the things that we will continue to upload as we try to get a handle on all this.
Q And so you intend to produce the photos?
A Yes.
Can we get into that a little bit?
​Mr. Nass. Yeah, yeah.
The Witness. So, to be clear, like, what I've provided to this point is by no means exhaustive to what's responsive to the subpoena. I did have a family emergency with one of my daughters that caused us to drive across the country, like, right around Thanksgiving. And then we had some technical issues accessing the—like, I'm using a different phone now than I was before. So we had some technical difficulty, like, getting to that.
Our intention—and, frankly, we wrestled with how we were going to handle, like, our cooperation. Our intention is to cooperate with 100 percent transparency. And both Jen and I intend to continue to go through all the stuff and upload it.
There's a lot of it, right, because there's Facebook messages in some cases that are relevant. There's pictures and video and texts. And so we are—I want to make it clear that our intention is to quickly, without delay, as soon as we get done with this, to continue to upload things that—anything that would be responsive.
Mr. Nass. And I know we're on the record, but Kevin and Alejandra, you just should know—and I know you alluded to it earlier—there was a tremendous amount of information that was uploaded prior to him getting here with me. I believe this is actually it in print form.
The Witness. This is a lot of it. I also, because—I wanted to make sure that there was a good-faith effort seen, with all of the things that have played out in the press and otherwise. So, despite my reservations, like, I took—I uploaded a file that I got from Google that's all of my emails, like, personal included, that I didn't necessarily sort from the time period listed, that I just turned over ad hoc. My hope is that any, like, of the donor information that might be included would be handled with—
Mr. Nass. In confidence.
​The Witness. —courtesy.
Yeah, we appreciate that. And we are planning to address some of the nuts and bolts of the production thus far. At least, we can handle a lot of that off the record, not as part of the deposition.
The Witness. Sure.
We do want to ask just a couple of questions, just sort of, like, what kinds of categories of information we might be expecting moving forward.
The Witness. Sure.
Before we get there, though, let's make sure that we've covered whatever substantive questions we might still have about your testimony today.
Do you have any other followups?
Can we take a couple minutes?
Yeah. Sure. Is that—
The Witness. I wouldn't mind a smoke break.
Why don't we take—how long do you need?
The Witness. Like, 5 minutes.
Yeah, let's give it 10 minutes, and let's get back here maybe at 4:20.
Off the record.
[Recess.]
All right. Let's go back on the record.
    BY
Q Mr. Stockton, we really only just have a handful of things left to talk about, so I don't expect that we're going to keep you here much longer today.
One of the print publications that you gave an interview to or commented on, I think you indicated that you had been interviewed by law enforcement following January ​6th. Can you tell us about that?
A Yeah. So in I believe it was February, February or March, I got a call from the local FBI field office in Reno that started very generically. They said, "Ah, you know, we have reports that you were in D.C. on January 6th." And I kind of chuckled and I said, you know, "I assume or I hope that you're aware that, like, I was an organizer of these events and was intimately involved in them." I probably spoke to him for maybe 10 or 15 minutes.
Q Was that the full—was that the only time that you had a conversation with law enforcement?
A That is the extent of my conversations about January 6th with law enforcement.
Q Okay. And what questions was the FBI agent asking you?
A Essentially, primarily whether I was at the Capitol, whether I ever went to the Capitol, what my movements on that day were.
Q And it's my understanding from what you've said today and also other interviews, you did not go to the Capitol on January 6th.
A Nah. I went from the Ellipse to the Willard, and then I went to sleep. And the farthest I got outside the Willard was, like, right outside to smoke a cigarette a couple times.
Q So did the FBI agent ask you about other people or use any other names of other individuals during this conversation?
A Not that I recall. It was very generic. It seemed like they were—they represented that they were just going through the tip line. They also sounded frustrated, like, that they had been making lots of calls. They did not appear to be aware that, like, I had a different level of involvement, like, as far as, like, all the stuff ​we've been discussing.
Q Understood.
So one other thing I want to ask you about, regarding public source information. In that first Rolling Stone article we started on this morning, Hunter Walker wrote that he had spoken to sources who claimed, quote, "to have been concerned about drawing people to the area directly adjacent to the Capitol on January 6th, given the anger among Trump supporters about the electoral certification that was underway that day," end of quote.
Were you one of these people who had that specific concern?
A I don't know if he's referring to me specifically there. I definitely did have concern before—and as soon as—one of the first things I thought when I heard Trump say, walk down there, was that they weren't set up for that.
Q And the concern about not being set up for that, did that relate to people being—
A Yeah. If you're going to direct a bunch of people to go somewhere that are, frankly, like—there's all this tension and anger and bad element, right? Like, I'd say 99 percent of the people who were there are good, decent people, right, but there were elements that were troublemakers. And that's manageable if you do things to manage it, and I knew that none of that was in place.
Q In terms of elements or bad elements, I think you may be aware that there's a group of people associated with the Oath Keepers who have been charged for conduct on the Capitol that day. Are you aware of that?
A I am aware of that, yes.
Q On January 5th and 6th, in that timeframe, did you have any interactions with Oath Keepers or people who were associated with the Oath Keepers?
​A Yes.
So, during the January 5th rally, it was the only time that I had personal protection. So I had two guys assigned to my personal security detail for the day.
Zach Rugen, one of the RMS guys, had tried to come over during, I believe, the prayer portion of the, what I call the appeasement rally. And some—I believe they were Oath Keepers, like, some tac'ed-up guys, like, had given him a hard time about getting—I had to come over.
And, even still, like, because he didn't have a credential or whatever—like, even the guy, like, one of the senior guys on the real security team, like, was prevented from coming in for a bit until I went and got him a credential. So—
Q When you say you had personal security detail, was that from RMS?
A It was from RMS, yes.
Q When you were at the Ellipse, did you see people who were wearing tactical gear?
A Not in the—so, kind of on the outskirts, but I didn't really see anyone in the VIP in the tactical gear.
Q There's been public source information and reporting on Alex Jones and Ali Alexander purporting to lead a march down Pennsylvania Avenue from the Ellipse. Did you know that that was something that was being coordinated ahead of time?
A I did not. I knew that—my extent of what I saw was just the, like, public stuff that they had been promoting. There was a flier I remember specifically Matt Couch tweeted out, because he was friend of mine, and I remember confronting him about it specifically, that said, like, event at the Ellipse at 10:00 or 11:00 or whatever it was, and then, 2, 3 o'clock, right, event at the Capitol.
And I didn't even put it together, like, people moving from one to the other at that ​point. I just got on the phone with him and was like, "No, that's not going to happen."
I told David Jay Harris the same thing. Like, despite what you may have heard, like, we have the only permits in D.C. on the 6th. Like, there will be—I mean, I was adamant about it with lots of people that, like, no, because, frankly, it seemed impossible to me that that would happen.
Q And, unfortunately, I don't have an example here for you, but we have seen a graphic that sort of presents Freedom Plaza on January 5th, Ellipse the morning of January 6th, Capitol Grounds afternoon of January 6th in a single sort of—
A I believe that's the graphic I'm referring to.
Q But, if I understand you correctly, you seeing that thought what? That that was Ali Alexander trying to reshape things for his own purposes? Or what was your reaction to seeing that graphic?
A My reaction was that Ali was violating—was already—because this was, like, within a day or two of us first, like—first reluctantly agreeing to help them do the January 5th thing, to, like, this guy is already violating, like, the agreement that we put together. And so my assumption is, it was just him going rogue.
I've since come to think that I may have been wrong about that. But, at the time, my assumption was that it was just him continuing to be uncontrollable and the same kind of crap we'd been dealing with with him throughout the whole process.
Q Because—and, just to clarify, you've been—when we talk about the appeasement rally, in your words, your shorthand for it, if I understood you correctly, that appeasement was Ali Alexander and Alex Jones and Roger Stone and their circle agreeing to participate in a January 5th Freedom Plaza event so that the only January 6th event was the Ellipse event.
A Correct. I mean, that wasn't only it, right? It was to provide, not just ​them, but other people who had worked, make sure that they also—like the pastors—would have a platform to, like, give the speeches and do the programs that they wanted to. We wanted to make sure that—or, like, the MAGA rapper guys, right, that they'd have a stage to perform on so that they would get the content that they wanted, as a show of appreciation for the work they had put in.
Q Okay.
    BY
Q Did you or the Kremers ever confront Ali Alexander about his representation or the graphics he was putting out there that seemed to tie the event on January 5th through January 6th and that it would start on the Ellipse and end up at the Capitol?
A I don't believe we ever confronted Ali directly. I actually don't think, outside of that really short interaction between when the pastors handed the stage over to Ali on January 5th, that any of us had any contact, outside of that text thread with Cindy and Pastor Brian, where we—right, that was for the purpose of January 5th.
Q You mentioned a bit ago that you've since come to believe that you might have been wrong about Ali Alexander going rogue. Can you just explain what you mean that you might be wrong about that?
A So my assumption was that Ali was just blustering and that there was no way on God's green Earth that the White House of the United States of America would coordinate with somebody like Ali Alexander to do anything, much less something of the magnitude of, like, the crowd we had on January 6th.
Having watched everything since, and including the subpoenas that were issued after his deposition, reading between the lines, I kind of think now that he probably was communicating with people at the White House.
And I think that it kind of pieced together—like, Alex Jones has talked a lot about ​Secret Service coming to get him early, which I remember being Caroline Wren and Cindy Chafian, like, pulling that group, like, out of the VIP section a little early. I remember us, like, taking note of them leaving, like, as kind of odd.
And it really wasn't until, like, I saw the subpoenas afterwards that kind of led me to believe that Ali probably produced enough receipts to make that connection, like, to show that he really wasn't lying about that, which is, frankly, astonishing to me.
Q And when you're referring to subpoenas, do you mean subpoenas from the select committee?
A Yes. So I saw, the day after Ali testified, Ed Martin, who I saw several times with Ali, and then there was a list of others that kind of connected some dots, like, in my head that, yeah, he probably actually was—right, that there probably was White House involvement.
It's also led me to question whether Kylie, like, had kept that information from me too. Like, I don't know where, necessarily, the breakdown in communication happened. Because, like, you brought up some of the public things I've said to the media where I—and thank God I told David the day before, right, so that I was on the record the day before, and I've been consistent about it.
But it makes me look out of touch and foolish that I thought everyone was staying at the Ellipse unless there was, like, these unlikely contingencies of, like, the Supreme Court weighing in somehow; that I was so out of the loop on what was really being put together.
Q Would you group Alex Jones with Ali Alexander as for January 6th and who could've potentially been having other conversations? Would Alex Jones be in that category too?
A From the conversation I had with Alex Jones on the night, like, January ​4th-January 5th that I described earlier and then what I've watched since, I believe, for as ridiculous as he is sometimes, I think Alex Jones was kind of duped into his role of stuff. I don't think that he—and this is just me talking about—like, having processed post-everything and then during, I don't think Alex Jones intended causing the violence or doing the violence. I think he was more being set up to be used as, like, a patsy.
    BY
Q But you I think said that you have heard Alex Jones say he was taken out of the Ellipse by Secret Service—
A Yes.
Q —but you witnessed Caroline Wren and Cindy Chafian come and gather him to leave the Ellipse early.
A I do remember it being Cindy and Caroline who pulled him and Alex and, like, a couple of people with them, like, out of the VIP.
    BY
Q And what about Roger Stone?
A Roger—so I don't remember seeing Roger at all on January 6th. I remember seeing him on the 5th, but I don't remember seeing him at all on the 6th.
Q Did you have any involvement in what has been coined or has been referenced in the press with the "war room" at the Willard?
A So there were several war rooms. So Women for America First, we had our suite. Rudy Giuliani and John Eastman had a suite that I visited briefly a couple times. The Chafian/1AP had a suite on a different floor. I think Flynn had a suite on a different floor. So there were big suites in several places, and, at one point or another, I was in probably all of them.
I remember, I mentioned, when I had to ask Cindy on January 5th to allow the ​buses in, I remember walking into that room and thinking that it had a very military feel, right? There were maps and people on computers, right, like, and it had a very different feel.
I didn't go into the Rudy suite until afterwards, and that felt very—it felt like walking into an investigation room. Like, they had a place set up where they were interviewing people. And they kind of had, like, a big table with papers spread everywhere. It seemed like they were trying to get to the bottom of, like, what happened post-January 6th.
    BY
Q So, yeah, when you say you went to Giuliani suite after everything, you mean—
A After January 6th.
Q Okay. You didn't go into that suite before the insurrection had already happened.
A No.
And the one time that I spoke with Bannon briefly was the 4th or the 5th. Late at night on the 4th or the 5th, I was outside smoking. And Boris Epshteyn had come out, looking very unhappy. And then Steve had followed him out. And it looked like they had had, like, some kind of—like, some kind of conversation that Boris wasn't happy with.
But, yeah, beforehand, I was never in until afterwards, when Giuliani was doing the, kind of, like, post-game investigation-type stuff.
Q What led you to go to the Giuliani suite?
A Millie Weaver, who was super-helpful to me through all this, and Patrick Bergy and, to a lesser extent, Funes, had been, and I can't remember her real name, TOR ​(ph)—a bunch of people that I had been interacting with were involved in that. And I provided them some Facebook messages between me and James Sullivan, because the John Sullivan/Jayden X footage would play—was very disturbing.
Q And are you referring to the footage of Ashli Babbit being shot?
A All—so he accidentally uploaded all his raw footage to YouTube, and it was for a short time available. And all of that available—like, it's mostly been banned, but you can still get it on BitChute and a couple other places. But that raw footage, it's hard to square what's in it.
Q What do you mean, "it's hard to square what's in it"?
A I mean, it just—the—there were lots of things about it.
And then my interactions with James Sullivan, which were troubling, to say the least. He had reached out by Facebook demanding we give him our stage for a portion of the rallies. And, anyway, it was not a friendly-type deal. He had threatened to like, label us racists if we didn't cave to his demands. He had intimated that Robert Mercer was the one funding him, thinking that—I think he thought that that would have persuasion over me because of my long-term relationship there.
So that it was his brother who was kind of on the front lines of—right? You can see John Sullivan clearly egging people on. When him and the other girl make it to the Rotunda, they're talking about, "This could be the best video ever," the Ashli Babbit video. The speed of which that video got into the hands of the news media, I mean—and it plays into the worst of the conspiracy theory stuff of people like me and people around me.
Q I'm still not sure exactly what you mean by that, the concern about saying it was hard to square that footage. Against what? Like, in what way did that footage skew against what you understood to be the truth?
​Well, so the raw and complete video, have you watched it?
Q No.
A I mean, it's not something I think is appropriate or helpful for me to comment on, because it's not something I have firsthand knowledge of, but it should be a centerpiece of any investigation.
Q Well, I guess I'm just trying to understand, in which direction is it skewing? Is it skewing towards this makes the President's supporters look very bad in the face of what's happening? Or does it support the notions of—you know, there's been suppositions of false flag operations.
I'm just asking you, in your opinion, when you say it's hard to square that footage, I don't know what you mean.
A So what's clear is that there were paramilitary groups who were directing the crowd and instigating a lot of the violence that day. In the videos I've watched, they wear orange, right, there's identifiable markings.
From my time working undercover in some of these anarchist groups, like, globally, I've been exposed to tactically how they use flags to direct and communicate in large crowds of these type. I can see those things in the footage that I've watched of the Capitol since.
And my sincere hope is that—I don't know if—I honestly don't know if they're foreign actors or—but it's clear to me that there was a well-funded, well-paid group of probably 50ish who were intent specifically on causing violence and chaos that day. And they were aided and abetted by a bunch of assholes from the Proud Boys and some of these other groups.
But it's clear to me that there is—that there was a paramilitary group that was well-trained at moving a crowd. And it wouldn't take a lot of people to kind of—to ​steer that, especially in the absence of the kind of security procedures that we used at every other event.
So, one of the hard things for me is that: We called all these people to D.C. and to our rallies around the country. We stopped a Molotov cocktail attack at an event in Nashville. We stopped several attacks that were happening. We provided universally safe times for people during the official events, like, the times we were responsible for. I'm very proud of that. I was given no control or no say over just one thing that happened in D.C. in this time period we're talking about, and it's the Capitol on January 6th. And it hurt a lot of people. And it's been really terrible.
Q Yeah. And I can tell—I get the sense of your emotion in that.
How do we square what you've just said about the sense of a well-funded operation to sow chaos against the concerns about the followers of—the rhetoric being used by Ali Alexander and Alex Jones as creating opportunities for violence? Are those in parallel with each other, or are they two different things?
A I've described it like this: I believe they ran headfirst into a trap. That, because of their lack of organizing, right,—and when I get to that they weren't capable of handling an event of that magnitude, that's what I'm getting at.
I think that they took the rowdiest elements; they ran them directly into this, like, group that wanted to sow chaos and create doubt in our American system, tarnish all the rest of us. I don't know exactly what the motivations are. But I believe they ran the worst and most aggressive elements within, like, the people who had came, and I think they ran them directly into a trap to cause these fights with the Capitol Police and sow this chaos.
One of the, like, big things for me coming forward with this, I feel like the people, the overwhelming majority of people, who showed up to all these different things and ​never did any violence, never caused any problems for anybody, I think it's important that their voices be represented.
And I can't—I can't say specifically. Like, this is just me theorizing based on the information I've taken in. But I believe somebody recognized that these people were kind of running the most angry, toxic elements of, like, who the crowd would be, and they steered them towards the Capitol, where professionals were prepared to, like, lead them into all the violence that occurred.
    BY
Q So I just want to be clear, though. You didn't go to the Capitol on the 6th?
A I did not go.
Q And you weren't talking to Ali Alexander on the 6th about where to go, what to do, where to lead people?
A No, not at all.
Q Okay. And you didn't have any involvement or conversations with any sort of organized groups to go to the Capitol on the 6th?
A Absolutely not, no.
Q I'm not sure I caught this if you answered the question, so, pardon me, I want to ask it again. Why was it that you went to Mr. Giuliani's and Mr. Eastman's suite at the Willard, I think it was post-January 6th?
A Millie Weaver—I believe it was Millie, but somebody in Millie's group had reached out to me and said that they were doing interviews about what had happened and that they wanted to see if I'd be willing to share the conversations I had had with James Sullivan leading up to it.
Q So, when you went to Mr. Giuliani and Mr. Eastman's suite, it didn't have anything to do with, like, their election fraud litigation?
​A Nah, nah, nah. This is after the 6th, like, the 7th or the 8th. And I was there for maybe 10 minutes. I pulled up the Facebook chats with James Sullivan. And then Millie ended up using those in the documentary she created that was—that I recognize as being largely filmed from that suite.
Q And I believe you mentioned that you understood that Mr. Flynn also had a suite at the Willard?
A I think so, yes.
Q Did you go to that suite at any point?
A I think—I don't—I can't recall if I went to that suite. I had a—because of the morning of December 12th, I'd kind of had a contentious relationship with Flynn. I'd also had a somewhat confrontational relationship with Patrick Byrne, who I also associate as, like, that group.
And I may have at one point—at one point, I sat down with Byrne, and Flynn kind of stopped by. I don't remember exactly where we were when it happened. It may have been at the Trump; it may have been at the Willard.
Q When you testified earlier that, I don't know if it was one or multiple of these war rooms at the Willard had a military feel, which rooms were you describing specifically?
A Specifically, the Cindy Chafian and 1AP room.
Q Okay. And what do you recall seeing in that room that gave you that feel?
A Like, the maps on the wall. I think there were—there was, like, I want to say it was maps, but there was definitely, like, paper up on the wall and, like, what looked like military-type comms with people on the computers, right, and earpiece—right? Just walkie-talkie-charging-stations-type stuff.
That—and I'm not sure that's exactly—right? Like, I was only in there briefly, ​and I was really not happy about having to go ask Cindy for help at that point. But I do remember being like, wow, that feels a lot different than, like, our room, which was much more laid-back.
Q Were you aware of any war rooms at the Willard where plans were being discussed for what was going to take place on January 6th?
A The only—I wasn't. The only sense I got of it was that late night—and it was really late, like, maybe 1, 2 o'clock in the morning, where I saw Boris Epshteyn and Bannon come out, like, subsequently, like, within a close proximity of each other.
    BY
Q I think you said you thought that might have been January 4th or 5th?
A Yeah.
Q Did you talk to Boris about why he was upset?
A No. He just—I mean, he literally stormed off. And then Steve came out, saw me. We said hi. He gave me a big hug. He told me he loved me and asked if we were having fun, like, we had fun on the bus tours, and then left.
    BY
Q Do you know whether Mr. Bannon or Boris had their own so-called war room at the Willard?
A I saw both—well, not both. I saw Boris several times at the Willard. I saw him pretty frequently. And I also saw Peter Navarro several times. Like, we crossed paths in the lobby. So I assumed that they were doing something somewhere in the Willard.
Q And is it your understanding Mr. Navarro might have been meeting with Boris at the Willard?
A My assumption was that there was, like, a senior group, right? Because, I ​mean, the Willard was kind of, like, the central hub for everybody who was doing anything. And so, seeing Boris and seeing Peter, I would guess that they would be—from my experience in the past, like, that they would be on the same kind of, like, level, organizing level.
Q And did you see Mr. Bannon several times at the Willard, too, or just that one time?
A Just that one time.
Q Okay.
A Although I believe Jen also bumped into him at one point on the elevator.
Q Do you recall seeing—
A But Jen bumped into him after the 6th—I just remembered this—because he had told her that there was a rumor that Jen was Ashli Babbitt, like, that Jen was the one that had gotten shot in the Capitol.
Q Do you recall seeing any members of the Trump White House at the Willard in January when you were there?
A Not at the Willard. I bumped into Mike Pompeo in the Trump lobby at one point, we exchanged short pleasantries. But, yeah, no, I don't remember seeing anybody from, like, the official White House staff at the Willard.
Q And so you saw Mr. Pompeo at the Trump Hotel in D.C.?
A Yes, correct.
Q Do you recall approximately the date?
A December 11th, I think. It was right before the December 12th rally.
    BY
Q January 5th or 6th, did you go to any meetings at the Trump Hotel?
A No.
​Q So all of these hotel room suite interactions that we've been discussing during this timeframe, those only took place at the Willard?
A Correct.
Q All right.
I think at this point we just want to cover a couple things about the document production, recognizing that you're going to continue to produce documents to us, but specifically just inquire about whether you have certain kinds of communications.
A Sure.
Q As of this morning, you had produced about 13 text message conversations. Then, shortly before the deposition, I think there were maybe 36 PDFs that got uploaded. We obviously haven't had a chance to review those, because those came in, I think, less than an hour before we were going to meet with you this morning. And then also a download of your personal account.
So what I want to ask is whether just you have had certain kinds of communications, and then you can let us know if it's within what you have produced or if you still need to produce it.
A Sure.
Q So have you had written communications with the Trump White House regarding the subjects covered by the subpoena?
A Not—not directly, to my knowledge.
Q Okay.
A The cell phone that I was using during that period is broken and in my RV in storage, and I have to go retrieve it. So I'd want to double-check that I wasn't on a thread with Amy. so I don't want to completely rule it out, but, to my knowledge, there is not.
​Q Members of the Trump family?
A No, not with me at all.
Q All right.
Now, did you have written communications with Members of Congress?
A Yes.
Q Okay. Who were you having those written communications with?
A I am almost certain—part of the problem here is sometimes I conflate Jen and I as one unit.
Q Right. I understand. We're asking specifically you.
A I think I have some messages between me and Dr. Gosar. It could be in Jen's; it could be in mine. I'm not 100 percent sure.
I definitely have communications with Congressman Good's staff about, like, some of the speaking role stuff. That might be the only one on my phone, because I didn't usually handle that.
Q Okay. And have you produced those in what has been given to us so far?
A I don't think so, no.
Q Okay.
A Because I need to retrieve that phone. All I've been—so these, to be clear, are just what I was able to get from my computer, like, my iMessage off my computer. So it doesn't include all of the SMS texts.
Q And when you say "this," just for the record, you're referring to a, sort of, accordion folio of documents that you've brought with you today.
Are the documents within that the same as the documents you've already uploaded?
A Yes.
​Q Okay. So there's nothing in that folio that we don't have digitally.
A Correct. I made sure—that's why, this morning, it was somewhat—I was—after I upload stuff, I can't see what I've already put in. So, this morning, after consulting with Josh, he told me, when in doubt, resend it. So, this morning, before we came in, I just took every file that I—because I've been trying to go through and collect it all and send it in.
And then, on the email stuff, we decided that, even though we didn't have an opportunity to, like, separate what was relevant and unrelevant, it was better to just send the whole file from Google over to you guys.
Q So, just so we know when reviewing the email file, are there email communications with Members of Congress or their staff?
A I don't believe so. It might be splitting hairs, but there may be communications based on the Rally Congress stuff that—like, I facilitated something like 120,000 messages back and forth. People will send me the messages they get back in correspondence. I haven't been able to review it. That stuff happened really quick, so I'm not completely sure. But nothing that would be, like, direct, like, as far as organizing or even logistically, to my knowledge.
Q So the Rolling Stone article from October refers to the author having reviewed communications from January 6th with Congressman Gosar and Congresswoman Boebert. Did you have written communications with those Members on January 6th?
A I think he's talking about pictures. Because we do have pictures, lots and lots of pictures, with Members of Congress throughout this whole process.
Q Were you using, in addition to your phone to send text message, alternative messaging platforms like Telegram, Signal, WhatsApp?
​A Yes. So there were Facebook messages that I haven't had an oppor-—I actually was trying to figure out how to download in order to upload. So I do have Facebook communications.
I was using Signal. I need the old phone to be—like, I have to figure out how to pull those off the old broken phone. Like, the screen's all busted up on it. So I have to—because Signal, the new version, I can't go back unless I get that phone. So I have to figure out how to get that done.
Q Do you have any written communications with Ali Alexander?
A There are some of the text messages from early on that I believe I provided. There may be some in the email as well. But that would be the extent of it.
Q And did you delete any text messages or emails that would have been responsive if you still had them in your possession?
A Nah. Because of the We Build the Wall stuff, I have been—I've subsequently—like, in the media aftermath, I started getting letters from Apple, iCloud, Google, Facebook, Dropbox—there was, like, eight of them—that they had turned over access to all of my personal communications basically since January 2019.
So I've been working under the assumption that, if I delete something, it doesn't matter anyway; the records are out there. So, no, I haven't deleted anything.
    BY
Q Did you only use one phone number during the period covered by the subpoena?
A Yes.
Q And I apologize I did not ask this question earlier. I just wanted to follow up. With respect to the Willard, when you were there in January, around the 4th, 5th, or 6th, did you ever see any Members of Congress there?
​A I do believe I saw Lauren Boebert there. I can check my pictures too. Like, we took a lot of pictures with people in the Willard. I want to make sure I'm accurate before I say one way or the other. I assume we did, but I'd want to go back and look to make sure I'm being correct on that.
Q And why do you say you assume you saw Ms. Boebert at the Willard?
A Well, we saw lots of people. Like, the Willard really was, like, the main hub of people. She had spoken, she had given a very passionate speech at the Supreme Court, like, on December 12th. And I can't remember but I think we may have even taken a picture with her. But that's why I'd want to go through my pictures to check.
Q But, in January 2021, do you recall seeing Ms. Boebert or any other—
A That's what I'm saying. Before the Ellipse rally—
Q Okay.
A —the picture we showed Hunter of us with Congresswoman Boebert may have been, like, in the Willard lobby. I'm not—I'd have to go back. I don't remember for sure.
Q That's fine. If you could just send those photos.
A And we're going to produce the pictures, too, by the way, so—
Q Great.
Okay. That's it for me.
All right. Well, Mr. Stockton, we appreciate all the time today.
Just to make clear for the record, obviously you know from the subpoena, the production of documents originally required production December 6th. We did—I will say, I'm sorry. Dealing with a family emergency, particularly with a child, around the holidays, I'm sorry you had to deal with that, and I hope everything is okay.
You know, the discussion that we had previously was to extend that deadline. ​Obviously, we know that you gave us some documents last Friday, December 10th, and then continued to upload documents on a rolling basis. Obviously, it's our hope that we can receive the full production as soon as possible from you so that we're not continuing on a piecemeal rolling basis.
But, also, because of the ongoing, you know, production of documents, we're not in a position to technically close the record of the deposition. So what we're going to do is, we're going to hold open the deposition and essentially stand in recess and reserve the right to bring you back to talk about information that may come out from the additional production of documents. Obviously, we'll have those conversations through your counsel to schedule an agreeable time for that, but—
The Witness. And hopefully we could maybe do that virtually without coming all the way back. I don't know if that's a possibility or not, but my resources are incredibly strained, so making trips out here is incredibly difficult.
The hardest part is going to be retrieving that phone and then figuring out how to get, like, what's on the phone I was using at the time off.
Other than that, though, as soon as we get settled—like, we fly back on Thursday—we will make complete production according to the subpoena a top priority.
Well, thank you. I appreciate that. We'll obviously work through the nuts and bolts as best we can on how to move forward. But I just did want to make clear for the record that, although we are wrapping up right now, we're just going to hold the deposition in recess.
The Witness. Understood.
All right.
Well, I think, with that, we can go off the record.
[Whereupon, at 5:10 p.m., the deposition was recessed.]
Certificate of Deponent/Interviewee
I have read the foregoing ___ pages, which contain the correct transcript of the answers made by me to the questions therein recorded.
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