# The War with Mexico/Volume 1/Notes On Chapter 20

XX. BUENA VISTA
1. Many of the Mexicans marched nearly forty-five miles in less than twenty-four hours. See Stevens, Camps., 18.
2. The statements regarding the time of day differ, but the account of the text appears to rest upon the most reliable evidence. See Wallace, Wallace, 40. Taylor's verbal reply to the summons of Santa Anna is said to have been more forcible than elegant, but a courteous answer in writing was sent by Bliss.
3. Several officers seem to have noted the advantages of this battlefield, but Wool recommended it near the end of December and is entitled to the credit of the choice. The author visited the ground twice, and found that a good route for infantry and cavalry ran from La Encantada behind the hills west of Buena Vista valley, and entered this valley north of La Angostura. Apparently it could have been made practicable for cannon easily, and could have been used effectively. by either general for a feint at least. Engineer Mansfield had a picket guard it during the afternoon and night of February 22.
4. This space was to be closed, if necessary, with two wagons loaded with stone. The parapet was occupied by two companies of the First Illinois under Lieut. Col. Weatherford. The main American position was over-manned. S. Anna could not have carried it against Washington's guns and infantry flanking fire from the edge of the plateau, and men were urgently needed for the American left.
5. 330The American forces in action at Buena Vista were as follows: Dragoons under Bvt. Lieut. Col. May (First, 133; Second, 76), 209; Third Artillery (Co. C under Capt. Bragg, three guns — the fourth being at Saltillo; Co. E under Capt. Sherman, four guns), 150; Fourth Artillery, Capt. Washington, eight guns, 117; Arkansas horse, Col. Yell, 479; First Kentucky (two squadrons of cavalry and a battalion of mounted riflemen), Col. Marshall, 330; Second Kentucky, Col. McKee, 571; First Mississippi, Col. Davis, 368; Indiana Brigade (Second regt. under Col. Bowles and Third under Col. Lane), Gen. Lane, 1253, including a rifle battalion of ​four companies under Major Gorman; First Illinois, Col. Hardin, 580; Second Illinois, Col. Bissell, 573; Texas volunteer company (attached to Second Illinois), Capt. Conner, 61; Major McCulloch's Texan scouts, 27. The figures include officers and men. The general staff numbered forty-one. Three hundred and sixty-four of the men were on the sick list. A company of the First Artillery, a few men of the Third Artillery, two Mississippi companies and four Illinois companies were at Saltillo. All except the dragoons and artillery were volunteers. Only the artillery, dragoons, Mississippi regiment, and Conner's company had been under fire, and some of these men were raw recruits; but Col. Davis and all the field officers of the Second Kentucky were West Pointers. Mostly Wool's men had been well trained. McCulloch's company probably served under May. All the corps not otherwise described were infantry. In the volunteer horse certain companies appear to have been regarded as true cavalry and certain others as only mounted infantry. A similar fact was noted in connection with the battle of Sacramento (p. 309).
6. Miñón issued from the Palomas de Adentro pass.
7. No satisfactory explanation of Taylor's trips to Saltillo was made. The city had been in greater danger of attack from Miñón while the Americans were eighteen miles away at Agua Nueva than after they retired. Taylor should have ascertained seasonably that Palomas Pass was practicable for cavalry, and have done whatever was necessary. Wool appears to have barricaded the streets of Saltillo before going to Agua Nueva (N. Y. Eve. Post, Jan. 4, 1849), and Butler began a redoubt, which seems to have been the only external defence. Taylor's escort were not needed as laborers. Major Warren, the governor of Saltillo, Capt. Webster of the First Artillery, who had charge of the redoubt, and First Lieut. Shover, of the Third Artillery, stationed not far away in the old camp, were competent officers; and the first two made no allusion in their reports to Taylor's visits, while the third only said that the General ordered him to watch Miñón, and, if attacked, defend his post to the last extremity — which were his obvious duties. There seems to have been no particular reason to anticipate a night attack. Taylor did not suggest this as a reason for going to the city. Especially is it surprising that he left his work at Saltillo, whatever it was, so incomplete on the morning of February 22 that he had to return in the evening. Santa Anna, after the exhausting march just made, could not be expected to strike decisively that day, whereas such an attack was almost certain to be made the next morning, and it was Taylor's duty to be on the ground at that time.
8. Events of Feb. 22; the battlefield. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 97-9 (Taylor); 98 (S. Anna); 144 (Wool); 163 (Marshall); 169 (Fry); 171 (Roane); 174 (Weatherford); 175 (Bissell); 181 (Gen. Lane); 186 (Col. Lane); 189 (Gorman); 197 (May); 203 (Sherman); 205 (Warren); 206 (Webster); 207 (Shover). Carleton, B. Vista, 5-9, 27-49, 177-86. González, Aguascalientes, 158. French, Two Wars, 77-8. Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit., xiv, 443. 190Ewing, diary. Raleigh Star, Aug. 18. 276Neville diary. Delia, Mar. 14, 1848. 69Wool to Taylor, Jan. 20. 147Chamberlain, diary. 148Id., recolls. 110Barbour, diary. Vedette, iv, no. 8 (Lee). 8Anon. diary. 61[Wool] to Jones, Jan. 17. 300Prickett, letters. Rápida Ojeada. Diario, Apr. 17. Matamoros Amer. Flag, Mar. 20. Republicano, May 3. 80Ampudia to gov. Méx. state, Oct. 10. Balbontín, Invasión, 71-3. Apuntes, 98-100. Taylor and his Generals, 166. 8. Anna, Apelación, 25-7. Eyewitness, Complete Hist., 55. Scribner, ​Camp., 62, note. Smith, Chile con Carne, 214-5. Smith, Remins., 37, 48. Picayune, Apr. 14 (Taylor); May 21; Sept. 7; Oct. 19; Dec. 3. Delta, July 11. Revue des Deux Mondes, Aug. 1, 413-4. Benham, Recolls. Nat. Intelligencer, Apr.7. Spirit of the Times, May 1. Napoleon, Maxims, p. 26. Wallace, Wallace, 40. Davis, J. Davis, i, 340. Profess' Memoirs corps of engineers, no. 31, p. 110. Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 145. Carreño, Jefes, ccxxxii. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1168 (Taylor). Stevens, Camps., 18. Encarnacion Prisoners, 34, 38-9. N. Y. Eve. Post, Jan. 4, 1849. Littell no. 155. Romero, Geog. and Stat. Notes. 76Reports of S. Anna, Uraga, Memontesdeoca, Zamara, Mig. Andrade, Guzman, Trejo, Juvera, Mora.
9. The data relating to the Mexican batteries, when collated, cannot be fully harmonized. E.g. Carleton puts the 24-pounders on the American left near the mountain, but from Mexican sources it seems clear that they remained near the road, and Wallace (Wallace, 50) says the same. Washington states that he was most of the time under the fire of heavy guns. Of course the Mexican left had to be protected, and it would have been very hard to move these clumsy iron pieces on the rough ground. Gen. Pérez stated after the battle that from lack of forage the draught animals had been too weak to draw the artillery up the hills.
10. Bowles was personally brave, but had been away much of the time and did not understand his work (65orders 281). His men keenly realized this (Perry, Indiana, 292), and hence went into the battle shaky. Lane knew how they felt (Scribner, Camp., 62); and apparently he should not have placed them far in advance and alone to meet overwhelming numbers. It should be added, however, that (1) he intended to give his personal attention to the regiment (Scribner, Camp., 62), and (2) the Mississippi Rifles (to whom a position had been assigned the previous evening) were expected to join the Second Indiana at an early hour (Barbour, diary). Had they not been absent with Taylor, one may fairly say, Bowles would not have given his fatal order, and the American flank would in all probability not have been turned; or, had the order been given, the Second Indiana would almost certainly have rallied upon the Mississippians, and the virtual loss of Marshall's troops would have been avoided. The gap created by the absence of the Mississippi regiment should have been filled by recalling McKee and Bragg from the west side as soon as the formation of Santa Anna's columns indicated where he intended to strike and by ordering the reserved artillery to the plateau. The cause of Bowles's order is not certain; but O'Brien's horses, when attached to the guns for the purpose of advancing, faced of course to the rear, and it seems probable that Bowles misunderstood this as a sign of withdrawal. The worst feature of his order was that he specified no place to stop.
Lieut. Col. Haddon of the Second Indiana stated in 1848 that the regiment was rallied on the south edge of a ravine, but was ordered by Taylor himself, who had then arrived, to cross to the other side of it, and, as a body of Mexicans charged it just then, it broke and ran (Perry, Indiana, 292). Certainly Taylor exhibited a peculiar resentment toward the regiment, opposed having the affair investigated (ibid., 163, 313) and endeavored to hush it up (ibid., 276). Other officers were doubtless as censurable as Bowles, but he was the most conspicuous delinquent and became the scapegoat.
11. The failure of this attack on Buena Vista was said by a Mexican officer to have been due to Gen. Andrade, who failed to coöperate, and ​prevented a large force of infantry from doing so (Republicano, May 3, 1847). Yell was a gallant but negligent officer. He did not know how to manoeuvre his men, and only a portion of them fought here (Niles, May 8, 1847, p. 157; Spirit of the Times, May 1). He was far in advance of them when he fell (Carleton, B. Vista, 93). American guns came up and also some dragoons, and helped complete the repulse of the enemy. The skirmish lasted only a few minutes.
What the Arkansas men lacked was not courage, but the discipline (and the resulting skill and confidence) against which they had protested while on the Chihuahua expedition (p. 274). Benham states that Marshall would not go back to the field though urged by Taylor personally to do so (Recolls.). All this resulted from a mistake of Wool's. He understood that the bench was an extremely valuable position, and should therefore have occupied it in advance, and thrown up a breastwork there, dismounting the volunteer cavalry, and placing them behind this and other works (Chamberlain). One part of the lancers ("cuirassiers") retreated; the other part crossed to the opposite side of the valley, and returned behind the hills (see note 3) to Santa Anna's position. On reappearing they were taken for Americans and caused great alarm (Balbontín, Invasión, 87). This suggests what the effect might have been had either Santa Anna or Taylor used this route for a feint or attack.
12. A bitterly contested question was whether Wool advised retreat during the battle. The truth appears to be that, as Benham fully explains, he advised preparing to retire, that Taylor gave an order accordingly to Washington, and that a zealous subaltern began to move; but that Taylor, almost instantly reflecting on the moral effect that a sign of retreat would have on the volunteers, countermanded the order. Wool would not have advised retreating from what he considered the best position, except in the case of absolute necessity.
13. Bragg now had three guns, for the one that had been under Lieut. Kilburn had rejoined him. It is worth mention that Bragg gives his ammunition expenditure, Feb. 23, as about 250 rounds per gun (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 202), an unparalleled record for muzzle-loading cannon.
14. The Americans looked upon this as a ruse of Santa Anna, designed to save the men in the recess of the mountain; but the Mexicans give the view of the text (e.g. Apuntes, 102), and a field officer (probably Col. Bissell), who went with Hardin and McKee to meet the Mexican officers, stated that they had no white flag (Littell, no. 155, p. 234). The fact that so much consideration was paid to their absurd question suggests that Taylor was not averse to a parley. Many of the Mexicans in the recess endeavored to escape by scaling the mountain (Carleton, B. Vista, 105).
15, As the Mexican artillery could not cross the long ravine, the Mexicans in the north field were almost predestined to fail, but had Santa Anna attacked the centre vigorously at this time with all his remaining forces, the American artillery would have had to stay on the plateau, and hence in that respect the two sides would have been equal in the north field. Santa Anna's critics charged that he simply threw his troops into the battle, and left them without guidance or support. Not knowing how much he was hampered by misconduct on the part of subordinates one must be cautious, but the criticism seems mainly just. He should have concentrated on the American left and centre, sending merely a small force to amuse Washington, and making feints on the west side of the ​road and from behind the western hills. Again, as we see from the Mexican reports, he gave too much attention to the details of the operations, and he was unable to adapt his plans to the quick manoeuvring of the American artillery. He attributed his defeat to Miñón's failing to attack Taylor's rear (Negrete, Invasión, ii, 378); but Miñón had not force enough to do this effectively, and such a duty had not been assigned to him (Balbontín, Invasión, 71). Giménez (Memorias) charged it to the want of subordination, precision and morale on the part of the officers and the effect of their criticisms of Santa Anna upon the soldiers.:
16. Benham (Recollections, 24) states that (as he learned from Mansfield) Chilton, Taylor's aide, told Mansfield that he carried this order, and was cautioned by Mansfield not to mention the fact. Wallace (Wallace, 47) says Chilton carried the order, and gives his language. Wool states that this final affair occurred under Taylor's eye and direction (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 149). W. A. Richardson, a captain in one of these regiments, and also Col. Bissell stated that the order emanated from Taylor (Charleston Courier, Jan. 20, 1854). Weatherford, who succeeded Hardin, gives the language of the order in his report. Lombardini, general-in-chief of the Mexican infantry, had been wounded, and hence Pérez, second in that command, took his place. It has been said that Santa Anna should have led the charge, but he stated that his old wound had reopened (76Feb. 23).
17. The redoubt at Saltillo commanded most of the approaches. It was held by Capt. Webster with two 24-pound howitzers, a company of the First Artillery, and an Illinois company. At the train and headquarters camp on the right of the redoubt Lieut. Shover had one of Bragg's 6-pounders and two Mississippi companies. The three remaining Illinois companies (two having been detached from each of the regiments) remained in the city. Miñón found that on account of the broken ground he could do nothing (Miñón in Delta, June 16, 1847), and soon retired. Shover pursued him for some distance with his gun, the Mississippians and a yelling crowd of stragglers and teamsters, followed by Lieut. Donaldson of Webster's company with one of the howitzers. It was believed that Miñón lost fifty or sixty men. Many Mexican irregulars gathered near Saltillo but they accomplished nothing.
18. Once, it was said, Col. McKee sent his adjutant to inform the General that he was surrounded, and to ask what should be done. With convincing energy Taylor replied, "Go and tell your Colonel that he has got them just where he wants them, and now is the time to give them Jesse"; upon which the adjutant, whose face had been a picture of despair, clapped spurs to his horse, rushed back and delivered the message at the top of his voice with a spirit that every soldier caught instantly. Whether the story is literally true or not, it doubtless represents the most important part played by Taylor, and this was invaluable. If Taylor made the remark, however, he doubtless used a stronger Biblical word than "Jesse." According to Gen. Chamberlain, instead of saying, "Give them a little more grape, Mr. Bragg," he exclaimed, "Double-shot your guns and give 'em hell!" Rev. Theodore Parker said (Sermon) that the following anecdote appeared to be "very well authenticated." Seeing McKee's regiment stagger, Taylor cried as if the men could hear him, "By God, this will not do; this is not the way for Kentuckians to behave." Then they rallied, and rising in his stirrups he shouted, "Hurrah for Old Kentuck! That's the way to do it. Give 'em hell, damn 'em!" There is ample reason to believe that such Taylor could be on the battlefield. ​19. The battle of Feb. 23. The reports of Taylor and his officers in Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 97-209. 267Reports of Miss. captains. Perry, Indiana, contains numerous letters. Carleton, Buena Vista, passim. Calderón, Rectif. Ceballos, Capftulos, 122-3. González, Aguascalientes, 159-60. Puga y Acal, Doc., 59. Rápida Ojeada, Segunda Parte, 9. Zarco, Historia, i, 259. French, Two Wars, 78-83. Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit., xiv, 443-4; xvii (Van Deusen). Neville, diary. Sierra, Evolution, i, 219. Delta, Mar. 14. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 291. Taylor, Letters (Bixby), 182. 69Wool to Taylor, Mar. 30. 147Chamberlain, diary. 148Id., recolls. 69Bragg to [Bliss], Mar. 5. 190Ewing, diary. Davis, Recolls., 212-8. Dix, Speeches, i, 210. 330Taylor to brother, Mar. 27; Apr. 25; Sept. — . Raleigh Star, Apr. 28; July 21; Aug. 18. Charleston Mercury, Apr. 8. Rowland, Register, 407, 410-12. Ills. State Hist. Soc. Trans., 1904, pp. 49-50, 53-6; 1905, p. 209. 61Gorman, report, Mar. 2. 61O'Brien court of inquiry. 61Gen. Lane, statement, May 19, 1849. 65Gen. Lane court of inquiry. 65Bowles court of inquiry. Eyewitness, Complete Hist., 63. 110Barbour, diary. Greensborough (N. C.) Morn. Post, Apr. 5, 1903 (O. R Smith). 8Anon. diary. 61[Wool] to Jones, Jan. 17. Madison Record, 1850 (Prickett). 300Prickett, letters. Sen. 32; 31,1 (Hughes). Zirckel, Tagebuch, 9. Appleton's Biog. Dict. (Taylor by J. Davis). Johnson, Thomas, 24. McCormack, Koerner, i, 499, 504-5. Parker, Sermon. 256Gen. Lane to Wool, May 20. 256Wool to Marcy, June 12. 277Taylor to Coombs, May 23. Wallace, Wallace, 44-51. Nebel and Kendall, The War Illustrated, 11-16. Semmes, Service, 120-2. Rápida Ojeada, i. 5Anaya, memoria, [Nov., 1847]. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 60-5. Id., Apelación, 28. Gamboa, Impug., 24-5. 185Bragg to Duncan, Apr. 4, 1847; Jan. 13, 1848. Kenly, Md. Vol., 264. Tampico Sentinel, Mar. 27. Diario, Apr. 16. Republicano, Mar. 24; Apr. 17; May 3; June 20. 80Ampudia to gov. Méx., Oct. 10. 208Herran to Acal, Mar. 6. Noticia hist. de todos los Cuerpos. 212Hastings, diary. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 33-5. Balbontin, Invasión, 80-8. Apuntes, 100-4. Taylor and his Generals, 166. Scribner, Campaign, 21, 59-71. Ordóñez, Refutación, i, ii. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 349. Grant, Memoirs, i, 138. Muro, Miscelánea, 75. Smith, Chile con Carne, 215-49. Smith, Reminiscences, 6, 50, 112. N. Orl. Picayune, Mar. 27; Apr. 14, 22; May 21; June 24. Delta, Apr. 4; May 30; June 6, 16; July 11. Tropic, Mar. 31. Upton, Milit. Policy, 209-10. Boletín de la Democracia, no. 11. Buhoup, Narrative, 120, 123. 210Bragg to Hammond, May 4; Dec. 20. 349Pattridge to Miss W., Aug. 25. Piatt, Thomas, 69. Quisenberry, Taylor, 34-5. Revue des Deux Mondes, Aug. 1, pp. 413-7. Benham, Recolls. Wash. Union, Apr. 6, 7; June 16; Aug. 25. Nat. Intelligencer, Apr. 7, 23; May 7, 21, 1847; Mar. 23, 1848. N. Y. Journ. of Commerce, Apr. 16. Monitor Repub., May 6, 16; Nov. 30. Spirit of the Times (H. von S.), May 1. Journ. of U.S. Artillery, July, 1892, p. 296; Oct., 1892, pp. 415-8. Halleck, Milit. Art, i, p. 415. Dodd, Davis, 87. Charleston Courier, Apr. 20, 1847; Jan. 20, 1854. N.Y. Eve. Post, Jan. 4, 1849. Ceremonies. 367Moore to Moore, Apr. 15. Davis, J. Davis, i, 341-50. Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 145. Carreño, Jefes, ecxxxiv-v. Niles, Apr. 3, p. 80; Apr. 10, pp. 83-4; Apr. 24, p. 117; May 8, p. 156. 92Accusacién del Gral. S. Anna. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1115, 1169, 1181. Dix, Dix, i, 210-3. Madigan, cat. no. 2, 1914 (Bragg). 210Alvord to Hammond, Feb. 24, 1848. Griepenkerl, Applied Tactics, 187. Ills. State Hist. Soc. Trans. ​ix, 50. South. Qtrly. Rev., Jan., 1851, 169-89. Littell, no. 155, pp. 233-5. 251Lowry, narrative. Albert Pike, poem. 76S. Anna, Feb. 23. 76Id. to Adame, Feb. 26. 76Mora, Mar. 31, res.
A German ex-officer under Taylor said the battle was won, in spite of an unexampled ignorance of all tactical rules on the part of field officers, by the lion-like courage of the soldiers of certain regiments assisted by other fortunate circumstances (Zirckel, Tagebuch, 9). W.H. L. Wallace, adjutant of First Illinois, wrote: "I've no doubt — inter nos — had it been just as convenient for us, as for Santa Anna, to vamos [i.e. retreat] we would have been off for Monterey"; but we knew Miñón was in our rear, and believed that larger Mexican forces had been sent toward Monterey, and that the mountains were full of irregulars (Wallace, Wallace, 51; see also Balbontin, Invasión, 84).
20. Killed, 265; wounded, 408 (Ho. 24; 31, 1). Missing, 6. The Mississippi regiment lost more heavily than any other — one out of 3.75 men (Carleton, B. Vista, 212).
21, Aside from pluck and patriotism Taylor had a good reason for not giving up. Had he been defeated, he would probably have been punished for disobeying orders in advancing so far (see Polk, Diary, March 23, 1847). (Querying) 173J. Davis, Address.
22. The greater part of the deserters appear to have gone to Agua Nueva (Balbontín, Invasión, 83), where they hoped to find provisions and water. Santa Anna should have had a guard on the road to check and reorganize these men. His policy of holding out expectations of booty reacted now, for many men left the ranks to rob the dead and wounded (Uraga in Monitor Repub., Nov. 30, 1847).
23. Balbontín (Invasión, 89) said that the troops felt confident of triumphing the next day, and therefore would not have deserted; but while this may have been true of the artillery (always 2 superior body) to which he belonged, it cannot have been true of the army in general. Thousands had deserted already.
24. The night of Feb. 23. Semmes, Service, 122. Ceballos, Capítulos, 122. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1115 (Taylor). 69Wool to Taylor, Mar. 30. Chamberlain, diary. Id., recolls. Barbour, diary. Prickett, letters. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 99, 137 (Taylor); 144 (Wool). Delta, June 16; July 11. Benham, Recolls. Rápida Ojeada, i, ii. Ordóñez, Refutación, i, ii. 5Anaya, Memoria. 185Bragg to Duncan, Apr. 4. Republicano, Mar. 24; May 3. Carleton, B. Vista, 125-31, 191. French, Two Wars, 81-2. Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit., xiv, 443-4. Ewing, diary. Dix, Speeches, i, 213. 330Memo. in Taylor's letters to his brother. 330Taylor to brother, Mar. 27. Nebel and Kendall, 13. 267Bradford to J. Davis, Mar. 2 Perry, Indiana, 178, etc. Polk, Diary, Mar. 23. Sierra, Evolution, ete., i, 219. Independiente, Apr. 10. Balbontín, Invasión, 83, 89, 90-1, 93, 100-1. Apuntes, 104-7. 118Berlandier, journal. S. Anna, Apelación, 29, 32, etc. Gamboa, Impug., 23-5. Scribner, Camp., 66. 52Black, Mar. 6. Picayune, Mar. 24 (Sold. de la Patria); Apr. 11. Monitor Repub., May 6; Nov. 30. Niles, Apr. 10, p. 83. N. Y. Eve. Post, Jan. 4, 1849. Ills. State Hist. Soc. Trans., ix, 50. 316Bragg to Sherman, Mar. 1, 1848. 76S. Anna, Feb. 23, 26, 27. 76Id. to Adame, Feb. 26. 76J. M. Aguirre, Jan. 27, 1848. Wallace, Wallace, 40.
The Kentucky horse and the guns (First Artillery) should have been ordered up from Rinconada Pass as soon as Taylor found there was to be a battle (Ripley, War with Mex., i, 437-8). They could have guarded La ​Angostura, and Washington's field pieces would have been invaluable on the plateau.
25. The Mexicans were not driven away by hunger. Statements from persons knowing the facts regarding the provisions available at Agua Nueva differ so radically that we can reach no precise conclusion on that point; but certainly there were enough to support the army more than two days, and then enable it to move. Whatever provisions were at that place could have been brought to the battlefield (Balbontín, Invasión, 89). It seems as if there must also have been supplies at Patos and La Vaquería; and Miñón asserted later that, as he sent word to Santa Anna, he had plenty of provisions for the army (Delta, June 16). The question of water is more difficult; but there were many wagons, and enough could have been transported for say 6000 picked men. Apparently some water must have been brought up on Feb. 22 and 23. In short, had Santa Anna felt any assurance of being able to rout the Americans' on Feb. 24, he would have tried to do so, knowing that abundant supplies lay at Saltillo. Possibly he might have remained in the vicinity and prepared for another battle, even if he could not fight again the next day; but probably he remembered Scott, and he had not counted upon remaining long at the north.
26. Taylor doubtless expected to obtain the. men captured at La Encarnación, but they had gone south (see Encarnacion Prisoners). Santa Anna had very few to give up, for almost all Americans who had been or might have been captured were killed by his excited troops (Rápida Ojeada; Balbontín, Invasión, 81; Republicano, March 24, 1847).
27. The Mexican sequel. Rápida Ojeada, i, ii. Gamboa, Impug., 23-5, 27-9. Otero, Comunicación, 11. Republicano, Mar. 24; May 3. Epoca, Mar. 2, 11. 208Herran to Acal, Mar. 6, 13. Balbontín, Invasión, 95-100. Apuntes, 108-15. S. Anna, Apelación, app., 39-55, 67. Ordóñez, Refutación, i, ii. Muro, Miscelánea, 77-8. 52Black, Mar. 6. Picayune, Mar. 24 (Sold. de la Patria). Independiente, Apr. 10. Boletín de la Democracia, no. 21. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 99 (Taylor). Diario, Mar. 31 (S. Anna); June 13. Monitor Repub., Mar. 31; May 6; Nov. 30. Carreño, Jefes, ccxlii. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1115 (Taylor); 1125 (S. Anna). Dublán, Legislación, v, 267. 82Gil to Ruano, Mar.6. 76S. Anna, Feb. 26, 27. 76Id. to Adame, Feb. 26. 76Comte. gen. Puebla, Mar. 3. 76Comte. gen. Tabasco, proclam., Mar. 11. 76Mora, Mar. 31, res. 76Comte. gen. S. L. Potosí, Mar. 6. 76A. Bustamante, Mar. 9. 76Comte. gen. V. Cruz, Mar. 4. 76Guerra, circular, Mar. 1.
28. The fortifications of Monterey had already been greatly improved. Col. Morgan, Lieut. Col. Irwin and Major Wall of the Second Ohio occupied respectively Cerralvo, Marin and Punta Aguda (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1123). Morgan distinguished himself by a march executed in the face of great odds, and Irwin went to his aid (ibid.). Urrea attacked at least one other train (Mar. 6), and did a large amount of damage. So great became the alarm of the Americans that Col. Curtis, now in charge at Camargo, sent an officer to Washington with a requisition for 50,000 volunteers (Nat. Intelligencer, Mar. 23).