# Speech of Samuel J. May/Appendix

APPENDIX.
A.
On the 15th of October, the day after the foregoing speech was delivered, eight of our fellow-citizens were arrested by the U. S. Marshall, to be taken before the U. S. District Judge, on the charge of having prevented the execution of this law. So soon as it was known, that they were thus set upon by the agents of our government, they, and a large number of their fellow-citizens assembled in the Congregational Church, to consider what should be done. There was but one opinion expressed, but one feeling manifested, and that was to meet the question calmly, at the tribunals of our country. Here was no emergency, that would warrant any uprising of the people—any interference in behalf of the sufferers. They would have all the benefits of the "due process of law," "trial by jury," &c., and there was no little reason to believe, that if any of the arrested should be proved to have aided in the rescue of "Jerry"—it would be hard to get a jury of their peers, who could find them guilty of a crime, worthy of fine and imprisonment. Resolutions to this effect were passed unanimously, and the meeting adjourned—the arrested to go in bonds, and many of the rest to go, as bound with them, to Auburn, to be examined by Judge Conklin.
Much deep feeling was manifested by the crowd around the Depot—but no offer of resistance to the law was so much as spoken of. The same populace, that could not bear to see a poor man seized, and reduced to slavery, consented that eight of our worthy fellow-citizens, against whom there had never before been a breath of reproach, should be arrainged for "the rescue." For the sentiment was universal, that for such a deed, if they were found to have committed it, they could not be made to appear like criminals in the eyes of a people, who love liberty, and revere justice. If our Government shall punish them for giving to a man his "unalienable rights"—the disgrace will attach to the government, and not to the sufferers.
No attempt was made, on the examination, to repel the charge by opposing testimony; and so all who had been arrested, were of course bound over to be tried for the alleged offense. To all this our citizens have quietly submitted; and yet there are those, who are clamoring it over the ​country, that we of Syracuse, are not a law-abiding people. Some who dwell with us have joined in this cry. Shame upon them, and upon all who are circulating the scandal. The citizens of Syracuse will ever abide by law—they only trample upon tyrany.
B.
It was pretty generally known throughout the country, that there is prevalent in this city and county, a strong anti-slavery sentiment, and, more especially, a deep abhorrence of the Fugitive Slave Law. As if on purpose to set this public feeling at defiance, and challenge us to make it manifest, Mr. Webster declared to an assembly of our citizens last June, that that execrable law should be enforced here; ay, in the midst of the next Anti-Slavery Convention, that should be held in this city. Such a threat was not adapted to allay the rising of an opposite determination. We are not all here quite so craven, and slavish as to bow at once submissively to such a brow-beating as he attempted to give us. His words rankled in the bosoms of a great many. This too was well known. If, therefore, the District Attorney and Deputy Marshall had intended to entrap the ardent opponents of his most odious law, and tempt them to the commission of acts, for which they might arrest them as disturbers of the peace, if not as traitors, they could not have selected a better time, nor have devised more certain provocatives to that end. They chose a day, when our city was full of the people of the country round about, who had come in to attend the County Agricultural Fair, and Liberty Party Convention—the first Anti-Slavery meeting held here, since Mr. Webster uttered his threat.
Then, they had not provided themselves with a sufficient constabulary force, to make it even appear difficult to take their victim out of their grasp. The scene exhibited in the streets, of Jerry contending with his legalized kidnappers, and screaming for help, had exasperated the feellngs of the people to the utmost; and then he was kept for hours, separated from the eager throng only by two glazed doors, and with them a slight board partition. So little forethought had these men, who undertook, under the cover of this law, to perpetrate this outrage upon the feelings of our community, that they had not procured a proper warrant for the aid of "the military." Consequently the poor, doomed man was left in a very exposed place, guarded by only half-a dozen Marshals and constables, some of whom had too much humanity left in their hearts, not to know that they were doing a dastardly, and cruel deed; and to be in some measure enervated by self-condemnation.
​Under such circumstances, what could be expected, but that Jerry would be rescued? We cannot be too grateful that it was done at the expense of only one broken limb, and at the loss of no life. If now our government, at the instigation of Southern demagogues, and Northern pseudo-patriots, goes about to make out of this transaction a great offence against Law and Government, they will only bring them both into greater contempt—for the people know, that the claims of natural justice, and of suffering humanity are higher than of the law of Sept. 18th, 1850, or the authority of those who would attempt to enforce it.
C.
The occurrence of October 1st has abundantly verified the words of Daniel Webster, uttered in a speech on the State of the Union, in New York, March 15, 1837. "The question of Slavery has not only attracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper, deeper chord. It has arrested the religious feeling of the country. It has taken hold on the consciences of men * * * To coerce it into silence, to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such endeavors would inevitably render it,—should all this be attempted, I know nothing, even in the Constitution, or the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow."