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# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume XI/John Cassian/Conferences of John Cassian, Part II/Conference XIII/Chapter 2

Chapter II.
A question why the merit of good deeds may not be ascribed to the exertions of the man who does them.
Then Germanus: As we are almost shut out, so to speak, by the greatness of that splendid virtue, which was described in last night’s discussion, from believing in the possibility of it, so, if you will pardon my saying so, it seems to us absurd for the reward of our efforts, i.e., perfect chastity, which is gained by the earnestness of one’s own toil, not to be ascribed chiefly to the exertions of the man who makes the effort. For it is foolish, if, when for example, we see a husbandman taking the utmost pains over the cultivation of the ground, we do not ascribe the fruits to his exertions.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume XI/John Cassian/Conferences of John Cassian, Part II/Conference XIII/Chapter 17

Chapter XVII.
Of the inscrutable providence of God.
By those instances then which we have brought forward from the gospel records we can very clearly perceive that God brings salvation to mankind in diverse and innumerable methods and inscrutable ways, and that He stirs up the course of some, who are already wanting it, and thirsting for it, to greater zeal, while He forces some even against their will, and resisting. And that at one time He gives his assistance for the fulfilment of those things which he sees that we desire for our good, while at another time He puts into us the very beginnings of holy desire, and grants both the commencement of a good work and perseverance in it. Hence it comes that in our
prayers we proclaim God as not only our Protector and Saviour, but actually as our Helper and Sponsor. For whereas He first calls us to Him, and while we are still ignorant and unwilling, draws us towards salvation, He is our Protector and Saviour, but whereas when we are already striving, He is wont to bring us help, and to receive and defend those who fly to Him for refuge, He is termed our Sponsor and Refuge. Finally the blessed Apostle when revolving in his mind this manifold bounty of God’s providence, as he sees that he has fallen into some vast and boundless ocean of God’s goodness, exclaims: “O the depth of the riches of the wisdom and knowledge of God! How inscrutable are the judgments of God and His ways past finding out! For who hath known the mind of the Lord?” Whoever then imagines that he can by human reason fathom the depths of that inconceivable abyss, will be trying to explain away the astonishment at that knowledge, at which that great and mighty teacher of the gentiles was awed. For if a man thinks that he can either conceive in his mind or discuss exhaustively the dispensation of God whereby He works salvation in men, he certainly impugns the truth of the Apostle’s words and asserts with profane audacity that His judgments can be scrutinized, and His ways searched out. This providence and love of God therefore, which the Lord in His unwearied goodness vouchsafes to show us, He compares to the tenderest heart of a kind mother, as He wishes to express it by a figure of human affection, and finds in His creatures no such feeling of love, to which he could better compare it. And He uses this example, because nothing dearer can be found in human nature, saying: “Can a mother forget her child, that she should not have compassion on the son of her womb?” But not content with this comparison He at once goes beyond it, and subjoins these words: “And though she may forget, yet will not I forget thee.”

## Footnotes

* ↑ Rom. xi. 33, 34.
* ↑ Is. xlix. 15.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume VI/Treatises/Against the Pelagians
## Contents

* Prologue
* Book I
* Book II
* Book III
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume VI/Treatises/Against Jovinianus
## Contents

* Book I
* Book II
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume VI/Treatises
## Contents

* The Life of Paulus the First Hermit
* The Life of S. Hilarion
* The Life of Malchus, the Captive Monk
* The Dialogue Against the Luciferians
* The Perpetual Virginity of Blessed Mary
* Against Jovinianus
* Against Vigilantius
* To Pammachius against John of Jerusalem
* Against the Pelagians
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume VI/Translator's Preface

Translator’s Preface.
The grounds on which certain works of Jerome have been selected, as most important, for translation in this edition, while others have been omitted, are given in the Prolegomena (p. xvii–xviii).
The first draught of the translation was prepared by my coadjutors and former pupils, Mr. G. Lewis and Mr. W. G. Martley, who also added most of the notes; but I have gone minutely through every part, correcting, adding, and at times re-writing, both in the ms. and in the proof, and I have composed the Prolegomena and Indices.
I have endeavoured to make the work useful not to the theologian alone, but also to the historical student. The general reader will find interest and even entertainment in the parts of the work referred to in the Index under such headings as “Pictures of Contemporary Life,” “Proverbs,” “Stories” and “Quotations,” or by looking at the Letters to which special attention is called in the Prolegomena at p. xviii. The Table of Contents also, in which a short description is given of the purport of each Letter, will help each class of readers to select the parts suitable to them. Finally, the Life of Jerome included in the Prolegomena, though closely compressed, has been furnished with copious references, which will make it a key to the whole work. It is only to be regretted that, through the impossibility of including Jerome’s work on Illustrious Men and his controversy with Rufinus in the present volume, it is necessary to send the reader for a few of the most important facts to Vol. iii of this Series.
I can hardly expect that, in a work which has been carried through amidst many pressing engagements, which has been printed two thousand miles away, and of which I have had only a single proof to correct, I have been able to avoid all mistakes. But I hope that no inaccuracies have crept in of sufficient magnitude to mar the usefulness of the work. I have felt the responsibility of making the first translation of Jerome into English, especially as a translation once made acts as a hindrance to those who might wish to attempt the same task. But I trust that the present work may be found to be not altogether an unworthy presentment of the great Latin church-writer to the English-speaking world.
W. H. Fremantle.
Canterbury, November, 1892.
# Nothing but a Plain Old Soldier

   1. I’m nothing but a plain old soldier, An old revolutionary soldier, But I’ve handled a gun Where noble deeds were done, For the name of my commander was George Washington. My home and my country to me were dear, And I fought for both when the foe came near, But now I will meet with a slight or sneer, For I’m nothing but a plain old soldier. Chorus: Nothing but a plain old soldier, An old revolutionary soldier, But I’ve handled a gun Where noble deeds were done, For the name of my commander was George Washington.   2. The friends I loved the best have departed, The days of my early joys have gone, And the voices once dear And familiar to my ear, Have faded from the scenes of the earth one by one The tomb and the battle have laid them low, And they roam no more where the bright streams flow, I’m longing to join them and soon must go, For I’m nothing but a plain old soldier. Chorus:
   3.
   Again the battle song is resounding, And who’ll bring the trouble to an end? The Union will pout, And Secession ever shout, But none can tell us now which will yield or bend. You've had many Generals from over the land, You've tried one and you're still at a stand, But when I took the field we had one in command, Yet I’m nothing but a plain old soldier. Chorus:
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# Notice. Discontinuance of use at Malta of Postage Stamps of the United Kingdom

NOTICE.
Discontinuation of use at Malta of Postage Stamps of the United Kingdom.
NOTICE is hereby given that, on and from the 1st January 1885, postage stamps of the United Kingdom will be USELESS for the prepayment of postage on correspondence posted in Malta or Gozo, and that all letters, etc. bearing Imperial Stamps posted after the 31st December 1884, will be treated as UNPAID and charged on delivery.
Malta postage stamps, to be used on and from the 1st of January, may be purchased at the General Post Office, Valletta, on and after the 27th of December.
Imperial postage stamps, if unused, clean, and in saleable condition, will be purchased at the General Post Office up to 24th of December, inclusive, at par; but, between that date and the 31st of December, a charge will be made of the commission indicated at page 16 of the current edition of the Imperial Post Office Guide.
ROGER DUKE,
H[er] M[ajesty] Postmaster,
GENERAL POST OFFICE Valletta, 8th December 1884
# Notice 1998 of 2005

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This Notice by the Municipal Demarcation Board of South Africa defines the boundaries of the districts of South Africa. It is of constitutional significance because Schedule 1A of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 defines the borders of the provinces of South Africa by reference to the maps in this Notice.
Notice 1998 of 2005
Notice for general information
Municipal Demarcation Board
Proposals for boundary changes in terms of the Local Government: Municipal Demarcation Act, 1998, read with section 2 of the Local Government: Cross-boundary Municipalities Act, 2000
In terms of section 22 of the Demarcation Act, 1998, the Minister of Provincial and Local Government has requested the Municipal Demarcation Board to re-determine the boundaries of certain municipalities. The Minister's request was published in Government Gazette No. 27937 of 19 August 2005.
A further request has been received from the Minister to publish a notice and maps reflecting alternative proposals submitted by the Minister to the Board.
The maps, referred to in Schedule 1, are hereby published to reflect the alternative proposals received from the Minister.
For purposes of amending the Constitution, the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development, requested the Board to republish the maps reflected in Schedule 2.
Vuyo Mlokoti Chairperson: MDB
Schedule 1
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# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume III/Theodoret/Ecclesiastical History/Book V/Chapter 13

Chapter XIII.—Of Justina, the wife of Valentinianus, and of her plot against Ambrosius.
At this time Justina, wife of Valentinianus the great, and mother of the young prince, made known to her son the seeds of the Arian teaching which she had long ago received. Well knowing the warmth of her consort’s faith she had endeavoured to conceal her sentiments during the whole of his life, but perceiving that her son’s character was gentle and docile, she took courage to bring her deceitful doctrine forward. The lad supposed his mother’s counsels to be wise and beneficial, for nature so disposed the bait that he could not see the deadly hook below. He first communicated on the subject with Ambrosius, under the impression that, if he could persuade the bishop, he would be able without difficulty to prevail over the rest. Ambrosius, however, strove to remind him of his father’s piety, and exhorted him to keep inviolate the heritage which he had received. He explained to him also how one doctrine differed from the other, how the one is in agreement with the teaching of the Lord and with the teaching of his apostles, while the other is totally opposed to it and at war with the code of the laws of the spirit.
The young man, as young men will, spurred on moreover by a mother herself the victim of deceit, not only did not assent to the arguments adduced, but lost his temper, and, in a passion, was for surrounding the approaches to the church with companies of legionaries and targeteers. When, however, he learnt that this illustrious champion was not in the least alarmed at his proceedings, for Ambrosius treated them all like the ghosts and hobgoblins with which some men try to frighten babies, he was exceedingly angry and publicly ordered him to depart from the church. “I shall not,” said Ambrosius, “do so willingly. I will not yield the sheepfold to the wolves nor betray God’s temple to blasphemers. If you wish to slay me drive your sword or your spear into me here within. I shall welcome such a death.”

## Footnotes

* ↑ Justina, left widow by Magnentius in 353, was married to Valentinian I. (we may dismiss the story of Socrates (iv. 31) that he legalized bigamy in order to marry her in the lifetime of Severa) probably in 368. Her first conflict with Ambrose was probably in 380 at Sirmium. On the murder of Gratian in 383 Maximus for four years left the young Valentinian in possession of Italy, in deference to the pleading of Ambrose. It was during this period, at Easter, 385, that Justina ungratefully attacked the bishop and demanded a church for Arian worship.
* ↑ This contest is described by Ambrose himself in letters to Valentinian and to his sister Marcellina, Epp. xx. xxi, and in the “Sermo de basilicis tradendis.” On the apparent error of Gibbon in confusing the “vela” which were hung outside a building to mark it as claimed for the imperial property, with the state hangings of the emperor’s seat inside, vide Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 95.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume III/Theodoret/Ecclesiastical History/Book V/Chapter 2

Chapter II.—Of the return of the bishops.
The emperor at once gave plain indications of his adherence to true religion, and offered the first fruits of his kingdom to the Lord of all, by publishing an edict commanding the exiled shepherds to return, and to be restored to their flocks, and ordering the sacred buildings to be delivered to congregations adopting communion with Damasus.
This Damasus, the successor of Liberius in the see of Rome, was a man of most praiseworthy life and by his own choice alike in word and deed a champion of Apostolic doctrines. To put his edict in force Gratianus sent Sapor the general, a very famous character at that time, with orders to expel the preachers of the blasphemies of Arius like wild beasts from the sacred folds, and to effect the restoration of the excellent shepherds to God’s flocks.
In every instance this was effected without dispute except in Antioch, the Eastern capital, where a quarrel was kindled which I shall proceed to describe.

## Footnotes

* ↑ Cf. note on page 82.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume III/Theodoret/Ecclesiastical History/Book V/Chapter 20

Chapter XX.—Of the destruction of the temples all over the Empire.
Now the right faithful emperor diverted his energies to resisting paganism, and published edicts in which he ordered the shrines of the idols to be destroyed. Constantine the Great, most worthy of all eulogy, was indeed the first to grace his empire with true religion; and when he saw the world still given over to foolishness he issued a general prohibition against the offering of sacrifices to the idols. He had not, however, destroyed the temples, though he ordered them to be kept shut. His sons followed in their father’s footsteps. Julian restored the false faith and rekindled the flame of the ancient fraud. On the accession of Jovian he once more placed an interdict on the worship of idols, and Valentinian the Great governed Europe with like laws. Valens, however, allowed every one else to worship any way they would and to honour their various objects of adoration. Against the champions of the Apostolic decrees alone he persisted in waging war. Accordingly during the whole period of his reign the altar fire was lit, libations and sacrifices were offered to idols, public feasts were celebrated in the forum, and votaries initiated in the orgies of Dionysus ran about in goat-skins, mangling hounds in Bacchic frenzy, and generally behaving in such a way as to show the iniquity of their master. When the right faithful Theodosius found all these evils he pulled them up by the roots, and consigned them to oblivion.

## Footnotes

* ↑ “Extat oratio Libanii ad imperatorem Theodosium pro templis in qua docet quomodo se gesserint imperatores Christiani erga paganos. Et Constantinum quidem Magnum ait duntaxat spoliasse templa, Constantium vero ejus filium prohibuisse Sacrificia: ejusque legem a secutis imperatoribus et ab ipsomet Theodosio esse observatam; reliqua vera permissa fuisse paganis, id est turificationem et publicas epulas.” Valesius.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume III/Theodoret/Ecclesiastical History/Book V/Chapter 12

Chapter XII.—Of the death of Gratianus and the sovereignty of Maximus
Gratianus in the midst of his successes in war and wise and prudent government ended his life by conspiracy. He left no sons to inherit the empire, and a brother of the same name as their father, Valentinianus, who was quite a youth. So Maximus, in contempt of the youth of Valentinianus, seized the throne of the West.

## Footnotes

* ↑ Gratianus made himself unpopular (i) by his excessive addiction to sport, playing the Commodus in the “Vivaria,” when not even a Marcus Aurelius could have answered all the calls of the Empire. (Amm. xxxi. x. 19) and (ii) by affecting the society and customs of barbarians (Aur. Vict. xlvii. 6). The troops in Britain rose against him, gathered aid in the Low Countries, and defeated him near Paris. He fled to Lyons, where he was treacherously assassinated Aug. 25, 383. He was only twenty-four. (Soc. v. 11.)
* ↑ Valentinianus II., son of Valentinianus I. and Justina was born c. 371.
* ↑ Magnus Maximus reigned from 383 to 388. Like Theodosius, he was a Spaniard.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume III/Theodoret/Ecclesiastical History/Book V/Chapter 14

Chapter XIV.—Of the information given by Maximus the tyrant to Valentinianus.
After a considerable time Maximus was informed of the attacks which were being made upon the loud-voiced herald of the truth, and he sent dispatches to Valentinianus charging him to put a stop to his war against true religion and exhorting him not to abandon his father’s faith. In the event of his advice being disregarded he further threatened war, and confirmed what he wrote by what he did, for he mustered his forces and marched for Milan where Valentinianus was then residing. When the latter heard of his approach he fled into Illyricum. He had learnt by experience what good he had got by following his mother’s advice.

## Footnotes

* ↑ After Easter, 387.
* ↑ The motives here stated seem to have had little to do with the march of Maximus over the Alps. Indeed so far from enthusiasm for Ambrose and the Ambrosian view of the faith being conspicuous in the invader, he had received the bishop at Treves as envoy from Valentinian, had refused to be diverted from his purpose, and had moreover taken offence at the objection of Ambrose to communicate with the bishops who had been concerned in the first capital punishment of a heretic—i.e. Priscillian.
* ↑ Valentinian and his mother fled to Thessalonica.
# Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series II/Volume III/Theodoret/Ecclesiastical History/Book V/Chapter 15

Chapter XV.—Of the Letter written by the Emperor Theodosius concerning the same.
When the illustrious emperor Theodosius had heard of the emperor’s doings and what the tyrant Maximus had written to him he wrote to the fugitive youth to this effect: You must not be astonished if to you has come panic and to your enemy victory; for you have been fighting against piety, and he on its side. You abandoned it, and are running away naked. He in its panoply is getting the mastery of you stripped bare of it, for He who hath given us the law of true religion is ever on its side.
So wrote Theodosius when he was yet afar off; but when he had heard of Valentinian’s flight, and had come to his aid, and saw him an exile, taking refuge in his own empire, his first thought was to give succour to his soul, drive out the intruding pestilence of impiety, and win him back to the true religion of his fathers. Then he bade him be of good cheer and marched against the tyrant. He gave the lad his empire again without loss of blood and slew Maximus. For he felt that he should be guilty of wrong and should violate the terms of his treaty with Gratianus were he not to take vengeance on those who had caused his ally’s death.

## Footnotes

* ↑ Zosimus (iv. 44) represents Theodosius, now for two years widowed, as won over to the cause of Valentinian by the loveliness of the young princess Galla, whom he married. “He was some time in preparing for the campaign, but, when it was opened, he conducted it with vigour and decision. His troops passed up the Save Valley, defeated those of Maximus in two engagements, entered Æmona (Laybach) in triumph, and soon stood before the walls of Aquileia, behind which Maximus was sheltering himself.…The soldiers of Theodosius poured into the city, of which the gates had been opened to them by the mutineers, and dragged off the usurper, barefooted, with tied hands, in slave’s attire, to the tribunal of Theodosius and his young brother in law at the third milestone from the city. After Theodosius had in a short harangue reproached him with the evil deeds which he had wrought against the Roman Commonwealth, he handed him over to the executioner.” Hodgkin, “Dynasty of Theodosius,” p. 127.