# Protestant Exiles from France/Book Second - Chapter 3 - Section XVIII

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Sec. 18.— The Earl of Galway again a Lord Justice of Ireland, also his Final Retirement and Death.
At the beginning of the new reign, Lord Galway’s name was re united to Irish affairs in the following circumstances. The Irish Jacobite Chancellor, Sir Constantine Phipps, had endeavoured to pack several Parliaments by means of schemes for forcing disloyal magistrates upon the municipal corporations, and had issued orders for subverting the constitutions of the cities and towns. He was backed by a report, or legal opinion, in favour of his view, which was signed by eight judges, and was approved by the Lord Primate and himself, in their capacity of Lords Justices, also by many Privy Councillors. But Queen Anne dying, King George removed the aforesaid public men from office, and dissolved the Irish Privy Council. A new Council was gazetted, and among the fifty-six names we observe Henry, Earl of Galway. This was one of the first acts of the new government.
A letter of this period from Lady Russell gives a pleasing glimpse of his life in the country:—
“There is no post day I do not find myself really disposed to take my pen and dispose of it as I now do; but there is not one of those days I do not also approve to myself, how mean my ability is to entertain, as I desire, such a relation and friend as Lord Galway. Yet I put my mind at ease soon enough as to that trouble, being so certain and sure as I am how you will receive it.
“Selwood tells me your appearance is very comfortable, and if I get to Hampshire I trust I shall see it so. Sure, this season is a trial; for although it is a customary thing to complain of seasons, yet in my opinion this is an extraordinary one. . . . From the first day of March to this, there hath not been twenty-four hours without much rain, snow, or hail. . . .
“R. Russell.”
“April 14, 1715.”
Four months after this, Lord Galway was surprised in his snuggery at receiving an offer of active employment in Ireland. His acceptance of office was probably pressed upon him by his friends, to give public proof to friends and enemies at home and abroad, that he was never disgraced in deed, but only in form. We may safely say that he was inclined to show some forwardness in exhibiting a strong adherence to the new dynasty. An ardent Williamite was, by a necessity like instinct, a zealous Hanoverian.
Immediately after the displacement of Phipps and his colleagues, the Earl of Sunderland had been appointed Viceroy. But Ireland appeared a penal settlement to him, and he never embarked for it, alleging bad health as his excuse. Yet, as Dr. Killen testifies, “the critical circumstances in which Ireland was now placed, rendered it necessary that the government should be committed to more experienced and energetic hands than those who now held it under the Earl of Sunderland.” The Jacobite rebellion had broken out in Scotland, and a few of the Irish Peers were about to support it with volunteer troops. At last the Gazette announced, 23d August 1715, that Charles, Earl of Sunderland, having resigned the post of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, the Duke of Grafton and the Earl of Galway were appointed Lords Justices of that kingdom.” Charles Delafaye, Esq., who had been Lord Sunderland’s secretary, was appointed secretary to the new Viceregal Board. The Duke and Lord Galway were gazetted as members of His Majesty’s most Honourable Privy Council for England, and took the oaths as Privy Councillors, Grafton on the 31st August, Galway (who had been in no hurry to leave Rookley) on the 30th September. The “Annals” say, “Without entering into the times and particulars of their being nominated, their preparations, travelling to Chester, shipping off, &c, it is sufficient to say that they arrived at Dublin the 1st of November 1715, were received with the usual solemnities, and immediately applied themselves to the proper duties of that great office, and to set to rights the affairs of that great country, which they found in confusion enough.”
On the 12th, the House of Commons having unanimously chosen William Conolly, Esq., as their Speaker, and the Lords Justices having approved of their choice, their Excellencies made a speech to both Houses. The speech was delivered by the Duke of Grafton, the young and ornamental Lord-Justice; but the really responsible statesman was Lord Galway. His ever-green spirit makes Dr. Killen (who continued Dr. Reid’s History with fully equal ability) unable to recognise him. We seem to ​hear the doctor say, “This cannot be the Ruvigny of last century.” And so he is introduced as “the Earl of Galway, a general in the army.” Nevertheless it was our old friend. Another old friend, Lord Tyrawley, was the Commander of the Forces in Ireland. The Viceregal speech artfully made use of the rising in Scotland, as implying that the Jacobites regarded their cause to be hopeless in Ireland. Several regiments were sent to North Britain, and their place was supplied by militia, as “a singular instance of the great confidence His Majesty places in the fidelity and good affection of his loyal subjects in Ireland.” The speech from the throne requested “all reasonable despatch.” The desired quickness of despatch was shown. On the 25th of the same month, the Lords Justices were enabled to pass several Acts of the Parliament, particularly one for recognising King George’s title to the throne of Great Britain, France, and Ireland; and another Act for attainting the Duke of Ormond. The next business was the subjugation of the Phipps faction. On the nth December a military pension of £500 a-year was granted to Lord Galway in addition to his civil pension of £1000.
Having earned and spent their Christmas holidays, the members of Parliament resumed business in January 1716. Some ready writer had found time to compose and publish a review of their recent proceedings, under the title of “A Long History of a Short Sessions of a Certain Parliament of a Certain Kingdom.” This account or fabrication was censured by the Commons. About the 30th instant, the Irish Parliament entered into an Association to defend King George’s title against the Pretender and all his adherents. And in February, Trinity College, Dublin, chose George, Prince of Wales, to be their Chancellor. The Princess of Wales had presented to the French Church of Portarlington “rich and massive plate for the communion service, and a finely-toned church bell, which preserve to the present day the memory of that royal lady’s generous piety.” The inscription on the bell states that the giver is the Princess — “Promovente illustrissimo Comite Henrico de Galloway.”
The Viceregal speech strongly recommended unity among Protestants. In Ulster, however, the jealousy of some Episcopalians was constantly ready to boil over. On the ground that the house of one of their clergymen, who was generally suspected to be a Jacobite, had been searched, and also two houses where reverend gentlemen were visitors, the Archbishop of Armagh and the Bishop of Down and Connor complained to the Lords Justices that the clergy of the diocese of Connor were vexatiously visited by officers of justice, and that the Presbyterians were the main instigators and actors in this persecution. The memorial was referred to the Judges of Assize for the north-east circuit of Ulster on the 22d March 1716 (n.s.), who placed it before the Grand Jury at Carrickfergus. The Grand Jury expressed their surprise “that matters of so public a nature should happen in this county without the knowledge of any of us;” nevertheless they went into the inquiry thoroughly. And the Judges reported to the Lords Justices that no clergyman’s house had been searched before the 1st of February 1716 — that all searches were with warrants and by authorised officers — that no Dissenting teacher was concerned in promoting or executing the warrants — that, as to the Established clergy, only the Rev. Geoffrey Fanning’s house was searched for arms — and as to the houses of the inhabitants of the County of Antrim, those baronies alone were searched which joined the sea-coast opposite to Scotland, and in or near to the estate of the Earl of Antrim, then a prisoner in the Castle of Dublin, and after the Pretender was landed in Scotland. Parliament adjourned from the 9th to the 20th of February.
The Lords Justices and the Commons strained every nerve to obtain the legal toleration of the Presbyterians, whose loyalty and bravery were uniformly so conspicuous and serviceable. They were vigorously encouraged by Secretary Stanhope, but the Lords Spiritual of Ireland defeated them. I may here mention that at the end of the session the House of Commons passed two resolutions on this subject. The first was unanimous, and the second was agreed to without a division. First, that such of His Majesty’s Protestant Dissenting subjects as have taken commissions in the militia, or acted in the commission of array, have done a seasonable service to His Majesty’s person and Government, and the Protestant interest in this kingdom. Secondly, that any person who shall commence a prosecution against any Dissenter, who has accepted or shall accept of a commission in the army or militia, is an enemy of King George and the Protestant interest, and a friend of the Pretender (5th June).
During the existence of this Viceregal Board, the authorized edition of the English Book of Common Prayer, adapted for Ireland, was issued. The following was the Royal Order:—
​“George R. Our Will and Pleasure is, that the six following Forms of Prayer made for 23d October, 5th November, 30th January, 29th May, and the Day of our Accession to the Crown, together with the prayers for the Chief Governour or Governours of Ireland, be forthwith printed and published, and for the future annexed to the Book of Common Prayer and Liturgy of the Church of Ireland.
* * * For which this shall be your Warrant. Given at the Court at St. James’s, the third day of November 1715 in the second year of our reign.
“To our Right Trusty and Right Intirely Beloved Cousin and Councellor, Charles Duke of Grafton, and our Right Trusty and Right Well Beloved Cousin and Councellor, Henry Earl of Gallway, our Justices and General Governours of our Kingdom of Ireland, and to our Lieutenant, Deputy, or other Chief Governour or Governours there for the time being.
“By His Majesty’s command,
“James Stanhope.”
In January [1716], the House of Commons resolved that whatever forces His Majesty should think fit to raise, and whatever expenses His Majesty should think necessary for the defence of this kingdom, they would enable him to make good the same. By order of the Lords Justices, a camp was marked out at or near Athlone, where, besides some regular troops, a good body of the newly-regulated militia was ordered to encamp, being all armed out of the king’s stores. The “Annals” mention one item, 10,000 firelocks, with proportion of powder and ball.
The House of Commons having given the Lords Justices unlimited power to borrow money for His Majesty’s service, their Lordships, on the 10th of May, reported that they had borrowed £50,000; and gave an account of their payments as a return for the confidence of the House. As to this the Parliament said, in an address to the king, dated June 4th, “Your faithful Commons, notwithstanding the poverty of this kingdom, entrusted your wise and excellent government with an unprecedented and unlimited vote of credit.” After a session of “unusual length,” the Lords Justices, on the 25th of June, prorogued the Parliament. Besides the Duke of Ormond and the Earl of Antrim, the disaffected Peers against whom they took effectual proceedings were the Earl of Westmeath, Viscounts Netterville and Dillon, and Lord Cahir. During this brief but eventful Viceroyalty, Ireland seemed to outdo England in royalty, to the surprise of historians. Like Ruvigny’s brigade at Aughrim, the Hanoverians bore down all before them, the same Ruvigny being at their head. Most confidential and most cordial communications had constantly gone on between the Lords Justices and the Houses of Parliament, the addresses having this heading: “To their Excellencies the Lords Justices General, and General Governors of Ireland.”
All Lord Galway’s doings seem to have been sanctioned in London except one. At the request of several aged refugees, who expected soon to leave widows, he erased their own names from the pension-list, and substituted the names of their wives and unmarried daughters. The government struck out all those ladies’ names, and thus the pensions were lost to the veteran heads of their families. Lord Galway had rejoiced to oblige among others the Rev. James Fontaine, who, for volunteer land and sea service, had been pensioned with 5s. a-day in 1705 by the Duke of Ormond. His wife at 1s., and his two daughters each at 2s. a-day, were among the new and rejected names; but as a singular favour Fontaine himself was reinstated for the whole sum of 5s.
A political crisis unexpectedly occurred in the English court. “Whatever was the cause, the fact was” (say the “Annals”), “that on the 12th December, in the morning, we were surprised in London with the news that the Lord Viscount Townshend was no more Secretary of State.” Notwithstanding, “he seemed for some time to keep his interest in his Prince’s favour, seeing it was immediately resolved to make him Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in the room of the Duke of Grafton and Lord Galway, who were about that time dismissed.”
Though we are unable either to affirm or to deny that there was any grievance in the manner, there can have been nothing unpleasant to Lord Galway in the fact of his being relieved from public service. His spirited rule had been carried on amidst frequent bodily suffering, as may be inferred from a letter from Lady Russell which he received in Dublin, and from which I quote what follows:—
“The merciful providence of God it is our duty to pray for and trust in; then it shall be well in the end, in this world or a better. I beseech God to give the consolation of His Holy Spirit to enable you to struggle with bodily pains. Your resignation I have no doubt of; but nature will shrink when the weight is heavy, and presses hard. . . .
“I also pray to God to fortify your spirit under every trial, till eternity swallows all our ​troubles, all our sorrows, all our disappointments, and all our pains in this life. The longest, how short to eternity! All these ought to be my own care to improve my weak self, as the fortitude of your mind, experience, and knowledge does to you. . . .
“I am certain of this being a truth that I am faithfully and affectionately yours.
“May 28, 1716.
“R.Russell.”
The statement that Lord Galway spent the last years of his life in Portarlington is a mistake. He left Ireland in 1716, and returned to Rookley. In Lady Russell’s letters we meet with him as formerly. That kind cousin, to amuse the invalid statesman’s mind, wrote a letter in French, which he duly received and praised. The following was the rejoinder:—
“As the fine season continues (for such I esteem a hot one) I slacken in my scribbling. The pure air alone abundantly exceeds my tattle under the roof, though very well meant to you, whether sent in the French or English tongue. But although your Lordship spoke as well as you possibly could do of my French, if you did it to encourage my use of it, you will be under a small disappointment, for I intend to keep my credit and meddle no more (unless unthinking, as I really did then), and occasion no discord between us. Any partiality for that country you have discharged sufficiently long since, and the time is come to do the like to this we at present live in. That there is a more sure abiding one, is the believing Christian’s comfort, and to attain that grace our daily endeavour. * * * *
“June 19 [1717].“I am, my Lord, ever the same,
“R.Russell.”
With similar fondness she writes during that winter:—
“When I scribble to Lord Galway, I consider very little what I put down, as I am secure by God’s grace never to forfeit your love and esteem; and till I lose that, have no fear that I shall lose them; in that point my mind is at ease. I exceedingly desire your body were so; but the providences permitted by Almighty God can never be hurtful to His faithful servants, though painful. Alas! what are days, months, or years (to his elected) to a happy eternity ? In such a thought your soul and heart may rejoice I verily believe; and so believe, as to desire I may find grace, as I believe you will do in the great day when the sentence shall be pronounced.”
The last letter in her published correspondence is to Lord Galway, and concludes thus:—
“To-morrow your health will not be omitted, daughter Devon and Mr. Charlton being to dine here; as I hope to do with yourself at Rookley, and also at old Stratton, where you will be kindly welcome, as I am entirely assured I shall be at your Rookley. God for the good that you do to mankind, grant you some easy years to do good upon earth, before you change for a happy eternity. So does desire and pray Lord Galway’s truly affectionate cousin, and faithfully such, to gratifie to the utmost of her ability,
“February 13, 1718 [new style.]
“R.Russell.”
Threescore and ten of such years as Lord Galway had lived might seem to negative too plainly any such wish as the one expressed in the above letter; but it must be remembered that Lady Russell was twelve years his senior.
His name appeared in the Patent-Rolls for the last time in King George’s Charter incorporating the French Hospital of London, dated 24th July 1718, and nominating as its first Governor, “our right trusty and right wel-beloved cousin, Henry de Massue, Marquis de Ruvigny, Earl of Galloway.” This honour was not only for services, past and completed. Lord Galway continued to take an active interest in “Poor French Protestants and their descendants residing in Great Britain” (for whose benefit this Hospital was founded), and also in his co-religionists in France, especially in those condemned to the galleys.
My readers will remember that, on the intercession of Queen Anne, Louis XIV. released many of those galèriens, but not all. The French king’s anxiety for the Peace of Utrecht led him to give us encouragement to expect that his clemency would gradually be extended to the remainder, nor was the expectation altogether vain. King George considered that King Louis had virtually pledged his honour on the subject, and declined to regard it as a matter to be further negociated. The Earl of Stair went as our ambassador to Paris in January 1715. Louis made some difficulty about carrying out in detail some of the articles of the Utrecht Treaty, and suggested that his release of seme of the galley-slaves might be reckoned as an equivalent for what had been neglected. But Mr. Secretary Stanhope wrote to our ambassador on 17th February 1715, “As to the galley-slaves, charity and humanity engage the king to wish they might be released, and his Majesty will be extremely pleased if any offices of your lordship can procure them ease; but it is not apprehended here that the king is under the least obligation to depart from what hath been yielded in the treaty of peace on account of such indulgence.”
Lord Galway, having authentic lists of all the sufferers, kept up a correspondence ​with them, and took every opportunity of pressing their individual cases. One of his letters to Lord Stair is preserved in the Stair Papers, from which it appears that our great ambassador had from 1715 to 1718 procured the release of almost all the sufferers. The letter is as follows:—
“Stratton, September 30, 1718.
“Though I am sure ’tis needless to make any instances to dispose your Excellency to use your best endeavours for the releasement of the few Protestants which remain at this time on the gallies, since your zeal has appeared in that particular to the utmost by the great number that have been set at liberty by means of your unwearied application to that end; yet as I know that there are three of the ancient ones still detained, I have thought it would not be improper to mention it to your Excellency, and likewise desire you would put the Marechal D'Etree in mind of his promise that all the ancient ones should be set free, which has not been executed towards these. Wherefore I earnestly entreat your Excellency to continue your charitable endeavours in order to obtain for these the liberty which their fellow-sufferers have had by your Excellency’s mediation in their behalf. I hope you will excuse this trouble, which I should not have given had I not been pressed to it by some of these poor people. . . .
(Signed) “Gallway.”
On the back of this letter there is the following memorandum:— “les 3 galèriens sont David Maffée, No. 28204. Jean la Croix, No. 29577. Pierre Combette, No. 29643.” [The above letter is preserved at Oxenfoord Castle among the Stair Papers, and I am indebted for this information to the present Earl of Stair.]
Although during his several periods of retirement Lord Gahvay had his home in the country, he occasionally visited London, and was a valued member of its society. His comrade, Lieutenant-General Stanhope, afterwards Earl Stanhope, he frequently met; there was also the chief of the Stanhopes, the Earl of Chesterfield, and his son, Lord Stanhope, and his grandson, Hon. Philip Dormer Stanhope, afterwards the celebrated Earl of Chesterfield. The latter youth was in the circle of Lord Galway’s acquaintance, and valued his conversation, as appears in the following extract from Dr Maty’s Memoir:—
“Philip Stanhope was very young, when Lord Galway who, though not a very fortunate general, was a man of uncommon penetration and merit, observing in him a strong inclination for a political life, but at the same time an unconquerable taste for pleasure, with some tincture of laziness, gave him the following advice:—
“If you in fend to be a man of business, you must be an early riser. In the distinguished posts your parts, rank, and fortune will entitle you to fill, you will be liable to have visitors at every hour of the day; and unless you will rise constantly at an early hour, you will never have any leisure to yourself. This admonition, delivered in the most obliging manner, made a considerable impression upon the mind of our young man, who ever after observed that excellent rule, even when he went to bed late, and was already advanced in years.”
It was when on a visit at Stratton House, that the “good Earl of Galway” was summoned to his rest. He probably sank under the “bodily pains” to which he had so long been subject — namely, gout and rheumatism. His mind was entire to the last. He died on the 3d September 1720, aged seventy-two. He was the last of his family. Lady Russell was his nearest surviving relative, and became his heiress at the age of eighty-four. The property of Stratton has passed out of Russell hands; and Lord Galway’s gravestone cannot now be recognised.
There is the following entry in the East Stratton Register of Burials in Micheldever Churchyard, Hampshire:—
| Henry, Earl of Galway Died Sept. 3rd, Was buried Sept. 6, 1720. | Henry, Earl of Galway Died Sept. 3rd, Was buried Sept. 6, 1720. | |
| | John Imber, Curate of Stratton. | John Imber, Curate of Stratton. |
I cannot pass from the life of this able, gallant, and generous nobleman without recording that he was so impressed with the reality and bounty of Divine Providence, ​that he did not feel hurt by the undue disparagement or the unprovoked animosity directed against him by some people. He admired the hospitality of the British nation. But that such a man had anything more than hospitality to thank us for is an idea that will not bear investigation. To say that we advanced or enriched him is a misstatement. The titles and rewards we gave him were inferior to those which he had forfeited in France for conscience’ sake. Love of wealth and honours would have kept him at home. Honourable principles and feelings brought him among us as a thoroughly qualified ambassador and soldier. The doubt is whether we were worthy of his offer of service to our struggling Protestant cause — not whether he was worthy of such honours and offices as we could bestow on him.
In anticipation of death he had made his will on the 30th of August. The Probate Court required a separate deposition from each of the four witnesses to the signature and execution of the will. The evidence of each was in almost the same words. Being of a biographical tenor, one of the depositions may be here inserted:—
“28th November, 1720. — Appeared personally John Imber of Stratton, in the county of Southampton, clerke, aged twenty-seven years, and being sworn upon the Holy Evangelists to depose the truth, did swear and depose as followeth. That he, this deponent, knew, and was acquainted with the Right Honourable Henry, late Earle and Viscount Gallway deceased, for the space of about three years before his death, and performed the office of chaplain to his Lordshipp in the time of his last sickness, whereof he dyed. And also saith that, on or about the 30th August, 1720, he, this deponent, was called in to bear witness to the said late Earl’s will, he being then in his chamber in the House of the Right Honourable the Lady Russell at Stratton, in the County of Southampton aforesaid, where the Original hereto annexed was then produced ready written, and the said late Earle did then sign, seal, publish, and declare the said Will, as and for his last Will and Testament, in the presence of him, this deponent, Daniel Caesar Pegorier, Thomas Sellwood, and Everard Persevell, whose names appear to be thereto subscribed, and who so severally subscribed their names as witnesses thereto, at the same time, and in the presence of the said deceased, and at his request. And this deponent further saith, that the said late Earle was, at all and singular the premisses of sound and perfect mind and memory, and talked and discoursed very rationally and sensibly.”
Mr Pegorier, another witness, described himself as Lord Galway’s chaplain; and the fact was that he was his Lordship’s private chaplain; but Mr. Imber, being the curate in charge of the parish of Stratton, visited Stratton House, and occasionally gave assistance as a chaplain.
The accepting executors and trustees were William, Duke of Devonshire, and Richard Vaughan, Esq. of Dorwith, in the county of Carmarthen. Of the other two, John, Duke of Rutland, declined to act, and John Charlton, Esq. of Totteridge, in Hertfordshire, was dead.
∗*∗ Earl of Galway’s Last Will and Testament, and Trust-Deed.
The witnesses to Lord Galway’s signature were, the Rev. John Imber (aged 27), curate of Stratton; the Rev. Daniel Caesar Pegorier (aged 24), of St. Anne’s parish, Westminster, chaplain to Lord Galway; Thomas Sellwood (aged 38), gentleman, of St. Giles' parish, Westminster, Lord Galway’s agent, and writer of the will; Everard Persevell (aged 63), yeoman, of the parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields, Middlesex. It is specified after each legacy, that it is “to be paid within one year after my decease;” and as to annuities, they are “per annum for and during the term of his [or her] natural life, to be paid him [or her] by four equal quarterly payments, on the Feast of the Birth of our Lord Christ, the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the Feast of St John Baptist, and St. Michael the Archangel. And I do appoint the first payment to begin and be made at such of the said feast-days as shall first happen after my decease.”
The contents may be classified under five divisions:—
I. — Settlement on his Heiress — consisting of the first and last paragraphs of the Will, and the Trust-Deed appended.
“In the name of God. Amen. I, Henry de Massue, Earl and Viscount of Gallway, and Baron of Port Arlington, in the Kingdom of Ireland, being weak in body, but of sound and disposing mind, judgment, and memory, do make this my last Will and Testament in writing, in manner following:— First, I bequeath my soul to God’s mercy through Jesus Christ, and my body to the earth, to be privately interred by my executors, hereinafter named, in the Church belonging to the Parish wherein I shall happen to depart this life. And as for such ​worldly estate as it hath pleased God to entrust me with, I do hereby dispose of the same in the manner following:—
“That is to say, whereas my late dearly beloved mother, Marie Tallemant, Widow and Relict of my late lamented father, Henry de Massue, Lord of Ruvigny, deceased, did, in her lifetime, by her last Will and Testament in writing, bearing date on or about the Fourteenth day of May, which was in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred ninety and eight, order and appoint that the Right Honourable Rachel, Lady Russell, my father’s niece, and my much esteemed cousin, should succeed to and inherit all such estate, both Real and Personal, in the Kingdom of France, as she, my said mother, had power to dispose of by will, in case I should not get possession of the same, as by the said will, relation being thereunto had, will more at large appear. Now, in order to fulfil my mother’s said last Will and Testament, and to shew the great value and natural affection which I have for the said Rachel, Lady Russell, I do hereby confirm my mother’s will as far as in me lies. And do further give and bequeath unto the said Rachel, Lady Russell, and her heirs, executors, and administrators, all my estate, both real and personal, lands, tenements, and hereditaments whatsoever in the Kingdom of France, together with all the arrearages of the rents and profits thereof, whensoever the same shall or may be recovered. Together with all my right title interest claim and demand whatsoever to the same, and to all and every the rights privileges members and appurtenances thereunto, or to any part or parcel thereof in any wise belonging or appertaining; as fully and amply to all intents and purposes as the same have been formerly held and enjoyed by my said father in his life; to all which I am justly entitled, as eldest and only surviving son and heir both to my said late father, Henry, Lord de Ruvigny, and to my said mother. Also my will and desire is that my executors hereinafter named, do justly and carefully pay all my debts and funeral charges, and also pay my servants their wages to the end of the quarter wherein I shall die. And also my will and intention is that my executors, hereinafter named, shall pay the following legacies.
[Here follow the legacies.]
“And as for and concerning the rest residue and remainder of my estate, both real and personal, whatsoever, within the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, be the same in Lands, tenements, Leases, Leaseholds, Annuitys, Stock, Orders, Tallys, Bonds, Bills, Debts, Dues, Arrears of Pensions, Specialitys, Plate, Jewells, Furniture, Ready Money, Goods, or Chattels of what kind soever, I do give and bequeath the same unto the Most Noble William, Duke of Devonshire, John, Duke of Rutland, John Charlton, of Totteridge, in the county of Hertford, Esquire, and Richard Vaughan, of Dorwith, in the county of Carmarthen, Esquire, subject, nevertheless, to the trust hereinafter expressed, &c. &c. &c. — In witness whereof, &c.
[Here follow the signatures.]
“Whereas I, Henry de Massue, Earl and Viscount of Gallway, &c, have made and duly executed my last Will and Testament, bearing even date with these presents, and thereby after payment of my Funeral Charges, Debts, and Legacies, have devised and given unto the Most Noble William, Duke of Devonshire, &c, all my estate, real and personal whatsoever, within the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, &c. &c. &c, upon trust, nevertheless, to and for the use and benefit of such person or persons, and to and for such uses, intents, and purposes as by any deed or writing to be by me executed, in the presence of two or more witnesses, I should at any time direct, declare, or appoint: and to and for no other use, intent, or purpose whatsoever, &c. &c. Now, know all men by these presents, that I, the said Henry, &c. &c, did bequeath, devise, and give all my said estate, &c. &c, upon the special trust, and to and for the use, intents, and purposes hereinafter expressed, and upon no other trust, and for no other use, intent, or purpose whatsoever. That is to say, upon trust, that they, the said William, &c, their respective heirs, executors, and administrators, shall and will stand and be seized and possessed of all and singular the hereinbefore trusted, or herein intended to be trusted, premises and appurtenances to and for the use and benefit of my dear and well beloved cousin, the Right Honourable Rachel, Lady Russell, Widow and Relict of William, Lord Russell, deceased, &c. &c. &c.
II. — Legacies to Servants.
To every household servant, “Mourning,” “one year’s wages more than shall be due to them at the end of the quarter wherein I shall die;” — also, “one month’s Board Wages.” To servants specially named, besides the above bequests —
John Forcade, £100 “of lawful money of Great Britain,” and £15 per annum.
Michell Vial, £50 per annum, and “all my wearing cloths, both linen and woollen, together with my plate, which is under his care, and belonging to my bed-chamber, and no other.”
Caesar Guillot, £20 per annum.
Moses Grocer, £15 per annum, to be continued to his widow, and their children, Henry and John.
John Briot, £200; James Clarke, ,£50; Mary Guillot, £100; Peter Lowan, £10; Peter Char, £,30.
III. — Legacies to Personal Friends in England.
Daniel Bruneval, “my secretary,” £800. Madame Charlotte Marmande, of St. James’ parish, Westminster, £40 per annum. Madame Lucrece Chavernay, of Southampton, £40 per annum. Madame Vignolles (niece of Madame Chavernay), £500; and to her children, (1.) Angelica Vignolles, £500; (2.) Henry Vignolles, £1000. Monsieur Henry Pyniot de la Largere, of St. James”, Westminster, £20 per annum, “to be paid him till he shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years and no longer.” Anthony Cong, of Southampton, clerk, £13 per annum. Monsieur Peter de Cosne, of Southampton, £500; and to his children, (1.) Charles de Cosne, £1000; (2.) Henrietta de Cosne, ££1500; (3.) Ruvigny de Cosne, £2000.
IV. — Legacies to Personal Friends in Ireland.
Monsieur Cramahe, of Dublin, £1000. “Young Henry Amproux in the Colledge at Dublin,” .£500. John Darasus, son of Madame Darasus, of Dublin, £100, and to her daughter, Henrietta Darasus, £100. Captain John Nicholas, of Dublin, £200. Henry Jordan, “my godson,” of Dun Shaclean, near Dublin, £100. Jacob Denis, of Waterford, clerk, £50.
V. — Legacies pro bono publico.
“Also, I give to the French Hospital in London, of which I am Governor, £1000, to be applied in such manner as Monsieur Philip Menard and the other directors of the said hospital shall think fit.” . . . “Also, I give and bequeath to the poor French Protestant Refugees in this kingdom, to be distributed to them by the Committee, £500.” . . .“Also, I give to the poor of the French Church in the Savoy at London, to be distributed to them by the Consistory there, £200.” . . . “Also, I give to the poor of the French Church in the City of London, to be distributed to them by the Consistory there, £200.” . . . ”To the poor of East Stratton, in the County of Southampton, to be distributed to them by the curate and church-wardens there, £10. . . . To the poor of the parish of Crawley, in the said county, &c, £10. . . . To the poor of the parish of King Somborne, in the said county, &c, £10.” . . . “Also, whereas Domingo Roca, of Alicant, in Spain, gent., did formerly buy a certain number of mules in Spain by my order, but for the publick use, my will is that if the government shall not pay and satisfy the said Domingo Roca for the said mules within two years after my decease, then my executors hereinafter named shall pay the said Domingo Roca for the said mules such sum as Sir John Norris the Admiral shall think reasonable, not exceeding three hundred pounds of lawful money of Great Britain.”
The will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury at London, the seventh day of December, 1720, by the two accepting Trustees: The most Noble William, Duke of Devonshire, and Richard Vaughan of Dorwith, in the county of Carmarthen, Esquire.
[Four of Lord Galway’s god-children mentioned in his will I cannot trace, namely, (1.) Henry Vignolles; (2.) Henry Amproux; (3.) Henrietta Darasus; (4.) Henry Jordan. But among the Baptisms registered in England and Ireland, I have found the following:—
| 1690. | Henry Pynyot de la Largère. |
| 1691. | Henrietta Maria De Stalleur Dequestebrune. |
| _____ | Henriette Nicolas. |
| 1693. | Henry de Poipaille de la Rousseliere. |
| 1699. | Henry Grosvenor. |
| 1708. | Rachel Henrietta De Cosne. |
| 1712. | Henry Charles Boileau de Castelnau. |
| 1713. | Henriete Pope. |
| 1714. | Henriette De Cosne. |
| _____ | Henriette Migel. |
| 1716. | Judith Henriette Mocquot de Creauten. |
| 1717. | Ruvigny De Cosne.] |
* ↑ Thomas Sellwood (born 1682) was agent both to Lady Russell and to Lord Galway, and first editor of Lady Russell’s Letters.
* ↑ Apres la paix, d’Utrecht, il recut, pour recompense de ses services, l’emploi d’haut Justicier d’Irlande. — “Weiss,” Book iii., chap. ii.
* ↑ “1718, June 3. Several galley-slaves, confined on account of religion, were set at liberty at Marseilles, at the instance of his British Majesty.” — British Chronologist.
* ↑ I take this sobriquet from a letter to Lady Russell from Bishop Hough, who himself was long remembered as “the good” Bishop of Worcester. He concluded it with a message of courtesy, “I beg leave to present my most humble service to good Lord Galway.” He had protested against the Bill for the Irish Forfeitures Commission with the signature “Jo. Oxon.,” and against the censure of Lord Galway and the other generals as “Jo. Litch. & Cov.” He was translated to Worcester in 1717.