# Medicina de Quadrupedibus/Introduction

Introduction.
A. General remarks.
§ 1. Object and method of the work. § 2. Description of the ms. § 3. A brief comparison with the other mss. § 4. Spelling. § 5. Dialect.
§ 1.–The present publication is intended as a complement to those made by previous editors of the text of ms. Harl. 6258 (Brit. Mus.). The third part of this ms., entitled Περὶ διδάξεων, was published by Mr. Löweneck in the Erlanger Beiträge (1896) and the first, entitled Herbarium Apuleii, by Mr. Hugo Berberich in this series (Heidelberg 1902). It was at the kind suggestion of Prof. Napier that I undertook to copy out the second and shortest, namely the Medicina de quadrupedibus, which I bring out to-day with introduction, notes, translation and glossary, as a supplementary «thèse» for a doctor’s degree in the University of Paris. My copy includes the whole text of the Medicina as given in the ms. without, however, the § De beta which belongs to it, but which was rightly taken in by Mr. Berberich. The two lines immediately before, viz.: Wið cafodece pollege…, omitted by him, are given here.
Of the two publications just referred to, the first only claims to supply students with a correct text, to which it prefixes a few remarks on the mss. in which the said text ​is found. The second, besides establishing the text with great care, gives a general description of the ms., followed by observations on its relation to the older English copies of the Herbarimn, on its spelling, date, and dialect, and by a full account of its sounds and forms. My edition of the Medicina being intended exclusively for a contribution to the study of early ME. grammar, I have of course adopted the latter plan and considered it my duty to write an introduction similar to that of Mr. Berberich. I have, however, deviated from the model his work offered me in a few points where improvement seemed possible. In doing so I have paid special attention to the observations made on the matter by Prof. Forster in his able review of the Herbarium. The main changes thus introduced are the separation, in the Phonetics, of the weakly accented and unaccented syllables from the others; the use of spaced italics in the Phonetics and in the Accidence to denote the spellings which seem characteristic of ME., and the addition of a glossary where all the words of the text are recorded with the forms under which they occur and numerous references to pages and lines.
The following points are to be noticed by those who use the present publication:
1$^0$. The text has been copied out with the greatest accuracy possible. However it has been thought useless to reproduce all its features and principally its obvious mistakes where they offer no linguistic interest. Thus wriꝥ 6$_{15}$ has been mormalized into wriþ and lœcecrœftef 2$_9$, where the two œs evidently represent æ and where the second f ​can only stand for s has been replaced by læcecræftes. Yet, with the exception of the sign œ which has been silently normalized into æ wherever it occurs, I have never ventured to correct a word without mentioning it in its incorrect form in the footnotes, the form substituted being always that of ms. V, unless otherwise noted. Besides those necessary substitutions, which are regularly indicated by an asterisk, I have had recourse to ms. V wherever the obscurity of ms. O made it desirable. In such cases I have inserted the reading of ms. V within brackets in the text (with no asterisk) and quoted that of ms. O in the notes. Parentheses have been used only when a letter was faint or had altogether disappeared from the text, f. i. scínla(c) 16$_5$. I have allowed myself a free hand with regard to the separation of words, often uniting what is separated and separating what is united: thus I have written wif-þingun 10$_{16}$ 10$_{17}$ instead of wifþingun which is the reading of the ms.; my principle in that respect has been to write as two words united by a hyphen the compounds which bear an accent upon the first element, f. i. setl-gange 6$_2$, heafod-ece 10$_2$, and as one word those in which the first element, accented or not, is merely a prefix. The glosses and also the peculiarities of writing ​have been reproduced as they are in the ms., f. i. on (in) linnenon (lineo) hræȝele (panno) 2$_{14}$, y ($_u$)lcan 10$_2$ and no special notice has been taken of them in the notes. Finally the use of dots over is and ys has been normalized and the accents of the text have been retained.
2$^0$. The translation is copied from Cockayne’s Leechdoms–at least where ms. O agrees with ms. V, but some alterations have been introduced to render the text with greater precision. Latin has been preferred to English where the previous editor chose to adopt it rather than offend decency, but his unnecessary archaisms have not been retained. Explanatory words are added within parentheses f. i. (a berry) 7$_7$ and those which correspond to words taken from ms. V, or are otherwise required by the text, are supplied within brackets, f. i. [aware… of thy virtues… 3$_4$].
3$^0$. In the Phonetics and Accidence I have limited myself to comparatively few examples, except where some particular point required to be insisted upon, and I have excluded from each the forms which show a peculiarity only from the point of view of the other. In the Accidence I have chosen the same word to exemplify the various cases of a noun or the various tenses of a verb wherever it was possible. When a word written in spaced italics in one of the two sections also occurs in the other, I have abstained from using that type where it was no longer justified. Of course when a word had had to be corrected in the text, it has nevertheless been quoted as it is in ms. O.
4$^0$. In the glossary the order of words is strictly alphabetical, æ being placed between ad and af; but initial ​þ follows t. All words are mentioned under their initials, except compounds in ȝe which will be found under the simple words. All forms, either correct or not, and all variant spellings are entered, the starting-point, however, being only the OE. form which is quoted in spaced type. When there is no difference between that form and that referred to, it is not repeated, even if the latter represents a case or person which makes it different from the former: thus after opt. 3d. pl. wexan (from 14$_1$) is not quoted because wexan, being also the form of the infinitive, is written in the margin. Contractions are expanded, and it has been thought useless to reproduce the accents of the text. The gender of nouns is designated except when it is unknown to Sweet and BT; if it is doubtful it is written within parentheses. Numerals indicate the six classes of ablaut verbs (after Sievers’s classification); w. 1, w. 2, w. 3 the three classes of weak verbs; pret.-p. the preterite-present verbs; anv. the anomalous verbs; rd. the reduplicative verbs. The case governed by the verb is mentioned if it is not the accusative. The parts of the verb are quoted in the following order: inf., pr. p., ger., ind. pres., opt. pres., imp., ind. pret., opt. pret., pp., no designation being used in the case of ind. and of pres. Here again parentheses show that what they include has been entered with ​some hesitation: thus þicȝan which, although partly belonging to the fifth ablaut series in OE., only shows weak forms in our text, is followed by (5). Minor distinctions are omitted; f. i. under sē̆, sē̆o, þ(ð)æ(a)t, it has been thought sufficient to make it clear that the vowel of the neuter nominative or accusative may be æ or a and no distinction is made between the places which have þ(ð)æt and those which have þ(ð)at.
In conclusion of tliese preliminary remarks, I wish to express my deep gratitude to Prof. Napier who, besides setting me on the track of the Medicina, gave me a lesson in editing when I submitted him my copy of it and has since read through my introduction with great profit to the present publication. I shall be glad to hear of any suggestion tending to the improvement of my work which may have escaped the attention of that eminent scholar.
§ 2.–The description of ms. given by Mr. Berberich in his introduction applies to our portion of it (pp. 44a–51) in so far as it refers to the sections of the Herbarium which were left undamaged by the fire of 1731. As far as I can judge the text is written in the same hand from end to end, the hand belonging to a scribe who was not very particular about the exactness and correctness of what he wrote. The titles, isolated from the context, and a large number of the first letters of sections are written in red; such additional titles as occur in the margin are also in red, with one exception, the places where red colour was to be used for the first letter of Wiþ(ð) being sometimes ​marked by a (W) sign. The few glosses, either in Latin or in English, scattered in the margins or above the lines, are more generally in black. Both titles and glosses are occasionally framed in red. As to the dates to which those various additions are to be ascribed and to the hands from which they originate I can state nothing precise.
A few minor peculiarities are pointed out in the footnotes.
§ 3.–As pointed out above, a full comparison of the text of ms. O with that given by other mss. lies outside the scope of the present work. It may be of interest, however, to those acquainted with the Medicina as it is printed in Cockayne’s Saxon Leechdoms, to have an idea of the chief differences between ms. O and ms. V on the one hand, and mss. B and H on the other.
Unlike the Herbarium, the Medicina is transcribed in ms. in the same order as in the other mss. If we leave out of consideration a few titles and two portions of lines which do not belong to the text, it may be said that it differs from ms. V in the following respects.
l$^0$. It is considerably shorter, a number of paragraphs which occur in V not being found in O. Among the more important omissions are the following: ​p. 6$_{10}$ the Greek words are replaced by: Ic níme þe ⁊ Cet’a, followed by $^{pluranerba}$; p. 8$_{14}$ a paragraph (also containing Greek words) is omitted; p. 8$_{24}$ six paragraphs are omitted; p. 10$_{18}$ two lines are omitted, the omission being obviously due to the fact that meneg, or a similar word, occurs both in the portion kept and in the portion left out; p. 12$_{15}$ after ȝedríȝede, owing to the omission of two lines two recipes are mixed up; p. 20$_{26}$ more than one page is omitted.
2$^0$. Some passages offer readings different from those of V. I limit myself to a few striking instances:
| V | B | H | O |
| we nemnað | | | man nemned 2$_{10}$ |
| feranne | farenne | | ȝefarenne 4$_{15}$ |
| ham to cyrrenne | | | hale to cumende 4$_{15}$ |
| beheald | | | loca 6$_{12}$ |
| ⁊ næniȝ man ær mid cemde | ⁊ næniȝ man ær mid cæmde | ⁊ mæniȝ man ær mid cæmde | ⁊ na mare ær mid cemde 6$_{17}$ |
| her bufan | her bufon | her bufon | her before 10$_3$ |
| wanting | | | ním þat y (u)lcan ⁊ 10$_3$ |
| eft ȝelice þon þe her bufan ȝecweden is ȝenim þa ylcan | | | eft ním þa ylcan 10$_5$ |
| ȝesoden | ȝesodone | | ȝebræde 10$_7$ |
| ȝemylted drype | | | ȝedrupe ⁊ ȝemylted 10$_{22}$ |
| fyreȝate | | | wude-gete 14$_{27}$ |
| onb’rȝe | | | bruca 16$_6$ ​ | hyt byþ ȝehæled | wanting | ⁊ shuca hyt byð ȝehæled 16$_6$ |
| oþ ꝥ | | | fort 16$_{20}$ |
| hraðe by fleoð onweȝ fram him | | | raðe se flewsa from hym ȝewiteð 20$_2$ |
| oþ ꝥ | | | fort 20$_9$ |
| se wifman se þe | | | se wifman þat 20$_{24}$. |
It will be noticed that there are but few differences between V and BH. The latter texts having, as far as they go, none of the omissions pointed out above, it would be tempting to infer that while there is no necessary connection between VBH and O, there is to say the least a possible one between V and BH. This, however, is a mere hypothesis.
With regard to the dates to which the mss. may be ascribed, the date about 1050 given by Cockayne for V seems fairly correct and there is apparently no reason either to dispute the other dates given by him, viz. about the same date for B and a little later for H. Ms. 0, on the other hand, though preserving many characteristics of OE., can safely be ascribed to about a century later. This is supported by the following considerations:
1$^0$. There are frequent cases of weakening and confusion of the unaccented syllables, cf. p. XXVI;
2$^0$. OE. y, whether «fast» or «unfast», is often represented by u: fot-swulan 12$_5$, blod-rune 14$_6$ 14$_{11}$, hure 8$_{26}$, cuse 16$_{13}$ 16$_{15}$ 16$_{16}$–also y (u)lcan 10$_3$;
3$^0$. OE. æ is often preserved, but a is also frequently substituted. The phonetics shows examples þas, habbe etc.;
​4$^0$. The vocalism of leuiende 2$_{21}$ is ME.; also that of hermen 10$_{17}$, ferres 22$_8$ 22$_{12}$;
5$^0$. We perhaps see a proof of Norman influence in the use of u in leuiende 2$_{21}$;
6$^0$. oþþer, oððer (= mod. or) the first examples of which known to NED. appear in the Περὶ διδάξεων and in the OE. Chronicle under the date 1127 is very frequent in our text. Two other examples of comparatively recent words are before in her-before 10$_3$ of which NED. has no example without the termination in n before 1200 and fort (= till) the first example of which to my knowledge occurs in the Ancren Riwle (about the beginning of the 13th century).
§ 4.–The chief points to be examined in connection with spelling are 1$^0$. the cases of confusion of letters, the additions and omissions; 2$^0$. the abbreviations; 3$^0$. the accents, doss etc.
1$^0$. Confusion of letters; additions and omissions.
As in the Herbarium, the cases of confusion of letters are numerous; they can be divided under three heads: a) those in which the confusion is merely graphic; b) those which can be explained by some association; c) those in which a pure scribal error has to be admitted. It need hardly be added that several reasons may have contributed to the confusion.
a) The confusion seems to be merely graphic, viz. to be due to the resemblance of letters when we meet:
​æ for a: hæle 10$_{13}$, bæres 20$_2$. æ for e: fuþer-fæte 4$_4$ 4$_{18}$. œ for æ: dœl 4$_8$, wambe-wyœce 14$_2$, etc. (As pointed out p. XI all the œs due to that confusion have been silently normalized into æs.) u for a: æscolupio 2$_7$, pannum 12$_{20}$. u (u’) for o: teu’rse 18$_{24}$. ū for en: lungū 12$_5$. y for r: wambe-wyœce 14$_2$. l for ð: linra 4$_{13}$. r for w: areȝ 4$_{16}$. r for n: toðreomera 22$_{22}$. n for m: laecedon 6$_{13}$, nin 14$_3$. f for s: læcecræftef 2$_9$, gyft (for gytst) 22$_{20}$. f for w: nife 18$_{25}$, fif-þingūd 22$_{13}$. þ for h: teoþ 16$_5$, þurþ 16$_5$, þeoþ-wrace 18$_2$. sw for þ: swa 18$_{13}$. h for þ: hara 4$_{19}$, he 12$_9$, awirph 16$_{25}$.
b) It seems natural to explain by association a certain number of other confusions. I understand them to be
α) letter associations.–Either a letter is anticipated: lelome for ȝelonie 14$_1$, fulfes for wulfes 20$_{17}$ 20$_{20}$ 20$_{21}$, fulfune for wulfune (i. e. wylfene) 20$_{25}$, merurh for mearh–the a being moreover written u–22$_3$ deolfolseocnesse for deofolseocnesse 20$_{17}$, nærdran for nædran 8$_2$–notice the curious neardran 22$_7$ where the erroneous insertion of r causes breaking (also due perhaps to eardien which immediately follows?). Add to these some cases of metathesis: swȳrðanan for swyðran 2$_{20}$, and nosþrul 16$_{12}$;
β) grammatical associations.–receles for recelses 12$_8$ may imply a tendency to understand recels as a gs.; in ​hring-fingrum 6$_5$ the scribe must have erroneously understood the plural to be meant; in spiwan 20$_8$ we have a case of substitution of the verb to the substantive; in sceþþes (3$^d$ pers. sing.) 2$_{16}$ 4$_{17}$ the s may be due to that of the 2$^d$ person.
c) There is a considerable number of pure scribal errors: thus ofslean 2$_{13}$ stands for ofslea, hale 4$_{15}$ for ham etc. See the notes.
2$^0$. Abbreviations.
a) and is always written ⁊.
b) The sign ◌̄ is always meant to represent an m or an n: ȝefrēmenne 20$_4$–þane 2$_{20}$, nyhtū 4$_9$–also ne: þon̄ 22$_{20}$. Curiously enough we find it in swȳrðanan 2$_{20}$. Except in the case just mentioned the contractions thus marked by ◌̄ are expanded all through the present publication, thus ȝefremmenne.
c) ꝥ represents either cj. þæt or þæt nns. and ans. of the dem. pron. 2$_9$ 2$_{10}$ etc, once þa the afs. of the same pron. 18$_{11}$, or cj. þonne 2$_8$.
d) Other abbreviations, such as oþꝥ 2$_{14}$ 2$_{22}$, æft$^s$ 4$_9$ need no special explanation.
3$^0$. Accents, dots etc.
With the exceptions of egyp$^e$tâ 2$_3$ and aȝ′e 10$_{10}$, the latter an obvious mistake, the accents and dots occur only over an i or an y. Ex.: ẏfel 2$_{17}$, sẏ 4$_2$–biwínd 2$_{14}$, ðínum 4$_{13}$, ðrowíon 2$_1$. It is clear from the examples quoted that they cannot be taken to mark length. They may be intended to distinguish an i or an y from a letter of the same height on the line.
A dot or several dots under a word or part of a word show a mistake; the word is generally re-written in its ​correct form or the correction is otherwise marked; cf. f. i. ạf̣ỵ | (a) flyȝennysse 22$_6$ and smẹ (y)re 12$_{20}$. In one case we find the sign // used twice to show inversion of order: //fexe //feallendum 12$_{19}$. The same sign also occurs sometimes in the text either in black or in red, to refer to a word added in the margin, f. i. above egyp$^e$tâ 2$_3$, king and rex being written in the margin (the latter twice), and after wriþ 6$_{15}$, on being written in the margin.
The glosses and minor pecularities will be found either in the text or in the notes.
§ 5.–If we leave out of consideration onfeahþ 16$_3$, possibly an isolated Northern form, and sceppes 2$_{16}$ 4$_{17}$ which has been explained otherwise, we may ascribe to our ms. a West-Saxon origin. The use of u for y, already noticed, the frequent occurrence of ea, eo, ēa, ēo due to breaking (cf. Phonetics), the no less frequent occurrence of æ̂ (cf. ibid.) the monophthongization of ea into e in ȝellen 14$_{27}$, ȝellan 22$_8$ and scellan 22$_{12}$, of ēa into ē in sced 22$_{11}$ are, in fact, clearly West-Saxon. However some pecularities which are not characteristic of WS. but which cannot be considered as belonging exclusively to other dialects make the borderland between the West-Saxon (WS.) and Anglian (A.)–or Kentish (K.)–territories a more probable place of origin.
1$^0$. The addition of h initially before a vowel is not uncommon in all Southern texts.
​2$^0$. The vocalism of sylf 20$_{11}$ and that of smere 12$_{20}$, ȝesmered 14$_{13}$–in the last two of which, it is true, the accented e is corrected into i (y),–are found in WS., A. and K.; ȝereced 18$_{12}$ is A. and K. No special importance is to be attached to the non WS. ȝecnucad 8$_8$, in which the a is sufficiently accounted for by the want of accent.
3$^0$. embe 6$_{21}$ 18$_{15}$ and embehwyrft 4$_{22}$ (also ymbhwyrftum 4$_{13}$) are K, etest 4$_{23}$, byon 6$_{24}$ and ȝeberned(e) 8$_{11}$ 22$_{22}$ are A. The vocalism of ærfodum 6$_{15}$ seems to be properly Mercian and the same may be said of hæfeð 8$_2$, driȝ 8$_{21}$, ȝedriȝede 12$_{15}$ and forþricceð 18$_{13}$. It is, in fact, well-known that the Saxon patois are rich in Mercian forms.
B. Phonetics. I. The vowels in accented syllables. Short Vowels. § 1. a.
OE. a in an open syllable before a guttural vowel remains a in hafast 2$_{24}$, hafað 20$_6$.
§ 2. a (ǫ) before nasals.
Germanic a is more generally represented by a: man 2$_{10}$, nama 2$_{12}$, þanne 2$_{13}$ etc, ȝewanaþ 20$_{23}$. However we meet with on 2$_{12}$, ðone 2$_{20}$, comb 6$_{17}$, ȝesomne 6$_{20}$, wom 14$_{22}$.
§ 3. æ.
OE. æ in close syllables or in open syllables before palatal vowels is represented
1$^0$. by æ: þæs 2$_{12}$ 2$_{19}$ etc, ælmihtiȝon 2$_{12}$, æfter 4$_5$ 18$_{11}$, heafod-wræce 4$_9$, fæstende 4$_{26}$, wæteres 8$_5$, wætere 12$_{12}$ 20$_7$, ȝebærnede 8$_{14}$ etc, bræȝen 14$_1$, wlæc 14$_{24}$, hrædlice 16$_{14}$.
2$^0$. by a: besides nappunge 20$_8$ and þeoþ-wrace 18$_2$ which occur in OE. we notice þas 2$_{21}$, baðe 4$_9$, habbe 6$_{11}$, after 6$_{18}$ 12$_{11}$ 18$_{20}$, ȝe barned 8$_7$ and ȝebarnedne 22$_7$, hradlice 8$_{20}$, fastende 12$_{12}$, watere 10$_{11}$, braȝen 12$_2$ 16$_5$ 18$_{23}$ 18$_{25}$.
Note.–Besides a alternating with æ in the verb bærnan we meet twice with the Anglian e: ȝebernede 8$_{11}$, ȝeberned 22$_{22}$.
§ 4. e.
1$^0$. OE. e (original or mutation e) is preserved: cweð 2$_{12}$, cned 18$_2$, feld-beona 22$_9$–nemned 2$_{10}$, eles 4$_7$, ahefe 6$_6$.
Note.–The e of feld appears as feald in feald-beona 14$_{13}$.
2$^0$. It appears as æ in ælcor 22$_{12}$.
3$^0$. It appears as y in sylf 20$_1$.
§ 5. i.
1$^0$. OE. «fast» i, viz. the sound originally represented by i in Germanic or i due to mutation is represented
α) by i: linnenon 2$_{13}$, ȝeflite 2$_{22}$, þriwa 14$_{17}$;
β) by y: hyt 4$_8$–tobrycþ 10$_{10}$.
Notes.–a) u in wul 20$_1$, (wulle 24$_3$ is due to the w and corresponds to the y in late WS. wyle. Notice also y (u)lcan 10$_3$ and cy (u)ld 12$_{27}$.
​b) toþ-rima appears with the two vocalisms eo, ea: toðreomera (for reomena) 22$_{22}$, teþ (for toþ)-reaman 14$_2$. Prof. Napier suggests to me that while the former represents an o mutation of i (Bülbr. § 235 & 237), the latter is to be compared to seripteáro as against téoru (Siev. § 43, 2), bearing a secondary accent. Another hypothesis proposed by the same authority is that reaman is perhaps due to confusion with rēoma, rēama = membrane.
2$^0$. OE. «unfast» i, viz. the sound resulting from older ie which regularly alternates with y is represented
α) by i: scille 16$_8$, smire 8$_{19}$ etc. (also ȝesme (i)red 14$_{23}$);
β) by y: smyre 4$_9$, syle 12$_8$ etc, mylt 22$_3$;
γ) by u: smure 2$_{24}$ 8$_{17}$ 18$_{51}$, smura 12$_2$ 18$_1$, herþbuliȝes 14$_{26}$, hure 8$_{26}$.
Note.–The ill-defined i of fiþerfēte is also represented by u: fuþer-fæte 4$_4$ 4$_{18}$.
§6. o.
1$^0$. OE. is preserved: bodede 2$_4$, hors 2$_{24}$.
2$^0$. We find e inserted before o, as regularly in OE., after a palatal consonant: ȝeond 4$_{22}$.
§ 7. u.
OE. u is preserved: þus 2$_4$, cumende 4$_{15}$ etc.
Note.–æscolupio 2$_7$ and willa 18$_{20}$ are mistakes for Æsculapio, wulla.
§8. y.
1$^0$. OE. «fast» y, representing the i mutation of u, is preserved, being expressed
α) by y: ȝelynde 2$_{24}$, ymbhwyrftum 4$_{13}$, blod-ryne 14$_9$, cyrnlu 16$_{25}$, swylas 18$_3$ 18$_4$;
β) by i: blod-rine 16$_{11}$, forþricceð 18$_{13}$, brine 22$_{10}$;
γ) by u: drupe 10$_5$, ȝedrupe 10$_{22}$, druppe 18$_5$, curnlu 10$_{12}$, fot-swulan 12$_5$, swulas 18$_{10}$, grutta– ​a compromise between the vocalism of grūt and that of grytt–16$_{22}$, pule 20$_{20}$, fulfune 20$_{25}$. The spelling in u after w in wurmas 8$_{12}$ is regular in late WS.
2$^0$. For OE. «umfast» y cf. under i.
Long vowels. § 9. ā.
OE. ā is preserved whether it represents
α) Germ. ai: hatan 2$_3$, adle 4$_1$, bares 18$_{23}$ etc.
Note.–On. hæte 10$_6$, hæle 10$_{13}$ etc., hæres 20$_8$ 20$_{14}$ cf. Spelling p. XVII.
β) WGerm. ā: ȝelacnað 14$_{19}$. We meet also with læcned 4$_{12}$.
§ 10. ǣ.
OE. ǣ representing i mutation of Germ. ai is preserved as ǣ: æniȝe 4$_1$, æniȝun 4$_4$ 6$_{14}$, ȝehæled 4$_{10}$, ær 6$_2$, dæle 6$_{16}$, clænsunge 12$_{26}$. However by-forms in ā are not rare: ar 8$_{20}$, haled 10$_{12}$, alcen 4$_4$, clane 6$_{21}$ and ȝeclansod 6$_{23}$ show the vocalism of the adverb clāne.
Notes.–a) The a in hamede 16$_4$ is somewhat surprising as the grammars and dictionaries have only æ; still as the vowel rests on Germ. ai, ǣ being due to the verb hæman, a by-form in ā is quite admissible.
b) ealtewa 12$_{18}$ is no doubt a scribal error for eálteaw. For examples of ealteaw cf. BT s. v.
§ 11. æ̂.
§ 12. ē.
OE. ē representing i mutation of ō, or a lengthened Germ. e, or the K. and A. mutation of ēa, is retained: swetan 10$_{11}$–stred 8$_{13}$–sced 22$_{11}$–receles 12$_8$.
Notes.–a) On fuþer-fæte 4$_4$ 4$_{18}$ cf. Spelling p. XVII.
b) onfeahþ 16$_3$ is probably a mistake, but it might also be an isolated Northern form (cf. above p. XIX).
§ 13. ī.
1$^0$. OE. «fast» ī, viz. the original Germ. ī and the lengthened Germ. i are expressed
α) by i. æthrinan 2$_{15}$;
β) by y: tyd 4$_1$, wysa 4$_{11}$, swyrþre 20$_{22}$.
2$^0$. OE. «unfast» ī, viz. the sound resulting from older īe, which regularly alternates with y, is expressed
α) by i: ȝediȝest 2$_{23}$, alisede 4$_{15}$, ætiwdan 20$_{19}$;
β) by y: alysed 16$_{19}$, þystru 22$_8$;
γ) by u: frunde 2$_4$, hure 8$_{13}$, cuse 16$_{13}$ 16$_{15}$ 16$_{16}$.
Note.–The difficult ȳ vocalism of the numerals from 13 to 19 occurs in seofontyne 6$_2$.
§ 14. ō.
OE. ō is regularly preserved: wol-berende 2$_{17}$.
Note.–The e before o in ȝedeon 22$_{22}$ is an obvious mistake.
§ 15. ū.
OE. ū is preserved: þu 2$_{23}$, mule 4$_3$, brucan 4$_{25}$, butu 12$_{24}$.
§ 16. ȳ.
1$^0$. OE. «fast» ȳ representing the i mutation of ū is preserved and is represented
α) by y: fyre 4$_{17}$;
β) by i: driȝ 8$_{21}$, ȝedriȝede 12$_{15}$, etc., fires 22$_{10}$;
γ) by u: nosþurlo 14$_{10}$, nosþrul 16$_{12}$.
Diphthongs. § 17. ea.
OE. ea due to the influence of a preceding palatal or to the regular breaking of a appears as:
1$^0$. ea: sceallen 8$_{21}$, earfodnyssa 8$_{26}$, weartan 10$_9$, geallan 10$_{18}$, wa (e)rme 12$_{12}$, ȝesceawen (for ȝesceafen) 12$_{23}$, ealtewa 12$_{18}$, fearres 22$_6$.
Note.–wirtan 10$_8$ can but be a scibal error for weartan.
2$^0$. monophthong æ: ærfodum 6$_{15}$.
3$^0$. monophthong e:
α) before x in fex: 6$_{19}$, wexeð 12$_{22}$;
β) after palatal ȝ, sc: ȝellan 22$_8$, ȝellen 14$_{27}$, scellan 22$_{12}$.
γ) in hermen 10$_{17}$, ferres 22$_8$ 22$_{12}$.
§ 18. eo.
OE. eo due to breaking of e or to a u mutation of e appears as:
1$^0$. eo: seolfre 2$_{14}$, ȝefeohte 2$_{22}$, heortes 8$_9$, seofan 12$_9$.
2$^0$. ea: tears 20$_5$.
3$^0$. u in the group weor as in late WS.: wurde 2$_8$. The later spelling (with y) occurs in dwyreȝe-dwosle 24$_2$.
4$^0$. e: leuiende 2$_{21}$, smeru 8$_{27}$, terþ (for teors) 16$_2$, herþena 18$_{23}$.
§ 19. ēa.
OE. ēa appears as:
1$^0$. ea: neate 4$_4$, readige 6$_6$. nead-þearf 6$_{13}$ for niedþearf seems to be due to the analogy of nēadian.
2$^0$. e after a palatal consonant: sced 22$_{11}$.
§ 20. ēo.
OE. ēo remains: deor 2$_{11}$, ðreo 4$_6$. The analogical com is preserved 2$_5$.
Note.–The io shown by byon 6$_{24}$ also occurs in OE.
II. The vowels in weakly accented and unaccented syllables. §21.
Although the OE. weakly accented and unaccented vowels are in the majority of cases retained unaltered, instances of confusion are numerous. Thus we meet with:
1$^0$. e for a: land-ȝemare 4$_{13}$, peniȝe 8$_4$, sceallen 8$_{21}$ 10$_9$ 10$_{13}$, gomane 10$_{14}$.
2$^0$. a for e: waȝunga 8$_7$, acwellaþ 8$_{12}$, lungane 10$_6$ 10$_{11}$ 12$_3$ 18$_{17}$, sworetunga 10$_{10}$, also bruca 10$_{19}$, shuca (for suca) 16$_6$.
3$^0$. æ for e: ȝestjllæð 14$_7$, habbæ 20$_{24}$.
4$^0$. u for e: fulfune (for wylfune) 20$_{25}$. Of course this may be a pure scribal error.
5$^0$. y for ea: eah-sylfe 8$^3$.
6$^0$. a for o: heafad 6$^{17}$.
7$^0$. (e for o: inneþes 18$_{25}$).
8$^0$. a for u: mæneȝa 2$_5$, horsa 4$_3$, burh-staþela 4$_{13}$, fingran 6$_5$, wifam 12$_7$.
9$^0$. e for u: læcecræftef (for læcecræftes) 2$^9$, worde 2$_{21}$, hermen 10$_{17}$.
10$^0$. (o for u: eaȝon 20$_{22}$).
III. Consonants. § 22. The semi-vowel w.
OE. w remains unchanged, both initially and medially: wol-berende 2$_{17}$, wexeð 12$_{22}$, flewsan 6$_1$, smeruwe 16$_{22}$.
​Notes.–a) On the substitution of f for w cf. Spelling XVII.
b) The omission of w in æȝhylce 8$_6$, flesan 8$_9$ is an obvious mistake.
Liquids. § 23. l.
1$^0$. OE. l is preserved: hælo 2$_4$, læcecræftef (for læcecræftes) 2$_9$.
2$^0$. We sometimes find ll written for l: till 4$_{24}$, wulle 24$_3$.
§ 24. r.
OE. r remains unchanged: rammes 18$_{10}$, earane 10$_4$.
Note.–On the substitution of y for r cf. Spelling p. XVII.
Nasals. § 25. m.
1$^0$. OE. m generally remains unchanged: man 2$_{17}$, fremeð 4$_{21}$.
2$^0$. m and mm are used indifferently in the same word: wommas 22$_{16}$, womas 22$_{18}$.
Note.–Besides the cases in which m with inflexional value is represented by n (alcen, niwen etc., cf. Accidence), final n also occurs sometimes for m. cf. Spelling p. XIX.
§ 26. n.
1$^0$. OE. n remains unchanged: nebbe 14$_9$, netelan 16$_2$. It is dropped in the unaccented ending -ing when immediately preceded by an n: penige 8$_4$.
2$^0$. n occurs for nn in þane 6$_{10}$, done 20$_{21}$, ȝewin 4$_{20}$. Inversely nn occurs for n in linnenon 2$_{13}$.
3$^0$. Inflexional n is sometimes dropped: gs. sunna 6$^2$, mona 6$_2$, ds. nama 2$_{12}$ 2$_{21}$.
Notes.–a) On a case of r for n cf. Spelling p. XVII.
Labials. §27. p.
OE. p remains unchanged: peniȝe 8$_4$, dropfaȝum 14$_{18}$, apuldure 20$_1$, æppel 6$_4$, upp 6$_7$.
§ 28. b.
OE. b remains unchanged: bodede 2$_4$, comb 6$_{17}$, habbe 6$_{11}$, nebbe 14$_9$. The loss of b in cemde 6$_{17}$ is OE.
§ 29. f and v (u).
1$^0$. OE. f remains unchanged: furþur 16$_{20}$, hafe 2$_{15}$, næfre 6$_{23}$, gif 4$_8$.
2$^0$. It is once replaced by u medially before a vowel: leuiende 2$^{21}$.
Dentals. § 30. t.
1°. OE. t is generally preserved: tyd 4$_1$, ȝebrited 14$_{10}$, butere 24$_3$.
2$^0$. It is dropped in ongyft (for ongyst = ongytest) 22$_{20}$.
3$^0$. OE. tt appears as t in sworetunga 10$_{10}$, w (l)æten 12$_{19}$, w (l)ætan 20$_8$. In ȝesetted 12$_4$ the tt seems due to the contamination of ȝesett with ȝeseted, both of which are regular in OE.
§ 31. d.
1$^0$. OE, d is preserved: wyldeora 2$_9$, tyd 4$_1$, ȝyrdels 2$_{19}$, nædran 8$_{12}$; þriddan 12$_8$.
2$^0$. It is dropped in anwlitan 6$_{15}$ 8$_{18}$ 14$_{20}$, unhalwenlicre 4$_{11}$.
§ 32. þ (ð).
1$^0$. þ and ð are used indifferently to denote the open dental, either voiced or unvoiced, initially, medially and finally:
þ: þan 2$_3$, þinum 4$_{13}$, fuþer-fæte 4$_4$, teþ 2$_{11}$; siþþan 2$_{13}$.
ð: ðone 2$_{20}$, raðe 4$_2$, hafað 20$_6$; cyððe 2$_8$, siððan 18$_{11}$.
2$^0$. þ (ð) occasionally interchanges with d: cweð 2$_{12}$, cwed 2$_{21}$–also wriþ 6$_{15}$, ȝewryd 16$_{22}$. Notice also the occurrence of d for original þ: ærfodum 6$_{15}$, bruced 8$_3$. As will be seen under the Accidence, the latter substitution is frequent in the 3$^d$ persons, both singular and plural, of the present indicative.
3$^0$. d occurs for ðn in wurde 2$^8$.
Notes.–a) On sw for þ cf. Spelling p. XVII.
b) odðer 12$_{13}$ 22$_{12}$ and 24$_3$ is no doubt miswritten for oððer.
Sibilants. § 33. s.
1$^0$. OE. s is preserved: sar 8$_7$, ȝeclansod 6$_{23}$, ȝyrdels 2$_{19}$; þissun 2$_{20}$.
2$^0$. þis occurs for þissum 2$_4$.
Note.–sh is obviously for s in shuca 16$_6$.
§ 34. x.
OE. x remains unchanged: wexeð 12$_{22}$, fex 6$_{19}$ etc., tux 22$_{21}$. Notice axan 8$_4$ etc., the metathetic form of æsca (also æsca 10$_7$).
Gutturals and palatals. § 35. c.
1$^0$. c occurs both before front and back vowels: cembe 6$_{17}$, abrice 4$_{18}$; aweccenne 8$_{21}$–casere 2$_4$, loca 6$_{12}$; wudebucca 14$_9$. Also finally: wyrc 6$_{24}$, and before consonants: ȝecniden 12$_{23}$.
​There is no instance of k.
2$^0$. It appears once as cȝ: drencȝe 12$_{12}$.
3$^0$. Palatal sc occurs in flæsc 4$_{23}$, scenc 8$_6$, æsca 10$_7$ ȝesceawen (for ȝesceafen) 12$_{23}$, scurfum 18$_{19}$.
Note.–englis 2$_{11}$ 24$_2$ seems to be a scribal error.
§ 36. ȝ–g.
Initially.
1$^0$. Before vowels OE. initial ȝ is generally represented
α) by ȝ before originally palatal vowels: ȝefoh 2$_{11}$, ȝearra 22$_{13}$, ȝit 22$_{20}$;
β) by g before back vowels and the mutated vowels corresponding to them: godes 2$_{13}$, gangas 12$_6$–gyldene 16$_5$. Exceptions are: geallan 10$_{18}$ etc. (We find g used five times in this word against ȝ used six times); ȝoma 14$_{15}$–ȝyrdels 2$_{19}$. The capital used is G: Gif 4$_8$ 4$_{24}$ (6$_{15}$) 16$_{25}$ 20$_2$, Gate 18$_6$.
2$^0$. Before consonants we find g in grutta 16$_{22}$.
Note.–On a case of l for ȝ cf. Spelling p. XVII.
Medially.
1$^0$. Between vowels.–g and ȝ are used indifferently, but the latter symbol occurs in the majority of cases: egyp (e)tâ 2$_3$, witigan 2$_{20}$, bur-gatun 4$_{14}$, ȝeliþegaþ 18$_{24}$, wude-gete 14$_{27}$; hræȝele 2$_{14}$–ælmihtiȝon 2$_{12}$, haȝol 2$_{16}$, æniȝun 4$_4$, miȝað 20$_{12}$, eaȝon 20$_{22}$ etc. Of the two classical words in the text, one has g, the other ȝ: androȝinem 12$_{24}$, pollege 24$_2$.
Note.–Notice the use of e in eaȝean 22$_9$ showing the palatal pronunciation of ȝ.
2$^0$. After l we find ȝ: swelȝan 16$_6$.
3$^0$. Palatal ȝ is regularly dropped before d: stred 8$_{13}$, onȝestreded 14$_7$, ȝeled 16$_6$ 18$_{18}$, aled 18$_{11}$.
​4$^0$. In the combination ng we find g: strang 2$_{16}$, hring-fingrum 6$_5$ etc., also cg: mencg 10$_{18}$ and gc: ȝemengc 14$_{14}$, mengc 16$_{17}$.
5$^0$. As in OE. the double sound is regularly represented by cȝ in þicȝe 4$_{26}$ 8$_{15}$, ðicȝean 12$_{17}$. We find gg once before a guttural: migga 16$_{24}$.
Finally.
Only ȝ occurs at the end of words: areȝ (for aweȝ) 4$_{16}$, driȝ 8$_{21}$, huniȝ 18$_{24}$. It is dropped in twi 6$_{21}$, huni 12$_{13}$.
Note.–fire-gate 16$_5$ (BT has firgen-gāt, firgin-gāt) seems to be a scribal error. Other scribal errors are aȝe for aweȝ 10$_{10}$ and sylefæst for syȝefæst 22$_3$.
§ 37. h.
A. Initially.
h occurs regularly, as in OE.:
1$^0$. before vowels: hatan 2$_3$, hælo 2$_4$, horn 8$_7$. awyrfþ 8$_{12}$ and oman 16$_7$ 20$_{13}$ are not exceptions as both weorfan and hweorfan, ōman and hōman are recorded, but eafodece 24$_2$ deserves notice. There are, on the other hand, cases in which h occurs without being justified: hifeles 4$_{24}$, hyrnende 4$_{25}$, hermen 10$_{17}$, hys 12$_{18}$.
2$^0$. before consonants: hræȝele 2$_{14}$, hlutre 10$_5$, hring 16$_5$. It is, however, dropped in raðe 4$_2$ etc., nappunge 20$_8$.
B. Medially and finally.
1$^0$. There is no special remark to be made here. Examples are: ȝefeohte 2$_{22}$, lichaman 6$_9$, eahhræc 20$_{21}$–ȝefoh 2$_{11}$, ðurh 4$_5$.
2$^0$. h is lost in bur-gatun 4$_{14}$.
C. Accidence. I. Substantives. Observations.
1$^0$. A well-known peculiarity of ME. is to be noticed here. The forms of the substantives and adjectives show some confusion when compared to the OE. declensions. By the side of the full inflexions, which are generally preserved, we meet not infrequently with reduced ones and they are sometimes dropped altogether. The cases in which a full ending is used where no such ending occurs in OE. are rare.
2$^0$. As in other e ME. mss. the distinction between the dative and the accusative singular is particularly difficult after the prepositions which govern both cases, as wið and mid. The one may be admitted as well as the other when there is no difference of form between the two, viz. in the ā stems, in the i stems with an originally short root-syllable, or in the weak declensions. However as in the majority of cases where the distinction is possible the dative is certainly used, I admit it wherever a clear accusative form does not occur. In one case, viz. Wið earena sar ⁊ sweȝe 14$_{22}$ I am tempted to understand the uninflected sar as a dative, for sweȝe cannot possibly be an accusative. Cf. the note.
§ 38. o stems.
[Here and in the following §§ (38–44) it has been thought useless to separate, when necessary, the nouns with originally long from those with originally short root-syllable otherwise than by the sign ;].
1$^0$. Masculine nouns.
Singular–N. haȝol 2$_{16}$, ȝyrdels 2$_{19}$, wol 4$_{16}$, horn 8$_7$.
​G. godes 2$_{13}$, morbeames 6$_{21}$, sceos 10$_{23}$, innoþes 16$_{17}$.
D. wole 4$_4$ (which might also be considered as an a stem), muþe 4$_5$, hed-claðe 14$_3$. hring-fingmm 6$_5$ is obviously a case of confusion with the plural.
A. dæȝ 8$_6$, lust 8$_{23}$, swefel 20$_{14}$.
Plural.–N. gangas 12$_6$.
G. wif-lusta 4$_{25}$–peniȝe 8$_4$, dæȝe 12$_{10}$.
D. hundun 4$_{18}$, seon 4$_{20}$–fingran 6$_5$–hermen 10$_7$–burþ-staþela 4$_{13}$–mule 4$_3$–læcecræftef (for læcecræftes) 2$_9$, clænsung-dæȝes 4$_{22}$.
A. dæȝes 4$_{26}$, wearres 18$_{13}$.
2$^0$. Neuter nouns.
Singular.–N. nyten 2$_{10}$, tungol 2$_{16}$, frecne 4$_{17}$, wyldeor 4$_{21}$.
G. yfeles 2$_{18}$; deores 4$_5$, receles (for recelses) 12$_8$.
D. yfele 4$_5$, ȝenipe 22$_8$; lice 2$_{15}$, golde 2$_{14}$, ȝewinne 4$_{19}$. Also with a: wille-wætera 4$_{26}$, hunia 22$_8$.
A. twi 6$_{21}$, ȝewin 4$_{20}$. recels 16$_2$, heafed 16$_{10}$, scinlac 22$_2$.
Plural.–N. scinlac 20$_{19}$.
G. wyldeora 2$_9$; wifa 8$_{26}$–land-ȝemare 4$_{13}$, liþe 22$_2$.
D. bur-gatun 4$_{14}$, ærfodum 6$_{15}$, wordum 2$_4$, nitennum 4$_{18}$–wifam 12$_7$–horsa 4$_3$–worde 2$_{21}$.
A. word 6$_{11}$, earfeðu 8$_{27}$, sar 18$_{23}$, seinlac 22$_1$.
§ 39. jo stems.
Masculine nouns.
Singular.–N. casere 4$_{20}$, cuse 16$_{13}$ etc.
D. casere 2$_4$.
Neuter nouns.
Singular.–D. gode-webbe 6$_{12}$, nebbe 14$_9$.
I. ȝewæȝe 8$_4$.
§ 40. wo stems.
Neuter nouns.
Singular.–D. treowe 6$_3$, siwe (for seawe) 14$_{23}$, smeruwe 16$_{28}$.
A. smeru 8$_{27}$.
Plural.–G. cneowa 22$_2$.
§ 41. ā stems.
Singular.–N. lifer 10$_8$, bot 8$_{17}$, sealf 18$_2$–adle 4$_2$, lungane 10$_6$, sealfe 12$_{21}$, wambe 16$_{19}$, bote 16$_{14}$. On lungum 12$_5$ cf. Spelling p. XVII.
G. wambe 8$_6$.
D. cyððe 2$_8$, adle 4$_1$, sealfe 10$_1$, clænsunge 12$_{26}$–waȝunga 8$_7$.
A. lifre 4$_{12}$; wambe 6$_{16}$, sealfe 10$_5$–sworetunga 10$_{10}$–wamba 12$_{20}$.
Plural–D. sceþþum 12$_5$.
§ 42. jā stems.
Singular.–N. beornysse (for beortnysse) 14$_{13}$.
G. fulfune (for wylfune) 20$_{25}$.
D. ȝelynde 2$_{24}$, dimnesse 12$_{13}$, dimnysse 14$_{16}$, beorhnesse (for beorhtnesse) 14$_{12}$, heardnysse 16$_{17}$ 16$_{18}$, deolfolseocnesse (for deofol-seocnesse) 20$_{17}$, | (a) flyȝennysse 22$_6$.
A. ȝelinde 10$_{22}$ 20$_9$.
Plural.–A. earfodnyssa 8$_{26}$, scille 16$_8$, grutta 16$_{22}$.
§ 43. wā stems.
Singular.–A. stowe 18$_{11}$.
Plural.–G. syna 18$_5$. ​D. stowum 8$_{26}$.
A. sina 10$_{14}$, stowe 10$_1$.
§ 44. i stems.
Masculine nouns.
a) with originally short root-syllable. Singular.–N. onhrine 2$_{18}$.
G. eles 4$_7$.
D. ele 8$_{27}$, toþ-ece 14$_{24}$, blod-ryne 14$_9$ etc., stice 16$_3$, brine 22$_{10}$.
A. blod-rune 14$_{11}$, pule 20$_{20}$.
Plural.–D. fot-swulan 12$_5$.
A. swylas 18$_3$, swulas 18$_{10}$.
b) with originally long root-syllable. Singular.–N. dæl 4$_8$, drenc 20$_7$.
G. herþ-buliȝes 14$_{26}$.
D. dæle 6$_7$, drencȝe 12$_{12}$, sweȝe 14$_{22}$.
A. embehwyrft 4$_{22}$, dæl 8$_{22}$, drinc 8$_{24}$, sæd 16$_2$.
Plural.–D. ymbhwyrftum 4$_{13}$.
A. wyrmas 810 wurmas 812, eaȝe-bræwas 16$_{14}$.
Neuter nouns.
a) with originally short root-syllable–fails.
b) with originally long root-syllable. Singular.–A. flæsc 4$_{23}$.
Feminine nouns.
a) with originally short root-syllable–fails.
b) with originally long root-syllable. Singular.–N. tyd 4$_1$, hid 4$_{17}$.
G. hyde 4$_{19}$.
D. mihte 4$_5$, gesihþe 20$_{17}$.
§ 45. u stems.
Masculine nouns.
æppel follows the declension of the o stems. Cf. Glossary.
sumor occurs in the dative singular: sumera 22$_{19}$.
Feminine nouns.
Singular.–D. handa 6$_4$; nose 16$_{11}$.
Plural.–D. handum 18$_{14}$.
§ 46. n stems.
Masculine nouns.
Singular.–N. mona 6$_1$–ȝealle 14$_{12}$ etc.
G. witigan 2$_{20}$, monan 6$_2$, lichaman 6$_9$, haran 12$_7$–wif-ȝemanon 8$_{22}$–hara 12$_2$, wudu-bucca 14$_{18}$–dore 10$_{20}$–lichamas 6$_{14}$–lichames 22$_4$, leones 22$_1$ (also leon 22$_3$).
D. þuman 6$_5$, anwlitan 8$_{18}$–croccen 4$_7$ (which might also be considered as feminine)–nama 2$_{12}$, lichama 22$_{16}$–gealle 14$_{20}$.
A. anwlitan 6$_{15}$, wið-ȝemanan (for wif-ȝemanan) 8$_{20}$, geallan 10$_{18}$–geallen 14$_{25}$, wið-gemanen (for wif-ȝemanen) 22$_{11}$–migga 16$_{24}$. helpna 22$_{20}$ is an obvious mistake for hwelpan.
Plural.–G. ȝomena 14$_{14}$, toð-reomera (for toð-reomena) 22$_{22}$–gomane 10$_{14}$.
A. ȝoman 10$_{15}$, teþ-reaman (for toþ-reaman) 14$_2$, helan 14$_3$.
Neuter nouns.
Singular.–D. eaȝon 20$_{22}$.
A. eare 10$_5$, eaȝe 20$_{22}$.
Plural.–N. earan 20$_2$, eaȝene 12$_{14}$.
G. eaȝena 12$_3$, earena 14$_{22}$–eara 10$_{18}$, earane 10$_4$–eaȝene 14$_4$.
A. earan 14$_{24}$–eaȝen 14$_5$–eaȝean 22$_9$–eare 10$_{22}$.
Feminine nouns.
​Singular.–G. eorþan 4$_{22}$, nærdran (for nædran) 8$_2$, sunnan 8$_{20}$, netelan 16$_2$–sunna 6$_2$–apuldure 20$_1$.
D. tyrwan 10$_1$ (which might also be considered as masculine)–asca 10$_7$–hæte 16$_{13}$, butere 24$_3$. Notice þystru 22$_8$, indeclinable in the singular. On pannum 12$_{20}$ cf. Spelling p. XVII.
A. heortan 4$_{14}$, dwyrcȝe-dwosle 24$_2$, pollege 24$_2$. hælo 2$_4$ and unhæle 20$_{13}$ belong to the indeclinable series.
Plural.–G. feld-beona 22$_9$.
A. axan 8$_4$, weartan 10$_9$.
§ 47. Other consonantal declensions.
[The reader is referred to the Glossary for references.]
(Isolated) masculine nouns.
Singular.–G. manes.
D. men.
A. fot.
Plural.–N. teþ.
G. fota, toþa.
D. fotun.
A. fet, teþ.
(Isolated) feminine nouns.
N. gat.
G. (wudu-)gate, meoluc–wude-gete.
A. meoluc.
Plural.–D. nyhtum.
A. niht.
nd stems.
Singular.–D. frunde.
os, es stems.
Singular.–D. hamede.
[The foregoing list omits, besides words with no special interest which are all recorded in the glossary, besmer 10$_{17}$, ​an as. (of the o declension) given by Sweet as mn., wurm (for wyrms) 20$_3$ (of the o declension?) which has the same two genders, and sceallan 12$_{26}$, sceallan 4$_{25}$, sceallen 8$_{21}$ 10$_9$ 10$_{13}$, all of which are ap. belonging to the n stems, but the gender of which cannot be determined as they occur only in the plural.]
II. Adjectives. The strong adjective. § 48. o stems.
Singular.
N. Masc. yfel 2$_{17}$, eal 4$_{16}$, hæl 20$_{11}$, oþer 20$_{11}$. Fem. god 10$_{22}$, blac 18$_{10}$, smæl 18$_{17}$. Neuter cuþ 41$_7$, god 4$_{23}$, hal 22$_4$.
D. Masc. dropfaȝum 14$_{18}$–scearpun 16$_9$–alcen 4$_4$, ealden 8$_{27}$, swete 8$_{15}$, gode 12$_{20}$, forewearde 22$_{19}$. Fem. unȝewendedlicre (for unȝewendendlicre) 4$_{11}$, unhalwenlicre (for unhalwendlicre) 4$_{11}$. Neuter oþrum 18$_{14}$, scirum 12$_9$–cwicun 2$_{11}$–wearme 12$_{12}$.
A. Masc. hwitne 6$_6$, fulne 8$_6$, gyldene 16$_5$–wurde 2$_8$. Fem. hlutre 10$_5$. Neuter wæpned 12$_{22}$, dead 20$_{24}$.
Plural.
N. Masc. hale 4$_{15}$, hæle 10$_{13}$. Fem. gode 12$_{19}$, hæl 16$_{10}$. Neuter hæle 4$_6$–hal 18$_3$–sara 20$_3$.
D. Fem. inwerdlicum 8$_{26}$–mæneȝa 2$_5$. Neuter eallum 4$_{18}$.
A. Fem. berena 16$_{22}$. Neuter sare 10$_{12}$, ealle 14$_{21}$ 18$_{24}$.
§ 49. jo stems.
Singular.
N. Masc. bryce 6$_7$, behefe 6$_8$, niwe 16$_{13}$. Fem. brice 4$_{18}$, clane 6$_{21}$. Neuter wol-berende 2$_{17}$.
G. Fem. swetre 20$_1$.
D. Masc. niwum 14$_{23}$–niwen 4$_7$ (which may also be considered as feminine)–swetan 10$_{11}$–swete 8$_{15}$.
​A. Fem. nife (for niwe) 18$_{25}$. Neuter niwe 16$_8$.
Plural.
A. Masc. (?) driȝe 22$_{11}$.
§ 50. wo stems.
Singular.
N. Neuter ealtewa (for ealteaw) 12$_{18}$.
A. Fem. nearwe 10$_{10}$.
Plural.
A. Fem. hreawe 12$_{18}$.
The weak adjective. §51.
As the article is not of frequent occurrence before adjectives, the latter seldom occur with weak forms. Only the following are to be mentioned:
Singular.
N. Masc. unhala 20$_{20}$. Neuter ylca 14$_{14}$.
G. Masc. ælmihtiȝon 2$_{12}$.
D. Neuter fuþer-fæte 4$_4$.
A. Fem. ylcan 10$_3$, sara 18$_{11}$.
Neuter ylce 8$_{23}$, y (u)lcan 10$_3$.
Degrees of comparison. § 52. Comparatives.
Singular.
N. Masc. ȝearra 22$_{18}$, h (r)ædra 22$_{13}$. Neuter liþere 18$_{21}$.
D. Masc. nyþeran 6$_9$. Fem. wynstran 6$_4$.
A. Masc. furþran 2$_{20}$, swyrðanan (for swyðran) 2$_{20}$.
Add to these the irregular adverb þi læs 16$_4$.
§ 53. Superlatives.
Singular.
N. Masc. halgusta 4$_{20}$ and the irregular ytemesta 10$_{16}$.
​Plural.
A. Masc. mæste 2$_{12}$.
III. Numerals. [Cf. the Glossary for references.]
Cardinals.
ān.–N. Fem. ane. A. Masc. ane.
twēȝen.–D. Masc. twam. A. Masc. tweȝen. butu N. Neuter butu.
þrīe.–D. Masc. and Fem. þry(i)m. A. Masc. þri. Fem. ðreo.
fif, seofan, seofontyne, þritiȝ.
Ordinals.
Singular.
N. Masc. þryddan, þrindan (for þridda).
A. Masc. þriddan.
Numeral adverbs.
þriwa.
IV. Pronouns. [See the Glossary for references.] § 54.
Personal.
1. Sing.–N. ic.
Plur.–N. we.
2. Sing.–N. þu. D. þe. A. þe.
3. Masculine.
Sing–N. he. G. hi(y)s. D. hi(y)m. A. hi(y)ne.
Plur.–NA. hi(y). D. hi(y)m.
Feminine.
Sing.–N. heo. GD. hyre.
Plur.–N. hy. G. hure.
Neuter.
Sing. — NA. hi(y)t. G. hi(y)s. D. hjm.
​Plur.–N. hi(y). G. hyra. D. hym.
Reflexive. 3. Masculine.
Sing.–N. he sylf.
Possessive.
2. Masculine.
Sing.–D. þine.
Plur.–N. þine. D. ðinum, þine. A. þine.
Feminine.
Sing.–D. þinre.
Neuter.
Sing.–D. þine.
Plur.–G. linra (for þinra).
3. hi(y)s, hyra already mentioned with the personal pronouns.
Demonstrative s, sēo, þæt.
Masculine.
Sing.–N. se, þe. G. þ(ð)æ(a)s. D. þam, þ(ð)an. A. þane, þ(ð)one, þana.
Feminine.
Sing.–N. seo. G. hara (for þara). D. þare. A. þa, þe, ꝥ.
Neuter.
Sing.–N. þ(ð)æ(a)t, ꝥ. G. þas. D. þam, þan. A. þat, ꝥ, þa. I. þi.
Plural–N. þa. D. þam, þan. A. þ(ð)a.
þs, þēos, þis.
Masculine.
Sing.–N. þes. A. þisne.
Neuter.
Sing.–NA. þis.
Plur.–D. þissun, þis. A. þas.
i(y)lca.
Feminine.
​Sing.–A. ylcan.
Neuter.
Sing.–N. ylca. A. ylcan, y (u)can, ylce.
Relative s, sēo, þæt.
Sing.–N. þat, ꝥ.
The indeclinable þe occurs as:
Masculine.
Sing.–N. D. A. In this case þa occurs for þe.
Plural.–N. D. A.
Feminine.
Plural–N. D.
Neuter.
Sing.–N.
Indefinite ǣlc.
Neuter.
Sing.–D. alcen. A. ælc.
ǣ(ā)niȝ.
Feminine.
Sing.–D. æniȝe.
Neuter.
Sing.–. aniȝes. D. æniȝun. A. aeniȝ.
āwiht.
Sing.—N. awyt.
hwa, hwæt.
Masculine.
Sing.–N. hwa. D. hwam.
Neuter.
Sing.–N. hwæt. A. in swa hwæt swa.
hwylc-ȝehwylc-æȝhtvylc.
Masculine.
Sing.–A. hwylce, æȝhylce (for æȝhwylce).
Plur.–A. ȝehwilce.
​Feminine.
Sing.–D. hwylcere.
Neuter.
Sing.–D. ȝewylce.
man.
Sing.–N. man.
V. Verbs. [As will be seen immediately OE. final þ is frequently replaced by d in the 3$^d$ persons singular and plural of the present indicative. On h for þ cf. Spelling p. XVII.] 1$^0$. Strong verbs. § 55.–1st class (ī–ā, i–i).
Inf.–æthrinan 2$_{15}$.
Pr. ind. Sing. 3 ȝewyteþ 4$_3$–todrifd 18$_4$. Plur. 3 arisaþ 18$_5$, miȝað 20$_{12}$.
Opt. hrine 6$_{13}$, ȝegnide 20$_{14}$.
Imp. Sing. aris 6$_7$, wriþ 6$_{15}$, ȝecnid 10$_9$, hrin 14$_{15}$.
Pp. Sing. N. masc. ȝegnidon 22$_{22}$;–fem. ȝegniden 14$_6$.
Plur. A. fem. toslitena 18$_{13}$.
§ 56–2$^d$ class (ēo or ū–ēa, u–o).
Inf. brucan 4$_{25}$.–Pr. p. Sing. N. neuter hreosende 16$_4$.
Pr. ind. Sing. 3 bruced 8$_3$, brucad 8$_3$. Plur. 3 fleoþ 8$_{14}$.
Opt. Sing. 3 seoðe 4$_{25}$; bruca 16$_6$, shuca (for suca) 16$_6$.
Imp. Sing. 2 seoð 20$_9$; onlut 6$_8$.
Pp. Sing. N. fem. ȝesoden 10$_{11}$ 14$_4$, toȝene 16$_{19}$. D. fem. healfe-sodene (for healf-sodene) 18$_{16}$. A. neuter ȝesoden 4$_{23}$–ȝesodan 14$_1$.–Plur. N. fem. ȝesodene 12$_{19}$.
§ 57.–3$^d$ class (e, i–a, u–u, o).
Inf. swelȝan 16$_6$. Ger. drincanne 14$_5$. Pr. p. Sing. D. neuter hyrnende 4$_{25}$.
​Pr. ind. Sing. 3 swelȝeð 12$_{18}$, awyrfþ 8$_{12}$, drinceð 12$_{24}$, awirph (for awirpþ) 12$_2$–drinced 20$_{25}$.
Opt. Sing. 3 ȝeswince 6$_{15}$, byrne 16$_8$, þinde 16$_{21}$, drince 20$_2$ 20$_{10}$ 20$_{12}$. Plur. 3 drincen 12$_{23}$–winnon 4$_{14}$, swincon 12$_{11}$.
Imp. Sing. 2 bedelf 4$_{12}$, drinc 8$_5$ 8$_{11}$. On drince 8$_6$ cf. the note.
Pp. Sing. N. masc. ȝedruncen 18$_7$;–fem. ȝestungen 14$_{11}$–tocorfan 18$_{18}$.
§ 58.–4th class (e, i–a, ǣ–o').
Ger. cumende 4$_{15}$, nimen 22$_{16}$.
Pr. ind. Sing. 1 nime 6$_{10}$. 3 ofȝenimeþ 22$_{18}$, tobrycþ 10$_{10}$, cymð 10$_{22}$–cymed 8$_{17}$.
Opt. Sing. 2 nyme 6$_{10}$.
Imp. Sing. 2 ber 14$_3$, nim 4$_{12}$, cume 6$_3$.
§ 59.–5th class (e, i–a, ǣ–e).
Inf. etan 20$_{18}$ (ðicȝean 12$_{17}$). Ger. etanne 20$_{13}$. Pr. p. Sing. N. masc. cweþende 2$_4$.
Pr. ind. Sing. 2 etest 4$_{23}$ (þiȝest 4$_{23}$).
Opt. Sing. 3 (þicȝe 4$_{26}$)–eta 16$_{17}$. Plur. ete 22$_1$.
Imp. Sing. 2 dweð 2$_{12}$ cwed 2$_{21}$, cned 8$_2$ (þicȝe 8$_{15}$). Pp. ȝecweden 6$_{11}$.
§ 60.–6th class (a–ō, ō–a).
Ger. ȝefarenne 3$_5$. Pr. p. Sing. A. neuter standende 6$_{21}$.
Pr. ind. 1 ofslean (for ofslea) 2$_{13}$. 2 farst 4$_{22}$. 3 wið-standeþ 16$_{12}$–sceþþes 2$_{16}$ 4$_{17}$.
Imp. Sing. 2 ahefe 6$_6$.
Pp. Sing. A. neuter ȝesceawen (for ȝesceafen) 12$_{23}$.
§ 61.–7th class. (Reduplicative verbs.)
Pr. p. Sing. D. neuter feallendum 12$_{19}$.
​Pr. ind. Sing. 1 abe (a)te 2$_{13}$. 3 wexeð 12$_{22}$, onfeahþ 16$_3$ (cf. p. XIX)–slæped 20$_{21}$. On hætað 6$_3$ cf. Spelling p. XVII. Plur. 3 wexaþ 14$_{20}$.
Opt. Sing. 3 aho 6$_{20}$, ȝehealde 6$_{22}$. Plur. 3 wexan 14$_1$–wexon 22$_{21}$.
Imp. Sing. 2 heald 4$_8$.
Pp. Sing. N. masc. hatan 2$_3$, ȝebeaten 8$_9$, ahangen 10$_{17}$.
2$^0$. Weak verbs. § 62.–1st class.
Pr. p. Sing. N. masc. fæstende 4$_{26}$. Plur. D. neuter fastende 12$_{12}$. Ger. aweccenne 8$_{21}$, beþienne 14$_6$, ȝefremmenne 20$_4$, acwellanne 8$_{12}$–acwellen 8$_{11}$.
Pr. ind. Sing. 2 lifest 10$_{17}$, ȝefelest 4$_{20}$. 3 fremeð 4$_{21}$; ȝestilleð 14$_{11}$, ȝecyrreð 16$_{11}$–ȝestyllæð 14$_7$–cenþ 12$_{24}$–nemned 2$_{10}$; ahyldeþ 4$_1$, hæleð 4$_2$, ȝehæleð 10$_8$, beteð 12$_3$–hælþ 10$_{21}$, ȝehælþ 18$_8$–adriȝed 8$_{15}$, hæled 8$_{20}$, ȝehæled 18$_4$; acwellaþ 8$_{12}$.
Plur. 3 ȝebeorhtiȝed 12$_{14}$–ȝeunstillaþ 20$_{19}$.
Opt. Sing. 2 ȝelife 4$_{21}$. 3 cembe 6$_{17}$, cenne 22$_{22}$, mete 16$_5$, druppe 18$_{15}$.
Imp. Sing. 2 behele 4$_{14}$; menȝ 4$_3$, driȝ 8$_{21}$, ȝewæt 10$_{14}$, bærn 22$_{10}$, also stred 8$_{13}$–adriȝe 12$_7$, smyre 4$_9$, syle 12$_8$, wulle 24$_3$–bewyrc 2$_{15}$, wyrc 6$_{24}$, wul 20$_1$–smyra 14$_{17}$ and smura 18$_1$.
Pret. Sing. 3 cemde 6$_{17}$, cembde 6$_{18}$. Plur. 1 ferdon 2$_8$. 3 ætiwdan 20$_{19}$.
Pp. Sing. N. masc. ȝehæled 4$_{10}$, ȝebeted 6$_1$, ȝebarned 8$_7$, ȝemenged 12$_{14}$; ȝesmired 12$_{14}$, ȝeled 16$_{16}$;–fem. alysed 16$_{19}$, ȝebræded 20$_{12}$, also onȝestreded 14$_7$;–neuter ȝereced 18$_{12}$; ȝesmyred 20$_{23}$. A. masc. ȝebærnedne 8$_{18}$–ȝebernede 8$_{11}$–ȝebærned 8$_{16}$;–fem. ȝemenged 20$_{25}$;–neuter ȝedriȝed 12$_{23}$; ​toȝeled 22$_{17}$. Plur. N. masc. alisede 4$_{15}$, ȝehælede 12$_6$. A. fem. ȝedriȝede 12$_{15}$–ȝemenged 20$_1$.
§ 63.–2$^d$ class.
Pr. ind. Sing. 3 ȝelacnað 14$_{19}$, aclænsað 14$_{21}$, ȝeliþeȝaþ 16$_{16}$, wundraþ 20$_{11}$–clænsad 16$_{20}$, ȝeliþegad 16$_{24}$–læcned 4$_{12}$. Plur. 3 þrowiaþ 8$_{27}$–ðrowiad 22$_1$.
Opt. Sing. 3 readiȝe 6$_6$, ȝesomne 6$_{20}$, ȝeþoliȝe 6$_{20}$, losie 12$_7$. Plur. ðrowion 22$_1$, eardien 22$_7$.
Imp. Sing. 2 fætelsa 4$_8$, loca 6$_{12}$.
Pret. Sing. 3 bodede 2$_4$.
Pp. Sing. N. masc. ȝecnucad 8$_{23}$;–fem. ȝecnucod 10$_7$;–neuter ȝeclansod 6$_{23}$, clansod 6$_{24}$, bedruwod 8$_{19}$. A. neuter getawod 20$_{18}$.
§ 64.–3$^d$ class.
[In this and in the following §§ see the Glossary for references.]
Pr. p. Sing. G. masc. leuiende.
Pr. ind. Sing. 2 hafast. 3 hæfeð, hafað. Plur. habbað.
Opt. Sing. 2 habbe. 3 habbæ and habban (both for habba).
Imp. Sing. 2. hafa, hafe.
3$^0$. Preterite-present verbs. § 65.
1st class: wāt.–Ger. ȝewitene.
5th class: mæȝ. Pr. ind. Sing. 3 mæȝ.
Opt. Sing. 3 maȝe. Plur. 3 mæȝen.
Pret. Sing. 4 mihte.
4$^0$. Verbs in mi. § 66.
a) bēon.–Inf. byon.
​Pr. ind. Sing. 1 eom. 2 byst. 3 bjð–byd, is, ys, hys (for ys).
Plur. beoð–sinde.
Opt. Sing. 1 si, sy. Plur. 3 sin.
b) willan.–Pr. ind. Sing. 1 wylle.
Opt. Sing. 2 wylle.
c) (ȝe, ā) dōn.–Ger. done, donne, do.
Pr. ind. 3 deþ.
Imp. Sing. 2 do.
* ↑ cf. the list of books referred to p. VI.
* ↑ In determining those spellings I have been guided principally by Bülbring’s and Sievers’s works.
* ↑ This holds good of the Introduction and the Notes except in the case of 8$_6$ where the correction made by the scribe would be unintelligible without the œ. The spelling of the ms. is also mentioned in the case of *lœcedom 6$_{13}$ where it is not læcedon but laecedon.
* ↑ cf. p. XIII for a comparison between the ms. printed here (ms. O) and ms. V prined by Cockayne in his Saxon Leechdoms. My corrections are taken from Cockayne’s prined text which has been collated with the original and I follow his spelling whether it agrees with my principles or not. Words quoted from the ms. only in the notes are transcribed unchanged.
* ↑ However words in which the compound is less felt are written as one word: thus ladedome 2$_{22}$ *morbeames 6$_{21}$.
* ↑ The entries placed within brackets refer to words not belonging to ms. O. Those within parentheses are hypothetical forms: thus (āhyldan, fel-stycce).
* ↑ Parentheses are also used for explanatory words (cf. leoht) and with the word Idpartus, my knowledge of which does not go beyond the word itself.
* ↑ This and a certain number of the other principles adopted in the glossary are borrowed from the glossary contributed by Prof. L. M. Harris to The gospel of St. John in WS.; cf. the list of books reffered to. One of the said principles is to add «etc.» after references wherever at least two more examples might be adduced.
* ↑ I need not add that I am alone responsible for its contents.
* ↑ p. 1–4.
* ↑ The titles written in red in the ms. are reproduced fat spaced type in the present edition. In the margins, however, the distinction has not been preserved.
* ↑ My object being not to make critical a text of the Medicina, but to being out the characteristic point of its early ME. form, I abstain from including here the lists of readings from mss. V, B, and H which I have drawn up.
* ↑ Vol. I, p. 326 ff. I refer the reader to the preface of that work for particulars about the Latin source and the English mss. older than O, as also about our knowledge of the remedies, charms, and superstitions used among the ancients. I may add here that in that preface Cockayne expressed the opinion that ms. O, which he had not thought it fit to collate through, might some day be printed in full as a contribution to the history of the English language.
* ↑ cf. note to p. 84.
* ↑ See p. 22$_{21}$ for a case in which, on the contrary, a few lines are erroneously omitted by V.
* ↑ l. c. p. LXXIX.
* ↑ l. c. p. LXXXIV.
* ↑ See under § 5 p. XIX.
* ↑ It is true that spellings in u occur in the word even as early as the 11th century (HES. § 589).
* ↑ cf. s. v. under a). The Περὶ διδάξεων is here dated 1200–25.
* ↑ cf. s. v. 3 b. biforr (Orm).
* ↑ cf. Morris’s Specimens of early English IX, 311 etc. Of course the A. R. writes uort.
* ↑ cf. Siev. 1. c. § 150 anm. 1. A few other forms might have been considered as Northumbrian; cf. under the a stems p. XXXIV.
* ↑ Bülbr. l. c. § 314 & 315.
* ↑ Sweet HES. § 726; cf. also the references of Sievers § 217 anm. 1.
* ↑ Bülbr. § 304 and § 186 anm. 1.
* ↑ ib. § 184.
* ↑ Siev. § 414.
* ↑ Siev. § 154; the vocalism in e can also be explained by the weak accent (Bülbr. § 454).
* ↑ Siev. § 371 anm. 6, 7.
* ↑ Bülbr. § 118.
* ↑ ib. § 180 anm. 1.
* ↑ The use of mid with the accusative 16$_{14}$ is another peculiarity of the same group of dialects (Sweet, Dict. s. v.).
* ↑ Siev. § 158, 1.
* ↑ ib. § 416 anm. 1, e.
* ↑ HES. § 688. The change of y, ȳ to i, ī in the Midland dialects seems to have begun before the end of the OE. period (Kluge 1. c. § 100 and 101).
* ↑ Förster 1. c.
* ↑ In these words, it is true, the u may be due to the influence of ON. drūpa.
* ↑ Cf. Siev. § 284 anm. 4.
* ↑ Bülbr. §280.
* ↑ not maintained in the text, the punctuation having been corrected here.
* ↑ I hesitate to admit that these forms have anything to do with the Northumbrian confusions mentioned by Sievers § 252 anm. 5.
* ↑ perhaps a dative with final a for um (?).