# The Finding of Wineland the Good/Notes

NOTES.
(1) It has been claimed that the Icelandic discovery attained a practical result through the imparting of information to those to whom the discovery of America has been generally ascribed, and notably to Columbus and the Cabots. The tendency to qualify Columbus' fame as the original discoverer dates from the time of Ortelius, while the effort to show that his first voyage was influenced by information which he received from Icelandic sources was, perhaps, first formulated in extenso within the present century The theory that Columbus obtained definite information from Icelandic channels rests, after all, upon the following vague letter, which is cited by Columbus' son in the biography of his father, as follows:
'In the month of February, of the year 1477, I sailed one hundred leagues beyond the island of Tile, the southern portion of which is seventy-three degrees removed from the equinoctial, and not sixty-three, as some will have it; nor is it situated within the line which includes Ptolemy's west, but is much further to the westward; and to this island, which is as large as England, the English come with their wares, especially those from Bristol. And at the time when I went thither the sea was not frozen, although the tides there are so great that in some places they rose twenty-six fathoms, and fell as much. It is, indeed, the fact that that Tile, of which Ptolemy makes mention, is situated where he describes it, and by the moderns this is called Frislanda.'
John and Sebastian Cabot are supposed, by similar theorists, to have derived knowledge ​of the Icelandic discovery through the English, and especially the Bristol trade with Iceland. These theories do not require further consideration here, since they have no bearing on the primitive history of the Wineland discovery.
(2) Lpgsggumenn [sing. Iggspgumaðr], lit. law-saying men, publishers of the laws. The office was introduced into Iceland contemporaneously with the adoption of the law code of Ulfliot [Úlfljótr], and the establishment of the Althing [Popular Assembly] in the year 930, and was, probabl}', modelled after a similar Norwegian office. It was the duty of the 'lawsayer ' to give judgment in all causes which were submitted to him, according to the common law established by the Althing. The ' law-sayer ' appears to have presided at the Althing, where it was his custom to regularly announce the laws. From this last, his most important, function called 'law-saying' [Iggsaga], the office received its name. From the time of its adoption, throughout the continuance of the Commonwealth, the office was elective, the incumbent holding office for a limited period [three years] although he was eligible for reelection. [Vigfusson, Diet. s. v., states that during the first hundred years the law-speakers were elected for life.]
(3) Little is known of Rafn beyond his genealogy, which is given in Landnáma, Ft. 1 1, ch. xxi, and again in Sturlunga Saga I, ch. vii [Vigfusson's ed. p. 5]. Rafn was distantly related to Ari Marsson and Leif Ericsson. His ancestor, Steinolf the Short [Steinólfr hinn lági], was the brother of Thorbiorg, Ari Marsson's grandmother, and through the same ancestor, Steinolf, Rafn was remotely connected with Thiodhild, Leif Ericsson's mother.
(4) By this Thorfinn, the second earl of that name, is probably meant, i. e. Thorfinn Sigurd's son. ' He was the most powerful of all the Orkney earls. * * * Thorfinn was five 3'ears old when the Scotch king, Malcolm, his maternal grandfather, gave him the title of earl, and he continued earl for seventy years. He died in the latter days of Harold Sigurdsson,' [ca. a.d. 1064].
(5) It is recorded in Icelandic Annals [Annales regii, Skálholt, Gottskalk's, and Flatey Annals] that King Olaf Tr3'ggvason eftected the Christianization of Halogaland in the j'ear 999. In this year, according to the Saga of Olaf Trj'ggvason in ' Heimskringla,' ' King Olaf came with his men the same autumn to Drontheim, and betook himself to Nidaros, where he established himself for the -inter; ' and in the same place we read, ' Leif, the son of Eric the Red, he who first settled Greenland, was come that summer from Greenland to Norway; he waited upon King Olaf, accepted Christianity, and spent the winter with King Olaf.' In the spring following, and hence in the spring of the year 1000, for Olaf was killed in the autumn of that 3'ear, ' King Olaf sent Leif Ericsson to Greenland to proclaim Christianity there, and he sailed that summer to Greenland. He rescued at sea a ship's crew of men who were in ​desperate straits, and were clinging to a wreck, and he then found Wineland the Good.' [Heimskringla, ed. Unger, pp. 192, 196, 204.] The preponderance of evidence certainly points to the year 1000 as the year of Leifs discovery.
(6) Húsa-snotro-tré, ht. ' house-neat-wood.' The word húsa-snotra is of infrequent occurrence, and its exact significance has given rise to widely diverging opinions. Saxo Grammaticus renders it ' gubernaculum,' in an excerpt from Arrow-Odd's Saga [Book v, of Historia Danica, ed. P. E. Muller, Copenh. 1839, vol. ii. p. 251]. Torfæus, in his ' Historia Vinlandias ' [p. 28], renders the word ' coronis; ' ' vir quidam Bremensis coronidem ejus [husasnotra habetur] licitabat,' leaving us in doubt as to what he meant by 'coronis;' it may be conjectured, however, that he had in mind the same meaning which was subsequently given to the word by Biorn Haldorsen, in his dictionary, namely, ' coronis domus.' WerlauiF [Sjonbolae ad geographiam medii ævi, ex monumentis Islandicis, p. 14] translated the word, as it occurs in this passage, ' scopæ.' ' Fertur Thorfinnum Karlsefni scopas ex ligno sibi aptasse.' Vigfusson [Diet. s. v.] defines the word, 'house-neat,' 'house-cleaner,' inclining evidently to WerlaufTs interpretation, but quoting Finn Magnusen as having suggested the translation 'broom.' Fritzner [Diet. s. v.] defines the word 'a weather-vane, or other ornament, at the point of the gable of a house or upon a ship.' This interpretation of Fritzner's is confirmed by Dr. Valt/r Guðmundsson, in a critical study of the meaning of the word, wherein he shows the close relationship existing between the probable specific names for the parts connected with the ornamented point, occasionally vane-capped, both upon the peak of the house-gable and the peculiarly carved prow of the ship. That the names should have been used interchangeably for the similar object, in both house and ship, is the less remarkable, since we read of a portion of a ship's prow having been removed from a vessel and placed above the principal entrance of a house, that is, in some part of the gable-end of the dwelling
(7) This passage is somewhat obscure. It may, perhaps, indicate that the 'house-neatwood ' was obtained at Stream-firth, although it is stated in general terms in Flatey Book that the 'house-neat-wood' came from Wineland. If the meaning is, as suggested in this passage, that the 'house-neat' was hewed to the northward of Hop, the only intelligible interpretation of the following clause would seem to be that, although Karlsefni attained the region which corresponded with Leifs accounts of Wineland, he did not succeed, on account of the hostility of the natives which compelled him to beat a retreat, in accomplishing a thorough exploration of the country, nor was he able to carry back with him any of the products of the land. This author, it will be noted, records only the two voyages described in the Saga of Eric the Red, namely, Leifs voyage of discovery, and Karlsefni's voyage of exploration.
(8) Lit. the Uplanders, i.e. the people of the Norwegian Oplandene; a name given to a district in Norway comprising a part of the eastern inland counties.
(9) Olaf the White is called in the Eyrbyggja Saga 'the greatest warrior-king in the western sea,' [mestr herkonungr fyrir vestan haf]. This expedition, in which he effected the capture of Dublin, appears to have been made about the year 852. [Cf. Munch, Norske ​Folks Historie, pt. i. vol. i. p. 441.] The title, which is assigned him, 'herkonungr,' signifies a king of troops, a warrior-king. Norway, prior to the reign of Harold Fairhair, was divided into numerous petty states, called 'fylki.' The rulers of these small kingdoms were called 'fylkiskonungar' [fylki-kings], as contradistinguished from those 'kings' who had command over the troop of warriors or a war-ship, but who were not necessarily rulers of the land. These warrior-kings were called 'herkonungar, ' or occasionally 'sjókonungar [sea-kings]. [Cf. Keyser, Norges Stats- og Retsforfatning i Middelalderen, in his 'Efterladte Skrifter,' Chr'a, 1867, vol. ii. p. 20 et seq.] As the forays of these 'warrior-kings' were mainly directed against the people living in and about the British Isles, and hence to the westward of Norway, the expression, 'at herja í vestrvíking,' 'to engage in a westerly foray,' came to be a general term for a viking descent upon some part of the coast of Great Britain, Ireland, or the adjacent islands. These free-booting expeditions began on the Irish coasts, perhaps as early as 795. In 798, the Norsemen plundered the Hebrides, and in 807 obtained a lodgment upon the mainland of Ireland.
(10) Aud, or as she is also called Unnr, [cf. ante, note 4, p. 15], the Enormously-wealthy [hin djúpauðga] or Deep-minded [hin djúpúðga], was one of the most famous of the Icelandic colonists. Her genealogy is thus given in the first chapter of the Laxdœla Saga: 'There was a man named Ketil Flat-nose, a son of Biorn Buna; he was a mighty chieftain in Norway, and a man of noble lineage; he dwelt at Romsdal in the Romsdal-fylki, which is between South Mœr and North Mœr. Ketil Flat-nose married Ingvild, daughter of Ketil Wether, a famous man; they had five children....Unn, the Enormously-wealthy, was Ketil's daughter, [she] who married Olaf the White, Ingiald's son, son of Frodi the Brave, who slew the Swertlings.' Aud was one of the few colonists who had accepted the Christian religion before their arrival in Iceland. Her relatives, however, seem to have lapsed into the old faith soon after her death, for on the same hill on which Aud had erected her cross, they built a heathen altar, and offered sacrifices, believing that, after death, they would pass into the hill. [Landnáma, Pt. ii. ch. xvi.] Earl Sigurd the Mighty, with whom Aud's son, Thorstein, formed his alliance, was the first earl of the Orkneys, and this league was formed ca. 880. [Orkneyinga Saga, ed. Vigfusson, l. c. p. 5.] Vigfusson makes the date of Thorstein the Red's fall, ca. 888, of Aud's arrival in Iceland, ca. 892, and of her death, ca. 908–10. [Tímatal l. c., p. 494]; Munch, on the other hand, gives the date of Aud's death as 900. [Norske Historie, pt i. p. 802.]
(11) Suðreyjar [Sodor], lit. the southern islands; a name applied specifically, as here, to the Hebrides.
(12) Knǫrr, a kind of trading-ship. It was in model, doubtless, somewhat similar to the modern Nordlands-jægter, the typical sailing craft of northern Norway. It was, probably, a clinker-built ship, pointed at both ends, half-decked, [fore?] and aft, and these half-decks were in the larger vessels connected by a gangway along the gunwale. The open space between the decks was reserved for the storage of the cargo, which, when the ship was laden, was protected by skins or some similar substitute for tarpaulins. The vessel was provided with a single mast, and was propelled by a rude square sail, and was also supplied with oars. The rudder ​was attached to the side of the ship, upon the starboard quarter, and the anchor, originally of stone, was afterward supplanted by one of iron, somewhat similar in form to those now in use. When the vessel was in harbour a tent was spread over the ship at both ends. The vessel was supplied with a large boat, called the 'after-boat,' sometimes large enough to hold twenty persons [Egils Saga Skallagrímssonar, ch. 27], which was frequently towed behind the ship; in addition to this, a smallar boat often appears to have been carried upon the ship. [Cf. Egils Saga Skallagrímssonar, ch. 60, wherein we are told that three men enter the smaller boat, but eighteen the 'after-boat']. The knǫrr was swift and more easily controlled than the long-ship [langskip] or war-ship, as we may conclude from a passage in the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason, ch. 184, wherein Earl Hacon tells Sigmund Brestisson, when the latter is preparing to sail to the Færoes, to take vengeance for his father, 'the voyage is not so long as it is difficult, for long-ships cannot go thither on account of the storms and currents, which are oftentimes so severe there, that a merchant-ship [byrðingr] can scarcely cope with these, [wherefore] it seems to me best, that I should cause two "knerrir" to be equipped for your voyage.' Upon Queen Aud's vessel there were twenty freemen, and besides these there were probably as many more women and children, perhaps forty or fifty persons in all. As Aud was going to a new country to make it her permanent home, she took with her, no doubt, a considerable cargo of household utensils, timber, grain, live-stock, &c. In the Egils Saga mention is made of two vessels (knerrir, sing. knǫrr), presumably of about the same size as this 'knǫrr,' in which Aud and her people made the voyage to Iceland. We read there, that after the death of Thorolf Kveldulfsson, who received his death-wound from Harold Fairhair's own hand, because of his refusal to pay tribute to the king, that Kveldulf, Thorolf's father and Skallagrim, his brother, decided to go to Iceland. 'Early in the spring [878], Kveldulf and his son each made his ship ready. They had a considerable ship's company, and a goodly one. They made ready two large "knerrir," having upon each thirty able-bodied men, besides women and young persons. They took with them all of the property which they could.' [Egils Saga Skallagrímssonar, ed. Finnur Jónsson, Copenh. 1886, p. 81.] A recent writer, Tuxen, reasoning from this passage, concludes, that there could not have been less than forty persons on board each ship, there may well have been more, and to transport these, together with their probable cargo, would, he estimates, require a sloop of not less than forty tons burden, which would belong to the smallest class of vessels now making the voyage between Copenhagen and Iceland. Reasoning from a comparison of a vessel of this size with the ship unearthed at the farm of Gokstad, north of Sandefiord, Norway, in 1880, he concludes, that such a 'knǫrr' would have been somewhat over forty-two feet long, with a breadth of beam of from sixteen to eighteen feet, that is to say rather more than twenty feet shorter than the Gokstad ship, with about the same breadth of beam, but probably considerably deeper from gunwale to keel. It is not clear, however, why so small a size should be assigned to the 'knǫrr;' there seems excellent reason for the conclusion that these vessels were not only as large, but even decidedly larger, than the Gokstad ship. Sailing free, before the wind, these ships could doubtless attain a very creditable rate of speed, but the nature of the sail and its adjustment was apparently such that they could not make favourable progress when beating into the wind, especially in land-locked waters, and hence the frequent recurrence in the sagas of the statement, that 'the ship waited for a fair wind' [byrr], before setting sail. It was, probably, in ships of a ​similar model to that of the 'knǫrr' that Leif and Karlsefni made their voyages. These vessels, while they seem to have been constructed with little regard to the comfort of their crews, were well adapted to fulfill their duties in the more essential features of sea-worthiness and speed.
(13) Frjáls, a freedman, from frí-háls, i.e. having the neck free; a ring worn about the neck having been a badge of servitude. Slaves were called þrælar, thralls. The thrall was entirely under the control of his master, and could only obtain his freedom by purchase, with the master's approval. He was occasionally freed by his lord, as a reward for some especial act of devotion, for a long period of faithful service, or, in Christian times, as an act of atonement or propitiation on the part of the master. The early settlers of Iceland brought with them many of their thralls from Norway; others were captured in the westerly forays, or purchased in the British Isles,—indeed the ranks of the slaves would appear, both from actual record and from their names, to have been mainly recruited from the British Isles. The majority of these were, probably, not serfs by birth, but by conquest, as witness the case of Vifil in this saga. The freeing of thralls was very common in Iceland, and there are frequent references in the sagas to men who were themselves, or whose fathers had been, 'leysingjar,' freedmen. The master could kill his own thrall without punishment; if he killed the slave of another he was required to pay to the master the value of the slave, within three days, or he laid himself liable to condemnation to the lesser outlawry. The thralls were severely punished for their misdeeds, but if one man took into his own hands the punishment of the thralls of another, it was held to be an affront which could be, and usually was, promptly revenged by their master. It was this right of revenge for such an affront, which led Eric the Red to kill Eyiolf Saur, who had punished Eric's thralls for a crime committed against Eyiolf's kinsman, Valthiof. The master, however, was made liable for the misdeeds of his thrall, and could be prosecuted for these; the offence in Eyiolf's case was, that he took the execution of the law into his own hands.
(14) Dalalǫnd, lit. the Dale-lands. The region of which Aud took possession is in the western part of Iceland, contiguous to that arm of the Breidafirth [Broad-firth] which is known as Hvamms-firth. Hvammr is on the northern side of this firth at its head, and Krosshólar [Cross-hill] is hard by. Both Hvammr and Krosshólar still retain their ancient names.
(15) Vífilsdalr [Vifilsdale] unites with Laugardalr to form the Hörðadalr, through which the Hörda-dale river flows from the south into Hvamms-firth, at the south-eastern bight of that firth.
(16) Jæderen was a district in south-western Norway, in which the modern Stavanger is situated.
(17) Drangar on Horn-strands, where Eric and his father first established themselves, ​is on the northern shore of the north-west peninsula of Iceland. Erics-stead, to which Eric removed after his father's death and his own marriage to Thorhild, was is Haukadalr, in western Iceland, and Queen Aud's 'claim;' through this valley the Haukadale river flows, from the east, into the south-easterly bight of Hvamms-firth.
(18) Brokey [Brok-island, which receives its name from a kind of grass called 'brok'] is the largest of the numerous islands at the mouth of Hvamms-firth, where it opens into Breida-firth. Eyxney, Öxney [Ox-island] is separated from Brokey. It is said that the first dwelling upon Brokey was built in the last half of the seventeenth century. Suðrey is no longer inhabited; the present dwelling on Öxney is situated on the southern side of the island, while Eric's home, it is claimed, was upon the northern side of the island, at the head of a small bay or creek, called Eiríksvágr, and it is stated that low mounds can still be seen on both Öxney and Suðrey, which are supposed to indicate the sites of Eric's dwellings.
(19) In the skáli, which was, perhaps, at the time of which this saga treats, used as a sleeping-room, there was a raised daïs or platform, called the 'set,' on either side of what may be called the nave of the apartment, extending about two-thirds the length of the room. This 'set' was used, as a sleeping-place by night, and the planks or timbers with which the 'set' was covered were called 'set-stokkar,' although this name seems to have been especially applied to those timbers, which formed the outer portion of the 'set.'
(20) Drangar [Monoliths] and Breiðabólstaðr [Broad-homestead] were both situated on the mainland, a short distance to the southward of the islands on which Eric had established himself.
(21) One of the famous 'settlers' of Iceland, named Thorolf Moster-beard [Mostrarskegg]; like many another 'settler' [landnámsmaðr], because he would not acknowledge the supremacy of king Harold Fairhair, left his home in the island of Moster, in south-western Norway, and sailed to Iceland, where he arrived about the year 884 [Vigfusson, Tímatal, l. c. p. 493]. He was a believer in the 'old' or heathen faith, and when he reached the land, he cast the pillars of the 'place of honour' of his Norwegian home into the sea; upon these the figure of the god Thor was carved, and where these penates were cast up by the sea, according to the custom of men of his belief, he established himself. The cape upon which the wooden image of the god drifted, Thorolf called Thorsness. This cape is on the southern side of Breidafirth, at the mouth of Hvamms-firth, and here Thorolf subsequently established a district court [héraðsþing] which received from his 'claim' the name of 'Thorsness-thing.' The exact site of this 'thing' is somewhat uncertain. Vigfusson [Eyrbyggja Saga, Vorrede, p. xix] suggests that it was, probably, somewhat to the westward of the mouth of Hvamms-firth. When the 'Quarter-courts' were established in the tenth century, Thorsness-thing was removed farther to the eastward [Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Vigfusson, p. 12]—and there have been those, who claim to have been able to discover the ​true site of this ancient court. [Cf. Finn Magnusen, Grönlands historiske Mindesmærker, vol. i. pp. 520 et seq.; Thorlacius, Um Örnefni í Þórnes þíngi., l. c. pp. 294–5.] Vigfusson says of Magnusen's supposed discovery, that it had in it more of 'poetry than truth' ['ist mehr Dichtung als Wahrheit'], and this opinion seems to be entirely confirmed by Dr. Kålund. [Cf. Vigfusson, Eyrbyggja Saga, Vorrede, p. xix; Kålund, Bidr. til en hist.-top. Beskr. af Island, vol. i. p. 443.] It was at this court that Eric the Red, despite the assistance which he received from his friends, was condemned to outlawry.
(22) Dímunarvágr [Dimun-inlet] was, probably, in that group of small islets called Dímun, situated north-east of Brokey at the mouth of Hvamms-firth.
(23) Very little information has been preserved concerning Gunnbiorn, or his discovery. His brother, Grimkell, was one of the early Icelandic colonists, and settled on the western coast of Snowfells-ness, his home being at Saxahóll. [Landnáma, pt. ii. ch. viii.] Gunnbiorn's sons, Gunnstein and Halldor, settled in the North-west peninsula, on arms of the outer Ice-firth [Ísafjarðardjúp] [Landnáma, pt. ii. ch. xxix]. It is not known whether Gunnbiorn ever lived in Iceland, but it would seem to be probable that it was upon a voyage to western Iceland, that he was driven westward across the sea between Iceland and Greenland, and discovered the islands, which received his name, and likewise saw the Greenland coast. Eric sailed westward from Snowfells-ness, the same cape upon which Gunnbiorn's brother had established himself, and it is, perhaps, not unlikely, that it was from somewhere in the region of Grimkell's 'claim' that Gunnbiorn was driven westward, and that the knowledge of this may have guided Eric in laying his course.
(24) Blacksark [Bláserkr] and Whitesark [Hvítserkr] may have been either on the eastern or south-eastern coast of Greenland. It is not possible to determine from the description here given, whether Blacksark was directly west of Snæfellsjökull, nor is it clear whether Blacksark and Whitesark are the same mountain, or whether there has been a clerical error in one or the other of the manuscripts.
(25) An effort was made by the editors of 'Grönlands historiske Mindesmærker,' to determine the actual site of the different firths, islands and mountains here named. In the light of subsequent explorations, it may be said, this effort was crowned with rather dubious success. So much seems to be tolerably certain, from Captain Gustav Holm's explorations of the eastern coast of Greenland, accomplished in 1883–5, that there were no Icelandic settlements upon that coast; wherefore both the Eastern and Western Settlement must be sought upon the western coast of Greenland, that is, to the westward of Cape Farewell, and between that cape on the south and Disco Island on the north; for, according to Steenstrup, the only ruin in northern Greenland, not of Eskimo origin, of which we have any knowledge, is the so-called 'Bear-trap' on Nugsuak Cape, on the mainland, a short distance north of Disco Island. [Steenstrup, 'Undersøgelsesrejserne i nord-Grønland i Aarene 1878–80,' in Meddelelser om Grønland, Copenh. 1883, p. 51.] The principal Norse remains [i.e. remains from the Icelandic colony in Greenland] have been found in two considerable groups; one of these is in the vicinity of the modern Godthaab, and the other in the region about the modern Julianehaab [the famous Kakortok church ruin being in ​the latter group]. It may be, that the first or Godthaab ruins, are upon the site of the Western Settlement, and the second, or Julianehaab group, upon that of the Eastern Settlement. It is not apparent, however, whether the Western uninhabited region was between Godthaab and Julianehaab or beyond Godthaab to the north, but it seems clear, that Erics-firth, Hrafns-firth, Snowfell, Hvarfsgnipa, and Ericsey, were all situated upon the western coast of Greenland.
(26) This Ingolf was called Ingolf the Strong [hinn sterki]. There is some confusion in Landnáma concerning his genealogy; he was probably a son of one of the Icelandic colonists, named Thorolf Sparrow [spǫrr]. His home, Hólmslátr [Holm-litter], was on the southern side of Hvamms-firth.
(27) Thorbiorn's and Thorgeir's father was the same Vifil, who came out to Iceland with Queen Aud, and who received from her the land on which he settled, Vifilsdale, as has been narrated in this saga, and is thus told in Landnáma: 'Vifil was the name of a freeman of Aud's... She gave him Vifilsdale, where he dwelt... His son was Thorbiorn, father of Gudrid, who married Thorstein, the son of Eric the Red, and afterwards Thorfinn Karlsefni, from whom are descended Bishops Biorn, Thorlak, and Brand. Another son of Vifil's was Thorgeir, who married Arnora,' &c. [Landnáma, pt. ii, ch. xvii.] The estate which Thorbiorn received with his wife, and upon which he lived after his marriage, called Laugarbrekka [Warm-spring-slope] on Hellisvellir [Cave-fields], is situated on the southern side of Snowfells-ness, near the outer end of that cape. Arnarstapi [Eagle-crag], where Gudrid's foster-father lived, was a short distance to the north-east of Laugarbrekka.
(28) Thorgeirsfell was upon the southern side of Snowfells-ness, to the eastward of Arnarstapi.
(29) The simple fact, that Thorgeir was a freedman, would seem to have offered no valid reason for Thorbiorn's refusal to consider his son's offer for Gudrid's hand, since Thorbiorn was himself the son of a man who had been a thrall; the real ground for his objection was, perhaps, not so much the former thraldom of Einar's father, as the fact that he was a man of humble birth, which Thorbiorn's father, although a slave, evidently was not.
(30) Hraunhöfn [Lava-haven] was on the southern side of Snowfells-ness, nearly midway between Laugarbrekka and Thorgeirsfell. It was this harbour from which Biorn Broadwickers'-champion set sail, as narrated in Eyrbyggja.
(31) Lítil-vǫlva. The word vǫlva signifies a prophetess, pythoness, sibyl, a woman gifted with the power of divination. The characterization of the prophetess, the minute description of her dress, the various articles of which would seem to have had a symbolic meaning, and the account of the manner of working the spell, whereby she was enabled to forecast future events, form one of the most complete pictures of a heathen ceremony which has been preserved in the sagas.
(32) The expression 'Leif had sailed' ['Leifr hafði siglt'], would seem to refer to an antecedent condition, possibly to the statement concerning the arrival of Thorbiorn and his daughter at Brattahlid; i.e. 'Leif had sailed,' when they arrived. If this be, indeed, ​the fact, it follows that Thorbiorn and his daughter must have arrived at Brattahlid during Leif's absence in Norway, and obviously before his return to Greenland, in the autumn of the year 1000. Upon this hypothesis, it is clear, that Thorbiorn and Gudrid must have been converted to Christianity before its legal acceptance in Iceland, that is to say, before the year 1000; and further, that Thorstein Ericsson may have been married to Gudrid in the autumn after his return from his unsuccessful voyage, namely, in the autumn of the year 1001; accordingly Karlsefni may have arrived in the following year, have been wedded to Gudrid at the next Yule-tide, 1002–3, and have undertaken his voyage to Wineland in the year 1003. This chronology is suggested with the sole aim of fixing the earliest possible date for Karlsefni's voyage of exploration.
(33) The expression of ÞsK. 'margkunnig,' conveys the impression that Thorgunna was gifted with preternatural wisdom.
(34) It has been suggested, that this Thorgunna is the same woman of whom we read in the Eyrbyggja Saga: 'That summer, when Christianity was accepted by law in Iceland, a ship arrived out by Snowfells-ness; this was a Dublin ship...There was a woman of the Hebrides on board, whose name was Thorgunna; the ship's folk reported, that she had brought with her such precious articles as were very rare in Iceland. And when Thurid, the mistress of Fródá, heard this, she was very curious to see these treasures; for she was fond of finery, and showy in her dress; she accordingly went to the ship, where she met Thorgunna, and enquired of her whether she had any woman's garb of surpassing beauty. She replied, that she had no precious things to sell, but that she had finery in which she felt it no disgrace to appear at feasts or other assemblies. Thurid asked to see these articles, and was well pleased with them, and thought them very becoming, but not of very great value. Thurid endeavoured to purchase these articles, but Thorgunna would not sell them. Thereupon Thurid invited her to make her home with her, for she knew that Thorgunna had many treasures, and she thought that, sooner or later, she might succeed in obtaining them. Thorgunna replies: "I am well content to make my home with thee, but thou shalt know that I am inclined to give but little for my maintenance, since I am well able to work; wherefore I will myself decide what I shall give for my support from such property as I possess." Thorgunna spoke about the matter somewhat harshly, but Thurid still insisted that she should accompany her. Thorgunna's belongings were then carried from the ship; they were contained in a large locked chest and a portable box; these were carried to Fródá, and when Thorgunna came to her lodgings, she asked to be provided with a bed, and a place was assigned her in the innermost part of the sleeping-apartment. She then unlocked her chest, and took from it bed-clothes, which were all very elaborately wrought; she spread an English sheet and silk quilt over the bed; she took bed-curtains from the chest together with all the precious hangings of a bed; all of these were so fine that the folk thought they had never seen the like. Thereupon Mistress Thurid exclaimed: "Fix a price upon the bed-clothing." Thorgunna replies: "I shall not lie in straw for thee, even if thou art fine-mannered and carriest thyself proudly." Thurid was displeased at this, and did not again seek to obtain the precious articles. Thorgunna worked at weaving every day, when there was no hay-making; but when the weather was dry, she worked at hay-making in the in-fields, and she had a rake made especially for her, and would use no other. Thorgunna ​was a large woman, tall, and very stout; with dark brown eyes set close together, and thick brown hair; she was for the most part pleasant in her bearing, attended church every morning before she went to her work, but was not, as a rule, easy of approach nor inclined to be talkative. It was the common opinion that Thorgunna must be in the sixties.' [Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Vigfusson, pp. 92–3.] In the autumn after her arrival Thorgunna died, and the strange events accompanying her last illness, are recorded in the chapter following that above quoted. As she approached her end, she called the master of the house to her, and said: '"It is my last wish, if I die from this illness, that my body be conveyed to Skálholt, for I foresee that it is destined to be one of the most famous spots in this land, and I know that there must be priests there now to chant my funeral service. I would, therefore, request thee to have my body conveyed thither, for which thou shalt have suitable compensation from my possessions; while of my undivided property Thurid shall receive the scarlet cloak, and I thus direct, that she may be content, if I make such disposition of my other property as I see fit; moreover, I would have thee requite thyself for such expense as thou hast incurred in my behalf, with such articles as thou wishest, or she may choose, of that which I so appoint. I have a gold ring, which is to go with my body to the church, but my bed and hangings I wish to have burned, for these will not be of profit to any one; and this I say, not because I would deprive any one of the use of these things, if I believed that they would be useful; but I dwell so particularly upon this," says she, "because I should regret, that so great affliction should be visited upon any one, as I know must be, if my wishes should not be fulfilled."' [Eyrbyggja Saga, l. c. pp. 95–6.]
The age here assigned to Thorgunna hardly agrees with the probable age of the Hebridean Thorgunna of Leif's acquaintance. Indeed the description of this remarkable woman, as given in 'Eyrbyggja,' would seem to indicate that there may have been an error in the age there assigned her, possibly a clerical error; if this is not the fact, it is pretty clear, that the Hebridean Thorgunna of Leif's acquaintance and the Thorgunna of 'Eyrbyggja' cannot be the same person. We are given to understand in the Saga of Eric the Red, that the woman of Leif's intrigue was a woman out of the ordinary rank; we are also told, that Leif gave her many precious bits of finery, among the rest a gold ring, and a mantle of wadmal. The Thorgunna of 'Eyrbyggja' was certainly an extraordinary woman, and was distinguished also for the apparel and ornaments which she possessed. The parallelism is sufficiently striking to point to the possibility, that the Thorgunna of 'Eyrbyggja' was the Thorgunna of Eric's Saga, who had, perhaps, come to Iceland to seek a passage to Greenland, in pursuance of her intention as announced to Leif at their parting. It is stated in Eric's Saga to have been rumoured, that Thorgunna's son came to Iceland in the summer before the Fródá-wonder. The Thorgunna of the Eyrbyggja Saga arrived in Iceland the summer before this 'wonder,' which indeed, owed its origin to her coming, but there is no mention in this saga of her having had a son, a singular omission, truly, if it be an omission, in so minute a description as the saga has preserved of this remarkable woman. Finally, it is evident, if Leif's voyage to Norway was made in 999, and the Thorgunna of Leif's intrigue and she of 'Eyrbyggja' are the same, that Thorgunna's son must have been of a very tender age at the time of his mother's arrival in Iceland. In view of these, as well as certain chronological difficulties, which this narrative presents, it seems not improbable that the whole account of ​Thorgunna and the Fródá-wonder, as contained in 'Eyrbyggja,' was a popular tale interjected in the saga for a reason not now apparent. This tale may well have been builded upon a historical foundation, but the remains of this foundation are not sufficiently well-preserved to enable us to separate accurately the sound from the unsound material.
(35) The Fródá-wonder is the name given to the extraordinary occurrences, which befell at the farmstead of Fródá soon after Thorgunna's death. The 'wonder' began with the appearance of a 'weird-moon,' which was supposed to betoken the death of some member of the family. This baleful prophecy was followed by the death of eighteen members of the household, and subsequently by the nightly apparitions of the dead. The cause of this marvel was attributed to the fact, that the Mistress of Fródá had prevailed upon her husband to disregard Thorgunna's injunction to burn the drapery of her bed; and not until these hangings were burned was the evil influence exorcised, and the ghostly apparitions laid, the complete restoration of the normal condition of affairs being further facilitated by the timely recommendations of a priest, whose services had been secured to that end.
(36) It is not certain what variety of wood is meant; the generally accepted view has been, that it was some species of maple. It has also been suggested that the word mausurr mǫsurr, may be allied to the modern Swedish Masbjörk, veined-birch, German, Maser-birke, and again [cf. Grönl. hist. Mindesm. vol. i. p. 280] to the German Meussdorn, a view which Arngrim Jonsson was the first to advance [Gronlandia, ch. x]. It was believed, that this last-named received its name, 'darumb das diser dorn den Meusen und ratten zu wider ist,' [Bock, Kreuter Buch, ch. cxliij]. The same author writes of this wood: 'ist man fro das man Meussdorn zu Besen bekommen kan, als zu Venedig vnd sunst auf den Meerstetten. Die Meuss vnd Ratten werden mit disen dornen verscheucht' [Hieronymus Bock [Tragus], Kreuter Buch, 1546, p. 347]. It may be, that this or a similar passage suggested to Finn Magnusen and Werlauff the interpretation, 'besom,' 'broom,' which they gave to húsasnotra [af mǫsurtré; cf. note 6]. That the tree called mǫsurr was also indigenous in Norway is in a manner confirmed by a passage in the Short Story of Helgi Thorisson [Þáttr Helga Þórissonar], contained in Flatey Book [vol. i. p. 359]: 'One summer these brothers engaged in a trading voyage to Finmark in the north, having butter and pork to sell to the Finns. They had a successful trading expedition, and returned when the summer was far-spent, and came by day to a cape called Vimund. There were very excellent woods here. They went ashore, and obtained some "mǫsurr" wood.' The character of this narrative, and the locality assigned to the 'mǫsurr' trees, affect the trustworthiness of the information. It is reasonably clear, however, that the wood was rare and, whether it grew in Finmark or not, it was evidently highly prized.
(37) Thiodhild is also called Thorhild, and similarly Gudrid is called Thurid. It has been conjectured, that Thorhild and Thurid were the earlier names, which were changed by their owners after their conversion to Christianity, because of the suggestion of the heathen god in the first syllable of their original names.
(38) Such a fall as this of Eric's does not seem to have been generally regarded as ​an evil omen, if we may be guided by the proverb: 'Fall er farar heill' [Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar, Flateyjarbók. l. c. vol. i. p. 231]. The complete saying is given by Guðmundr Jónsson [Safn af Íslenzkum Orðskviðum, Copenh. 1830. p. 100]: 'Fall er fararheill, frá garði en ei í garð,'a fall bodes a lucky journey from the house but not toward it.'
(39) The display of an axe seems to have been peculiarly efficacious in laying such fetches. From among numerous similar instances the following incident may be cited: 'Thorgils heard a knocking outside upon the roof; and one night he arose, and taking an axe in his hand, went outside, where he saw a huge malignant spectre standing before the door. Thorgils raised his axe, but the spectre turned away, and directed itself toward the burial-mound, and when they reached it, the spectre turned against him, and they began to wrestle with each other, for Thorgils had dropped his axe.'
(40) Thorfinn Karlsefni's ancestral line was of rare excellence; it is given in Landnáma at rather greater length, but otherwise as here: 'Thord was the name of a famous man in Norway, he was a son of Biorn Byrdusmior,' &c. 'Thord went to Iceland and took possession of Höfdaströnd in Skaga-firth,..and dwelt at Höfdi [Headland]. Headland-Thord married Fridgerd,' &c. 'They had nineteen children. Biorn was their son,..Thorgeir was the second son..Snorri was the third, he married Thorhild Ptarmigan, daughter of Thord the Yeller' [Landnáma, pt. iii. ch. x]. Karlsefni's mother is not named in Landnáma. His grandmother's father, Thord the Yeller, was one of the most famous men in the first century of Iceland's history; he it was who established the Quarter-courts.
(41) Álptafjörðr [Swan-firth] is on the southern side of Hvamms-firth, near its junction with Breida-firth, in western Iceland. It is not improbable that the two ships sailed from Breida-firth, the starting-point for so many of the Greenland colonists.
(42) It has been claimed that this Thorhall, Gamli's son, was no other than the Thorhall, Gamli's son, of Grettis Saga. [Cf. Vigfusson and Powell, Icelandic Reader, p. 381; Storm, Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, p. 305. The latter author calls attention, in his treatise, to Vigfusson's confusion of Thorhall the Huntsman with Thorhall, Gamli's son.] In the vellum manuscript AM. 152 fol., Grettis Saga, p. 6 b, col. 23, we read of a Thorvallr [sic] Vindlendingr, and in the same manuscript of a Thorhall, son of Gamli Vinlendingr [p. 17 b, col. 68]. In the Grettis Saga of the vellum AM. 551 a, 4to, in corresponding passages, we read first of a Thoralldr [sic] Vinlendingr, and subsequently of Thorhall, a son of Gamli Vidlendingr. Again, in the parchment manuscript AM. 556 a, 4to, we find mention [p. II, ll. 6–7] of a Thorhalldr Vidlendingr, and in the same manuscript [p. 23, l. II] of Thorhall, a son of Gamli Vidlendingr. From these passages it would appear that both Thorhall and his father Gamli are called Vindlendingr, Vidlendingr, and, once, Vinlendingr. This, in itself, would appear to preclude the conjecture that this Thorhall received the appellation, Vínlendingr [Winelander], because of his visit to Wineland, for his father had possessed the same title before him; moreover the Thorhall, Gamli's son, of the Saga of Eric the Red, is said to be an Eastfirth man, while the Thorhall of Grettis Saga belonged to a northern family living at Hrútafirth, in the Húnaflói. We find from the probable chronology of Grettis Saga that Thorhall's son was married, and living at Melar, in Hrútafirth, in 1014. [Cf. Tímatal í Islendínga Sögum, p. 473.] If the ​Thorhall who went to Wineland was a young man and unmarried, as is not improbable, it is manifest that he could not have had a married son living in Iceland in 1014, and chronologically it would then appear to be impossible to identify the Thorhall, Gamli's son of Grettis Saga, with the man of the same name in Eric's Saga; this is, of course, purely conjectural, but from the other data previously cited, it would appear to be pretty clearly established, that the Thorhall, Gamli's son of Grettis Saga, was called after his father Vindlendingr [Wendlander], and that he was an altogether different man from the Thorhall, Gamli's son, of the Saga of Eric the Red.
(43) The celebration of Yule was one of the most important festivals of the year, in the North, both in heathen and in Christian times. Before the introduction of Christianity, it was the central feast of three, which were annually held. Of the significance of these three heathen ceremonials, we read: 'Odin established in his realm those laws, which had obtained with the Ases...At the beginning of winter a sacrificial banquet was to be held for a good year [til árs], in mid-winter they should offer sacrifice for increase [til gróðrar], and the third [ceremonial], the sacrifice for victory, was to be held at the beginning of summer [at sumri].' [Ynglinga Saga, 'Lagasetning Óðins,' in Heimskringla, ed. Unger, Chr'a., 1868, p. 9.] As to the exact time of the holding of the Yule-feast, it is stated in the Saga of Hacon the Good: 'He established the law, that the keeping of Yule should be made to conform to the time fixed by Christians, and every one should then stand possessed of a measure of ale, or should pay the equivalent, and should hold the whole Yule-tide sacred. Before this Yule began with [lit. had been kept on] "hǫku" night, which was the mid-winter night, and Yule was kept for three nights.' [Saga Hákonar góða, in Heimskringla, ed. Unger, p. 92.] The heathen Yule seems not to have coincided exactly with the Christian Christmas festival, and hence the change adopted by Hacon, who was a Christian, and who hoped, no doubt, to aid the propagation of his faith by thus blending the two festivals. Of the manner in which the three heathen festivals were transformed into Christian holidays by those who had experienced a change of faith, we read: 'There was a man named Sigurd....He was accustomed, while heathendom survived, to hold three sacrifices every winter; one at the beginning of winter [at vetrnóttum], a second at mid-winter, a third at the beginning of summer [at sumri]. But when he accepted Christianity, he still retained his old custom regarding the feats. He gave a great banquet to his friends in the autumn; a Yule-feast in the winter, to which he also invited many persons; the third banquet he held at Easter, and to this also he invited many guests.' [Saga Óláfs hins helga, in Heimskringla, ed. Unger, p. 351–52.] We learn from the Saga of the Foster-brothers, that the celebration of the Yule-tide in this fashion, was of rare occurrence in Greenland, ['því at sjaldan var Jóladrykkja á Grœnlandi.' Fóstbrœðra Saga, Copenh. 1822, p. 138. Konrad Gislason's edition of the same saga has: 'því at hann vil jóladrykkju hafa, ok gera sér þat til ágætis—því at sjaldan voro drykkjur á Grenlandi,' 'for he desired to give a Yule-wassail, and get himself fame thereby,—for they seldom had drinking-bouts in Greenland.' Fóstbræðra Saga, Copenh. 1852, p. 84.]
(44) Freydis also accompanied the expedition, as appears further on in the saga.
(45) This passage is one of the most obscure in the saga. If the conjecture as to the probable site of the Western Settlement, in the vicinity of Godthaab is correct, it is not apparent why Karlsefni should have first directed his course to the north-west, when his ​destination lay to the south-west. It is only possible to explain the passage by somewhat hazardous conjecture. Leif may have first reached the Western Settlement on his return from the voyage of discovery, and Karlsefni, reversing Leif's itinerary, may have been led to make the Western Settlement his point of departure; or there may have been some reason, not mentioned in the saga, which led the voyagers to touch first at the Western Settlement. [Prof. Storm would argue from the situation of Lýsu-firth, the home of Gudrid's first husband in that Settlement, that the expedition may have set sail from there. Cf. Storm, Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, pp. 362–8. In this place Storm calls attention to the fact, that Thorstein Ericsson's unsuccessful voyage was directed from Eric's-firth, which lay considerably farther to the eastward than the Western Settlement, and that he would therefore be less apt to hit the land, than Karlsefni who sailed from the Western Settlement.] The language of EsR. would admit of the conclusion, that the Bear Islands were not far removed from the Western Settlement ['til Vestri-bygdar ok til Biarmeyia' [sic]]; the statement of ÞsK., however, which speaks of Bear Island [in the singular] seems to indicate that the point of departure was not immediately contiguous to that settlement ['til Vestri-bygðar ok þaðan til Biarneyiar'].
(46) Dœgr is thus defined in the ancient Icelandic work on chronometry called Rímbegla: 'In the day there are two "dœgr;" in the "dœgr" twelve hours.' This reckoning, as applied to a sea-voyage, is in at least one instance clearly confirmed, namely in the Saga of Olaf the Saint, wherein it is stated that King Olaf sent Thorarin Nefiolfsson to Iceland: 'Thorarin sailed out with his ship from Drontheim, when the King sailed, and accompanied him southward to Mœri. Thorarin then sailed out to sea, and he had a wind which was so powerful and so favourable [hraðbyrr], that he sailed in eight "dœgr" to Eyrar in Iceland, and went at once to the Althing.' [Saga Óláfs konungs ens helga, ed. Munch and Unger, Chr'a., 1853, pp. 125–6]. Thorarin's starting-point was, doubtless, not far from Stad, the westernmost point of Norway, the Eyrar, at which he arrived, probably, the modern Eyrar-bakki, in southern Iceland, the nearest harbour to the site of the Althing. The time which was consumed in this phenomenal voyage is confirmed by Thorarin's words on his arrival at the Althing: 'I parted with King Olaf, Harold's son, four night ago' [Óláfs saga hins helga, l. c. p. 126]. It is tolerably clear from this passage, that this could not have been a normal voyage, and yet we are told in Landnáma, that from Stad, in Norway, to Horn, on the eastern side of Iceland, is seven 'dœgra-sigling' [a sail of seven 'dœgr']. In the same connection it is also stated, that from Snowfells-ness the shortest distance to Hvarf in Western Greenland, is a sail of four 'dœgr;' from Reykianess, on the southern coast of Iceland, southward to Jölduhlaup in Ireland is five [some MSS. have three] 'dœgr' of sea [Landnáma, pt. i. ch. i]. These and similar statements elsewhere, have led many writers to the conclusion, that the word 'dœgr' may also indicate a longer period than twelve hours, and possibly the same as that assigned to dagr, a day of twenty-four hours. The meaning of the word is not so important to enable us to intelligently interpret the saga, as is the determination of the distance, which was reckoned to an average 'dœgr's' sail; that is to say, the distance which, we may safely conclude, was traversed, under average conditions, in a single 'dœgr' by Icelandic sailing craft. It seems possible to obtain this information with little difficulty. The sailing distance, as given in Landnáma, from Reykianess to Ireland, may best be disregarded because of the confusion in the manuscripts; the sailing distance from Snowfells-ness to Hvarf in Greenland gives ​rather better data, although it is only possible to determine approximately the site of Hvarf; but the distance from Stad in Norway to Cape Horn in Iceland, can be determined accurately, and as this was the voyage, with which Icelanders were most familiar, it affords us a trustworthy standard of measurement, from which it is possible to determine the distance which was traversed in a sail of one 'dœgr;' and the discussion of the mooted question, whether the 'dœgr' of Rímbegla, and of King Olaf the Saint's Saga is the same as that of Landnáma, is not material to this determination. Having regard to the probable course sailed from Norway to Iceland, it would appear that a 'dœgr's' sail was approximately one hundred and eight miles. This result precludes the possibility, that any point in Labrador could have been within a sailing distance of two 'dœgr' from the Western Settlement. It has been noted that there are variations in the different manuscripts touching the comparatively little known voyage from Iceland to Ireland; if, similarly, there may have been such a variation in EsR, for example, 'tvau' (two) having been written for the somewhat similar 'ſiau' (seven), of an elder text, it then becomes apparent that the distance could have been traversed in a sail of seven 'dœgr.' Such corruption might have taken place because of lack of accurate knowledge to correct the error at the time in which our MSS. were written. The winds appear to have been favourable to the explorers; the sail of seven 'dœgr' 'to the southward,' from Greenland with the needful westering, would have brought Karlsefni and his companions off the Labrador coast. Apart from this conjecture, it may be said that the distance sailed in a certain number of 'dœgr' (especially where such distances were probably not familiar to the scribes of the sagas), seem in many cases to be much greater than is reconcilable with our knowledge of the actual distances traversed, whether we regard the 'dœgra' sail as representing a distance of one hundred and eight miles or a period of twenty-four hours.
(47) This may well have been the keel of one of the lost ships belonging to the colonists who had sailed for Greenland with Eric the Red a few years before; the wreckage would naturally drift hither with the Polar current.
(48) MS. Skotzka, lit. Scotch. This word seems to have been applied to both the people of Scotland and Ireland. The names of the man and woman, as well as their dress, appear to have been Gaelic, they are, at least, not known as Icelandic; the minute description of the dress, indeed, points to the fact that it was strange to Icelanders.
(49) Enn rauðskeggjaði, i.e. Thor. It has been suggested, that Thorhall's persistent adherence to the heathen faith may have led to his being regarded with ill-concealed disfavour.
(50) There can be little doubt that this 'self-sown wheat' was wild rice. The habit of this plant, its growth in low ground as here described, and the head, which has a certain resemblance of that of cultivated small grain, especially oats, seem clearly to confirm this view. The explorers probably had very slight acquaintance with cultivated grain, and might on this account more readily confuse this wild rice with wheat. There is not, however, the slightest foundation for the theory, that this 'wild wheat' was Indian corn, a view which has been advanced by certain writers. Indian corn was a grain entirely unknown to the explorers, and they could not by any possibility have confused it with wheat, even if they had found this corn growing wild, a conjecture for which there is absolutely no support whatever. [Cf. Schübeler, ​'Om den Hvede, som Nordmændene i Aaret 1000 fandt vildtvoxende i Vinland,' in Forhandlinger i Videnskabets-Selskab, Chr'a., 1859, pp. 21–30.] The same observation as that made by the Wineland discoverers was recorded by Jacques Cartier five hundred years later, concerning parts of the Canadian territory which he explored. Of the Isle de Bryon we have this description, 'Nous la trauuames plaine de beaulx arbres, champs de blé sauuaige,' &c., and in the same narrative, with reference to another portion of the discovery, we are informed that the explorers found 'blé sauuaige, comme seille, quel il semble y abuoir esté semé et labouré.' [Relation Originale du Voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 1534, ed. Michelant and Ramé, Paris, 1867, pp. 19 and 25.] It is no less true that this same explorer found grapes growing wild, in a latitude as far north as that of Nova Scotia, and, as would appear from the record, in considerable abundance: 'Apres que nous feusmes arriuez auec noz barques ausdictz nauires & retournez de la riuyere saincte Croix, le cappitaine Hinanda apprester lesdictes barques pour aller à terre à la dicte ysle veoir les arbres qui sembloient fort beaulx a veoir, & la nature de la terre d'icelle ysle. Ce que fut faict, & nous estans à ladicte ysle la trouuasmes plaine de fors beaulx arbres de la sorte des nostres. Et pareillement y trouuasmes force vignes, ce que n'auyons veu par cy deuant a toute la terre, & par ce la nommasmes l'ysle de Bacchus.' [Bref recit, &c., de la navigation faite en 1535–6 par le Capitaine Jacques Cartier aux Iles de Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay et autres, ed. D'Avezac, Parish, 1863, p. 14 b and 15.] Again, in the following century, we have an account of an exploration of the coast of Nova Scotia, in which the following passage occurs: 'all the ground betweene the two Riuers was without Wood, and was good fat earth hauing seuerall sorts of Berries growing thereon, as Gooseberry, Straw-berry, Hyndberry, Rasberry, and a kinde of Red-wine-berry: As also some sorts of Graine, as Pease, some eares of Wheat, Barley, and Rye, growing there wild,' &c. [Purchas his Pilgrimes, London, 1625, vol. iv, Bk. x, ch. vi, p. 1873.]
(51) Helgir fiskar, lit. 'holy fish.' The origin of the name is not known. Prof. Maurer suggests that it may have been derived from some folk-tale concerning St. Peter, but adds that such a story, if it ever existed, has not been preserved.
(52) It is not clear what the exact nature of these staves may have been. Hauk's Book has for the word translated 'staves,' both 'triom' and 'trionum,' AM. 557 has 'trianum.' The word trjónum has the meaning of 'snout,' but the first form of the word, as given in Hauk's Book, 'triom,' i.e. trjóm [trjám], seems to be the correct form [from tré, tree]. These 'staves' may have had a certain likeness to the long oars of the inhabitants of Newfoundland, described in a notice of date July 29th, 1612: 'They haue two kinde of Oares, one is about foure foot long of one peece of Firre; the other is about ten foot long made of two peeces, one being as long, big and round as a halfe Pike made of Beech wood, which by likelihood they made of Biskin Oare, the other is the blade of the Oare, which is let into the end of the long one slit, and whipped very strongly. The short one they use as a Paddle, and the other as an Oare.' [Purchas his Pilgrimes, London, 1625, vol. iv. p. 1880.]
(53) The white shield, called the 'peace-shield' [friðskjǫldr], was displayed by those who wished to indicate to others with whom they desired to meet that their intentions were not ​hostile, as in Magnus Barefoot's Saga, 'the barons raised aloft a white peace-shield' [Saga Magnús berfœtts, in Codex Frisianus, ed. Ungar, Chr'a., 1869, p. 267]. The red shield, on the other hand, was the war-shield, a signal of enmity, Sinfiotli declares in the Helgi song, 'Quoth Sinfiotli, hoisting a red shield to the yard,..."tell it this evening,...that the Wolfings are come from the East, lusting for war."' [Cf. Helga kviþa Hundingsbana, in Eddalieder, ed. Finnur Jónsson, Halle o. S. 1890, Pt. II, verses 34–5, pp. 4 and 5.] The use of a white flag-of-truce for a purpose similar to that for which Snorri recommended the white shield, is described in the passage quoted in note 52, 'Nouember the sixt two Canoas appeared, and one man alone coming towards vs with a Flag in his hand of a Wolfes skin, shaking it and making a loud noise, which we tooke to be for a parley, whereupon a white Flag was put out, and the Barke and Shallop rowed towards them.' [Purchas his Pilgrimes, l. c. vol. iv. p. 1880.]
(54) The natives of the country here described were called by the discoverers, as we read, Skrælingjar; since this was the name applied by the Greenland colonists to the Eskimo, it has generally been concluded that the Skrælingjar of Wineland were Eskimo. Prof. Storm has recently pointed out that there may be sufficient reason for caution in hastily accepting this conclusion, and he would identify the inhabitants of Wineland with the Indians [Beothuk or Micmac], adducing arguments philological and ethnographical to support his theory. The description of the savages of Newfoundland, given in the passage in Purchas' 'Pilgrims,' already cited, offers certain details, which coincide with the description of the Skrellings, contained in the saga. These savages are said by the English explorers to be 'full-eyed, of a black colour; the colour of their hair was diuers, some blacke, some browne, and some yellow, and their faces something flat and broad.' Other details, which are given on the same authority, have not been noted by the Icelandic explorers, and one statement, at least, 'they haue no beards,' is directly at variance with the saga statement concerning the Skrellings seen by the Icelanders on their homeward journey. The similarity of description may be a mere accidental coincidence, and it by no means follows that the English writer and Karlsefni's people saw the same people, or even a kindred tribe.
(55) John Guy, in a letter to Master Slany, the Treasurer and 'Counsell' of the New-found-land Plantation, writes: 'the doubt that haue bin made of the extremity of the winter season in these parts of New-found-land are found by our experience causelesse; and that not onely men may safely inhabit here without any neede of stoue, but Nauigation may be made to and fro from England to these parts at any time of the yeare....Our Goates haue liued here all this winter; and there is one lustie kidde, which was yeaned in the dead of winter.' [Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv. p. 1878.] 'Captaine Winne' writes, on the seventeenth of August, 1622, concerning the climate of Newfoundland: 'the Winter [is] short & tolerable, continuing onely in Ianuary, February and part of March: the day in Winter longer then in England:...Neither was it so cold here the last Winter as in England the yeere before. I remember but three seuerall dayes of hard weather indeed, and they not extreame neither: for I haue knowne greater Frosts, and farre greater Snowes in our owne Countrey.' [Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv. p. 1890.]
​(56) Einfœtingr, i.e. a One-footer, a man with one leg or foot. In the Flatey Book Thorvald's death is less romantically described. The mediæval belief in a country in which there lived a race of one-legged men, was not unknown in Iceland, for mention is made in Rímbegla, of 'a people of Africa called One-footers, the soles of whose feet are so large, that they shade themselves with these against the heat of the sun when they sleep.' [Rímbegla, l. c. p. 344.] This fable seems to have been derived, originally, from Ctesias: ['Item hominum genus, qui Monosceli [Monocoli] vocarentur, singulis cruribus, miræ pernicitatis ad saltum: eosdemque Sciapodas vocari, quod in maiori aestu humi iacentes resupini, umbra se pedum protegant: non longe eos a Troglodytis abesse,' [Ctesiæ Cnidii quæ supersunt, ed. Lion, Göttingen, 1823, p. 264], and was very widely diffused [cf. C. Plinius Secundus, Naturalis Historia, lib. vii, ch. 2; Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticæ, lib. ix, iv, 9; C. Jul. Solinus, Polyhistor, ch. lxv, &c.] It is apparent from the passages from certain Icelandic works already cite [pp. 15, 16, ante], that, at the time these works were written, Wineland was supposed to be in some way connected with Africa. Whether this notice of the finding of a Uniped in the Wineland region may have contributed to the adoption of such a theory, it is, of course, impossible to determine. The reports which the explorers brought back of their having seen a strange man, who, for some reason not now apparent, they believed to have but one leg, may, because Wineland was held to be contiguous to Africa, have given rise to the conclusion that this strange man was indeed a Uniped, and that the explorers had hit upon the African 'land of the Unipeds.' It has also been suggested that the incident of the appearance of the 'One-footer' may have found its way into the saga to lend an additional adornment to the manner of Thorvald's taking-off. It is a singular face that Jacques Cartier brought back from his Canadian explorations reports not only of a land peopled by a race of one-legged folk, but also of a region in those parts where the people were 'as white as those of France;' 'Car il (Taignoagny) nous a certiffié auoir esté à la terre de Saguenay, en laq̃lle y a infini or, rubis & aultres richesses. Et y sont les hom̃es blancs comme en France & accoutrez de dras de laynes...Plus dict auoir esté en autre pais de Picquemyans & autres pais, ou les gens n'ont que vne iambe.' [Voyage de I. Cartier, ed. d'Avezac, Paris, 1863, p. 40 b.]
(57) These words, it has been supposed, might afford a clue to the language of the Skrellings, which would aid in determining their race. In view not only of the fact, that they probably passed through many strange mouths before they were committed to writing, but also that the names are not the same in the different manuscripts, they appear to afford very equivocal testimony. Prof. Storm with reference to these names, which he cites thus, Avalldamon, Avaldidida, Vætilldi and Uvæge, says, that, while the information they afford is very defective: 'So much seems to be clear, that in their recorded form, they [these words] cannot be Eskimo, for d is entirely wanting in Eskimo, and even g is rare except as a nasal sound [he refers: Fr. v. Müller, Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, ii. 164]; Avalldamon especially cannot be Eskimo, for Eskimo words must either end with a vowel, or one of the mute consonants, b, k, [q], t, p....Especially is the soft melody of these Skrelling-words altogether different from the harsh guttural sounds of the Eskimo language. We must therefore refer for the derivation of these words to the Indians, whom we know in this region ​in later times. The inhabitants, whom the discoverers of the sixteenth century found in Newfoundland, and who called themselves "Beothuk" [i.e. men], received from the Europeans the name of Red Indians, because they smeared themselves with ochre; they have now been exterminated, partly by the Europeans, partly by the Micmac Indians, who in the last century wandered into Newfoundland from New Brunswick. Of their language only a few remnants have been preserved, but still enough to enable us to form a tolerably good idea of it. This language lacks f, but possesses b, d, g, l, m, n, v as well as the vowels a, e, i, o, u, so that its sounds conform entirely to the requirements of the four Skrelling-words. Unfortunately no glossary for the words father, mother, king, has been preserved, so that a direct comparison is impossible; however, the female name Shanandithit and the word adadimit [spoon] bear a remarkable resemblance to the ending -didida in Avilldidida, and the words buggishaman or bukashaman [man, boy] and anyemen [bow] may also be compared to the termination -amon in Avalldamon [Ref. Gatchet, two discourses before the Amer. Philos. Society, 19 June, 1885, and 7 May, 1886]. This is, of course, only suggested conjecturally; since the Beothuk seem now to have died out, we shall probably, never succeed in obtaining more accurate results. I must, however, not omit to mention, that the Micmac language [in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick] also has such sounds, as to render it possible that these words might have been derived from them; but the glossaries, which I have examined, and which are much more complete than that of the Beothuk tongue, afford no especial resemblance to the Skrelling-words under consideration.' [Storm, Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, l. c. pp. 349–51.]
Captain Gustav Holm, of the Danish Navy, whose explorations both upon the east and west coast of Greenland, and whose prolonged residence in that country entitle him to speak with authority, has, at my request, acquainted me with his conclusions respecting the possible resemblance between the Skrelling-words and the Eskimo language, and also with reference to the points of resemblance between the Skrellings of the saga and the present inhabitants of Greenland. These conclusions are as follows:
   '1. Although the four names, Vætilldi, Uvœgi, Avalldamon and Valdidida have nothing in common with Eskimo words, it cannot be gainsaid that they may be of Eskimo origin, since
   '2. The description of the Skrellings would apply to the Eskimo, with the exception that their eyes cannot be called large, but neither can this be said of the eyes of the North American Indians.
   'Even as there are on the north-western coast of North America races which seem to me to occupy a place between the Indian and the Eskimo, so it appears to me not sufficiently proven, that the now extinct race on America's east coast, the Beothuk, were Indians. Their mode of life and belief have many points of resemblance, by no means unimportant, with the Eskimo and especially with the Angmagsalik. It is not necessary to particularize these here, but I wish to direct attention to the possibility, that in the Beothuk we may perhaps have one of the transition links between the Indian and the Eskimo.'
It will be seen that Captain Holm, while he differs from Professor Storm in many of his views, still arrives at much the same conclusion.
(58) The sum of information which we possess concerning White-men's-land or Ireland the Great, is comprised in this passage and in the quotation from Landnáma (ante, p. II). It does not seem possible from these very vague notices to arrive at any sound conclusions concerning the location of this country. Rafn [Grönlands historiske Mindesmærker, vol. iii. p. 886] concludes that it must have been the southern portion of the eastern coast of North America. Vigfusson and Powell [Icelandic Reader, p. 384] suggest that the inhabitants of this White-men's-land were 'Red Indians;' with these, they say, 'the Norsemen never came into actual contact, or we should have a far more vivid description than this, and their land would bear a more appropriate title.' Storm in his 'Studier over Vinlandsreiserne' (l. c. p. 355–363) would regard 'Greater Ireland' as a semi-fabulous land, tracing its quasi-historical origin to the Irish visitation of Iceland prior to the Norse settlement. No one of these theories is entirely satisfactory, and the single fact which seems to be reasonably well established is that 'Greater Ireland' was to the Icelandic scribes terra incognita.
(59) Staðr í Reynines, the modern Reynistaðr, is situated in Northern Iceland, a short distance to the southward of Skaga-firth. Glaumbœr, as it is still called, is somewhat farther south, but hard by.
(60) Thorlak Runolfsson was the third bishop of Skálholt. He was consecrated bishop in the year 1118, and died 1133 [Jón Sigurðsson, 'Biskupa tal á Íslandi,' in Safn til Sögu Íslands, vol. i. p. 30]. Biorn Gilsson was the third bishop of Hólar, the episcopal seat of northern Ireland; he became bishop in 1147, and died in the year 1162. Bishop Biorn's successor was Brand Sæmundsson, 'Bishop Brand the Elder,' who died in the year 1201 [Jón Sigurðsson, Biskupa tal á Íslandi, ubi sup. p. 4]. As AM. 557, 4to, refers to this ​Bishop Brand as 'Bishop Brand the Elder,' it is apparent that it, as well as Hauk's Book, must have been written after the second Bishop Brand's accession to his sacred office. Bishop Brand Jonsson, the second Bishop Brand, became Bishop of Hólar in the year 1263, and died in the following year [Biskupa tal, ubi sup p. 4].
(61) We read concerning the introduction of Christianity into Iceland: 'Thorvald [Kodransson] travelled widely through the southern countries; in the Saxon-land [Germany] in the south, he met with a bishop named Frederick, and was by him converted to the true faith and baptised, and remained with him for a season. Thorvald bade the bishop accompany him to Iceland, to baptise his father and mother, and others of his kinsmen, who would abide by his advice; and the bishop consented.' ['Kristni Saga' in Biskupa Sögur, ed. Vigfusson, Copenh. 1858, vol. i. p. 3.] According to Icelandic annals, Bishop Frederick arrived in Iceland, on this missionary emprise, in the year 981; from the same authority we learn that he departed from Iceland in 985.
(62) Heriulf or Heriolf, who accompanied Eric the Red to Greenland, was not, of course, the same man to whom Ingolf allotted land between Vág and Reykianess, for Ingolf set about the colonization of Iceland in 874, more than a century before Eric the Red's voyage to Greenland. The statement of Flatey Book is, therefore, somewhat misleading, and seems to indicate either carelessness or a possible confusion on the part of the scribe. Heriulf, Eric the Red's companion, was a grandson of the 'settler' Heriulf, as is clearly set forth in two passages in Landnáma. In the first of these passages the Greenland colonist is called 'Heriulf the Younger' [Landnáma, pt. ii, ch. xiv]; the second passage is as follows: 'Heriolf, who has previously been mentioned, was Ingolf's kinsman and foster-brother, for which reason Ingolf gave him land between Vog and Reykianess; his son was Bard, father of that Heriolf, who went to Greenland and came into the "Sea-rollers." [Landnáma, pt. iv, ch. xiv.] As has already been stated, there is no mention in Landnáma or other Icelandic saga, save that of the Flatey Book, of Heriulf's son, Biarni. Reykianess, the southern boundary of Heriulf's 'claim,' is at the south-western extremity of Iceland; Vág was, probably, situated a short distance to the north of this cape, on the western coast of the same peninsula.
(63) In the 'King's Mirror' [Konungs Skuggsjá], an interesting Norwegian work of the thirteenth century, wherein, in the form of a dialogue, a father is supposed to be imparting information to his son concerning the physical geography of Greenland, he says: 'Now there is another marvel in the Greenland Sea, concerning the nature of which I am not so thoroughly informed, this is that, which people call "Sea-rollers" [hafgerðingar]. This is likest all the sea-storm and all the billows, which are in that sea, gathered together in three places, from which three billows form; these three hedge in the whole sea, so that no break is to be seen, and they are higher than tall fells, are like steep peaks, and few instances are known of persons who, being upon the sea when this phenomenon befell, have escaped therefrom.' [Speculum regale, ed. Brenner, Munich, 1881, p. 47.] A Danish scholar, in a treatise upon this subject, concludes that the hafgerðingar were earth-quake waves, and that those here celebrated were such tidal-waves caused by an unusually severe earth-quake in the year 986. [Cf. Steenstrup, Hvad er Kongespeilets 'Havgjerdinger?' Copenh. 1871, esp. p. 49]. However this may be, there can be little question that Heriulf experienced a perilous ​voyage, since out of the large number of ships, which set sail for Greenland at the same time, so few succeeded in reaching their destination.
(64) This has been assumed by many writers to have been Labrador, but the description does not accord with the appearance which that country now presents.
(65) Certainly a marvellous coincidence, but it is quite in character with the no less surprising accuracy with which the explorers, of this history, succeed in finding 'Leif's-booths' in a country which was as strange to them as Greenland to Biarni.
(66) This statement has attracted more attention, perhaps, than any other passage in the account of the Icelandic discovery of America, since it seems to afford data which, if they can be satisfactorily interpreted, enable us to determine approximately the site of the discovery. The observation must have been made within the limits of a region wherein, early in the eleventh century, the sun was visible upon the shortest day of the year between dagmálasla3r and cyktarstadr; it is, therefore, apparent that if we can arrive at the exact meaning of either dagtnálastadr or eyktarstadr, or the length of time intervening between these, it should not be difficult to obtain positive information concerning the location of the region in which the observation was made. We are informed by a treatise, inserted in the printed text of Rimbegla, written by Bishop John Arnason, that the method adopted by the ancient Icelanders for the determination of the various periods of the day, was to select certain so-called ' eyktmarks' [eyktamörk] about every dwelling, as, peaks, knolls, valleys, gorges, cairns, or the like, and to note the position of, and course of the sun by day, or the moon and stars by night, with relation to these ' eykt-marks.' The circle of the horizon having been thus artificially divided, in the absence of clocks or watches, certain names were assigned to the position which the sun occupied at, as we should say, certain 'hours' of the day; 'dagmálastaðr,' lit. 'daymeal-stead,' indicates the position of the sun at the ' day-meal,' which was the principal morning meal. We have, unfortunately, no accurate data which might enable us to determine the position of the sun at 'dagmálastaðr; ' such information we have, however, concerning 'eykt,' for it is stated, in an ancient Icelandic law-code, that ' if the south-west octant be divided into thirds, it is "eykt" when the sun has traversed two divisions and one is left untraversed ' ['þá er eykð er útsuðrsætt erdeild í þriðjunga, ok hefirsól gengna tváhluti, en einn ogenginn;' Kristinnréttr Þorláks ok Ketils, Copenh. 1775, p. 92. Cf. also Grágás, ed. Finsen, Copenh. 1852, Pt. I, p. 26]. There seems to be little room for question that the ' eykt ' of ' Kristinnréttr ' and the eyktarstadr of the Flatey Book are the same, and the statement of ' Kristinnrettr ' accordingly affords a clear and concise definition of the position of that point upon the horizon at which the sun set on the shortest day of the year in Wineland, and which the explorers called ' eyktarstaðr.' Nevertheless the rational and simple scientific application of this knowledge has been, until very recently, completely ignored, in the effort to reach, through this definition, the solution of the problem involving the exact clock-time of dagmdlastaSr and eyktarstadr and thus the hour at which the sun rose and set on the shortest Wineland day.
The widely divergent views of the leading writers upon this subject have been concisely summarized by Professor Gustav Storm, in a very able treatise wherein he points out the real value of the information, to be derived from the passage in ' Kristinnrettr.' ​182 THE FIXDIXG OF WINELAXD THE GOOD.
With the addition of a few minor details as to authorities, cited by Professor Storm, which additions are here itahcized, his summary is as follows:
' The first WTÍter in modern times to seek to determine Wineland's geographical situation was Arngrim Jonsson in " Gronlandia; " he, as well as all subsequent investigators, has employed to this end the passage in the Grœnlendinga-þáttr of the Flatey Book, in which mention is made of the duration of the shortest day in Wineland the passage under consideraiion']; but as to the significance of this passage many different opinions have been advanced, and, as far as I can see, there seem to be strong objections to them all. Arngrim Jonsson translated " sol in ipso solstitio hyberno, circiter 6 plus minus supra horizontem commorat; " he writes by way of caution " plus minus " [about], since he adds " sciotericiis enim destituebantur " [Gronlandia, ch. ix, p. jj of the Latin MS., gl. kg/. Sam/. [Royal Library of Copenli.] No. 2S-j6, 4to, but at p. J}, of the Icelandic printed text, heretofore cited, fromwhichlatter, however, all qualification is omitted, and the statement reads simply, " the sun could be seen fully six hours on the shortest day," " sva par matte sol sia urn skanidcigid sialft vel sex stundcr"]. This explanation was, doubtless, only known to the few Danish scholars of the seventeenth centur}', who had access to Arngrim's " Gronlandia; " it first became more widely disseminated in the Icelandic translation, which was published at Skálholt in 1688. Arngrim's explanation was also accepted bj' Torfæus in his " Vinlandia " [1705]: " Brumales dies ibi qvam vel in Islandia, vel Gronlandia longiores, ad horam nonam circa solstitia sol oriebatur, tertiam occidit " [Vinlandia, 1. c. pp. 6 and 7], although Torfæus remarks that this observation must, on account of the fruitfulness of the country, be regarded as inaccurate, since it points to a latitude of 58' 26'. While his work was in the press Torfæus became acquainted with Peringskiöld's—or more correctly the Icelander, Gudmund Olafsson's—translation in the printed edition of Heimskringla, which he properly enough rejected, but which caused him to undertake a renewed consideration of the subject. With the passage from Grágás [i. e. the passage defining " eyki"} as a basis, he now arrived at the following interpretation of this: " spatium qvod sol á meridie in occidentem percurrit, sex horas reqvirit, ex qvibus singuli trientes duas constituunt, bes desinit in horam qvartam pomeridianam." [Vinlandia, Addenda, pp. 6 and 7]. Now if " eykt " be four o'clock, p.m.— and the shortest day accordingly eight hours—Wineland's latitude becomes 49°, i. e. Newfoundland, or the corresponding Canadian coast. This new interpretation became, by reason of the attention which Torfæus' writings attracted in the learned world, most widely disseminated in the last century; thus we find it accepted by the German investigator, J. R. Forster, who concludes that Wineland was either Gander Bay or the Bay of Exploits, in Newfoundland, or on the coast of the northern side of the Gulf of St. Lawrence [ 49"] [Joh. Reinh. Forster, Geschichte der Entdeckungen und Schiff"fahrten im Norden, Frankf. 1784, p. 112]; the same interpretation is also accepted by Make Brun, Precis de la Géographie universelle, Paris, 1812, I. 394. Meanwhile, early in this century, Icelandic scholars began to advance a new view, which has gradually forced its way into general recognition. This view was first suggested by Vice-lawman Pall Vidah'n in his unpublished Skyringar, subsequently adopted by Bishop Finnr Jonsson [1772] in his Hist. ​Eccl. Isl. 153 et seq. [i.e. isj-s6 note], it was next approved by Schöning in a note to Heimskringla [Heiinskriiigla, Copenli. /777, vol. i. p. joc)], and in his history of Norway _Norgcs Rigcs Historic, Copaih. lySi, vol. Hi. 4ig], and in this century was more elaborately developed by Rafn and Finn Magnusen. The new point of departure in this theory is Snorri's expression in Edda concerning the seasons of the year, " Frá jafndœgri er haust til þess er sol sezt Í eykðar stað" ["Autumn lasts from the equinox tmtil the sun sets in ' eyktarstaSr,' " Edda Snorra Sturlusonar, Copenh. 1848, vol. i. p. 510]; since it was assumed that the beginning of winter, according to Snorri, coincided, as a matter of course, with the beginning of winter according to the Icelandic calendar [the week from the nth to the 17th of October], it was found that the sun set at Reykholt [Snorri's home] on the 17th of October at four o'clock; to conform with this, " Eyktarstaðr " was interpreted to mean the end of " Eykt," and " Eykt " became the period of tvme from 3.30 to 4.30. Now if the sun was above the horizon in Wineland on the shortest day from Dagmál to Eyktarstaðr, a day nine hours in length was obtained, which Prof. Thomas Bugge computed gave a latitude of 4o'"22', or, according to Rafn and Finn Magnusen, more exactly, 4i'^24'io". Rafn believed that it followed of a certainty that Wineland was identical with the southern coast of Rhode Island- and Connecticut, directly to the westward of Cape Cod. But very serious objections to this theory suggest themselves. When Leif Ericsson—according to the Flatey Book—approached Wineland, he saw at first an island to the northward of the land; he then sailed to the westward into a sound between the island and the land's most northerly cape, and still farther west, they arrived at a river and lake, where they established themselves; the composer of the saga accordingly had in mind a country facing toward the north, and upon whose northern shore Leif and his people established themselves in " Leifsbúðir." Nevertheless Rafn renders this thus [Annaler for Nord. Oldkyndigh. Copenh. 1840-41, pp. 6 and 16]: "They came to an island, which lay to the east off the land, and sailed into a sound between this island and a cape, which projected toward the east [and north] from the land." ' [Gustav Storm, Om Betydningen af ' Eyktarstaðr' i Flatpbogens Beretning om Vinlandsreiserne, foredraget i Christiania Videnskabsselskab 2den Nov. 1883, pp. 1-4. The article has since been published in Arkiv for Nordisk Filologi, November, 1885.]
Professor Storm, in this same treatise, points out the inaccuracy of Rafn's astronomical calculation, which corrected, would change the latitude to 42° 21', the vicinity of Boston, which region does not, however, correspond to the descriptions of the saga. He further shows the error in the interpretation of the passage in Snorri's Edda, upon which this theory is based. The cause of the confusion in these different theories is satisfactorily explained by the following paragraph in Professor Storm's article, the contribution of the astronomer, Mr. Geelmuyden, to whom Professor Storm had submitted the astronomical data for solution:
' For the correct understanding of the passages in the old sagas, wherein these daymarks [i. e. the eyktamörk of Rimbcgla] are mentioned, it is of the utmost importance to bear in mind that they were in practical use; nor should it be forgotten that the sun's position above a certain day-mark only gives a certain horizontal projection, and especially it will not do to transfer the stroke of the clock corresponding to a certain day-mark— whether that corresponding to a certain season of the year be taken, or the mean for the entire year— to the similar day-mark at other places on the earth.
'When, therefore, the Greenlanders found, according to the statement in the Flatey ​Book, that the sun upon the shortest day " had Dagmálastaðr and Eyktarstaðr," this does not mean that the sun was visible until a certain hour, for they lacked the means of determining the hour, according to our understanding of the word, but it does mean that the sun was visible in certain horizontal directions which they were experienced in determining.'
Applying the passage in Kristinnréttr to the determination of the position of the sun at sunset, on the shortest day of the year in Wineland, Mr. Geelmuyden concludes that:
' Since Útsuðrsætt is the octant, which has S. W. in its centre, therefore between 22-5° and 675^ Azimuth, Eyktarstaðr must be in the direction 22-5° + 1 of 45°=52-5° from the south toward the west. Solving the latitude in which the sun set in this direction on the shortest day [in the eleventh century] we find it to be 49°55'. Here, therefore, or farther to the south the observation must have been made.'
I am indebted to Capt. R. L. Phythian, U. S. N., Superintendent of the U. S. Naval Observatory, Washington, for the following detailed computation undertaken, at my request, from a brief statement of the problem:
'As the solution of the question j'ou propose depends, of course, upon the interpratation of the data furnished, it is necessary that I should give in detail the process by which the amplitude of the sun is derived from the statement contained in your letter.
' " Eyktarstad " is assumed to be the position of the sun in the horizon when setting. The south-west octant you define to be the octant having S.W. as its centre; its limits, therefore, are S. 221° W. and S. 67^° W.
' " It is eykt when, the south-west octant having been divided into thirds, the sun has traversed two of these and has one still to go." That is, it is eykt when the point of the horizon is 30° west of S. 22^ W., or S. 52^° W. From this the sun's amplitude when in this point of the horizon is W. 37° 30' S.
'The sun's declination on the shortest day of the }-ear 1015 was S. 23° 34' 30" [nearly].
'The simple formula for finding the sun's amplitude when in the true horizon is sufficiently accurate for the conditions of this case.
' It is sin A = sin d sec. L,
from which sec L = sin A cosec. d.
' Solving with the above data:
A =-37° 30' log. sin. -978445
d= -23° 34' 30" log, cosec. -0-39799
L= -f48 56 log. sec. 4-018244.
' If I have been in error in the process by which the amplitude has been arrived at, the substitution of its correct value in the above computation will give the proper latitude.'
This computation was undertaken independently of Mr. Geelmuyden's conclusions, and in reply to my query, evoked by the slight discrepancy in the two results, which was then first brought to his attention, Capt. Phythian writes, as follows:
'The formula by which I computed the latitude is the simplest form that can be employed for the purpose, but was, for reasons that will be mentioned later, deemed sufficiently accurate.
​' It assumes that the bearing of the sun was taken when its centre was actually on the horizon, and the latitude is found by the solution of a spherical right-angled triangle. Manifestly the learned Professor has taken into account the effect of refraction, and solved an oblique triangle. By this method, calling the refraction 33', we find the latitude to be 49° 5o'-2. The slight difference between this result and that of the Professor [less than 5'j is accounted for by the supposition that he did not assume the same refraction.
' The conditions of this case do not seem to give additional value to a rigorous solution. Since the explorers were on the eastern coast of the continent they must have observed the setting of the sun over land, and probably recorded its bearing before it reached the horizon. In such a case, the introduction of refraction and semi-diameter would lead to a result more in error than the simpler solution.
' The data furnished are not sufficiently definite to warrant a more positive assertion than that the explorers could not have been, when the record was made, farther north than Lat. [say] 49".'
The result, therefore, of the application of Professor Storm's simple and logical treatment to this passage in Flatey Book, ' the sun had there Eyktarstad,' &c., is summed up in Capt. Phythian's statement, ' the explorers could not have been, when the record was made, farther north than Lat. [saj'] 49°; ' that is to say, Wineland may have been somewhat farther to the south than northern Newfoundland or the corresponding Canadian coast, but, if we may rely upon the accuracy of this astronomical observation, it is clear that tims far south it must have been.
(67) Kornhjálmr af tré, a wooden granary. The word 'hjálmr' appears to have a double significance. In the passage in the Saga of King Olaf the Saint: 'Wilt thou sell us grain, farmer? I see that there are large "hjálmar" here' [Heimskringla, ed. Unger, p. 353], the word 'hjálmar' may have the meaning of stacks of grain. The use of the word as indicating a house for the storage of grain is, however, clearly indicated in the Jydske Lov of 1241, wherein we read: 'But if one build upon the land of another either a "hialm" or any other house,' &c. ['æn byggær man annænds iord antugh mæth hialm æth nokær andre hus,' &c. Danmarks gamle Provindslove, ed. Thorsen, Copenh. 1853, pp. 79–80]. As there is no suggestion in the saga of the finding of cultivated fields, it is not apparent for what uses a house for the storage of grain could have been intended.
(68) Vígflaki, lit. a war-hurdle. This was a protection against the missiles of the enemy raised above the sides of the vessel. In this instance, as perhaps generally on ship-board, this protecting screen would appear to have been formed of shields attached to the bulwarks, between these the arrow, which caused Thorvald's death, doubtless, found its way.
(69) The Landnámabók makes no mention of this Thori; its language would seem to preclude the probability of a marriage between such a man and Gudrid; the passage with reference to Gudrid being as follows: 'His son was Thorbiorn, father of Gudrid who married Thorstein, son of Eric the Red, and afterwards Thorfinn Karlsefni; from them are descended bishops Biorn, Thorlak and Brand.' Landnáma, pt. ii, ch. xvii.
(70) Námkyrtill [namkirtle] is thus explained by Dr. Valtýr Guðmundsson, in his unpublished treatise on ancient Icelandic dress: 'Different writers are not agreed upon the meaning of "námkyrtill;"' Sveinbjörn Egilsson [Lexicon poet.] interprets it as signifying a kirtle made of some kind of material called 'nám.' In this definition he ​is followed by Keyser [Nordmændenes private Liv i Oldtiden], and Vigfusson [Dict.]. The Icelandic painter, Sigurðr Guðmundsson ['Um kvennabúninga á Íslandi að fornu og nýju,' in Ný fjelagsrit, vol. xvii], has, on the other hand, regarded the word as allied to the expression: 'at nema at beini' [i.e. fitting close to the leg, narrow], and concludes that 'námkyrtill' should be translated, 'narrow kirtle,' in which view Eiríkr Jónsson [Oldnordisk Ordbog] and K. Weinhold [Altnordisches Leben] coincide.
'I cannot agree with either of these interpretations. The mention in Flatey Book is so indefinite, that nothing can be determined from it. On the other hand, the meaning of this word becomes apparent from a passage in Laxdœla Saga, if this be compared with other references to female dress in ancient times, contained in the elder literature. This passage in Laxdœla Saga is as follow: "Gudrun wore a 'námkyrtill' and a close-fitting upper garment [vefjarupphlutr], with a large head-dress; she wore wrapped about her an apron with dark embroidery upon it and fringed at the end" ["Guðrún var í námkyrtli, ok við vefjarupphlutr þrǫngr, en sveigr mikill á hǫfði; hon hafði knýtt um sik blæju ok váru í mǫrk blá ok trǫf fyrir enda."] "Námkyrtill" evidently means here half-kirtle or petticoat, for with it an "upphlutr" [waist] of different stuff is worn, which in Snorra Edda [ii. 494] is called "helfni" [i.e. half-kirtle]. The origin of the word seems to me to have been as follows: In the ordinary woman's gown [kirtle] the upper part, or "upphlutr," was, obviously, much narrower [i.e. closer-fitting] than the lower part of the garment, and was, in consequence, worn out sooner than the lower part. With the better class of people the kirtle was usually made from some foreign stuff of bright colour, especially red. Now when the upper part [upphlutr] was worn out, the wearers, indisposed to abandon the lower part of the garment made from domestic stuff [homespun], the so-called wadmal [vefjarupphlutr]. The lower detached part of the garment or skirt then received the name of "nám" or "námkyrtill" [cf. landnám, órnám] because it had been taken [numið] from the entire kirtle. By the preservation of the serviceable lower part of the garment, with its foreign stuff of showy colour, the dress was rendered more ornamental than it would have been if both the lower and upper portion of the kirtle had been made from wadmal, which it was not easy to obtain, in Iceland, dyed in colours. Such I conclude to have been the origin of the word "nám" or "námkyrtill." The word subsequently continued in use, regardless of the fact whether the skirt or lower half-kirtle, to which it was applied, had been cut from an old kirtle or not.'
(71) A 'mǫrk' was equal to eight 'aurar' [cf. Laxdœla Saga, ch. 26, ed. Kålund, Copenh. 1889, p. 90]; an 'eyrir' [plur. 'aurar'] of silver was equal to 144 skillings [cf. Vídalín, Skýríngar yfir Fornyrði Lögbókar, Reykjavík, 1854, p. 351]. An 'eyrir' would, therefore, have been equal to three crown [kronor], modern Danish coinage, since sixteen skillings are equal to one-third of a crown [33⅓ øre], and a half 'mǫrk' of silver would accordingly have been equal to twelve crowns, Danish coinage. As the relative value of gold and silver at the time described is not clearly established, it is not possible to determine accurately the value of the half 'mǫrk' of gold. It was, doubtless, greater at that time, proportionately, than the value here assigned, while the purchasing power of both precious metals was very much greater then than now.
​(72) At the time of the ' settlement ' of Iceland the homestead of the more prominent 'settler' became the nucleus of a little community. The head of this little community, who was the acknowledged leader in matters spiritual and temporal, was called the 'goði.' With the introduction of Christianity the 'goði' or ' goðorðsmaðr ' lost his religious character though he still retained his place of importance in the Commonwealth.
(73) 'fat var ofarliga á dögum Ólafs hins helga, at Guðleifr hafði kaupferð vestr til Dýflinnar; en er hann sigldi vestan, ætlaði hann til Islands; hann sigldi fyrir vestan frland, ok fekk austanveðr ok landnyrðinga, ok rak þá langt vestr í haf ok í útsuðr, svá at þeir vissu ekki til landa; en þá var mjök áliðit sumar, ok hetu þeir mörgu, at þá bæri or hafinu, ok þá kom þar, at þeir urðu við land varir; þat var mikit land, en eigi vissu þeir hvert land þat var. Þat ráð tóku þeir Guðleifr, at þeir sigldu at landinu, þvíat þeim þótti illt at eiga lengr við hafsmegnit. Þeir féngu þar höfn góða; en er þeir höfðu þar litla stund við land verit, þá koma menn til fundar við þá; þeir kendu þar engan mann, en helzt þótti þeim, sem þeir mælti írsku; brátt kom til þeirra svá mikit fjölmenni, at þat skipti mörgum hundruðum. þeir tóku þá höndum alia ok bundu, ok ráku þá síðan á land upp. Þá vóru þeir færðir á mót eitt, ok dæmt um þá. Þat skildu þeir, at sumir vildu at þeir væri drepnir, en sumir vildu at þeim væri skipt á vistir ok væri þeir þjáðir. Ok er þetta var kært, sjá þeir hvar reið flokkr manna, ok var þar borit merki í flokkinum; þóttust þeir þá vita, at höfðingi nökkurr mundi vera í flokkinum; ok er flokk þenna bar þangat at, sá þeir, at undir merkinu reið mikill maðr ok garpligr, ok var þó mjök á.efra aldr ok hvítr fyrir hærum. Allir menn er þar vóru fyrir, hnigu þeim manni, ok fögnuðu sem herra'sínum; fundu þeir þá brátt, at þangat var skotið öllum ráðum ok atkvæðum, sem hann var. Síðan sendi þessi maðr eptir þeim Guðleifi; ok er þeir kómu fyrir þenna mann, þá mælti hann til þeirra á norrænu, ok spyrr, hvaðan af löndum þeir vóru. Þeir'sögðu, at þeir væri flestir íslenzkir. Þessi maðr spurði hverir þeir væri þessir íslenzku menn; gékk Guðleifr þá fyrir þenna mann ok kvaddi hann virðuliga, en hann'tók því vel, ok spyrr hvaðan af Islandi þeir væri, en Guðleifr segir at hann væri ór Borgarfirði-; þá spurði hann hvaðan ór Borgarfirði hann var; en Gunnlaugr segir[þat]. Eptir þat spurði hann vandliga eptir'sérhverjum hinna stærri manna í Borgarfirði ok Breiðafirði. Ok er þeir töluðu þetta, spyrr hann eptir Snorra goða ok Þuríði frá Fróðá, systur hans, ok hann spurði vandliga eptir öllum hlutum frá Fróðá ok mest at sveininum Kjartani, er þá var bóndi at Fróðá. Landsmenn kölluðu í öðrum stað, at nökkurt ráð skyldi gjöra fyrir skipshöfninni. Eptir þat gékk þessi mikli maðr brott frá þeim, ok nefndi með sér xij menn af'sínum mönnum, ok'sátu þeir langa hrlð á tali. Eptir þat géngu þeir til mannfundarins. Þá mælti inn mikli maðr til þeirra Guðleifs: " Vér landsmenn höfum talat nökkut [mál] yðar, ok hafa landsmenn nú gefit yðvart mál á mitt vald, en ek vil nú gefa yðr fararleyfi þangat sem þér vilit fara; en þó yðr þykki nú mjök á liðit sumar, þá vil ek þó ráða yðr, at þér látið á brott héðan, þvíat hér er folk útrútt ok illt viðreignar: en þeim þykkja áðr brotin lög á sér." Guðleifr mælti: " Hvat skulum vér til segja, ef oss verðr auðit at koma til ættjarða várra, hverr oss hafi frelsi gefit? " Hann svarar: " Þat mun ek yðr eigi segja, þvíat ek ann eigi þess frændum mínum ok fóstbræðrum, at þeir hafi híngat þvílíka ferð, sem þér mundut haft hafa, ef þér nytið eigi mín víð; en nú er svá komit aldri mínum," sagði hann, "at þat er á öngri stundu örvænt, nær elli stígr yfir höfuð mér; en þóat ek li£a enn um stundar sakir, þá eru hér á landi ríkari menn en ek, þeir at lítinn frið munu gefa útlendum mönnum, þóat þeir'sé eigi híngat nálægir, sem þér erut at komnir, Síðan lét þessi maðr búa ​skipit með þeim, ok var þar við til þess er byrr kom, sá er þeim var hagstæðr út at taka. En áðr þeir Guðleifr skildu, tók þessi maðr gullhring af hendi'sér, ok fær í hendr Guðleifi, ok þar með gott sverð; en'síðan mælti hann við Guðleif: " Ef þér verðr auðit at koma til fóstr-jarðar þinnar, þá skaltú færa sverð þetta Kjartani, bóndanum at Fróðá, en hringinn Þuríði móður hans." Guðleifr mælti: " Hvat skal ek til segja, hverr þeim sendi þessa gripi? " Hann svarar: " Seg, at'sá sendi, at meiri vin var húsfreyjunnar at Fróðá en goðans at Helgafelli, bróður hennar. En ef nökkurr þykkist vita þar af, hverr þessa gripi hefir átta, þá seg þau mín orð, at ek banna hverjum manni á minn fund at fara, þvíat þat er en mesta úfæra, nema þeim takist þann veg giptusamliga um landtökuna, sem yðr hefir tekizt; er hér ok land [vítt ok] illt til hafna, en ráðinn ófriðr allstaðar útlendum mönnum, nema svá beri til sem nú hefir orðit."
Eptir þetta skildu þeir. [Þeir] Guðleifr létu í haf, ok tóku frland'síð um haustið, ok vóru í D.vflinni um vetrinn; en um sumarit sigldu þeir til islands, ok færði Guðleifr þá af höndum gripina, ok höfðu allir þat fyrir satt, at þessi maðr hafi verit Björn Breiðvíkingakappi; en engi önnur sannjTidi hafa menn til þess, nema þau sem nú vóru'sögð.' Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Vigfusson, pp. 119-22.
(74) The paper manuscripts founded upon the text of the saga presented in H auk's Book are as follows:
In the Arna-Magnæan Collection, Copenhagen.
No. 118, 8vo. The first page of this manuscript bears the following title: ' Hier hefur Grænlan[ds Ann]ál. Er fyrst Saga e.dr [Hisjtoria Þorfinns Krt;-lsef[nis] Þordar sonar.' The saga, which fills twenty-four sheets, was written in the seventeenth century by Björn á Skarðsá. There are certain interpolations in the text, as on p. 15 b, concerning ' Helluland hið mikla,' p. 16, on the origin of the name ' Markland,' and on p. 19 b, concerning the Skrelling boats. With the exception of these inserted passages, and a few minor verbal changes, the text follows closely that of ÞsK.
No. 281, 4to. On the back of p. 83 [modern pagination] of this book is the title: 'Hier hef«r s0gu Þorfins Kallsefnis Þordarsonar.' It is a neatly written manuscript, in a hand somewhat resembling the elder vellum hands. On the back of p. 84 the passage from Landnáma: 'So se^/rAri forgylsson ad þa/ sumar fóru XXII skip,' &c., together with the list of colonists as given in the Flatey Book text, have been inserted by the scribe, and the fact noted at the bottom of the page. On p. 93 the saga concludes with the words: ' Vera Gud med oss,' as in Hauk's Book, which words are usually omitted from the paper transcripts of ÞsK. It is a good clear copy of the Hauk's Book text, one of the most accurate and useful. It was made by Sigurður Jónsson of Knör toward the close of the seventeenth century. [Cf AM. Katalog.]
No. 597 b, 4to. In the centre of p. 32 [modern pagination] is the title: 'Hier hefur S0gu Þorfins Kallsefnes Þordrtrsonan' This text, like that of 281, 410, has the interpolated passage from Landnáma, above noted; unlike 281, 4to, however, it is a careless copy, and contains many errors, as: ' kirtel ' for ' kistil,' ' fuller vonn ' for ' fulltrúann,' &c. It contains numerous marginal notes in an old hand, ends on the back of p. 41, and was written [cf. AM. Katalog] in the latter half of the seventeenth century.
No. 768, 4to. At the head of the first page of text of this manuscript is the title: ' Hier ​hefur Grænlands Annal, er fyrst Saga edur Historia Þorfins Kails efnis Þordar Sonar.' The saga contains thirty-eight pages, based upon the text of Hauk's Book, although with numerous additions from the narrative of the Flatey Book, as also concerning Helluland it mikla, &c. It is written in German script, dates from the seventeenth century, having belonged, according to Arni Magnusson's conjecture, in 1669, to Bishop Thord, from whom Thormod Torfæus received it. It would appear from a passage on p. 5 of this manuscript, that the scribe had access to Hauk's Book, for he writes: ' Þesser efterfarandi Capituli er einfalldliga efter Hauks Bök skrifadir,' &c.
No. 770 b, 4to. This manuscript contains two sagas written about 1770. The first of these, covering thirty-six pages, bears the title: ' Hier hefur Sögu Þorfinns Karlsefnis f'órdarsonar.' It is an almost literal transcript of the text of ÞsK.
No. 1008, 4to. Near the middle of this book is the saga bearing the title: ' Her hefr vpp sogu þeirra Þorfinnz Karlsefnis oc Snorra Þorbrandz sonar.' In the margin, in an old hand, are the words ' Fordret Mag. Joon Arnesen af AM,' and upon the same page Dr. Gudbrand Vigfusson has written 'eptir Hauksbók.' It is a fair copy of i'sK, written ca. 1700.
In the Royal Library, Copenhagen.
No. 1692, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This copy, written in cursive hand, in the last century, fills one hundred pages, and is entitled: ' Sagan af Þorfinni Karlsefni Þórðar syni.' According to an inserted note, the copy was made by J. Johnsen [Jon Jónsson] from AM. 281, 4to.
No. 1698, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This saga, which follows closely ÞsK, under the title: 'Her hefur upp S0gu þeirra Þorfin^s Karls-Efnis og Snorra Þorbrandssonar,' fills twentyseven pages of the manuscript, and was written, in German script, probably in the last century. This text is peculiarly interesting because of the variant it has from the words of the original in the passage describing the distance from Bjarneyjar to Helluland, which is thus given in this text: 'þaðan sigldu [þeir] iii dægur,' &c. [Cf. Note 46, p. 174.]
No. 1734, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This manuscript, while it does not contain ÞsK, does contain certain notabilia concerning Eric the Red, Greenland, the situation of Wineland, Albania [Hvitramannaland], &c., and on pp. 21 et seq. has an account of Þorbjörn, [sic] Kallz Efni. It was written in the last half of the last century by J. Johnson [Jónsson] after AM. 770 b, 4to.
No. 1754, 4to [Thott. Saml.]. This text of the saga, with the title: 'Her hefr upp sogu þeirra Þorfinnz Karlsefnis oc Snorra f-orbrandzsonar,' contains seventy-two pages, copied 'Ex codice vetusto membraneo in Bibl. Acad. Hafn. inter MSS. Arnse Magnæi, No. 544 in 4to.' As the scribe states, ' there are certain lacunae here and there in the Codex illegible by reason of smoke and age, which have caused certain lacunæ in this copy; ' it is otherwise a good clear copy, in running hand, of ÞsK, made at a time when Hauk's Book was in no better state than at present, as the lacunæ of the copy indicate.
The paper manuscripts founded upon the text [EsR] of AM. 557, 4to, are as follows:
In the Arna-Magnæan Collection.
No. 563 b, 4to. This is an inferior copy from the latter half of the seventeenth century. It is in running hand and contains nineteen pages. According to a slip, in Arni Magnusson's ​hand, inserted in the manuscript, it has been compared with a copy in quarto 'written by the Rev. Vigfus Gudbrandsson,' and is filled with interlineations and corrections, which bring it to a fair likeness with the text of 557, 4to.
No. 770 b, 4to. The second saga in this manuscript has the title: ' Hier hefst Saga af Ein'ki Rauda,' beside which title Ami Magnusson has written 'er mipg o correct' ['is very incorrect']. It is an inferior transcript of EsR, in the same hand as that of the text of ÞsK which precedes it.
No. 931, 4to. At the foot of p. 13 of this manuscript is the title ' Her Byriar Sauguna Af Eyreke Rauda Þorv-aldss.' This text covers twenty-two pages, completed, as is stated at the end of the saga, in the year 1734 ['oc likr her þessare s0gu þann 3. Januarij Anno 1734 ']. It is a good clear copy of the text of EsR, omitting, however, the verses of Þorw. [sic] the Huntsman, and the Einfceting ditty.
No. 932, 4to. This collection of sagas was written, as is stated on the title-page, in the year 1821. On p. 268 of the manuscript the 'Saga fra Eyreci Rauda' begins, and is concluded on p. 297. While it follows the text of EsR, certain of the minor errors of that text have been corrected in conformity with the language of ÞsK.
No. 401, fol. This transcript of the ' Saga Ein'ks Rauða ' contains forty-four pages in cursive hand, with notes at the foot and in the margin of the text. Originally a close copy of AM. 557, 4to, it has been corrected in many places apparently to conform to the text of ÞsK. According to the ' Katalog ' this copy was made in the latter half of the last century.
No. 30 Rask Coll. The text here presented under the title ' Sagann af Eireke Rauda,' is a rather inexact copy of EsR, written ca. 1770. This text makes Thorvald Ericsson shoot the Uniped, and has such minor variants from the original as ' Þorvalldr var kallrtdr veidimadr,' 'samtymnis lanþar' in the second line of the second verse, &c.
No. 36 Rask Coll. On p. 116 of this collection of sagas this copy of ' Sagann af Eyrike enum Rauda' begins, and is brought to a conclusion on p. 129. It was written, as is stated at the end of the saga, by Olaf Sigurdsson, and by him completed in January 1810. While it is founded upon EsR, it is rather a paraphrase than a literal copy of that text.
In the Royal Library, Copenhagen.
No. 1697, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This text, which fills 115 pages, was copied [probably late in the last century], as is stated in the manuscript, from AM. 563 b, X.o, by J. Johnsson. The scribe has followed the corrected text of the manuscript from which his copy was made.
No. 1714, 4to [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This 'Saga af Eyreke Rauda' contains eighteen pages, written in 1715. While it follows in the main EsR, it is not without minor changes due apparently to the influence of ÞsK.
No. 1 1 73, fol. [Ny kgl. Saml.]. This manuscript, from the early part of the present century (?), contains both the Icelandic text and a Latin translation of the ' Saga af Eireke Rauda,' derived, as is stated, from AM. 557, 410, compared with AM. 281 and 563, 4to, and Hauk's Book, together with an excerpt from AM. 770, 8vo.
No. 616, 4to [Kail. Saml. J. The 'Saga Eireks Rauda,' which occupies the ninth place ​in this collection, fills twelve pages. It is written in a good hand of the early part of the last century, or the end of the seventeenth century, and follows the text of AM. 557 aXo closely.
No. 1776, 4to [Thott. Saml.]. In this bundle of sagas the text of 'Sagan af Eyreke Rauda ' forms a separate tractate. This is a copy of EsR made, probably, in the latter part of the last century, with unimportant variants of the original text as ' Þorvallþr veiþimadr; ' in Thorhall's second ditty 'knarrar skurd,' instead of 'knarrar skeið,' &c.
No. 984 a, fol. [Thott. Saml.]. In this collection of folios there are two texts of EsR; one has the title 'Saga Eyreks Rauda,' the other 'Saga af Eyreke Rauda.' The first contains twenty-six pages, following closely the text of AM. 557, 4to, except in the omission of the stanzas of {"orvald [sic] the Huntsman, and that which refers to the Uniped. The second text contains twenty-eight pages, and, like the first, is a close copy of the text of AM. 557, 4to, except, in this case, in the orthography. Both transcripts appear to have been made in the latter half of the last century.
In the British Museum Library.
No. 11,123. At the end of this quarto manuscript are fifty-three pages, in running hand, containing ' Sagan af Eirike Rauða.' This saga is a fairly literal transcript of the text of EsR. It is preceded by a woodcut of Eric the Red, being the same as that contained in Arngrim Jonsson's ' Gronlandia,' and is followed by a few pages of ' Annals ' and notes the concluding notice bearing the title 'Af {"orbirni Karlsefni,' with the entry, at the end, written at Borgartiin, 1775, by Oddr Jonsson.
No. 11,126. This is a folio manuscript of thirty-seven pages. On an inserted fly-leaf is the note ' Saga Eiriks Rauda ex membrana in Arnæ Magnæi Bibliotheca in 4to, Num. 557.' There are a few marginal corrections of the clerical errors of AM. 557, 4to, as 'skridu ' for 'skylldu,' 'fundu kiol ' for 'fengu skiol,' &c., and a few lacunæ in the transcript where the scribe has not been able to read the words of the vellum. According to the Manuscript Catalogue, this copy was made in Copenhagen in 1768 by Odd Jonsson. Both 11,123, and 11,126 are from the collection of Finn Magnusen.
No. 4,867 [Banks Coll.]. A manuscript in folio containing many sagas, of which the third in the collection is ' Sagann af Eyreke Ravda,' which fills sixteen pages, and is a fairly accurate copy of the text of AM. 557, 4to, written, as would appear from an entry at the end of the saga, in 1691.
In addition to these paper manuscripts of the text of EsR there are others in the National Library of Reykjavik [143, 4to, 150, 410, and 151, 4to], and one in the Royal Library pf Stockholm, which I have not found it possible to examine. The text of the Stockholm manuscript. No. 35, fol., conforms to that of AM. 557, 4to [cf. Arwidsson, Förteckning öfver Kongl. Bibliothekets i Stockholm Islandska Handskrifter, Stockholm, 1848, pp. 66-7], and it is not probable that the Reykjavik manuscripts offer any peculiarities differing from those exhibited by the paper transcripts above mentioned.
Of the Wineland history of the Flatey Book there is in the Arna-Magnæan Collection a ​paper copy of the Saga of Olaf Tryggvason, being No. 57, fol., which contains the Þáttr Eireks Rauda' [pp. 1064-73, new pagination 5336-38], as well as the ' Grænlendingha þáttr' [pp. 1361-94, new pagination 682-986], This is a literal transcript of the narrative of the Flatey Book.
It seems safe to conclude that the texts of all these paper manuscripts are derived, directly or indirectly, from the vellum manuscripts which have been preserved, and of which facsimiles are here given. In the numerous transcripts of the texts of EsR and ÞsK there are no passages which indicate an origin other than the two vellum manuscripts, AM. 544 and 557, 4to, and the numerous variants from these originals have, in all likelihood, arisen either through the editorial care or clerical carelessness of the scribes of these transcripts.
* ↑ '"Christophe Colombe," dit Ortelias, "a seulement mis le Nouvean-Monde en rapport durable de commerce 'et d'utilité avec I'Europe." [Theatr. Orbis terr. ed. 1601, pp. 5 et 6.] Ce jugement est beaucoup trop severe. D'ailleurs ropinion du géographe n'était point basée sur l'expédition an Vinland dont il ne fait aucimement mention, peut-etre parce que les ouvrages d'Adam de Breme ne fiirent imprimés qu'en 1579, mais sur les voyages de Nicolo et Antonio Zeni [13S81404], dont, pour le moins, la localité est restée problématique.' Alex. v. Himiboldt, Examen critique, Paris, 1837, vol. ii. p. 120.
* ↑ Finn Magnusen, 'Om de Engelskes Handel og Færd paa Island i det isde Aarhundrede, isser med Hensyn til Columbus's formentlige Reise dertil i Aaret 1477,' in Nord. Tidskr. for 01dk}-ndighed, Copenh. 1833. pp. 112-169.
* ↑ I have not been able to find that the original of this letter is in existence. The quotation i-s made from the Italian edition of the Biography, entitled: Historic Del. S. D. Fernando Colombo; nelle quali's' ha particolare, & vera relatione della vita, & de' fatti dell' Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo, suo padre, * * noouamente di lingua Spagnuola tradotta nell Italiana dal S. Alfonso VUoa, Venice, 1571. On page 9 of this book, the letter is thus printed: 'Jo nauigai 1' anno MCCCCLXXVn nel mese di Febraio oltra Tile isola cento leghe, la cui parte Anstrale h lontana dall' Equinottiale settantatre gradi, & non sessantatre, come alcuni vogliono: ne giace dentro della linea, che include 1' Occidente di Tolomeo, ma é molto piii Occidentale. Et a quest' isola, che é tanto grande come 1' Jnghilterra, vanno gl" Jnglesi con de loro mercatantie, specialmente quelli di Bristol. Et al tiempo, che io vi andai, non era congelato il mare, quantunque vi fossero si grosse maree, che in alcuni luoghi ascendeua ventisei braccia, et discendeua altre tanti in altezza. E bene il vero, che Tile, quella di cui Tolomeo fa mentione, giace doue egli dice; & questa da' moderni é chiaraata Frislanda.
* ↑ Bristol, wo die Gabotti [Cabots] ihre zweitc Heiniath gefiinden hatten, iinterliielt damals mit Island einen lebhaften Handelsverkehr, und da wir Sebastian Cabot auf seiner zweiten Fahrt Island beriihrcn sehen, so hat man nicht ohne Grund vcrniuthet, dass die beidcn Vcnetianer von den Entdeckungen der Norinannen nnterrichtet gewesen sind, deren Andellken auf jcncr Insel noch jetzl in aller Frische sich crhalten h.at.' rcschcl, Geschichte der Erdkunde, Munich, 1S65, pp. 260-1.
* ↑ Cf. Maurer, Die Entstehung des Isliindischen Staats und seiner Verfassung, Munich, 1852, pp. 147, 15J-3, and the eamc author's, Island von seiner erstcn Entdeckung bis zum Unlergangc des Freistaats, Munich, 1874, pp. 52-3.
* ↑ Orkncyinga Saga, cd. A'igfusson, in Icelandic Sagas, London, 1S87, ch xxxviii. p. 58.
* ↑ Cf. Guðmundsson, Privatboligen paa Island i Sagatiden, Copenhagen, 1889, pp. 154, 15S-60.
* ↑ Cf. Orkneyinga Saga, translated by Hjaltalin and Goudie, Edinburgh, 1873, p. xxi.
* ↑ Cf. Tuxen, 'De Nordiske Langskibe,' in Aarbøger for Nord. Oldk. og Hist., 1888, pp. 47–134. For a description of the Gokstad ship see also, The Viking-ship disovered at Gokstad in Norway, described by N. Nicolaysen, Christiania, 1882.
* ↑ Cf. Maurer, Die Freigelassenen naeh altnorwegischem Rechte, Munich, 1878; Kålund, Familielivet på Island i den første Saga Periode [indtil 1030], Copenh. 1870, pp. 354–364; Keyser, Stats- og Retsforfatning i Middelalderen, Chr'a., 1867, pp. 289–295.
* ↑ Cf. Árni Thorlacius, 'Um Örnefni í þórnes þíngi,' in Safn til Sögu Íslands, vol. ii, pp. 283, 293, 296; Kålund, Bidrag til en historisk-topografisk Beskrivelse af Island, Copenh. 1877, vol. i. pp. 455–6.
* ↑ Cf. Guðmundsson, Privatboligen på Island i Sagatiden, pp. 213–14.
* ↑ It is Captain Holm's opinion that this 'Bear-Trap' is not of Icelandic but of Eskimo origin.
* ↑ An account of the explorations of the ruins in the vicinity of Godthaab will be found in Meddelelser om Grønland, Copenhagen, 1889, in Jensen's article entitled, 'Undersøgelse af Grønlands Vestkyst [1884–85] fra 64° til 67°N.'
* ↑ Cf. ante, p. 84.
* ↑ Cf. Vigfusson, Eyrbyggja Saga, Vorrede, p. xvii.
* ↑ Cf. Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Vigfusson, pp. 98–102.
* ↑ Cf. Saga Haralds harðráða, Fornmannasögur, vol. vi. p. 184.
* ↑ Cf. Grönl. hist. Mindesm. vol. i. 256–7, 471.
* ↑ Flóamanna Saga, ch. 13, ed. Vigfusson and Möbius, in Fornsögur, Leipsic, 1860.
* ↑ Cf. Landnámabók, pt. ii. ch. xiv, see also the similar passage in the Flatey Book narrative, p. 61, ante.
* ↑ Cf. Icelandic Reader, Oxford, 1879, p. 381.
* ↑ Cf. Maurer, Isländische Volkssagen der Gegenwart, Leipsic, 1860, p. 195. The fish, now so called, is halibut, and is described by Eggert Olafsen, Reise durch Island, Copenh. and Leipsic, 1774, Pt. I, p. 191.
* ↑ Cf. Storm, Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, l, e. pp. 346–55.
* ↑ Cf. Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv. p. 1881.
* ↑ Vigfusson and Powell, Icelandic Reader, l. c. p. 384.
* ↑ Cf. in this connection, Rink, Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo, Edinb. and London, 1875, p. 13, where we find; 'uviga=my husband,' and again, p. 74: 'Uvœge, probably the Greenlandish uvia, signifying husband.'
* ↑ Cf. Rimbegla, 1. c. Eiktamork íslendsk, pp. 2, 4, and 23, recently reprinted in 'Kvæði eptir Stefan Ólafsson,' ed. Jon þorkelsson, Copenh. 18S6, vol. ii. pp. 358, 364-5.
* ↑ ' The (lay was longer there than in Greenland or Iceland, for the sun had there its hour of increase and the dayraeal-stcad or place of rising at breakfast-time [about six or seven o'clock] on the shortest day.' Heimskringla, cd. I'eringskiold, vol. i. p. 33. Suliin inclined to this opinion in Kjobh. Selsk. Skrifter, viii. 80, and believed that Wineland was ' Pennsylvania, Mar)land, or perhaps Carolina.'
* ↑ yidalin's work 7vas written prior to 1727, hut was itot pul'llslicd until 1854, when it appeared in Rej'kjavik under the title, Skýriiigar yfir Foniyrii Lögtiótar Jteirrar, er Jómhfk kallast [Commentaries on ancient terms in the law-took called Jónsbók. The subject under consideration is treated in this work, pp. 56-S2,
* ↑ Cf. also the same author's reference to "námkyrtill" in Grudriss der Germ. Philol. XIII, Abschnitt, Sitte I, § 31.