# The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi/Volume 2/1897
## 1897

​Interview to "The Natal Advertiser" (13-1-1897)
[s.s. Courland],: January [13,] 1897
[REPORTER:] How do you view the proceedings of the demonstration committee?
       [GANDHIJI:] I certainly think the demonstration is most illadvised, especially proceeding from a number of Colonists who say they are loyal to the British Crown, and I should never have expected that the thing would go so far. They are showing a most decided spirit of disloyalty by their demonstration, and the effects of it will be felt not only throughout the Colony, but throughout the British Empire, more especially the Indian Empire.
In what way?
       Whatever affects the body of Indians who come over here will most decidedly affect the Indians in India.
You mean to say that it will prejudice the Indians against this country?
       Yes, and it will give the Indians a sort of feeling that will not be got rid of easily, besides creating a mutual feeling between sister Colonies against India. I don’t say that there is a great ill-feeling between Indians and the Colonists generally at the present moment. I certainly think that, from what the Colonists are doing here, people in India would infer that that would be the attitude of every other British Colony also and, so far as things have gone in that direction, they confirm that impression. So we find in South Africa, so far as we can read from the telegrams and the reports in the newspapers. ​
Of course, you firmly believe that Natal has no right to stop Indians coming here?
       I certainly think so.
On what grounds?
       On the ground that they are British subjects and, also, because the Colony of Natal has been importing one class of Indians and does not want to have another class.
Yes.
       It is very inconsistent. It seems to be a sort of leonine partnership. They want to get all the advantages that can possibly be gained from the Indians, but do not want the Indians to have any advantage whatever.
What attitude will the Indian Government take on this question?
       That I am unable to say. So far I don’t know what the feeling of the Indian Government is. The feeling cannot be apathetic towards the Indians. They are bound to sympathize, but what attitude they will take depends upon so many circumstances that it is very difficult to conjecture what it will be.
Is it probable that, if free Indians are stopped, the Indian Government will stop the indentured Indians?
       I hope so; but whether the Indian Government will do that is a different thing.
       What I think most of is that the demonstrators have not taken any notice whatever of the Imperial aspect of the question. It is an admitted fact that the Indian Empire is the brightest jewel in the British Crown. Most of the trade of the United Kingdom is carried on with the Indian Empire, and it furnishes some of the bravest soldiers to fight the wars of Great Britain in almost all parts of the world.
“They have never been further than Egypt,” interpolated the interviewer, and Mr. Gandhi tacitly admitted the correction.
       The policy of the Imperial Government has throughout been a policy of conciliation — a policy of winning over the Indians by love and not by force. Every Britisher is agreed ​that the glory of the British Empire depends upon the retention of the Indian Empire and on the face of this, it looks very unpatriotic of the Colonists of Natal, whose prosperity depends not a little upon the introduction of the Indians, to so vigorously protest against the introduction of free Indians. The policy of exclusion is obsolete, and Colonists should admit Indians to the franchise and, at the same time, in points in which they are not fully civilized, Colonists should help them to become more civilized. That, I certainly think, should be the policy followed throughout the Colonies, if all the parts of the British Empire are to remain in harmony.
Are Indians admitted, at present, to all parts of the British Empire?
       Australia has now been endeavouring to exclude them, but the Government Bill has been thrown out by the Legislative Council, and, even if the policy were adopted in Australia, it remains to be seen whether it will be sanctioned by the Home Government. Even if the Australians were successful, I should say it would not be good for Natal to follow a bad example and one which was bound to be suicidal in the end.
What was your main object in visiting India?
       My main object in returning was to see my family, my wife and children, from whom I have been separated, almost continually, for the last seven years. I told the Indians here that I should have to go to India for a short time. They thought I might be able to do something for the cause of the Indians in Natal and I thought so also. And here I may state, parenthetically, that we have not been fighting, really speaking, with regard to the position of the Indians in the Colony, but we have been simply fighting for the principle. The object of our agitation is not to swamp the Colony with Indians or to have the status of the Indian in the Colony of Natal defined, but to have the Imperial question decided once for all, namely: ‘What status will the Indians outside British India have?’ That was the principle we have been striving to determine. The Indian gentlemen interested in the cause in Durban discussed the question with me as to what my plan of action should be in India, and the plan of action was that I should simply get my travelling expenses in India paid by the Natal Congress. As soon as I arrived in India I published that pamphlet. ​
Where did you prepare the pamphlet?
       I did not prepare it in Natal. I prepared the whole of it while on the voyage home.
How did you secure the information it contains?
       I was determined to make myself acquainted with all the facts about the Indians in South Africa, and with that object in view I had translations of the Transvaal laws supplied to me, and I asked friends in the Cape Colony and in other parts of South Africa to furnish me with any information they had on this question. So, I was fully acquainted with the facts before I decided to go to India. In the memorials which have been sent from the Indians of Natal to the Home Government, the Imperial view of the question has always been kept in the forefront.
Were the memorials bearing on the franchise question?
       Not exclusively. They treated with the immigration and other laws the Colony has passed, as well as the Transvaal agitation.
What was your object in publishing the pamphlet?
       My object in publishing it was to place the entire facts regarding the position of the Indians in South Africa before the Indian public. The people here believe that India does not know exactly how many Indians were outside the country, and what their status was, and the object was to draw their attention to the subject, and it was with that view that the pamphlet was published.
But had you not an ulterior object?
       The ulterior object was to have the status of the Indians decided to our satisfaction; that is to say, in terms with the Proclamation of 1858.
Do you hope to be successful?
       I certainly hope that, with the help of the Indian public in India, we shall achieve the end very quickly.
What means do you propose adopting?
       We desire them to go in for a constitutional agitation in India. At every meeting that has been held, resolutions have been passed authorizing the chairman to draw up memorials addressed ​to the Indian Government and the Home Government, drawing their attention to the position of the Indians in South Africa. These meetings have been held throughout the presidencies of Bombay, Madras and Calcutta.
Have you received any encouragement from the Indian Government on the subject?
       No; I had to return before I received any reply.
    Mr. Gandhi continued:
       It has been said that I went to India to blacken the character of the Natal Colonists. This I must emphatically deny. It will be remembered that I addressed an ‘Open Letter’ to the members of the Natal Parliament about two years ago, and there I gave my view of the treatment the Indians were receiving, and it was exactly that view that I placed before the Indian public. In fact, I copied an extract from that ‘Open Letter’, word for word, into my pamphlet. It gave my view of the treatment the Indians were receiving before, and no exception was taken to that portion of the ‘Open Letter’ when it was published here. No one then said that I was blackening the character of the Colonists, but only when that statement was repeated in India.
       How that can amount to blackening the character of the Colonists I fail to understand. At the time of discussing the ‘Open Letter’, almost all the papers said unanimously that I was absolutely impartial, and not a single statement I made was contradicted. Under these circumstances, I thought I was perfectly justified in making the extract from the ‘Open Letter’. I am aware that Reuter cabled Home a summary of the pamphlet that could not be borne out by the ‘Open Letter’, and as soon as you received the pamphlet, both the Durban papers said Reuter had exaggerated its statements. I can hardly be held responsible for Reuter’s statements and opinions, and I believe that the leaders of the demonstration party have not read the ‘Ope ​n Letter’ and the pamphlet; they have taken Reuter’s telegram as an accurate summary of the pamphlet, and are, therefore, proceeding on these lines. If this belief is well founded, then I say that the leaders are doing an injustice to the Colonists as well as the Indians. I will say I have not gone beyond what I did here, and my stating the case in India has not prejudiced it in any way.
In your Indian campaign what attitude did you adopt towards the indentured Indian question?
       I have said most emphatically, in the pamphlets and elsewhere, that the treatment of the indentured Indians is no worse or better in Natal than they receive in other parts of the world. I have never endeavoured to show that the indentured Indians have been receiving cruel treatment. The question, generally speaking, is not a question of the ill-treatment of Indians, but of the legal disabilities that are placed on them. I have even said in the pamphlet that instances I have quoted show that the treatment that the Indians receive was owing to the prejudice against them, and what I have endeavoured to show is the connection between the prejudice and the laws passed by the Colony to restrict the freedom of the Indian.
       I have said that the Indians did not approach the Indian Government, the Indian public, or the Home Government, with the view to having any redress against the prejudices of these colonists. I have said that Indians are the most hated beings in South Africa, and that they are being ill-treated; but, for all that we do not ask the Government for redress with regard to these things, but with regard to the legal disabilities that are placed upon the Indians. We protest against the legislation passed by prejudice, and redress has been asked for against them. This, then, is simply a question of toleration on the part of the Indian. The attitude taken up by the Colonists, especially by the demonstration committee, is an attitude of intolerance. It has been said in the papers that there is an organized attempt, under my leadership, to swamp the Colony with Indians. This statement is absolutely false. I have as much to do with having induced these passengers to come here as I have with inducing passengers to come from Europe. No such attempt has ever been made. ​
I should think your agitation in India would have rather the opposite effect?
       Certainly. I tried to induce some gentlemen to come who, I thought, would be able to replace me, to work for the cause and I was absolutely unsuccessful. They refused to come. The number of passengers on board the Courland and Naderi has been exaggerated. There are not 800 passengers on the two ships, so far as my information goes. In all there are about 600. Of these, only 200 are for Natal, the rest are for Delagoa Bay, Mauritius, Bourbon, and the Transvaal. Now, out of these 200, about 100 are newcomers and of these new comers about 40 are ladies, and so it is a question of admitting about 60 newcomers. These 60 newcomers consist of storekeepers’ assistants, traders on their own account, and hawkers. I have nothing whatever to do with bringing passengers to any of the other ports either. A statement has appeared to the effect that there is a printing plant, 50 blacksmiths, and 30 compositors on board—all absolutely false. Such a statement is calculated to inflame the passions of the European artisans and the working people in Durban, though it has no foundation in fact. The leader of the demonstration committee, and anybody in Natal, would be perfectly justified in getting up an agitation—a constitutional agitation, remember—if there was an organized attempt to swamp the Colony with Indians, and Indians of this stamp; but, as a matter of fact, there is not a single blacksmith or compositor on board.
       The statement has been made that I have been advising people on board to institute legal proceedings against the Government for unlawful detention. That is another statement that has no foundation in fact. My object throughout is not to sow dissension between the two communities, but to assist at creating harmony between the two, without the Indians having to accept any degradation of their status as conferred upon them by the Proclamation of 1858, when it was stated that all subjects of Her Majesty in India would be treated on a footing of equality without distinction of race, colour, or creed; and I submit, I am justified in requesting every Colonist to tolerate the attitude, however much they have differed from it. Really speaking, there can be no objection to the Indian. The Colonial Patriotic Union ​have put forward statements that the artisan class are concerned. I say there is no competition between Europeans and Indians.
       It is true that few Indians do now and then come to Natal, but the number of those in the Colony is very greatly exaggerated, and certainly there are very few new comers. And how can there be any competition between a high-class European and an ordinary Indian artisan? I don’t mean to say that Indian artisans cannot compete successfully with the European artisans, but here, again, the Indian artisans of a high order, and of the right stamp, do not come here, and if they did come, they would not find much employment, just as if other professional men came here they would not find much to do.
What is your object in coming back?
       I do not return here with the intention of making money, but of acting as a humble interpreter between the two communities. There is a great misunderstanding between the communities, and I shall endeavour to fulfil the office of interpreter so long as both the communities do not object to my presence.
Had you the approval of the Indian Congressto all the statements you made and the action you took in India?
       I certainly think so. I spoke in the name of the people.
Are there not some indentured Indians on board these boats?
       No. There are some who come under an ordinary contract to serve merchants here as shop assistants, but none indentured. An unauthorized agency for bringing Indians under contract to render domestic service is illegal, according to the Indian Immigration Law.
Have the Indian Congress no intention of starting a newspaper in Natal?
       There was an intention, not by the Indian Congress, but by a body of workers who sympathize with the Congress, of starting a paper, but that idea has to be given up, simply because I could not see any way to devote my time to that and other work. I had instructions to bring material and Indian type, but as I found it would be impossible for me to work it, I did not bring anything. Had I been able to persuade the gentlemen with whom I was negotiating to come over here, I might have brought the material, but as that fell through, I did not do so. ​
What steps have the Indian Congress taken with regard to this Colonial agitation?
       So far as I know, the Congress have taken no steps whatever.
What is your plan of campaign?
       My plan of campaign now is, if I am allowed time, to show that there is no conflict of interest between the two countries; that the attitude taken up by the Colony at present is indefensible on every ground; and to justify what I have done in the eyes of the Colonists for the sake of the case in which I am interested. Of course, we should resist the passing of any laws to restrict the freedom of Indians entering the Colony. I would naturally expect to have the full support of the Indian Government on that. There is absolutely no danger of the Colony getting swamped. The Courland, on one of her voyages, took back as many as a hundred new arrivals, and I, therefore, submit that the leaders should make sure of their facts before they put a drastic policy before the Colony. The free Indian population really remains stationary. The law of supply and demand regulates the inflow and outflow of passengers.
    Mr. Gandhi requested the reporter to convey to the editor of the Advertiser his best thanks for allowing him to ventilate his views.
In taking leave of Mr. Gandhi, the reporter laid stress on the very strong feeling against him at present in Durban, and advised him, for his own sake, to be exceedingly careful in regard to disembarking, since he was determined to land.
The Natal Advertiser, 14-1-1897
    1↑ Although the s.s. Courland, in which Gandhiji travelled, had reached the Durban harbour on December 18, 1896, the ship was placed under extended quarantine, along with another passenger ship the Naderi, ostensibly on the ground that Bombay was infested with plague. The interview took place, Gandhiji says "on the day of the landing, as soon as the yellow flag was lowered" (vide “An Autobiography- Part III, Chapter III”.) and according to The Natal Advertiser, 14-1-1897, which said it took place "yesterday morning", it would be on 13-1-1897.
    2↑ Committee constituted by the Europeans to organize a demonstration at the harbour against the disembarkation of the Indian passengers
    3↑ The reference is to free Indians—traders and artisans—as distinguished from indentured labourers whose immigration was permitted.
    4↑ South African Indians had, in fact, petitioned both the Imperial and the Indian Governments to disallow further emigration if certain restrictions imposed on indentured labourers on the expiry of their indenture were not removed. Vide “Memorial to J. Chamberlain”, 11-8-1895 and “Memorial to Lord Elgin”, 11-8-1895.
    5↑ The Green Pamphlet
    6↑ The agitation against the legislation which sought to enforce the Indians to live and trade in specified locations; vide, “Petitition to Lord Ripon”, Before 5-5-1895 and “Petition to Lord Elgin”, Before 5-5-1895.
    7↑ The Calcutta public meeting which Gandhiji was to have addressed (vide “Letter to F. S. Taleyarkhan”, November 5, 1896.) had to be cancelled as he had to leave urgently for South Africa (vide ”Letter to The Englishman”, 13-1-1896). Perhaps, Gandhiji was alluding to a meeting of the Committee of the British India Association in Calcutta which he addressed and which decided to submit to the Secretary of State for India a memorial in regard to the position of the South African Indians.
    8↑ Vide “Open Letter”, Before 19-12-1894.
    9↑ Vide “London Diary”, 12-11-1888.
    10↑ Vide "Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.
    11↑ ibid
    12↑ Vide "Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.
    13↑ Vide “Letter to F. S. Taleyarkhan”, 10-10-1896, “Letter to F. S. Taleyarkhan”, 18-10-1896, and “Letter to F. S. Taleyarkhan”, 5-11-1896.
    14↑ Vide "Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.
    15↑ An association formed by Durban Europeans in November 1896 to resist immigration of free Indians; vide "Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.
    16↑ The reference is to the Natal Indian Congress

### Letter to Attorney-General (20-1-1897)Letter to Attorney-General (20-1-1897)

BEACH GROVE, DURBAN, January 20, 1897 TO THE HONOURABLE HARRY ESCOMBE ATTORNEY-GENERAL PIETERMARITZBURG
SIR,
I beg to thank you and the Government for the kind enquiries made about me and the kindness shown to ​me by the officials of Durban after the incident that happened on Wednesday last.
I beg to state that I do not wish that any notice should be taken of the behaviour of some people towards me last Wednesday, which, I have no doubt, was due to misapprehension on their part as to what I did in India with reference to the Asiatic question.
It is due to the Government to state that, although, under instructions from you, the Superintendent of Water Police offered to take me to town quietly at night, I proceeded to the shore with Mr. Laughton on my own responsibility without informing the Water Police of my departure.
I have, etc.
M. K. GANDHI
Enclosure in Despatch No. 32 of 3rd March, 1897, from the Governor of Natal to the Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies.
Colonial Office Records: Petition and Despatches, 1897
    17↑ Shortly after he disembarked from the ship on January 13 Gandhiji had been besieged by demonstrators. He escaped being lynched by the intervention of Mrs. Alexander, the Police Superintendent’s wife, and by that officer’s resourcefulness when later the house where Gandhiji had taken shelter was also besieged. Vide “Satyagraha in South Africa” , Chapter VII and “An Autobiography- Part III, Chapter II & III”.
    18↑ Chamberlain had cabled Natal Government to prosecute Gandhiji’s assailants and Attorney-General Harry Escombe has sought Gandhiji’s assistance in indicting them.
    19↑ A European advocate of Durban who was friendly with Gandhiji

### Cable to British Committee of the Indian National Congress, W. W. Hunter and Bhownaggree(28-1-1897)Cable to British Committee of the Indian National Congress, W. W. Hunter and Bhownaggree(28-1-1897)

[January 28, 1897] FROM INDIANS TO (1) “INCAS” (2) SIR WILLIAM HUNTER CARE Times (3) BHOWNAGGREE, LONDON
TWO INDIAN STEAMERS “COURLAND” “NADERI” LEFT BOMBAY 30 NOVEMBER. ARRIVED 18 DECEMBER. DESPITE CLEAN BILL HEALTH ​THROUGHOUT VOYAGE FIVE DAYS’ QUARANTINE. BOMBAY PROCLAIMED NEXT DAY INFECTED PORT. HEALTH OFFICER SUSPENDED. ANOTHER APPOINTED WHO ON 24 VISITED SHIPS ORDERED DISINFECTION AND BURNING OLD CLOTHES MATS ETC. IMPOSED 11 DAYS’ QUARANTINE. BURNING ETC. DONE ON 25. ON 28 POLICE OFFICER BOARDED REDISINFECTED AND BURNT BEDDINGS BAGS CLOTHING ETC. HEALTH OFFICER ON 29 VISITED SHIPS SHOWED SATISFACTION AGAIN IMPOSED 12 DAYS’ QUARANTINE. PRATIQUE DUE 10 JANUARY GIVEN ON 11. AFTER STEAMERS’ ARRIVAL MEETINGS CALLED BY VOLUNTEER OFFICERS AND OTHERS TO FORCIBLY PREVENT LANDING PASSENGERS. TOWN HALL USED FOR MEETINGS. SPEAKER DECLARED GOVERNMENT SYMPATHY AND THAT DEFENCE MINISTER SAID GOVERNMENT WOULD NOT OPPOSE MOB. STATED THAT 800 PASSENGERS FOR NATAL ON TWO STEAMERS MOSTLY ARTISANS AND LABOURERS. SCHEME TO SWAMP COLONY WITH INDIANS. PRINTING PLANT ON BOARD ETC. SUCH STATEMENTS PROMOTED AGITATION INFLAMED PEOPLE. TRUTH IS ONLY 600 PASSENGERS NOT MORE THAN 200 FOR NATAL BEING TRADERS THEIR ASSISTANTS RELATIVES WIVES CHILDREN OF OLD RESIDENTS. NO SCHEME TO SWAMP COLONY. NO PRINTING PLANT. ONE OF QUARANTINE COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY GOVERNMENT HEADED SIXTH DIVISION OF MOB. ULTIMATUM ASKING PASSENGERS TO RETURN INDIA UNLESS THEY WOULD FACE OPPOSITION FROM THOUSANDS OF DURBAN PEOPLE. GANDHI ON “COURLAND” THREATENED WITH TARRING FEATHERING LYNCHING. STEAMERS’ AGENTS SHOWING ILLEGALITY IN IMPOSING QUARANTINE URGED RELIEF AND PROTECTION FOR PASSENGERS FROM GOVERNMENT. AGENTS’ LETTER IGNORED TILL AFTER DEMONSTRATION ON THIRTEENTH. THOUSANDS INCLUDING GOVERNMENT RAILWAYMEN VOLUNTEERS 300 KAFFIRS WITH STICKS MASSED AT WHARF “TO PREVENT LANDING OF PASSENGERS BY FORCE IF NECESSARY”. DEFENCE MINISTER BROUGHT SHIPS IN ADDRESSED MOB AND IT DISPERSED. PASSENGERS’ SAFETY ASSURED. SOME LANDED AFTERNOON OTHERS NEXT DAY. GOVERNMENT OFFERED GANDHI TO LAND QUIETLY AT NIGHT. HE LANDED LATE AFTERNOON ACCOMPANIED BY ADVOCATE LAUGHTON. ROUGHLY HANDLED. ASSAULTED BY CROWD. POLICE RESCUED. PAPERS CONDEMN DEMONSTRATION AND AGREE AGITATORS PROCEEDED ON FALSE STATEMENTS, JUSTIFY GANDHI. SOME JOURNALS SUSPECT COLLUSION BETWEEN GOVERNMENT AND AGITATORS. PASSENGERS SUFFERED IMMENSELY. GOVERNMENT NOT HEEDING. INDIANS’ ​QUARANTINE RELIEF FUND SUPPLIED BEDDINGS PROVISIONS ETC. DURING QUARANTINE. GOVERNMENT NEGOTIATING WITH HOME GOVERNMENT TO SECURE ANTI-INDIAN LEGISLATION. PLEASE WATCH.
From a photostat of the office copy: S.N. 1883
    20↑ The cable is undated. Vide however the following item.
    21↑ Telegraphic address of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress in London
    22↑ The Naderi had actually sailed on November 28; vide "Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.

### Letter to Sir William W. Hunter (29-1-1897)Letter to Sir William W. Hunter (29-1-1897)

DURBAN, January 29, 1897
SIR,
I reached Natal on the 18th December but could not land in Durban before the 13th January. The circumstances under which this delay occurred are very painful. The Indian community yesterday sent a very long telegram to you narrating the events of the past 30 days. I venture to give below the circumstances that culminated in a demonstration by about 5,000 Durban men to oppose the landing of passengers on board two ships Courland and Naderi, the first named being owned by Messrs Dada Abdoolla and Co. of Durban and the second by the Persian Steam Navigation Co. (of Bombay).
About the beginning of August last, the Tongaat Sugar Co. applied to the Immigration Trust Board for eleven Indian artisans to be brought under indenture. This gave rise to an organized agitation by the European artisans against the Indians generally. Well-attended meetings of European artisans were held in Durban and Maritzburg and other towns to protest against the introduction of Indian artisans by the Sugar Co. who, yielding to the voice of the artisans, withdrew their application. But the agitation continued. The leaders assumed certain facts and allowed the agitation to develop into one against the Indians wholesale almost without discrimination. Angry correspondence condemning the Indians, mostly under noms de plume, went on. While this was going on, statements appeared in the Press to the effect that the Indians had organized an attempt to flood ​the Colony with free Indians. About this time appeared also Reuter’s telegram regarding my pamphlet which enraged the Colonists. The telegram said that I had stated that Indians were robbed, assaulted, etc. When, however, the papers received copies of the pamphlet, they acknowledged that I had stated nothing that was not stated in Natal before and that was not acknowledged to be correct. But the general populace, who formed their opinion of the pamphlet from Reuter’s summary, continued to retain their bitter feelings. Then came the wires regarding the Bombay and Madras meetings. These, while not inaccurate, were read together with Reuter’s summary and made the feelings more bitter.
In the mean while, steamers continued to bring a large number of Indians. The arrivals were prominently reported and exaggerated. The almost equal returns by the same steamers passed unnoticed. And the artisans were led to believe without any ground that these steamers brought mostly Indian artisans. This gave rise to the formation of anti-Indian associations at whose meetings resolutions were passed asking the Natal Government to stop the influx of free Indians, to prevent Indians from owning landed property, etc. These associations are not much countenanced by the commercial people but are composed chiefly of artisans and a few professional men.
At the time this was going on, two ships Courland and Naderi, bound for Natal and containing Indian passengers, were reported to be on the water. I was a passenger on board the Courland. I was to have gone by one of the British Indian boats, but the telegram from Durban, asking me to return at once, necessitated my taking passage by the Courland. As soon as the news became public property, the papers and the Durban Town Council urged that Bombay should be declared an infected port. The steamers reached Natal on the 18th and were placed under quarantine for 23 days from the day of leaving Bombay. Proclamation declaring Bombay an infected port was dated the 18th December and published in a Gazette Extraordinary on the 19th, that is, one day after the steamers’ arrival. The medical officer, who imposed five day, quarantine, making 23 days from the time of departure of the steamers from Bombay, was dismissed and another appointed in his stead. He boarded the steamers after the expiry of the first quarantine and imposed 12 days’ quarantine ​from that day. The Government had appointed a Committee to report as to how the two ships were to be treated and the reports said that 12 days’ quarantine after fumigation, etc., would be necessary. The medical officer gave instructions with regard to fumigation and disinfection during the time. These were carried out. Six days after this, an officer was placed on each ship to watch fumigation, etc. And after that, the medical officer came again and imposed a quarantine of 12 days from that day. Thus, even if the Committee’s report were justified, 11 clear days were wasted before the 12 days’ quarantine began.
While the ships were thus lying in the outer anchorage, a local butcher, Mr. Harry Sparks, Captain, Natal Mounted Rifles of the Volunteer Force, published a notice under his signature calling “every man in Durban to attend a public meeting to be held on the 4th January for the purpose of arranging a demonstration to proceed to the Point, and protest against the landing of Asiatics.” This meeting was very largely attended and held in the Durban Town Hall. It was, however, a compliment that the more sober portion of the community held aloof from active participation in the movement. It is also worthy of notice that the associations before referred to did not take part in the movement. Dr. Mackenzie, one of the members of the Committee alluded to above, and Captain of the Naval Carbineers and Mr. J. S. Wylie, a local solicitor and Captain of the Durban Light Infantry, were the chief movers. Inflammatory speeches were made at the meeting. It was resolved that the Government should be called upon to return the passengers on the two ships to India at the Colony’s expense and “that every man at this meeting agrees and binds himself, with a view to assisting the Government to carry out the foregoing resolution, to do all his country may require of him and with that view will, if necessary, attend at the Point at any time when required.” The meeting also suggested that the quarantine should be further extended and that a special session be called, if necessary, to extend it, thus, in my humble opinion, showing clearly that the previous quarantine was meant to vex the Indians into returning to India.
The Government, in their telegraphic reply to the resolutions, said that they had no power “apart from such as may be conferred by the quarantine laws to prevent the landing in the Colony of any class of Her Majesty’s subjects” and dep ​recated action suggested by the second resolution quoted above. There-upon another meeting was held in the Town Hall. Mr. Wylie moved a resolution, which was carried, to the effect that a special session should be called to extend quarantine. The following are the significant passages of his speech:
       The Committee said if the Government did nothing, Durban would have to do it herself and go in force to the Point and see what could be done. They capped that by remarking “we presume that you, as representing the Government and good authority of this Colony, would have to bring force to oppose us.” Mr. Escombe, the Attorney-General and Minister of Defence, said, “We will do nothing of the sort. We are with you and we are going to do nothing of the sort to oppose you. But, if you put us in such a position, we may have to go to the Governor of the Colony and ask him to take over the reins of this Colony as we can no longer conduct the Government. You will have to find some other persons.
The second resolution was that, “We proceed by demonstration to the Point on the arrival of the Indians but each man binds himself to conform to the orders of his leaders.” The speakers inflamed the hearers particularly against me. A document that was issued for signatures was thus headed: “List of names of members (trade or profession mentioned) who are willing to proceed to the Point and resist by force, if necessary, the landing of Asiatics and to obey any orders which may be given by the leaders.” The next stage in the movement was for the Demonstration Committee to send an ultimatum to the Captain of the Courland, saying that passengers should return to India at the Colony’s expense and that, if they did not do so, their landing would be resisted by thousands of Durban men. This was practically ignored.
While the movement was thus progressing, the Agents communicated with the Government and asked for protection of passengers. No reply was vouchsafed until the day on which the ships were brought in, on the 13th instant. Not much remains to be added to the telegram, of which a copy is enclosed herewith. As to the assault on me, it was due to the misrepresentations that appeared about me in the papers. The assault itself was the work of irresponsible persons and by itself need not be noticed at all. Of course, I narrowly escaped being lynched. The papers agree in saying that I did nothing that another in my place would not have done. I may also state that, after the assault, I was treated kindly by the Government officials and afforded protection. ​
The Government now intend to introduce, in March next, laws restricting the influx of the Indians. Town Councils have been asking the Government for widest powers to enable them to prevent Indians from taking out licences to trade, owning landed property, etc. What the outcome will be it is difficult to say. Our only hope lies in you and the gentlemen working in London in our behalf. In any case, it is time some declaration was made as to the policy of the Home Government with regard to the Indians going outside India. The continuation of assisted immigration to Natal under the circumstances seems to be a great anomaly. There is absolutely no danger of the Asiatics swamping the Colony. There is no competition between Indian and European artisans. It may almost be said that for every Indian coming to Natal one returns to India. The whole of this matter will be fully dealt with in a memorial to Mr. Chamberlain that is in course of preparation. This letter has been sent in the mean while to furnish you with a brief summary of the past events. We are aware that your time is otherwise well occupied. But, however reluctant we may be to trouble you with our sorrows, we find no escape from the course if we are to get justice.
Thanking you on behalf of the Indian community in Natal,
I remain,
Your obedient servant,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat of the office copy: S.N. 1967
    23↑ The source does not mention the addressee, but from Hunter’s acknowledgment in his letter of February 22, 1897 (S.N. 2074), it is clear that he had received it. Presumably similar letters were sent to the British Committee of the Indian National Congress and Sir Mancherji Bhownaggree.
    24↑ Vide the preceding item.
    25↑ Cf. however "Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897, where the date given is April 7.
    26↑ Vide also "Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.
    27↑ For an extract from this, vide “Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.
    28↑ The European Protection Association and the Colonial Patriotic Union; vide “Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.
    29↑ Vide also “Memorial to Secretary of State for the Colonies", 15-3-1897.

### Letter to the British Agent (29-1-1897)Letter to the British Agent (29-1-1897)

[DURBAN,]
NATAL,
January 29, 1897
HIS HONOUR THE BRITISH AGENT PRETORIA
SIR,
Many Indians, intending to proceed to the Transvaal via Charlestown find difficulty in crossing the border. Some days ago, the official on the border allowed Indians possessing £25 to proceed to their destination in the Transvaal. Now it is said the official on the border would not allow the Indians to cross the border under any circumstances, though some may have ​been able to do so. May I venture to ask if you will be good enough to ascertain, on behalf of Her Majesty’s Indian subjects, under what circumstances they will be allowed to cross the border.
I have, etc.,
M. K. GANDHI
The Pretoria Archives and the Colonial Office Records, South Africa, General, 1897

### Letter to "The Natal Mercury" (2-2-1897)Letter to "The Natal Mercury" (2-2-1897)

DURBAN,
February 2, 1897
THE EDITOR, The Natal Mercury
SIR,
I venture to offer a few remarks on the Indian famine, regarding which appeal for funds has been made to the British Colonies. It is not perhaps generally known that India is the poorest country in the world, in spite of the fabulous accounts of the riches of her Rajas and Maharajas. The highest Indian authorities state that “the remaining fifth (i.e., of the population of British India), or 40,000,000, go through life on insufficient food”. This is the normal condition of British India. Famines, as a rule, recur in India every four years. It must not be difficult to imagine what the condition of the people would be at such a time in that poverty-stricken country. Children are snatched from their mothers, wives from their husbands. Whole tracts are devastated, and this in spite of the precautions taken by a most benevolent Government. Of the famines of recent times, that of 1877- 78 was the most severe. The famine commissioners thus report as to the death-rate:
       It has been estimated, and, in our opinion, on substantial grounds, that the mortality which occurred in the Provinces under British administration, during the period of famine and drought extending over the years 1877 and 1878, amounted, in a population of 197,000,000 to 52,50,000 in excess of the deaths that would have occurred had the seasons been ordinarily healthy.
The total expenditure during the crisis was over £11,000 ​,000. The present famine bids fair to beat the record in point of severity. The distress has already become acute. The worst time has yet to come, when summer sets in. This is the first time, I believe, that the British Colonies have been appealed to from India, and it is to be hoped the response will be generous. The Central Famine Committee at Calcutta must have exhausted all the resources before deciding to appeal to the Colonies. And it will be a great pity if the response is not adequate to the urgency of the appeal.
It is true that the outlook is not particularly cheerful even in South Africa, but it will be admitted that there can be no comparison between the distress in India and that in South Africa. And even if there should be a call on the purse of the Natal magnates on behalf of the South African poor, I venture to trust that that would not deter them from dipping their hands deep into their purses on behalf of millions of their fellow-subjects in India, who are on the verge of starvation. Whether it be in the United Kingdom or in the Colonies, I am sure British philanthropy will assert itself, as it has on previous occasions, on behalf of suffering humanity, no matter where and how often.
I am, etc.,
M. K. GANDHI
The Natal Mercury, 4-2-1897
    30↑ This appeared under the title "The Indian Famine"

### Appeal for Funds (3-2-1897)Appeal for Funds (3-2-1897)

[February 3, 1897]
DEAR COUNTRYMEN,
While we are having our meals daily, hundreds of thousands are dying of hunger in India. The dark shadow of famine has caused a gloom over our dear country. The people of India have applied to all under the British flag to send help to the starving millions there. It is, perhaps, not known to all of us that, without famine, 40,000,000 in India do not know what it is to have their hunger satisfied from year’s end to year’s end. Imagine, then, what must be the condition of our brethren i ​n India during these distressing times. Under such circumstances, it is the duty of every Indian, who is able to get sufficient to feed himself, to part with something for the sake of the dying. It will not do for us to say, ‘I gave something only yesterday towards this fund or that.’ You would not say so if you saw a man dying at your door of hunger; you would give all you may have to satisfy the hunger of that dying man. In the present case, the only difference is that millions are dying of hunger far away from you in a place which is your Motherland, from which you derive your status whatever it may be, and with whose welfare yours is indissolubly bound up. It would not also do to say that what you may give will be of no use to the ocean of sufferers in India. This is a mistake. If all were to argue that way, there will be no help for them. It is the drops that make the ocean. It is, therefore, the duty of every one of us to give the utmost we can towards the Relief Fund.
If you are not in affluent circumstances, it should be a duty to deny yourself something—some luxury, some jewellery, anything that is not absolutely necessary for you.
The funds will be in the hands of a Committee. The names of all who give 10s. or more will be published in newspapers in India and everyone will get a receipt, signed by Mr. M. K. Gandhi for the Famine Relief Committee, countersigned by the person or persons receiving the contributions. The Committee consists of Messrs Dada Abdoolla and Co., Messrs Mahomed Cassim Camroodeen and Co., Messrs Azam Gulam Hussain and Co., Mr. Mohanlal Ray, Mr. Syed Mahomed, Rev. Simon Velaman, Mr. Adamji Miyakhan, Mr. Parsee Rustomji, Mr. Peermahomed Dawoodji, Mr. Moosa Hajee Cassim, Messrs Dawood Mahomed and Co., Mr. Dunn, Mr. Royappan, Mr Lawrence, Mr. Godfrey, Mr. Osman Ahmed, Mr. Joshua, Mr. Gabriel, Mr. Hajee Abdoola, Mr. Hasam Sumar, Mr. Peeran Mahomed, Mr. Mogararia, Mr. Gandhi and others.
It is expected that the Indians in the Colony will furnish at least £1,000 for the sufferers, though there is no reason why the funds should not amount to £2,000 and more. It will all depend upon your generosity and sympathy for your brethren in India. No money should be given without a receipt in English and Tamil, signed by Mr. M. K. Gandhi and countersigned by the receiver.
The Natal Advertiser, 4-2-1897
    30↑ The appeal, which was published in the source under the title "The Black Famine in India", was issued by the Committee formed at a meeting of Indians on February 3, to make collections from various centres in Natal. It was translated into the several languages spoken by Indians in Natal as is shown by copies available at the Sabarmati Sangrahalaya. ​

### Letter to J. B. Robinson (4-2-1897)Letter to J. B. Robinson (4-2-1897)

WEST STREET, DURBAN, February 4, 1897
J. B. ROBINSON, ESQ. JOHANNESBURG
SIR,
We, as representing the Indian community in Natal, beg respectfully to approach you, as a Leader of the British community in Johannesburg, on a matter which, we are confident, has your entire sympathy and support.
The present famine in India beats all previous records, and the alarming condition to which people have been reduced by starvation and consequent evils is unparalleled in the annals of Indian famines. The acute suffering is so widespread the authorities as well as the public have called forth the utmost resources of Indian charity. Relief Fund Committees have been formed in all parts of India, but they are found to be entirely and absolutely inadequate to stem the rising tide of distress. The population is being rapidly decimated in spite of the efforts of those that are working heart and soul for the poor, suffering masses of humanity. The Government and the people of India cannot cope with the horrors of the calamity in an effective way, and no wonder the English public has stretched its ever-ready helping hand. The Press in England has taken up the matter in right earnest, and as you are aware, a Mansion House Fund has been opened. It is stated that even foreign powers have promised help.
Probably, this is the first time in the history of Indian famines that the Colonies have been asked to open relief funds, and we have no doubt every loyal British subject will gladly avail himself of the opportunity of offering what material assistance be can to lessen the horrible suffering of his tens of millions of starving fellow-subj ​ects. Realizing his responsibility and recognizing his duty, our Mayor has already started a fund in response to Calcutta cablegram from the Chief Justice of Bengal on behalf of Central Committee there. Indians in all parts of the world have been moving actively in the matter, and in Durban alone, by yesterday, they subscribed about £700, two firms contributing over £100 each and one £75 and there are good grounds for the hope that the collection might amount to about £1,500.
We have taken the liberty to approach you, Sir, because we are confident you will sympathize with our aims and objects; we, therefore, venture to request you to start a relief fund. There is no doubt, with your immense influence and energy, you are in position to help materially the public of India in their endeavours to relieve the suffering millions from the terrible consequences of the prevailing famine, and we feel sure that Johannesburg, with its immense riches, can do much more in this direction than all other parts of South Africa put together.
We may be permitted to state here that we have appealed to the Indians in different parts of South Africa to do all they can in this matter.
Hoping that this will receive your immediate attention and with apologies for encroaching upon your precious time,
We remain,
Sir,
Your obedient servants
From the office copy: S.N. 1996
    31↑ The signatories to this letter were the members of the Committee named in the foregoing appeal.
    32↑ The official residence of the Mayor of London. The fund in the end amounted to £550,000. — Encyclopedia Britannica, 1965
    33↑ Vide "Letter to Francis W. Maclean", 7-5-1897.

### To the Clergymen of Durban (6-2-1897)To the Clergymen of Durban (6-2-1897)

BEACH GROVE, DURBAN, February 6, 1897
TO. . .
I venture to write to you; about the Indian Famine Fund opened by the Mayor of Durban. I beg to draw your attention to the remark made by the Mayor in the Town Council yesterday to the effect that only one European had so far subscribed.
I need hardly describe the suffering of the millions in India who may have to die simply from want of sufficient nu ​triment.
I beg to refer you to my letter in the Mercury of the 3rd instant which would give you some idea of the volume of distress that is threatening India at the present time.
I venture to think that references to the matter and appeals to the audiences for funds from the pulpit to[morrow?] will go a great way towards exciting the generous sympathy of the public on behalf of the suffering millions in India.
I beg to remain,
Your obedient servant,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat of the office copy: S.N. 3643
    34↑ Gandhiji is evidently referring to his letter of February 2 which appeared in that newspaper on February 4; vide “Letter to The Natal Mercury”, 2-2-1897.
    35↑ February 7 was a Sunday.

### Letter to A. M. Cameron (15-2-1897)Letter to A. M. Cameron (15-2-1897)

BEACH GROVE, DURBAN, February 15, 1897
A. M. CAMERON
POST OFFICE DARGLE ROAD
DEAR SIR,
In thank you for your kind letter of the 10th instant and your valuable suggestion. I am very glad that you will be able to spare a few days for coming down to Durban. I enclose herewith a cheque for £3. If you wish to travel first class you may do so and your further expenses will be paid.
I am,
Yours truly,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat of the office copy: S.N. 3645
    36↑ The addressee was then the Natal correspondent of The Times of India (vide "Letter to F. S. Taleyarkhan", 17-12-1897) and Gandhiji had invited him over for consultations about a journal to be started to further the cause of the South African Indians. It was, however, only in 1903 that Indian Opinion came out.
    37↑ A community village about 20 miles from Pietermaritzburg