# History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 10

Table of Contents
CHAPTER X
MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.
June-July, 1519.
Cortés, Diplomate and General — The Municipality of Villa Rica Located — Excitement Throughout Anáhuac — Montezuma Demoralized — Arrival of the Released Collectors at the Mexican Capital — The Order for Troops Countermanded — Montezuma Sends an Embassy to Cortés — Chicomacatl Asks Aid against a Mexican Garrison — A Piece of Pleasantry — The Velazquez Men Refuse to Accompany the Expedition — Opportunity offered Them to Return to Cuba, which They Decline through Shame — The Totonacs Rebuked — The Cempoala Brides — Destruction of the Idols — Arrival at Villa Rica of Salcedo — Efforts of Velazquez with the Emperor — Cortés Sends Messengers to Spain — Velazquez Orders them Pursued — The Letters of Cortés — Audience of the Emperor at Tordesillas.
Palamedes invented the game of chess while watching before the gates of Troy; a tame business, truly, beside the achievements of the heaven-born Achilles, the hero of the war. Yet chess remains, while Achilles and his heaven have melted with the mists. Who shall say, then, which was the greater, Cortés the soldier, or Cortés the diplomate? But these were barbarians, one says, with whom the shrewd Spaniards had to deal; they had neither horses, nor iron, nor gunpowder, to aid them in their wars. Furthermore, they regarded the strangers fully as demi-gods, probably as some of their own wandering deities returned. True; but he makes a great mistake who rates the Mexicans so far beneath Europeans in natural ability and cunning. Montezuma lacked some of the murderous enginery that Cortés had, and his ​inner life was of different dye; that was about all. If any would place Cortés, his genius, and his exploits, below those of the world's greatest generals, because he warred on enemies weaker than their enemies, we have only to consider the means at his command, how much less was his force than theirs. What could the Scipios or the Cæsars have done with half a thousand men; or Washington, or Wellington, with five hundred against five hundred thousand? Napoleon's tactics were always to have at hand more forces than the enemy. In this the Corsican displayed his astuteness. But a keener astuteness was required by Cortés to conquer thousands with hundreds and with tens. Perhaps Moltke, who, with a stronger force, could wage successful war on France, perhaps he, and a handful of his veterans, could land on the deadly shores of the Mexican Gulf, and with Montezuma there, and all the interior as dark to them as Erebus, by strategy and force of arms possess themselves of the country. I doubt it exceedingly. I doubt if one in ten of the greatest generals who ever lived would have achieved what the base bastard Pizarro did in Peru. The very qualities which made them great would have deterred them from anything which, viewed in the light of experience and reason, was so wildly chimerical. Then give these birds of prey their petting, I say; they deserve it. And be fame or infamy immortal ever theirs! Lastly, if any still suspect the genius of Cortés unable to cope with others than Indians, let them observe how he handles his brother Spaniards.
It was about time the municipality should find anchorage; too much travelling by a town of such immaculate conception, of so much more than ordinary signification, were not seemly. Velazquez would deride it; the emperor Charles would wonder at it: therefore half a league below Quiahuiztlan, in the dimpled plain which stretches from its base to the harbor of Bernal at present protecting the ships, ​where bright waters commingling with soft round hills and rugged promontories were lifted into ethereal heights by the misted sunshine, the whole scene falling on the senses like a vision, and not like tame reality, there they chose a site for the Villa Rica, and drew a plan of the town, distributed lots, laid the foundations for forts and batteries, granary, church, town hall, and other buildings, which were constructed chiefly of adobe, the whole being inclosed by a strong stockade. To encourage alike men and officers to push the work, Cortés himself set the example in preparing for the structures, and in carrying earth and stones. The natives also lent their aid, and in a few weeks the town stood ready, furnishing a good shipping depot, a fortress for the control of the interior, a starting-point for operations, an asylum for the sick and wounded, and a refuge for the army in case of need.
Great was the excitement in Anáhuac and the regions round about over the revolt of the Totonacs and the attitude assumed by the Spaniards; and ​while hope swelled the breast of subjected peoples, the Aztec nobles, seeing revolution in the signs of the times, began to look to the safety of their families and estates. To Montezuma the seizure of his collectors was an outrage on the sacredness of his majesty, and a slur on his power, which the council declared must be punished in the most prompt and effective manner, lest other provinces should follow the example. And yet the monarch had no stomach for the business. Ofttimes since these accursed strangers touched his shores would he willingly have resigned that which he above all feared to lose, his sceptre and his life; then again, as appetite returned and existence was loaded with affluent pleasure, he sighed to taste the sweets of power a little longer. He was becoming sadly pusillanimous, an object of contempt before his gods, his nobles, and himself. It seemed to him as if the heavens had fallen on him and held him inexorably to earth. There was no escape. There were none to pity. He was alone. His very gods were recreant, cowering before the approach of other gods. Repressing his misgivings as best he might, he issued orders for an immediate descent of the army on the offenders. Let the mettle of these beings be proven, and let them live or die with their Totonac allies. To this end let levies be made of men and money on a long-suffering people, whose murmurs shall be drowned in the groans of fresh victims on the sacrificial altar of the war god.
See now how powerfully had wagged that little forked tongue of Cortés! See how those gentle whisperings that night at Quiahuiztlan, those soft ​dissemblings breathed into the ears of two poor captives — see how they shot forth like winged swords to stop an army on the point of marching to its slaughters! Here, as in scores of other instances, Cortés' shrewdness saved him from disaster.
For in the midst of the warlike preparations arrived the two released collectors, and their presentation of the magnanimity of the white chief, of his friendly conduct and warm assurances, materially changed the aspect of affairs. There was no alliance; there was no rebellion; the Totonacs dared not rebel without foreign support; with them Montezuma would settle presently. And with no little alacrity did he countermand the order for troops, and send an embassy to Cortés. Thus through the vacillating policy which now possessed the Mexican monarch was lost the opportunity to strike the enemy perhaps a fatal blow; and thus by that far off impalpable breath was fought and won another battle, this time vanquishing the king of kings himself, with his hundred thousand men.
The embassy sent comprised two of Montezuma's nephews, accompanied by four old and honorable caciques. They were to express the monarch's thanks to the Spaniards, and to remonstrate against the revolt encouraged by their presence. He had become assured that they were of the race predicted by his forefathers, and consequently of his own lineage; out of regard for them, as guests of the revolted people, he would withhold present chastisement. A gift of robes and feather-work, and gold worth two thousand castellanos, accompanied the message.
We cannot blame Cortés if his heart danced to its own music as he assured the envoys that he and all his people continued devoted to their master; in proof of which he straightway produced the other three ​collectors, safe, sound, and arrayed in their new attire. Nevertheless, he could but express displeasure at the abrupt departure of the Mexicans from the former camp. This act had forced him to seek hospitality at the hand of the Totonacs, and for their kind reception of him they deserved to be forgiven. Further than this, they had rendered the Spaniards great benefits, and should not be expected to serve two masters, or to pay double tribute; for the rest, Cortés himself would soon come to Mexico and arrange everything. The envoys replied that their sovereign was too engrossed in serious affairs to be able as yet to appoint an interview. "Adieu," they concluded, "and beware of the Totonacs, for they are a treacherous race." Not to create needless alarm, nor leave on the minds of the envoys at their departure unpleasant impressions concerning his projects, Cortés entertained them hospitably, astonished them with cavalry and other exhibitions, and gratified them with presents. The effect of this visit was to raise still higher the Spaniards in the estimation not only of the Aztecs, but of the Totonacs, who with amazement saw come from the dread Montezuma, instead of a scourging army, this high embassy of peace. "It must be so," they said among themselves, "that the Mexican monarch stands in awe of the strangers."
Not long after, Chicomacatl came to Cortés asking aid against a Mexican garrison, said to be committing ravages at Tizapantzinco, some eight leagues from Cempoala. Cortés was in a merry mood at the moment; he could see the important progress he was making toward the consummation of his desires, though the men of Velazquez could not-at least they would admit of nothing honorable or beneficial to Cortés, and they continued to make much trouble. ​Here was an opportunity to test the credulity of these heathen, how far they might be brought to believe in the supernatural power of the Spaniards. Among the musketeers was an old Biscayan from the Italian wars, Heredia by name, the ugliest man in the army, uglier than Thersites, who could not find his fellow among all the Greeks that came to Troy. Lame in one foot, blind in one eye, bow-legged, with a slashed face, bushy-bearded as a lion, this musketeer had also the heart of a lion, and would march straight into the mouth of Popocatepetl, without a question, at the order of his general. Calling the man to him, Cortés said: "The Greeks worshipped beauty, as thou knowest, good Heredia, but these Americans seem to deify deformity, which in thee reaches its uttermost. Thou art hideous enough at once to awe and enravish the Aztecs, whose Pantheon cannot produce thine equal. Go to them, Heredia; bend fiercely on them thine only eye, walk bravely before them, flash thy sword, and thunder a little with thy gun, and thou shalt at once command a hundred sacrifices." Then to the Totonac chief: "This brother of mine is all sufficient to aid thee in thy purpose. Go, and behold the Culhuas will vanish at thy presence." And they went; an obedience significant of the estimation in which Cortés was then held, both by his own men and by the natives.
They had not proceeded far when Cortés sent and recalled them, saying that he desired to examine the country, and would accompany them. Tlamamas would be required to carry the guns and baggage, and they would set out the next day. At the last moment seven of the Velazquez faction refused to go, on the ground of ill health. Then others of their number spoke, condemning the rashness of the present proceeding, and desiring to return to Cuba. Cortés told them they could go, and after chiding them for neglect of duty he ordered prepared a vessel, which should be placed at their service. As they were about to ​embark, a deputation appeared to protest against permitting any to depart, as a proceeding prejudicial to the service of God, and of the king. Men who at such a moment, and under such circumstances, desert their flag deserve death." These were the words of Cortés put into the mouth of the speaker. Of course the order concerning the vessel was recalled, and the men of Velazquez were losers by the affair.
The expedition, composed of four hundred soldiers, with fourteen horses, and the necessary carriers, then set off for Cempoala, where they were joined by four companies of two thousand warriors. Two days' march brought them close to Tizapantzinco, and the following morning they entered the plain at the foot of the fortress, which was strongly situated on a high rock bordered by a stream. Here stood the people prepared to receive them; but scarcely had the cavalry come in sight when they turned to seek refuge within the fort. The horsemen cut off their retreat in that direction, however, and leaving them, began the ascent. Eight chiefs and priests thereupon came forth wailing, and informed the Spaniards that the Mexican garrison had left at the first uprising of the Totonacs, and that the Cempoalans were taking advantage of this and of the Spanish alliance to enforce the settlement of a long-standing boundary dispute. They begged that the army would not advance. Cortés at once gave orders to restrain the Cempoalans, who were already plundering. Their captains were severely reprimanded for want of candor as to the real object of the expedition, and were ordered to restore the effects and captives taken. This strictness was by no means confined to them, for a soldier named Mora, caught by the general in the act of stealing ​two fowls, was ordered hanged. Alvarado, however, cut him down in time to save his life, probably at the secret intimation of Cortés, who, while securing the benefit of example, would not unnecessarily sacrifice a soldier.
Charmed by this display of justice on the part of the Spaniards, and impressed as well by their ever increasing prestige, the chiefs of the district came in and tendered allegiance. A lasting friendship was established between them and the Cempoalans; after which the army returned to Cempoala by a new route, and was received with demonstrations of joy by the populace. With a view of binding more closely such powerful allies, Chicomacatl proposed intermarriages. And as a beginning he presented eight young women, richly dressed, with necklaces and ear-rings of gold, and each attended by servants. "Take them," said ​he to Cortés. "They are all daughters of caciques. Seven are for your captains, and this, my niece, is for yourself, for she is the ruler of towns."
Matters were becoming interesting. Cortés and some of his captains had wives in Cuba, and nearly all of them had mistresses here. The damsels of Cempoala were not famed for their beauty; the one offered Cortés was particularly ill-favored. With regard to captives and slaves, of course no marriage vow was necessary, but with princesses the case was different. But even here there was little difficulty. The aboriginal form of marriage, while it satisfied the natives, rested lightly on the Spaniards. Indeed, with them it was no marriage at all; and so it has been throughout the New World; in their marital relations with foreigners the natives have felt themselves bound, while the Europeans have not. To the ceremony in this instance no objection was offered.
At this happy consummation, though the rite is not yet performed, serious meditation takes possession of the mind of Cortés, who bethinks himself that he is doing little of late for his God, who is doing so much for him. Success everywhere attends his strategies. And these female slaves and princesses! While trying to quiet his conscience for accepting this princess, he was exceedingly careful in regard to taking unto himself real wives, as we have seen in Cuba. But here marriage after the New World fashion would surely advance his purposes. And so they are compelled to submit to the stronger, who by the right of might proceeds to rob them of their gold and to desolate their homes; and now assumes the higher prerogative of requiring them to relinquish the faith of their fathers and embrace the religion of their enemies. It would please God to have these Cempoala people worship him; Cortés can make them do so. True, they love their gods as much as Cortés loves his. Their gods likewise help them to good things, among others to the Spaniards themselves, ​who in return now determine their overthrow. And shall they consent! Alas, they are weak, and their gods are weak!
Heathenism, with its idolatry, and bloody sacrifices, and cannibalism, is horrible, I grant you. "For daily they sacrificed three or five Indians," says Bernal Diaz, "offering the heart to idols, smearing the blood upon the walls, and cutting off the limbs to be eaten. I even believe they sold the flesh in the market." But equally horrible, and far more unfair, are the doings of the superior race, which with the advance of the centuries, and the increase of knowledge and refinement, are often guilty of deeds as bloodthirsty and cruel as these. With the most powerful of microscopic aids to vision, I can see no difference between the innate goodness and badness of men ow and two or five thousand years ago; the difference lies merely in a change of morality fashions, and in the apparent refining and draping of what conventionally we choose to call wickedness. What is the serving of dainty dishes to the gods in the form of human sacrifices, of carving before them a few thousand fattened captives, to the extirpation of a continent of helpless human beings; and that by such extremes of treachery and cruelty as the cannibals never dreamed of, entrapping by fair words only to cut, and mangle, and kill by steel, saltpetre, and blood-hounds; stealing at the same time their lands and goods, and adding still more to their infamy by doing all this in the name of Christ; when in reality they violate every principle of religion and disregard every injunction of the church; just as men to-day lie and cheat and praise and pray, and out of their swindlings hope to buy favor of the Ålmighty!
And now these poor people must give up their poor gods, for their masters so decree. The chiefs and ​native priests protest. The Spaniards are benefactors and friends, but the gods are superior to men. To them they owe health, prosperity, existence; and sacrifices are but the necessary slight returns for so great blessings. The sacrificed are by no means injured, say the Aztecs, but are sent to heaven and enfolded at once in the bosom of their god. Verily there are curious articles of faith among the heathen worshipers as well as among our own, but if we look for all the good in ours we shall be mistaken. In vain the men of Cempoala beg to retain the religion of their forefathers and the sacred emblems of their faith. Carried away by the fierce zeal which more than once in these annals overcomes his prudence and brings him to the brink of ruin, Cortés cries: "Christians and soldiers, shall these things be — these idolatries and sacrifices, and other impious doings? No! First down with the images, then to arguments, and the granting of entreaties. Our lives on work rewarded with eternal glory!" Shouts of earnest approval was the response, and on they marched toward the temple. Priests and people rushed to the defence of their deities. With a scornful gesture the ruler was waived aside, as he interposed with the warning that to lay hands on the idols was to bring destruction alike on all. "You are not my friends," exclaimed Cortes, "if you do not as I wish! Choose ye; and 1 will leave you your gods to save you from the threatened vengeance of Montezuma." This was by far too practical an application of their piety. The fact is, their gods had not done exactly right by them in the matter of the Aztec imposition. These white strangers, after all, seemed to be better gods than their idols. "Well, work your will," at length said Chicomacatl, "but do not ask our aid in such detestable doings." So the thing was accomplished, as before this had been determined. In a moment fifty soldiers were on the temple summit, and down came the worshipful wooden things, ​shattered and clattering along the steps, while with bleeding hearts their makers stood by, their faces covered to exclude the sacrilegious sight. Ah, how they wailed, how they lamented, calling on the misshapen blocks to pity their inability to stop the deed!
Not such dastards were these people, however, that not one among them would strike a blow for their faith. For presently the court-yard was filled with armed men, headed by infuriated priests in long hooded robes of dark material, with slashed ears and faces clotted with blood, determined, if not to prevent, at least to avenge the outrage. What was sworn allegiance, or even life, beside the momentous question of religion? Seeing the danger, Cortes with characteristic promptness seized the lord, together with several leading men, and declared if a single Spaniard was so much as scratched they should immediately die. Chicomacatl accordingly spoke to the people and made them retire. Nor was wholly lost on them the mute argument of the shattered idols lying powerless at their feet. Hence when the images were burned, the natives looked on with comparative calmness. "Surely these beings are superior to our gods, whom they have thus vanquished," they said one to another. Sweetly and serenely Cortes now smiled on them, called them brethren, and preached the European doctrines. The pagan temple was cleansed, the. blood-smeared walls were whitewashed, and in their place was erected a Christian altar, decorated with flowers and surmounted with a cross. Here, before the assembled natives, Olmedo preached the Christian faith, and celebrated mass. The contrast between the simple beauty of this impressive ceremony and their own bloody worship made a deep impression on the minds of the natives, and at the conclusion those who desired were baptized. Among ​them were the eight brides, the ill-favored ruler of towns who had been given to Cortés being called Catalina, probably in honor of his wife in Cuba, whose place she was to occupy for a time. Lucky Puertocarrero's second pretty prize, the daughter of Cacique Cuesco, was named Francisca.
Accompanied by the brides and a large escort the army now returned to Villa Rica. There they found just arrived from Cuba a vessel commanded by Francisco de Salcedo, nicknamed 'the dandy,' who with Luis Marin, an able officer, and ten soldiers, all well provided with arms, and with two horses, had come in quest of fortune under Cortés. Salcedo reported that Velazquez had received the appointment of adelantado over all lands discovered by him or at his cost, with one fifteenth of all royal revenues thence arising.
Benito Martin, the chaplain, who had been sent to obtain the commission, was rewarded with the benefice of the new discovery at Ulua, which really comprised all Mexico, while the lately appointed bishop of Cuba, the Dominican Julian Garcés, confessor to the bishop of Búrgos, the patron of Velazquez, was promoted to ​the insignificant see of Cozumel. These preferments, based on an insufficient knowledge of the country, were corrected at a later time, when Garcés was made bishop of Tlascala, while Martin received other compensation. Before the issue of these grants it appears that Yucatan at least had a narrow escape from slipping entirely out of Spanish hands. At the first news of Córdoba's discoveries the admiral of Flanders was induced to ask for the land in grant, in order to settle it with Flemings, and also to petition for the governorship of Cuba as a means to promote the colony. This was supported by Xèvres, the chief adviser in such matters, who knew little of the Indies and the vast tracts referred to, and so the promise was given. Las Casas was in Spain at the time, and being consulted by the admiral as to the means for colonizing, became indignant at the rash concession of Cuba, which he considered as belonging to Columbus. He remonstrated, and warned those interested to do the same. The result was the withdrawal of the grant, greatly to the disappointment of the admiral, for whose account several vessels had already reached San Lúcar, laden with Flemish settlers.
Cortés was fully aware that Velazquez, possessed of a commission, would not long delay in asserting his claim with all the power at his command upon the islands, and with all his influence at court; this spurred on the captain-general to lose no time in bringing forward his own pretensions, and in seeking to obtain royal approval of his acts. Therefore at this juncture he determined to gain authority for effectually supplanting the Cuban governor in the field wherein he had already openly ignored him, and to despatch ​messengers to the king. The men of Cortés needed no prompting to see how necessary to their interest it was to procure his confirmation as general to the exclusion of Velazquez, and to support Cortés by writing reports in corroboration of his own statements. Yet, in view of the flowing in of exaggerated accounts concerning new discoveries, little would avail descriptions of conquests and resources, however glowing, and recommendations however warm, unless made real by specimens of the treasures which were the main attraction alike to king and subject. For gifts can move gods, says Hesiod. To the crown was due one fifth of the wealth so far obtained, but fearing that this would hardly produce the effect desired, Cortés proposed to surrender the one fifth due himself, and prevailed on his friends, and with their aid on all members of the expedition, to give up their share in the finer pieces of wrought gold and silver, and in all choice articles, so that a gift worthy of themselves and the country might be presented to the king.
​The flag-ship was prepared for the voyage, and the navigation intrusted to Alaminos and another pilot called Bautista, with fifteen sailors and the necessary outfit. Four Indians, rescued from the sacrificial cage at Cempoala, where they had been kept to fatten, were also sent on board, together with native curiosities, including specimens of picture-writing. The difficult task of out-manœuvring Velazquez and securing the aims of their party was intrusted to the alcaldes Puertocarrero and Montejo, the former being selected chiefly because of his high connections, which might serve him at court, the latter for his business talent. Three thousand castellanos were given them from the treasury for expenses, together with the necessary power and instructions, and three letters in duplicate for the king. One of these was the first of the celebrated letters of Cortés on the conquest. He related at length all that had occurred since he left Santiago; the difficulties with Velazquez, the hardships of the voyage, and the progress of conquest for God and the king. He dwelt on the vast extent and wealth of the country, and expressed the hope of speedily subjecting it to the crown, and of seizing the person of the great Montezuma. And he trusted that in return for his services and loyal devotion he would be remembered in the cédulas to be issued for this new addition to the empire.
​The second letter was by the ayuntamiento of Villa. Rica, dated July 10, 1519, covering not only the same ground, but giving an account of the voyages of discovery by Córdoba and Grijalva, the reasons for founding a colony, and for Cortés' appointment. The features of the country, its resources and inhabitants, were touched upon, and the belief expressed that of gold, silver, and precious stones "there is in the land as much as in that where it is said Solomon took the gold for the temple." Velazquez was exposed as a cruel, dishonest, and incompetent governor, and as such most dangerous to be intrusted with the control of these vast and rich territories. They asked for an investigation to prove the charges, as well as the propriety of their own acts; and concluded by recommending that Cortés, whose character and conduct stamped him a loyal subject and an able leader, be confirmed in his offices, till the conquest of the country, at least, should have been achieved.
The third letter, even longer than this, though of similar tenor, was signed by the representative men in the army, and concluded by praying that their services and hardships be rewarded with grants, and that Cortés be confirmed in the government till the king might be pleased to appoint an infante or a grandee of the highest class, for so large and rich a country ought to be ruled by none else. Should the designing bishop of Búrgos of his accord "send us a ​governor or captain, before we obey him we shall inform your royal person." This sentence, which Las Casas characterizes as a great though sweetened piece of impudence," and several others not in harmony with Cortés' own calculated report, were probably the cause for the disappearance of the letter before it reached the emperor.
The messengers or procuradores left the port July 16, and although ordered not to touch Cuba, lest Velazquez should learn of the mission, Montejo could not resist the temptation of taking a peep at his estates at Mariel de Cuba, a port close to Habana. Here they entered August 23, and took supplies and water. This could not of course be done in secret, and swelling with rumor the report reached Velazquez that his flag-ship had come ballasted with gold, to the value of two hundred and seventy thousand pesos. No less alarmed than furious at this proof of the perfidy he had so long feared, he despatched a fast sailing vessel with a strong force under Gonzalo de ​Guzman, the royal treasurer, to capture her; but she had stayed only three days at Mariel, and then passed safely through the Bahamas Channel, the first to make that passage.
The arrival of the messengers at Seville, in October, created no small stir, and aided by their treasures and reports they became the heroes of the hour. But their triumph was of short duration; for Benito Martin, the chaplain of Velazquez, happened to be at the port. This man at once laid claim to the vessel for his master, denounced the persons on board as traitors, and prevailed upon the Casa de Contratacion to seize the ship, together with the private funds of the commission, as well as certain money sent by Cortés for his father. A still stronger opponent appeared in the person of Fonseca, bishop of Búrgos, whose interest in Velazquez, fostered by a long interchange of favors, was strengthened by a projected marriage of the ​governor with his niece. Detaining the messengers and their papers by deferred promises and other measures, he filled the royal ear with the most damaging charges against them and their party in behalf of his protégé.
Velazquez had meanwhile been taking testimony against Cortés, and had sent treasurer Guzman to Spain with documents and instructions to join Martin in pressing his suit before the bishop.
Charles V. had been elected emperor, and was busy in Spain raising supplies and making preparations on a vast scale for presenting an appearance in Germany befitting so high a dignity. Previous to embarking for Flanders he was to meet the cortes at Compostela. The messengers from New Spain could afford to lose no more time, and so with the aid of Puertocarrero's friends and the men opposed to Fonseca, among them the Licenciado Nuñez, relator of the royal council and related to Cortés, they slipped away, and in company with Alaminos and Martin Cortés, managed to be presented to the monarch at ​Tordesillas, in the beginning of March. The king was not a little pleased with the reports, gilded as they were with the richest presents that had as yet reached him from his American possessions, but he was unfortunately too absorbed with the imperial crown and the preparations for departure to give more than a passing attention to the subject, and still less would he enter into the merits of the claims presented. Finding, however, that Fonseca had not been impartial in the matter, he was prevailed on to refer it to Cardinal Adrian, and the junta of prelates and ministers governing the kingdom during the royal absence, before whom the Council of the Indies had also to lay its reports. The messengers were meanwhile allowed under bond to receive from the seized funds what was needed for their support. The powerful Fonseca managed, however, by misrepresentation and other means, to delay the case, and for about two years it dragged its weary length. And yet, where a man is strong enough to carve out his own fortune, particularly where the administration of strict justice might send his neck to the halter, the law's delay and its susceptibility to perversion may be most fortunate.
* ↑ Villa Rica is the name appearing in the first royal charter of 1523, but with later foundations Vera Cruz became the title. Panes, Extension Veracruz, MS., 1 et seq. The municipal council, however, distinctly calls it la Rica Villa de la Veracruz and ought to be the proper authority for the form of name first applied. Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 1 et seq. 'Y luego ordenamos de hazer, y fundar, è poblar vna Villa, que se nombró la Villa Rica de la Vera-Cruz; porque llegamos Jueves de la Cena, y desembarcamos en Uiernes Santo de la Cruz, é rica por aquel Cauallero que . . . . dixo que mirasse las tierras ricas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29. 'Llamola Villa Rica a la nueua poblaciō, y de la Veracruz, por auer desembarcado el Viernes Săto, y Rica, por la riqueza que se descubierto.' Herrera, dcc. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. Although nominally founded adjacent to San Juan de Ulua, there was no intention to build the town on that unhealthy and dreary spot. The first actual foundation took place at the harbor of Bernal. Nearly five years later the town rose anew on the present Rio de la Antigua, where it became known alone as Vera Cruz. In 1599 the actual or new Vera Cruz found itself finally planted on the very site of the first nominal foundation. The chief reason for this change was probably the need for the better protection against filibusters afforded by the island of San Juan de Ulua, whose batteries commanded the harbor. See Albornoz, Carta al Emperador, Dec., 1525, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 495. The charter for la Nueva Ciudad de la Vera-Cruz was granted July 19, 1615. Calle, Mem. y Not., 68; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 30; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 27; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 276-7. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, i. 149-50, has some excellent remarks hereon. Few authors, however, are free from blunders with regard to the different sites, even Lorenzana committing more than one. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 381.
* ↑ Los Hombres mas Poderosos entendian en buscar Lugares en los Montes, y partes mas remotas, para conservar sus Mugeres, Hijos, y Hacienda.' Torquemada, i. 403.
* ↑ Inconsolable at the prospect of the strangers acquiring a footing in the country, Montezuma, after vainly searching for admission into the Hades of Cicalco, retired to the abode occupied by him ere he became emperor. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 15-16. One reason for this is said to have been the result of the embassy to the oracle at Achiuhtla, in Miztecapan, which brought back the announcement that the Aztec empire must yield to strangers. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, pt. ii. 129.
* ↑ 'Figiuoli porse del suofratello Cuitlahuatzin.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 30.
* ↑ 'Ciertas pieças de oro y plata bien labradas, y vn casquete de oro menudo . . . Peso todo esto dos mil, y nouenta Castellanos.' Gomara, Hist. Mex.,58.
* ↑ Before the embassy came, says Herrera, 'Diò orden con voluntad del señor de Chianhuitzlan, que los tres Mexicanos pressos fuessen sueltos,' dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xi.
* ↑ Ixtlilchotitl, Hist. Chich., 290. Other authorities differ in the spelling.
* ↑ One of them who had bartered a fine light-colored horse for some property in Cuba was unable to annul the trade, and thus lost his animal. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 34. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 64, refers merely to murmurs in favor of Velazquez, which Cortés quiets by placing a few in chains for a time.
* ↑ 'Muriò cste soldado en vna guerra en la Prouincia de Guatimala sobre vn Peñol.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 35. He places the incident on the return march.
* ↑ According to Gomara the Aztec garrison does ravage the country when the Totonac revolt occurs, and their forces meet the Spaniards on the field, only to flee at the sight of the horsemen. Cortés and four others dismount, and mingling with the fleeing, reach the fort gates, which they hold till their troops come up. Surrendering the place to the allies, Cortés tells them to respect the people and to let the garrison depart without arms or banner. This victory gained great influence for the Spaniards, and remembering the feat of Cortés, the Indians declared that one Spaniard was enough to aid them in achieving victory. Hist. Mex., 59. Ixtlilxochitl, who follows Gomara, fights the Aztec garrison as far as the city, and then captures it. Hist. Chich., 290. Solis assumes that a few Spaniards cut off the retreat of the townsmen, and rushing forward with some Cempoalans, are already inside when the leaders come to plead for mercy. Hist. Mex., i. 197-8. The foremost credit is however due to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 34-5, who, being present, declares Gomara's account wholly wrong, that no garrison existed here, and that no resistance was made. The latter sentence is modified by Tapia, also a member of the expedition, who states that the town did resist and was punished. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 566. Hence it may be assumed that Diaz, as a foot soldier, was not present to see the probably bloodless rout of the Indians by the cavalry. The townsmen are not likely to have allowed the Cempoalans to approach without offering resistance, or, in case they knew of the Spanish advance, without sending a deputation before the pillage began.
* ↑ Passing through two towns, the soldiers suffering greatly from heat and fatigue. Near Cempoala the lord awaited them in some temporary huts with bountiful cheer, though apprehensive of Cortés' anger at his deception. The following day they entered the city. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 35; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiii.
* ↑ Veinte Doncellas (aunque Gomara dice, que fueron ocho),' says Torquemada, i. 399, without giving his reasons.
* ↑ Tambien auian de ser limpios de sodomias, porque tenian muchachos vestidos en habito de mugeres, que andauan â ganar en aquel maldito oficio.' This they promised. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 35. Šolis assumes that Cortés was aroused to this crusade by the heavy sacrifices at a great festival. Hist. Mex., i. 204-5.
* ↑ Gomara makes the natives tear down the idols and the sepulchres of caciques worshipped as gods. 'Acabo con los de la ciudad que derribassen los idolos y sepulcros de los caciques, q tambien reuerēciauan como a dioses.' Hist. Mex., 67.
* ↑ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix. xiv. Gomara places the presentation of the women at the first visit of the Spaniards to the city, and herein he is followed by Herrera, Torquemada, and Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chich., 289.
* ↑ These proved the more valuable since Cortés' horse had died shortly before. He obtained, by gift or purchase, the fine Arriero, a dark chestnut belonging to Ortiz, the musician, and to García, the miner. Bernal Diaz, 1Hist. Verdad., 33. Gomara assumes that Salcedo brought a caravel, with sixty Spaniards and nine horses, the vessel having been detained in Cuba for repairs. Hist. Mex., 59; yet he includes Salcedo as present at the final review there. Id., 14. He is evidently confused.
* ↑ For himself and one heir. Further, after conquering and settling four islands, he might select one from which to receive perpetually for himself and heirs one twentieth part of all the revenue accruing therefrom for the king. No duty would be charged during his life on any clothing, arms, and provisions imported by him into those lands. As an aid toward the expenses of t'he conquest, a royal estate at Habana was granted him, and a salary in those lands of 300,000 maravedís. The other clauses of the commission related to mines, clergy, taxes, and settlers. It was dated at Saragossa, November 13, 1518, 'five days previous to the usurpation of the fleet by Cortés,' observes Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 3-5. Dated at Barcelona, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Several are led to suppose that Velazquez did not receive the notice of his appointment for over a year after its date, which is unlikely. Mex., ii. 222-3.
* ↑ Which he failed to enjoy, since he died at sea while en route to New Spain to take possession. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 465-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 16-17.
* ↑ Many of these died from hardship, and the rest returned impoverished to their country. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 374-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. сар. хіх.; Соgolludo, Hist. Yисathan, 8.
* ↑ 20 It has been generally assumed, from a loose acceptance of chroniclers' text, that all the treasures were surrendered for the object in view, but this could not have been the case. The pile of gold dust and nuggets, accumulated by constant barter along the coast, and increased by the contents of two helmets sent by Montezuma, formed a respectable amount, of which only a small portion was sent to the king, as specimens of mining products. Three thousand castellanos were set aside for the expenses of the messengers to Spain, and an equal sum for Cortés' father, 'Otros 3000 que Cortés enviaba para su padre.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 498. 'A su padre Martin Cortes y a su inadre ciertos Castellanos.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 62. The disposal of the dust alone indicates an apportionment. Further, the list of treasure sent to Spain, as appended to the Carta del Ayuntamiento, and as given by Gomara, shows that much of the wrought metal received from Montezuma, not counting that acquired by barter, was retained by the expedition. Gomara writes that the first step of Cortés was to order a division of treasures by Ávila and Mejía, acting respectively for the crown and the army. All the effects being displayed in the plaza, the gold and silver amounting to 27,000 ducats, the cabildo observed that what remained after deducting the royal fifth would belong to the general in payment for the vessels, arms, and supplies surendered by him to the company. Cortés said there was time enough to pay him; he would now take only his share as captain-general, and leave others wherewith to settle their small debts. He also proposed that instead of sending merely the cne fifth to the king, the finest specimens should be given, which was agreed to. His list is given in Hist. Mex., 60-2. Ordaz and Montejo were sent round with a list to be signed by all who wished to surrender their share in the gold. 'Y desta manera todos lo firmaron â vna.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36. The Carta del Ayunt. refers to four of Velazquez' men as objecting to the presents being sent elsewhere than to their leader. Cortés, Cartas, 26-7; Tapia, Relucion, in Icazbalceta, Col, Doc., ii. 563; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; Torquemada, i. 407; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 118.
* ↑ No generous allusion appears to have been made to the discoverers who opened the way for him. Gomara alone gives a brief outline of the letter, but the original or copy has never been found, notwithstanding the close scarch made. Since Charles V. received it on the eve of his departure for Germany, it occurred to Robertson that the Vienna archives might throw on it some light, and the consequent search led to the discovery of an authenticated copy of the companion letter from the municipality of Villa Rica, but nothing relating to Cortés' report. Hist. Am., preface, x.-xi. Panes insists that the letter must have existed in the Vienna Court Library at one time. Doc. Domin. Esp., MS., 59-60. Barcia suggests several ways in which it might have been lost; one being its production before the royal council at the instance of Pánfilo de Narvaez. Bibl. Occid., tit. iv. ii. 598. Fortunately the companion letter and other narratives cover its essential points.
* ↑ El Cabildo escriuiò juntente con diez soldados . . . . ê iva yo firmado en ella.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36.
* ↑ Written by Cortés' most devoted friends, and undoubtedly under his supervision, we cannot expect to find it other than a labored effort to promote his views. Robertson, whose suggestion led to its discovery in the Vienna Imperial Library, offers a mere synopsis of the contents. Hist. Am., preface, p. xi. ii. 521-2. It is given at length in the Cortés, Cartas, by Gayangos, Paris, 1866, 1-34, with notes, and with the list of presents appended; and in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 417-72, and in Alaman, Disert., i. 2d app., 41-104, preceded by an introductory sketch of the expedition by the collector of the papers, and containing the list of presents as checked by Muñoz in 1784 from the Manual del Tesorero de la Casa de la Contratacion de Sevilla.
* ↑ Todos los Capitanes, y soldados juntamente escriuimos otra carta.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36. 'El cabildo . . . . escriuio . . . . dos letras. Vna . . . . no firmaron sino alcaldes y regidores. La otra fue a cordada y firmada del cabildo y de todos los mas principales.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 63.
* ↑ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 37, gives a long detail of its contents, particularly of the conclusion, wherein the bishop of Búrgos is pointed out as favoring his friends and relations in the distribution of Indian governments. Velazquez enjoyed his special favor in return for the large presents in gold and towns he had made, to the prejudice of the crown. Cortés, on reading the letter, was highly pleased with the eulogy bestowed upon himself, and promised to remember it when rewards came to be distributed, but he objected to the prominence given to the discoveries of Córdoba and Grijalva, 'sino á èl solo se atribuia cl descubrimiento, y la honra, ê honor de todo,' and wished to suppress the statement that one fifth of the profits were to be given to him. The men declined to hide anything from the king, and so Cortés no doubt made the messengers hide the letter. Tapia gives a brief synopsis of it, mentioning the objections raised against the bishop of Búrgos, and the resolution not to obey any orders contrary to their report till the king had replied to it — 'é para que otra cosa en contrario de lo que le escrebiamos no se hiciese, que S. M. sin saber de qué hacia mercedes, no las hiciese, estábamos prestos de morir é tener la tierra en su real nombre fasta ver respuesta de esta carta.' Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 566. Esta carta no vido el Emperador, porque, si la viera, no les sucederia ni á Cortés ni á sus consortes el negocio tan favorable como abajo se parecerá.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 498.
* ↑ En una nao que . . . . despaché á 16 de julio del año de 1519, envié á V. A. muy larga y particular relacion.' Cortés, Cartas, 51: Oviedo, iii. 261.'En veinte y seis dias del mes de Julio . . . partieron de San Juan de Ulua.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 37. On the next page he says July 6th. The naming of Ulua as the port of departure shows also a carelessness of facts; yet Gomara says: 'Partieron . . . . de Aquiahuiztlā . . . . a veinta y seis.' Hist. Mex., 6. Still Cortés' letter, written so soon after, ought to be correct. Prescott accepts the 26th.
* ↑ 'Esta fuga fue ocasion de descubrir el derrotero de la Canal de Bahama, para la buelta de España, hasta entonces no nauegada, y desde aquella ocasion siempre seguida.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 41. 'Alaminos . . . fue el primero. que nauegò por aquella canal.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36-39. Prejudiced against Montejo, as shown by previous expressions, this author accuses him of sending letters to Velazquez by a sailor, who spread the news of the mission along his route. Some of the letters were from adherents in Cortés' army. 'Pareciò, de otras personas principales que estauan en nuestro Real, fueron aconsejados que fuessen á aquella estancia. . . .y aun escriuieron para que el Diego Velazquez tuuiesse tiempo de auellos á las manos.' Velazquez accordingly sends two small vessels under Gabriel de Rojas and Guzman to pursue the ship, but their cruise between Habana and the Bahamas Channel is in vain. Montejo's conduct before and after this indicates nothing that can justify the accusations, and Velazquez, in his letter to Figueroa, juez de residencia in Española, inveighs against one 'Montejo' and his companion for taking not only provisions and forty butts of water, but a number of Indians from Mariel, and then leaving 'without informing any magistrate or other person,' taking a dangerous and hitherto unknown route. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 401. During the investigation held on the subject by the governor, it appeared that Juan de Rojas of Habana reported the secret visit of Montejo, who, knowing that Rojas had become aware of his presence, wrote him at the moment of leaving that he was going to visit Velazquez. From Perez, a servant of Rojas and in charge at Mariel, it seems, he exacted an oath not to reveal what he had learned of the rich cargo and destination of the vessel. Rojas nevertheless obtained the facts from him. Testimonio, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 151-204. In a letter to the bishop of Búrgos, October 12, 1519, Velazquez states that a man at Mariel, Perez probably, was at the last moment shown the treasures. Guzman was sent with a vessel in pursuit. In Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 248-50. Gomara also says, 'embiando tras ella vna carauela de armada.' Hist. Mex., 64; Torquemada, i. 407.
* ↑ Doña Mayor de Fonseca. El obispo de Búrgos . . . por la muerte del Gran Chaneiller . . . tornó á alear y á ser principal.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.; Zúñiga, Anales Ecles. Sevilla, 414.
* ↑ The bishop of Búrgos, then at Valladolid, spoke so harshly to Puertocarrero that the latter ventured to remonstrate, and demand that their messages be forwarded to the king. A charge was now raked up against Puertocarrero of having three years before carried off a woman from Medellin to the Indies, and for this he was cast into prison. Bernal Diaz., Hist. Verdad., 28; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 119.
* ↑ Guzman appears to have started in October from Cuba, when Narvaez' expedition against Cortés had already begun to be fitted out. Carta de Velazquez, Oct. 12, 1519, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 472-3; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 246-51; Carta al Figueroa, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 402; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 2. His appeal to the Jeronimite Fathers, says Bernal Diaz, met only with rebuff. They considered that Cortés had done well to send so rich a present to the king. Le embiaron al Diego Velazquez â Cuba â vn Licenciado que se dezia Zuazo para que le tomasse residencia Uelazquez, se congoxó mucho mas, y como de antes era muy gordo, se paró flaco en aquellos dias.' Hist. Verdad., 38. Martin petitioned the bishop for the repair and return of the messengers' vessel to Velazquez, together with another vessel, both to carry reinforcements to the Indies. This was needed, partly to prevent the possible conflict between Cortés' party and the expedition fitting out under Velazquez to support the men he had already sent under Cortés as his lieutenant. Memorial, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 407-9.
* ↑ Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 203. Viniéronse con la corte hasta llegar á la Coruña, y en este camino los cognoscí yo.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 499; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vii.
* ↑ In the Manual de la Casa de Contratacion de la Indias is noted that the Cempoala natives were presented to the king, at Tordesillas, in February, or March, 1520, and the presents at Valladolid in April. The Indians were sent to Cuba at the close of March, 1521, except one who had died. Cortés, Cartas, 34; Alaman, Disert., i. 91-104.
* ↑ According to Bernal Diaz the bishop of Búrgos retained not only the original letters of the king, but a portion of the presents, which produced a sharp letter from Charles. The duplicate letters reached him, however. Hist. Verdad., 38-9. This author is not well informed about the movements of the procuradores. He lets the king reach Flanders before they arrive, and there receive only the reports.