# American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 31

CHAPTER XXXI — FIRST STAGE OF THE WAR, 1775-1778
191. Conflicting Accounts of Lexington and Concord (1775)
These two simultaneous accounts show the difficulty of establishing historical truth even by contemporaneous evidence. This battle was the turning-point between the period of protests and the period of resistance. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 174-184, and Memorial History of Boston, III, 67-103; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 136. — For earlier colonial wars, see Contemporaries, I, passim, and chs. xviii, xix above.
A. THE AMERICAN STATEMENT
Salem, April 25, 1775.
LAST Wednesday the 19th of April, the Troops of His Britannick Majesty commenced hostilities upon the people of this Province, attended with circumstances of cruelty, not less brutal than what our venerable ancestors received from the vilest Savages of the wilderness. The particulars relative to this interesting event, by which we are involved in all the horrours of a civil war, we have endeavoured to collect as well as the present confused state of affairs will admit.
On Tuesday evening a detachment from the Army, consisting, it is said, of eight or nine hundred men, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Smith, embarked at the bottom of the Common in Boston, on board a number of boats, and landed at Phipps's farm, a little way up Charles River, from whence they proceeded with silence and expedition on their way to Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston. The people were soon alarmed, and began to assemble in several Towns, before daylight, in order to watch the motion of the Troops. At Lexington, six miles below Concord, a company of Militia, of about one hundred men, mus tered near the Meeting-House ; the Troops came in sight of them just before sunrise ; and running within a few rods of them, the Commanding Officer accosted the Militia in words to this effect : "Disperse, you rebels — damn you, throw down your arms and disperse ; " upon which the Troops huzzaed, and immediately one or two officers discharged ​their pistols, which were instantaneously followed by the firing of four or five of the soldiers, and then there seemed to be a general discharge from the whole body : eight of our men were killed, and nine wounded. In a few minutes after this action the enemy renewed their march for Concord ; at which place they destroyed several Carriages, Carriage Wheels, and about twenty barrels of Flour, all belonging to the Province. Here about one hundred and fifty men going towards a bridge, of which the enemy were in possession, the latter fired and killed two of our men, who then returned the fire, and obliged the enemy to retreat back to Lexington, where they met Lord Percy, with a large reinforcement, with two pieces of cannon. The enemy now having a body of about eighteen hundred men, made a halt, picked up many of their dead, and took care of their wounded. At Menotomy, a few of our men attacked a party of twelve of the enemy, (carrying stores and provisions to the Troops,) killed one of them, wounded several, made the rest prisoners, and took possession of all their arms, stores, provisions, c., without any loss on our side. The enemy having halted one or two hours at Lexington, found it necessary to make a second retreat, carrying with them many of their dead and wounded, who they put into chaises and on horses that they found standing in the road. They con tinued their retreat from Lexington to Charlestown with great precipitation ; and notwithstanding their field-pieces, our people continued the pursuit, firing at them till they got to Charlestown Neck, (which they reached a little after sunset,) over which the enemy passed, proceeded up Bunker's Hill, and soon afterwards went into the Town, under the protection of the Somerset Man-of-War of sixty-four guns.
In Lexington the enemy set fire to Deacon Joseph Loring's house and barn, Mrs. Mullikin's house and shop, and Mr. Joshua Bond's house and shop, which were all consumed. They also set fire to several other houses, but our people extinguished the flames. They pillaged almost every house they passed by, breaking and destroying doors, windows, glasses, c., and carrying off clothing and other valuable effects. It appeared to be their design to burn and destroy all before them ; and nothing but our vigorous pursuit prevented their infernal purposes from being put in execution. But the savage barbarity exercised upon the bodies of our unfortunate brethren who fell, is almost incredible : not contented with shooting down the unarmed, aged, and infirm, they disregarded the cries of the wounded, killing them without mercy, and mangling their bodies in the most shocking manner. ​We have the pleasure to say, that, notwithstanding the highest provocations given by the enemy, not one instance of cruelty, that we have heard of, was committed by our victorious Militia ; but, listening to the merciful dictates of the Christian religion, they "breathed higher sentiments of humanity."
The consternation of the people of Charlestown, when our enemies were entering the Town, is inexpressible; the Troops however behaved tolerably civil, and the people have since nearly all left the Town.
The following is a List of the Provincials who were killed and wounded; [49 killed ; 34 wounded ; 5 missing.] . . .
Mr. Jame's Howard and one of the Regulars discharged their pieces at the same instant, and each killed the other. . . .
The publick most sincerely sympathize with the friends and relations of our deceased brethren, who gloriously sacrificed their lives in fighting for the liberties of their Country. By their noble and intrepid conduct, in helping to defeat the forces of an ungrateful tyrant, they have endeared their memories to the present generation, who will transmit their names to posterity with the highest honour.
B. THE BRITISH STATEMENT
Whitehall, June 10, 1775.
Lieutenant Nunn, of the Navy, arrived this morning at Lord Dartmouth's, and brought letters from General Gage, Lord Percy, and Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, containing the following particulars of what passed on the nineteenth of April last between a detachment of the King s Troops in the Province of Massachusetts-Bay, and several parties of rebel Provincials, viz :
General Gage having received intelligence of a quantity of military stores being collected at Concord, for the avowed purpose of supplying a body of troops to act in opposition to His Majesty's Government, detached, on the eighteenth of April at night, the Grenadiers of his Army, and the Light-Infantry, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, of the Tenth Regiment, and Major Pitcairn, of the Marines, with orders to destroy the said stores ; and the next morning eight Companies of the Fourth, the same number of the Twenty-Third and Forty-Ninth, and some Marines, marched under the command of Lord Percy, to support the other detachment. ​Lieutenant-Colonel Smith finding, after he had advanced some miles on his march, that the country had been alarmed by the firing of guns and ringing of bells, despatched six Companies of Light-Infantry, in order to secure two bridges on different roads beyond Concord, who, upon their arrival at Lexington, found a body of the country people under arms, on a green close to the road ; and upon the King's Troops marching up to them, in order to inquire the reason of their being so assembled, they went off in great confusion, and several guns were fired upon the King's Troops from behind a stone wall, and also from the meeting-house and other houses, by which one man was wounded, and Major Pitcairn's horse shot in two places. In consequence of this attack by the rebels, the troops returned the fire and killed several of them. After which the detachment marched on to Concord without any thing further happening, where they effected the purpose for which they were sent, having knocked off the trunnions of three pieces of iron ordnance, burnt some new gun carriages and a great number of carriage-wheels, and thrown into the river a considerable quantity of flour, gunpowder, musket- balls, and other articles. Whilst this service was performing, great numbers of the rebels assembled in many parts, and a considerable body of them attacked the Light- Infantry, posted at one of the bridges, on which an action ensued, and some few were killed and wounded.
On the return of the Troops from Concord, they were very much annoyed, and had several men killed and wounded by the rebels firing from behind walls, ditches, trees, and other ambushes ; but the brigade, under the command of Lord Percy, having joined them at Lexington with two pieces of cannon, the rebels were for a while dispersed ; but as soon as the troops resumed their march, they began to fire upon them from behind stone walls and houses, and kept up in that manner a scattering fire during the whole of their march of fifteen miles, by which means several were killed and wounded ; and such was the cruelty and barbarity of the rebels, that they scalped and cut off the ears of some of the wounded men who fell into their hands.
It is not known what numbers of the rebels were killed and wounded, but it is supposed that their loss was considerable.
General Gage says that too much praise cannot be given to Lord Percy for his remarkable activity during the whole day ; and that Lieutenant-Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn did every thing that men could do, as did all the officers in general, and that the men behaved with their usual intrepidity. ​Return of the Commission, Non-commission Officers, and Rank and File, killed, wounded, prisoners, and missing, on the 19th of April, 1775. . . .
Total : One Lieutenant-Colonel killed ; two Lieutenant-Colonels wounded ; two Captains wounded ; nine Lieutenants wounded ; one Lieutenant missing ; two Ensigns wounded ; one Sergeant killed, four wounded, two missing ; one Drummer killed, one wounded ; sixty-two rank and file killed, one hundred and fifty-seven wounded, and twenty-four missing.
N. B. Lieutenant Isaac Potter reported to be wounded and taken prisoner.
Salem Gazette, April 25, 1775 ; reprinted in Peter Force, American Archives, Fourth Series (Washington, 1839), II, 391-393 passim.
Official bulletin, London Gazette, June 10, 1775; reprinted Ibid'., 945-946 passim.
Mrs. Adams was one of the most famous women of the Revolutionary time. These letters, directed to her husband, John Adams, then in Congress, illustrate one of the most valuable kinds of sources, private letters written by well-informed persons but not intended for publication. — Bibliography of Mrs. Adams : Memoir, in Letters of Mrs. Adams. — Bibliography of the siege and capture of Boston: Winsor, 'Narrative and Critical History, VI, 152-158, and Memorial History of Boston, III, 67-118; Frothingham, Siege of Boston ; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 136.
Sunday, 18 June, 1775. . . .
THE day, — perhaps, the decisive day, — is come, on which the fate of America depends. My bursting heart must find vent at my pen. I have just heard, that our dear friend, Dr. Warren, is no more, but fell gloriously fighting for his country ; saying, better to die honorably in the field, than ignominiously hang upon the gallows. Great is our loss. He has distinguished himself in every engagement, by his courage and fortitude, by animating the soldiers, and leading them on by his own example. A particular account of these dreadful, but I hope glorious days will be transmitted you, no doubt, in the exactest manner.
"The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong ; but the God of Israel is he, that giveth strength and power unto his people. Trust in him at all times, ye people, pour out your hearts before him ; ​God is a refuge for us." Charlestown is laid in ashes. The battle began upon our intrenchments upon Bunker s Hill, Saturday morning about three o'clock, and has not ceased yet, and it is now three o'clock Sabbath afternoon.
It is expected they will come out over the Neck to-night, and a dreadful battle must ensue. Almighty God, cover the heads of our countrymen, and be a shield to our dear friends ! How many have fallen, we know not. The constant roar of the cannon is so distressing, that we cannot eat, drink, or sleep. May we be supported and sustained in the dreadful conflict. I shall tarry here till it is thought unsafe by my friends, and then I have secured myself a retreat at your brother s, who has kindly offered me part of his house. I cannot compose myself to write any further at present. I will add more as I hear further. . . .
. . . 16 July, 1775. . . .
The appointment of the generals Washington and Lee gives universal satisfaction. The people have the highest opinion of Lee's abilities, but you know the continuation of the popular breath depends much upon favorable events. I had the pleasure of seeing both the generals and their aids-de-camp soon after their arrival, and of being personally made known to them. They very politely express their regard for you. . . .
I was struck with General Washington. You had prepared me to entertain a favorable opinion of him, but I thought the half was not told me. Dignity with ease and complacency, the gentleman and soldier, look agreeably blended in him. Modesty marks every line and feature of his face. . . .
. . . As to intelligence from Boston, it is but very seldom we are able to collect any thing that may be relied on ; and to report the vague, flying rumors, would be endless. I heard yesterday, by one Mr. Roulstone, a goldsmith, who got out in a fishing schooner, that their distress increased upon them fast. Their beef is all spent ; their malt and cider all gone. All the fresh provisions they can procure, they are obliged to give to the sick and wounded. Thirteen of our men who were in jail, and were wounded at the battle of Charlestown, were dead. No man dared now to be seen talking to his friend in the street. They were obliged to be within, every evening, at ten o'clock, according to martial law ; nor could any inhabitant walk any street in town after that time, without a pass from Gage. He has ordered all the molasses to be ​distilled up into rum for the soldiers ; taken away all licenses, and given out others, obliging to a forfeiture of ten pounds, if any rum is sold without written orders from the general. . . .
As to the situation of the camps, our men are in general healthy, much more so at Roxbury than at Cambridge, and the camp is in vastly better order. General Thomas has the character of an excellent officer. His merit has certainly been overlooked, as modest merit generally is. I hear General Washington is much pleased with his conduct.
Every article here in the West India way is very scarce and dear. In six weeks we shall not be able to purchase any article of the kind. I wish you would let Bass get me one pound of pepper, and two yards of black calamanco for shoes. I cannot wear leather, if I go barefoot. Bass may make a fine profit if he lays in a stock for himself. You can hardly imagine how much we want many common small articles, which are not manufactured amongst ourselves ; but we will have them in time ; not one pin to be purchased for love or money. I wish you could convey me a thousand by any fric id travelling this way. It is very provoking to have such a plenty so near us, but, Tantalus-like, not be able to touch. I should have been glad to have laid in a small stock of the West India articles, but I cannot get one copper ; no person thinks of paying any thing, and I do not choose to run in debt.
We have not yet been much distressed for grain. Every thing at present looks blooming. O that peace would once more extend her olive branch . . . .
. . . 12 November, 1775.
The intelligence you will receive before this reaches you, will, I should think, make a plain path, though a dangerous one, for you. I could not join to-day, in the petitions of our worthy pastor, for a reconciliation between our no longer parent state, but tyrant state, and these colonies. Let us separate ; they are unworthy to be our brethren. Let us renounce them ; and, instead of supplications as formerly, for their prosperity and happiness, let us beseech the Almighty to blast their counsels, and bring to nought all their devices. . . .
Saturday Evening, 2 March, 1776. . . .
. . . I heartily wish every Tory was extirpated from America ; they are continually, by secret means, undermining and injuring our cause. I am charmed with the sentiments of "Common Sense," and wonder how an honest heart, one who wishes the welfare of his country and the ​happiness of posterity, can hesitate one moment at adopting them. I want to know how these sentiments are received in Congress. I dare say there would be no difficulty in procuring a vote and instructions from all the Assemblies in New England for Independency. I most sincerely wish, that now, in the lucky moment, it might be done.
I have been kept in a continual state of anxiety and expectation, ever since you left me. It has been said "to-morrow" and "to-morrow" for this month, but when the dreadful to-morrow will be, I know not. But hark ! The house this instant shakes with the roar of cannon. I have been to the door and find it is a cannonade from our army. Orders, I find, are come for all the remaining militia to repair to the lines Monday night by twelve o'clock. No sleep for me to-night. And if I cannot, who have no guilt upon my soul with regard to this cause, how shall the miserable wretches, who have been the procurers of this dreadful scene, and those who are to be the actors, lie down with the load of guilt upon their souls?
Sunday Evening, 3 March.
I went to bed after twelve, but got no rest ; the cannon continued firing, and my heart beat pace with them all night. We have had a pretty quiet day, but what to-morrow will bring forth, God only knows.
Monday Evening.
Tolerably quiet. To-day the militia have all mustered, with three days provision, and are all marched by three o'clock this afternoon, though their notice was no longer ago than eight o'clock, Saturday. And now we have scarcely a man, but our regular guards, either in Weymouth, Hingham, Braintree, or Milton, and the militia from the more remote towns are called in as seacoast guards. Can you form to yourself an idea of our sensations?
I have just returned from Penn's Hill, where I have been sitting to hear the amazing roar of cannon, and from whence I could see every shell which was thrown. The sound, I think, is one of the grandest in nature, and is of the true species of the sublime. 'Tis now an incessant roar ; but O ! the fatal ideas, which are connected with the sound ! How many of our dear countrymen must fall !
Tuesday Morning.
I went to bed about twelve, and rose again a little after one. I could no more sleep, than if I had been in the engagement; the rattling of ​the windows, the jar of the house, the continual roar of twenty-four pounders, and the bursting of shells, give us such ideas, and realize a scene to us of which we could form scarcely any conception. About six, this morning, there was quiet. I rejoiced in a few hours calm. I hear we got possession of Dorchester hill last night ; four thousand men upon it to-day ; lost but one man. The ships are all drawn round the town. To-night we shall realize a more terrible scene still. I sometimes think I cannot stand it. I wish myself with you, out of hearing, as I cannot assist them. I hope to give you joy of Boston, even if it is in ruins, before I send this away. I am too much agitated to write as I ought, and languid for want of rest.
Charles Francis Adams, editor, Letters of Mrs. Adams (Boston, 1840), I, 39-90 passim.
193. Abandonment of New York (1776)
Clinton was a New York man, later vice-president of the United States. — Bibliography of the Long Island and New York campaign : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 315-317; James Grant Wilson, Memorial History of New York, II, 515-517; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 138.
King's Bridge, September 18, 1776. . . .
ABOUT the middle of last week it was determined, for many reasons, to evacuate the City of New-York ; and accordingly, orders were given for removing the ordnance, military, and other stores from thence, which, by Sunday morning was nearly effected. On Saturday, four of the enemy's large ships passed by the city up the North River, and anchored near 'Grenage, and about as many up the East River, which anchored in Turtle Bay ; and from the movements of the enemy on Long-Island and the small Islands in the East River, we had great reason to apprehend they intended to make a landing, and attack our lines somewhere near the city. Our army for some days had been moving upwards this way, and encamping on the heights, southwest of Colonel Morris's, where we intended to form lines, and make our grand stand. On Sunday morning the enemy landed a very considerable body of troops, principally consisting of their Light Infantry and Grenadiers, near Turtle Bay, under cover of a very heavy cannonade from their shipping. Our lines were but thinly manned, as they were then intended ​only to secure a retreat to the rear of our army, and unfortunately by such troops as were so little disposed to stand in the way of grape-shot that the main body of them almost instantly retreated, nay, fled, without a possibility of rallying them, though General Washington himself, (who rid to the spot on hearing the cannonade) with some other General Officers, exerted themselves to effect it.
The enemy, on landing, immediately formed a line across the Island. Most of our people were luckily north of it, and joined the army. The few that were in the city crossed the river, chiefly to Paulus-Hook, so that our loss in men, artillery, or stores, is very inconsiderable ; I don't believe it exceeds one hundred men, and I fancy most of them, from their conduct, staid out of choice. Before evening, the enemy landed the main body of their army, took possession of the city, and marched up the Island, and encamped on the heights extending from McGown's and the Black-Horse to the North River.
On Monday morning, about ten o'clock, a party of the enemy, consisting of Highlanders, Hessians, the Light Infantry, Grenadiers, and English troops, (number uncertain,) attacked our advanced party, commanded by Colonel Knowlton, at Martje Davit's Fly. They were opposed with spirit, and soon made to retreat to a clear field, southwest of that about two hundred paces, vvhere they lodged themselves behind a fence covered with bushes. Our people attacked them in front, and caused them to retreat a second time, leaving five dead on the spot. We pursued them to a buckwheat field on the top of a high hill, distant about four hundred paces, where they received a considerable reinforcement, with several field-pieces, and there made a stand. A very brisk action ensued at this place, which continued about two hours. Our people at length worsted them a third time, caused them to fall back into an orchard, from thence across a hollow, and up another hill not far distant from their own lines. A large column of the enemy's army being at this time discovered to be in motion, and the ground we then occupied being rather disadvantageous, a retreat likewise, without bring ing on a general action, (which we did not think prudent to risk,) rather insecure, our party was therefore ordered in, and the enemy was well contented to hold the last ground we drove them to.
We lost, on this occasion, Colonel Knowlton, a brave officer, and sixteen privates, killed. Major Leitch, from Virginia, and about eight or ten subaltern officers and privates wounded. The loss of the enemy is uncertain. They carried their dead and wounded off, in and soon ​after the action ; but we have good evidence of their having upwards of sixty killed, and violent presumption of one hundred. The action, in the whole, lasted about four hours.
I consider our success in this small affair, at this time, almost equal to a victory. It has animated our troops, gave them new spirits, and erased every bad impression the retreat from Long-Island, &c., had left on their minds. They find they are able, with inferiour numbers, to drive their enemy, and think of nothing now but conquest.
Since the above affair, nothing material has happened. The enemy keep close to their lines. Our advance parties continue at their former station. We are daily throwing up works to prevent the enemy's advancing. Great attention is paid to Fort Washington, the posts opposite to it on the Jersey shore, and the obstructions in the river, which, I have reason to believe, are already effectual, so as to prevent their shipping passing ; however, it is intended still to add to them, as it is of the ut most consequence to keep the enemy below us.
Peter Force, American Archives, Fifth Series (Washington, 1851), II, 383-384 passim.
194. The Foundation of the Navy (1776)
BY ROBERT MORRIS
Morris was a Philadelphia merchant and banker, considered the richest colonist of his time. He was a member of Congress; from 1781 to 1784 superintendent of finance; later senator from Pennsylvania. This piece is from a letter written to the commissioners in France. — Bibliography of the navy : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 589; Maclay, United States Navy, I, pt. i, chs. iii-vi ; Channing and Hart, Guide, §§ 139, 140. — See Nos. 177 above and 204 below.
[Philadelphia, December 21, 1776.]
YOU will doubtless be surprised that we have not made better progress with our Navy, because you are unacquainted with the many difficulties and causes of delay that have encountered us. The want of sea-coal for our anchor-smiths has been a great bar to our progress, the disappointment in our first attempts to cast cannon has been another, but above all, we have been hindered by the constant calling out of our Militia, in a manner that did not admit of the necessary tradesmen being exempted. You will wonder at this ; it would be a long story to unfold the reasons, therefore suffice that it is so. Doctor Franklin can inform you of many particulars respecting the Flying-Camp ; therefore, I shall ​give you the present state of our Navy, according to the best of my knowledge at this time.
The frigate in New-Hampshire is a very fine ship, completed in every particular, except the want of cannon, which was to have been cast in. Rhode-Island, but the spirit of privateering has prevailed so eminently there, that they have sacrificed every other pursuit to it, both publick and private, as I am informed ; and we have ordered the guns cast in Connecticut for that frigate to be sent to Portsmouth. As soon as they arrive, the Raleigh will be manned, and sail on a cruise.
At Boston they have also two fine frigates. The Boston, of twenty-four guns, I expect is at sea before this time, commanded by Captain McNeil, a very clever officer. The other is nearly ready, commanded by Captain Manly.
In Rhode-Island were built the two worst frigates, as I have been informed by those that have seen the whole. These two are completely fitted, and were partly manned when we last heard from them ; so that I hope they are now at sea.
In Connecticut, the frigate is said to be a fine ship ; but she cannot get to sea this winter for want of cordage and other stores.
In New-York, two very fine frigates are blocked up by the enemy, and hauled into Esopus Creek for safety.
At this place, we have four very fine ships. One of them, the Randolph, Captain Biddle, of twenty-six twelve-pounders, will, I hope, go to sea in company with this letter ; another, the Delaware, Captain Alexander, is getting ready, and I hope will get out this winter. The other two want guns, anchors, and men.
At Baltimore, is a fine frigate, now only waiting for an anchor and men.
Besides these, we have in service, the Alfred, Columbus, and Reprisal, ships from sixteen to twenty-four guns, the brigantines Cabot, Carnden, Andrew Doria, and Lexington, of twelve to sixteen guns ; the sloops Providence, Hornet, Fly, Independence, Sachem ; and schooners Wasp, Musquito, and Georgia Packet, all in actual service ; and they have had great success in taking valuable prizes, as indeed have numbers of privateers from all parts of America. We have besides, two very fine row-galleys, built here, of ninety feet keel, but they are not yet rigged ; and it has lately been determined by Congress to build some line-of-battle ships, and at all events to push forward and pay the utmost attention to an American Navy. ​The greatest encouragement is given to seamen, which ought to be made known throughout Europe. Their pay in our Navy is eight dollars per month, with the best chance for prize money that men ever had, and liberty of discharges after every cruise, if they choose it. In the merchant service they now get from thirty to forty dollars per month ; and this leads me to the state of our commerce.
In the Eastern States they are so intent on privateering that they mind little else. However, there is some exportation of produce from thence, and as to imports, they are the best supplied of any part of America, having been surprisingly successful in captures. New-York being in the hands of the enemy, we have nothing to say to it ; and the produce of New-Jersey will be totally consumed by their army and ours. In this State, (Pennsylvania,) we had last season the worst crop of wheat ever known, both as to quantity and quality. This being our staple commodity, and stores prohibited, our merchants have been led to purchase much tobacco in Maryland and Virginia, and their ships are employed in the export of this article, with some flour, boards, bees wax, &c. We have a good many imports, but as fast as goods arrive, they are bought up for the Army, or for the use of neighbouring States, and therefore continue to bear high prices.
The value of ships has risen in the same enormous proportion with every thing else, and ships that were deemed worth ₤1,000 twelve months ago, now sell for ₤3,000, or upwards. Every article belonging to them is also excessively dear, and hard to be got, and the insolence and difficulty of seamen is beyond bearing. In Maryland, Virginia, South-Carolina, and Georgia, they have plenty of valuable produce on hand, but no ships to carry it away, and constant cruisers all along the coast make it very dangerous to send ships from one port to another ; so that look which way you will, you find us surrounded with difficulties — in the land service, in the sea service, and in our commerce.
Agriculture and mechanicks have their impediments, by the enlisting of soldiers, and frequent calls on the Militia. In short, nothing but the most arduous exertions, and virtuous conduct in the leaders, seconded by a spirited behaviour in the Army, and a patient endurance of hardships by the people in general, can long support the contest ; therefore the Court of France should strike at once, as they will reap an immediate harvest. They may sell their manufactures for any price they please to ask ; they will get in payment tobacco, rice, indigo, deer-skins, furs, wheat, flour, iron, beeswax, lumber, fish, oil, whalebone, pot and ​pearl ashes, and various other articles, and, if they please, here is an ample field to employ their shipping, and raise seamen for their Navy.
Peter Force, American Archives, Fifth Series (Washington, 1853), III, 1335-1336.
These letters, written to Washington s brother and the president of Congress, December 18 and 20, 1776, afford an inside view of the discouragements of the winter of 1776-77. Nothing but Washington's own indomitable resolution prevented the collapse of the Revolution. — For Washington, see Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VII, 299-301; Lodge, George Washington. — Bibliography of the period: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 403-447; Carrington, Battles of the Revolution, 247-297; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 138.
A. TO AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON
OWING to the number of letters I write, the recollection of any particular one is destroyed, but I think my last to you was by Colonel Woodford, from Hackinsac. Since that time, and a little before, our affairs have taken an adverse turn, but not more than was to be expected from the unfortunate measures, which had been adopted for the establishment of our army. The Retreat of the Enemy from the White Plains led me to think, that they would turn their thoughts to the Jerseys, if no farther, and induced me to cross the North River with some of the Troops, in order if possible to oppose them. I expected to have met at least five thousand men of the Flying Camp and militia ; instead of which I found less than one half of that number, and no disposition in the Inhabitants to afford the least aid. This being perfectly well known to the Enemy, they threw over a large body of Troops, which pushed us from place to place, till we were obliged to cross the Delaware with less than three thousand men fit for duty, owing to the dissolution of our force by short Enlistments ; the Enemy's numbers, from the best accounts, exceeding ten or twelve thousand men. . . .
. . . We are in a very disaffected part of the Province ; and, between you and me, I think our affairs are in a very bad situation ; not so much from the apprehension of General Howe's army, as from the defection of New York, Jerseys, and Pennsylvania. . . .
I have no doubt but General Howe will still make an attempt upon ​Philadelphia this winter. I see nothing to oppose him a fortnight hence, as the time of all the troops, except those of Virginia reduced (almost to nothing,) and Smallwood s Regiment of Maryland, equally as bad, will expire in less than that time. In a word, my dear Sir, if every nerve is not strained to recruit the new army with all possible expedition, I think the game is pretty near up, owing, in a great measure, to the insidious arts of the Enemy, and disaffection of the colonies before mentioned, but principally to the accursed policy of short enlistments, and placing too great a dependence on the militia, the evil consequences of which were foretold fifteen months ago, with a spirit almost Prophetic. Before this reaches you, you will no doubt have heard of the captivity of General Lee. This is an additional misfortune, and the more vexatious, as it was by his own folly and Imprudence, (and without a view to answer any good,) he was taken, going three miles out of his own camp, and within twenty of the enemy to lodge, a rascally Tory rid in the night to give notice of it to the enemy, who sent a party of light-Horse that seized and carried him, with every mark of triumph and indignity.
You can form no idea of the perplexity of my situation. No man, I believe, ever had a greater choice of difficulties, and less means to extricate himself from them. However, under a full persuasion of the justice of our cause, I cannot entertain an Idea, that it will finally sink, tho' it may remain for some time under a cloud. . . .
B. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
. . . THE present exigency of our affairs will not admit of delay, either in council or the field ; for well convinced I am, that, if the enemy go into quarters at all, it will be for a short season. But I rather think the design of General Howe is to possess himself of Philadelphia this winter, if possible ; and in truth I do not see what is to prevent him, as ten days more will put an end to the existence of our army. That one great point is to keep us as much harassed as possible, with a view to injure the recruiting service and hinder a collection of stores and other necessaries for the next campaign, I am as clear in, as I am of my existence. If, therefore, we have to provide in the short interval and make these great and arduous preparations, every matter that in its nature is self-evident is to be referred to Congress, at the distance of a hundred and thirty or forty miles, so much time must necessary elapse, as to defeat the end in view. ​It may be said, that this is an application for powers that are too dangerous to be entrusted. I can only add, that desperate diseases require desperate remedies ; and I with truth declare, that I have no lust after power, but I wish with as much fervency as any man upon this wide-extended continent for an opportunity of turning the sword into the ploughshare. But my feelings, as an officer and a man, have been such as to force me to say, that no person ever had a greater choice of difficulties to contend with than I have. It is needless to add, that short enlistments, and a mistaken dependence upon militia, have been the origin of all our misfortunes, and the great accumulation of our debt. We find, Sir, that the enemy are daily gathering strength from the disaffected. This strength, like a snow-ball by rolling, will increase, unless some means can be devised to check effectually the progress of the enemy's arms. Militia may possibly do it for a little while ; but in a little while, also, and the militia of those States, which have been frequently called upon, will not turn out at all ; or, if they do, it will be with so much reluctance and sloth, as to amount to the same thing. Instance New Jersey ! Witness Pennsylvania ! Could any thing but the river Delaware have saved Philadelphia? Can any thing (the exigency of the case indeed may justify it) be more destructive to the recruiting service, than giving ten dollars bounty for six weeks service of the militia, who come in, you cannot tell how, go, you cannot tell when, and act, you cannot tell where, consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave you at last at a critical moment?
These, Sir, are the men I am to depend upon, ten days hence ; this is the basis, on which your cause will and must for ever depend, till you get a large standing army sufficient of itself to oppose the enemy. I therefore beg leave to give it as my humble opinion, that eighty-eight battalions are by no means equal to the opposition you are to make, and that a moment's time is not to be lost in raising a greater number, not less, in my opinion and the opinion of my officers, than a hundred and ten. It may be urged that it will be found difficult enough to complete the first number. This may be true, and yet the officers of a hundred and ten battalions will recruit many more men, than those of eighty-eight. In my judgment this is not a time to stand upon expense ; our funds are not the only object of consideration. The State of New York have added one battalion (I wish they had made it two) to their quota. If any good officers will offer to raise men upon Continental pay and establishment in this quarter, I shall encourage them to do so, and ​regiment them when they have done it. If Congress disapprove of this proceeding, they will please to signify it, as I mean it for the best. It may be thought that I am going a good deal out of the line of my duty, to adopt these measures, or to advise thus freely. A character to lose, an estate to forfeit, the inestimable blessing of liberty at stake, and a life devoted, must be my excuse.
George Washington, Writings (edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford, New York, etc., 1890), V, 109-116 passim.
196."The Battle of the Kegs" (1777)
This cheerful satire illustrates the occupation of Philadelphia by the British in 1777. The note at the end of the piece is by Hopkinson (see No. 96 above). — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 404-405 ; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 138.
GALLANTS attend and hear a friend,
    Trill forth harmonious ditty,
Strange things I'll tell which late befel
    In Philadelphia city.
'Twas early day, as poets say,
    Just when the sun was rising,
A soldier stood on a log of wood,
    And saw a thing surprising.
As in amaze he stood to gaze,
    The truth can't be denied, sir,
He spied a score of kegs or more
    Come floating down the tide, sir.
A sailor too in jerkin blue,
    This strange appearance viewing,
First damn'd his eyes, in great surprise,
    Then said some mischiefs brewing.
These kegs, I m told, the rebels bold,
    Pack'd up like pickling herring ;
And they re come down't attack the town,
    In this new way of ferrying.
The soldier flew, the sailor too,
    And scar'd almost to death, sir,
Wore out their shoes, to spread the news,
    And ran till out of breath, sir.
Now up and down throughout the town,
    Most frantic scenes were acted ;
And some ran here, and others there,
    Like men almost distracted.
Some fire cry'd, which some denied,
    But said the earth had quaked ;
And girls and boys, with hideous noise,
    Ran thro' the streets half naked.
Sir William he, snug as a flea,
    Lay all this time a snoring,
Nor dream'd of harm as he lay warm,
    In bed with Mrs. L——g.
Now in a fright, he starts upright,
    Awak'd by such a clatter ;
He rubs both eyes, and boldly cries,
    For God's sake, what's the matter?
At his bed-side he then espy'd,
    Sir Erskine at command, sir,
Upon one foot, he had one boot,
    And th' other in his hand, sir.
"Arise, arise, sir Erskine cries,
    The rebels — more's the pity,
Without a boat are all afloat,
    And rang'd before the city.
"The motly crew, in vessels new,
    With Satan for their guide, sir.
Pack'd up in bags, or wooden kegs,
    Come driving down the tide, sir.
"Therefore prepare for bloody war,
    These kegs must all be routed,
Or surely we despised shall be,
    And British courage doubted."
The royal band, now ready stand
    All rang'd in dread array, sir,
With stomach stout to see it out,
    And make a bloody day, sir.
The cannons roar from shore to shore.
    The small arms make a rattle ;
Since wars began I'm sure no man
    E'er saw so strange a battle.
The rebel dales, the rebel vales,
    With rebel trees surrounded ;
The distant wood, the hills and floods,
    With rebel echos sounded.
The fish below swam to and fro,
    Attack'd from ev'ry quarter ;
Why sure, thought they, the devil's to pay,
    'Mongst folks above the water.
The kegs, 'tis said, tho' strongly made,
    Of rebel staves and hoops, sir,
Could not oppose their powerful foes,
    The conqu'ring British troops, sir.
From morn to night these men of might
    Display'd amazing courage ;
And when the sun was fairly down,
    Retir'd to sup their porrage.
An hundred men with each a pen,
    Or more upon my word, sir.
It is most true would be too few,
    Their valour to record, sir.
Such feats did they perform that day,
    Against these wick'd kegs, sir,
That years to come, if they get home,
    They'll make their boasts and brags, sir.
N. B. This ballad was occasioned by a real incident. Certain machines, in the form of kegs, charg'd with gun powder, were sent down the river to annoy the British shipping then at Philadelphia. The danger of these machines being discovered, the British manned the wharfs and shipping, and discharged their small arms and cannons at every thing they saw floating in the river during the ebb tide.
Francis Hopkinson, Miscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writings (Philadelphia, 1792), III, Poems, 169-173.
197. The Surrender of Burgoyne (1777)
BY FREDERIKA CHARLOTTE LOUISE, BARONESS VON RIEDESEL (Translated by Jules Wallenstein,1827)
This spirited lady was the wife of General Riedesel, who commanded part of the German troops in Burgoyne's army. After the surrender, both husband and wife were prisoners in Cambridge and in Virginia. This is one of the best accounts that we have of the conditions of the British army. — Bibliography of Madame Riedesel: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VII, 75. — Bibliography of Burgoyne's campaign: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 348-366; William L. Stone, Campaign of Burgoyne ; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 138.
WE were halted at six o'clock in the morning [October 9, 1777], to our general amazement. General Burgoyne ordered the artillery to be drawn up in a line, and to have it counted. This gave much dissatisfaction, as a few marches more would have ensured our safety. My husband was exhausted by fatigue, and took a seat in the calash, where my maids made room for him ; and he slept for three hours upon my shoulder. In the mean time, captain Willoe brought me his pocket-book, containing bank-notes, and captain Geismar, a beautiful watch, a ring, and a well-provided purse, requesting me to keep them, which I promised to do to the last. At length we recommenced our march ; but scarcely an hour had elapsed, before the army was again halted, because the enemy was in sight. They were but two hundred in number, who came to reconnoitre, and who might easily ​have been taken, had not general Burgoyne lost all his presence of mind. The rain fell in torrents. . . . On the 9th, it rained terribly the whole day ; nevertheless we kept ourselves ready to march. The savages had lost their courage, and they walked off in all directions. The least untoward event made them dispirited, especially when there was no opportunity for plunder. My chamber-maid exclaimed the whole day against her fate, and seemed mad with despair. I begged her to be quiet, unless she wished to be taken for a savage. Upon this she became still more extravagant, and asked me, "If I should be sorry for it?" — "Surely," replied I. — She then tore her cap from her head, and let her hair fall upon her face. "You take it quite easily," said she, "for you have your husband ; but we have nothing but the prospect of being killed, or of losing the little we possess." . . .
We reached Saratoga about dark, which was but half an hour's march from the place where we had spent the day. I was quite wet, and was obliged to remain in that condition, for want of a place to change my apparel. I seated myself near the fire, and undressed the children, and we then laid ourselves upon some straw. — I asked general Phillips, who came to see how I was, why we did not continue our retreat, my husband having pledged himself to cover the movement, and to bring off the army in safety. "My poor lady," said he, "you astonish me. Though quite wet, you have so much courage as to wish to go farther in this weather. What a pity it is that you are not our commanding general ! He complains of fatigue, and has determined upon spending the night here, and giving us a supper." It is very true, that general Burgoyne liked to make himself easy, and that he spent half his nights in sing ing and drinking, and diverting himself . . . I refreshed myself at 7 o'clock, the next morning, (the 10th of October,) with a cup of tea, and we all expected that we should soon continue our march. . . . About 2 o'clock, we heard again a report of muskets and cannon, and there was much alarm and bustle among our troops. My husband sent me word, that I should immediately retire into a house which was not far off. I got into my calash with my children, and when we were near the house, I saw, on the opposite bank of the Hudson, five or six men, who aimed at us with their guns. Without knowing what I did, I threw my children into the back part of the vehicle, and laid myself upon them. At the same moment the fellow fired, and broke the arm of a poor English soldier, who stood behind us, and who being already wounded, sought a shelter. Soon after our arrival, a terrible cannonade began, ​and the fire was principally directed against the house, where we had hoped to find a refuge, probably because the enemy inferred, from the great number of people who went towards it, that this was the headquarters of the generals, while, in reality, none were there except women and crippled soldiers. We were at last obliged to descend into the cellar, where I laid myself in a corner near the door. My children put their heads upon my knees. An abominable smell, the cries of the children, and my own anguish of mind, did not permit me to close my eyes, during the whole night. On the next morning, the cannonade begun anew, but in a different direction. . . . Eleven cannon-balls passed through the house, and made a tremendous noise. A poor soldier, who was about to have a leg amputated, lost the other by one of these balls. All his comrades ran away at that moment, and when they returned, they found him in one corner of the room, in the agonies of death. I was myself in the deepest distress, not so much on account of my own dangers, as of those to which my husband was exposed, who, however, frequently sent me messages, inquiring after my health. . . .
The want of water continuing to distress us, we could not but be extremely glad to find a soldier's wife so spirited as to fetch some from the river, an occupation from which the boldest might have shrunk, as the Americans shot every one who approached it. They told us afterwards that they spared her on account of her sex. . . .
On the 17th of October, the capitulation was carried into effect. The generals waited upon the American general Gates, and the troops surrendered themselves prisoners of war and laid down their arms. The time had now come for the good woman who had risked her life to supply us with water, to receive the reward of her services. Each of us threw a handful of money into her apron ; and she thus received more than twenty guineas. At such a moment at least, if at no other, the heart easily overflows with gratitude.
At last, my husband's groom brought me a message to join him with the children. I once more seated myself in my dear calash, and, while riding through the American camp, was gratified to observe that no body looked at us with disrespect, but, on the contrary, greeted us, and seemed touched at the sight of a captive mother with three children. I must candidly confess that I did not present myself, though so situated, with much courage to the enemy, for the thing was entirely new to me. When I drew near the tents, a good looking man advanced towards me, and helped the children from the calash, and kissed and caressed them : ​he then offered me his arm, and tears trembled in his eyes. "You tremble," said he; "do not be alarmed, I pray you." "Sir,"cried I, "a countenance so expressive of benevolence, and the kindness which you have evinced towards my children, are sufficient to dispel all apprehension."; He then ushered me into the tent of general Gates . . . .
. . . The gentleman who had received me with so much kindness, came and said to me, "You may find it embarrassing to be the only lady in such a large company of gentlemen ; will you come with your children to my tent, and partake of a frugal dinner, offered with the best will?" "By the kindness you show to me," returned I, "you induce me to believe that you have a wife and children." He informed me that he was general Schuyler. He regaled me with smoked tongues, which were excellent, with beefsteaks, potatoes, fresh butter, and bread. Never did a dinner give me so much pleasure as this. I was easy, after many months of anxiety, and I read the same happy change in the countenances of those around me. . . .
Madame de Riedesel, Letters and Memoirs relating to the War of American Independence, etc. (New York, 1827), 173-189 passim.
198. Life at Valley Forge (1777-1778)
BY DOCTOR ALBIGENCE WALDO
Doctor Waldo was a surgeon from Connecticut. This is perhaps the best account of the heroism of the darkest period in American affairs, before the French alliance (No. 199 below) assured money, ships, and troops in aid of the Revolution. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 436-438; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 138.
DEC. 12th [1777]. — A Bridge of Waggons made across the Schuylkill last Night consisting of 36 waggons, with a bridge of Rails between each. Some Skirmishing over the River. Militia and draggoons brought into Camp several Prisoners. Sun Set. — We are order'd to march over the River — It snows — I'm Sick — eat nothing — No Whiskey — No Baggage — Lord — Lord — Lord. The Army were 'till Sun Rise crossing the River — some at the Waggon Bridge, & some at the Raft Bridge below. Cold & Uncomfortable.
Dec. 13th. — The Army march'd three miles from the West side the River and encamp'd near a place call'd the Gulph and not an improper name neither — For this Gulph seems well adapted by its situation to ​keep us from the pleasure & enjoyments of this World, or being conversant with any body in it — It is an excellent place to raise the Ideas of a Philosopher beyond the glutted thoughts and Reflexions of an Epicurian. His Reflexions will be as different from the Common Reflexions of Mankind as if he were unconnected with the world, and only conversant with material beings. It cannot be that our Superiors are about to hold consul[t]ation with Spirits infinitely beneath their Order — by bringing us into these utmost regions of the Terraqueous Sphere. No — it is, upon consideration, for many good purposes since we are to Winter here — 1st There is plenty of Wood & Water. 2$^{dly}$ There are but few families for the soldiery to Steal from — tho' far be it from a Soldier to Steal — 4$^{ly}$ There are warm sides of Hills to erect huts on. 5$^{ly}$ They will be heavenly Minded like Jonah when in the belly of a great Fish. 6$^{ly}$. They will not become home Sick as is sometimes the Case when Men live in the Open World — since the reflections which must naturally arise from their present habitation, will lead them to the more noble thoughts of employing their leizure hours in filling their knapsacks with such materials as may be necessary on the Jorney to another Home.
Dec. 14th. — Prisoners & Deserters are continually coming in. The Army who have been surprisingly healthy hitherto — now begin to grow sickly from the continued fatigues they have suffered this Campaign. Yet they still show spirit of Alacrity & Contentment not to be expected from so young Troops. I am Sick — discontented — and out of humour. Poor food — hard lodging — Cold Weather — fatigue — Nasty Cloaths — nasty Cookery — Vomit half my time — smoak'd out of my senses — the Devil's in't — I can't Endure it — Why are we sent here to starve and freeze — What sweet Felicities have I left at home ; — A charming Wife — pretty Children — Good Beds — good food — good Cookery — all agreeable — all harmonious. Here, all Confusion — smoke Cold — hunger & filthyness — A pox on my bad luck. Here comes a bowl of beef soup — full of burnt leaves and dirt, sickish enough to make a hector spue, away — with it Boys I'll live like the Chameleon upon Air. Poh ! Poh ! crys Patience within me — you talk like a fool. Your being sick Covers your mind with a Melanchollic Gloom, which makes every thing about you appear gloomy. See the poor Soldier, when in health — with what chearfullness he meets his foes and encounters every hardship — if barefoot — he labours thro' the Mud & Cold with a Song in his mouth extolling War & Washington — if his food be bad — he eats it ​notwithstanding with seeming content — blesses God for a good Stomach — and Whis [t] les it into digestion. But harkee Patience — a moment — There comes a Soldier — His bare feet are seen thro' his worn out Shoes — his legs nearly naked from the tatter'd remains of an only pair of stockings — his Breeches not sufficient to cover his Nakedness — his Shirt hanging in Strings — his hair dishevell'd — his face meagre— his whole appearance pictures a person forsaken & discouraged. He comes, and crys with an air of wretchedness & dispair — I am Sick —my feet lame — my legs are sore — my body cover'd with this tormenting Itch — my Cloaths are worn out — my Constitution is broken — my former Activity is exhausted by fatigue — hunger & Cold — I fail fast I shall soon be no more ! and all the reward I shall get will be — "Poor Will is dead." . . .
Dec. 18th. — Universal Thanksgiving — a Roasted Pig at Night. God be thanked for my health which I have pretty well recovered. How much better should I feel, were I assured my family were in health — But the same good Being who graciously preserves me — is able to preserve them — & bring me to the ardently wish d for enjoyment of them again.
Rank & Precedence make a good deal of disturbance & confusion in the American Army. The Army are poorly supplied with Provision, occationed it is said by the Neglect of the Commissary of Purchases. Much talk among Officers about discharges. Money has become of too little consequence. . . .
Dec. 21st. — Preparations made for hutts. Provision Scarce. Mr. Ellis went homeward —sent a Letter to my Wife. Heartily wish myself at home — my Skin & eyes are almost spoil'd with continual smoke.
A general cry thro the Camp this Evening among the Soldiers — "No Meat ! No Meat !" — the Distant vales Echo'd back the melancholly sound — "No Meat! No Meat!" Immitating the noise of Crows & Owls, also, made a part of the confused Musick.
What have you for our Dinners Boys? "Nothing but Fire Cake & Water, Sir." At night — " Gentlemen the Supper is ready." What is your Supper, Lads? "Fire Cake & Vater, Sir."
Dec. 22d. — Lay excessive Cold & uncomfortable last Night — my eyes are started out from their Orbits like a Rabbit's eyes, occation'd by a great Cold — and Smoke.
What have you got for Breakfast, Lads? "Fire Cake & Water, Sir." The Lord send that our Commissary of Purchases may live on, Fire Cake & Water . . . . ​Our Division are under Marching Orders this morning. I am ashamed to say it, but I am tempted to steal Fowls if I could find them — or even a whole Hog — for I feel as if I could eat one. But the Impoverish'd Country about us, affords but little matter to employ a Thief — or keep a Clever Fellow in good humour — But why do I talk of hunger & hard usage, when so many in the World have not even fire Cake & Water to eat. . . .
23d. — The Party that went out last evening not Return d to Day. This evening an excellent Player on the Violin in that soft kind of Musick, which is so finely adapted to stirr up the tender Passions, while he was playing in the next Tent to mine, these kind of soft —Airs it imme diately called up in remembrance all the endearing expressions — the Tender Sentiments — the sympathetic friendship that has given so much satisfaction and sensible pleasure to me from the first time I gained the heart & affections of the tenderest of the Fair. . . .
Dec. 24th. — Party of the 22$^d$ returned. Hutts go on Slowly — Cold & Smoke make us fret. But mankind are always fretting, even if they have more than their proportion of the Blessings of Life. We are never Easy — allways repining at the Providence of an Allwise & Benevolent Being — Blaming Our Country — or faulting our Friends. But I don't know of any thing that vexes a man's Soul more than hot smoke continually blowing into his Eyes — & when he attempts to avoid it, is met by a cold and piercing Wind. . . .
Dec. 25th, Christmas. — We are still in Tents — when we ought to be in huts — the poor Sick, suffer much in Tents this cold Weather — But we now treat them differently from what they used to be at home, under the inspection of Old Women & Doct. Bolus Linctus. We give them Mutton & Grogg — and a Capital Medicine once in a While — to start the Disease from its foundation at once. We avoid — Piddling Pills, Powders, Bolus's Linctus's — Cordials and all such insignificant matters whose powers are Only render'd important by causing the Patient to vomit up his money instead of his disease. But very few of the sick Men Die.
Dec. 26th. Party of the 22$^d$ not Return'd. The Enemy have been some Days the west Schuylkill from Opposite the City to Derby — There intentions not yet known. The City is at present pretty Clear of them —Why don't his Excellency rush in & retake the City, in which he will doubtless find much Plunder? — Because he knows better than to leave his Post and be catch'd like a . . . fool cooped up in the City. He has ​always acted wisely hitherto — His conduct when closely scrutinised is uncensurable. Were his Inferior Generals as skillfull as himself — we should have the grandest Choir of Officers ever God made. . . .
Dec. 28th — Yesterday upwards of fifty Officers in Gen$^l$ Green's Division resigned their Commissions — Six or Seven of our Regiment are doing the like to-day. All this is occation'd by Officers Families being so much neglected at home on account of Provisions. Their Wages will not by considerable, purchase a few trifling Comfortables here in Camp, & maintain their families at home, while such extravagant prices are demanded for the common necessaries of Life — What then have they to purchase Cloaths and other necessaries with? It is a Melancholly reflection that what is of the most universal importance, is most universally neglected — I mean keeping up the Credit of Money.
The present Circumstances of the Soldier is better by far than the Officer — for the family of the Soldier is provided for at the public expence if the Articles they want are above the common price — but the Officer's family, are obliged not only to beg in the most humble manner for the necessaries of Life — but also to pay for them afterwards at the most exhorbitant rates — and even in this manner, many of them who depend entirely on their Money, cannot procure half the material comforts that are wanted in a family — this produces continual letters of complaint from home. . . .
Dec. 31st . — Ajutant Selden learn'd me how to Darn Stockings — to make them look like knit work — first work the Thread in a parallel manner, then catch these over & over as above. . . .
1778. January 1st. — New Year. I am alive. I am well.
Hutts go on briskly, and our Camp begins to appear like a spacious City. . . .
Bought an embroidered Jacket.
How much we affect to appear of consequence by a superfluous Dress, — and yet Custom — (that law which none may fight against) has rendered this absolutely necessary & commendable. An Officer frequently fails of being duly noticed, merely from the want of a genteel Dress . . . .
Sunday, Jan. 4th. — Properly accouter'd I went to work at Masonry — None of my Mess were to dictate me — and before Night (being found with Mortar & Stone) I almost compleated a genteel Chimney to my Magnificent Hutt — however, as we had short allowance of food & no Grogg — my back ached before Night.
I was call'd to relieve a Soldier tho't to be dying — he expir'd before ​
| I reache'd the Hutt. He was an Indian — an excellent Soldier — and an obedient good natur'd fellow. . . . |
| 8th. — Unexpectedly got a Furrow. Set out for home. The very worst of Riding — Mud & Mire. |
| We had gone thro' Inoculation before this furlow. |
| Lodged at — Porters | ₤0 12 0 |
| Breakfasted at Weaver Jan$^y$ 9th just by Bartholomews | 0 5 |
| Grogg | 0 4 |
| Hyelyars Tavern 312 from Caryls, dined Shocking riding ! | 0 5 10 |
| Lodged at a private house three miles this side Delaware in Jersey and Breakfasted | 0 6 0 |
| Treat Serj. Palmer with Baggage | 0 5 2 |
| Mattersons Tavern 13 m De War | 0 4 0 |
| Mattersons | ₤0 2 0 |
| Conarts Tavern 10 M. | 0 5 0 |
| Sharps or M$^c$Curdys, 4 M | 0 13 0 |
| Capt. Porter's Cross Road 2 M. from M$^c$Curdy's Lodged — 5 Dol. 1 Sixth | ₤1 11 0 |
| Breakfasted at the pretty Cottagers Jan$^y$ 11th | 0 5 6 |
| 1 M. from Porters — Horses | 0 0 |
| Lodging & c. | 0 11 0 |
| Bullions Tavern (Vealtown) | 0 5 0 |
| Morristown Din'd | 0 5 0 |
| Poquonnack 10 M. from N.Y. at Jennings Tavern & a narrow Bed — Lodg'd here. Landlady wth Teethache — Children keep a squalling | 0 19 |
| Roomë's or Romer's Tavern — Good Tavern — 11 Mile from Jennings | 0 20 0 |
| For 2 boles Grog & Phyal or Rum Vaulk's house — | 0 10 0 |
| Honey & Bread & Oats | 0 12 |
| Good Old squeaking Widow Ann Hooper, 26 M. from Jenning's fine Living, for Horse, Supp'r, Lodg'd, Break$^{'d}$ | 0 12 0 |
| Satyr Tavern — Lodged & Supped | 0 9 6 |
| Judge Coe's, 9 M. from King's Ferry Dinner, Oats | 0 6 0 |
The Historical Magazine, May-June, 1861 (New York, etc., 1861), V, 131-172 passim.