# American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 28

CHAPTER XXVIII — THE AMERICAN FORCES
170. The Recruiting Service (1776)
Graydon served in the continental army, was made a prisoner, and later was released on parole. Most of his life was spent in Pennsylvania. His work has the faults of reminiscence, but undoubtedly gives us the spirit of his experiences. — Bibliography of Graydon : Duyckinck, Cyclopœdia of American Literature, I, 352-353. — On the American troops, Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VIII, 482; Greene, Historical View.
THE object now was to raise my company, and as the streets of the city had been pretty well swept by the preceding and contemporary levies, it was necessary to have recourse to the country. My recruiting party was therefore sent out in various directions ; and each of my officers as well as myself, exerted himself in the business. Among the many unpleasant peculiarities of the American service, it was not the least that the drudgery, which in old military establishments belongs to serjeants and corporals, here devolved on the commissioned officers ; and that the whole business of recruiting, drilling, &c. required their unremitted personal attention. This was more emphatically the case in recruiting ; since the common opinion was, that the men and the officers were never to be separated, and hence, to see the persons who were to command them, and above all, the captain, was deemed of vast importance by those inclining to enlist : for this reason I found it necessary, in common with my brother officers, to put my feelings most cruelly to the rack ; and in an excursion I once made to Frankford, they were tried to the utmost. A number of fellows at the tavern, at which my party rendezvoused, indicated a desire to enlist, but although they drank freely of our liquor, they still held off. I soon perceived that the object was to amuse themselves at our expense, and that if there might be one or two among them really disposed to engage, the others would prevent them. One fellow in particular, who had made the greatest shew of taking the bounty, presuming on the weakness of our party, consisting only of a drummer, corporal, my second lieutenant ​and myself, began to grow insolent, and manifested an intention to begin a quarrel, in the issue of which, he no doubt calculated on giving us a drubbing. The disgrace of such a circumsts[a]nce, presented itself to my mind in colors the most dismal, and I resolved, that if a scuffle should be unavoidable, it should, at least, be as serious as the hangers which my lieutenant and myself carried by our sides, could make it. Our endeavor, however, was to guard against a contest ; but the moderation we testified, was attributed to fear. At length the arrogance of the principal ruffian, rose to such a height, that he squared himself for battle and advanced towards me in an attitude of defiance. I put him by, with an admonition to be quiet, though with a secret determination, that, if he repeated the insult, to begin the war, whatever might be the consequence. The occasion was soon presented ; when taking excellent aim, I struck him with the utmost force between the eyes and sent him staggering to the other end of the room. Then instantly drawing our hangers, and receiving the manful co-operation of the corporal and drummer, we were fortunate enough to put a stop to any further hostilities. It was some time before the fellow I had struck, recovered from the blow, but when he did, he was quite an altered man. He was as submissive as could be wished, begging my pardon for what he had done, and although he would not enlist, he hired himself to me for a few weeks as a fifer, in which capacity he had acted in the militia ; and during the time he was in this employ, he bore about the effects of his insolence, in a pair of black eyes. This incident would be little worthy of relating, did it not serve in some degree to correct the error of those who seem to conceive the year 1776 to have been a season of almost universal patriotic enthusiasm. It was far from prevalent in my opinion, among the lower ranks of the people, at least in Pennsylvania. At all times, indeed, licentious, levelling principles are much to the general taste, and were of course popular with us ; but the true merits of the contest, were little understood or regarded. The opposition to the claims of Britain originated with the better sort : it was truly aristocratic in its commencement ; and as the oppression to be apprehended, had not been felt, no grounds existed for general enthusiasm. The cause of liberty it is true, was fashionable, and there were great preparations to fight for it ; but a zeal proportioned to the magnitude of the question, was only to be looked for in the minds of those sagacious politicians, who inferred effects from causes, and who, as Mr. Burke expresses it, "snuffed the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze." ​Certain it was, at least, that recruiting went on but heavily. Some officers had been more successful than others, but none of the companies were complete : mine perhaps contained about half its complement of men, and these had been obtained by dint of great exertion. In this situation, captain Lenox of Shee's regiment also, suggested the trying our luck on the Eastern shore of Maryland, particularly at Chester, situated on the river of that name. It having been a place of some trade, it was supposed there might be seamen or long shore men there, out of employ. . . . Mr. Heath . . . helped us . . . to a recruit, a fellow, he said, who would do to stop a bullet as well as a better man, and as he was a truly worthless dog, he held, that the neighborhood would be much indebted to us for taking him away. . . .
. . . With such unfavorable prospects in Maryland, it would have been folly to have proceeded further : we therefore, set off on our way home the next morning. . . . Returning by Warwick, we sent forward our solitary recruit, for whom we tossed up ; and in winning, I was, in fact, but a very small gainer, since his merits had been set at their full value by Mr. Heath ; and he was never fit for any thing better than the inglorious post of camp colour man.
After this unsuccessful jaunt I bent my course to the Four-lane ends, Newtown, and Corryell's ferry ; thence passing into Jersey, I proceeded to the Hickory tavern, to Pittstown, Baptisttown, Flemmingtown, and other towns, whose names I do not remember. As captain Stewart (the late general Walter Stewart) of our regiment, had recently reapt this field, I was only a gleaner : In the whole of my tour, therefore, I picked up but three or four men : and could most sincerely have said,
That the recruiting trade, with all its train,
Of endless care, fatigue, and endless pain,
I could most gladly have renounced, even without the very preferable alternative of captain Plume. My number of privates might now have amounted to about forty, but these were soon augmented by the noble addition of one and twenty stout native Americans, brought by lieutenants Edwards and Forrest from Egg Harbour.
[Alexander Graydon], Memoirs of a Life, chiefly passed in Pennsylvania (Harrisburg, 1811), 117-122 passim.
171. A Brave Man's Death (1776)
ANONYMOUS
Nathan Hale was a graduate of Yale, and was teaching school when the war broke out. At the earnest request of Washington he agreed to act as a spy, and was captured and hung. The heroic episode made a great impression in favor of the patriots. —Bibliography: Tyler, Literary History of the Revolution, II, 183-186; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 333-334; Benson J. Lossing, The Two Spies, 3-34.
THE breezes went steadily thro' the tall pines,
    A saying "oh ! hu-ush ! " a saying "oh ! hu-ush ! "
As stilly stole by a bold legion of horse,
    For Hale in the bush, for Hale in the bush.
"Keep still ! " said the thrush as she nestled her young,
    In a nest by the road ; in a nest by the road.
"For the tyrants are near, and with them appear,
    What bodes us no good, what bodes us no good."
The brave captain heard it, and thought of his home,
    In a cot by the brook ; in a cot by the brook.
With mother and sister and memories dear,
    He so gaily forsook ; he so gaily forsook.
Cooling shades of the night were coming apace,
    The tattoo had beat ; the tattoo had beat.
The noble one sprang from his dark lurking place,
    To make his retreat ; to make his retreat.
He warily trod on the dry rustling leaves,
    As he pass'd thro the wood ; as he pass'd thro the wood;
And silently gain d his rude launch on the shore,
    As she play'd with the flood ; as she play'd with the flood.
The guards of the camp, on that dark, dreary night,
    Had a murderous will ; had a murderous will.
They took him and bore him afar from the shore,
    To a hut on the hill ; to a hut on the hill.
No mother was there, nor a friend who could cheer,
    In that little stone cell ; in that little stone cell.
But he trusted in love, from his father above.
    In his heart, all was well ; in his heart, all was well
An ominous owl with his solemn base voice,
    Sat moaning hard by ; sat moaning hard by.
"The tyrant's proud minions most gladly rejoice,
    For he must soon die ; for he must soon die."
The brave fellow told them, no thing he restrain'd,
    The cruel gen;ral ; the cruel gen'ral.
His errand from camp, of the ends to be gain'd,
    And said that was all ; and said that was all.
They took him and bound him and bore him away,
    Down the hill's grassy side ; down the hill's grassy side.
'Twas there the base hirelings, in royal array,
    His cause did deride ; his cause did deride.
Five minutes were given, short moments, no more,
    For him to repent ; for him to repent ;
He pray'd for his mother, he ask'd not another,
    To Heaven he went ; to Heaven he went.
The faith of a martyr, the tragedy shew'd,
    As he trod the last stage ; as he trod the last stage.
And Britons will shudder at gallant Hale's blood,
    As his words do presage, as his words do presage.
"Thou pale king of terrors, thou life's gloomy foe,
    Go frighten the slave, go frighten the slave ;
Tell tyrants, to you, their allegiance they owe.
    No fears for the brave ; no fears for the brave."
Frank Moore, Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution (New York, 1856), 131-133.
172. Arrival of a French Volunteer (1777)
BY GENERAL MARIE PAUL JOSEPH, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE
Lafayette was the most distinguished of the many French officers in the American Service, and had great influence later in securing the French alliance. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 547; Charlemagne Tower, Jr., Lafayette in the American Revolution.
Charleston, 19 June, 1777.
MY last letter to you, my dear love, has informed you, that I arrived safely in this country, after having suffered a little from seasickness during the first weeks of the voyage ; that I was then, the ​morning after I landed, at the house of a very kind officer ; that I had been nearly two months on the passage, and that I wished to set off immediately. It spoke of every thing most interesting to my heart ; of my sorrow at parting from you, and of our dear children ; and it said, besides, that I was in excellent health. I give you this abstract of it, because the English may possibly amuse themselves by seizing it on its way. I have such confidence in my lucky star, however, that I hope it will reach you. This same star has befriended me, to the astonishment of every body here. Trust to it yourself, and be assured that it ought to calm all your fears. I landed after having sailed several days along a coast, which swarmed with hostile vessels. When I arrived, every body said that my vessel must inevitably be taken, since two British frigates blockaded the harbour. I even went so far as to send orders to the captain, both by land and sea, to put the men on shore and set fire to the ship, if not yet too late. By a most wonderful good fortune, a gale obliged the frigates to stand out to sea for a short time. My vessel came in at noon-day, without meeting friend or foe.
At Charleston I have met General Howe, an American officer now in the service. The Governor of the State is expected this evening from the country. All with whom I wished to become acquainted here, have shown me the greatest politeness and attention. I feel entirely satisfied with my reception, although I have not thought it best to go into any detail respecting my arrangements and plans. I wish first to see Congress. I hope to set out for Philadelphia in two days. Our route is more than two hundred and fifty leagues by land. We shall divide ourselves into small parties. I have already purchased horses and light carriages for the journey. Some French and American vessels are here, and are to sail together to-morrow morning, taking advantage of a moment when the frigates are out of sight. They are armed, and have promised me to defend themselves stoutly against the small privateers, which they will certainly meet. I shall distribute my letters among the different ships.
I will now tell you about the country and its inhabitants. They are as agreeable as my enthusiasm had painted them. Simplicity of manners, kindness, love of country and of liberty, and a delightful equality every where prevail. The wealthiest man and the poorest are on a level ; and, although there are some large fortunes, I challenge any one to discover the slightest difference between the manners of these two classes respectively towards each other. I first saw the country life at ​the house of Major Huger. I am now in the city, where every thing is very much after the English fashion, except that there is more simplicity, equality, cordiality, and courtesy here than in England. The city of Charleston is one of the handsomest and best built, and its inhabitants among the most agreeable, that I have ever seen. The American women are very pretty, simple in their manners, and exhibit a neatness, which is every where cultivated even more studiously than in England. What most charms me is, that all the citizens are brethren. In America, there are no poor, nor even what we call peasantry. Each individual has his own honest property, and the same rights as the most wealthy landed proprietor. The inns are very different from those of Europe ; the host and hostess sit at table with you, and do the honors of a comfortable meal ; and, on going away, you pay your bill without higgling. When one does not wish to go to an inn, there are country-houses where the title of a good American is a sufficient passport to all those civilities paid in Europe to one s friend.
As to my own reception, it has been most agreeable in every quarter ; and to have come with me secures the most flattering welcome. I have just passed five hours at a grand dinner, given in honor of me by an individual of this city. Generals Howe and Moultrie, and several officers of my suite, were present. We drank healths and tried to talk English. I begin to speak it a little. To-morrow I shall go with these gentlemen to call on the Governor of the State, and make arrangements for my departure. The next day the commanding officers here will show me the city and its environs, and then I shall set out for the army.
Considering the pleasant life I lead in this country, my sympathy with the people, which makes me feel as much at ease in their society as if I had known them for twenty years, the similarity between their mode of thinking and my own, and my love of liberty and of glory, one might suppose that I am very happy. But you are not with me ; my friends are not with me ; and there is no happiness for me far from you and them. I ask you, if you still love me ; but I put the same question much oftener to myself, and my heart always responds, Yes. I am impatient beyond measure to hear from you. I hope to find letters at Philadelphia. My only fear is, that the privateer, which is to bring them, may be captured on her passage. Although I suppose I have drawn upon me the special displeasure of the English, by taking the liberty to depart in spite of them, and by landing in their very face, yet I confess they will not be in arrears with me, should they capture this ​vessel, my cherished hope, on which I so fondly depend for letters from you. Write frequent and long letters. You do not know the full extent of the joy with which I shall receive them. Embrace Henrietta tenderly. May I say embrace tenderly our children? The father of these poor children is a rover, but a good and honest man at heart; a good father, who loves his family dearly, and a good husband, who loves his wife with all his heart.
Remember me to your friends and my own, to the dear society, once the society of the court, but which by the lapse of time has become the society of the Wooden Sword. We republicans think it all the better. I must leave off for want of paper and time ; and if I do not repeat to you ten thousand times that I love you, it is not from any want of feeling, but from modesty ; since I have the presumption to hope, that I have already convinced you of it. The night is far advanced, and the heat dreadful. I am devoured by insects ; so, you see, the best countries have their disadvantages. Adieu.
Lafayette.
George Washington, Writings (edited by Jared Sparks, Boston, 1834), V, Appendix, 451 -453.
173. "Battalions of Negroes" (1779)
Hamilton was a young West Indian, at the outbreak of the war a student at King's (Columbia) College. He came forward at once as an effective pamphleteer, entered the army, and attracted Washington's favorable notice. Later he was member of the Congress of the Confederation, and Secretary of the Treasury (see Contemporaries, III). — Bibliography: Ford, Bibliotheca Hamiltoniana ; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VII, 325-326; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 152.
Head-quarters, March 14th, 1779.
Dear Sir,
COLONEL Laurens, who will have the honour of delivering you this letter, is on his way to South Carolina, on a project which I think, in the present situation of affairs there, is a very good one, and deserves every kind of support and encouragement. This is to raise two, three, or four battalions of negroes, with the assistance of the government of that State, by contributions from the owners, in proportion to the number they possess. If you should think proper to enter upon the subject with him, he will give you a detail of his plan. He wishes to have it recommended by Congress to the State ; and, as an ​inducement, that they would engage to take those battalions into continental pay.
It appears to me that an expedient of this kind, in the present state of southern affairs, is the most rational that can be adopted, and promises very important advantages. Indeed, I hardly see how a sufficient force can be collected in that quarter without it ; and the enemy's operations there are growing infinitely serious and formidable. I have not the least doubt that the negroes will make very excellent soldiers with proper management ; and I will venture to pronounce that they cannot be put into better hands than those of Mr. Laurens. He has all the zeal, intelligence, enterprise, and every other qualification necessary to succeed in such an undertaking. It is a maxim with some great military judges, that with sensible officers, soldiers can hardly be too stupid ; and, on this principle, it is thought that the Russians would make the best troops in the world, if they were under other officers than their own. The King of Prussia is among the number who maintain this doctrine, and has a very emphatical saying on the occasion, which I do not exactly recollect. I mention this, because I hear it frequently objected to the scheme of imbodying negroes, that they are too stupid to make soldiers. This is so far from appearing to me a valid objection, that I think their want of cultivation (for their natural faculties are probably as good as ours), joined to that habit of subordination, which they acquire from a life of servitude, will make them sooner become soldiers than our white inhabitants. Let officers be men of sense and sentiment, and the nearer the soldiers approach to machines, perhaps the better.
I foresee that this project will have to combat much opposition from prejudice and self-interest. The contempt we have been taught to entertain for the blacks, makes us fancy many things that are founded neither in reason nor experience ; and an unwillingness to part with property of so valuable a kind, will furnish a thousand arguments to show the impracticability, or pernicious tendency, of a scheme which requires such a sacrifice. But it should be considered, that if we do not make use of them in this way, the enemy probably will ; and that the best way to counteract the temptations they will hold out, will be to offer them ourselves. An essential part of the plan is to give them their freedom with their muskets. This will secure their fidelity, animate their courage, and, I believe, will have a good influence upon those who remain, by opening a door to their emancipation. This circumstance, I confess, has no small weight in inducing me to wish the ​success of the project ; for the dictates of humanity and true policy equally interest me in favour of this unfortunate class of men. With the truest respect and esteem,
I am, sir your most obedient servant,
Alex Hamilton.
William Jay, The Life of John Jay : with Selections from his Correspondence, etc. (New York, 1833), II, 31-32.
174. The Inconveniences of Militia (1780) BY GENERAL GEORGE WASHINGTON
Upon the character and service of the various classes of American soldiers no testimony is so good as that of the commander-in-chief. Yet out of these irregular levies came the armies which defeated Howe, Burgoyne, Clinton, and Cornwallis. — Bibliography as in No. 195 below.
. . . IT is the true policy of America not to content herself with temporary expedients, but to endeavor, if possible, to give consistency and solidity to her measures. An essential step to this will be immediately to devise a plan, and put it in execution, for providing men in time to replace those who will leave us at the end of the year, for subsisting and making a reasonable allowance to the officers and soldiers. The plan for this purpose ought to be of general operation, and such as will execute itself. Experience has shown, that a peremptory draft will be the only effectual one. If a draft for the war or three years can be effected, it ought to be made on every account. A shorter period than a year is inadmissible. To one, who has been witness to the evils brought upon us by short enlistments, the system appears to have been pernicious beyond description, and a crowd of motives present themselves to dictate a change. It may easily be shown, that all the misfortunes we have met with in the military line are to be attributed to this cause.
Had we formed a permanent army in the beginning, which, by the continuance of the same men in service, had been capable of discipline, we never should have had to retreat with a handful of men across the Delaware in '76, trembling for the fate of America, which nothing but the infatuation of the enemy could have saved ; we should not have remained all the succeeding winter at their mercy, with sometimes scarcely a sufficient body of men to mount the ordinary guards, liable ​at every moment to be dissipated, if they had only thought proper to march against us : we should not have been under the necessity of lighting at Brandywine, with an unequal number of raw troops, and afterwards of seeing Philadelphia fall a prey to a victorious army ; we should not have been at Valley Forge with less than half the force of the enemy, destitute of every thing, in a situation neither to resist nor to retire; we should not have seen New York left with a handful of men, yet an overmatch for the main army of these States, while the principal part of their force was detached for the reduction of two of them ; we should not have found ourselves this spring so weak, as to be insulted by five thousand men, unable to protect our baggage and Magazines, their security depending on a good countenance, and a want of enterprise in the enemy ; we should not have been the greatest part of the war inferior to the enemy, indebted for our safety to their inactivity, enduring frequently the mortification of seeing inviting opportunities to ruin them pass unimproved for want of a force, which the country was completely able to afford ; to see the Country ravaged, our towns burnt, the inhabitants plundered, abused, murdered with impunity from the same cause.
Nor have the ill effects been confined to the military line. A great part of the embarrassments in the civil departments flow from the same source. The derangement of our finances is essentially to be ascribed to it. The expenses of the war, and the Paper emissions, have been greatly multiplied by it. We have had, a great part of the time, two sets of men to feed and pay, the discharged men going home and the Levies coming in. This was more remarkable in '75 and '76. The difficulty and cost of engaging men have increased at every successive attempt, till among the present levies we find there are some, who have received a hundred and fifty dollars in specie for five months service, while our officers are reduced to the disagreeable necessity of performing the duties of drill sergeants to them, and with this mortifying reflection annexed to the business, that, by the time they have taught those men the rudiments of a soldier's duty, their term of service will have expired, and the work is to recommence with an entire new set. The consumption of Provision, arms, accoutrements, stores of every kind, has been doubled in spite of every precaution I could use, not only from the cause just mentioned, but from the carelessness and licentiousness incident to militia and irregular Troops. Our discipline also has been much injured, if not ruined, by such frequent changes. The ​frequent calls upon the militia have interrupted the cultivation of the Land, and of course have lessened the quantity of its produce, occasioned a scarcity, and enhanced the prices. In an army so unstable as ours, order and economy have been impracticable. No person, who has been a close observer of the progress of our affairs, can doubt that our currency has depreciated without comparison more rapidly from the system of short enlistments, than it would have done otherwise.
There is every reason to believe, the War has been protracted on this account. Our opposition being less, made the successes of the enemy greater. The fluctuation of the army kept alive their hopes, and at every period of the dissolution of a considerable part of it, they have flattered themselves with some decisive advantages. Had we kept a permanent army on foot, the enemy could have had nothing to hope for, and would in all probability have listened to terms long since.
If the army is left in its present situation, it must continue an encouragement to the efforts of the enemy ; if it is put upon a respectable one, it must have a contrary effect, and nothing, I believe, will tend more to give us peace the ensuing winter. It will be an interesting winter. Many circumstances will contribute to a negotiation. An army on foot not only for another campaign, but for several campaigns, would determine the enemy to pacific measures, and enable us to insist upon favorable terms in forcible language ; an army insignificant in numbers, dissatisfied, crumbling into pieces, would be the strongest temptation they could have to try the experiment a little longer. It is an old maxim, that the surest way to make a good peace is to be well prepared for war.
I am inclined to hope a draft for the war, or for three years, would succeed. Many incentives of immediate interest may be held up to the people to induce them to submit to it. They must begin to consider the repeated bounties they are obliged to pay as a burthen, and be willing to get rid of it by sacrificing a little more once for all. Indeed it is probable, the bounties may not be much greater in that case than they have been. The people of the States near the Seat of War ought to enter into such a plan with alacrity, as it would ease them in a variety of respects ; among others, by obviating the frequent calls upon the Militia.
George Washington, Writings (edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford, New York, etc., 1890), VIII, 393-397.
175. Military Punishments (1780)
Thacher was a medical student who joined the army in 1775 and served in the medical service until 1783. His interesting journal was modified and polished when published forty years later, and hence does not give quite his contemporary views. —Bibliography: Tyler, Literary History of the Revolution, II, 416-418.
[January 1, 1780.] AS if to make up the full measure of grief and embarrassment to the Commander in Chief, repeated complaints have been made to him that some of the soldiers are in the practice of pilfering and plundering the inhabitants of their poultry, sheep, pigs, and even their cattle, from their farms. This marauding practice has often been prohibited in general orders, under the severest penalties, and some exemplary punishments have been inflicted. General Washington possesses an inflexible firmness of purpose, and is determined that discipline and subordination in camp shall be rigidly enforced and maintained. The whole army has been sufficiently warned, and cautioned against robbing the inhabitants on any pretence whatever, and no soldier is subjected to punishment without a fair trial, and conviction by a court martial. Death has been inflicted in a few instances of an atrocious nature, but in general, the punishment consists in a public whipping, and the number of stripes is proportioned to the degree of offence. The law of Moses prescribes forty stripes save one, but this number has often been exceeded in our camp. In aggravated cases, and with old offenders, the culprit is sentenced to receive one hundred lashes, or more. It is always the duty of the drummers and fifers to inflict the chastisement, and the drum major must attend and see that the duty is faithfully performed. The culprit being securely tied to a tree, or post, receives on his naked back the number of lashes assigned him, by a whip formed of several small knotted cords, which sometimes cut through the skin at every stroke. However strange it may appear, a soldier will often receive the severest stripes without uttering a groan, or once shrinking form [from] the lash, even while the blood flows freely from his lacerated wounds. This must be ascribed to stubbornness or pride. They have however, adopted a method which they say mitigates the anguish in some measure, it is by putting between the teeth a leaden bullet, on which they chew while under the lash, till it is made quite flat and jagged. In some instances of incorrigible villains, it is adju[d]ged by the court that the culprit receive his punishment at ​several different times, a certain number of stripes repeated at intervals of two or three days, in which case the wounds are in a state of inflammation, and the skin rendered more sensibly tender ; and the terror of the punishment is greatly aggravated. Another mode of punishment is that of running the gantlet, this is done by a company of soldiers standing in two lines, each one furnished with a switch, and the criminal is made to run between them and receive the scourge from their hands on his naked back ; but the delinquent runs so rapidly, and the soldiers are so apt to favor a comrade, that it often happens in this way that the punishment is very trivial ; but on some occasions, a soldier is ordered to hold a bayonet at his breast to impede his steps. If a noncommissioned officer is sentenced to corporeal punishment, he is always degraded to the soldier's rank. The practice of corporeal punishment in an army has become a subject of animadversion, and both the policy and propriety of the measure have been called in question. It may be observed that the object of punishment is to exhibit examples, to deter others from committing crimes ; that corporeal punishment may be made sufficiently severe as a commutation for the punishment of death in ordinary cases ; it is more humane, and by saving the life of a soldier, we prevent the loss of his services to the public. In justification of the practice, it is alleged also, that in the British army it has long been established in their military code, and it is not uncommon to sentence a criminal to receive a thousand lashes, and that they aggravate its horrors in the most cruel manner, by repeating the stripes from day to day, before the wounds are healed ; and instances are not wanting of its having been attended with fatal consequences. On the other hand, it is objected, that corporeal punishment is disreputable to an army, it will never reclaim the unprincipled villain, and it has a tendency to repress the spirit of ambition and enterprize in the young soldier ; and the individual thus ignominiously treated, can never, in case of promotion for meritorious services, be received with complacency as a companion for other officers. These objections will apply to most other modes of punishment, and it remains to be decided, which is the most eligible for the purpose of maintaining that subordination so indispensable in all armies.
James Thacher, A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783 (Boston, 1823), 222-224.
176. At Washington's Headquarters (1780)
BY FRANÇOIS JEAN, MARQUIS DE CHASTELLUX (1786)
For Chastellux, see above, No. 137. — This is perhaps the best account of the camp-life of Washington.
. . . AT length, after riding two miles along the right flank of the army, and after passing thick woods on the right, I found myself in a small plain, where I saw a handsome farm ; a small camp which seemed to cover it, a large tent extended in the court, and several waggons round it, convinced me that this was his Excellency's quarter ; for it is thus Mr. Washington is called in the army, and throughout America. M. de la Fayette was in conversation with a tall man, five foot nine inches high, (about five foot ten inches and a half English) of a noble and mild countenance. It was the General himself. I was soon off horseback, and near him. The compliments were short ; the sentiments with which I was animated, and the good wishes he testified for me were not equivocal. He conducted me to his house, where I found the company still at table, although the dinner had been long over. He presented me to the Generals Knox, Waine, Howe, &c. and to his family, then composed of Colonels Hamilton and Tilgman, his Secretaries and his Aides de Camp, and of Major Gibbs, commander of his guards ; for in England and America, the Aides de Camp, Adjutants and other officers attached to the General, form what is called his family. A fresh dinner was prepared for me, and mine ; and the present was prolonged to keep me company. A few glasses of claret and madeira accelerated the acquaintances I had to make, and I soon felt myself at my ease near the greatest and the best of men. The goodness and benevolence which characterize him, are evident from every thing about him ; but the confidence he gives birth to, never occasions improper familiarity ; for the sentiment he inspires has the same origin in every individual, a profound esteem for his virtues, and a high opinion of his talents. About nine o'clock the general officers withdrew to their quarters, which were all at a considerable distance ; but as the General wished me to stay in his own house, I remained some time with him, after which he conducted me to the chamber prepared for my Aides de Camp and me. This chamber occupied the fourth part of his lodgings; he apologized to me for the little room he had in his disposal, but always with a noble politeness, which was neither complimentary nor troublesome. ​At nine the next morning they informed me that his Excellency was come down into the parlour. This room served at once as audience chamber, and dining-room. I immediately went to wait on him, and found breakfast prepared. . . .
Whilst we were at breakfast, horses were brought, and General Washington gave orders for the army to get under arms at the head of the camp. The weather was very bad, and it had already began raining ; we waited half an hour ; but the General seeing that it was more likely to increase than to diminish, determined to get on horseback. Two horses were brought him, which were a present from the State of Virginia ; he mounted one himself, and gave me the other. Mr. Lynch and Mr. de Montesquieu, had each of them, also, a very handsome blood horse, such as we could not find at Newport for any money. We repaired to the artillery camp, where General Knox received us : the artillery was numerous, and the gunners, in very fine order, were formed in parade, in the foreign manner, that is, each gunner at his battery, and ready to fire. The General was so good as to apologize to me for the cannon not firing to salute me ; he said, that having put all the troops on the other side of the river in motion, and apprized them that he might himself march along the right bank, he was afraid of giving the alarm, and of deceiving the detachments that were out. We gained, at length, the right of the army, where we saw the Pensylvania line ; it was composed of two brigades, each forming three battalions, without reckoning the light infantry, which were detached with the Marquis de la Fayette. General Waine, who commanded it, was on horseback, as well as the Brigadiers and Colonels. They were all well mounted : the officers also had a very military air ; they were well ranged, and saluted very gracefully. Each brigade had a band of music ; the march they were then playing was the Huron. I knew that this line, though in want of many things, was the best cloathed in the army ; so that his Excellency asking me whether I would proceed, and see the whole army, or go by the shortest road to the camp of the Marquis, I accepted the latter proposal. The troops ought to thank me for it, for the rain was falling with redoubled force ; they were dismissed, therefore, and we arrived heartily wet at the Marquis de la Fayette's quarters, where I warmed myself with great pleasure, partaking, from time to time, of a large bowl of grog, which is stationary on his table, and is presented to every officer who enters. . . .
The rain spared us no more at the camp of the Marquis, than at that ​of the main army ; so that our review being finished, I saw with pleasure General Washington set off in a gallop to regain his quarters. We reached them as soon as the badness of the roads would permit us. At our return we found a good dinner ready, and about twenty guests, among whom were Generals Howe and Sinclair. The repast was in the English fashion, consisting of eight or ten large dishes of butcher's meat, and poultry, with vegetables of several sorts, followed by a second course of pastry, comprized under the two denominations of pies and puddings. After this the cloth was taken off, and apples and a great quantity of nuts were served, which General Washington usually continues eating for two hours, toasting and conversing all the time. These nuts are small and dry, and have so hard a shell, (hickory nuts) that they can only be broken by the hammer ; they are served half open, and the company are never done picking and eating them. The conversation was calm and agreeable ; his Excellency was pleased to enter with me into the particulars of some of the principal operations of the war, but always with a modesty and conciseness, which proved that it was from pure complaisance he mentioned it. . . .
Marquis [François Jean] de Chastellux, Travels in North-America, in theYears 1780, 1781, and 1782 (London, 1787), I, 112-125 passim.
177. Life on a Privateer (1780)
Drowne, a surgeon in the Revolutionary army, made this one cruise as surgeon on the privateer Hope. These extracts give us a picture of the most attractive and most profitable mode of warfare. The American cruisers and privateers made about seven hundred captures of British vessels during the war. — Bibliography of naval warfare : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 591-592; Maclay, United States Nary, I, pt. i; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 140.
TUESDAY, OCT. 3 [1780]. Sailed from Providence on board the Sloop HOPE, mounting seven guns. Wind at N. E. drizzly, dirty weather. Outsailed Mr. John Brown in his famous boat. Put about for Capt. Munro, and take Mr. Brown and Capt. S—— Smith on board, who dine with us. Some time after noon Capt. Munro comes on board, and a few glasses of good wishes founded on Hope having circled, Col. Nightingale, &c. depart, and we proceed on our course. . . .
11th. Whilst at Dinner, a Sail cried. Immediately give chase, and ​discover another. One, a sloop which bears down upon us ; the other a brig. Make every preparation for an engagement ; but, on approaching and hailing the Sloop, she proved to be the Randolph, Capt. Fosdick from New London, — mounting 18 four pounders, [140 tons.] The Brig, with only two guns, her prize from England, taken at 8 o'clock this morning. — Capt. Fosdick says her Cargo amounted to ₤20,000 Sterling. What good and ill fortune were consequent on that capture ! — Hard for those poor fellows, their tedious Voyage being just accomplished, thus to have their brightening prospect clouded in a moment. If Virtue is the doing good to others, privateering cannot be justified upon the principles of Virtue; — though I know it is not repugnant to The Laws of Nations, but rather deemed policy amongst warring powers thus to distress each other, regardless of the suffering individual. But however agreeable to, and supportable by the rights of war ; yet, when individuals come thus to despoil individuals of their property, 'tis hard : — the cruelty then appears, however, political.
12th. Early this morning two sail in sight, a Ship and Brig. Chase them chief of the day to no purpose. We conclude they sail well, and may be bound to Philadelphia. — Lat. 39.° 6'. Soundings 19 fathoms. Lost sight of the Randolph by the chase.
13th. A foggy morning and Scotch mist. Clears away pleasant Lat. 39.° 31'. This Afternoon a Sloop discovered under the lee bow standing before the wind : All hands upon deck preparing for the chase : — but little wind so the oars are to be plied. I must go and see how we come on. — Night obliges us to give over the pursuit.
14th. A sail seen from Mast-head ; proves a Ship. We chase. Catch a Herring- Hog, which makes us a fine Breakfast, and dinner for the whole crew. Another sail heaves in sight. Upon a nearer approach the Ship appears to be of the line. Several in sight. Towards evening signal guns heard. We take them to be men of War, standing in, N. W. by W. Longitude by reckoning 73.° 30.' Lat. 39.° 34' 26 fathoms. A pleasant moon-light Evening. Spend it in walking the Quarter Deck.
15th. A pleasant day. See a Sail to windward; as she rather approaches us we lie a hull for her. I think it is more agreeable waiting for them, than rowing after them. Get a fishing line under way : catch a Hake and a few Dog-fish. It being Sunday, try the efficacy of a clean shirt, in order to be something like folks ashore. Give chase, as the vessel comes down rather slow. On approaching discover her to be a Snow. She hauls her wind and stands from us ; — sails very heavy, ​and Capt. Munro is sanguine in the belief we shall make a prize of her. Get everything in readiness to board her. There seems something awful in the preparation for an attack, and the immediate prospect of an action. She hauls up her courses and hoists English Colours. I take my station in the Cabin; where, remain not long before I hear the Huzza on deck in consequence of her striking. Send our boat for the Captain & his papers. She sailed from Kingston, Jamaica, upwards of 40 days since, in a fleet, and was bound to New York : Capt. William Small, Commander. She has ten men on board and four excellent four pounders. Her Cargo consists of 149 Puncheons, 23 Hogsheads, 3 Quarter Casks and 9 Barrels of Rum, and 20 Hogsheads Muscovado Sugar. Send two prize Masters and ten men on board, get the prisoners on board our Vessel, and taking the prize in tow, stand towards Egg Harbour. We hardly know what to do with the prize : the wind shifting a little we stand to the eastward.
16th Keep an eastern course, to try to get her into our harbour if possible. Now we are terribly apprehensive of seeing a sail. — About sunset a sail seen from mast-head, which excites no small anxiety. Cast off the Snow's hawser, &c. — however night coming on and seeing no more of said sail, pursue our course. Sound, 42 fathoms of water. . . .
19th. The Snow in sight this morning; run along side and take her in tow again. . . . Lat. 40.° 30.' At this rate the West Indies will bring us up sooner than Martha s Vineyard or Nantucket. 49 fathoms. Have our Pistols hung up in the Cabin, to be in readiness for the prisoners, should they take it into their heads to rise upon the watch in the night. . . .
22nd. Sunday. Very foggy. What wind there is, ahead. — Weigh Anchor, and out oars. — A fair gentle breeze springs from the South. Pass through Bristol Ferry way with hard tugging about the middle of the afternoon : come to Anchor in the Bay, but where rendered uncertain by the fog having come up again. . . .
23rd. Early, after breakfast, we set off again in the boat, with the Compass, being still surrounded with an excessive fog. Run ashore to the Eastward of Nayat Point, and mistake it for Connimicut : however, arrive at Providence about 11 o'clock, it having cleared off very pleasant. Thus ends our short, but tedious cruise. —— At sunset the Sloop and Snow arrive, firing 13 cannon each. ——
Solomon Drowne, Journal of a Cruise in the Fall of 1780 in the Private-Sloop of War, Hope (Analectic press, New York. 1872), 3-18 passim.