# Heroic Story of the Czecho-Slovak Legions/Bolshevik revolution

VII.
BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION.
MILAN, March 27.
It was during the first months of the Russian revolution and under Kerensky’s Government that the first two Czecho-Slovak divisions were finally formed, fought their first battle, and ultimately developed into the Czecho-Slovak legions. The revolutionary government, as already stated, and Kerensky were in the beginning as much opposed to the forming of a Czecho-Slovak army as had been the Tsarist Government. It was only when the Russian army began to break up, when hopeless disorder set in, and when the front was being deserted en masse, that Kerensky gave his consent. He proceeded to the front in the month of May on a famous tour of speechmaking to exhort the Russian soldiers to stay in the trenches; and it was whilst he was hurriedly urging on the commanders the preparations for the ill-fated June offensive of 1917 that he not only accepted Czecho-Slovak support, but placed great hopes in them. They perhaps would save the situation by infusing new courage into the Russian troops and giving them an example of discipline.
Captain “S“ continued his story of these events as follows:
HEROIC STORY.
The first occasion on which the Czecho-Slovaks showed what they could do when in greater numbers was at the battle of Zborov. Kerensky made every effort to galvanise the Russian army. The chief command was in the hands of General Korniloff. The best troops that could be got together were concentrated on the south-eastern front against the Austrians. The Czecho-Slovak regiments at the beginning of June, 1917, already formed a splendid “brigade“. The offensive began towards the ​end of June. A Finnish division on whom the Russians relied more than on their own troops was on the right. The Czecho-Slovak “brigade,“ consisting of two regiments and the elements of a third, were placed on the left in the vicinity of Zborov. Our brigade was intended originally only to take part in a demonstration. It became the principal actor. When the order to attack came, the Czecho-Slovaks moved forward without hesitation. The Finns remained a short distance behind, moving less quickly. The Russians were altogether out of it, and never left their trenches. Our “brigade“ at once captured the first line of Austrian trenches. It rushed toward, took the second line as well, and finally got to the third line of trenches, which was likewise carried.
At that moment they looked round for the Finns, on the one hand, who were considerably behind, but who, seeing the Czechs behave so gallantly, nevertheless followed up and also did their share. But of the Russians there was no sign. The Finns took prisoners 1,550 officers and men, captured four trench mortars and nine machine-guns and one mine-thrower. The Czecho-Slovaks took all before them. They took prisoners sixty-two officers and 3,150 soldiers, and captured fifteen guns and a large number of machine guns, most of which were immediately turned against the enemy. When we heard this result at the Borispol Camp there was immense enthusiasm and jubilation. The official Russian bulletin, which we read a few days later, fully confirmed the reports of the splendid success. We were proud of our countrymen. Unfortunately they could not continue to hold the positions so bravely captured. They were not properly supported by the troops behind, and had to fall back.
BEGINNING OF A NEW WAR.
Our camp at Borispol was vast, and could, with its neighbouring training grounds, supply accommodation for numerous troops. These constantly increased. They came from all parts of Siberia. The Second Division was hardly formed when there was talk of creating others. An artillery regiment was constituted, and also a regiment of engineers. It required no small patriotism on the part of the officers and men to look forward to the final struggle against the Germans and Austrians. War prisoners, as a rule, are glad to have escaped fighting and the danger of death. For them, whatever hardships or restraints they may have, it is nevertheless a maxim that the war is over, others will have to fight it out. It was not so with us Czecho-Slovaks. For us the war was only beginning. As we heard afterwards, the Vienna demagogues, tried to make out we were cowards and traitors. On the contrary, our men were patriots and heroes. They in advance made the sacrifice of their lives. They knew that if the Austrians captured them it meant instant courtmartial and death by hanging or summary shooting.
​Our national organisation in Russia had since the very beginning been in touch with our national organisation in Paris, which eventually became recognised as our first National Government by the Powers of the Entente. Professor Masaryk came to Russia in May, 1917, with the express purpose of giving greater prestige to our national organisation in Russia, and the moment he came all hesitation on the part of our prisoners to join our army ceased. He consulted with the men who formed our first committee in 1915, and approved what they had done. He also had occasion to see the serious difficulties under which they had been working. As we had learned by our own experience, many Russian officers were at the beginning and continued even after the revolution to be Germanophile. The Russian Army was infested with these men at the start, and their baneful influence continued to the end. The old régime could not use them at the front against Germany or Austria, so they were placed in command of stations at the rear or far away in Siberia, and were as so many petty tyrants, perfectly independent in their own sphere.
The shining exceptions were the great Russian generals at the front, who unhesitatingly accepted the officers and men who offered to join. These were Generals Brusiloff, Duchonin, and Alexeieff. It was through them that our first two regiments were united into a “brigade“ as early as 1916, but they never had an opportunity of fighting as a unit in a real battle until June, 1917, at Zborov. They were then under the command of Colonel Trojanov, whose division formed part of the southern army under the chief command of General Brusiloff. The famous offensive of Kerensky opened on June 18. and the battle of Zborov was on June 18, 19, and 20, old style (July 1, 2, and 3 new style).
CZECHO-SLOVAK COUNCIL.
It is necessary, in order to understand subsequent events, to explain the formation of our National Assembly and the action of Professor Masaryk, of the other delegates, and of General Stefanik. If this National Assembly had not existed we should still have looked upon ourselves a forming simply a small, insignificant part of the Russian Army. But under the direction of our own compatriots and of the men who represented our first National Government in Paris we felt that we were fighting under our own flag for our own cause, and dependent directly only on our own Government. It made a vast difference with both our officers and men in the numerous prisoner camps. The National Council in Paris had decided to create a National Czecho-Slovak Council in Russia, and the president of the Russian branch was to be then first delegate sent out from Paris. The first delegate who thus came was Professor Masaryk himself. Before his arrival, and as if in preparation ​for it, our committee had, with the consent of the Revolutionary Government of Russia, summoned a National Czecho-Slovak Assembly in Kieff. It'met at the end of April, and there were twenty six delegates from all parts of Russia. They unanimously accepted all the provisions of the National Assembly in Paris, and ten days later Professor Masaryk arrived. General Stefanik had been in Russia from July, 1916, to February, 1917.
From the month of May, 1917, onward, we were therefore under the authority of our recognised Government. During the summer months of that year our two divisions continued their preparations for a serious campaign, and not one of the least difficulties was to obtain the necessary outfit, the war material, ammunition, and artillery. Much was left to the resourcefulness and enterprise of our individual commanders. Everything tended to disorder and disruption in Russia. The army was falling to pieces. Material which no longer existed was often assigned to us. There was still plenty of ammunition and artillery in reserve in many depôts at the rear, but it was a question of knowing where it was and getting an order to take it. Our companies which were stationed near the front took a shorter route. They went, as it were, foraging for guns and material and collected the batteries, ammunition, and equipment abandoned by the Russian soldiers at the front.
It would have been easy to supply several new armies with the material which the Russian deserters abandoned, and much of which afterwards fell into the hands of the Germans and Austrians. What our men took away was so much saved from falling into the hands of the enemy. In September we were thus able to form two artillery brigades, one for each division, which were abundantly supplied with guns and ammunition. Our splendid equipment later on gave no little concern to the Bolsheviks and the German agents, especially the famous Count von Mirbach, at Moscow, and it was the knowledge of all the material we possessed that made them demand with such persistency the disarming of all our regiments before we should be allowed to continue our famous retreat through Siberia.
THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION.
The month of September passed, and the fatal month of October came, with its Bolshevik rising and disaster. It not only meant ruin for Russia, the disappearance of order, stability, and respect for the most sacred principles of civilisation, but it also threatened to swallow us up. What were we, a handful of Czecho-Slovaks, in the midst of the millions of Russia, among whom the mad theories of Bolshevism were let loose? The danger was very real! ​The Bolshevik revolution started on Oct. 26 in Petrograd. A handful of Anarchists, instigated by Lenin and Trotsky and their ac the Winter Palace and the Government buildings. One of our Assembly delegates was in Petrograd at the time. He was negotiating with the Republican Government on Oct. 25, and woke up the day after the “coup“ to see that Government gone and none to take its place. The Bolsheviks became a danger to our men. They sought them out separately and collectively when they could, talked and argued with them, and tried to fill them with Bolshevik ideas. When translated into Russian, our National Organisation became the Czecho-Slovak National Soviet! It was easy, therefore, to create a confusion. If our soldiers adhered to our Soviet, it was naturally argued that they should have the same ideas as the Bolshevik Soviets! It was only when our men began to see the excesses of the Bolsheviks that they fully realised the difference between our own democratic aspirations which went side by side with principles of order, discipline, and respect for authority. A rude awakening came when our own leader, Professor Masaryk, very nearly became a victim to Bolshevik riots. They bombarded Moscow, as is well known, indiscriminately, and the shells struck the Hôtel Métropole, where he happened to be staying. He and our other delegates had to remove to Kieff.
UKRAINIAN DANGER.
The Bolsheviks at once started preaching the necessity of ending the war by simply ceasing to fight. The soldiers were invited to throw down their rifles and to walk over to the Germans to induce them to do the same. The organisation of our legions to fight against the Germans and Austrians no longer seemed to have an object. The whole Russian military system was tottering and going to pieces, and our legions remained the only organised force to fight against the enemy. A more immediate danger threatened our two divisions when it began to be rumoured that Ukrainia was going to treat separately for peace with Germany and Austria. This was the hardest blow of all, as the question was what were we to become in that case. Prisoners of war a second time, handed over bound hand and foot to our worst enemies?
At the time of the Bolshevik revolution in October, both our divisions were in Ukrainia doing reserve duty immediately behind the front. Our artillery regiments were with them. The first division was in Volhynia, its base was at Borispol, near Kieff, and its staff command was at Polonoe. The second division was in the Government of Poltava, holding the railway line and doing garrison duty. As soon as Ukrainia proclaimed itself a separate and independent Republic, it announced its intention of treating for separate peace with Germany and Austria. ​The Bolsheviks refused to recognise its authority to do so, but the Ukrainians were free to do what they liked in an empire that was going to pieces, and where no authority of any kind excepting that of force was recognised. We were at the mercy of the Government of Kieff, and it required great firmness and diplomatic tact on the part of our leaders and the National Assembly to meet the situation.
Conferences were held at Kieff between our representatives and the Ukrainian Government, which were followed with intense anxiety by those of our officers and men who recognised the seriousness of the situation. Our discipline remained perfect, our obedience and loyalty to our leaders was unshaken, and any movement which they ordered we were ready to carry out at any risk or peril. The idea of a surrender of any kind was never entertained. It could not occur to any of our leaders, and no discussion on the point could even be tolerated. The Bolsheviks of Ukrainia and those of Moscow let time pass. They had no intention of resuming any offensive, of continuing the war as a military enterprise, and if they had any hopes at all it was simply a wild idea that they could corrupt the German and Austrian armies with theories similar to their own. This, in fact, was their dream down to the very day they began peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk. Perhaps they had hopes that our army also would eventually break up after becoming infected with their ideas.
DISAPPOINTED PROPAGANDISTS.
One day, shortly before the peace negotiations at Brest began, a delegation of Soviet orators came from Moscow to one of our camps. They spoke to some of our officers, and found them little amenable to their ideas. They then asked permission to speak to our men alone, without the presence of our officers. By that time our men had had ample opportunities of seeing what Bolshevism meant, and our officers had no misgivings about their loyalty. They consented to let the Bolshevik orators speak to the men. The companies were assembled, and they listened to the orators, who made inflamed speeches. They spoke vehemently about the capitalistic war, the crimes of the rich, who, they said, had brought on the war, and after passionate appeals they invited our soldiers to join their bands and the Red Guards for the overthrow of the rich, the capitalists, and the tyrannical classes.
Then the speakers looked round for applause, but there was none. On the contrary, one of our men got up to reply, and did so very cleverly. He told them in a few words that probably the Russians knew what they were about, and it was not for the Czechs to interfere. But on the other hand, the Czechs also knew their own business, and that was to fight the Austrians and the Germans, the biggest tyrants on ​earth. Until the German autocrats and the Austrian oppressors were conquered and crushed there was no liberty and no life worth living for the Czechs, and that was why they had formed their legion, and were determined to keep it up and to fight for their own freedom, whether the Russians helped them or not.
This threw a cold chill on the Soviet orators, who found no answer to the straightforward retort. It was so entirely different from what they had expected that they accepted their defeat and left the camp. Our men had by that time seen so much of the misdeeds of the Red Guards and such evidences of the anarchy encouraged by the Bolsheviks that their very name became odious. We mixed little with the Russians after the Bolshevik riots in Petrograd and Moscow and the disorders in Kieff. But we had ample opportunity of seeing their work in the country and at small stations. It was pitiful to see the ruthlessness with which the Bolshevik bands ransacked and villaged where they could, and destroyed railway material and public buildings. Our soldiers could say to themselves that if their own dear country, Bohemia, should ever become the scene of such disorder and such a collapse of civilisation, it was not worth while fighting for. Better go out into the vast steppes or the wild woods than witness such scenes. Only an abject race could look on and bear such things.