# American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 32

CHAPTER XXXII — FRENCH ALLIANCE, 1778- 1779
199. A Treaty with France (1778)
This letter, addressed to Thomas Gushing, is a brief announcement of the conclusion of negotiations that began with the sending of Silas Deane to France in 1775. The treaties continued in force till the war with France in 1798. For Franklin, see Nos. 68, 81 above. — Bibliography of the treaties: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VII, ch. i; Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 490, 568-578; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 139. — For later French relations, see chs. xxxiv, xxxv below.
Passy, 21 February, 1778.
. . . I RECEIVED your favor by Mr. Austin, with your most agreeable congratulations on the success of the American arms in the Northern Department. In return, give me leave to congratulate you on the success of our negotiations here, in the completion of the two treaties with his most Christian Majesty : the one of amity and commerce, on the plan of that proposed by Congress, with some good additions ; the other of alliance for mutual defence, in which the most Christian king agrees to make a common cause with the United States, if England attempts to obstruct the commerce of his subjects with them ; and guarantees to the United States their liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and unlimited, with all the possessions they now have, or may have, at the conclusion of the war ; and the States in return guarantee to him his possessions in the West Indies. The great principle in both treaties is a perfect equality and reciprocity ; no advantage to be demanded by France, or privileges in commerce, which the States may not grant to any and every other nation.
In short, the king has treated with us generously and magnanimously ; taken no advantage of our present difficulties, to exact terms which we would not willingly grant, when established in prosperity and power. I may add that he has acted wisely, in wishing the friendship contracted by these treaties may be durable, which probably might not be if a contrary conduct had taken place. ​Several of the American ships, with stores for the Congress, are now about sailing under the convoy of a French squadron. England is in great consternation, and the minister, on the iyth instant confessing that all his measures had been wrong and that peace was necessary, proposed two bills for quieting America ; but they are full of artifice and deceit, and will, I am confident, be treated accordingly by our country.
I think you must have much satisfaction in so valuable a son, whom I wish safe back to you, and am, with great esteem, etc.,
B. Franklin.
P. S. — The treaties were signed by the plenipotentiaries on both sides February 6th, but are still for some reasons kept secret, though soon to be published. It is understood that Spain will soon accede to the same. The treaties are forwarded to Congress by this conveyance.
Benjamin Franklin, Complete Works (edited by John Bigelow, New York, etc.,), vi, 131-134.
200. A Dashing Young Officer in the Field (1778)
BY COLONEL JOHN TRUMBULL (1841)
Trumbull, the son of the governor of Connecticut, became an artist, and painted some of the pictures now in the Capitol at Washington. — Bibliography of the Rhode Island campaigns: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 592-603; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 138. — On the army, see ch. xxviii above.
IN the year 1778, a plan was formed for the recovery of Rhode Island from the hands of the British, by the cooperation of a French fleet of twelve sail of the line, commanded by the Count D'Estaing, and a body of American troops, commanded by General Sullivan. The fleet arrived off New York early in July, and in August sailed for Rhode Island. I seized this occasion to gratify my slumbering love of military life, and offered my services to General Sullivan, as a volunteer aid-du-camp. My offer was accepted, and I attended him during the enterprise.
The French fleet, which had passed Newport, and lay at anchor above the town, were drawn off from their well selected station by a clever manoeuvre of Lord Howe, the very day after the American army had landed on the island. The two fleets came to a partial action off the capes of the Chesapeake, in which they were separated by a severe gale ​of wind ; the French, more damaged by the tempest than by the enemy, put into Boston to refit, and General Sullivan was left to pursue the enterprise with the army alone. The enemy shut themselves up in Newport, while he advanced to the town in admirable order, and the place was invested in form.
It soon became evident that the attempt was vain, so long as the enemy could receive supplies and reinforcements by water, unmolested ; so soon as it was ascertained that the French fleet would not resume its station, the enterprise was abandoned — on the night between the 28th and 29th of August, the army was withdrawn, and reoccupied their former position on Butts' Hill, near Rowland s ferry, at the north end of the island.
Soon after daybreak the next morning, the rear-guard, commanded by that excellent officer, Col. Wigglesworth, was attacked on Quaker, otherwise called Windmill Hill ; and Gen. Sullivan, wishing to avoid a serious action on that ground, sent me with orders to the commanding officer to withdraw the guard. In performing this duty, I had to mount the hill by a broad smooth road, more than a mile in length from the foot to the summit, where was the scene of the conflict, which, though an easy ascent, was yet too steep for a trot or a gallop. It was necessary to ride at a leisurely pace, for I saw before me a hard day's work for my horse, and was unwilling to fatigue him.
Nothing can be more trying to the nerves, than to advance thus deliberately and alone into danger. At first, I saw a round shot or two drop near me and pass bounding on. Presently I met poor Col. Tousard, who had just lost one arm, blown off by the discharge of a field piece, for the possession of which there was an ardent struggle. He was led off by a small party. Soon after, I saw Capt. Walker, of H. Jackson's regiment, who had received a musket ball through his body, mounted behind a person on horseback. He bid me a melancholy farewell, and died before night. Next, grape shot began to sprinkle around me, and soon after musket balls fell in my path like hailstones. This was not to be borne, — I spurred on my horse to the summit of the hill, and found myself in the midst of the melée. "Don't say a word, Trumbull," cried the gallant commander, "I know your errand, but don't speak ; we will beat them in a moment" "Col. Wigglesworth, do you see those troops crossing obliquely from the west road towards your rear?" "Yes, they are Americans, coming to our support." "No, sir, those are Germans; mark, their dress is blue and yellow, not buff; they are ​moving to fall into your rear, and intercept your retreat. Retire instantly — don t lose a moment, or you will be cut off." The gallant man obeyed reluctantly, and withdrew the guard in fine style, slowly but safely.
As I rode back to the main body on Butts Hill, I fell in with a party of soldiers bearing a wounded officer on a litter, whom I found to be my friend, H. Sherburne, brother of Mrs. John Langdon of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, a fellow volunteer. They were carrying him to the surgeons in the rear, to have his leg amputated. He had just been wounded by a random ball while sitting at breakfast. This was a source of lasting mortification, as he told me afterwards, — "If this had happened to me in the field, in active duty, the loss of a leg might be borne, but to be condemned through all future life to say I lost my leg under the breakfast table, is too bad." Mr. Rufus King was acting that day as a volunteer aid-du-camp to General Glover, whose quarters were in a house at the foot and east of Quaker Hill, distant from the contested position of the rear-guard a long mile. The general and the officers who composed his family were seated at breakfast, their horses standing saddled at the door. The firing on the height of the hill became heavy and incessant, when the general directed Mr. King to mount and see what and where the firing was. He quitted the table, poor Sherburne took his chair, and was hardly seated, when a spent cannon ball from the scene of action bounded in at the open window, fell upon the floor, rolled to its destination, the ancle of Sherburne, and crushed all the bones of his foot. Surely there is a providence which controls the events of human life, and which withdrew Mr. King from this misfortune.
Soon after this, as I was carrying an important order, the wind, which had risen with the sun, blew off my hat. It was not a time to dismount for a hat. I therefore tied a white handkerchief round my head, and as I did not recover my hat until evening, I formed, the rest of the day, the most conspicuous mark that ever was seen on the field — mounted on a superb bay horse, in a summer dress of nankeen — with this headdress, duty led me to every point where danger was to be found, and I escaped without the slightest injury. It becomes me to say with the Psalmist, "I thank thee, Oh thou Most High, for thou hast covered my head in the day of battle !" For never was aid-du-camp exposed to more danger than I was during that entire day, from daylight to dusk.
The day was passed in skirmishing, and towards evening a body of ​the enemy (Germans) had pushed our right wing, and advanced so far as to endanger themselves. I was ordered to take Gen. Lovell's brigade of Massachusetts militia, and aid in repulsing them . . . . I therefore moved on until the front division of the column was within ten yards of the wall, and then gave the word of command as if on parade, "Column, halt — leading division, ground your arms — step forward, comrades, and level this fence, it stands in our way — quick, quick !" The order was obeyed with precision; the fence was leveled in an instant, and we resumed our forward march without having a man hurt. From that moment the firing from the wood ceased, and we could find no enemy ; they had been already engaged with, and overmatched by other troops, before we approached, and when they saw our cool manoeuvre, they probably mistook us for veterans coming to the rescue, and prudently withdrew.
Still I hoped to be able to strike an important blow, and requested General Lovell to incline his march to the right, (by which means his movement would be screened from the view of the enemy by the form of the ground,) to move slowly and carefully, and to keep the men together in their actual order. I rode forward to reconnoitre and ascertain the position of the enemy. As I rose the crest of the hill, I saw the German troops, who had just been repulsed, in evident disorder, endeavoring to re-form their line, but fatigued, disconcerted and vacillating. I thought it a glorious moment, and hurried back to my brave column with the intention of leading it (under cover of the ground) into the rear of the enemy's flank. Judge of my vexation, when I found my men, not in slow motion and good order, as I had directed, but halted behind another strong fence, dispersed, without the shadow of order, their arms grounded, or leaning against the fence, exulting in their good conduct and success in having made the enemy run. I was cruelly disappointed ; but as the success of the blow which I had meditated depended entirely upon rapidity of movement, and much time must be wasted before we could recover our original order and be prepared to move, I gave up my projected attack, and returned to make my report to my general.
John Trumbull, Autobiography, Reminiscences and Letters [1756-1841], (New York, etc., 1841), 51-56 passim.
201. The Conquest of the Illinois Country (1779) BY COLONEL GEORGE ROGERS CLARK
Clark was sent out by the state of Virginia in command of an expedition to seize the British posts north of the Ohio, and Virginia therefore claimed his conquests. Clark left several accounts of his movements ; the manuscript of this piece was captured by the British, and is in the Canadian archives. — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 716-742: Roosevelt, Winning of the West, II, 31-33; Hinsdale, Old Northwest, II, 293-294; Clark's Campaign in the Illinois (Ohio Valley Historical Series, No. 3); Channing and Hart, Guide, § 144. — For previous accounts of the West, see above, ch. xxii. See also No. 205 below.
WHAT preceeds this part of Col$^n$ Clarke's journal is only an account of his setting out and his march till the 23rd Feb$^y$ . Sett off very early, waded better than three miles on a stretch, our people prodigious, yet they keep up a good heart in hopes of a speedy sight of our enemys. At last about two o'clock we came in sight of this long sought town and enemy, all quiet, the spirits of my men seemed to revive we marched up under cover of a wood called the Warriours Island where we lay concealed untill sunset, several of the inhabitants were out a shooting by which was assur'd they had no intelligence of us yet. I sent out two men to bring in one who came and I sent him to town to inform the inhabitants I was near them ordering all those attached to the King of England to enter the Fort and defend it, those who desired to be friends to keep in their houses. I order'd the march in the first division Capt. Williams, Capt. Worthington's Company and the Cascaskia Volunteers, in the 2nd commanded by Capt. Bowman his own Company and the Cohos Volunteers. At sun down I put the divisions in motion to march in the greatest order and regularity and observe the orders of their officers — above all to be silent — the 5 men we took in the canoes were our guides ; we entered the town on the upper part leaving detached Lt. Bayley and 15 riflemen to attack the Fort and keep up a fire to harrass them untill we took possession of the town and they were to remain on that duty till relieved by another party, the two divisions marched into the town and took possession of the main street, put guards &c without the least molestation I continued all night sending parties out to annoy the enemy and caused a trench to be thrown up across the main street about 200 yds from the Fort Gate . . . .
24th As soon as daylight appeared the enemy perceived our works and began a very smart fire of small arms at it, but could not bring their cannon to bear on them, about 8 o'clock I sent a flag of truce with ​a letter desiring Lt. Gov. Hamilton in order to save the impending storm that hung over his head immediately to surrender up the Garrison, Fort, Stores &$^c$ &$^c$ and at his peril not to destroy any one article now in the said Garrison or to hurt any house &$^c$ belonging to the Inhabitants for if he did by Heaven, he might expect no mercy — his answer was Gov. H. begs leave to acquaint Col. C. that he and his Garrison were not disposed to be awed into any action unworthy of British subjects — I then ordered out parties to attack the Fort and the firing began very smartly on both sides one of my men thro' a bravery known but to Americans walking carlesly up the main street was slightly wounded over the left eye but no ways dangerous — About 12 o'clock the firing from the Fort suspended a Flag coming out I order'd my people to stop firing till further orders. I soon perceived it was Capt. Helm who after salutations inform'd me that the purport of his commission was, that Lt. Gov. Hamilton was willing to surrender up the Fort and Garrison provided Col. Clarke would grant him honourable terms and that he beg'd Col. Clarke to come into the Fort to confer with him, first I desired Capt. Helm not to give any intelligence of G. H's strength &$^c$ being on his Parole, second my answer to Gov. H was that I should not agree to any other terms than that Lt Gov. H should immediately surrender at discretion and allowed him half an hour to consider thereof —as to entering the Fort my off$^{rs}$ and men would not allow of it, for it was with difficulty I restrained them from storming the Garrison — I dismissed Capt. Helm, with my answer, at the time allowed Capt. Helm came back with Lieut. Gov. H's second proposals which were Lt Gov$^r$ Hamilton proposes to Col. Clarke a truce for three days, during which time there shall no defensive works be carried on in the Garrison provided Col. Clarke shall observe the like cessation on his part he further proposes that whatever may pass between them two and any person mutually agreed upon to be present shall remain secret untill matters be finally determined. As he wishes that whatever the result of this conference may be — the Honor and credit of each may be considered — so he wishes he may confer with Col. Clarke as soon as may be as Col. Clarke makes a difficulty of coming into the Fort Lt Gov. H will speak to him before the Gate
24 Feb$^y$ 1779 (signed) H. H.
This moment received intelligence that a party of Indians were coming up from the falls with Pris$^{rs}$ or Scalps, which party was sent out by G. Hamilton for that purpose, my people were so enraged they ​immediately intercepted the party which consisted of 8 Indians and a french man of the Garrison, they killed three on the spot and brought 4 in who were tomahawked in the street oposite the Fort Gate and thrown into the river — the frenchman we shewd mercy as his aged father had behaved so well in my party — I relieved the two poor Pris$^{rs}$ who were French hunters on the Ohio, after which C$^t$ Helm carried my answer thus — Col. Clarks comp$^{ts}$ to G. H. and begs leave to inform him that Col. Clarke will not agree to any other terms than of G. H. surrendering himself and Garrison prisoners at discretion — if G. H. desires a conference with Col. Clarke, he will meet him at the church with Capt. Helm.
Feb$^{ry}$ 1779 (signed) G.R. Clark.
I imediately repaired there to confer with G. Hamilton where I met with him and Capt Helm.
Gov. Hamilton then begd I would consider the situation of both parties that he was willing to surrender the Garrison but was in hopes that Col. Clark would let him do it with Honour — I answered him I have been informed that he had 800 men — I have not that number but I came to fight that number. G. H. then replied who could give you this false information I am Sir (replied I) well acquainted with your strength and force and am able to take your Fort, therefore I will give no other terms but to submit yourself and Garrison to my discretion and mercy — he reply'd Sir my men are brave and willing to stand by me to the last, if I can't surrender upon Hon$^{ble}$ terms I'll fight it out to the last Answered, Sir this will give my men infinite satisfaction and pleasure for it is their desire, he left me and went a few pays aloof, I told Capt Helm Sir you are a prisoner on your parole, I desire you to reconduct G. H. into the Fort and there remain till I retake you. Lt Gov. Hamilton then returned saying, Col. Clarke why will you force me to dishonour myself when you cannot acquire more honor by it — I told him could I look on you as a Gentleman I would do to the utmost of my power, but on you Sir who have embrued your hands in the blood of our women and children, Honor, my country, everything calls on me alloud for Vengeance. G. H. I know my character has been stained but not deservedly for I have allwaise endeavour'd to instill Humanity as much as in my power to the Indians whom the orders of my superiours obliged me to employ. C. C. Sir I speak no more on this subject my blood glows within my veins to think on the crueltys your Indian parties have committed, therefore repair to your Fort and prepare for ​battle on which I turned off and the Gov and C$^t$ Helm towards the Fort — when Capt Helm says Gentlemen don't be warm, strive to save many lives which may be usefull to their country which will unavoidably fall in case you don t agree on which we again conferd — G Hamilton said, is there nothing to be done but fighting — Yes, Sir, I will send you such articles as I think proper to allow, if you accept them, well — I will allow you half an hour to consider on them on which C$^t$ Helm came with me to take them to G. H. — having assembled my officers I sent the following articles viz$^t$.
1st Lt. Gov. Hamilton engages to deliver up to Col. Clark Fort Sackville as it is at present with all the stores, ammunition, provisions, &$^c$.
2nd. The Garrison will deliver themselves up Pris$^{rs}$ of War to march out with their arms accoutrements, Knapsacks &c
3. The Garrison to be delivered up tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock.
4th. Three days to be allowed to the Garrison to settle their accounts with the traders of this place and inhabitants.
5. The officers of the Garrison to be allowed their necessary baggage &c.
(signed) Post Vincent 24th Feb$^y$ 1779 G. R. Clark.
Within the limitted time Capt. Helm returned with the articles signed thus, viz$^t$
Agreed to for the following reasons, remoteness from succours, the state and quantity of Provisions &$^c$ the unanimity of officers and men on its expediency, the Honb$^{le}$ terms allow$^d$ and lastly the confidence in a generous Enemy.
(signed) H. Hamilton Lt Gov & Superintend$^t$
Journal of Colonel Clark, in American Historical Review (New York, etc., 1896), I 91-94 passim.
202. A Foreign Officer well Received (1778-1779)
BY GENERAL FREDERICK WILLIAM, BARON VON STEUBEN
Steuben was a German officer who had won distinction in the Seven Years War and was invited to America to systematize the drill and tactics of the army. His great services were well rewarded by Congress, and he spent the rest of his life in America. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 515; Friedrich Kapp, Life of Steuben; Channing and Hart, Guide, §§ 138, 139. — For other accounts of the army, see ch. xxviii and No. 200 above.
[July 4, 1779.]
UPON my arrival at the army I was . . . received with more marks of distinction than I had expected. General Washington came some miles to meet me and accompanied me to my quarters, where I found an officer and 25 men on guard. On my remonstrating against this on the ground that I was simply to be regarded as a volunteer, he replied in the most courteous manner that the entire army took pleasure in protecting such volunteers. He presented Major-General Lord Stirling and several other generals to me, and also Lieutenant-Colonel Fenians and Major Walker, whom Congress had designated as my adjutant-generals. On the same day my name was given to the army as the password, and on the following day the army turned out, General Washington accompanying me to review it. In a word, if Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick or the first field-marshal of Europe had arrived in my place he could not have been received with more marks of distinction than I was.
My services as a volunteer lasted no longer than five weeks, during which I drilled the army and made various dispositions in it which met with such approbation that I received my commission as a major-general on the 26th of April. This was also accompanied at the same time with another commission of inspector-general of all the armies of the United States. My salary was now fixed at 16,400 French livres ; while, in addition, my table and all of my official staff were maintained free of cost by a commissary of our own, and furnished with everything needful. Moreover, 22 horses for myself and equipage, 1 captain of horse, 2 lieutenants, and 40 dragoons to act as a body-guard were assigned to me by Congress. Furthermore, my adjutants and officers received the requisite number of horses and servants commensurate with their rank. I have 2 adjutant-generals, 2 inspection-adjutants, and 2 secretaries whose salaries are paid by Congress. . . .
Flattering as these decided marks of distinction have been, it only, my friend, makes me the more desirous to merit them. As far as my mental faculties and bodily vigor will allow, I shall unremittingly devote them to fulfilling the demands of a nation which has honored me with such great confidence. No difficulties, no troubles, no danger, shall, nor can they, prevent my success. My department is extensive, and one eighth of the world seem to think that my talents may be of service to them. Thank God that up to the present they have been ; and cheerfully will I die for a nation that has so highly honored me with its ​confidence. Up to the present time all of my undertakings have progressed successfully, and I can say that the trust reposed in me by the army increases daily. I commanded the left wing in the first engagement of the battle of Monmouth last year, and was so fortunate as to turn the day in our favor ; and in all the smaller engagements, both of the last and present campaigns, I have been lucky enough to have all the soldiers anxious to be under my command. Last winter I completed the "Infantry and Cavalry Tactics," which were at once printed and promulgated.
Congress testified its thanks to me, both by a letter of acknowledgment, which was published in all the newspapers, and by a present of two saddle-horses and 4000 thalers (a thaler is 5 livre and 10 sous) ; and not only my adjutants, but even my secretaries, received gratuities. . . .
I am at present on a tour of inspection for the purpose not only of reviewing all the regiments, but of introducing the system laid down in my tactics. Indeed, my friend, I have been fortunate in everything I have here undertaken. I am now fifth in rank as general ; and if my career be not ended by a fever or by half an ounce of lead, the possibilities are vast enough to satisfy the most ambitious. Two or three years of toil, and then, my friend, you must promise to visit me in Paris ; and there we will discuss the question whether we are to dine together in Europe or in America. Oh ! my dearest F——, why have I wasted my years in such a manner ! Two years of work — if one is not afraid of toil and danger — can make a man successful. Experience has convinced me of this ; nor can I forgive myself for my past indolence.
What a beautiful, what a happy country this is ! Without kings, without prelates, without blood-sucking farmer-generals, and without idle barons ! Here everybody is prosperous. Poverty is an unknown evil. Indeed, I should become too prolix were I to give you an account of the prosperity and happiness of these people. The account of them by Abbé Reynal is not entirely accurate, but it is the best. Read it and judge for yourself. . . .
. . . I must candidly admit to you that six foreign officers cause more trouble to me here than two hundred American ones ; and indeed most of the foreigners have so utterly lost their credit, that it is daily becoming more difficult to employ foreign officers. A large number of German barons and French marquises have already sailed away ; and I am always nervous and apprehensive when a baron or a marquis announces himself. While here we are in a republic ; and Mr. Baron does not count a farthing more than Mister Jacob or Mister Peter. Indeed, German and French ​noses can hardly accustom themselves to such a state of things ! Our general of artillery [Knox], for instance, was a bookbinder in Boston. He is a worthy man, thoroughly understands his trade, and fills his present position with much credit.
Baron von Kalbe and myself are now the only foreign generals in the United States service; and Kalbe, who has an income of over 30,000 livres in France, will resign at the end of this campaign.
Finally, my friend, I will only state to you my prospects and then close my letter. I will finish the war here, or it will finish me. Without doubt England, at the utmost, can continue the game but two years longer. It will then be my care to put the army and the militia in the thirteen provinces on a uniform and solid footing ; and this having been accomplished, I shall render an account to Congress as to what we owe each other. My ability to keep up my appointments on 16,400 livres is assured to me for life. Congress has promised me, not gifts, but a landed estate either in New Jersey or Pennsylvania, two of the best provinces. A considerable pension from France, after the (successful) termination of the war, was pledged to me by the French Court before my departure for America ; besides which, I can depend upon receiving a substantial gratuity especially from the thirteen provinces. To acquire all this requires on my part only three years, at the farthest, of life, health, steadfastness of purpose and courage. The first two conditions do not depend upon me : the last two are within my power and control. And then, my friend, when these have been fulfilled ! Then shall I see you in Europe ; and then we can talk the matter over, and decide whether you shall in future dine with me in Paris or Philadelphia !
Believe me, my friend, this globe of ours is not so large as we imagine it ! An ant does not deserve its food if it is too lazy to seek it at the other side of its hill ; and I have already wasted fourteen years of my life. Now, is Canada my hunting-lodge ; Georgia my country-seat ; and this strip of land the eighth of the world. At each of these extreme ends an order signed by me will be executed. This is somewhat flattering to an ambitious man ; and you can, therefore, recognize your friend !
When you write to me, my best of friends, address your letters . . .
"To His Excellence, the honorable Baron of Steuben, Inspector-General and Major-General of the Armies of the United States in North America."
William L. Stone, translator, Letters of Brunswick and Hessian Officers during the American Revolution (Albany, 1891), 244-255 passim.
203. A Warning against Conciliation (1778)
No account of the Revolution would be complete without some quotation from Patrick Henry, the southern counterpart of Samuel Adams, member of Congress, governor, and leader of the patriots. Unfortunately there is no text preserved of a single one of his glowing speeches. The extract below, from a letter to Richard Henry Lee, shows his spirit : the issue was a plan of conciliation proposed by Great Britain after the French alliance. — Bibliography : William Wirt Henry, Patrick Henry ; Moses Coit Tyler, Patrick Henry ; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 107. — Bibliography of the plan of conciliation : Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, I, ch. iii; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 139.
Williamsburg June 18th, 1778.
. . . BOTH your last letters came to hand to-day. I felt for you, on seeing the order in which the balloting placed the delegates in Congress. It is an effect of that rancorous malice, that has so long followed you, through that arduous path of duty which you have invariably travelled, since America resolved to resist her oppressors. Is it any pleasure to you, to remark, that at the same era in which these men figure against you, public spirit seems to have taken its flight from Virginia? It is too much the case; for the quota of our troops is not half made up, and no chance seems to remain for completing it. The Assembly voted three hundred and fifty horse, and two thousand men, to be forthwith raised, and to join the grand army. Great bounties are offered, but I fear, the only effect will be, to expose our State to contempt, for I believe no soldiers will enlist, especially in the infantry. Can you credit it ; no effort was made for supporting, or restoring public credit ! I pressed it warmly on some, but in vain. This is the reason we get no soldiers. We shall issue fifty or sixty thousand dollars in cash, to equip the cavalry, and their time is to expire at Christmas. I believe they will not be in the field before that time. Let not Congress rely on Virginia for soldiers. I tell you my opinion, they will not be got here until a different spirit prevails. I look at the past condition of America, as at a dreadful precipice, from which we have escaped, by means of the generous French, to whom I will be everlastingly bound by the most heartfelt gratitude. But I must mistake matters, if some of those men who traduce you, do not prefer the offers of Britain. You will have a different game to play now with the commissioners. How comes Governor Johnstone there? I do not see how it comports with his past life. Surely Congress will never recede from our French friends. ​Salvation to America depends upon our holding fast our attachment to them. I shall date our ruin from the moment that it is exchanged for anything Great Britain can say or do. She can never be cordial with us. Baffled, defeated, disgraced by her colonies, she will ever meditate revenge. We can find no safety but in her ruin, or at least in her extreme humiliation, which has not happened, and cannot happen until she is deluged with blood, or thoroughly purged by a revolution, which shall wipe from existence the present king with his connexions, and the present system, with those who aid and abet it. For God's sake, my dear sir, quit not the councils of your country, until you see us forever disjoined from Great Britain. The old leaven still works. The fleshpots of Egypt are still savoury to degenerate palates. Again, we are undone if the French alliance is not religiously observed. Excuse my freedom. I know your love to our country, and this is my motive. May heaven give you health and prosperity.
William Wirt Henry, Patrick Henry: Life, Correspondence and Speeches (New York. 1891), I, 564-565.
204. A Desperate Sea-Fight (1779)
BY CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES
The capture of the Serapis was the most striking naval victory of the war. Jones was born in Scotland, but had served as a brilliant officer in the American navy from its organization in 1775 (see No. 194 above). — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VI, 568-591; Mackenzie, Life of Paul Jones ; Maclay, United States Navy, I, 114-136.
ON the morning of that day, the 23d [September, 1779], the brig from Holland not being in sight, we chased a brigantine that appeared laying to, to windward. About noon, we saw and chased a large ship that appeared coming round Flamborough Head, from the northward, and at the same time I manned and armed one of the pilot boats to send in pursuit of the brigantine, which now appeared to be the vessel that I had forced ashore. Soon after this, a fleet of forty-one sail appeared off Flamborough Head, bearing N. N. E. This induced me to abandon the single ship which had then anchored in Burlington Bay; I also called back the pilot boat, and hoisted a signal for a general chase. When the fleet discovered us bearing down, all the merchant ships crowded sail towards the shore. The two ships of war that ​protected the fleet at the same time steered from the land, and made the disposition for battle. In approaching the enemy, I crowded every possible sail, and made the signal for the line of battle, to which the Alliance showed no attention. Earnest as I was for the action, I could not reach the commodore's ship until seven in the evening, being then within pistol shot, when he hailed the Bon Homme Richard. We answered him by firing a whole broadside.
The battle being thus begun, was continued with unremitting fury. Every method was practised on both sides to gain an advantage, and rake each other ; and I must confess that the enemy's ship, being much more manageable than the Bon Homme Richard, gained thereby several times an advantageous situation, in spite of my best endeavours to prevent it. As I had to deal with an enemy of greatly superior force, I was under the necessity of closing with him, to prevent the advantage which he had over me in point of manœuvre. It was my intention to lay the Bon Homme Richard athwart the enemy's bow; but as that operation required great dexterity in the management of both sails and helm, and some of our braces being shot away, it did not exactly succeed to my wish. The enemy's bowsprit, however, came over the Bon Homme Richard s poop by the mizen-mast, and I made both ships fast together in that situation, which, by the action of the wind on the enemy's sails, forced her stern close to the Bon Homme Richard's bow, so that the ships lay square alongside of each other, the yards being all entangled, and the cannon of each ship touching the opponent's. When this position took place, it was eight o'clock, previous to which the Bon Homme Richard had received sundry eighteen-pound shots below the water, and leaked very much. My battery of twelve-pounders, on which I had placed my chief dependence, being commanded by Lieutenant Dale and Colonel Weibert, and manned principally with American, seamen and French volunteers, was entirely silenced and abandoned. As to the six old eighteen-pounders that formed the battery of the lower gun-deck, they did no service whatever, except firing eight shot in all. Two out of three of them burst at the first fire, and killed almost all the men who were stationed to manage them. Before this time, too, Colonel de Chamillard, who commanded a party of twenty soldiers on the poop, had abandoned that station after having lost some of his men. I had now only two pieces of cannon, (nine-pounders,) on the quarterdeck, that were not silenced, and not one of the heavier cannon was fired during the rest of the action. The purser, M. Mease, who ​commanded the guns on the quarter-deck, being dangerously wounded in the head, I was obliged to fill his place, and with great difficulty rallied a few men, and shifted over one of the lee quarter-deck guns, so that we afterwards played three pieces of nine-pounders upon the enemy. The tops alone seconded the fire of this little battery, and held out bravely during the whole of the action, especially the main-top, where Lieutenant Stack commanded. I directed the fire of one of the three cannon against the main-mast, with double-headed shot, while the other two were exceedingly well served with grape and canister shot, to silence the enemy's musketry and clear her decks, which was at last effected. The enemy were, as I have since understood, on the instant of calling for quarter, when the cowardice or treachery of three of my under-officers induced them to call to the enemy. The English commodore asked me if I demanded quarter, and I having answered him in the most determined negative, they renewed the battle with double fury. They were unable to stand the deck ; but the fire of their cannon, especially the lower battery, which was entirely formed of ten-pounders, was incessant ; both ships were set on fire in various places, and the scene was dreadful beyond the reach of language. To account for the timidity of my three under-officers, I mean, the gunner, the carpenter, and the master-at-arms, I must observe, that the two first were slightly wounded, and, as the ship had received various shot under water, and one of the pumps being shot away, the carpenter expressed his fears that she would sink, and the other two concluded that she was sinking, which occasioned the gunner to run aft on the poop, without my knowledge, to strike the colours. Fortunately for me, a cannon ball had done that before, by carrying away the ensign-staff; he was therefore reduced to the necessity of sinking, as he supposed, or of calling for quarter, and he preferred the latter.
All this time the Bon Homme Richard had sustained the action alone, and the enemy, though much superior in force, would have been very glad to have got clear, as appears by their own acknowledgments, and by their having let go an anchor the instant that I laid them on board, by which means they would have escaped, had I not made them well fast to the Bon Homme Richard. . . .
. . . My situation was really deplorable ; the Bon Homme Richard received various shot under water from the Alliance ; the leak gained on the pumps, and the fire increased much on board both ships. Some officers persuaded me to strike, of whose courage and good sense I ​entertain a high opinion. My treacherous master-at-arms let loose all my prisoners without my knowledge, and my prospects became gloomy indeed. I would not, however, give up the point. The enemy's main mast began to shake, their firing decreased fast, ours rather increased, and the British colours were struck at half an hour past ten o'clock. This prize proved to be the British ship of war the Serapis, a new ship of forty-four guns, built on the most approved construction, with two complete batteries, one of them of eighteen-pounders, and commanded by the brave Commodore Richard Pearson. I had yet two enemies to encounter, far more formidable than the Britons, I mean, fire and water. The Serapis was attacked only by the first, but the Bon Homrne Richard was assailed by both ; there was five feet water in the hold, and though it was moderate from the explosion of so much gunpowder, yet the three pumps that remained could with difficulty only keep the water from gaining. The fire broke out in various parts of the ship, in spite of all the water that could be thrown in to quench it, and at length broke out as low as the powder magazine, and within a few inches of the powder. In that dilemma, I took out the powder upon deck, ready to be thrown overboard at the last extremity, and it was ten o'clock the next day, the 24th, before the fire was entirely extinguished. With respect to the situation of the Bon Homme Richard, the rudder was cut entirely off, the stern frame and transoms were almost entirely cut away, and the timbers by the lower deck, especially from the main mast towards the stern, being greatly decayed with age, were mangled beyond my power of description, and a person must have been an eye witness to form a just idea of the tremendous scene of carnage, wreck, and ruin, which every where appeared. Humanity cannot but recoil from the prospect of such finished horror, and lament that war should be capable of producing such fatal consequences. . . .
. . . The wind augmented in the night, and the next day, the 25th, so that it was impossible to prevent the good old ship from sinking. They did not abandon her till after nine o'clock ; the water was then up to the lower deck, and a little after ten I saw, with inexpressible grief, the last glimpse of the Bon Homme Richard. No lives were lost with the ship, but it was impossible to save the stores of any sort whatever. I lost even the best part of my clothes, books, and papers ; and several of my officers lost all their clothes and effects.
[Robert Charles Sands, editor]. Life and Correspondence of John Paul Jones (New York, 1830), 180-188 passim.