# The Pilgrims' March/Lala Lajpat Rai

Lala Lajpat Rai in the “Tribune”
THE LESSON OF BOMBAY.
My last visit to Bombay has been the cause both of pleasure and pain to me. The unfortunate occurrences of the 17th and subsequent days, with the consequent rowdyism resulting in loss of life and property has given me the deepest pain. It is not merely for the actual damage caused at the moment that I deplore these disturbances, but for the far-reaching effects that they are bound to have on the successful carrying out of the non-co-operation movement. There is always an element of danger in rousing an inert mass of humanity, but we non-co-operators have been fully conscious of the risks we ran and have been endeavouring all this time, not merely to breathe life into the nation but also to keep a perfect control over the re-animated being. This control we lost for the moment in Bombay on the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th of November. If the disturbances had continued longer or if the end to them had come only through Government agency, I believe it would have been difficult for me to get over my fit of ​disappointment. But it is an ill wind that blows nobody any good and these disturbances, sad and painful as they are, have taught us a useful lesson, both as to our strength and our weakness. The way in which the non-co-operators of Bombay, have worked has been a revelation to me of the strength and intensity of the capacity for discipline and self-sacrifice which animates our workers. I cannot sufficiently praise the courage, both moral and physical, of the volunteers and other workers of Congress and the Khilafat, who were always in the midst of the most turbulent crowds trying to calm and pacify them, meeting seething passion with a smiling face and turning away wrath with a soft word, helping and succouring the weak and the wounded and always ready to lay down their lives in their noble and self-imposed duties. They were indefatigable and worked day and night to restore peace and good order. Several had their heads broken, nearly all were wounded in one place or other and about half a dozen actually lost their precious lives. One Parsi gentleman told me that but for these non-co-operation workers coming to their rescue, many Parsi homes would have been looted and the Parsis, handful as they are, might have been ​swept away if the mob had its way. Not only did they deal with the mobs, but they were always at hand whenever a fire occured and were instrumental in saving many lives. Here I wish to say with pride, on behalf of the Punjab, that Pandit Neki Rarn Sharma was a host in himself. He risked his life often and often. He went to a house four stories high which had caught fire and amidst roaring flames rescued the inmates and brought them safely to shelter. I have singled him out, as he is a Punjabee but I can assure you that there are many such Neki Rams in Bombay. (In this connection it is an irony of fate that a man of such noble and humanitarian impulses should have been tried for and convicted of an offence under section 153-A, and treated from the time of his arrest up to now as one of the meanest felons). Where all have done so well it would be invidious to single out any names. But I cannot pass without mentioning that splendid type of Indian womanhood, that sweet warbler who suddenly became transformed into a woman of action. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu. She was in the thick of the fight regardless of danger and of any thought of personal safety. She rushed wherever there was ​most trouble, allaying and soothing all and sundry. She came in for her own share of injuries, but she loves the people so much that she is firm in belief that the hurts were accidental and not meant for her. When I think of her, my heart rejoices and there is every hope for a nation which can count woman like Sarojini among its population.
I have tried to give the bright side of this dark picture. But what is brighter than all is the rehabilitation in my mind of the belief that had momentarily been shaken, that we still can control the people and keep them in hand. Temporary aberrations there will be, but the spectacle of the different communities voluntarily making up the differences is a sign full of augury for the future. It leads me to hope, that if differences there will be, we can settle them ourselves without calling in a third party.
I am in a more chastened mood but certainly in a happier mood than when I went to Bombay. One further cause of this happiness is due to the splendid example of my Sikh brethren. People had thought that they were lagging behind in the struggle for liberty. People had also thought that, being a martial race, they would be the last to imbibe the ​doctrine of non-violence. They have given the lie to both these misconceptions. They might have been a little behind others in the preliminary stages, but they made up the leeway rapidly and passed the others by over a length at the crucial moment, while as regards non-violence, with its attendant conception of self-sacrifice they have given the most amazing proofs by their behavior at Nankana Sahib on the 15th November and later at Ajnala and Amristar. They have proved themselves descendants of their great Gurus and the example they have set of self-sacrifice, calm courage, devoid of swagger and absolute self-control in the face of provocation, will be hard to beat. If I have ever thought of them as being backward I must readily apologize now.
One word more before I have done. The day of our trial is fast approaching. It behoves every one to do his best in this crucial moment and one of the first duties of every citizen is not to believe silly and alarming rumours nor spread them about, unless the facts are well authenticated. There were first the rumours about Dr. Kitchlew. Yesterday people were bandying about that there had been firing in Amritsar on Sunday last. Both these have ​happily proved to be wrong. I would beseech every patriot to weigh carefully any information he receives, for it is not difficult to imagine what incalculable mischief can be done, and perhaps blood too can be uselessly shed, by false news spread about in a heedless manner. Besides, let every one steel his heart and be prepared for the worst happening to him and his friends at any moment. The late Chief Justice of England is now appearing in his true colours. He should have ample opportunities of vindicating 'the law' and coercing people in order to perpetuate the rule of his countrymen over this unhappy land.
PANDIT NEKI RAM'S TREATMENT.
The trial and conviction of Pandit Neki Ram affords another instance of the farcical nature of political trials in this country. On Saturday last when the Magistrate heard the case he seemed to be of opinion that no case had been made out under Section 153 A., under which he had been charged; that although Pandit Neki Ram had attacked the Government there was nothing in his speech which could be construed as having fomented hatred between any two sections of His Majesty's subjects. By ​Monday, however, the Magistrate had persuaded himself into different conclusion and sentenced Pandit Neki Ram to 8 month's rigorous imprisonment. May we ask if the treatment meted out to Pandit Neki Ram, as an under-trial prisoner, from the moment of his arrest onwards can show anything but racial discrimination as against the sons of the soil? Would a European of the position of Pandit Neki Ram have been treated similarly.
Pandit Neki Ram was handcuffed and brought to Lahore in a third class compartment. At Lahore he had to take his food in court with handcuffs on both hands, and from what I hear of the treatment since, I am compelled to say that it is only farcical to try an Indian under Section 153 A, for pointing out the huge injustice done to the sons of the soil. What is the use of convicting a man like Pandit Neki Ram on this charge when the whole system of government in the country breathes the spirit of racial discrimination and when there are hardly any Indians who have not bitterly complained of it at some time or other of their life. I have no complaint to make of the British who believe in the superiorty of their race. But what fills me with humiliation and anger is the callous ​attitude of my own countrymen occupying high positions in the government of the country. For these Indians to be parties to sanctioning prosecution of Indians under Section 153A, for the criticism of the bureaucracy is pure and simple hypocrisy. The Indian member in charge of jails may well be asked if in his opinion Pandit Neki Ram Sharma is not as good as a 3rd class European, and entitled to the same treatment in jail as the latter. If not, then why talk of 153A, I. P. C. ?
LALA LAJPAT RAI.
TO HIS COUNTRYMEN.
Countrymen—The Provincial Congress Committee meets to-day at 2 p.m. This meeting has been convened under my instructions. This meeting is in every sense a private meeting, according to law, and cannot be termed a public meeting. The object of this meeting is that the Provincial Congress Committee, after taking into consideration the present situation, might draw up its progrmme of work and devise means to maintain peace and order in the Province in the present crisis. The Deputy Commissioner has prohibited the meeting under the Prevention ​of Seditious Meetings Act, and in the meantime, I have received orders from Mahatma Gandhi that, as far as possible, I should save myself from arrest. The meeting is highly important. The order of the Deputy Commissioner is illegal and "ultra vires," and it seems that the Punjab officials do not care much for law. Under these circumstances, my conscience does not allow me to stop the meeting or to allow it to be held and myself not attend it. I have, therefore, decided to attend the meeting and get myself arrested, if the District authorities desire to take me into custody. I believe that, had he been in that position, Mahatma Gandhi himself would have acted in that manner, and that, had he known the later developments, he would not have advised me, as he has done. I quite realize that I might perhaps have rendered you better service by avoiding arrest at the present stage of our national struggle, but I also believe that for me to save myself from arrest under the present circumstances would be improper. I am sure, you would not like me to act in a manner that might render my conduct liable to be misunderstood. I am not deliberately courting arrest on account of the weakness of my heart. My faith, my conscience, my desire to do my duty—all compel me ​to attend the meeting. If, under these circumstances, I am committing a blunder, I believe that you, my countrymen, and Mahatmaji will forgive me.
We have decided that in my absence, Agha Mohamad Safdar Sahib, shall act as the President of the Provincial Congress Committe. The patriotism and high intellectual attainments of Agha Mohamad Safdar are well-known to you and I believe that under his guidance and leadership all the Congress Committees and all Congressmen in the province would fulfil their duties loyally and bravely.
When I left the shores of America, I knew that I would not be allowed to remain outside the jail for a long time; and on my departure from there, I told my friends that I would be satisfied if I were allowed to work amongst my people even for six months. But now, through the grace of God, I have been enabled to work with you for about 19 months, and I go to jail with a glad heart and with the firm belief that what-ever we have done, we have done according to our conscience and our God. I have no misgivings or fears in my mind. I am convinced that the path we have chosen is the right path and our success is sure. I also ​believe that I shall soon return amongst you and resume my work; but even if that is not to be, I assure you that I shall have nothing to be sorry for when I return to my Creator. I am a weak and frail man, and do not claim to possess the splendid spirituality of Mahatma Gandhi. Sometimes I am not able to control my anger, nor can I say that I have never harboured feelings which I ought not to have entertained. But this I can truthfully assert that I have always kept the interests of my country and nation before my mind and my actions have been directed with a sole eye to the interests of my country. I know that I have made many mistakes in the discharge of my duties, and have sometimes indulged in criticism which might have given offence to some of my country-men. For all that, I beg, for forgiveness. I hope that they will forgive me, especially my Moderate and Arya Samajist brothers.
The position of those of my countrymen, who are Government servants is peculiar; and I quite realise their difficulties. I regret that the question of livelihood compels them to act in a manner which is repugnant even to their own feelings. I wish that no non-co-operator should regard these Government servants with ​contempt or disdain, nor needlessly use a harsh word against them.
The success of our movement requires that:-
    (1) There should be complete unanimity between different communities and denominations. It is a sin to disturb that mutual goodwill and concord even for a religious object.
    (2) There should be no violence in the country. The Government officials are provoking the people in many ways. Courage, patriotism and regard for duty all demand that we should remain non-violent even in the face of the gravest provocation. There is every danger that at the present moment violence might lead to internal dissension, which is bound to ruin us. I, therefore, with the utmost respect and sincerity of purpose, urge on my countrymen to restrain their feelings. They should not have hartal or hold meetings over the arrests, nor should they go to the courts. Every person should continue his every day work with a calm and cool mind, should not disobey the order of the Congress and should regard it his duty to carry out the orders of the local and provincial leaders. To maintain non-violence and to keep the movement of non-co-operation free from that taint are essential for our success.
    (3) There should be no break in the work of the Congress. The “khaddar” propaganda should be carried on with increasing vigour and the boycott of foreign cloth should be made complete. On the occasion of the forthcoming visit of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales there ought to be no public decorations or rejoicings, and no one should participate in the processions or other functions held in his honour. And, above all, you should act in accordance with the wishes of Mahatma Gandhi.
Young men of the Punjab—I want to address a word to you. To pass a university examination is not the “summum bonum” of your life. Any man who models his course of life on a selfish basis is not a human being; and if in your young age we curb by our nobler ambitions and finer emotions and in their place plant baser passions and a desire for luxurious living in your breasts, then also your life is worse than death. I do not wish that you should act in a state of undue excitement. But you should at least do two things: wear khaddar and boycott the visit of the Prince.
Women of the Panjab—I know that you, too, are imbued with a spirit of patriotism and ​a desire to serve your country, and that you would not care if in that service you lose your liberty. Many of you are prepared to go to jail. But the Indian jails are hells upon earth; vice and corruption reigns there supreme. I, therefore, request you to give up the idea of courting imprisonment; and direct your energies towards the preaching of Swadeshi and yourself wearing pure Swadeshi clothes. There is one other thing which you can do. You can take care of the young children who are left behind by those who go to jail in the country's cause.
My countrymen, I now bid you good-bye. I go to jail in the firm belief that the honour of my beloved country and nation is safe in your keeping. The "Bande Mataram" and the Tilak School of Politics are my two children and these also I leave in your keeping.
Those of my brothers who are in Lahore and have not attended to-day's meeting have done so at my request, so that our work may not be interrupted.