# Cassell's Illustrated History of England/Volume 1/Chapter 21

CHAPTER XXI.
Edward the Confessor—His Life and Reign.
The English, on the death of Hardicanute, saw that a favourable opportunity had occurred for recovering their ancient independence, and shaking off the Danish yoke, which was insufferably galling to a proud and spirited people.
Prince Edward was fortunately at court at the time of his brother's death; and though the true Saxon heir was the descendant of Edmund Ironside, the absence of that prince in Hungary appeared a sufficient reason for his exclusion. Delays might be dangerous; the occasion might not again present itself, and must be eagerly embraced before the Danes, now left in the island without a leader, had time to recover from the confusion into which the death of their king had thrown them.
But this concurrence of circumstances in favour of Edward might have failed of its effect, had his succession been opposed by Godwin, whose power, alliances, and abilities gave him a great influence at all times, especially amidst those sudden opportunities which always attend a revolution of government, and which, either seized or neglected, commonly prove decisive. There were opposite reasons which divided men's hopes and fears with regard to Godwin's conduct. On the one hand, the credit of that nobleman lay chiefly in Wessex, which was almost entirely inhabited by English: it was therefore presumed that he would second the wishes of that people in restoring the Saxon line, and in humbling the Danes, from whom he, as well as they, had reason to dread, as they had already felt, the most grievous oppressions. On the other hand, there existed a declared animosity between Edward and Godwin, on account of Alfred's murder, of which the latter had been publicly accused by the prince, and which he might believe so deep an offence as could never, on account of any subsequent merits, be sincerely pardoned. But their common friends here interposed, and, representing the necessity of their reconciliation, obliged them to lay aside all jealousy and rancour, and concur in restoring liberty to their native country. Godwin only stipulated that Edward, as a pledge of his sincerity, should promise to marry his daughter, Editha; and having fortified himself by this alliance, he summoned a general council at Gillingham, and prepared every measure for securing the succession to Edward. The English were unanimous and zealous in their resolutions; the Danes were divided and dispirited; any small opposition which appeared in this assembly was browbeaten and suppressed; and Edward was crowned king with every demonstration of duty and affection.
The triumph of the English, on this signal and decisive advantage, was at first attended with some insult and violence against the Danes; but the king, by the mildness of his character, soon reconciled the latter to his administration, and the distinction between the two nations gradually disappeared. The Danes were interspersed with the English in most of the provinces, and spoke nearly the same language.
The joy of their deliverance made such an impression on the English, that they had an annual festival, which was observed in some countries even to the time of Spelman.
The popularity of Edward's accession was not destroyed by the first act of his administration, which was to resume all grants made by his immediate predecessors—a stretch of power, in most instances, attended by dangerous consequences to the kingly authority and the well-being of the state.
The poverty of the crown convinced the people of its necessity; and as these grants had been lavished chiefly upon their enemies, the Danes, as rewards for their services in opposing them, the English regarded it as an act of justice rather than one of spoliation.
The new king treated his mother, the Queen Dowager, not only with coldness, but some degree of severity, on account of her having neglected him in his diversity. He accused her of preferring her son by Canute to his brother and himself—which, when the characters of her first and second husbands are compared, appears by no means improbable.
​He stripped her of the great wealth she had amassed, and confined her for the rest of her life in a convent at Winchester.
The accusation of her having been a party to the murder of her son Alfred, and of her criminal intercourse with the Bishop of Winchester, which she is said to have cleared herself from by walking barefoot over nine red-hot plough-shares, must be regarded as tradition merely.
The English fondly believed that by the accession of Edward they had delivered themselves for ever from the dominion of foreigners; but they soon found that they were in error; for the king, who had been educated at the court of his uncle in Normandy, had contracted so strong an affection for the natives of that country that his court was speedily filled by them.
This partiality will be considered by no means an unnatural one, when it is remembered that the natives of that populous and wealthy state were far more polished than the comparatively rude, unlettered Saxons, and their culture superior. The example of the monarch was not without its influence; the courtiers imitated the Normans both in dress and manners. The French became the language not only of the court, but of law; even the Church felt its influence, Edward creating Ulf and William, two Norman priests. Bishops of Dorchester and London. Robert, another native of the same country, was soon afterwards elevated to the primacy.
All these changes gradually excited the jealousy of the English nation; although it may be justly doubted whether the most far-sighted amongst them foresaw that it was gradually preparing the way for a fresh conquest of the country.
Amongst those who bitterly resented the innovation were Earl Godwin and his sons, the most powerful nobles in Britain.
The father, besides being Duke or Earl of Wessex, for the title was indiscriminately used, had the counties of Kent and Sussex annexed to his government. His eldest son, Sweyn, possessed the same authority in Oxford, Berkshire, Gloucester, and Hereford; whilst Harold, the second son, was Duke of East Anglia and governor of Essex. The influence of this family was supported not only by immense possessions, but great personal talents—qualities which the ambition of Godwin rendered still more dangerous.
A prince of greater capacity and vigour than Edward would have found it difficult to support the dignity of the crown under such circumstances; and as the haughty temper of Godwin made him often forget the respect due to his sovereign, Edward's animosity against him was grounded on personal as well as political considerations—on recent as well as more ancient injuries. The king, in pursuance of his engagements, had indeed married Editha, the daughter of Godwin; but this alliance became a fresh source of enmity between them. Edward's hatred of the father was transferred to that princess; and Editha, though possessed of many amiable accomplishments, could never acquire the confidence and affection of her husband. It is even pretended that, during the whole course of her life, he abstained from all commerce of love with her; and such was the absurd admiration paid to an inviolable chastity during those ages, that his conduct in this particular is highly celebrated by the monkish historians, and greatly contributed to his acquiring the title of saint and confessor.
The most popular pretence on which Godwin could ground his disaffection to the king and his administration, was to complain of the influence of the Normans in the government; and a declared opposition had thence arisen between him and these favourites. It was not long before this animosity broke into action. Eustace, Count of Boulogne, having paid a visit to the king, passed by Dover in bis return: one of his train being refused entrance to a lodging which had been assigned him, attempted to make his way by force, and in the contest he wounded the master of the house. The inhabitants revenged this insult by the death of the stranger; the count and his train took arms, and murdered the wounded townsman; a tumult ensued; near twenty persons were killed on each side; and Eustace, being overpowered by numbers, was obliged to save his life by flight from the fury of the populace. He hurried immediately to court, and complained of the usage he had met with. The king entered zealously into the quarrel, and was highly displeased that a stranger of such distinction, whom he had invited over to his court, should, without any just cause, as he believed, have been exposed to such insult and danger. Edward felt so sensibly the insolence of his people, that he gave orders to Godwin, in whose government Dover lay, to repair immediately to the place, and to punish the inhabitants for the crime; but Godwin, who desired rather to encourage than repress the popular discontents against foreigners, refused obedience, and endeavoured to throw the whole blame of the riot on the Count of Boulogne and his retinue. Edward, touched in so sensible a point, saw the necessity of exerting the royal authority; and he threatened Godwin, if he persisted in his disobedience, to make him feel the utmost effects of his resentment.
The earl, perceiving a rupture to be unavoidable, and pleased to embark in a cause where it was likely he should be supported by his countrymen, made preparations for his own defence, or rather for an attack on Edward. Under pretence of repressing some disorders on the Welsh frontier, he secretly assembled a great army, and was approaching the king, who resided, without any military force, and without suspicion, at Gloucester. Edward applied for protection to Siward, Duke of Northumberland, and Leofric, Duke of Mercia, two powerful noblemen, whose jealousy of Godwin's greatness, as well as their duty to the crown, engaged them to defend the king in this extremity. They hastened to him with such of their followers as they could assemble on a sudden; and finding the danger much greater than they had at first apprehended, they issued orders for mustering all the forces within their respective governments, and for marching them without delay to the defence of the king's person and authority. Edward, meanwhile, endeavoured to gain time by negotiation; while Godwin, who thought the king entirely in his power, and who was willing to save appearances, fell into the snare; and not sensible that he ought to have no farther reserve after he had proceeded so far, he lost the favourable opportunity of rendering himself master of the government.
The English, though they had no idea of Edward's vigour and capacity, bore him great affection on account of his humanity, justice, and piety, as well as the long race of their native kings from whom he was descended; and they hastened from all quarters to defend him from the ​present danger. His array was now so considerable, that he ventured to take the field; and, marching to London, he summoned a general council of the nation, to judge the rebellion of Godwin and his sons.
These nobles affected at first a willingness to stand their trial, but demanded hostages for their safety, which were indignantly refused. Soon afterwards, finding themselves deserted by the majority of their adherents, they disbanded their remaining forces, and fled the country.
Baldwin, Count of Flanders, gave shelter and protection to the earl and three of his sons, Gurth, Sweyn, and Tostig, the last being his son-in-Law.
Harold and Leofwin, two younger brothers, took refuge in Ireland.
Godwin himself had fixed his influence too strongly in England, and had too many allies, not to make some efforts to retrieve his misfortunes. The Earl of Flanders permitted him, in 1052, to fit out an expedition in his harbours, which he directed towards Sandwich; but was compelled to retreat before the numerous fleet which Edward equipped against him.
The exile appears to have been far more politic and clear-sighted than the king, who, satisfied with his success, and deeming his enemy completely crushed, disbanded his men and neglected his ships, whilst Godwin kept his in readiness. Deeming the time at last had come, he put to sea once more, and sailed for the Isle of Wight, where he was joined by his son Harold, with considerable succours, collected in Ireland.
Being now master of the sea, he plundered all the harbours of the southern coast, burning the ships of Edward, and called upon his followers in those counties which owned his authority to take arms in his cause. The appeal was not made in vain: such numbers flocked to his standard that he entered the Thames, and caused great terror to the citizens of London.
The king alone showed the resolution to oppose the rebels and defend the city to the last extremity. The nobles, however, fearing a civil war, and many of them conceiving Godwin to have reason, induced Edward to listen to terms of accommodation, which the affected humility of the earl, who declared that he only demanded a fair and impartial trial, materially assisted. It was stipulated that he should give hostages for his future loyalty and peaceable conduct; and that the primate, and all foreigners, should be sent out of the realm. Godwin died shortly afterwards, whilst sitting at table with the king. He was succeeded in the government of Sussex, Kent, and Essex, as well as in the office of Steward of the Household, by his son Harold, who, equally ambitious as his father, possessed more prudence and address. By a modest, sensible line of conduct, he succeeded in obtaining; the favour of the king, and daily increased the number of his partisans, till his authority equalled that of the monarch himself.
Edward, who saw that his subject was becoming his equal, attempted to raise a rival to him in the person of Algar, son of Leofric, Duke of Mercia, whom he invested with the government of East Anglia; but Algar was speedily expelled from his government by the intrigues of Harold, who bitterly resented his nomination, the government of that province having been formerly in his own family.
This check, however, was not of long continuance. The young noble having married the daughter of Griffith, Prince of Wales, the influence of his father-in-law, backed by the authority of Edward, quickly reinstated him.
This peace was not of long duration; Harold, taking advantage of Leofric's death, which happened soon after, expelled Algar anew, and banished him the kingdom; and though that nobleman made a fresh irruption into East Anglia with an army of Norwegians, and overran the country, his death soon freed Harold from the pretensions of so dangerous a rival. Edward, the eldest son of Algar, was indeed advanced to the government of Mercia; but the balance which the king desired to establish between those potent families was wholly lost, and the influence of Harold greatly preponderated.
The death of Siward, Duke of Northumberland, in 1055, made the way still more open to the ambition of that nobleman. Siward, besides his other merits, had acquired honour to England by his successful conduct in the only foreign enterprise undertaken during the reign of Edward. Duncan, King of Scotland, was a prince of a gentle disposition, but possessed not the genius requisite for governing a country so turbulent, and so much infested by the intrigues and animosities of the great. Macbeth, a powerful nobleman, and nearly allied to the crown, not content with curbing the king's authority, carried still further his pestilent ambition: he put his sovereign to death; chased Malcolm Kenmure, his son and heir, into England; and usurped the crown. Siward, whose daughter was married to Duncan, embraced, by Edward's orders, the protection of this distressed family: he marched an army into Scotland; and having defeated and killed Macbeth in battle, he restored Malcolm to the throne of his ancestors. This service, added to his former connections with the royal family of Scotland, brought a great accession to the authority of Siward in the north; but as he had lost his eldest son, Osberne, in the action with Macbeth, it proved in the issue fatal to his family. His second son, Waltheof, appeared, on his father's death, too young to be entrusted with the government of Northumberland; and Harold's influence obtained that dukedom for his own brother, Tostig.
There are two circumstances related of Siward which discover his high sense of honour and his martial disposition. When intelligence was brought to him of his son Osborne's death, he was inconsolable, till he heard that the wound was received in the breast, and that he had behaved with great gallantry in the action. When he found his own death approaching, he ordered his servants to clothe him in a complete suit of armour; and sitting erect on the couch, with a spear in his hand, declared that in that posture, the only one worthy of a warrior, he would patiently await the fatal moment.
The king, now worn out with cares and infirmities, felt himself far advanced in the decline of life; and having no issue himself, began to think of appointing a successor to the kingdom. He sent a deputation to Hungary, to invite over his nephew Edward, son of his elder brother, and the only remaining heir of the Saxon line. That prince, whose succession to the crown would have been easy and undisputed, came to England with his children, Edgar, surnamed Atheling, Margaret, and Christina; but his death, which happened a few days after his arrival, threw the king into new difficulties. Ho saw that the great power and ambition of Harold had tempted him to think of obtaining possession ​of the throne on the first vacancy; and that Edgar, on account of his youth and inexperience, was very unfit to oppose the pretensions of so popular and enterprising a rival. The animosity which he had long borne to Earl Godwin made him averse to the succession of his son; and he could not, without extreme reluctance, think of an increase of grandeur to a family which had risen on the ruins of royal authority, and which, by the murder of Alfred, his brother, had contributed so much to the weakening of the Saxon line. In this uncertainty, he secretly cast his eye towards his kinsman, William, Duke of Normandy, as the only person whose power, and reputation, and capacity could support Any destination which he might make in his favour, to the exclusion of Harold and his family.
This famous prince was natural son of Robert, Duke of Normandy, by Harlotta, daughter of a tanner in Falaise, and was very early established in that grandeur from which his birth seemed to have set him at so great a distance. While he was but nine years of age, his father had resolved to undertake a pilgrimage to Jerusalem—a fashionable act of devotion, which had taken the place of the pilgrimages to Rome, and which, as it was attended with more difficulty and danger, and carried those religious enthusiasts to the cradle of Christianity, appeared to them more meritorious. Before setting out on his expedition, he assembled the states of his duchy, and induced them to swear allegiance to his son William, whom, as he had no legitimate issue, he designated his successor, in the event of his never returning.
The duke died whilst engaged in this pilgrimage; and the minority of his son afforded to the luxurious nobles full scope for the gratification of their passions.
But the great qualities which the young prince soon displayed, encouraged his friends, and struck consternation to his enemies: he appeared himself in arms, on all sides, to his turbulent and rebellious subjects; and obliged Henri I. of France, who thought it a favourable occasion to repress a too powerful subject, to conclude a peace upon honourable conditions.
The tranquillity which William, after many efforts, succeeded in establishing, gave him leisure to pay Edward a visit in England, during the period of Earl Godwin's exile in Flanders. He was received in a manner suitable to his reputation, and the near relationship between them, by the Saxon monarch, who began to think of nominating the young Duke of Normandy as his successor.
This occurred before the return of Harold, who now proceeded, in a more open manner, to prepare the way to the throne, by using every means to increase his popularity with the people. From the age and great infirmities of the king, he foresaw that the vacancy could not be long distant; but there was still an obstacle to be vanquished.
Earl Godwin, his father, had given hostages for his future loyalty and peaceable conduct; and these hostages—amongst whom were one son and grandson of the ambitious noble—Edward, for greater security, as has been related, had consigned to the custody of the Duke of Normandy. Harold, though not aware of the duke being his competitor, was uneasy that such near relations should be detained prisoners in a foreign country; and he was afraid lest William should, in favour of Edgar, retain these pledges as a check on the ambition of any other pretender. He represented, therefore, to the king his unfeigned submission to royal authority, his steady duty to his prince, and the little necessity there was, after such a uniform trial of his obedience, to detain any longer those hostages who had been required on the first composing of civil discords. By these topics, enforced by his great power, he extorted the king's consent to release them; and in order to effect his purpose, he immediately proceeded, with a numerous retinue, on his journey to Normandy. A tempest drove him on the territory of Guy, Count of Ponthieu, who, being informed of his quality, immediately detained him prisoner, and demanded an exorbitant sum for his ransom. Harold found means to convey intelligence of his situation to the Duke of Normandy; and represented, that while he was proceeding to his court, in execution of a commission from the King of England, he had met with this harsh treatment from the mercenary disposition of the Count of Ponthieu.
William was immediately sensible of the importance of the incident: he foresaw that if he could once gain Harold, either by favours or menaces, his way to the throne of England would be open, and Edward would meet with no farther obstacle in executing the favourable intentions which he had entertained in his behalf. He sent, therefore, a messenger to Guy, in order to demand the liberty of his prisoner; and that nobleman, not daring to refuse so great a prince, put Harold into the hands of the Norman, who conducted him to Rouen. William received him with every demonstration of respect and friendship; and after showing himself disposed to comply with his desire, in delivering up the hostages, he took an opportunity of disclosing to him the great secret of his pretensions to the crown of England, and of the will which Edward intended to make in his favour. He desired the assistance of Harold in perfecting that design; he made professions of the utmost gratitude in return for so great an obligation; he promised that the present grandeur of Harold's family, which supported itself with difficulty owing to the jealousy of Edward, should receive fresh increase from a successor who would be so much beholden to him for his advancement. Harold concealed his surprise and consternation at the intelligence; but, conscious that he could not regain either his own liberty, or that of his brother and nephew, affected compliance, and declared his firm intention of maintaining the will of the Confessor. (A.D. 1057.)
William offered him one of his daughters in marriage, as a means of binding him still more strongly to his interests; and proposed that he should take an oath to keep his promise, to which Harold reluctantly assented.
Then occurred one of those remarkable scenes so common in the superstitious age in which the principal actors of it flourished. William caused the most celebrated relics of the saints and martyrs to be brought from the churches, and secretly placed beneath the covering of the altar on which the English noble was to take the oath. No sooner were the solemn words pronounced, than the prelate who had administered them drew off the cloth, and displayed the holy collection. Harold was appalled.
"Behold," exclaimed William, "the relics of God's blessed saints and martyrs—not one of them but is a witness of the oath you have just taken. Beware how you violate it, for they will feel themselves bound in honour to avenge it."
This speech, so highly characteristic of the times, and the belief of the age, was not without its effect upon Harold, who once more renewed the promises he had ​made, and was soon afterwards dismissed from Normandy in all courtesy and honour.
No sooner, however, had Harold returned to his native country, than he began to reflect on the engagement he had taken, and attempted to justify the breach he already meditated, by the fact that it had been extorted by fear, and that, if fulfilled, it might ultimately subject England to the yoke of a foreign power, which had already caused such miseries to his fellow-countrymen. He still continued, therefore, to practise every art to increase his popularity—in the hope, by thus displaying his power and popularity before Edward, to prevent the aged monarch from carrying out his intentions in favour of his rival.
William, Duke of Normandy
Fortune, shortly after his arrival in England, favoured him by giving him two occasions of distinguishing himself. The first was an expedition against the Welsh, who had long been accustomed to infest and plunder the western borders of the kingdom, and, after spoiling the country, retreat to their own mountain fastnesses.
Griffith, the reigning prince, had greatly distinguished himself in these incursions; and his name had become so terrible to the English, that Harold found he could do nothing more acceptable to the public, and more honourable for himself, than the suppressing of so dangerous an enemy. He formed the plan of an expedition against Wales; and having prepared some light-armed foot to pursue the natives into their fastnesses, some cavalry to scour the open country, and a squadron of ships to attack the sea-coast, he employed at once all these forces against the Welsh, prosecuted his ​advantages with vigour, made no intermission in his assaults, and at last reduced the enemy to such distress, that, in order to prevent their total destruction, they made a sacrifice of their prince, whose head they cut off, and sent to Harold; and they were content to receive as their sovereigns two Welsh noblemen appointed by Edward to rule over them. The other incident was no less honourable to Harold.
The Shrine of Edward the Confessor, in Westminster Abbey.
Tostig, brother of this nobleman, who had been created Duke of Northumberland, being of a violent, tyrannical temper, had acted with such cruelty and injustice, that the inhabitants rose in rebellion, and chased him from his government. Morcar and Edwin, two brothers, who possessed great power in those parts, and who were grandsons of the great Duke Leofric, concurred in the insurrection; and the former, being elected duke, advanced with an army to oppose Harold, who was commissioned by the king to 'reduce and chastise the Northumbrians. Before the armies came to action, Morcar, well acquainted with the generous disposition of the English commander, endeavoured to justify his own conduct. He represented to Harold that Tostig had behaved in a manner unworthy of the station to which he was advanced; and no one, not even a brother, could support such tyranny without participating, in some degree, in the infamy attending it; that the Northumbrians, accustomed to a legal administration, and regarding it as their birthright, were willing to submit to the king, but required a governor who would pay regard to their rights and privileges; that they had been taught by their ancestors that death was preferable to servitude, and had taken the field, determined to perish rather than suffer a renewal of those indignities to which they had long been exposed; and they trusted that Harold, on reflection, would not defend in another the violence he had repressed in his own government ​ This remonstrance was accompanied by such proofs of the justice of the complaints, that Harold felt himself compelled to abandon his brother's cause; and, returning to Edward, persuaded the king to pardon the Northumbrians, and to confirm Morocar in the government. He afterwards married the sister of that nobleman.
Tostig, in a rage, quitted England, and took refuge with his father-in-law, the Earl of Flanders.
By this union, William perceived that Harold had broken faith with him, and naturally considered, that if he had done so in espousing another than his daughter, to whom he had previously engaged himself, no reliance could be placed upon his oath; and began to despair of success, for his rival's conduct had gained him the universal approbation of his countrymen.
Harold now openly declared his pretensions to the succession, which the aged Edward was too irresolute either to oppose or arrest. Whilst things were in this state, he was surprised by sickness, and died on the 5th of January, 1066, in the sixty-fifth year of his age, and the twenty-fifth of his reign.
This prince, to whom the Church has given the title of saint and confessor, was the last of the Saxon line that ruled in England. Though his reign was peaceable and fortunate, he owed his prosperity less to his own abilities than to the conjunctures of the times. The Danes, employed in other enterprises, did not attempt those incursions which Had been so troublesome to all his predecessors, and fatal to some of them. The facility of his disposition made him acquiesce under the government of Godwin and his son Harold; and the abilities as well as the power of these noblemen enabled them, while they were entrusted with authority, to preserve domestic peace and tranquillity. The most commendable circumstance of Edward's government was his attention to the administration of justice; and his compiling, for that purpose, a body of laws, which he collected from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation, though now lost (for the laws that pass under Edward's name were composed afterwards), was long the object of affection to the English nation.
Edward the Confessor was the first that touched for the king's evil: the opinion of his sanctity procured belief to this cure among the people; and many of his successors regarded it as a part of their state and grandeur to uphold the same opinion.
Queen Anne, we believe, was the last sovereign who practised it.