# A memoir of Granville Sharp/Section 4

Layout 2
​Who create and support this demand? The consumers of slave produce.
What then are slave masters? Merely mercenaries, who when tempted or hired by the consumer, conduct or do the dreadful work, which must be done, before the consumer, the tempter, can be gratified.
Is it not, I would solemnly say to every reader of these lines, as criminal to hire or support slavery, as it is directly to perpetrate it? Or, if the slave master be found guilty at the judgment seat, can they escape, who voluntarily give him the sole motive for becoming or continuing a slave master? Consumers of slave produce, look well to it. You will want a good answer at the bar of God! And remember, that to darken truth, or to render duty obscure, by excuses which art can frame, or which corruption admits, is eternally a different thing from any thing that God can approve of.
SECTION IV.
On 2d of April, 1792, Mr. Wilberforce moved "that the trade carried on by British subjects, for the purpose of obtaining slaves on the coast of Africa, ought to be abolished." The discussion which ensued, was deeply interesting, and some progress was made. Mr. H. Thornton, chairman of the Sierra Leone company, said in the course of it, speaking of the slave trade, "It had obtained the name of a trade, and many had been deceived by the appellation: but it was a war, not a trade; it was a mass of crimes, and not commerce; it alone prevented the introduction of trade into Africa. * * * * It created more embarrassments than all the natural impediments of the country, and was more hard to contend with, than any difficulties of climate, soil, or natural dispositions of the people." Such is still the case; and such must continue to be the case, until slavery, its sole parent and support, is abolished.
​In 1793, Mr. Wilberforce renewed and lost his motion.
In 1794, he renewed and carried it at last, through the House of Commons, but the Lords rejected it.
In 1795—6, the effort was renewed and negatived.
In 1797, an address was carried to the king.
In 1798—9, Mr. Wilberforce renewed his motion and was defeated: but in the last of these years Dr. Horsley, Bishop of Rochester, in the house of Lords, nobly and effectually vindicated scripture from the blasphemous imputation of tolerating slavery.
From this period, until 1804, Mr. Wilberforce thought it best not to renew his motion, leaving the excitement which had been awakened, to work, and supplying it continually with fresh fuel, by means of truth more and more largely and diligently diffused.
In 1804, the bill passed the Commons, but its discussion in the Lords was deferred till next season.
In 1805, Wilberforce renewed his motion, but lost it. Mr. Pitt, who had thus far fostered the bill, soon after died.
In 1806, the bill was committed to Sir Arthur Piggott, the Attorney General; and being introduced by him, passed both houses. Mr. Fox then moved (10th June) "That the House, considering the slave trade to be contrary to the principles of justice, humanity and policy, will, with all practicable expedition, take effectual measures for its abolition." This was carried by a majority of 114 to 15 in the Commons; and of 41 to 20 in the Lords. Mr. Fox died before the next session.
In 1807, Lord Granville brought into the House of Lords, "A bill for the Abolition of the Slave Trade." Counsel was heard against the bill for four days. The subject was then thoroughly discussed—and the bill passed with a majority of 100 to 36. In the Commons the majority in its favor was 283 against 16. It passed the Commons on 10th February, 1807.
A committee of the whole House being then formed, a bill was immediately passed, "that no vessel should clear out for slaves, from any port within the British dominions, after 1st May, 1807;" and "that no slave should be landed ​in the Colonies after 1st March, 1808." This bill was passed on 16th March, 1807, and through the strenuous exertions of Lord Granville, received the royal assent on Wednesday, 25th, a few minutes only before the ministers resigned their respective offices, as they had been required to do, by a message delivered to them that morning.
So, fell the legality of the African slave trade. God was gracious to his servants as far as they were faithful to his cause. They struck at the branch, and were enabled to fell it—but the root remained uninjured by the wound. They attacked an effect; but left the great cause untouched. They cut off a stream; but left the fountain still to pour forth floods of guilt and misery.
It refreshes my soul to find, that Granville Sharp, partook not of this unfaithfulness. Contemplating the depth and almost death in sin, of the national mind, the others solemnly deliberated, whether they should attack the whole evil, or only a part of it; for it does not seem, that they saw so clearly, as we now cannot help seeing, that the slave trade was merely a branch of slavery—they saw that it was a similar evil—but they do not seem to have seen, that it was an effect of another evil; and that slavery, its cause, must be abolished before it could cease. But they shrunk from attacking, at once, the united force of the slave holder and of the slave dealer, and chose the latter as being most vincible. Granville Sharp, on the contrary, questioned not the power of his enemies—he regarded not the fewness of his friends—he did not stumble at his own unworthiness. He saw his country's guilt and danger; and he did not dare to mete it out, as the favor or fear of man dictated. He heard the voice of heaven calling him up to the whole conflict, and he solemnly and vehemently remonstrated with the committee against the resolution which they had adopted declaring, that "as slavery was as much a crime against the Divine law, as the slave trade, it became the committee to exert themselves equally against the continuance of both; and he did not hesitate to pronounce all present, guilty before God, for shutting those, who were then slaves, out of the pale of their approaching ​labors." He delivered this protest, with a loud voice, a powerful emphasis, and both hands lifted up towards heaven, as was usual to him, when much moved. The committee acknowledged the criminality of both, to be the same—but they adhered to their resolution; fearing, that if they attacked at once, both slavery and the slave trade, they would succeed against neither. Granville Sharp, though wounded to the quick by this decision in some of his most sacred feelings, perceived that the burthen rested with him no longer, his testimony having been faithfully borne; and he continued to labor with cordial zeal, in the cause which his friends were pursuing. His office in the committee, was chairman, by a unanimous vote of the members, as "Father," in their language, "of the cause in England." But while he sustained the responsibility, and performed the duty of the office, he would never assume the chair. Thomas Clarkson says of him, "I have attended above seven hundred committees and sub-committees with him, and yet, though sometimes but few were present, he always seated himself at the end of the room; choosing rather to serve the glorious cause, in humility through conscience, than in the character of a distinguished individual." He had well learnt and steadily practiced the glorious injunction, "Whosoever will be great among you, let him be your minister; and whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant." Matt. xx. 26, 27.
Sharp's extensive and intimate acquaintance and correspondence with the noblest minds of the day, was of essential service to the cause. He seems to have been particularly useful amongst the ministers of the established church. He was the first who instructed Mr. Pitt upon the subject, Pitt having sent for him in consequence of Mr. Wilberforce's illness. Not long after, Thomas Clarkson had an interview with Pitt, and Pitt expressed his doubts as to the reality of the treatment of the slaves, as well as to the mortality of the seamen; and also, as to the riches, genius and abilities of the African people. Clarkson was desired to wait upon him the following day, with such proofs as he could bring. "At the time appointed," says Clarkson, "I ​went, with my books, papers, and African productions. Mr. Pitt examined them himself. He turned over leaf after leaf, in which the copies of the muster rolls were contained, with great patience, and when he had looked over above a hundred pages accurately, and found the name of every seaman inserted—his former abode or service—the time of his entry—and what had become of him, either by death, discharge, or desertion—he confessed with some emotion, that his doubts were wholly removed, with respect to the destructive nature of the employ; and he said, that the facts contained in these documents if they had been but fairly copied, could never be disproved.
"He was equally astonished at the various woods, and other productions of Africa; but most of all, at the manufactures of the natives, in cotton, leather, gold and iron, which were laid before him. These, he handled and examined over and over again. On the sight of these, many sublime thoughts seemed to rush in upon him at once; some of which he expressed, with observations becoming a great and dignified mind." Granville Sharp's notes declare the same conviction of Mr. Pitt's magnanimity and integrity in this holy cause.
But though Sharp, as chairman and member of the committee of the society for abolishing the African slave trade, confined himself to that particular and limited object, he did not merge therein his personal and separate identity, or forsake the nobler yearnings of his soul. Alive to the cause of universal philanthropy, he seized every opportunity of urging the sacred cause of the slave; and of asserting the principle dear to his heart, which the British code and everlasting law alike establish, "that it is better to suffer every evil, than to consent to any," Melius est omnia mala pati, quam malo consentire. In a letter to the Bishop of London, of January, 1795, he earnestly warns him, "of the great national danger, of tolerating slavery in any part of the British dominions," and urges the scriptural doctrines, that "the throne is established by righteousness," and that no power can be durably established without it. In a memorandum, (without date) the ​following is the breathing of his upright soul: "Having been required by the committee of the society in London, instituted for effecting the abolition of the slave trade, to sign officially and singly with my name their late resolutions, in answer to the charges of ——— ——— Esq.; I think it right to declare, with respect to myself individually, that though I have carefully maintained the principles and orders of the society, in every transaction, wherein I have been concerned as a member of it, ever since it was formed in 1787, and have always strictly limited my official endeavors to the single declared object of the institution, 'the abolition of the slave trade.' Yet I am bound in reason and common justice to mankind, further to declare, that many years (at least twenty) before the society was formed, I thought, and ever shall think it my duty to expose the monstrous impiety and cruelty (impious and cruel, being the due epithets fixed by an allowed maxim of the law on such iniquity) not only of the slave trade, but also, of slavery itself, in whatever form it is favored; and likewise to assert, that no authority on earth can ever render such enormous iniquities legal; but that the Divine retribution (the 'measure for measure,' so clearly denounced in the holy scriptures) will inevitably pursue every government or legislature, that shall presume to establish, or even to tolerate, such abominable injustice. I should forfeit all title to true loyalty as an Englisman, did I not continue the same fixed detestation of slavery, which I have publicly avowed for about thirty years past. But my declarations on that head, were always intended as friendly warnings against the obvious and ordinary consequences of that unchristian oppression, slavery! but surely, not to excite those fatal consequences—for that would be superfluous, as they are in themselves but too sure and inevitable, unless timely amendment should avert them."
But Granville Sharp's attention was not confined to the sacred objects which we have been considering. They indeed occupied his chief attention, for they most needed it. Fashion, honor, religious profession advocated them not. They were amongst the poor and the despised things of this ​world, and needed that unworldly love, of which our blessed Lord, has set us so glorious an example. Those persons therefore alone, engaged in these with ardor, in whose bosoms burnt the same unearthly and impartial flame. Of minds of this stamp, Granville Sharp was the first; but he cordially united in every other "labor of love."
He was a liberal subscriber to the Naval and Military Bible Society which was formed in 1780. He presided on 2d May, 1804, at the meeting in London, from which the British and Foreign Bible Society took its rise, and is thus mentioned in Mr. Owen's history: "In Granville Sharp, the cause obtained a temporary patron, in whom the members of the establishment acknowledged a true churchman, and real christians of every denomination, a friend and a brother. Perhaps it would not have been possible to find, a man in whom the qualities requisite for the first chairman of the British and Foreign Bible Society, were so completely united, as they were in this venerable philanthropist. A churchman in faith, and universal in charity, he stamped upon the institution, while it was yet tender, those characters which suited its constitution and its end; and while he made it respected by the sanction of his name, he improved it by the influence of his example."
Within a month after the legal abolition of the African slave trade, a new society was formed (April, 1807) called "The African Institution." Prior to this it had been well ascertained through the settlement of Sierra Leone, that agriculture, commerce and freedom, might be introduced into Africa: it had been shown, that all the various natural products, brought from the West Indies, might be raised on the African soil; that the native chiefs might be made to perceive the full interests of peaceful communication; and that Africans in a state of freedom, might be habituated to labor in the fields, and were capable of being governed by mild laws, without whips, tortures or chains to enforce civil obedience. Even in the cases of insubordination, which had appeared among the settlers, their conduct, when compared with that of European colonists, was highly advantageous to the African character."
​Before the settlement of Sierra Leone, Africa knew nothing of Europe, but her crimes. It would have been against all the evidence of which they were masters for Africans to believe that Europeans were then honest men. When charged with some enormous delinquency, "What! do you think me a white man?" was their natural and reasonable exclamation! Of this, an affecting instance is recorded by Admiral Mather Buckle, who commanded for some time, a small squadron, off the African coast. One day, while he was at anchor, an African came off in his canoe, loaded with fruits, &c. The African hailed, and cried "What ship this?' The other replied, imitating his jargon, "King George ship—man-of-war ship." The suspicions of the African was awakened, and he retorted, "No—you Bristol ship;" (Bristol was a port infamous for slave trading.) Admiral Buckle calmly repeated what he had said before. The poor African could no longer control his fears. "You be," he screamed, "you Bristol ship," plunged into the sea, and left his canoe to its fate. Admiral Buckle conduced to shew the Africans that there were Europeans of a different stamp from "the Bristol or slave party men," by sending the canoe carefully and kindly on shore.
The object of the African Institution, was, "To improve the temporal condition and the moral faculties of the natives of Africa; to diffuse knowledge and excite industry, by methods adapted to the peculiar situation and manners of the inhabitants; to watch over their execution of the laws which have been passed by this and other countries, for abolishing the African slave trade; and finally, to introduce the blessings of civilized society, among a people sunk in ignorance and barbarism, and occupying no less than a fourth part of the habitable globe." For these purposes, "it proposed no purchase of territory—no commercial speculation—no colonial settlement—no religious mission; but to collect and diffuse information concerning the natural productions of the country; its agricultural and commercial capacities; and the condition, as well intellectual as political, of its inhabitants. To introduce and promote among them, letters, arts, medical discoveries, ​improvements in husbandry, and methods of useful and legitimate commerce; to establish amicable correspondences; to encourage enterprise in exploring the unknown interior, not merely to gratify curiosity, but to obtain and disseminate useful knowledge; and to open sources of future intercourse." Granville Sharp was chosen one of the first Directors of this institution, at the advanced age of seventy-three, and until within half a year of his death, continued to give it his bright and powerful support.
Prisons and prisoners—hospitals and penitentiaries—houses of refuge, and all other benevolent objects shared his care. In the year 1800, a remarkable scarcity occurring, he displayed the wholesome temper of his mind, by proposing to the clerk of Bridewell hospital, that instead of the usual annual dinner, the stewards who were to have furnished the expenses of it, should supply a sum of equal amount, towards the necessities of the patients in Bethlehem hospital.
The sources from which he derived the funds, which he so largely distributed, were, the love of his brothers and other friends—the confidence reposed in him, as their almoner, by wealthy and benevolent individuals; and bequests left him for his own use, as well as for general beneficence.
His domestic affections were remarkably elegant and tender. An even cheerfulness of temper always distinguished him; and he was ever ready, with alacrity, when duty permitted, to dismiss business and study, and to join in the amusements of children. "How eagerly was the opening of his study door watched by his young relations, as the signal for mirth and play; how gaily did they bound at the notes of his tabor and pipe; how frequently did his ready pencil delight them, with delineations of birds, or beasts, or flowers, &c." He was peculiarly fond of the company of young persons in general; and the overflowing kindness of his heart towards them, met with a rich and sweet return in their artless and generous affections.
In sickness, he was a tender and edifying nurse.
His benevolence extended to animals. His heart told ​him, that the miseries to which they have become heirs through man's rebellion, ought not to suffer aggravation from human despotism. He was ever prompt, therefore, to alleviate their condition, as much as in his power, feeling that while "it is glorious to have a giant's strength—it is tyrannous to use it as a giant." "The wretch," he used to say, "who is bad enough to maltreat a helpless beast, would not spare his fellow man, if he had him as much in his power."
He travelled much, (always resting on the Sabbath) and greatly enjoyed the observation of endlessly varied character which he thus met with. Edification was his constant pursuit. One day, a fellow passenger, impatient at the delays on the road, burst out into immoderate rage, with many oaths. Sharp was silent at the time; but next morning he sought out the angry traveller, and earnestly remonstrated with him.
In his youth, he was the intimate friend of Sir William Jones; and when that admirable man was departing for the East Indies, Granville, in a fervent interview, urging the duty and privilege of prayer, said to him, "We have talked together on many subjects—but not sufficiently on the most material of all, the perfect reliance which we ought to feel upon the will of our Creator." Sir William delighted him, by replying, that "he was constant in prayer." These brother spirits, seem both to have entered deeply into the full import of the blessed injunction, "Whether ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God."
In manners, Sharp was full of courtesy and of attentiveness to others—but his urbanity was subject to no modes of men—it was the gush of undissembling love, warm from his heart. It was the politeness of the Christ-like man, and not of the man of the world.
His mental faculties continued vigorous until the beginning of 1813, his seventy-eighth year, about half a year before his death. A rapid and painful decay then came on. His affections were as lively, and his sense of duty was as strong as ever; but his understanding tottered, and his memory failed. He was not himself, however, aware of ​the decay, until awakened to it by a painful circumstance, in June, 1813. Feeling it a duty to go to London from Fulham, where he then resided; he could not be prevailed upon by the remonstrances of his friends, which he did not understand, to decline the journey; but started next morning by the public coach, before the family was up. When they arose, a servant was immediately despatched after him, but he could not be found. His heavenly Father, however, had not forgotten his "little one." The generous coachman, who carried him to town, perceiving his altered state, felt much anxiety about him, and as soon as he had settled the business of the coach, hastened in search of him. He found him at the door of his chambers in the temple, wandering about in a state of incertitude, being unable to guide himself to that part of the city, which he wished to reach. He was easily prevailed upon to return to Fulham, as it was getting late, and was soon again in the tender circle of domestic love. His intellect partook of the decay of his body. But love was unwithering, like his soul.
He now saw death at his door, and was almost disappointed. He seems to have fancied that the millenial glory was close at hand, and that he should witness it in the body. It was but the change, however, of a delightful dream, into an all glorious reality. His rest was at hand. On the day preceding his death, he breakfasted, as usual, with the family. His weakness was great during the day, and repeatedly obliged him to lie down. He often seemed to labor for breath. Night and partial repose came on. On the morning of 6th July, 1813, the color of his countenance was changed, but its sweet expression remained. About four o'clock in the afternoon, he fell into a tranquil slumber, and soon afterwards, without a struggle or a sigh, while those who loved him watched him, and before they were sensible of his departure, he was asleep in the arms of Jesus. All that could die, of Granville Sharp, was dead. But Granville Sharp, the immortal man; the blood-bought sinner; the little child of God; the unbending and unwavering advocate of all righteousness; the servant of truth; ​the friend of man, (not because he was black or white; or Englishman or foreigner—but because he was God's creature, in God's image, for God's glory, the object of Christ's love, in hopes of heaven, in danger of hell, of one blood, and of one law, and of one calling with himself;) yes, Granville Sharp, the friend of man, then indeed began to live! He slept. He wakened—but not as he had been used to waken; still a prisoner in the body, and subject to all the ills to which it gives access—but "the sunshine of heaven beamed bright on his waking—and the song which he heard was the cherubims' song."
His departure was honored by various societies, and a monument in Westminster Abbey, in that part which is well known by the name of Poet's Corner, marks the public sense of his merits. On this monument, a lion and lamb are represented on one side, lying down together; and on the other, an African, supplicating, in chains. The following is part of the inscription:
"He was incessant in his labours to improve the condition of mankind. Founding public happiness, upon public virtue, He aimed to rescue his native country from the guilt and inconsistency Of employing the arm of freedom, to rivet the fetters of bondage; And established for the negro race, in the person of Somerset, The long disputed rights of human nature: Having in this glorious cause, triumphed over the combined resistance of Interest, Prejudice and Pride."
A few general observations may be added, in relation to this dear brother in the Lord.
Although singularly blessed with an intuitive clearness, and correctness of judgment, and with the most generous and decided firmness in asserting and supporting his convictions, he was not quick at repartee, nor always powerful in colloquial reasoning. False conclusions rarely arose in his mind; and false reasoning scarely ever perplexed him. He deeply saw, but he could not always distinctly expose, on the spot, the sophistries of others. Hence, he some, times appeared to be vanquished, when in God's sight, he was most triumphant; when the thorough rectitude of his ​mind, was rising above the poverty of his utterance, and his soul was rallying most mightily upon God. This appears to have been particularly the case in a conversation which he had with the celebrated Dr. Johnson, on the subject of impressing seamen. Johnson defended the practice, and overwhelmed Sharp with words. Sharp mourned, but was strengthened. He only saw the more clearly, the need in which that wildly noble, but much outraged class stood of an advocate; and he was only stirred up, the more vigorously to defend their sacred rights.
His regard for the established church, appears to me, to have been excessive—and his objections to Catholic emancipation, I cannot but condemn; but I am hereby taught a new lesson of humility, in relation to political and ecclesiastical questions; and I see, more clearly than ever, the vital necessity of distinguishing them from questions of moral and eternal importance, such as religion itself; impartial equity; the rights of the poor; personal liberty and property; brotherly love, &c.; that while I yield all the latitude which God has given them, to things of a political and ecclesiastical nature, I may follow God's exactness and invariableness, in relation to moral and eternal things.
He united, in an admirable manner, the respect due to office or condition, with the kindness due to the person who fills it, and with the candid boldness which truth demands. He rebuked severely; but he seems rarely to have given offence. Every body saw that he loved every body; and that the severity and constancy of his censures, sprung from the same holy source. There was a glorious consistency in him, which precluded all well grounded reproach. His favorite text of scriptural duty was, "The tree which beareth not good fruit, shall be cut down and cast into the fire."
"God appeared to have raised him up, and qualified him," says John Owen, "for the work of political and moral reformation. He had, in a measure, the spirit and power of Elijah. He was jealous for the Lord of hosts, and he hated iniquity with a perfect hatred; but with all ​his ardor for reform, (an ardor which only expired with his life) he was full of loyalty and subordination.
he rests with jesus; "glory to god in the highest;
and on earth, peace, good will, towards men."
SECTION V
The preceding history, and the circumstances around me, force an additional topic upon my attention.
Granville Sharp has been quoted as a favorer of colonization—and even of such colonization, as the Colonization Society of the United States is now conducting. I know not whether the Virginia and Maryland colonization plans, have equally claimed him.
What is the fact? How shall we get at it? Where is our evidence?
We must seek it, I presume, 1st from the well known and ruling principles of his mind—2d from his own correspondence or memoranda, as far as we have access to them—3d, from a fair comparison between Sierra Leone and Liberia—4th, by examining together, the fundamental principles of the two establishments—5th, from an impartial consideration of the national state of mind, in both cases—and 6th, from the general character of their most congenial advocates.
Let us however understand our terms before we proceed.
By colonization, we mean, not such as William Penn's. The first settlement of Pennsylvania is a colonial oasis—no more like colonies in general, than the fresh springs of the desert, are like the burning sands, which surround them. We mean not missionary establishments, such as adorn the
This work was published before January 1, 1929, and is in the public domain worldwide because the author died at least 100 years ago.
Public domainPublic domainfalsefalse