# Mečiar's Third Cabinet

Between 13 December 1994 and 30 October 1998, prime minister of Slovakia Vladimír Mečiar formed his third and final term in this office. It was the first government to be formed in Slovakia after the dissolution of Czechoslovakia.

## Government ministers

| Office | Minister | Political Party | In office |
| Prime Minister | Vladimír Mečiar | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Transport, Posts and Telecommunications | Alexander Rezeš | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 15 April 1997 |
| Minister of Transport, Posts and Telecommunications | Ján Jasovský | HZDS | 15 April 1997 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Labour, Social Affairs and Family | Oľga Keltošová | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 27 February 1998 |
| Minister of Labour, Social Affairs and Family | Vojtech Tkáč | HZDS | 27 February 1998 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Finance | Sergej Kozlík | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 14 January 1998 |
| Minister of Finance | Miroslav Maxon | RSS | 14 January 1998 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Economy | Ján Ducký | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 27 August 1996 |
| Minister of Economy | Karol Česnek | HZDS | 27 August 1996 – 27 February 1998 |
| Minister of Economy | Milan Cagala | HZDS | 27 February 1998 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Agriculture | Peter Baco | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Interior | Ľudovít Hudek | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 27 August 1996 |
| Minister of Interior | Gustáv Krajči | HZDS | 27 August 1996 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Defence | Ján Sitek | SNS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Justice | Jozef Liščák | ZRS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Education | Eva Slavkovská | SNS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Culture | Ivan Hudec | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Health | Ľubomír Javorský | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Foreign Affairs | Juraj Schenk | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 27 August 1996 |
| Minister of Foreign Affairs | Pavol Hamžík | HZDS | 27 August 1996 – 11 June 1997 |
| Minister of Foreign Affairs | Zdenka Kramplová | HZDS | 11 June 1997 – 6 October 1998 |
| Minister of Foreign Affairs | Jozef Kalman (acting) | ZRS | 6 October 1998 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister for Administration and Privatisation of National Property | Peter Bisák | ZRS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Envirovment | Jozef Zlocha | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Minister of Construction and Public Work | Ján Mráz | ZRS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |

### Deputy Prime Ministers

| Minister | Political Party | In office |
| Katarína Tóthová | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Sergej Kozlík | HZDS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |
| Marián Andel | SNS | 13 December 1994 – 30 October 1998 |

## Issues
### Kidnapping of Preisdent's son

In 1995 the Mečiar-Kováč conflict intensified and the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia cancelled Kováč's (formal) membership in the party. In August 1995 Kováč's son, who had been accused of financial crimes by German authorities (the accusation was later withdrawn), was kidnapped and taken to Austria. The president, opposition parties and Austrian court accused the Slovak intelligence service (SIS) and the government of having organized the kidnapping. The investigation of new secret intelligence service director Mitro and Slovak police after collapse of Mečiar's regime in the end of 1998 confirmed the participation of the SIS in the abduction, but Slovak courts rejected the trial of its suspected actors because of an amnesty issued by Mečiar on 3 March 1998. This amnesty was revoked in 2017 and in a case over a potential European Arrest Warrant, the European Court of Justice was asked to rule on the legality of the proceedings against the suspected kidnappers (case C‑203/20).

### Manipulation of 1997 Referendum

By holding the referendums on the same day, President Kováč sought to increase the chance of overcoming the 50% quorum for the vote to be legally binding. However, the government interpreted a ruling by the Constitutional Court tendentiously, asserting that, because the referendum couldn't be binding on the constitution, and because the appendix to the fourth question of the referendum did not contain its detailed explanation as the "referendum law" requested (no. 564/1992), the presidential election vote should be cancelled: despite the court's own ruling that this interpretation does not and may not have any influence on this referendum and that referendums already accepted by the President could not be cancelled for that reason. The government distributed ballot papers without the fourth question, but some district electoral commissioners refused to accept ballot papers that didn't include it.
As a result, the opposition urged its supporters to boycott the referendum, which was successful, with only 9.5% of people turning out. The turnout fell far short of the 50% required, and the referendum was declared invalid. On 26 May, in protest at the government's handling of the referendum, the Foreign Minister, Pavol Hamžík, resigned. In July 1997, NATO confirmed that they were inviting the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland to become members, but not Slovakia. A week later, the European Commission did likewise: refusing to invite Slovakia to join the European Union, due to failing the 'democratic criteria', but inviting the three surrounding countries, Estonia, and Slovenia.

### Assassination of Róbert Remiáš

The assassination of Róbert Remiáš took place on April 29, 1996, in Karlova Ves, Bratislava, Slovakia. Remiáš, an ex-police officer, was one of the key figures in the trial against Slovak Information Service in the case of the kidnapping of the Slovak President's son into Austria from 1995. Remiáš's car was remotely detonated in the middle of a busy crossroad at Karloveská Street. There were numerous high-ranking mafia organised crime figures present at the crime scene watching the explosion, as well as Slovak Information Service operatives. The crime has never been solved. The anniversary of the assassination was often used by political parties critical of Vladimír Mečiar to call out for the annulment of his amnesties which prevented some key political crimes from the mid-1990s to be investigated.

### New Election Law

Although Premier Vladimír Mečiar claimed his HZDS party would be a clear winner in the September national elections, independent analysts and opposition deputies argue that he cannot pull off such a victory by relying on purely legitimate tactics. For that reason, they say, the new election law would the governing coalition forced through during the May Parliamentary session must be seen as a document that rewrites the rules of the game in the government's favor.
Political analysts say that the law contains several troubling provisions, which in combination create significant room for manipulation of the elections. The most controversial measures concern the transfer of most of the powers of the independent Central Election Commission and local commissions to state administration bodies, and the secrecy surrounding voter lists.
"The government's arguments are phony," said political scientist Grigorij Mesežnikov, program director at the Institute for Public Affairs. Mesežnikov argued that the election law amendment was "confirmation that the ruling coalition, and mainly [Premier Vladimír Mečiar's] HZDS, will attempt to annul the results of the elections if they deprive [the ruling parties] of their political power."
Potential abuses
One of the most troublesome provisions of the new law, Mesežnikov continued, was one turning the previously independent Central Election Commission into a powerless observer controlled by the Interior Ministry. One of the duties of the Central Commission had been to supervise local election commissions, but these would now come under the authority of the Ministry as well.
The new also empowers the heads of local state administration bodies to appoint additional members to local election commissions in case political parties fail to nominate their own representatives. Under the previous law, the local commission members had been appointed by town and village mayors who, according to Mesežnikov, represented a wider political spectrum than state employees.
According to the amendment, new election commission members would be chosen from among state administration officials, who were all replaced between 1995 and 1996 by members of the current ruling parties and their cronies. "The state administration will serve the government," said Mesežnikov.
Independent analysts argue that opposition parties may have problems finding the required number of representatives for the roughly 6,000 electoral commissions around the country, thus opening the door to state officials. Peter Brňák, chairman the Parliamentary Constitutional Committee and a HZDS deputy, admitted that the system allowed for injustices in proportional representation at the local level. "On the other hand, careful preparation by the opposition for their representation on [local] commissions would put [the injustices] on a purely theoretical level," he noted.