# Bagal (caste)

Bagal (pronounced as Bāgāl) is a cattle herding caste of East India. Bagal people are living in the state of West Bengal, Jharkhand and Odisha. They use Kudmali/ Manbhumi dialect of Bengali as their mother tongue (with local variations, labelled as Bagal Bhasa) and use Bengali, Hindi and Odia language to communicate with the outside society.

## Overview

Bagal is assumed as an ethnically tribe derived caste (semi-tribal/ semi-Hinduized Aboriginals). Their socio-cultural behaviour is blend of Hinduism and Animism, and they are one of the marginalized section of Indian society. Their primary concentration in the valley region of the Subarnarekha, i.e., in Balasore, Mayurbhanj, Paschim Medinipur, Jhargram, East Singhbhum, Saraikela Kharsawan and Purulia districts of East India. They are believed to have undergone various socio-cultural purification processes during the Sanskritization movement in India. However, due to their animistic (in other words, non-Vedic Hinduism) behaviors, they are relatively considered inferior in the Hindu social hierarchy and often referred to as Adivasis. They also acknowledge their subordinate status in society due to various socio-historical factors.

### Etymology

The term "Bagal" is pronounced as Bāgāl (Pronunciation: /bɑːɡɑːl/; বাগাল), which is a Bengali (or Kudmali) word and carries the literal meaning of "herder". It specifically refers to individuals who are responsible for tending to and grazing domestic animals in villages, primarily cattle. Typically, adolescent boys are employed in this activity under contractual agreements with landowners as Rakhal/Baromasia. They, along with cattle-herding, undertake various household chores. In Odia it is pronounced as Bagāḻa (Odia pronunciation:; ବଗାଳ), which has the same meaning and has its roots in the Singhbhum-Manbhum region.

### Population

The Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India currently do not consider caste as a significant factor due to policy for the Census of India, except for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. As a consequence, comprehensive and up-to-date information regarding the caste composition of the population is currently unavailable. It is noteworthy that the last instance in which caste was systematically recorded as a census category occurred in 1931, prior to India's independence. The Mayurbhanj State census 1931 recorded a total of 1621 people living in Mayurbhanj state i.e., 1321 form Baripada (chiefly from Barpara pargana), 234 from Kaptipada, 52 from Bamanghati and 14 from Panchpir subdivision. In the 1901 census, 12890 Bagal returned, that is 7884 from Medinipur, 1403 from Singhbhum, 1054 from Orissa Tributary States, 622 from Manbhum, 383 from Chota Nagpur Tributary States, 10 from Balasore and 5 from Puri, who are returned as Hindu. All those Bagals are included in Ahir (broadly tabulated in Ahir and Goala, due interchangeable use of those two terms and Ahir also includes 4299 Mahkur i.e. 4159 from Chota Nagpur tributary state and 140 from Ranchi; 91 Khandwal from Singhbhum) except Bankura where 1529 Bagals are included in Bauri. In 1911, 4581 Bagal returned from Medinipur, 88 from Monghyr, 1 from Bhagalpur, included in Goala and 730 Bagal from Bankura, included in Bauri. In the 1891 census, a total of 9,674 Bagals returned from the Chota Nagpur Division and Feudatory States, with 8,364 being Hindus from Chota Nagpur divisional districts, including 6,179 from Singhbhum (5819 – Dhalbhum/Ghatshila and 360 – Chakradharpur), 2,180 from Manbhum (912 – Barabhum, 320 – Baghmundi, 224 – Para, 210 – Chandil, 203 – Jhalda, and 200 – Purulia, 111 – Manbazar), 5 from Lohardaga-Palamu, and 1,300 from the Feudatory States. Additionally, the census also noted a total of 15,049 Bagals in the marriage table, with specific distributions in Medinipur (6,191), Singhbhum (5,819), Manbhum (1,543), and Bankura (1,496).$^{:490–491}$ In 1872, 2077 Bagals returned from Manbhum and included as subdivision of Goala. However, In recent past Chakraborty (2012) estimated 20,000 Bagals living in undivided Medinipur district during his field work.
Census table :
| 1909 map of Chota Nagpur region ||||||||
| State | Jharkhand | Jharkhand | West Bengal | West Bengal | West Bengal | Odisha | Other |
| RegionYear | Chota Nagpur Tributary States (Saraikela Kharsawan) | Singhbhum | Manbhum | Bankura | Medinipur | Orissa Tributary States (Mayurbhanj) | Other |
| 1872 | — | — | 2,077 | — | — | — | — |
| 1891$^α$ | –$^β$ | 6,179 | 2,180 | — | — | 1,300$^β$ | 5 – Lohardaga |
| 1891$^α$ | — | 5,819 | 1,543 | 1,496 | 6,191 | — | — |
| 1901$^γ$ | 383 | 1,403 | 622 | 1,529 | 7,884 | 1,054 | 10 – Balasore 5 – Puri |
| 1911 | — | — | — | 730 | 4,581 | — | 88 – Monghyr 1 – Bhagalpur |
| 1931 | — | — | — | — | — | 1,621 | — |
| Included in Goala  Included in Ahir  Included in Bauri ||||||||
| | α. Bagal returned as Hindus and in context of actual occupation. β. 1,300 Bagals returned in Feudatory states, which include both Odisha and Chota Nagpur tributary states. γ. Bagals returned as Hindu religion believers. Note: In some cases the Singhbhum administrative region includes Dhalbhum and two Odia princely states Saraikela and Kharsawan. Similarly change in administration should be noted in other areas, such as Ichagarh, Patamda and Chandil of Manbhum. | α. Bagal returned as Hindus and in context of actual occupation. β. 1,300 Bagals returned in Feudatory states, which include both Odisha and Chota Nagpur tributary states. γ. Bagals returned as Hindu religion believers. Note: In some cases the Singhbhum administrative region includes Dhalbhum and two Odia princely states Saraikela and Kharsawan. Similarly change in administration should be noted in other areas, such as Ichagarh, Patamda and Chandil of Manbhum. | α. Bagal returned as Hindus and in context of actual occupation. β. 1,300 Bagals returned in Feudatory states, which include both Odisha and Chota Nagpur tributary states. γ. Bagals returned as Hindu religion believers. Note: In some cases the Singhbhum administrative region includes Dhalbhum and two Odia princely states Saraikela and Kharsawan. Similarly change in administration should be noted in other areas, such as Ichagarh, Patamda and Chandil of Manbhum. | α. Bagal returned as Hindus and in context of actual occupation. β. 1,300 Bagals returned in Feudatory states, which include both Odisha and Chota Nagpur tributary states. γ. Bagals returned as Hindu religion believers. Note: In some cases the Singhbhum administrative region includes Dhalbhum and two Odia princely states Saraikela and Kharsawan. Similarly change in administration should be noted in other areas, such as Ichagarh, Patamda and Chandil of Manbhum. | α. Bagal returned as Hindus and in context of actual occupation. β. 1,300 Bagals returned in Feudatory states, which include both Odisha and Chota Nagpur tributary states. γ. Bagals returned as Hindu religion believers. Note: In some cases the Singhbhum administrative region includes Dhalbhum and two Odia princely states Saraikela and Kharsawan. Similarly change in administration should be noted in other areas, such as Ichagarh, Patamda and Chandil of Manbhum. | α. Bagal returned as Hindus and in context of actual occupation. β. 1,300 Bagals returned in Feudatory states, which include both Odisha and Chota Nagpur tributary states. γ. Bagals returned as Hindu religion believers. Note: In some cases the Singhbhum administrative region includes Dhalbhum and two Odia princely states Saraikela and Kharsawan. Similarly change in administration should be noted in other areas, such as Ichagarh, Patamda and Chandil of Manbhum. | α. Bagal returned as Hindus and in context of actual occupation. β. 1,300 Bagals returned in Feudatory states, which include both Odisha and Chota Nagpur tributary states. γ. Bagals returned as Hindu religion believers. Note: In some cases the Singhbhum administrative region includes Dhalbhum and two Odia princely states Saraikela and Kharsawan. Similarly change in administration should be noted in other areas, such as Ichagarh, Patamda and Chandil of Manbhum. |
Current distribution of Bagal people in India :
| State | Jharkhand | West Bengal | Odisha |
| District | Saraikela Kharsawan | Jhargram | Mayurbhanj |
| District | Purba Singbhum | Paschim Medinipur | Balasore |
| District | Ranchi | Purulia | Bhadrak |
| District | Paschim Singhbhum | Bankura | Kendrapada |
| District | Paschim Singhbhum | Purba Medinipur | Kendrapada |
Specifically their major concentration is in, but not confined to Ichagarh, Chandil, Saraikela, Adityapur (Gamarhia) and Gobindapur (Rajnagar) of Saraikela Kharsawan district, Golmuri-cum-Jugsalai and Potka of East Singhbhum district in Jharkhand; Ranibandh, Raipur, Sarenga, Simlapal of Bankura district, Nayagram, Sankrail, Gopiballavpur, Jhargram, Binpur of Jhargram district, Kharagpur, Debra, Pingla, Sabang, Keshiary, Narayangarh, Dantan of Paschim Medinipur district in West Bengal; Rasgobindpur, Muruda, Suliapada, Kuliana, Saraskana, Baripada, Badsahi, Betnati, Khunta, Samakhunta, Udala, Kaptipada of Mayurbhanj district, Balasore, Remuna, Nilagiri of Balasore district, Bhadrak of Bhadrak district, Mahakalpada of Kendrapara district in Odisha.

### Social structure

The Bagal people, currently being agriculturists, assert themselves in the middle range of the caste hierarchy in the varna system. Though they are relatively regarded as an unclean caste by the caste-based society, specifically by the upper Hindu castes and as a semi-clean caste by the Munda ethnolinguistic tribal community. For instance, in their agricultural operations, only members of the Munda ethnolinguistic tribes work for them and often exchange labour. Conversely, the caste-based society, including those from the Hinduized Indo-Aryan ethnolinguistic tribes, accept Bagals as labourers, but vice versa isn't accepted. Similar norms are followed regarding food habits and socio-cultural activities. In a broader sense, they fall into the liminal stage of outside and the lower stratum of four-varna system.
   Though the Bagals call themselves Gopas, the "higher" Hindu castes do not regard them as proper sat-sudras, but do not explicitly state that they are asat-sudras or antyajas. From their features it seems that Bagals have descended from tribal pastoralists and become Hinduized. Radhiya Brahmans do not serve them ritually but Madhya-desiya and Utkal Brahmans do. The Bagals of rural areas are either subsistence farmers or landless agricultural labourers. None of them are seen these days to depend on cattle rearing, their traditional calling.
There are four endogamous subdivision of Bagal society namely Ahir Bagal, Khanroal Bagal, Krishna Bagal and Magadha Bagal. The mejor lineages or sept (bansa) of Bagals of Midnapore includes Araikula (Arikuḷa), Banardiha, Bankuar, Buru Bhatua/Buruhatua, Bukria/Bukuria, Chardiha, Danadiha, Deoria (Deoḷia), Gutisukri/Butisukri, Hajombanda, Jetuar/Jegoar, Kurkutia, Manikdiha, Pathcom, Punihasa, Samdia, Sonahatu, Satvia, Sikaria, Tetla with variation in pronunciation and romanization. Which are named after their ancestral territory, any special events or activities of the lineage. Again those bigger lineages are subdivided into some sub-lineage as lineage Bankuar subdivided into Baku Bankuar and Harin Bankuar, Pathcom subdivided into Baghamaria Pathcom and Rahe Pathcom, Bukuria subdivided into Bhitar Bukuria and Bahir Bukuria, Banrdiha subdivided into Gora Banrdiha and Kalia Banrdiha, etc. bearing both totemic clan (gotra) like Nag (snake), Sal (sal fish), Kachim (tortoise), Siyal (seal fish), Boni (boni bird), Singai (singai fish), Hans (swan) and non-totemic clan like Kashyapa, Sandilya. Buru Bhatua/ Buruhatua and Deoḷia lineage claim that they were the community level priest (Dehri) of the Bagal society. However, within Ahir Bagal and Khanroal (Khandait) Bagal, there is an absence of distinct lineage system; [sic] instead, they associate themselves with totemic clans (gotra). Additionally, there is a lack of available information concerning the Magadha Bagal.
As per Singh (1996) edited The People of India, the Bagals sub-divisional group are Ahir Gop, Akhara Gop, Krishna Gop, Nanda Gop bearing totemic clan Angaria (fire wood), Chawriya (deer), Dorhi (seed of Mahua), Kachima (tortoise) and Nag (snake), segmented into lineage Angaria, Chawniya, Dorhi, Nag in Bihar; Bankuar (a deer), Hajam Banta, Harma Bankuar, Jajo Bankuar (horn deer), Kurkutia (red weaver ant), Patkumia, Sikharia, Tentla in Odisha.
In general, each sub-divisional group predominantly practices endogamy, marrying within their own endogamous group or sub-caste. As for the descendants of the four endogamous groups in Bagal society, it is uncertain whether they originate from a single common ancestry or they are distinct from each other but use the generic occupational name Bagal. The primary distinction among these groups lies in their naming and kinship practices. Both the Ahir and Khanadit Bagal groups use the clan name (gotra) as the lineage name (bansa), treating them as interchangeable. In contrast, the Krishna Bagal group distinguishes between clan and lineage/sept. Unlike the Ahir and Khanadit Bagal groups, who consider the clan as an exogamous unit, the Krishna Bagal group views the lineage/sept as the exogamous unit.

### Social organisation

The Bagal society follows a traditional caste council system known as Desh-Sabha, with the Mukhia serving as the head and the Digar and Dakua as assistants and messengers, respectively. Additionally, the Luthukhanria and Damgurguria act as law enforcement officers for the council. The council's main objective is to uphold the community's values and ethics, and those who violate these standards may face punishments such as excommunication, physical punishment, or payment of goods or bhoj.
In comparison, according to Singh (1998), the traditional caste council in the Bagal society is referred to as Bagal Samaj or Bagal Baisi, with the Majhi, Parmanik, and Desh Pradhan/Mahakur serving as the heads at the community, pargana, and regional levels, respectively. In their society, they have unique titles, such as Barbagal, Mahabagal, Mahakur and Dehri, which are assigned to individuals in recognition of their contributions to the community.
Although the traditional councils are no longer in use, some aspects of their practices continue to be incorporated into the Bagal society's daily life.

## History
### Mythology

The myth of Bagals of Midnapore region is like that, Lord Krishna used to go to the pasture every day to graze the cattle. Sometimes he felt tired and wanted to be free from the monotonous work of daily cattle herding. So Lord Krishna made a 'Bagal' from sweat and dirt of his own body so that he could graze the cattle in the pastures every day. One day that Bagal shows some Munda people dancing in the Jungle, in the process of his routine job of cattle herding. Then the Bagal joined with them and fell in love with a Munda girl. After that the Bagal and Munda girl got married. Thus they believe that they are the progenitor of that couple. Being descendants of Lord Krishna, they also claim themselves as Krishna Gop/ Krishna Bagal.

### Origin and occupation

The origin of the Bagal caste remains uncertain. As K. S. Singh believed that the Bagal people migrated from central India and they are one of the original settlers of erstwhile Singhbhum district of Bihar (now Jharkhand). From where they got their occupational name Bagal. Due to social instability in the region, they migrated to counterparts region Dhalbhum, Manbhum, Medinipur and Mayurbhanj of Bengal province for better livelihood. Whereas the Mayurbhanj State census 1931 noted as;
   The Bagals are the cattle–herds. Herding cattle is their principal occupation. In the census of 1901, the Bagals of Medinapore ware included in the Ahir and Gohala, and those of Bankura in Bauri. In the caste-index prepared by Government for the province of Bihar and Orissa in the present census, Bagal has been listed [...] as a vague and indefinite entry [...]. There the Bagals have been described as the cow–herds of any caste. But a note has been left to the effect that they form a real caste in Mayurbhanj and Saraikela State, which is a fact. Through the large number of Bagals still follow their traditional occupation, many of them have taken to agriculture.
Additionally, in Odisha district Gazetteers : Mayurbhanj (1967), the Bagals are noted in this way;
   In their manners and customs, they are like the Bhumijas and it is assumed that they had aboriginal descent. They also accept food from the Bhumijas.
And Marvin G. Davis noted as;
   The Bagals are traditionally associated with work as cattle herders. In 1971, though, the Bagals of Torkotala village [in Midanapore] worked as agricultural laborers, cultivating smaller plots their own on the side. Based on their traditional association with cattle, the Bagals have recently advanced a claim to be Goalas by caste. It is unlikely that this claim will be recognized by other Hindus (of the village), though, at least not in the immediate future, for Sadgops are aware that their own caste is regarded as a purified section of Goala. For the Bagals to establish their claim as Goalas would be indirectly to link the Sadgop and Bagal castes to each other, a link which the Sadgops adamantly deny.
Although some Bagal people assert their descent from the prestigious Yadav group of castes, such as Ahir, Gop, Goala and Gopal (Gauda), seeking higher social status, but those groups don't accept their claim. Nevertheless, the Bagals residing in the undivided Midnapore region recount a migration narrative wherein their ancestors relocated from the former Bihar, with a smaller number originating from Mayurbhanj. In the 1931 census, 3 percent of Bagals in Mayurbhanj were identified as immigrants from Midnapore and Singhbhum. Scholars and ethnographers, upon examining the Bagal caste's genealogy and ethnolinguistic affiliation, have posited that those individuals may have had an aboriginal origin, having settled in East Chota Nagpur and adopting a cattle herding occupation.$^{:108}$
According to Singh (2012), Bagal people are might be descendants of Gond/Gour ethnic group or/and cattle–herder of any tribe and caste, because of various socio-historical processes they segmented and formed real caste by adopting regional language and culture. Further the community is fragmented into territory based sub-divisional endogamous group on the basis of regional status and subsidiary activities they were involved. Subsequently, entered into the Hindu caste system with the trend of Hinduization, resulting social stratification. Nowadays Bagal settlement mostly found on both sides of the Subarnarekha River which is the borderline of Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal. And only the Bagals of Subarnarekha valley and recent migrants living in nearby districts are known as Bagals, well bounded in between Kangsabati and Baitarani River. However, some of them, along with other sources, also claim that some of their kinsmen migrated to North Bengal and Northeast India during the British Raj, specifically to work as tea garden labourers.
During the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Bagals were employed as Baromasia (annual domestic serfs), Bhatua (workers in exchange for food), Dhangar (animal caretakers), Kamins/Muliya (laborers), and Munis (helpers) in affluent agriculturist households, works collectively known as Bagal. In the course of Indian social development, they transitioned to different occupations from their traditional roles, primarily to agriculture and other unskilled manual work. For instance the occupational pattern (primary and subsidiary) of the total workforce of Bagal population in Mayurbhanj state was Agricultural labourer (335/120), Farmer (262/76), Tenant farmer (35/34), Grain parcher (14/3), Herdsmen (13/13), Village watchman (3/3), Bullock cart driver (2/6), Iron related worker (2/1) Non-cultivating proprietors of land (2/0) and Educator (0/1). Contrastingly, minors were primarily engaged in their traditional occupation of cattle herding. In the late 20th century, they used to work as sabai-grass rope-makers. Furthermore, Chakraborty (2012) observed a similar occupational pattern among the Bagals of Midnapore.

### Uprising

The Bagals have historically relied on the forest and agriculture for their livelihood, predating the colonial era. As a pastoral community, they depended on the forest for pasture. Their livelihood worsened when the Britishers imposed exploitative zamindari rules and high taxes on forest rights in the Jangal Mahal of Bengal Presidency. They began to oppose the rules as there is evidence that they were listed in various criminal records of the British India. Thereafter, they became a part of the Santhal rebellion and other regional peasant movement to fight against the Britishers.
The Bagals of Medinapore were involved in large-scale plundering of food grain from wealthy household, a form of food riots caused by a man-made famine in 1943 that fuelled up the Bagals to participate in the Independence India movement.

## Culture

The Bagal community embraces a form of Folk Hinduism, yet they do not possess specific Hinduistic jati purana (etiological myths) within their cultural repertoire. Their socio-cultural practices primarily revolve around agricultural pursuits and the worship of their community deity. Over time, their attire has evolved significantly. Initially, men wore bhagoa, and women wore sarees above the knee without blouses and petticoats. Later, they improved to white dhoti and sarees with red or black stripes on both ends. Nowadays, men wear pant-shirts, and women wear saree-blouses, which constitute the general dressing style of India. Similarly, in cultural aspects, they progressively embraced aspects of Hindu culture. Birth, death, and marriage rituals are now being conducted with the assistance of priestly, barber, and washerman castes, as well as the son-in-law, to uphold the purity norms of Hindu society. During communal rituals, such as the Munda and Bhumij ceremonies, the Dehri or Deheri (village priest) and designated heads of households or society perform the rituals. The traditional customs of the Bagal people, involving activities like animal sacrificing, body tattooing (khoda), cauterization (dag), traditional group dances, and other primitive practices, are now on the verge of cultural extinction. Presently, Bagal traditions and rituals have largely been replaced by Hindu beliefs, and only the older generation residing in Bagal-majority villages retain their own distinct traditions and rituals.

### Life cycle

Human life unfolds through various stages, which are subject to observation within diverse social frameworks. While the social customs of the Bagal society are based on Hinduism, their methods and purposes demonstrate a leaning towards Animism.
In the Bagal community, upon the birth of a baby, the news is promptly shared with relatives, followed by a celebration known as narta-ghar on the ninth day after birth. During this celebration, the formal naming of the baby takes place, which is called mita-deoa. After the mita-deoa ceremony, the baby is given a permanent name based on the forefather, kinsman, or the time, day, and month the child is born. In some cases, this naming ceremony is observed on the twenty-first day. During adolescence, boys and girls engage in activities such as tending to domestic animals and assisting with household chores. From this phase they generally employed as Bagal (cattle herder-cum-domestic servant) in agriculturist household. As they enter puberty, endeavor to acquire skills in agricultural practices and other sustainable work. In contrast, the first menstruation of girls does not receive significant observance, except among affluent families who may organize a fest. When boys and girls reach a suitable age for marriage, their families undertake the task of finding an appropriate spouse from within their endogamous subdivision, which can be accomplished through various methods including negotiation, courtship, mutual consent, intrusion, exchange, or coercion. The Bagal community recognizes four primary types of marriage: Dekha-chahan beha (arranged marriage), Palaniya/Sindur-ghasa beha (love marriage), Kuta-mala beha (low-cost/urgent marriage), and Sanga beha (widow remarriage). Additional forms of marriage include Sali beha (junior sororate), Jethi-sauri beha (senior sororate), Rakhni beha (levirate), and Dajbar beha, are neither encouraged nor restricted. The first and some cases second type of general marriage involve the assistance of Brahmins, while the others are conducted through the community's own social institutions. In their society marriage is commonly characterized by monogamy, though there is occasional observance of polygamy.
Throughout pregnancy, Bagal women adhere to a variety of traditions, rituals, and taboos. At the seventh month of pregnancy, family members joyfully offer an assortment of food and arrange a small feast called shad-khia, which involves the participation of neighbors.
They predominantly follows Hindu cremation rituals, except if in the case of deceased pregnant women or children, burial takes place by interring the body and planting a tree.

### Festivals

In the Bagal community, festivals can be classified into two distinct types based on their social significance and the nature of celebration.
The first category comprises community level festivals, including Bangsa puja, Gotar puja, Ghar puja, Garam puja, Asali puja, Mag puja, Jantal puja, and Nua khai. These celebrations are observed within specific social units, such as lineages, sub-lineages, clans, or families, fostering a sense of unity and cohesion within these close-knit groups. The second category consists of festivals like Makar parab, Durga Puja, Bandna, Kali Puja, Tusu puja, Raja parab, and Gamha parab. Unlike the previous group, these festivals involve interactions with neighboring communities residing in the local area, contributing to a shared cultural experience among these adjoining social units.
For the youth of the Bagal community, Bandna Parab, a festival centered around cattle worship, and Karam Puja, a ritualistic veneration of the Karam tree (symbolizing the Karam God), hold particular significance as they represent an integral aspect of their cultural heritage. These festivals serve as an important link to their traditions and values.

### Beliefs

The Bagal community embraces a diverse belief system, acknowledging a wide spectrum of benevolent and malevolent deities and spirits. They hold deep reverence for benevolent deities such as Shiva, Hari, Kali, Durga, Lakshmi, Garam-Dharam or Sarna, Burha-Budhi, Bagut/Bhahuti, Rohini, Karam, Pahar, Sannyash, Manasa, Sitala, Jitiya, and Bonkumari, among others, attributing to them blessings and positive influences. Conversely, they recognize the presence of malevolent spirits, including Dan-buri/Dahini-buri, Bisay-chandi, Sangee-hangkar, Kalia-kundra, Baria, Baram, Churkin, Go-muha, Sat-bahini, Joka, Jhapri, Dhan-kundra, Kapua, Bagut, and others, capable of causing harm and misfortune. To prevent it, they perform apotropaic rituals involving the sacrificial offerings of domestic animals like goat, sheep, pig, cock, pigeon, etc., with the assistance of Deheri and Ojha in their cultural customs.

### Dance and music

Bagal people dance to a variety of songs during the festival to make life more enjoyable. Karam Nach, Pata Nach, Kathi Nach, Khemta Nach, Chhou Nach and Jhumar Nach are key activities. And sing various associated songs of those dance like Jhumar geet, Bandna geet, Makar geet, Karam geet, Ahira geet, Tusu geet. Nachni and Rasikia are two terms used for people, who are good at dancing and singing. Often those songs and folklore depicted their past and experiences of their lives. For instance a folklore in Manbhum region is like;
" Gāi gelāk bijubanē Bāchchur gelāk Rānebanē Bāgāl gelak Arunbanē Khūnji Khūnji–Jhāmralai Mai Tāo Bāgāl ghūrē nāi āishe. "
Translation: The cows had gone to Bijuban, Calf had gone to Raneban, the Bagal (herder boy) had gone to Arunban. I became really tried by searching and searching, but not yet returned the herder boy. They also sing jhumar song like;
" Hāt gele hāte nāi Bāt gele bāte nāi Balē debē hē hāmār saiyãkē Dhūdhi latē bāndhiab uyàke. "
Translation: In the market, he isn't there, in the village road he isn't seen. Ohh my friends please tell my boyfriend, I shall tie him with Dudhi-lot (symbolising the tie of love).
During Karam puja, they sing Karam song like;
" Karam Kātoray Dādā,
Ako Chotāy Ghar Ghuri Jāo,
Karam Rājākay Dhutia Parābo,
Indo Rānikay Sāriā Parābo.
Hāti Chari Aairay Karam Rājā,
Ghorā Chari Aairay Indo Rāni. "
Translation: "Oh ! elder brother, please cut a Karam branch, Cut it by just a stroke of battle-axe and return home with it, We shall dress King Karam with dhuti and Queen Indo with saree, Oh ! King Karam, come to our home riding an elephant, Oh ! Queen Indo, come to our home riding a horse."

## Politics

In ethnic prospective Bagal community is numerically smaller community living three political zone (i.e. Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal) of India. In which various social factor are distinct from each other, specially medium of language both educational and primary spoken language, center of job opportunities and culture of state. So they are assimilating themselves with the local Hindu social order of those states and nowadays as a whole do not hold distinct and standalone prehistorical identity, which is a process of social mobility in India. In the form of sanskritisation, seeking higher social status. For instance, as observed by Singh (2008), the Bagals of Jharkhand were associated with the All India Yadav Mahasabha during the sanskritisation movement in India. They have greater tribal attributes in them but there is no historical records to support as they are tribal or untouchable community except the Bagals of Mayurbhanj state, where Bagals were noted as tribal in 1931 census with the fact that their drinking habits of homemade rice beer (hanria) and socio-cultural alignment to the Bhumij tribe. In this context, they are often referred as mahara (means "orphan") by the Santhals, who have retained their strong socio-cultural identity. However, according to the government institutions, the Bagal community does not fulfill the predefined criteria (that are distinctive culture, indications of primitive traits, geographical isolation, backwardness, shyness of contact with the community at large and victims of untouchability) to enlisting a community in Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes list for affirmative action except some level of untouchability and the backwardness criteria. Therefore, they are not scheduled either as an Scheduled Caste or as an Scheduled Tribe to claim any constitutional benefits. Although the Bagals of Bihar (include Jharkhand) and West Bengal were classified as Other Backward Class and the Bagals of West Bengal marked as 'Most Backward' by Kalelkar Commission, the first Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission of India. During this committee, the Registrar General of India (1954) provisionally classified Bagals of West Bengal as a Backward Class for social justice. Then only the Bagals of West Bengal classified as Other Backward Class and sub-classified as 'Depressed Backward Class' by Mandal Commission, the second Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission of India. On the other hand, the Bagals of Odisha have been left out of these committee reports, instead proposed for inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes list. Moreover, as a status quo, the Bagal caste is not included in any notified category in any of these states as a distinct social group; rather, they are considered part of the generic population. In light of this, some Bagal people are asserting themselves as belonging to other notified communities to avail government-sponsored welfare benefits and constitutional privileges of affirmative action.
During the Colonial rule in India, available records indicate that the Bagals had a literacy rate of 2.15 percent (180 people) in the Chota Nagpur Division, 2 percent (26 people) in the Saraikela-Kharsawan and Mayurbhanj Feudatory States of Bengal in 1891,$^{:289,386}$ and only 1.1 percent (18 people) in Mayurbhanj of Orissa Tributary States in 1931. These figures contributed to their classification as educationally backward of Bengal in 1923. In response, measures were taken to make them eligible for scholarships and stipends for their educational upliftment in 1939. However, the impact of these initiatives on their educational outcomes was found to be unfavorable. Singh (2012) also emphasized the issue of illiteracy among the Bagals. Chakraborty (2012) reported the literacy rate for the 984 sampled individuals of Midnapore was 24.79 percent, with 21.23 percent of males and 3.56 percent of females being literate. The observed low literacy rate among the Bagals primarily attributed to factors such as their occupation patterns and challenging socio-economic conditions. These historical trends highlight the socio-economic and educational disadvantages that have persisted within the Bagal community over time. Through some improvements in their social status have been observed since India's Independence, but not reached an equivalent level compared to neighboring societies.
From above the fact, they oscillate between the caste pole and tribe pole within the government-defined parameters, lacking legal identity. However, for their socio-cultural, economic, and political security, they have been voicing their concerns from the independence of India to both state and central governments, seeking constitutional recognition and inclusion in the list of Scheduled Castes or Tribes. Some of the major socio-political events are noted below;
In between 1970 and 1975, there were a number of retribalisation movements by the Bagal people for inclusion in the Scheduled list.$^{:35}$ In 1976 Narendranath Raut along with other Bagals of Nayagram tempted to lunch a movement to get into the Scheduled tribe list. Subsequently, In 1978 they demonstrated in large near West Bengal Assembly house. In response, on February 20, 1980, the Ministry of Home Affairs assured their proposal for included in the list of Schedule categories. On April 21, 1981, Seventh Lok Sabha – 5th session; Shri Matilal Hansda, Jhargram CPI (M) MP raised concern about Bagal community, who are educationally, economically and culturally backward in ground and can be comparable with other Schedule Caste and Tribes. Thus, he urged the government to take necessary uplifting measures for them. On May 15, 1985, Eighth Lok Sabha – 2nd session; Shri Chintamani Jena, Balesore INC MP requested Shrimati Ram Dilari Sinha, The Ministry of Home Affairs for the inclusion of Bagal caste in the Scheduled Tribe list. Shrimati R.D. Sinha assured that the proposal is considered and will be included after a comprehensive revision. On April 25, 1990, the Tribal Research Institute of the Odisha government recommended the inclusion of the Bagal caste in the state Scheduled Tribes list. During the 2009 Lalgarh insurgency, a conflict between Maoists and the Indian armed forces, the Jharkhand Andolan Samannay Mancha (JASM) demanded the inclusion of Bagal community in the list of Scheduled Tribes as a potential solution. On April 26, 2010, Lok Sabha debate; Dr. Pulin Bihari Baske, Jhargram CPI (M) MP demanded inclusion of Bagal community in tribal (ST) list. On September 27, 2018, Bagals of Morada, Mayurbhanj demonstrated in the district headquarter, Baripada with the support of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and sent a memorandum to the President of India for inclusion of Bagal caste in the Schedule Tribe list. On July 12, 2019, Bisheshwar Tudu, Mayurbhanj BJP MP requested Shri Arjun Munda, The Ministry of Tribal Affairs for inclusion of Bagal caste in the Scheduled Tribe list.