# Armenian–Azerbaijani war (1918–1920)

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Modern history Transcaucasian Commissariat 1917–1918       • March Days 1918 Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic 1918 Baku Commune 1918 Centrocaspian Dictatorship 1918 Republic of Aras 1918–1919 Mughan Soviet Republic 1919 Azerbaijan Democratic Republic 1918 - 1920       • Armenian–Azerbaijani War 1918–1920           • Battle of Baku 1918       • Red Army invasion of Azerbaijan 1920Azerbaijan Socialist Soviet Republic 1920–1922       • Treaty of Kars 1921Soviet Union 1922–1991       • Transcaucasian SFSR 1922–1936           • Azerbaijan SSR 1922–1936       • Azerbaijan SSR 1936–1991           • World War II 1941–1945           • Black January 1990       • Republic of Azerbaijan 1991 :
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The Armenian-Azerbaijani war (1918–1920) was a conflict that took place in the South Caucasus in regions with a mixed Armenian-Azerbaijani population, broadly encompassing what are now modern-day Azerbaijan and Armenia. It began during the final months of World War I and ended with the establishment of Soviet rule.
The conflict took place against the backdrop of the Russian Civil War and the partition of the Ottoman Empire. Mutual territorial claims, made by the newly formed Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and Republic of Armenia, led to their respective support for Azerbaijani and Armenian militias in the disputed territories. Armenia fought against Azerbaijani militias in the Erivan Governorate of the former Russian Empire, while Azerbaijan fought Armenian claims to the Karabakh region. The war was characterized by outbreaks of massacres and ethnic cleansing (such as the March Days, the September Days, the Shusha massacre, and more broadly, the Massacres of Azerbaijanis in Armenia), which changed the demographics of the region.
Hostilities broadly came to an end when the Soviet's 11th Army invaded and occupied both Azerbaijan and Armenia.

## The Causes and Background of the Armenian-Azerbaijani Conflict

The ethnic conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis has deep historical roots, with mutual territorial claims emerging against the backdrop of religious and cultural differences between the two peoples.
The origins of the conflict date back to the 11th century when the Seljuks conquered the southern and eastern Caucasus, occupying fertile valleys and plains, while the Christian population was pushed into mountainous regions. As a result of multiple waves of invasions, the ethnographic map of the region became highly complex: in the mountainous areas, numerous Muslim settlements coexisted with Christian ones, while Christian settlements remained in the valley of the Aras River. A significant demographic shift occurred following the deportation of a substantial portion of the Armenian population to the central territority of the Safavid Empire in the early 17th century. The Turkic military-feudal aristocracy gained control over vast territories, where Armenian populations also remained. At the same time, economic factors contributed to tensions between settled and semi-nomadic or nomadic lifestyles. During the summer months, Muslim pastoralists moved their herds from the lowlands to mountain pastures, leading to conflicts with the local Armenian population.
However, the national, religious, social, and economic differences between Muslims and Armenians only took on antagonistic forms by the late 19th century. In the 18th and especially the 19th centuries, thousands of Armenians freed themselves from the dominance of the Azerbaijani aristocracy, leading to the emergence of an Armenian bourgeoisie that successfully competed with the old (Azerbaijani) elite, thereby threatening the pre-existing socio-economic order. Armenian magnates even established themselves in Baku, where, due to massive population influxes driven by the oil boom, Azerbaijanis became an ethnic minority.
One of the factors contributing to the hostile attitude towards Armenians in Russian Transcaucasia in the late 19th century was the underrepresentation of the Muslim population in local administrative bodies. Specifically, according to the 1870 reform, non-Christians were allocated no more than one-third of seats in municipal councils (reduced to no more than 20% in 1892). Although these measures were initially aimed at Jews, in Transcaucasia, they primarily affected Muslims. For example, in Baku, where Muslims were the predominant property owners, they constituted about 80% of the electorate.
Following the incorporation of Transcaucasia into the Russian Empire, the central government sought to establish cultural homogeneity in the region. Measures were taken to weaken the influence of the Muslim aristocracy by appointing primarily Christians—mostly Armenians—to administrative positions. However, from the 1880s onward, the imperial government reversed its policy and sought to undermine Armenian dominance in Transcaucasian cities by implementing an anti-Armenian policy reminiscent of antisemitism, encouraging Muslim claims to urban control in the Baku and Elizavetpol governorates, and in some cases even participating in anti-Armenian pogroms on the side of the Muslims.
This antagonism escalated into mutual ethnic massacres during the revolutionary events of 1905. The state administration did not intervene in the interethnic conflict and, in some cases, even fueled it to divert Transcaucasia from the revolutionary upheavals in Russia.
The Armenian-Tatar massacres of 1905–1906 had severe material and humanitarian consequences. However, this armed ethnic confrontation also contributed to the consolidation and strengthening of national consciousness among both ethnic communities involved. Armenian nationalist leaders considered these events a form of moral victory: the myth of Muslim invincibility was shattered in the minds of Armenians who had taken up arms for their defense. At the same time, increasing distrust towards Armenians, who traditionally dominated middle-class professions, stimulated the development of an Azerbaijani national bourgeoisie. This, in turn, led to the formation of a more progressive education system, the emergence of several Azerbaijani Turkic-language newspapers, and the establishment of cultural and charitable organizations.
As noted by American historian Richard Hovannisian, in 1918, hostilities flared up again against the backdrop of strong pro-Russian orientations among Armenians and pro-Turkish tendencies among Azerbaijanis, who sought to restore Muslim hegemony in the region.

### The October Revolution and Transcaucasia

The fall of the Provisional Government in Petrograd as a result of the October Revolution triggered intense political struggles in Transcaucasia. Local Mensheviks argued that a socialist revolution was impossible in an agrarian country and that capitalist development had to be completed before transitioning to socialism. The Bolsheviks, on the other hand, sought to extend revolutionary transformations throughout the Russian Empire. During this period, national parties became increasingly active in Transcaucasia, including the Azerbaijani "Musavat" and the Armenian "Dashnaktsutyun."
In the struggle for power, a Transcaucasian government (Commissariat) was formed in Tiflis, comprising representatives from Georgian Mensheviks, Azerbaijani Musavatists, Armenian Dashnaks, and two Russian commissars. National organizations such as the Armenian and Georgian National Councils and the Central Transcaucasian Muslim Committee (National Committee) held significant influence, with their representatives participating in the Transcaucasian Commissariat and determining its policies. The commander-in-chief of the Caucasian front, General M. A. Przhevalsky, recognized the Transcaucasian Commissariat and urged military forces to comply with it.
The Transcaucasian Commissariat extended its authority over the entire region except for Baku, where Soviet power had been established peacefully in November 1917. Here, political struggles among Bolsheviks, Musavatists, Dashnaks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Mensheviks prevented the formation of a unified governing body for several months.
By early 1918, two centers of political power had emerged in Transcaucasia, each rallying friendly or allied forces around them. The Baku industrial region, a stronghold of Soviet power in the region, was opposed by the traditional political center, Tiflis, where the Transcaucasian Commissariat was based. Meanwhile, large parts of the Baku and Elizavetpol governorates were in a state of lawlessness and anarchy.(Муханов 2019) In Elizavetpol, power was effectively in the hands of the Muslim National Committee, while Nagorno-Karabakh was administered by an Armenian-Azerbaijani council. In Sharur-Nakhchivan, both Azerbaijani and Armenian committees were active in governance.

### The disintegration of the Caucasian Front and the formation of national armies

Realizing that the troops under its command had disintegrated and completely lost their combat effectiveness, the command of the Caucasus Army decided to immediately begin forming national units on a voluntary basis to salvage the situation at the front. On December 5 (18), 1917, an armistice was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Caucasus Front, ceasing military operations. The next day, the Transcaucasian Commissariat decided to "demobilize the army if possible," create national military units, and establish a "special body to lead the struggle against the Bolsheviks." Parallel to the withdrawal of several Russian units from the front, the process of forming national armies, including the Georgian Army Corps and the Armenian Volunteer Corps, began. In December, at the suggestion of the Caucasus Front headquarters, the Muslimization of certain units, primarily the 219th Infantry Reserve Regiment in Yelizavetpol (Ganja), commenced. On December 18 (31), the Transcaucasian Commissariat announced the formation of a new army, which included the Muslim Corps. By order of General Przhevalsky, commander-in-chief of the Caucasus Front, the official creation of the Transcaucasian Muslim Corps began the next day.
News of the armistice with the Ottoman Empire led to a mass departure of soldiers from the front. The Transcaucasian Commissariat decided to disarm the units that had abandoned the front, which provoked an extremely negative reaction among soldiers unwilling to surrender their weapons. Arming the Muslim military unit was entrusted to the Muslim National Committee, which required a substantial amount of arms and ammunition. However, most military depots were located in Tiflis and Sarikamish, and Muslims were excluded from the distribution of weapons and military supplies. Consequently, Azerbaijani representatives were among the most consistent advocates for the complete disarmament of Russian soldiers returning from the front. This process began in Yelizavetpol in December 1917. Local influential figures used the First Tatar Regiment, commanded by Georgian officers, to seize the weapons of the 219th Reserve Regiment. A significant portion of this regiment consisted of Armenians and Russians. These actions led to a loss of control over the situation in Yelizavetpol by the authorities and the local military commander.
In January 1918, local armed groups attacked Russian military personnel returning from the front at stations along the Tiflis-Bilajari railway line, including Dellar, Agstafa, Shamkhor, Akhtakala, and others, as well as in Khachmaz (on the Baku-Derbent railway line), in an attempt to seize their weapons. The largest and bloodiest clash occurred at Shamkhor station on January 22-25 (old calendar: 9-12), when Azerbaijani armed groups attacked, resulting in the deaths of nearly 2,000 Russian soldiers. During this clash, 2,000 Russians were killed and several thousand wounded. More than 30 cannons, 100 machine guns, and 12,000 rifles were seized. According to V.M. Mukhanov, the Shamkhor events signified the gradual descent of Transcaucasia into anarchy. Alongside these attacks on military trains, large-scale clashes between Azerbaijanis and Armenians erupted almost daily in the Iravan and Yelizavetpol governorates, with Azerbaijani and Armenian villages being set on fire for the first time.
The Transcaucasian Seim, the supreme legislative body representing the region's regime, convened on February 10 (23) and was forced to acknowledge the increasing interethnic clashes. However, attempts by commissions composed of representatives from various factions to reconcile the parties failed. According to V.M. Mukhanov, the situation in Transcaucasia was exacerbated by the involvement—both direct and indirect—of the main political parties. While the Musavatists sought to cultivate pro-Ottoman sentiments by exploiting ethnic and religious animosities, "Dashnak leaders did not prevent Armenian units from repressing local Muslims, justifying their actions by claiming that the latter obstructed the movement of military echelons, forcing Armenian units to fight along their path."
At that time, three armed factions coexisted in Baku: the Musavatists, the Dashnaks, and the Bolshevik Red Guard. Political confrontation intensified ethnic tensions, pushing the city to the brink of new ethnic violence.
As early as mid-1917, with signs of the revolutionary disintegration of the Russian army emerging, members of the Armenian national committees in Moscow and Petrograd sought to convince A.F. Kerensky of the necessity of maintaining stability on the Caucasus Front. To this end, they requested the transfer of thousands of Armenian military personnel from other fronts to the Caucasus. From the Armenian perspective, this move could be a decisive factor in ensuring that the territories captured in Anatolia remained under Russian control. Permission was granted. Shortly before the fall of the Provisional Government in October, Kerensky ordered the transfer of 35,000 Armenian soldiers to replace Russian units in the Caucasus. However, only a few thousand of them reached the front. The majority instead went to Baku, where, under the leadership of the Armenian Council, they contributed to the establishment of Bolshevik rule in 1918.
Both the Musavatists and the Bolsheviks understood that a military confrontation between them was only a matter of time. In March 1918, the Bolsheviks and Dashnaks in Baku initiated massacres against Azerbaijani Turks. These events, later known as the March Days or March Massacre, resulted in the deaths of over 10,000 Azerbaijanis. Although the Dashnaks initially declared neutrality, they soon joined the massacres against the Musavatists. The anti-Azerbaijani massacres that began in Baku quickly spread to other regions of the Baku Governorate. As a result of these events, the Musavatists' stronghold in Baku was significantly weakened, leading to the establishment of the Baku Commune by the Bolsheviks in alliance with the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries.

### The Ottoman Offensive

In January 1918, the Russian army effectively abandoned the front. During this period, resistance against the Ottoman Third Army was carried out by scattered Armenian units in the region. Following the withdrawal of Russian forces, ethnic clashes between Turks (including Azerbaijanis), Kurds, and Armenians continued along the front. On January 30 (February 12), the Ottoman army declared that it had launched military operations to protect Muslims who had been subjected to massacres by Armenians. By March 24, Ottoman forces had reached the borders of 1914, thereby establishing control over the entirety of Eastern Anatolia. A significant number of Armenian civilians fled the region along with the retreating Armenian military units.
Under the terms of the additional Russia-Turkey treaty signed in Brest-Litovsk on March 3, Russian troops were required to immediately withdraw from the regions of Ardahan, Kars, and Batumi (the Kars and Batumi oblasts). Russia pledged not to interfere in the reorganization of these territories' political and legal status and to allow their populations to establish a new system in consultation with neighboring states, particularly Turkey. One of the key provisions of the treaty stipulated that all Armenian armed units within the designated area, which was planned to remain under the control of both Turkey and Russia, were to be disarmed by Soviet authorities. The signing of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty effectively nullified the Soviet Council of People's Commissars' decree on "Turkish Armenia," which had recognized the right of Anatolian Armenians to self-determination.
In accordance with the agreement, Ottoman forces captured Kars and Batumi and restored the borders of 1877. On April 22, under pressure from the Ottoman Empire, the Transcaucasian Sejm declared its independence from Russia. However, negotiations between the newly formed republic and the Ottoman Empire proved inconclusive, and on May 15, the Ottoman army launched a new offensive. The main target of the operation was the territory of the Erivan Governorate, leading to a new three-week-long war with Armenian forces. This crisis, along with the Georgians' agreement with Germany and the Azerbaijanis' alliance with the Ottoman Empire, resulted in the dissolution of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic and the subsequent emergence of three new nation-states.
Even before the collapse of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, Azerbaijani nationalists had undertaken a secret visit to Istanbul. Their objective was to secure the support of the Young Turk government for the declaration of a second Turkish state. The two sides reached an agreement on cooperation, particularly regarding Turkish military assistance in the formation of Azerbaijan's future armed forces, their financing, and local Turkish support for Ottoman military operations.
On June 4, the Ottoman Empire signed peace treaties in Batumi with each of the Transcaucasian republics. The terms were particularly severe for Armenia, which had been defeated in its war against Turkey. The newly established Republic of Armenia was granted less than half of the former Erivan Governorate, comprising the New Bayazid Uyezd, the eastern part of the Alexandropol Uyezd, and the cities of Erivan and Uchkilisa. Georgia, in turn, agreed to cede the Akhaltsikhe and Akhalkalaki uyezds to the Ottoman Empire. Under the terms of the Ottoman-Azerbaijan agreement, the Ottoman Empire recognized Azerbaijan as a republic consisting of the Baku and Yelizavetpol Governorates, as well as the Ordubad district of Nakhchivan. Additionally, the Ottoman Empire pledged to assist Azerbaijan in establishing its authority over Baku and the mountainous regions of Karabakh.
In June 1918, the Caucasian Islamic Army, composed of Ottoman and Azerbaijani Turks, was established. Its primary objective was to reclaim Baku, where the Baku Commune, led by Bolsheviks, had taken power following the March massacres. Simultaneously, the predominantly Armenian forces of the Baku Commune launched a military offensive westward, aiming to prevent the Caucasian Islamic Army from linking up with local Azerbaijani military units. The conflict culminated in the defeat of the Baku Commune's forces and the subsequent establishment of the Central Caspian Dictatorship following a coup in Baku. Despite the assistance provided by the British Dunsterforce to the defenders of Baku, the Caucasian Islamic Army captured the city in September 1918, exacting revenge for the March massacres.
During the summer and autumn of 1918, an Armenian-Azerbaijani war was already underway in the ethnically mixed regions of Transcaucasia. Meanwhile, Andranik Ozanyan, refusing to recognize the Ottoman-Armenian agreement, continued fighting Azerbaijani military units in Nakhchivan and Zangezur with his forces. At the same time, with the support of the Caucasian Islamic Army, Azerbaijan sought to establish its authority over the mountainous areas of Karabakh.
During this period, territorial disputes arose between the newly established republics. Azerbaijan laid claim not only to the Baku and Yelizavetpol Governorates but also to Muslim-populated areas of the Erivan Governorate, the Zagatala district, and several districts of the Tiflis Governorate, including Tiflis, Sighnaghi, Borchali, Akhalkalaki, and Akhaltsikhe. Armenians, in turn, asserted claims over the Erivan Governorate, the southern part of the Borchali Uyezd, the Akhalkalaki Uyezd of the Tiflis Governorate, the mountainous regions of the Yelizavetpol Governorate, Zangezur, Karabakh, and Gazakh. Additionally, Georgia and Azerbaijan disputed control over the Zagatala district and parts of the Tiflis Governorate, while Armenia and Georgia contested control over Borchali and Akhalkalaki. Following the Ottoman Empire's defeat in World War I and the signing of the Armistice of Mudros, which led to the withdrawal of Ottoman forces from Transcaucasia, all three republics laid claim to Kars and Batumi.
The territorial dispute over the Borchali Uyezd escalated into a war between Georgia and Armenia. While territorial disagreements between Azerbaijan and Georgia did not result in open conflict, they persisted until Soviet rule was established in Transcaucasia.
At the same time, the Armenian population of Karabakh and Zangezur refused to recognize Azerbaijani authority, insisting on joining Armenia. However, the Armenian government was unable to provide significant support to these territories. Conversely, the Muslim-inhabited areas south of Erivan, receiving assistance and arms from the Ottoman Empire and Azerbaijan, refused to acknowledge the authority of the Armenian Republic. The clash of interests ultimately led to violent confrontations in the disputed territories.

## Disputed Territories and the Arguments of the Parties
### Yelizavetpol Governorate

The Yelizavetpol Governorate was established in 1868 and was situated to the east of the mountainous regions of the Erivan Governorate, neighboring the Tiflis and Baku governorates. The majority of its population consisted of Azerbaijanis and Armenians. While Armenians constituted the majority in the mountainous areas, Azerbaijanis were predominant in other parts of the governorate. Additionally, Azerbaijanis engaged in seasonal migrations, moving from the lowlands to the Armenian-populated highlands during certain times of the year.
During this period, the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict spread across the mountainous regions of the Yelizavetpol Governorate. These conflict zones can be categorized into three main areas:
* The southwestern mountainous region of the Kazakh Uyezd along Dilijan;
* The mountainous part of Karabakh, including a significant portion of the Shusha Uyezd, as well as the mountainous areas of the Yelizavetpol, Javad, and Jabrayil uyezds;
* The Zangezur Uyezd, which was separated from the mountainous part of Karabakh by Azerbaijani and Kurdish villages.
Following the dissolution of the Transcaucasian Federation, the mountainous part of the Kazakh Uyezd was incorporated into Armenia, while the Armenian-Azerbaijani confrontation in Nagorno-Karabakh and Zangezur persisted for another two years.
The ethnic boundary in Karabakh largely coincided with the physical-geographical division between the Lowland and Mountainous Karabakh, running along the western edge of the Mil-Karabakh steppe. At the same time, there were several Armenian villages in the Azerbaijani-populated Lowland Karabakh and Azerbaijani villages in the Armenian-populated mountainous regions of Karabakh. The largest city in Karabakh, Shusha, had distinct Azerbaijani and Armenian quarters. Due to the seasonal migrations of Azerbaijani nomads during the summer months, the ethnic boundary in the mountainous regions of Karabakh became blurred, forming a wide zone of mixed settlement.
Zangezur served as a strategic corridor connecting Eastern Transcaucasia, the Erivan Governorate, and Nakhchivan. In 1916, the region was home to 120,000 Muslims and 101,000 Armenians, excluding Azerbaijani pastoralists from the lowland areas of Karabakh, who seasonally migrated to Zangezur's mountain pastures. Additionally, Azerbaijanis formed the majority in certain peripheral areas, such as the southeastern slopes near Qubadli. The Armenian side proposed administrative-territorial reforms in Transcaucasia. According to this plan, the peripheral areas of Zangezur, where the majority of the population consisted of Azerbaijani nomads, were to be separated from the main part of the uyezd. Consequently, after the departure of the nomadic population, the demographic composition of the uyezd would consist of 88,000 Armenians, 2,000 other Christians, and 46,000 Muslims.
Richard Hovannisian states that both Azerbaijanis and Armenians were determined in their territorial claims over these regions.
The First Republic of Armenia justified its claims over the mountainous areas of Yelizavetpol based on the Armenian majority population in those regions, as well as religious and cultural unity. Armenians argued that these mountainous areas were distinct from the Azerbaijani-inhabited lowlands. In their view, these territories formed Armenia's natural defense, facilitating the protection of the Aras Valley and the Ararat region. They also contended that the exclusion of Karabakh's mountainous areas from Armenia would compromise its territorial integrity. From a strategic standpoint, the loss of these highland regions would mean the removal of the last barrier between Azerbaijan and Turkey, as well as Armenia's isolation from Iran. Even after the region came under Azerbaijani control and its demographic composition changed, Armenians maintained that remnants of Armenian statehood persisted in Karabakh. They justified their claims by referring to the historical Armenian melikdoms of Karabakh, which had retained a degree of autonomy under the Safavid Empire.
The Azerbaijani side based its claims on historical, geographical, and economic arguments. According to Azerbaijan, although the Armenian melikdoms had certain degrees of autonomy, they were nevertheless considered part of the Karabakh Beylerbeylik, which was under Turkic rule. Prior to the Russian occupation, Turkic tribes had dominated the South Caucasus. In the Yelizavetpol Governorate, Azerbaijanis constituted an absolute majority in seven out of eight districts. Even in the mountainous part of Karabakh, where they were a minority, Azerbaijani Turks and Kurds still formed a significant demographic presence. From Azerbaijan's perspective, the unilateral separation of areas with compact Armenian populations and their annexation to Armenia would threaten the geographical, economic, and political unity of the region. Unlike the Armenian side, Azerbaijan did not consider the mountainous and lowland areas as distinct entities but rather as a single, cohesive unit that aligned with the traditional nomadic lifestyle of the Azerbaijani population.
Anatoli Yamskov notes that, according to the 1897 census, Azerbaijanis constituted 54.8% of the rural population in the Shusha and Jabrayil districts (115.8 thousand people). During the summer, only one-third of them remained in the lowlands of Karabakh, while the rest migrated to the mountainous areas, specifically to the Shusha and Zangezur districts. Arsen Saparov further states that the survival of Karabakh's nomadic communities was heavily dependent on access to the high-altitude pastures in the mountainous areas, as they migrated there seasonally, passing through territories inhabited by sedentary populations.
The division of Karabakh into mountainous and lowland areas could have led to the complete collapse of the economic livelihood of nomadic Azerbaijanis. To address this issue, Armenia proposed alternatives such as developing an irrigation system in Azerbaijan's lowland areas, designating new pasturelands in northern Azerbaijan, or signing an interstate agreement permitting continued use of traditional pastures. However, the Azerbaijani side rejected all these proposals.
From a strategic perspective, Nagorno-Karabakh was as crucial for Azerbaijan as it was for Armenia, as losing control over the region would sever Azerbaijan's connection with Turkey, thereby undermining its security. Azerbaijan also presented economic arguments: Yelizavetpol Governorate was economically integrated with Azerbaijan, as almost all major transportation routes were linked to Baku rather than Yerevan. The Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh was dependent on supplies from Baku, and thousands of locals were engaged in permanent or seasonal employment there. The severance of Karabakh's ties with Baku would thus have profound economic consequences.

### Erivan Governorate

According to the 1916 statistical data, Armenians constituted the majority in the Erivan Governorate. However, in the Nakhchivan, Sharur-Daralayaz, and Surmali districts, Muslims—primarily Azerbaijanis and a smaller number of Kurds—formed the majority. On the eve of the declaration of the Republic of Armenia, its territory was home to 670,000 Armenians and 375,000 Azerbaijanis.
Until the end of 1918, Azerbaijan laid claims to the areas of the Erivan Governorate that had not been occupied by the Ottoman army under the Treaty of Batum. After the Ottoman withdrawal, Azerbaijan asserted its claims over the Nakhchivan, Sharur-Daralayaz, and Surmali districts, as well as parts of the Echmiadzin and Erivan districts, including the outskirts of Erivan city. Azerbaijan justified its claims on historical and demographic grounds, arguing that these areas had belonged to Muslim khanates before their annexation by Russia. Despite the large-scale resettlement of Armenian migrants to the region following its incorporation into the Russian Empire, the southern districts retained their predominantly Muslim character, with the majority of the Muslim population being Azerbaijani Turks, who were directly connected to the Azerbaijan Republic.
The Armenian position, however, held that although Muslims constituted the majority in certain districts, Armenians still outnumbered them across the entire governorate. Therefore, applying the principle of self-determination to these districts would undermine the territorial integrity of the Armenian Republic. Armenians argued that historically, Armenian states had existed in the region, with their capitals located along the Araz River. They contended that Turkic incursions had disrupted this continuity, leading to significant demographic shifts. From a geographical standpoint, the Armenian side argued that the Araz Valley, situated at an altitude of up to 1,200 meters above sea level, was not topographically connected to the lowlands of Eastern Transcaucasia, which lay at an elevation of approximately 300 meters. Consequently, they sought control over the valley due to its agricultural potential. Moreover, the Araz Valley was of strategic significance to Armenia, as the railway connecting it to Iran ran through this area. The region also provided access to Zangezur and Karabakh. Politically, Armenia viewed the establishment of a direct border between Azerbaijan and Turkey as a threat to its security and sought to prevent such a development.

## Foreign Involvement

The Armenia-Azerbaijan war took place against the backdrop of clashing interests among several foreign powers, each influencing the regional situation in various ways.

### The Ottoman Empire

The two Russian revolutions of 1917 and the subsequent collapse of the Caucasian Front gave the Young Turk government hope for the realization of the Ottoman Empire's longstanding ambitions in the Caucasus. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) believed that advances in the Caucasus through Pan-Turkism would compensate for the loss of the Arab provinces. In February 1918, the advancing Ottoman army managed to reclaim the territories of Eastern Anatolia that had previously been seized by the Russians. By April, the Ottoman forces had also captured Batum and the Kars Oblast. The lack of significant resistance and the ease of their advance encouraged War Minister Enver Pasha to push further. The initial plans included the capture of the Baku oilfields and the incorporation of Southern Azerbaijan. Subsequent objectives involved advancing towards Turkestan, seizing control of the Caspian Sea basin, and inciting anti-British uprisings in southern Iran, Afghanistan, and India.
By the end of May, after battles with Armenian volunteer units, the Treaty of Batum was signed. As a result, Transcaucasia was divided into three states, leading to the dissolution of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic (ZDFR). Armenia and Georgia were forced to accept all territorial demands of the Ottoman Empire. In contrast, Azerbaijan not only secured the territories it claimed but also received assurances from the Ottomans regarding assistance in ensuring security within its borders. The Ottoman Empire pledged military support to Azerbaijan in its fight against the Dashnaks and Bolsheviks in the mountainous parts of Karabakh and in Baku. Furthermore, the Ottoman government viewed Azerbaijani territory as part of the emerging Turan Empire, which was envisioned to include Turkestan, Southern Azerbaijan, and the North Caucasus.
However, Enver Pasha's ambitious plans met with opposition from the German Empire, which was in dire need of Baku oil. Facing increasing German pressure—especially after Germany established its protectorate over Georgia—Enver Pasha was compelled to abandon the idea of deploying regular Ottoman troops to Baku. Doing so would have required using the Georgian section of the Transcaucasian railway, which Germany controlled. Instead, the Ottoman command redirected its main forces to Southern Azerbaijan. Meanwhile, in Ganja, the Caucasus Islamic Army was formed, comprising Ottoman military units and Azerbaijani volunteers, with Nuri Pasha appointed as its commander. The division assigned to this operation avoided Georgian territory by advancing through the Alexandropol–Dilijan–Aghstafa route.
On September 15, after a series of battles, the Caucasus Islamic Army liberated Baku, which was subsequently declared the capital of Azerbaijan. However, just a month and a half later, facing heavy defeats on other fronts, the Ottoman army was forced to withdraw and signed the Armistice of Mudros. Despite this, the Ottoman Empire maintained significant influence in the region and, during its retreat, participated in the establishment of regimes such as the Araz and Kars Republics. It also left behind a considerable number of officers to serve in the armed forces of these newly formed entities. The Ottoman leadership's strategy in Transcaucasia was later continued by Turkish nationalists, who recognized the strategic significance of the Turkey-Nakhchivan-Zangezur-Azerbaijan corridor.
Mustafa Kemal and General Kazım Karabekir, who was appointed commander of the XV Army on May 3, 1919, acknowledged the strategic importance of the Nakhchivan region. In a letter to Major Veysel Bey and the commander of the 11th Division, Cavid Bey, Kazım Karabekir stated:
   We are besieged from all sides, but the Nakhchivan window to Azerbaijan remains open. I want to ensure that this window is never closed.
For Karabekir, supporting the defense of Sharur-Nakhchivan was strategically vital for the upcoming military operations against Armenia and for the protection of the local Muslim population. Additionally, preventing Armenia from having a direct border with Iran and stopping Armenian forces from attacking Van were also key concerns. To this end, on July 18, 1919, Karabekir Pasha dispatched Halil Bey, along with four officers and seven soldiers, to the Sharur-Nakhchivan region.

### Great Britain

After the October Revolution, Great Britain and France reached an agreement to divide Russian territory into spheres of influence. The northern Black Sea region fell under France's sphere, while the territories to the east of this region—including the North and South Caucasus—came under British influence.
The official objective of the Allied intervention in Southern Russia was to prevent the Central Powers' forces from penetrating the region and to ensure the security of British possessions in the Middle East. Russian historian L.I. Miroshnikov argues that Britain's aim in Transcaucasia and Transcaspia was to establish full dominance in the region and to support the counterrevolution in Russia in order to overthrow Soviet power.
According to British intelligence of the time, the geographical and strategic advantage of the South Caucasus lay in its position as a crossroads for transportation routes leading into the depths of Asia. Britain was interested in gaining access to Baku's oil reserves and using Transcaucasia as a barrier against the revolutionary influence of Bolshevik Russia on British possessions in South Asia.
The first British attempt to intervene in the region dates back to the late summer and early autumn of 1918. Between August 7 and 17, to prevent the Caucasus Islamic Army from capturing Baku, a British force known as "Dunsterforce," under the command of General Lionel Dunsterville, arrived via Iran. On September 14, faced with the attacks of Azerbaijani and Turkish military forces, the British were forced to retreat.
At the end of World War I, the withdrawal of the Central Powers' forces from Transcaucasia created conditions for a new British intervention. The commander of British forces in Mesopotamia assigned General William Montgomery Thomson, stationed in northern Iran, the task of capturing Baku and its oil fields. During negotiations, Thomson demanded that Azerbaijani and Turkish forces withdraw from Baku by November 17. On this date, alongside the British army, forces under the command of Bicherakhov, who had fought against the Caucasus Islamic Army in Dagestan, also arrived in Baku. At the same time, Thomson, who declared himself the acting governor of the Baku Governorate, announced that the rest of Azerbaijan would remain under the control of the Azerbaijani army and that armed Armenian groups would not be allowed to enter the city. Although Azerbaijan was not officially recognized by the Allied powers, Britain, France, and the United States expressed their intent to maintain de facto relations with the existing government.
On November 17, the British army under Thomson's command entered Baku.
On December 28, General Thomson declared that he recognized the government in Baku as the sole legitimate governing authority in Azerbaijani territory. This status was to be maintained until a final decision was reached at the Paris Peace Conference.
On December 11, the British War Department issued orders outlining the tasks of the British military mission in Transcaucasia: ensuring compliance with Turkey's armistice conditions, controlling the Transcaucasian railway and the Baku-Batumi oil pipeline, and occupying Baku, Batumi, and, if possible, Tbilisi. At the same time, the War Cabinet accepted Winston Churchill's view that Russia would inevitably return to Transcaucasia.
In December 1918 and January 1919, the 27th Division, transferred from Thessaloniki, arrived in Batumi. On December 24, the army headquarters was established, and Brigadier General J. Cook-Collis was appointed as the commander. Despite objections from Georgian Prime Minister Noe Jordania, British forces entered Tbilisi on December 26. On January 12, British rule was established in Kars, and on January 26, in Nakhchivan. At this time, the total number of British troops in Transcaucasia reached 20,000, with 5,000 stationed in Baku alone.
According to American conflict expert Arsen Saparov, British policy in Transcaucasia was shaped by two factors: the desire to establish control over the region and the lack of sufficient troops to enforce this control by force. Under these circumstances, the British could not refuse to cooperate with local political forces. Consequently, their decisions and actions, including those related to the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, were often determined by the evolving political environment and local conditions.
As a rule, the British preferred to base their policies on ethnic conflicts in Transcaucasia on the pre-revolutionary administrative-territorial divisions. For this reason, Britain supported Azerbaijan's claims to Karabakh and Zangezur within the Yelizavetpol Governorate, while endorsing Armenia's claims to the Aras Valley within the Erivan Governorate. As a temporary or permanent solution to ethnic conflicts, British representatives proposed the idea of population exchanges in mixed-population areas.
As a temporary or permanent solution to ethnic conflicts, British representatives proposed the idea of population exchanges in mixed-population areas.
Richard Hovhannisian expressed his perspective on why Great Britain supported Azerbaijan's claims to Karabakh and Zangezur as follows:
   According to the British, who ruled over a multi-million Muslim population in their empire, supporting the first Muslim republic in the world could help pacify their own Muslim subjects. Furthermore, achieving political and economic stability in Azerbaijan could mitigate the influence of Turkish Pan-Turkist and Pan-Islamist agitation. It is also possible that the British intended to transfer the eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire to Armenia, in which case assigning Karabakh and Zangezur to Azerbaijan would have been a more logical decision. Additionally, oil, which was a key factor in Britain's Transcaucasia policy, is believed to have played a significant role in this matter; a grateful government in Baku would have facilitated access to Baku's oil resources.
The British military presence in Transcaucasia did not last long. By 1919, the British Empire was facing more pressing issues in strategically important regions such as Ireland, Afghanistan, India, Egypt, and Turkey. Under these circumstances, they deemed it unfeasible to maintain their military presence in Transcaucasia and decided to evacuate their troops from the region on July 3, 1919. The British military garrison was temporarily retained only in Batumi. The withdrawal of British troops from Transcaucasia caused disappointment in both Azerbaijan and Armenia. The Azerbaijani government was concerned about potential issues with the White Army's Volunteer Army, while the Armenian government was troubled by Muslim uprisings in its southern and southeastern regions. During a session of the Armenian Parliament on August 15, 1919, dedicated to discussing the military threat posed by Muslims, many deputies expressed their disillusionment with the Entente and even proposed redirecting their foreign policy towards Russia.
Nevertheless, even after the troop evacuation, Britain continued to play a significant role in Transcaucasia until 1920. This influence persisted until the arrival of the Red Army, which ultimately led to a complete transformation of the region's political structure.

### South Russia (White Army Forces)

Finding itself in complete isolation, the Republic of Armenia sought allies among both Soviet and anti-Soviet forces within war-torn Russia. The Armenian government aimed to secure recognition of its independence and establish friendly relations with all political entities in Russia, believing that Russian support could neutralize hostilities from the other Transcaucasian states and threats from Turkey. The Armenian government initiated contacts with the anti-Soviet Kuban regional government and the command of the Armed Forces of South Russia, hoping for assistance in repatriating Armenian prisoners of war and refugees, as well as in securing supplies of bread, other food products, weapons, and ammunition. At the same time, the Armenian authorities understood that the Volunteer Army in southern Russia, much like Soviet Russia, did not recognize the existence of independent states that had seceded from the former Russian Empire.[
The British mission actively encouraged relations between Armenia and the Armed Forces of South Russia through all possible means.
In the summer of 1919, as the Armenian army faced significant difficulties due to Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur-Nakhchivan, the Chief of the Armenian General Staff wrote to the Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of South Russia, M. M. Zinkevich, requesting "moral and, preferably, material support." He justified this request by asserting that Armenians were the "most neutral element" and had historically been important for Russia, both in the past and in the future. According to the memoirs of General A. I. Denikin, commander of the Volunteer Army, in July 1919, the Armed Forces of South Russia sent several million rounds of ammunition to Armenia via Batumi and Ardahan.
Contemporary accounts suggest that without this assistance, "Armenia might have been destroyed a year earlier... Armenia received direct military aid only from Russia." Armenian historian Gegam Petrosyan notes that military and economic aid from southern Russia was intended to increase Russian political influence in Armenia. The Volunteer Army, commanded by Denikin, had no intention of recognizing the independence of the Republic of Armenia; rather, its assistance was aimed at reintegrating Armenia into Russia. Meanwhile, the Armenian leadership hesitated to establish formal relations with southern Russia, as they continued to pin their hopes on the support of Entente countries, particularly at the Paris Peace Conference. They placed particular reliance on American Colonel Haskell and the prospect of securing an American mandate over Armenia. However, none of these hopes materialized.
In August 1919, the Armenian government sent Zinkevich to Yekaterinodar to regulate relations with South Russia (SRMF). By the time he returned in early October, he had already acquired the status of the official representative of the Armed Forces of South Russia in Armenia. Unlike Russia, Armenia remained cautious, unwilling to implement the plans devised by the White Movement to restore the Russian Empire.
Unlike Armenia, relations between Azerbaijan and the SRMF were highly strained. The capture of Dagestan by the Volunteer Army caused serious concern within the Azerbaijani government. They feared that the White Guards would continue their advance southward to restore the borders of the Russian Empire.{{efn|For more information on the tensions between Southern Russia and Azerbaijan, see: & Although Denikin refused to recognize the independence of the Transcaucasian states, he was unable to launch military operations against Azerbaijan, as this would have strained relations with the Entente. However, he also could not forgo Baku oil, opting instead to achieve his goal through diplomacy and intimidation. In September 1919, Denikin sent a note to the Azerbaijani government, demanding not only the supply of oil and petroleum products to southern Russia but also the provision of facilities for the overhaul of the Volunteer Army's warships at the sole repair yard of the Caspian Fleet. In October, a second, more severe note was sent. Subsequently, the representative of the Volunteer Army's high command was recalled from Baku, signaling the breakdown of relations. Rumors spread in Azerbaijan and Georgia about Denikin's forces preparing military operations against Baku.
At the beginning of November, Azerbaijan launched the Zangezur expedition. The objective of the military campaign was to establish control over Zangezur and reach the border with Turkey. Russian intelligence interpreted this as Azerbaijan acquiring the necessary arms and ammunition to conduct military operations against both Armenia and the SRMF. Seeking to prevent this, on November 9, Denikin issued an order "in connection with the Azerbaijani authorities' hostile attitude toward the Russian army and the treacherous attack of Azerbaijani troops on Armenian territory." The order required Russian officers serving in the Azerbaijani army to resign from their posts. According to Gegam Petrosyan, this decree fueled rumors of a secret military alliance between South Russia and Armenia and an imminent joint attack on Azerbaijan, forcing the Azerbaijani authorities to abandon their plans in Zangezur.
As noted by Russian historians Karmov and Lobanov, the SRMF posed a threat to Azerbaijan before its dissolution, but by January 1920, a new threat had emerged on its northern border—Soviet Russia. On February 7, 1920, the White Guard command recognized the independence of the Transcaucasian states, but soon, southern Russia came under Bolshevik attack and fell under their control.

### Soviet Russia

Until the late spring of 1920, relations between the Armenian Republic and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) remained limited. This was primarily due to the RSFSR's refusal to recognize the independence of the Transcaucasian states. Georgy Chicherin, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR, referred to the Armenian and Azerbaijani states as "puppet republics." The Caucasus Regional Committee and the Caucasus Bureau of the Russian Communist Party advocated for the overthrow of the Armenian government through force, viewing it as an agent of imperialism and a ruthless enemy of workers and peasants. Additionally, Armenia's connections with anti-Bolshevik forces in Southern Russia contributed to the Bolsheviks perceiving it as a hostile entity.
Soviet Russia showed little interest in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Diplomatic relations between the RSFSR's People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs and the Azerbaijani Ministry of Foreign Affairs began in early 1920. These relations were limited and primarily focused on the joint struggle against Denikin's forces. This interaction also raised the possibility of Soviet Russia recognizing Azerbaijan's independence.
In mid-April 1920, the 11th Red Army defeated Denikin's forces in the North Caucasus and advanced towards Azerbaijan's northern borders. On the night of April 27–28, with the support of the Bolshevik army, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic was occupied, and its government was overthrown. The Azerbaijan Revolutionary Committee (Azrevkom) declared Soviet power and urgently requested military assistance from the RSFSR's Council of People's Commissars. On April 28, the Council of People's Commissars of the Azerbaijan SSR ordered Azerbaijani troops in Karabakh and Zangezur to cease offensive operations and adopt a defensive posture.
Sergei Ordzhonikidze, head of the Caucasus Regional Committee of the Russian Communist Party, was encouraged by the success in Azerbaijan and decided to extend this process to the rest of the Transcaucasus. However, orders from Moscow instructed him to halt such activities and refrain from intervening in Armenia and Georgia.
Arsen Saparov notes that the absence of clearly defined borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan, along with ongoing conflicts over Nakhchivan, Zangezur, and Karabakh, provided the Caucasus Regional Committee and the Caucasus Bureau with opportunities to intervene in the affairs of these two states without violating Moscow's directives. According to Saparov, Azerbaijan's national interests aligned with those of Soviet Russia. Consequently, Azerbaijani Bolsheviks gained support in conflict regions, while favorable conditions were created to realize Moscow's primary objective of establishing a land connection with Turkey.

## Clashes in Sharur-Nakhchivan
### Initial Confrontations in the Nakhchivan Region

Shortly after the October Revolution, joint committees were established in Nakhchivan and Julfa to maintain peace and security between the two ethnic groups. During the same period, Azerbaijani and Armenian self-defense units were also organized in these cities. However, the activities of the joint committees did not last long. Gradually, relations between Azerbaijanis and Armenians deteriorated, and it became evident that sustaining peaceful coexistence would not be possible for an extended period. Armenians living in Azerbaijani neighborhoods in the center of Nakhchivan began relocating to Armenian quarters, and the commercial establishments owned by Armenians also shifted to these areas. These actions were perceived by Azerbaijanis as signs of Armenian preparations for war, prompting them to make their own military preparations. On March 15, 1918, clashes erupted between Azerbaijanis and Armenians in the city.
The initial confrontations in Nakhchivan involved the use of small arms but later escalated to include artillery fire. An attempt at mediation by Murtuzaqulu Khan of the Makinski family proved unsuccessful.
In other parts of the district, the situation was more favorable to the Armenians. During the fighting, many Azerbaijani villages were destroyed. According to Turkish historian Ibrahim Ethem Atnur, the Armenians controlled a large military depot in Julfa, which was sufficient to supply an entire army. In contrast, Azerbaijanis lacked such resources and were compelled to purchase ammunition at their own expense. Nevertheless, Azerbaijanis managed to organize and arm themselves effectively. Due to the relatively balanced military strength of both sides, a ceasefire was signed in the second half of April.
According to the terms of the ceasefire, each town and locality was to have one Azerbaijani and one Armenian commissioner appointed. İbrahim Atnur notes that relations remained relatively stable until the arrival of Andranik in the summer of 1918. The limited skirmishes and confrontations gradually subsided over time.

### Andranik's Nakhchivan Campaign and the Establishment of Ottoman Administration

On June 4, 1918, the Treaty of Batum was signed between the Ottoman Empire and Armenia, officially ending hostilities. However, General Andranik, commander of the Armenian Special Striking Division, refused to recognize the treaty, denouncing its signatories as traitors who had humiliated the nation. He also rejected the legitimacy of the newly established Armenian Republic, which led to his expulsion from the army on June 5.
Andranik, along with his detachment, crossed through the Nakhchivan district into the territory of Iranian Azerbaijan, intending to join British forces and engage in battles against the Ottoman Turks. Upon arriving in Nakhchivan on June 20, he ordered his troops to destroy bridges and tunnels along the railway leading to Julfa to hinder the advance of the Ottoman army.
On June 21, Andranik reached Julfa and crossed the Iranian border, where a small Ottoman unit guarding a bridge over the Araz River was disarmed by his forces. On June 24, Andranik's forces encountered the 12th Infantry Regiment of the Ottoman army near Khoy and suffered a defeat, losing 125 soldiers. Following this setback, Andranik abandoned his initial plans and decided to return to the Nakhchivan district.
After crossing the Araz River, Andranik's forces engaged in combat with a local Azerbaijani volunteer unit near the village of Yayji, located a few kilometers from Julfa. Despite denials from Russian officers under Andranik's command, Azerbaijani and Turkish historians claim that during this period, Andranik's forces committed massacres against the local civilian population. During the clashes in Yayji, Andranik stationed his troops in the Armenian village of Jannab, near Ordubad. While based there, his forces launched attacks on several Azerbaijani villages, causing widespread destruction and perpetrating massacres against the civilian population. However, Andranik's forces also suffered significant losses during skirmishes with local volunteer units.
By June 28, news of the massacres committed by Andranik's forces had spread throughout the Nakhchivan district. In response, Ottoman officer Khalil Bey, stationed in Sharur, called upon the populations of Sharur and Shahtakhti to rise against Andranik. He also appealed to the higher Ottoman command to dispatch additional military forces to the Nakhchivan district.
Upon learning of the imminent arrival of Ottoman reinforcements, Andranik retreated to the Armenian village of Abrakunis, intending to recruit additional troops. However, his efforts were unsuccessful. His goal was to recruit additional forces for his group here, but he failed in this matter.
After failing to unite with the British forces in Iran, Andranik sought an ally by looking to Soviet Russia, which had established its authority in Baku a few months earlier. On July 14, Andranik issued a "decree" in his name, declaring the annexation of the Nakhchivan district to Soviet Russia and the establishment of a state of emergency in the district. He ordered the local population to surrender their weapons. On the same day, Andranik sent a letter to Stepan Shaumyan, the Commissar for Caucasian Affairs, stating that he had placed himself under the authority of the central Russian government and proclaimed the Nakhchivan district as part of the RSFSR. Additionally, he declared his intent to act against the advancement of the Ottoman army in the region. In his response, Shaumyan informed Andranik that he had communicated the matter to Moscow and declared that he considered Andranik a "true national hero." Andranik's appeal was positively received in Moscow, with several newspapers publishing articles praising him as a national hero. Andranik justified his decision by emphasizing the bond of honor and conscience between himself, the Armenian people, and the Russian people.
Despite these developments, the Muslim National Committee of Nakhchivan refused to surrender their weapons and began preparing for the anticipated Armenian attacks. On July 16, Andranik advanced his forces from Abrakunis towards Nakhchivan. While en route, on the morning of July 17, the village of Nehram came under attack by Andranik's forces, but the Azerbaijani defenders successfully repelled the assault. Suffering losses, Andranik was forced to retreat to the banks of the Nakhchivanchay River.
There, he established defensive positions on the outskirts of Nakhchivan city. Despite three days of intense fighting, Armenian forces failed to capture the city and were expelled on July 20 by an Ottoman division that arrived in time to reinforce the local militias. Unable to withstand the combined assaults of the Ottoman army and Azerbaijani volunteers, Andranik's forces were compelled to retreat towards Zangezur.{{efn|The dates of the battles of Andranik' army in Nehram and Nakhchivan are given by Ibrahim Atnur based on the writings of the Turkish officer Khalil bey. According to Ismayil Musayev, Andranik was defeated near Abrakunis in late July, and in Nakhchivan on August 2.} His activities in the region later played a significant role in sparking military confrontations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Following the expulsion of Andranik's forces, the Ottoman army established its authority over the Nakhchivan district, extending their control along the Shah Takhti-Julfa railway line of the Transcaucasian Railway. Using this route, they facilitated the deployment of troops towards Tabriz. On August 7, the headquarters of the 1st Caucasian Special Corps, commanded by Kazım Karabekir Pasha, was relocated to Nakhchivan. His army was tasked with repelling potential attacks in the direction of Tabriz and Nakhchivan.
Subsequently, the Ottoman administrative system was also introduced in Nakhchivan, as the Batum Treaty had officially incorporated the Sharur-Nakhchivan region into the Ottoman Empire. According to Mir Hidayat Seyidzade, head of the Ordubad National Committee, the arrival of the Ottoman Turks resulted in a three-month cessation of clashes between the two ethnic groups in the region. Simultaneously, Armenian historian Richard Hovannisian notes that the recent Ottoman offensives forced approximately 100,000 Armenians residing in the southern parts of the Erivan Governorate to flee the region.

### The Araz Valley after World War I

The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the signing of the Armistice of Mudros left the Muslim population in the region vulnerable. According to the terms of the armistice, the Ottoman army had to withdraw from the South Caucasus, raising the threat of the region's annexation by Armenia. To prevent this, the Turkish command violated the terms of the ceasefire by delaying the withdrawal of troops beyond the Arpaçay River (the 1877 Russo-Turkish border) until December 4, while simultaneously organizing local Muslim militias. During this period, several battalions composed of local Muslims from the Aras Valley were formed, facilitating the declaration of the Aras Turkish Republic. Ottoman soldiers remained in the Aras Valley to support the establishment of its administration.
In November-December 1918, inspired by the Ottoman defeat, armed groups of Ottoman Armenians attacked and destroyed numerous Azerbaijani villages in Daralayaz. Around 15,000 Armenians, who had been exiled from Anatolia, were settled in place of the displaced or killed villagers. Simultaneously, Armenian authorities launched propaganda campaigns in Muslim villages, proclaiming their goodwill, peaceful intentions, and the expectation that the territory of the Aras Republic would soon come under Armenian control with the endorsement of the Entente powers.
In early December, the Armenian government sent a delegation to the village of Qamarli to meet with representatives of the Aras Republic. However, the meeting ended unsuccessfully. At the same time, the village of Ulukhanli, located 20 kilometers from Erivan and the center of the Zangibasar region, declared its intention to join the Republic of Armenia. The leader of the Aras Republic, Amir bey Zamanbeyzadeh, and the Minister of War, Ibrahim bey Jahangiroglu, ordered the arrest of Ali Khan Makinski, who facilitated the village's annexation to Armenia. A military detachment dispatched to Ulukhanli found that an Armenian armed group, consisting of 300 cavalry and 400-500 infantry, had already arrived. Consequently, the Azerbaijani detachment was forced to evacuate. Shortly afterward, the Armenian army entered Qamarli with Ali Khan Makinski.
On December 10, an Armenian armed detachment, led by Colonel Dolukhanov, launched an attack on Sharur, located in the southwest of the Sharur-Daralayaz district. On their way, they captured the large village of Davali. However, an Azerbaijani force led by Abbasgulu bey Shadlinski, organized in the Vedibasar region and gathered in Büyük Vedi, compelled the Armenian army to retreat. Avoiding Vedibasar, the Armenian forces continued their offensive towards Sadarak. The leaders of the Aras Republic, Amir bey and Ibrahim bey, organized the defense and requested assistance from Nakhchivan. Although Karim Khan Iravanski, commander of the Nakhchivan volunteers, refused to comply, numerous groups from the Sharur-Nakhchivan region went to support the Aras Türk Republic. Despite numerical superiority and better supplies, the Armenian army defeated the Azerbaijanis at the battle of Arazdayan and captured Sadarak.
On December 14, the Armenians launched another attack on Sharur but were defeated at Bash Norashen. The next battle took place at the Dehne or Qurd Gapisi Pass, where the Azerbaijanis were forced to retreat. After securing the pass, the Armenian forces established control over the villages of Damirchi, Gushchu, and Makhta. The Armenian offensive against Sharur ceased only after the outbreak of the Borchali conflict between Georgia and Armenia. Concurrently, the 8th Armenian Infantry Regiment attacked the Surmali district, capturing Duzluca and Iğdır. However, due to personnel shortages, the Armenians stationed garrisons only at strategic points between the southern border of the Kars region and the Iranian border.
The inability to prevent the Armenian advance and the flight of many government ministers led to the decline of the Aras Türk Republic's influence. The departure of Minister of War Ibrahim Bey Jahangiroglu to Kars effectively marked the end of the Republic's existence. Subsequently, the Nakhchivan local government turned to Iran for military assistance and began preparations for negotiations with the Armenian authorities.
Iran sent a delegation consisting of two Armenians and two Muslims to Nakhchivan to mediate between the Azerbaijanis and Armenians. The delegates arrived in Nakhchivan on December 23 and, according to the memoirs of Ottoman officers Khalil Bey and Veysel Bey, departed for Erivan on December 25. At the same time, the Nakhchivan district (local) government sent a delegation under the leadership of Jafargulu Khan Nakhchivani to Demirchi-Gushchu to propose a ceasefire to Colonel Dolukhanov. However, the delegation was arrested, and Dolukhanov launched new Armenian attacks on the villages of Norashen and Yengija. This time, the Armenians faced well-trained and organized Azerbaijani armed groups commanded by Colonel Kalbali Khan Nakhchivanski and Mashadi Ali Asgar Agha. After two days of fighting, the Armenians were defeated and forced to retreat. They were also expelled from the villages of Sharur and the Qurd Gapisi Pass, which they had initially captured. Armenian forces settled in Davali, while the Azerbaijani group positioned themselves in Arazdayan. On December 28, Kalbali Khan returned to Nakhchivan with his unit. Following the failure in Sharur, Dolukhanov made another attempt to regain control over Vedibasar, but this time the locals managed to repel the attack.
On January 12, 1919, the Iranian and Nakhchivan delegations returned from Yerevan, accompanied by representatives from both the government and Andranik's faction as part of the Armenian delegation. On January 14, under the leadership of Haji Mehdi Baghirov, the Nakhchivan government accepted the Armenian side's conditions and signed an agreement to cease military operations.
Shortly after the signing of the armistice agreement, Major William D. Gibbon, the liaison officer of British Governor-General W. Thomson, arrived in Nakhchivan from Baku, demanding the repatriation of 15,000 Armenian refugees, but his request was denied.
On January 18, Captain F.I. Lawton arrived in Nakhchivan from Yerevan. Lawton, the deputy commander of the 2nd Cameron Highlanders, was accompanied by Lieutenant F.L. Schwind of the 4th Rifle Brigade. Lawton and the Nakhchivan National Council reached agreements on border demarcation, the restoration of railway and telegraph operations, and the delivery of grain from the American Relief Society. The Nakhchivan National Council also declared the unacceptability of Armenian rule, with the council's leader, Amir Bey Zamanbeyzadeh, stating that the region belonged to Azerbaijan. On January 21, upon returning to Yerevan, Lawton demanded that the Armenian leadership immediately cease all military operations and await further instructions from the British headquarters in Tbilisi. The Armenians accepted these demands as they sought to avoid conflict with the British and recognized the impossibility of capturing Sharur-Nakhchivan, defended by 10,000 Azerbaijani militiamen. Lawton urgently reported to the 27th Division headquarters, recommending the establishment of a military governorate in Sharur-Nakhchivan and the withdrawal of Armenian troops from the southern part of Yerevan district. At the headquarters meeting on January 26, it was decided to create the governorate and appoint Lawton as the temporary military governor of Sharur-Nakhchivan with the rank of lieutenant colonel.
This decision caused discontent among the Armenians. Shortly after Lawton's appointment, Armenian units from Davalu captured the village of Afshar. With the support of Vedibasar residents, the village was recaptured, but fighting continued. Upon learning of the clashes, Lawton and Kalbali Khan Nakhchivanski immediately set out for Davalu, which was predominantly inhabited by Armenians. Lawton demanded that General Pirumyan withdraw his troops to the village of Ayyub, leading to tensions between them. Following his headquarters' instructions, Lawton proceeded to Yerevan, where he proposed extending the governorate's authority northward from Qurd Gapisi to the Vedi River.} Although the Armenian government protested this decision, the proposal was approved by the British command in Transcaucasia on February 6. Sharur-Nakhchivan maintained a semi-autonomous status under the leadership of the Khan's government, which acted as the local authority. The Armenian administration remained from Qurd Gapisi (The Gate of Wolf) to the Vedi River, but Armenian forces had to leave the area, maintaining only a 50-man garrison in Davalu.

### The Establishment of Armenian Administration and the Uprising in the Aras Valley

From March 1919 onwards, Britain's policy towards Sharur-Nakhchivan began to change. British intelligence grew concerned about the increasing influence of Turkey, and Lieutenant Colonel Lawton complained about the omnipotence of Fathali Khan's government, the aggressiveness of the National Council, and the lack of authority and influence that a governor-general should possess. The British reported pressure against Armenians in the Vedi-Chay-Sadarak region. A British battalion was insufficient to prevent these conflicts. Lawton's attempts to punish the perpetrators and the mediation efforts of Colonel Temperley, the British representative in Erivan, with the Fathali Khan ended in failure. Relations between the British command and the Muslim population deteriorated; Mashadi Ali Asgar Hamzayev wrote to Kalbali Khan, stating that British soldiers had committed several crimes in the village of Khanlyglar and had set fires in Bash-Norashen, which was also confirmed by local residents.
The growing strength of Anatolian and Azerbaijani Turks in the South Caucasus alarmed the British. This led to the decision to abolish the Kars Council and the Sharur-Nakhchivan Governor-Generalship. These decisions were made at the Batumi Conference held on April 2-3. Although the local Azerbaijani leadership was outraged by the decision and protested against it, they were ultimately forced to comply. On May 16, Gevorg Varshamyan was appointed governor, and on May 20, the first Armenian military unit entered Nakhchivan. The evacuation of British forces from the region began on May 22, with the last unit leaving on June 7. The British deemed it necessary to leave only a military mission in Nakhchivan, represented by Lieutenant Schwind.
Despite the initial cold reception of the Armenian administration by the Nakhchivan population, relations remained relatively stable due to a tolerant approach. This situation persisted until the arrival of the first Armenian military units. The presence of the Armenian army in the region began to disturb the population, and in addition, the process of confiscating weapons from the Azerbaijani population commenced. This led to increased tension and the outbreak of clashes.
Shortly after the establishment of Armenian administration, Armenians who had fled the region following the arrival of the Ottoman army in the summer of 1918 began to return. Simultaneously, the Muslim population who had been forced to leave Daralayaz also started returning. The Azerbaijani return to Daralayaz was only accepted by the Armenian authorities after pressure from General Thomson. The resettlement process of Armenians was not always peaceful. For example, Azerbaijanis refused to vacate houses in the village of Keshtaz in Sharur, arguing that these were their former homes now occupied by Armenians. To force them out, a 30-member armed Armenian detachment was sent to the village. At that time, four remaining Ottoman officers organized resistance and successfully repelled the Armenian attack, resulting in the death of 15 Armenian soldiers and officers. The next day, Armenians launched another attack with an armored train and artillery. Although they again failed to capture the village, the bombardment turned it into ruins.
Thus, Armenian administration could only be established over railways and main roads. Soviet Azerbaijani historian Madatov states that real power in Sharur was in the hands of Mashadi Ali Asgar Agha Hamzayev, in the northern part of Nakhchivan county it was held by Boyuk Khan Nakhchivanski, and in Ordubad by Samedbeyov. Turkish historian Atnur notes that after the withdrawal of the British, who were necessary to prevent clashes during the transfer of power to Armenians, Armenians began to establish control over the Aras Valley. On July 1, Ashot Melik-Mosesyants, one of the Dashnak leaders, was appointed head of the Ordubad region. Arriving with an armed detachment, Ashot demanded submission from the local population. After the demand was rejected, another ultimatum was sent the following day, again demanding submission. Subsequently, the Armenian army attacked Ordubad but was defeated by the local population. Immediately after, the people of Ordubad requested assistance from Azerbaijan, and Samed bey Jemilinski was sent there as a political officer.
Meanwhile, in the Aras Valley, antagonism between the Azerbaijani population and the Armenian administration reached its peak. A partisan detachment of 50 men was formed in the village of Karachug, led by Nakhchivan democrats Mammad Ragimov and Mirzali bey Bektashev. Soon after, partisan groups began to emerge in Ordubad, Sharur, Yayci, Bulgan, Vedibasar, and in the northern parts of Nakhchivan, initiating armed resistance against Armenian authority. Karim Khan Erivanski, who established his headquarters in the village of Jahri, captured six Armenian officials, proposing to exchange them for previously arrested Muslims.
Böyük Vedi, a large Azerbaijani village in Vedibasar near Erivan, which had repelled Armenian assaults twice in December 1918, remained largely untouched during the Armenian army's occupation of Sharur-Nakhchivan. As noted by Richard Hovannisian, Böyük Vedi became a rallying point for Muslim partisans. In June, the insurgents launched an attack towards the village of Davalu, and on July 1, they killed nine Armenian soldiers and twelve peasants. Following the advice of Colonel Plowden, the British military representative in Erivan, who was concerned that Böyük Vedi had become a symbol of resistance for other Azerbaijani villages, Armenian authorities dispatched a 400-man unit under Colonel Apresyank to suppress the uprising. However, after unsuccessful negotiations, the insurgents ambushed and defeated the Armenian detachment. The Armenians, suffering heavy losses, began to retreat, leaving behind most of their heavy weaponry and field equipment. The Armenians lost 26 officers and 200 soldiers killed. According to Richard Hovannisian, this was the largest and most humiliating defeat of the Armenian army for the entire year. Armenian authorities attempted to convince the British mission that Turkish soldiers fighting alongside the insurgents were responsible for the Armenian defeat; however, no Turkish soldiers were found in the village.
The following ten days were marked by unsuccessful attempts by Armenian forces to capture Böyük Vedi. The Azerbaijani ambassador to Armenia, Mahammad Khan Tekinski, reported on July 14 that Armenian forces were determined to seize Vedibasar and that "even Armenian priests are calling for the destruction of Böyük Vedi in the course of a Crusade." Nevertheless, the residents of Böyük Vedi, supported by volunteers from several nearby Azerbaijani villages, repelled the attacks. Another Armenian assault on the village was led by Dro, who involved both regular troops and "Mauserists" (Armenian militia) in the operation. Abbasgulu Shadlinski, who had commanded the defense of Vedi since 1918, decided to resist the Armenian forces on the village's outskirts. The absence of resistance convinced the Armenians that the village had been abandoned by its defenders, prompting them to hasten their advance. However, they encountered heavy gunfire on the village's approaches. Having lost half of their personnel, the Armenians retreated to fortifications in the village of Iova.
The battles around Vedi mobilized the population of Sharur-Nakhchivan against Armenian rule; battalions established in 1918 began to reorganize. Mahammad Khan Tekinski reported to Baku about the situation in the Aras Valley, urging the Azerbaijani government to take decisive measures, such as concentrating troops at the border to inspire the insurgents and intensify Armenian confusion. Nevertheless, Azerbaijan's Prime Minister, Nasib bey Yusifbeyli, refrained from military intervention due to the Denikin threat from the north, limiting support to sending 200,000 cartridges and 300,000 Russian imperial rubles through Iran. On July 20, an additional four million rubles were sent through Tiflis to Tekinski, who then transferred them to Nakhchivan via his deputy, Iskander Khan Nakhchivanski, and a personal courier. Tekinski reported plans to increase the number of soldiers in Nakhchivan from 6,000 to 10,000 within a week.
Meanwhile, the crisis spread throughout the province, with Azerbaijanis from Vedibasar and Aralikh to Nakhchivan ready to revolt. According to British officer Schwind, dispatched to Nakhchivan by General Cory, the reasons for the uprising included the Armenian expedition against Böyük Vedi, external interference, and "the inherent inability of both sides to resolve any issue other than through murder or massacre." Isolated clashes occurred in rural areas, and by July 21, Mahammad Khan Tekinski reported that residents of several Armenian villages in Sharur were fleeing. Turkish General Kazım Karabekir, recognizing the strategic importance of the Araks Valley, dispatched several of his officers led by Captain Khalil-bey—who had commanded the defense of Sharur in 1918 before leaving with the fall of the Araks Republic. Khalil-bey, after crossing the border on the night of July 17-18, took command of the Azerbaijani insurgent cavalry in Sharur.
Amid the escalation of the conflict, Major General George Norton Cory, Deputy British Commander in the South Caucasus, demanded an immediate ceasefire. At the same time, Colonel Plowden insisted that Azerbaijan withdraw its officers collaborating with Turkish instructors, as well as Ambassador Tekinski, who was implicated in organizing the uprising.
The attempt by Colonel Plowden and British officer Schwinde to prevent the escalation of the conflict failed, and on July 20, clashes erupted in Nakhichevan between Azerbaijani residents and the Armenian garrison of General Shelkovnikov. Lieutenant Schwinde, after meeting with Kelbali Khan Nakhichevanski and the Armenian governor, secured a three-day truce, but it did not last long. The second attempt to establish a ceasefire also failed, and on July 22, the insurgents captured the police station and surrounded the Armenian garrison, numbering 500 men, in the northern part of the city, though they were unable to defeat it.
In the north, on July 22, insurgents led by Captain Khalil attacked all Armenian posts in Sharur. At the Shakhtakhti station, besides the local Armenian garrison, an Armenian train detachment under the command of Khumbapet Yapon, en route to support the troops in Nakhichevan, was defeated. Two platoons from Shakhtakhti managed to join the garrison of Colonel Karakeshishyan in the village of Bash-Norashen, but after two days, the garrison was surrounded. On July 25, Karakeshishyan's column managed to break out of the encirclement in Bash-Norashen and, along with Armenians from Bash-Norashen and Ulia-Norashen, retreated along the Arpa River to the highland regions of Erivan and Daralaghez. During battles near the Norashen station, Azerbaijani insurgents defeated a platoon of the 3rd regiment, capturing as trophies 42 machine guns, 4 cannons, an armored train, and a large quantity of shells and cartridges. The Armenian garrison of Khanlyglar village capitulated without a fight: 5 officers and 195 soldiers surrendered. On July 26, the insurgents captured an Armenian armored train between the Qurd Qapisi and Norashen station. Later, a tribunal was held in Armenia concerning the surrender of the armored train without resistance.
The two-day battles at the Qurd Qapisi pass on the border of Erivan Uyezd also ended in the defeat of the Armenians and the capture of the pass by Azerbaijani insurgents. The Armenians retreated from the Qurd Qapisi to the village of Davalu, but were defeated there as well by Azerbaijanis, after which they withdrew to the village of Shirazlu. From there, after devastating several Azerbaijani villages, Armenian detachments launched another attack on Boyuk-Vedi on July 24–25 with artillery support. However, the attacks were repelled. All four Armenian columns suffered heavy losses and then took defensive positions along the Aghdamlar—Masumlu—Yova—Khor Virap line on the Aras River. Simultaneously, insurgents from Aralykh struck the Armenian rear along the perimeter of Erivan Uyezd.
The defeat of the Armenians in Shakhtakhti and Norashen placed the Armenian garrison in Nakhichevan in a disadvantageous position, and on July 25, General Shelkovnikov led his soldiers to the mountain citadel of Martiros. They were joined by Armenian residents of Nakhichevan and Aznaburt.
Meanwhile, Armenian border guards and refugees in Julfa fled to the Iranian part of the city, from where they were sent to Tabriz. Lieutenant Schwinde attempted to leave Nakhichevan Uyezd via the same route but was detained by Khan Nakhichevanski. Only on July 28 were British officers and representatives of the American charitable organization sent by train to Julfa, where they crossed the border. In the process, two vehicles were confiscated from them.
Overall, the July battles resulted in the complete defeat of the Armenian army. Twenty-five officers from the 2nd and 3rd infantry regiments were killed, with twice as many wounded. A complete list of non-commissioned officer casualties was never published. In addition to a large quantity of military equipment and supplies, the Armenians lost an armored train, 8 locomotives, and over 100 freight cars. By July 25, Armenia had only 100,000 cartridges left. Captain Khalil bey underscored the seriousness of the situation to the Armenians by sending 29 severely wounded Armenian soldiers to the Armenian headquarters on July 25, warning that the continuation of hostilities would determine the fate of a large number of Armenian prisoners in his custody.

### The American Project of a Neutral Zone in Sharur-Nakhchivan

Shortly after the anti-Armenian uprising, the issue of establishing a neutral zone in Sharur-Nakhchivan under the leadership of an American governor-general was brought to the agenda by the Allied High Commissioner in Armenia, American Colonel William Haskell. The stated objectives were to prevent further bloodshed and to facilitate the work of the American charitable organization (Near East Relief). However, Ibrahim Atnur considers this project an attempt to create an American base in the South Caucasus, which would strengthen U.S. influence in Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Iran, as well as towards India, and ensure American proximity to Baku's oil resources.
On August 29, 1919, Haskell reached an agreement with the Azerbaijani side on the establishment of a neutral zone in Sharur-Nakhchivan. As Ibrahim Atnur notes, this 12-point agreement recognized Azerbaijani jurisdiction over Sharur, Nakhchivan, and even a significant part of Dereleyez, which was under Armenian control. However, upon returning to Tiflis, Haskell changed his position, deciding that this arrangement would not be acceptable to the Armenian side. In the new 21-point draft agreement sent on September 1 to Baku and Erivan, he removed the legal status of Azerbaijan over Nakhchivan. Later, considering the arguments of the Armenian side, Haskell made another amendment to the agreement, excluding Dereleyez from the neutral zone project. The Azerbaijani government was deeply concerned about the changes to the agreement and lodged protests with Haskell and the British representative in Tiflis, Oliver Wardrop. It also proposed a compromise to Haskell. Nevertheless, Haskell maintained his position and continued to pressure Azerbaijan. Eventually, on October 4, Haskell succeeded in securing an Armenian-Azerbaijani agreement on the neutral zone.
Satisfied with this agreement, Haskell left the South Caucasus, assigning military engineer Colonel Ray to oversee the establishment of the neutral zone. Ray decided to travel to Nakhchivan accompanied by Azerbaijani and Armenian representatives. However, both in Baku and Erivan, his request for accompaniment was denied—the Azerbaijani side cited Haskell's constantly shifting stance and suggested Ray negotiate directly with Nakhchivan's leaders, while the Armenian side refused due to the absence of an Azerbaijani representative in the delegation.
On October 24, Ray had to proceed to Nakhchivan accompanied only by Governor-General Colonel Delli and five other American officers. In Nakhchivan, the American delegation was received by Samed bey Jamilinsky and Captain Khalil-bey's secretary, with Azerbaijani and Turkish flags raised. During discussions at the house of Böyük Nakhchivani between the American delegation and Nakhchivan representatives—Khalil bey, Kelbali Khan of Nakhchivan, Samed-bey Jamilinsky, and Heydarkuli bey Muradasilov—the local leaders refused to recognize the neutral zone project. Khalil bey told the Americans that Muslims had already been deceived by the British, who transferred power to the Armenians, and they had no intention of giving the Americans a chance.
Colonel Ray faced similar failure in negotiations with the representatives of the local council (shura). As Ibrahim Atnur points out, the Americans understood the reasons behind this failure. One American document acknowledges that since American charitable organizations supported not only Armenian refugees but also the Armenian army, this led to prejudice against Americans within the governments of Georgia and Azerbaijan and among the Muslim population of the Aras Valley. With Haskell's arrival, support for the Armenians intensified, which concerned Colonel Ray; he suggested providing some assistance to Muslim refugees.
After three days of unsuccessful negotiations, Ray returned to Erivan on October 29. Haskell was furious about the developments and accused Azerbaijan of failing to support Colonel Ray. Azerbaijan's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mammad Yusif Jafarov, responded that his government had declared its passive stance. Prime Minister Yusifbeyli instructed Azerbaijan's representative in Erivan, Abdurrahim bey Hagverdiyev, to inform Ray that Azerbaijan agreed to the neutral zone on the condition of the withdrawal of Armenian troops from Zangezur and the cessation of all military activities there. In reality, Armenia had strengthened its presence in the district, prompting Azerbaijan to deny support to Ray. M. Y. Jafarov, through Hagverdiyev, expressed gratitude to the Nakhchivan leaders for their firm stance.

### Further events

By the end of July 1919, only the Armenian rural cluster of Goghtn, located near Ordubad with its center in Agulis, continued to resist. Although the majority of villages had submitted to Muslim authority and to the newly appointed Ordubad commissar, Abbasgulu Bey Tahirov, the residents of Agulis took defensive positions in the town center and prepared for resistance. The Agulis population requested assistance from the Armenian government, which in August dispatched a detachment led by Garegin Nzhde from Zangezur to Agulis, followed by a small unit under Kazar Kasparyan in early September. However, as the defensive ring around Agulis tightened, the Armenian government ordered Nzhde and Kasparyan to cease the campaign. Nzhde disregarded this order and attempted to break through to Agulis. In October 1919, Armenian forces from Goghtn, in coordination with Zangezur units, launched an attack on Ordubad but were defeated, leading Goghtn to ultimately recognize the authority of the Nakhchivan government.
From time to time, the Armenian side attempted to regain control over Nakhchivan. For instance, an Armenian regiment of 500 soldiers and four cannons brought from Kars was concentrated north of Beyuk-Vedi. Beyuk-Vedi was subjected to artillery shelling, and minor skirmishes occurred along the front line. Armenian villages surrounding the village of Chiva were neutralized by Khalil Bey. In early November, Armenian forces attacked the northern border of Nakhchivan; however, in retaliation, Khalil Bey's counteroffensive neutralized the Armenian villages of Sultanbek, Martiros, and Sis.
Clashes also occurred between January 6 and 23, 1920.
Meanwhile, the Azerbaijani population in several regions of Armenia, suffering from ethnic cleansing, sought assistance from the Turkish command in Bayazet. The Turkish command decided to establish contact with the local population and provide them with support. In December 1919, the local populations of Aralık, Zangibasar, Iğdır, and certain areas of the Echmiadzin district organized themselves into shuras (councils) with the assistance of Chingiz Bey, a Turkish officer of Azerbaijani origin from Shahtakhti. Azerbaijani and Turkish officers were involved in the military organization of these regions; for example, the Zangibasar militia was led by Mammad Bey. On February 14, 1920, following the orders of the commander of the 11th Division, Javid Bey, Captain Muhiddin Bey and reserve officer Ihsan Bey were dispatched to Zangibasar. Although the organization of the local Azerbaijani population created a barrier against Armenian attacks, many unprotected groups continued to suffer from massacres.

## The Confrontation in Karabakh
### Karabakh in 1918

As noted by Richard Hovannisian, in the first half of 1918, while many regions with mixed Armenian-Azerbaijani populations had already descended into interethnic conflict, Armenians and Azerbaijanis in Karabakh lived in relative peace. Although the authority of the Transcaucasian Commissariat and the Transcaucasian Sejm was nominally recognized, Nagorno-Karabakh was effectively independent, governed by a binational, multiparty council.
This fragile balance was disrupted with the arrival of Turkish forces, who sought to assist Azerbaijan in establishing control over Karabakh and Zangezur. In early August 1918, the First Congress of Karabakh Armenians elected the People's Government of Karabakh, which rejected Nuri Pasha's demands to recognize Azerbaijani authority and allow Turkish troops to enter Shusha. The Second Congress of Karabakh Armenians (September 20–24) once again rejected Nuri Pasha's demands, advocating for the preservation of the status quo until a conference between the Transcaucasian republics with the participation of the Central Powers in Istanbul.
Meanwhile, the capture of Baku enabled Nuri Pasha to shift his focus to Shusha. To seize the city, Turkish-Azerbaijani units under the command of Javid Bey were dispatched to Karabakh. By this time, the Azerbaijani army and Muslim militias, after two weeks of fighting, had subdued the village of Karakishlag, severing the connection between the Armenians of Karabakh and Zangezur. Considering the fate of the Armenians in Baku and learning of the passage of 5,000 soldiers from the Army of Islam through the Askeran Pass, the Third Congress of Karabakh Armenians (October 1–5) acquiesced to Nuri Pasha's demands. On October 8, Javid Bey's forces, accompanied by the Azerbaijani representative Ismail Khan Ziyatkhanov, entered Shusha.
However, as Richard Hovannisian points out, rural Karabakh continued to resist submission to Nuri Pasha and Azerbaijan, and the latter ultimately failed to establish control over the region. Partisan leaders sought assistance from Andranik, who by late October had concentrated his forces near villages close to Goris. After receiving assurances of support from Karabakh and Zangezur leaders and waiting an additional ten days at the request of Shusha's mayor, Gerasim Melik-Shahnazaryan, and the Varanda partisan leader, Sokrat Bey Melik-Shahnazaryan—who attempted, unsuccessfully, to negotiate with Azerbaijani leaders to avoid resistance against Andranik—he advanced toward Shusha. However, despite overcoming the Muslim militia led by Sultan Bey Sultanov, Andranik was halted by the order of General Thomson.
Following the withdrawal of Turkish forces in November 1918, a temporary Armenian administration was established in Karabakh, represented by a council consisting of the mayor of Shusha and one representative each from the Karabakh districts of Khachen, Varanda, Jaraberd, and Dizak.

### The Mediation of the British Mission in Karabakh

On January 15, 1919, General Thomson sanctioned the appointment of Dr. Khosrov bey Sultanov as Governor-General of Karabakh and Zangezur by the Azerbaijani government. This support for Azerbaijan, as well as the selection of the governor-general, shocked the Armenian public. According to Richard Hovannisian, Khosrov bey had incited Azerbaijanis in Karabakh against Armenians in the summer of 1918, was known as a Pan-Turanist and an ally of the Turkish Ittihadist commanders, and played an active role in the capture of Baku. Hovannisian notes that Armenians both feared and hated Sultanov. The governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan exchanged angry messages regarding the situation.
The Fourth Congress of Karabakh Armenians (February 10–21) rejected the proposal to send representatives to the Azerbaijani Parliament, protested Azerbaijan's interference in Karabakh's affairs, and declared that "Nagorno-Karabakh, as an integral part of the Republic of Armenia, rejects Azerbaijani authority in any form." In letters to General Thomson, the Armenian government, and the Armenian delegation in Paris, the Congress complained about the violation of Karabakh's "fundamental rights." The Congress also elected a permanent executive body, the National Council of Karabakh, which assumed responsibility for the region's unification with Armenia.
Meanwhile, Khosrov bey Sultanov himself, along with the British military mission led by Major G. N. G. Monck-Mason, arrived in Shusha. Monck-Mason informed the Armenian National Council that Sultanov would have an Armenian assistant and an advisory council consisting of three Armenians, three Muslims, and a representative from the British mission. He also clarified that Sultanov's appointment did not determine Karabakh's permanent status. However, he firmly stated that all orders from the governor-general must be executed without question, and strict measures would be taken against those who disobeyed. Nevertheless, neither the National Council nor the four partisan commanders of Karabakh yielded to Monck-Mason's persuasion.
In response, the Armenian National Council proposed the establishment of a mixed council chaired by the head of the British mission, composed of seven Armenians, three Muslims, and one representative each from Armenia and Azerbaijan, appointed by mutual agreement. Alternative proposals were also put forward, including the incorporation of Karabakh into Armenia; the restoration of the administrative unit that existed before the Turkish offensive; the creation of a British governorate in the Armenian part of Karabakh; or the establishment of a British governorate over the entire Karabakh region. However, neither General Thomson nor Colonel D. I. Shuttleworth, who replaced him in Baku after Thomson's departure to Tiflis, agreed to any of these compromises.
On March 27, two weeks after assuming command of the British headquarters in Tiflis, Thomson paid an official visit to Erivan, where he discussed the Karabakh issue with Prime Minister Hovhannes Kajaznuni. Thomson promised that Sultanov would be subordinate to Major Monck-Mason, that the governor-general's authority would not extend to Zangezur, and that the Azerbaijani garrison would be stationed only in Khankendi. A month later, General J. F. Milne, Commander of the British Forces in the Black Sea, reiterated the same assurances.
In the meantime, to resolve the crisis, Shuttleworth—who had been promoted to brigadier general on April 19—tasked the National Council of Karabakh with convening the Fifth Congress of Karabakh Armenians. During the congress (April 23–29), both Shuttleworth and Khosrov-bey Sultanov delivered lengthy speeches, promising to ensure the rights and security of Armenians. Shuttleworth emphasized economic factors, warning of famine if ties with Lowland Karabakh were severed and highlighting the importance of the Yevlakh highway, which connected Karabakh to the Baku–Tiflis railway. The delegates' response was uncompromising, prompting Shuttleworth to acknowledge the failure of his mission and to indicate that he could no longer obstruct Azerbaijan from taking further measures. Azerbaijan began to increase its military presence, with Prime Minister Fatali Khan Khoyski justifying this escalation in a notice to Allied representatives and the Georgian government. He cited attacks by Armenians on small Azerbaijani garrisons in Shusha, Askeran, and other parts of Karabakh, claiming that the state was taking preventive measures to restore order.
Meanwhile, in April–May, a conference initiated by Georgian authorities was held in Tbilisi to address territorial and border disputes among the young republics. However, the conference failed due to irreconcilable positions held by Armenians and Azerbaijanis regarding the ownership of contested territories based on ethnic and economic criteria.
Coinciding with the start of the Fifth Congress, Misha Arzumanyan, an unofficial representative of Armenia in Karabakh, arrived from Baku with General Thomson's permission to investigate the situation and report back to the Armenian government. Shuttleworth hoped that Arzumanyan would persuade the National Council to recognize Azerbaijani authority. He also believed that if Armenia officially acknowledged Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan, the conflict would be resolved. When it became clear that Arzumanyan remained steadfast in his position, Shuttleworth expelled him back to Baku. Arzumanyan was replaced by Prince Hovsep Argutyan (Argutinsky-Dolgorukov), known for his conciliatory stance on the Karabakh issue, as Armenia's official representative in the region. However, despite Shuttleworth's hopes, Argutyan, during Shuttleworth's second visit to Karabakh on May 10, limited himself to merely calling on the Armenians of Karabakh and Zangezur to cooperate with the British command.

### Establishment of Azerbaijani Control over Karabakh

Following Shuttleworth's second failure, Azerbaijan increased its military presence in Karabakh. On June 2, Major Monk-Mason convened the leaders of the Karabakh Armenians, handing them a radiogram from Shuttleworth demanding the cessation of all political activities. The leaders were not allowed to leave the British mission building until they signed the radiogram. The next day, Sultanov ordered the Azerbaijani garrison to surround the Armenian part of the city and demanded that the National Council surrender the fortress held by the Armenian militia. After their refusal, an intimidating demonstration of armed Azerbaijani soldiers followed on June 4. A shootout ensued. Armenian barricades and even the British mission building came under heavy Azerbaijani fire; however, Sultanov failed to dislodge the Armenian militia from their positions.
Monk-Mason demanded that both sides cease fire and allow British posts to be established between them. However, Sultanov refused to stop the hostilities until the Karabakh Council was arrested and brought to him. Monk-Mason attempted to expel the Armenian Council from Karabakh by summoning its representatives under the pretext of acquainting them with new instructions from Shuttleworth. The Council, anticipating Monk-Mason's deception, sent only three representatives who claimed they were unaware of the whereabouts of the others. Monk-Mason expelled them from Karabakh. By the end of the day, Monk-Mason once again ordered both sides to yield their positions to British soldiers.
Forced to halt military actions, Sultanov decided to enlist the help of his brother, Sultan bey Sultanov, who led a two-thousand-strong Azerbaijani militia. On June 5, Sultanov's militia attacked the village of Khaibalikend. By evening, with the arrival of Azerbaijani regular troops, Khaibalikend's resistance was crushed, and the population was subjected to a massacre. The attackers then devastated Kirkijan, Pahlul, and Jamilly. The Armenian militia proved incapable of resisting the governor-general's forces, and Dr. Sultanov made it clear that the alternative to submission would be bloodshed.
The massacres were followed by protests from both the Armenian public and American representatives in Transcaucasia, who blamed ineffective British policies for the events. Khosrov bey Sultanov was summoned to Baku, sparking rumors of his arrest; however, he returned to Shusha by the end of June.
By this time, the mood among the leaders of the Karabakh Armenians had grown increasingly pessimistic. The mayor of Shusha, Gerasim Melik-Shakhnazaryan, the merchant class, the intelligentsia, and local populists had already concluded that continued resistance would lead to disaster. The Dashnaks, the National Council (which had fled to rural areas), and partisan leaders still refused to surrender. Recognizing the gradual shift in Armenian sentiment, Khosrov bey Sultanov, through Bishop Vagan and several prominent figures from Shusha, persuaded the Armenian National Council of Karabakh to convene the 6th Congress of Karabakh Armenians. At the Congress, which began on June 29 in Shushakend, Armenians showed a willingness to listen for the first time. The delegates were overwhelmed by a sense of impending catastrophe due to the withdrawal of the British not only from Shusha but from all of Transcaucasia. However, this time Sultanov was unwilling to listen to them and suddenly departed for Baku for consultations.
Confused by this, the 6th Congress sent three delegates to Baku with a proposal to recognize Azerbaijani authority on the condition of administrative and cultural autonomy, as well as commitments not to conduct campaigns against Zangezur, not to appoint a Muslim representative in Karabakh, and not to attempt to disarm the Armenian population. However, the Azerbaijani government put forward stricter conditions, which were rejected by the Armenian Council.
At the 7th Congress of Karabakh Armenians, convened on August 12 in Shushikend, a militant stance reemerged. The murders of Gerasim Khachatryan on his way to Baku and two delegates from Jraberd en route to Shushakend were condemned. The Congress declared its refusal to relocate to Shusha and rejected any conciliatory tone in negotiations with Sultanov. On August 14, Sultanov issued an ultimatum to the Congress, stating that if the Azerbaijani government's proposal was not accepted within 48 hours, Azerbaijan would resort to force. On the same day, a delegate from the Armenian National Council of Karabakh returned from Baku with news from Armenian representative Tigran Bekzadyan that no external assistance would be forthcoming and that Karabakh could rely only on its own resources. Having lost all hope, the Congress on August 15 authorized 15 of its members to sign an agreement with Sultanov. After a week of negotiations, on August 22, an agreement was signed recognizing the Azerbaijani jurisdiction over the highland parts of Karabakh—Dizak, Varanda, Khachen, and Jraberd—until the decision of the Versailles Conference. According to Richard Hovannisian, this was a national victory for Azerbaijan and a personal triumph for Khosrov bey Sultanov, who subjugated the Karabakh Armenians, and the temporary recognition of Azerbaijani jurisdiction was a significant step toward the final incorporation of Karabakh into Azerbaijan.

## War proper

On 30 March 1918, the Soviets, based on the unfounded report that the Muslim crew of the ship Evelina was armed and ready to revolt against the Soviets, disarmed the crew, which tried to resist. This led to three days fighting, resulting in the death of up to 12,000 Azerbaijanis.

### Fight for Baku and Karabakh, 1918–19

At the same time, the Baku Commune was involved in heavy fighting with the advancing Caucasian Ottoman Army in and around Ganja. The Ottoman Empire's Enver Pasha began to move forward with the newly established Army of Islam. Major battles occurred in Yevlakh and Agdash.
British General Lionel Dunsterville ordered the evacuation of the city on 14 September, after six weeks of occupation, and withdrew to Iran; most of the Armenian population escaped with British forces. The Ottoman Army of Islam and its Azerbaijani allies, led by Nuri Pasha, entered Baku on 15 September and killed between 10,000 and 20,000 Armenians in retaliation for the March massacre of Muslims. The capital of the Azerbaijan was finally moved from Ganja to Baku. However, after the Armistice of Mudros between the United Kingdom and the Ottoman Empire on 30 October, Turkish troops were substituted by the Triple Entente. Headed by British Gen. W. Thomson, who had declared himself the military governor of Baku, 1,000 Commonwealth soldiers arrived in Baku on 17 November 1918. By Gen. Thomson's order, martial law was implemented in Baku.
The Armenian government tried several times to seize Shusha militarily. In 1918, the Karabakh Council was declared in the region. However, throughout the summer of 1918, Armenians in the mountainous Karabag region, under the leadership of Andranik Ozanian, resisted the Ottoman 3rd Army. After the Armistice, the Ottoman Empire began to withdraw its forces and Armenian forces under Andranik seized Nagorno-Karabakh. Armistice of Mudros brought Gen. Andranik the chance to create a base for further expansion eastward and form a strategic corridor extending into Nakhichevan.
In January 1919, Armenian troops advanced towards Shusha. They captured nine Azerbaijani villages on their way. Just before the Armistice of Mudros was signed, Andranik Ozanian was on the way from Zangezur to Shusha to take control of the main city of Karabakh. In January 1919, with Armenian troops advancing, the British military command asked Andranik back to Zangezur with the assurances that this conflict could be solved with the Paris Peace Conference. Andranik pulled back his units and the British command at Baku gave control to Khosrov bey Sultanov, a native of Karabakh and "ardent pan-Turkist", who was appointed the general-governor of Karabakh and ordered by the British to "squash any unrest in the region". Sultanov ordered attacks on Armenian villages the next day, increased the sizes of Azerbaijani garrisons in Shusha and Khankendi and drew up plans to destroy several Armenian villages to sever the link between Armenians in Karabakh and the region of Zangezur.

### Fight for Nakhichevan, 1919–20

In response to a British border proposal that would have assigned Nakhichevan to Armenia, Azerbaijanis of Nakhichevan revolted under the leadership of local landowner Jafargulu Khan Nakhichevanski in December 1918 and declared the independent Republic of Aras, with its capital in Nakhichevan. The republic, which was essentially subordinate to Azerbaijan, continued to exist until mid-June 1919, when Armenian troops led by Drastamat Kanayan advanced into it to gain control over the region. They managed to capture the city of Nakhichevan in June 1919 and destroy the Republic of Aras, but afterwards fought combined regular Azerbaijani and Ottoman troops, who reinstated Azerbaijani control over the city in July. On 10 August 1919, a ceasefire was signed.
An American Commission to Negotiate Peace telegram, speaking on the conflict, stated:
   F. Tredwell Smith of the American Persian Relief Commission passed through here yesterday after varied experiences in Erivan and Nakhichevan and Tabriz and Urumia. When about August 25th he crossed the Tartar lines via Nakhichevan to Tabriz for the second time the atmosphere was completely changed, and a Britisher's life was no longer safe because the British had no troops, and Americans were also in danger. The Tartars opened battle on the Armenians in Nakhichevan on July 20th and after a three-day battle drove out the British along with the American relief workers and began a massacre of Armenian men, women and children, estimates of victims varying between 6,000 to 12,000.
Fighting resumed in March 1920 and continued until the Sovietization of Nakhichevan in 1920 by the 11th Red Army, now including former Azerbaijan Democratic Republic troops.

### Fight for Zangezur / Syunik, November 1919

Following the controversial withdrawal of British forces from the Transcaucasus in mid-1919 and the subjugation of the Karabakh Council to Azerbaijan in August 1919, Dr. Khosrov bey Sultanov beseeched his government to help him "overcome 'the Armenian bandits' blocking the routes to the summer grazing lands and to convert his titular position as governor-general of Karabagh and Zangezur / Syunik into reality." His call for assistance was also prompted by the antagonizing reports of Muslim villages in Zangezur / Syunik being pillaged by irregular Armenian forces and its inhabitants fleeing into Azerbaijan as refugees. Accordingly, the Azerbaijani army began to plan its invasion of Zangezur with the strategic objective of reaching the rebelling Nakhichevan and Sharur-Daralagez uyezds and incorporating them into Azerbaijan.
On 3 November 1919, the Azerbaijani army, supplemented by auxiliary Kurdish cavalry launched a full-scale attack into the Armenian-controlled section of Zangezur / Syunik, successful in briefly occupying some bordering Armenian villages before being decisively defeated and forced out by the local Armenians, led by partisan commanders Colonel Shahmazian and Garegin Nzhdeh. A notable historian on the topic, Hovannisian, describes the conflict:
   Preliminary skirmishes involving the Kurdo-Tatar partisans of Haji-Samlu were followed by a general Azerbaijani offensive at dawn on November 4. Under cover of a dense fog, the advancing regiments flanked the Armenian forward trenches and captured the first line of defense. By the next afternoon Bayandur, Khnadsakh, Korindzor, and Tegh had fallen, Khoznavar was in flames, and Azerbaijani artillery was bombarding the heights (Kechel-dagh) overlooking Goris. At nightfall Azerbaijani crescent-shaped fires burned on these heights. Elsewhere, Muslim bands from Sharur-Nakhichevan invested Nors-Mazra and other villages near Sisian, and two Turkish-officered platoons cut across the rugged Zangezur mountains from Ordubad into the Muslim stronghold of Okhchichai. Throughout Zangezur the imperiled Muslim population took heart in anticipation of liberation by the Azerbaijani army.
   Such hopes were cut short, however, by the counterattack Shahmazian mounted on November 6 after concentrating all available units on the Goris front. Artillerymen ... made direct hits on the Azerbaijani positions on Kechel-dagh, which was recaptured by Armenian companies ... The Kurdish irregulars were the first to break ranks and scatter into the mountains around Minkend, while the Azerbaijani regulars withdrew toward Tegh and the vale of Zabukh. Having gained the initiative, the Armenians charged the Azerbaijani lines, decimating Edigarov's cavalry regiment in cross fire, reportedly inflicting several hundred casualties on the infantry, capturing 100,000 rounds of ammunition and six machine guns near Khoznavar, and putting two cannons and more than twenty machine guns out of commission. By November 9 the Azerbaijani army was retreating in disarray toward Zabukh and the northern mountainous bypaths to Karabagh. Within a week after the invasion began, the Armenians of Zangezur were celebrating an impressive victory.

### Fight for Karabakh, early 1920

The largest escalation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict occurred in mid-March 1920 during the botched Karabakh uprising culminating in the massacre and expulsion of Shushi's majority Armenian population. Through 1918–1919, the area of Mountainous Karabakh was under the de facto administration of the local Armenian Karabakh Council, which was supported by the region's overwhelmingly Armenian population. During this period, Azerbaijan several times attempted to assert its authority over the region, backed by the British governor of Baku, Lieutenant General Thomson, who appointed Dr. Khosrov bey Sultanov as governor-general of Karabakh and Zangezur with the intention of annexing the Karabakh Council into Azerbaijan. In 1919, under threat of extermination (demonstrated by the Khaibalikend Massacre), the Karabakh Council was forced to sign an agreement to provisionally recognize and submit to Azerbaijani jurisdiction until its status was decided at the Paris Peace Conference.
Ending early 1920, the Paris Peace Conference was inconclusive in the resolution of the Transcaucasian territorial disputes, therefore, the Armenia, by this time in a much stronger position to assert itself, took it upon themselves to emancipate the Armenians of Karabakh from their callous Azerbaijani governor. Subversive preparations began for a staged uprising in the region of the Karabakh Council, timed to coincide with Azerbaijani Novruz celebrations. The uprising due to its poor coordination was unsuccessful in ousting the Azerbaijani garrisons from Shushi and neighboring Khankend, resulting in a pogrom in Shusha, in which Azerbaijani soldiers and residents burned and looted half of the city, murdering, raping and expelling its erstwhile majority Armenian inhabitants.
After the occurrence of the uprising, the forces of Garegin Nzhdeh and Dro Kanayan were ordered by the Armenian government to assist the Karabakh rebels, at the same time, Azerbaijan moved most of its army westward to crush the Armenian resistance and cut off any reinforcements, despite the threat of the approaching 11th Red Army of Bolshevik Russia from the north. By Azerbaijan's Sovietization barely a month after the uprising began, Azerbaijani forces were able to maintain control over the central cities of Karabakh, Shusha and Khankend, whilst its immediate surroundings were in the control of local partisans supplemented by Armenian army reinforcements. Since Dro had been explicitly ordered by the Armenian Government not to engage the Red Army, he was unable to execute the attack to capture Shusha, whose Azerbaijani defenders had been supplanted by the Red Army. The situation persisted until the overwhelming Bolshevik army drove out the Armenian army detachments from the region, after which the fears of the Armenians of Karabakh were alleviated by virtue of returning to the stability of Russian control.

### Fight for Kazakh, early 1920

On 5 April 1920, skirmishes began along the Armenian–Azerbaijani border as the governor and commander of Kazakh (Qazax) increased security forces in the region, expecting that the Armenian army would create a diversion to relieve pressure on Karabakh. Azerbaijani forces occupied the heights above the villages of Tatlu (Tatlı) and Paravakar, prompting Armenian residents to dislodge the Azerbaijanis and sparking the 2-week border battles that saw Azerbaijan capture Kalacha (Berdavan) and Kotkend (Koti) while attacking Tasalu, Dvegh (Dovegh), Koshkotan (Voskevan), and Barana (Noyemberyan) on 7 April. While a cease-fire was negotiated on 9 April, the Azerbaijani army subsequently invaded Tatlu and Lalakend, burning the Armenian villages of Badakend (Ələsgərli) and Chardakhlu (Çardaqlı) on the Azerbaijani side of the border. Azerbaijani Prime Minister Fatali Khan Khoyski accused Armenia of violating the truce by attacking the Azerbaijani settlements of Upper Askipara and Lower Askipara, Salakhli, and 6 other Azerbaijani settlements on April 12. Tensions along the border were ultimately relieved on 18 April when officials from Dilijan and Kazakh agreed on an 11-point ceasefire agreement that included the repatriation of all displaced residents and the restoration of the former boundary.

## Aftermath
### Sovietization of Azerbaijan, April 1920

In early April 1920, Republic of Azerbaijan was in a very troubled condition. In the west the Armenians still controlled large parts of territory claimed by Azerbaijan; in the east, local Azerbaijani communists were rebelling against the government; and to the north the Russian Red Army was steadily moving southward, having defeated Denikin's White Russian forces.
On 27 April 1920, the government of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic received notice that the Soviet Army was about to cross the northern border and invade Azerbaijan. Faced with such a difficult situation, the government officially surrendered to the Soviets, but many generals and local Azerbaijani militias kept resisting the advance of Soviet forces and it took a while for the Soviets to stabilize the newly proclaimed Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, headed by leading Azerbaijani Bolshevik Nariman Narimanov.
While the Azerbaijani government and army were in chaos, the Armenian army and local Armenian militias used the opportunity to assert their control over parts of Azerbaijani territory, invading Shusha, Khankendi, and other important cities. By the end of April, Armenian forces were controlling most of western Azerbaijan, including all of Karabakh and surrounding areas. Other occupied areas included all of Nakhichevan and much of the Kazakh-Shamshadin district. In the meantime, Armenian communists attempted a coup in Armenia, but ultimately failed.

### Soviet takeover, May 1920

In 1920–21, the only solution to this dispute could come either by military victory—as basically happened in Anatolia, Zangezur and Nakhichevan—or by the imposition from above of a new structure by an imperial power. After the British failed to impose a settlement, the imperial arbiters turned out to be the Bolsheviks, whose 11th Army conquered Karabakh in May 1920. On 5 July 1921, the Bolsheviks' Caucasian Committee, the Kavbiuro, under the chairmanship of Joseph Stalin decided that the mountainous part of Karabakh would remain under the jurisdiction and sovereignty of Azerbaijan. In July 1923, the Nagorny (or Mountainous) Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAO) was established within Azerbaijan, with borders that gave it an overwhelming Armenian majority of 94% of the total inhabitants.

### End of hostilities, September–November 1920

In late November, there was yet another Soviet-backed communist uprising in Armenia. On 28 November, blaming Armenia for the invasions of Şərur on 20 November 1920 and Karabakh the following day, the 11th Red Army under the command of Gen. Anatoliy Gekker, crossed the demarcation line between First Republic of Armenia and Soviet Azerbaijan. The second Soviet-Armenian war lasted only a week.

### Sovietization of Armenia, December 1920

On 4 December 1920, when the Red Army entered Yerevan, the government of the First Republic of Armenia effectively surrendered. On 5 December, the Armenian Revolutionary Committee (Revkom), made up of mostly Armenians from Azerbaijan, also entered the city. Finally, on 6 December, Felix Dzerzhinsky's dreaded secret police, the Cheka, entered Yerevan, thus effectively ending all existence of the First Republic of Armenia.
The Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic was then proclaimed, under the leadership of Gevork Atarbekyan. On 18 February 1921, a national revolt against Bolsheviks started. Gen. Garegin Nzhdeh, commander Garo Sasouni and the last Prime Minister of independent Armenia Simon Vratsyan took the lead of the anti-Bolshevik rebellion and forced out the Bolsheviks from Yerevan and other places. By April, the Red Army reconquered most part of Armenia. However, Atarbekyan was dismissed and Aleksandr Miasnikyan, an Armenian high-ranking Red Army commander, replaced him. Garegin Nzhdeh left the Zangezur mountains after the Sovietization of Armenia was finalized in July 1921, leaving Azerbaijani-populated villages cleansed of their population. Persuaded by Soviet leadership, Zangezur had already been ceded by Azerbaijan to Armenia in November 1920 as a "symbol of friendship".

### Treaty of Kars, 23 October 1921

The violence in Transcaucasia was finally settled in a friendship treaty between Turkey and the Soviet Union. The peace Treaty of Kars was signed in Kars by representatives of the Russian SFSR, Azerbaijan SSR, Armenian SSR, Georgian SSR and Turkey. Turkey had another agreement, the "Treaty on Friendship and Brotherhood", also called the Treaty of Moscow, signed on 16 March 1921 with Soviet Russia.
By this treaty, Nakhichevan was granted the status of an autonomous region under Azerbaijan's protectorate, on the condition that the rights for protectorate would never be transferred to a third state. Turkey and Russia became guarantors of Nakhichevan's status. Turkey agreed to return Alexandropol to Armenia and Batumi to Georgia.