# Pratapaditya

Pratapaditya Guha was a rebellious Kayashtha king of Jessore of lower Bengal, before being defeated by the Mughal Empire. He was eulogized by 19th and 20th century Bengali historians as a resistor against Mughal in Jessore but the statements are still debated.

## Kingdom of Jessore
### Trade and Economy

During the reign of Pratapaditya, the ruler of Jessore in the early 17th century, the Portuguese played a significant role in the local economy through their trade activities. Jessore, located in present-day Bangladesh, became a crucial hub for Portuguese merchants due to its strategic position along the trade routes. The Portuguese established a thriving trade network in the region, exchanging goods such as textiles, spices, and precious metals. Their presence bolstered the local economy, as they facilitated the flow of these commodities between South Asia and Europe. Additionally, the Portuguese influence contributed to the cultural and economic integration of Jessore into the global trading system of the time. Pratapaditya, recognizing the value of this relationship, engaged with the Portuguese to enhance the prosperity of his domain, thereby creating a mutually beneficial economic partnership.

### Military strength

Under the rule of Pratapaditya, Jessore not only thrived economically but also fortified its military capabilities. Pratapaditya, known for his strategic acumen, commanded a formidable fleet of approximately 700 warships and a cavalry force of 10,000 men. His naval fleet, bolstered by Portuguese military assistance and advanced shipbuilding techniques, played a crucial role in safeguarding vital trade routes and asserting dominance over the Bay of Bengal. The large number of warships ensured that Jessore's maritime interests were well-protected and allowed for effective control of regional waters.
In addition to his naval forces, Pratapaditya's cavalry was renowned for its mobility and effectiveness in combat. With 10,000 cavalrymen, his forces were well-equipped with armor and weaponry influenced by various regional styles and practices. This cavalry played a significant role in defending his territory from external threats and in maintaining order within his domain. The combination of a powerful navy and a well-trained cavalry under Pratapaditya's command ensured both the security and expansion of Jessore's influence during his reign.

## Sources
### History

Three contemporary sources remain — letters of Portuguese Jesuit priests collated in Histoire des lndes Orientales by Father Du Jarric; Baharistan-i-Ghaibi, a history of Bengal by Mirza Nathan; and, travelogues of Abdul Latif.

## Background

Pratapaditya's ancestors were likely based in Satgaon, having migrated from Bakla. His father Shrihari Guha was an influential officer in the service of Daud Khan Karrani and succeeded Ludi Khan as the wazir c. early 1573; he had been conferred with the title of Raja Vikramaditya by Daud Khan. Upon Daud Khan's defeat by the Mughals in the Battle of Rajmahal, Shrihari fled to the marshes of Khulna and styled himself as "Vikramaditya"— probably with his brother, Janakiballav, who had been awarded the title of "Basanta Ray"— and refused to submit to the Mughals for a while; their capital was at Dhumghat.
Popular tradition asserts that eventually Todar Mal would confirm their possessions. Sources do not mention Shirhari except in the immediate aftermath of the Battle of Rajmahal; so, it is difficult to speculate about Shrihari's reign but a non-extant inscription imposes a terminus ante quem of c. 1590 for the end of his rule.

## Biography
### Rise to power

For about the first decade, Pratapaditya likely ruled in a dyarchy with Basanta Ray. It is believed that c. 1598 - 1600, Pratapaditya had his uncle murdered with support from the Portuguese and ascended to the throne. In return, he allowed the Portuguese Missionaries to settle in his territories; the first Church in Bengal was opened at Dhumghat c. 1600.

### Conflict with Portuguese

His rule over Jessore coincided with multiple foreign powers — the Portuguese, the Arakanese, and the Mughals — vying for the control of the Bengal delta and entering into fragile alliances with local rulers. In 1602, Dominique Carvalho, a Portuguese war-master in service of Kedar Ray, had occupied the salt-rich port of Sandip which had been seized by the Mughals from the Rays, two years before. However, the inhabitants did not take kindly to Carvalho and rebelled; soon, multiple parties — the Arakans, who helped Carvalho to subdue the rebellion; the Portuguese, who constructed a fort without consent of the Arkakans; the Rays, who felt usurped by the Portuguese; the Mughals, who wished to expand into the East — found themselves embroiled in a regional conflict that spanned for a couple of years. In the end, the Mughals having killed Ray and the Arakans having chased the Portuguese out made the most significant gains.
Pratapaditya appears to have attempted in leveraging this multipolarity to his advantage. In 1605, he invited Carvalho to his kingdom only to have him arrested. Du Jarric accuses Pratapadiya of having entered into a secret treaty with the Arakans to save his own territory; Aniruddha Ray speculates that pleasing the Mughals, who were on the ascendancy, might have been an additional factor. Carvalho's arrest empowered the local Afghans to loot and massacre the Portuguese the same night; even the church was not spared. The next day, Pratapaditya destroyed Carvalho's fleet, arrested the surviving Portuguese, and confiscated all of their properties; after a summary trial, four were put to death and a ransom of eleven thousand rupees was fixed for the rest.
The initial reluctance from the Portuguese to pay the ransom caused consternation in local Hindus who raided the church suspecting the missionaries of Machiavellian tactics. Eventually, once the ransom was paid, Pratapaditya had the Portuguese as well as the Missionaries leave Jessore permanently. However, by 1612 they were again parts of Jessore army and must have entered into a truce sometime in-between.

### Mughal imperialism

In 1609, Islam Khan was appointed as the Subehdar of Bengal. Pratap sent his son Sangramaditya to greet Khan, who was inducted into imperial service; it was suggested that Pratap follow suit. In 1609, Pratap met Khan with fifty thousand rupees and other presents, accepting Mughal vassalage and promising military assistance in subduing Musa Khan and other Zamindars in the region. The deals was struck at a time when the Mughals were fighting multiple forces in Bengal and in a desperate need for allies. By 1612, most of the rebel Zamindars were subdued and Mughal ascendancy in the region was established. However, citing that Pratap did not help the Mughals in their expeditions, Islam Khan decided to seize Jessore alongside adjacent Bakla; Ray hypothesizes that the Mughals were trying to control the entire span of Hooghly — whose hinterlands were vital from an economic as well as a military perspective — and hence, scoped for opportunities. Pratapaditya requested for a pardon and dispatched 80 war-boats under Sangramaditya but in vain; Sangramaditya was captured, and the fleet destroyed.
This encounter led Pratapaditya to start preparing for the inevitable. Udayaditya along with the majority of his force was sent away to take a defensive stance on the banks of one Salka river, north of the capital, where a fort was rapidly constructed; a well-equipped navy was put under the command of Khwaja Kamal while the infantry unit was put under Jamal Khan. Despite strategically sound warfare on Udayaditya's part, the face-off ended in a devastating defeat — he, alongside Jamal Khan, barely escaped to Jessore where the rear-guard was being mounted. The Mughals continued in their advance and camped at Buranhatty, not far from Jessore. Soon enough, Bakla fell. With Jessore being opened up from all sides, Paratapaditya left for the Mughal camp to offer his submission. However, for reasons unknown, he ditched the plan and the conflict continued. Pratapaditya took, what would be his last stand, about 5 miles north of his capital, in a makeshift fort. The defence hold for days before felling to a sudden attack, forcing him to retreat to Jessore and concede defeat.
Paratapaditya was treated with respect and taken as a war-prisoner to Dhaka, where Islam Khan had him imprisoned along with his sons. Whereas his sons were released soon, what happened to Pratapaditya is not known; his territory was distributed as jagirs.

## In popular culture
### 1750–1850

The earliest extant mention of Pratapaditya in vernacular literature is Annada Mangal, a mid-18th c. historical epic by Raygunakar Bharatchandra. Pratap was a hero, blessed by Kali but vanity and pride hastened his end. This would influence the first historical prose on the subject by Ramram Basu — Pratapaditya Charita. Written as a historical romance novel c. 1800, Basu claimed to be among the heirs of Pratapaditya and used family letters and a Persian manuscript among sources. Both of these works significantly influenced the production of future literature on Pratapaditya; notably, it was caste that played a defining role in the rise and fall of Pratapaditya in these narratives, and communalism was largely absent.

### 1850–1900

In 1856, Harish Chandra Tarkalankar published The History of Raja Pratapaditya: "The Last King of Sagar lsland", a modernized retelling of Basu's novel. Soon, the British administrators would start taking a keen interest in local history and naturally, Pratapaditya. In 1857, Smyth was the first colonial official to chronicle our subject — he came upon certain ruins in Sunderban, which local legends had attributed to Pratapaditya. 11 years later, Rainey read a paper on Pratapaditya in The Asiatic Society: the contents were borrowed from Tarkalankar's work and Pratapaditya was a hero. The first critical evaluation came in 1874 in Westland's Report of the District of Jessore — in the words of Ray, it was an attempt to "cut Pratap's heroism to size". The same year, were published, three "pioneering essays" by Blochman.
By mid-1870s, Pratapaditya was no longer a unanimous hero — the colonial administration was pushing back against panegyrics. Beveridge's report in 1876 portrayed him to be a "cruel monster" for murdering Carvalho. Falkner deemed him to be an adventurer, not worth more than a footnote.