# Petit-Clamart attack

The Petit-Clamart attack, also referred to by its perpetrators as Operation Charlotte Corday after Charlotte Corday, was an assassination attempt organized by Lieutenant-Colonel Jean Bastien-Thiry with the Organisation armée secrète (OAS) that aimed to kill Charles de Gaulle, president of France at the time. The attack was carried out on 22 August 1962.
No one was killed and one person, who was caught in the crossfire, was injured during the attack, which was followed by an intensive investigation led by French authorities. The manhunt ended with almost all participants being caught within a few months. Bastien-Thiry was brought before a military court where he justified his act by claiming that de Gaulle was a tyrant. Bastien-Thiry was sentenced to death and executed by firing squad in the spring of 1963, and remains the last person to be executed by firing squad in France.

## Background
### 1958–1959

In May 1958, in Algiers, a coup was carried out jointly by Pierre Lagaillarde, who was the sitting Deputy of Algiers and a reserve paratrooper officer, generals Raoul Salan, Edmond Jouhaud and Jean Gracieux, Admiral Auboyneau, with the support of General Jacques Massu and Jacques Soustelle's allies. Its aim was to allow the return of power to Charles de Gaulle, who was then retired. The supporters of de Gaulle were banking on a radical change in government policy based on maintaining the integrity of the republican territory, and therefore the continuation of the policy of "pacification" in the French departments of Algeria that has been maintained since 1954.
After reassuring a European and Muslim Gaullist crowd fraternizing in Algiers on 4 June 1958, with a historic "I understand you", followed by an unequivocal "Long live French Algeria" in Mostaganem, de Gaulle, once he became President of the Republic in 1959, undertook to complete the decolonization policy that he had initiated in 1943 with Lebanon and Syria during his campaign to rally the colonies to Free France with a view to liberating the metropolitan territory itself occupied by Hitler's Nazi Germany. Later, on 2 October 1958, de Gaulle granted independence to Guinea following its rejection of the new constitution.
On 16 September 1959, de Gaulle used the term "self-determination" for the first time in relation to what was still in the media only "the Algerian affair", certain voices of protest began to arise, which were heard among certain Gaullists in Algeria and in mainland France. The protesters interpreted the policy reversal of the head of state, whom they themselves had helped to bring to power, as a "betrayal".

### 1960

On 24 January 1960, extremist defenders of the maintenance of French Algeria carried out a siege in the Algerian capital, then the second largest city in France, in what would become the "week of the barricades", expecting the support of Massu. Following statements from Jacques Massu to the newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung of West Germany, Massu was immediately transferred to mainland France. It was the dismissal of the man who had allowed the "Gaullist putsch" of 1958 which served as a trigger in what the media described as "the events in Algiers".

### 1961

In February 1961, Pierre Lagaillarde and Raoul Salan, who had also gone underground, reached agreement and began the Organisation armée secrète ("Secret Army Organization"), commonly known as OAS.
In April 1961, following the failure of the generals' putsch—this time aimed at overthrowing de Gaulle, who talked with a delegation of separatists, and replacing his authority with a military junta—the OAS increased its clandestine operations. These actions, the most radical of which involved political assassination and terrorism, were carried out both in the French departments of Algeria and in mainland France, the OAS having a "Metro" branch, by the "Commando Delta".

### 1962

On 20 May 1962 in Italy, Georges Bidault, former Minister of Foreign Affairs under de Gaulle, then during the Indochina War, was elected president of the National Council of the Resistance (Conseil National de la Résistance; CNR) by the executive committee, which included Jacques Soustelle and Colonel Antoine Argoud. Bidault had held the position of president of the council following Jean Moulin in 1943. Several analysts criticize the amalgam practiced by the founders of the council of 1962, an amalgam which suggests a possible equivalence between Algeria and Alsace-Lorraine, as well as an identification of de Gaulle to Adolf Hitler.

## Attack

On 22 August 1962, at around 7:45 pm (UTC+1), two unmarked Citroën DS 19s escorted by two motorcyclists left the Élysée Palace to take de Gaulle and his wife Yvonne to the Villacoublay Air Base, where they would travel by air to Saint-Dizier and then by road to their home in Colombey-les-Deux-Églises. De Gaulle was returning from a meeting of the Council of Ministers. In the first car were Charles and Yvonne De Gaulle, as well as Colonel Alain de Boissieu, son-in-law and aide-de-camp of the president, who was seated next to the driver, Gendarme Francis Marroux. In the second car, led by police brigadier René Casselin, were the police commissioner Henri Puissant, bodyguard Henri Djouder, and military doctor Jean-Denis Degos.
Leaving Paris via the Châtillon-Montrouge Station, the procession took Route nationale 306 [fr] and headed towards Vélizy-Villacoublay where the presidential plane was waiting. When he arrived, at 8:20 pm, at the crossroads of rue Charles-Debry, RN 306 and rue du Bois, approximately 300 metres (980 ft) before the Petit Clamart roundabout, the Bastien-Thiry commando was deployed in several parked vehicles, waiting to fire.
The commando was composed of twelve members, including Jean Bastien-Thiry, Alain de La Tocnaye, László Varga, Lajos Marton, and Gyula Sári, all of whom were fiercely anti-communist. The rest of the group was made up of Metropolitians and pieds-noirs. The latter intended to avenge the abuses committed against their community, in particular the 1962 Isly massacre, which left 80 dead and 200 injured, as well as the loss of French Algeria. The members of the commando were equipped with automatic weapons, explosives, and had four vehicles at their disposal.
Bastien-Thiry was hidden in a Simca 1000 and gave the signal to fire by waving a newspaper. Five men (Buisines, Varga, Sári, Bernier and Marton), armed with automatic weapons, were in a yellow Renault Estafette; La Tocnaye was on board a Citroën ID 19, with Georges Watin and Prévost, equipped with submachine guns. The final vehicle was a Peugeot 403 van, in which Condé, Magade and Bertin, also with automatic weapons, were hidden from view.
Of the 187 rounds fired by the commando, 14 hits were observed on the presidential vehicle, including one in the front passenger backrest where de Boissieu was sitting and several at the level of the faces of the de Gaulles. At the scene of the attack, several stores were riddled with bullet holes. Realizing that his colleagues had missed their target, Gérard Buisines tried to ram the presidential car with the Estafette, while Alain de La Tocnaye, hanging outside the door, tried to shoot at de Gaulle with a machine-gun.
Upon arrival at Villacoublay Air Base, the general remarked to the greeting party: "Cette fois c’était tangent" ("This time it was close"). To the surprise of the police in attendance, Yvonne de Gaulle said "J'espère que les poulets n'ont rien eu" ("I hope nothing happened to the chickens"), referring to some frozen poultry she was bringing home in the baggage compartment of the car. In response de Gaulle whispered to her, as she sat next to him on the flight, "Vous êtes brave Yvonne" ("You are brave, Yvonne").
During the attack a Panhard automobile, in which a couple and their three children were driving by on the opposite side of the road, came under fire from the shooters. The driver suffered minor injuries.

## Investigation
### Manhunt

An extensive manhunt was launched on the evening of 22 August to find the perpetrators of the attack. The investigation first focused on the yellow Estafette, with several witnesses saying that one of its three occupants was limping. The police thought they recognized engineer Watin, a member of the OAS known as "the Boiteuse", but did not succeed in apprehending him. Two men were arrested by chance at a Tain-l'Hermitage road checkpoint. Among these two men was a deserter who bragged, saying, "I’m from the OAS." Transferred to the Regional Judicial Police Service in Lyon, he admitted to Commissioner Geneston that he was part of the commando. Then, transferred to Paris, he continued his confession, giving Commissioner Bouvier all the names or nicknames of the conspirators that he knew.
After two weeks, around 15 suspects were arrested by the men of Divisional Commissioner Bouvier, while some of them were developing a new operation targeting de Gaulle. The last arrest was that of Bastien-Thiry on 15 September, which was carried out as he left his home in Bourg-la-Reine. Another suspect, OAS commander and retired French Army major Henri Niaux, hanged himself in prison the same day.

### Trial

The trial was held at the Fort of Vincennes. During the first session, nine accused commando members appeared before the Military Court of Justice on 28 January 1963: Jean-Marie Bastien-Thiry defended by Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, Alain de La Tocnaye, Pascal Bertin, Gérard Buisines, Alphonse Constantin, Étienne Ducasse, Pierre-Henri Magade, Jacques Prévost and László Varga. Six other defendants were tried in absentia; those absent, on the run, were Serge Bernier, Louis de Condé, Gyula Sári, Lajos Marton, Jean-Pierre Naudin, and Georges Watin. The latter had fled to Switzerland where he was arrested in January 1964 and was held in solitary confinement to prevent him escaping from French authorities. False papers were provided to him, and he reached South America with those documents. He died in Paraguay in 1994. All of the accused were charged with attempted intentional homicide by ambush and attack against state authority with the use of weapons.
This Military Court of Justice had been declared illegal by the Conseil d'État on 19 October 1962, on the grounds that it infringed the general principles of law by the absence of any appeal against its decisions. Despite this, de Gaulle extended the existence of the Court for this case. However, this Court, which was to be replaced by another jurisdiction, the State Security Court, was extended by the law of 26 February 1963.
On 4 March, at the end of the investigation against Bastien-Thiry, the Military Court of Justice found him guilty of orchestrating the attack. Tried as separate perpetrators, the shooters were sentenced to various prison terms and benefited from a presidential pardon in 1968. Jean-Marie Bastien-Thiry, Alain de la Tocnaye and Jacques Prévost, defended by Jacques Isorni, were all sentenced to death. Two of the condemned were pardoned; only Bastien-Thiry was executed, shot by a firing squad at Fort Ivry on 11 March 1963. The five absent accused were sentenced in absentia to death sentences or imprisonment and also benefit from a presidential pardon.

### Bastien-Thiry

On 2 February 1963, following brief statements by the co-defendants present during the trial, the main accused of the Charlotte Corday operation, Jean-Marie Bastien-Thiry pleaded in a lengthy speech self-defense in defense of himself and his "comrades" and against the "men of power" and in particular against the most powerful of them, the one whom his lawyer and future presidential candidate Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour nicknamed the "Prince".
Constituting the "Bastien-Thiry affair", the declaration, which René Wittmann published in a confidential edition on 20 February 1963 and whose publishing house close to the extreme right, Serp, published a 33-page paper the same year, which began with these words:
   The action for which we are answering before you today is of an exceptional nature, and we ask you to believe that only reasons of an equally exceptional nature could have induced us to undertake it. We are neither fascists nor factionalists, but national French, French by origin or French at heart. It is the misfortunes of the homeland that have led us to these benches.
The trial inspired works from the 1960s to the present day, whether it be criticism of the death penalty, French public opinion then being predominantly unfavorable, or testimonies, the condemned man's family has since worked for his rehabilitation. through the "Bastien-Thiry circle," or counter-investigations; in Bastien-Thiry: to the end of French Algeria by Jean-Pax Méfret, a senior reporter, asks: "How did a man, endowed with deep Catholic convictions and superior cultural background, could it have come to this?".
In the national press, reactions to the "Bastien-Thiry affair", which led to both the last political execution in France and the last execution by firing squad, were not long in coming. Discussion tended to focus on three points: the virulence of Bastien-Thiry's criticism of de Gaulle's policies regarding Algeria; the fact that the condemned were finally pardoned with the exception of one; and the expeditious nature of the sentence. The day after the execution, in L'Express, journalist Jean Daniel wrote, "In fact, the inhumanity of the sovereign ends up overwhelming even his supporters". In Le Canard enchaîné, Jérôme Gauthier wrote, "It’s shame that tears down walls. A certain justice too, it seems... [...] Lieutenant-Colonel Bastien-Thiry died, I do not say mourned, but pitied by a very large number of French people, even among those the most fiercely hostile to his cause."

## Theories
### Mole

According to authors such as Jean-Pax Méfret and member of the commando Lajos Marton, the conspirators said they had benefited from support within the Élysée from Commissioner Jacques Cantelaube. He had been the sitting controller general of the police and director of security for the president and resigned shortly before the attack. He felt antipathy towards the president due to his conduct of Algerian affairs from 1959. This accomplice would have allowed Bastien-Thiry to know the registration of the presidential vehicle, the structure of the convoy and the routes that would be taken by the convoy, including the one that will be chosen at the last moment as a security measure. According to Jean Lacouture:
   "[...] thanks to the information, said the leader of the conspirators, of a "mole" that he had within the Élysée: but the countless speculations made on this subject did not lead to any serious information. It seems that Bastien-Thiry, on this level, bluffed, to panic or divide the general's entourage. In fact, it was based on telephone calls from lookouts placed around the Élysée – notably from a certain "Pierre" – as soon as a trip by the head of state was planned".
In 2015, Marton revived the hypothesis of the involvement of the Minister of Finance, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, who, under the code name "B12", would have informed the OAS of de Gaulle's movements.

### Objective of the attack

There is an alternative and controversial thesis that the primary aim of the operation was not to assassinate President Charles de Gaulle in Clamart, but to kidnap him to bring him before the Council tribunal. Tixier-Vignancour used this as an argument to acquit the nine conspirators present during the trial. Subsequently, it was taken up and defended by Agnès de Marnhac in her work; My father, the last of the shot published by Michalon on 7 April 2005. A psychogenealogist and therapist by profession, she also supported a thesis based on psychogenealogy according to which: "by donating his life, my father redeemed the fault of his ancestor the Duke of Massa who had sent sent an innocent man, the Duke of Enghien, to the firing squad." Agnès de Marnhac died on 28 June 2007 following cancer. The thesis of the kidnapping was denied in the media in 2005 (including the daily newspaper Present and the talk show program Tout le monde en parole) by the very members of the Petit-Clamart commando including Louis Honorat de Condé, Lajos Marton and Armand Belvisi.

### Head of the attack

Marton said that, in 1961, Bastien-Thiry contacted Colonel Antoine Argoud, disgraced since the "week of the barricades", who had been appointed to a "closet" post in Metz, where he spent most of his time preparing the putsch of 1961. Despite sympathizing with Bastien-Thiry, Argoud could not risk of being associated with him or helping him assassinate de Gaulle. He saw Bastien-Thiry again in 1961. Bastien-Thiry subsequently made contact with Jean Bichon, a former resistance fighter and liaison officer between the "Old Staff" and the High Command of the OAS.
In The Attack: Indicative Echo-Gabriel, Belvisi writes, "I contacted the Monocle so that he could give me the weapons I needed. We were the only ones at Mission III to have a large stock of ammunition. Neither the Old General Staff nor Jean Bichon could help Bastien-Thiry. They had almost nothing left... I hid all of this in my studio... and, on 27 April, with Bernier, I went to try them in the woods".
After the putsch of 1961, General Raoul Salan took charge of the OAS with General Edmond Jouhaud as his deputy. On 25 March 1962, Jouhaud was arrested in Oran; and on 20 April 1962 it was Salan's turn to be arrested in Algiers. On 24 April, General Paul Gardy announced on Oran pirate radio (the only transmitter of the OAS) that he was taking his place at the top of the organization chart, but command was also claimed by Jean-Jacques Susini. In fact, General Gardy only exercised complete control over the OAS of Oran. On 20 May 1962, Georges Bidault, in exile in Munich, founded the Council in Milan with Jacques Soustelle.

## Vehicle involved

Two years after the attack, the damaged DS 19 was restored, the bullet holes were erased from the exterior, and the car was sold on 15 October 1964 to General Robert Dupuy, former military commander of the Élysée. He seriously damaged the vehicle a few years later during an accident with his son during the winter of 1971, near Verdun. It is stored in a garage in Lissey, awaiting possible repairs. In 1980, seven years after the death of Dupuy, his family donated the DS in very poor condition to the Charles de Gaulle Institute. Citroën agreed to restore the vehicle free of charge, but it was too damaged.
The replica, presented as the real one, made two trips to China, in 2003 and 2013, during traveling exhibitions on the occasion of the 40th and 50th anniversaries of the recognition of the People's Republic of China by France in 1964.