# 1909 Chinese provincial elections

The Qing dynasty held its first set of provincial assembly elections from February to June 1909. Following a lengthy period of political turmoil and the failure of the 1898 Hundred Days' Reform, the constitutionalist movement gained approval from the imperial court and Empress Dowager Cixi in the aftermath of the Boxer Rebellion. Seeing local self-governance as a valuable initial step towards constitutionalism, the Qing Government approved the creation of provincial assemblies in 1907. The following year, an indirect election system was outlined to fill these assemblies. They would be held in 21 of the country's 22 provinces; Xinjiang elections were postponed due to low rates of Chinese literacy. Suffrage and candidacy was limited to a small population of wealthy men, most of whom were members of the scholar-gentry. Public attitudes towards the elections were generally apathetic, and corruption, fraud, and vote buying were common across the country. Turnout greatly varied between provinces and regions, but was generally low.
The elected provincial assemblies were composed largely of constitutionalists, which were often divided between progressive and conservative wings. Some assemblymen were clandestine members of the Tongmenghui revolutionary organization, although firm numbers are unknown. The assemblies agitated for a variety of economic and political reforms, which brought them into conflict with the provincial governors, who held veto power over the bodies. Before another set of elections could be held, the 1911 Revolution saw the collapse of the dynasty and the creation of the Republic of China. The first provincial elections under the new government were held in 1912.

## Background

Since the Song dynasty (960–1279), positions within the Imperial Chinese bureaucracy and civil governance were filled through the imperial examination system, merging the educational and political systems. This system was carried through to the late Qing dynasty, although it had come under increasing intellectual opposition as corrupt and ineffective during the late 1800s. As it entered the 20th century, the Qing empire was in social and political turmoil. Despite the repression of the Hundred Days' Reform in 1898, the constitutionalist movement continued to advocate for the creation of a constitutional monarchy in lieu of Qing absolutism. The writer Liang Qichao emerged as the movement's most influential leader.
In June 1905, prominent imperial officials Yuan Shikai, Zhang Zhidong, and Zhou Fu jointly submitted a call for the creation of a constitutional monarchy. The de facto head of state Empress Dowager Cixi, previously opposed to the reform movement, had begun to grow sympathetic in the wake of China's humiliation in the Boxer Rebellion and the upset victory of the constitutionalist Empire of Japan during the Russo-Japanese War. Administrative, bureaucratic, and judicial reforms were the first major focus; redundant and archaic offices were abolished, the functions of the Six Boards were transferred to a new set of civil ministries, and the three northeastern Provinces were integrated into the administrative framework of the other provinces.
The Qing government reduced the frequency of the imperial exams and began to promote a western-style education system; when this met resistance by local gentry, the examination system was abolished entirely in 1905. The government initially attended to replace the imperial examinations with a new form of civil service exam; however, little progress was made in the creation of such a system. Instead, elections began to be pursued by the central government as an alternative to examinations.

### Creation of provincial assemblies

Proposals for local and provincial assemblies were raised following the end of the Hundred Days' Reform. In the first few years of the 1900s, reformist and revolutionary thinkers such as Sun Yat-sen, Ho Kai, and Kang Youwei began to advocate for the creation of such assemblies, citing both western systems of local governance and the traditional principle of fengjian. As the central government began to embrace the constitutional movement, reformist officials began to advocate for the establishment of local self-governance as a preliminary step towards the creation of a constitutional government.
In 1907, the Grand Council established the Constitutional Commission to begin a twelve-year constitutional reform process, inspired by the Japanese Meiji Restoration and constitution. Under the supervision of Yuan Shikai, the Tianjin County Council held the first western-style elections in Chinese history in August 1907. Following a proposal by Yuan in July, on 19 October the Constitutional Commission received imperial assent to organize provincial assemblies (谘议局; Zīyìjú), in preparation for the establishment of a national assembly (資政院; Zīzhèngyuàn) and proper provincial legislatures. Following this, various provinces (including Jiangsu, Guangdong, Guangxi, and Fengtian) created unelected provincial assemblies with appointees from the local gentry.

#### Procedures and preparations

In July 1908, the central court produced two sets of regulations for the implementation of provincial assemblies and their elections. The "Regulations for Provincial Assembly Elections" was a 115-clause document which established qualifications for candidates and set in place the electoral processes. The provincial assembly elections were indirect elections via an electoral college; voters would vote on a slate of electors, who would in turn elect the provincial assemblymen. In addition to their provincial duties, these assemblymen would elect the members of the National Assembly in a separate election later in the year.
Both voters and elector candidates were subject to the same set of requirements, beyond a minimum age of 25 for voters and 30 for electors. To be eligible to vote or run, citizens were required to have either taught at above the primary level for at least three years, graduated from a secondary school, previously held the imperial examination rank of gongsheng (貢生), held a post at or above the seventh rank of the civil service or the fifth rank of the military, or wealth (either through a business or land holdings) exceeding 5,000 yuan. Criminals, opium users, police officers, students, priests, and those with family members in disreputable careers were barred from voting or standing as candidates. Women were additionally barred from voting.
Following the promulgation of these regulations, preparatory offices were formed in each province; these were staffed by a mix of existing officials and the scholar-gentry. Although the abolition of the examination system prevented citizens from becoming part of the gentry, the class still held immense influence. Including their family members, slightly under two percent of the population were members of the gentry by the late 19th century; although the majority had reached this status through the examination system, an increasing number had purchased gentry status from the central government, at a cost which had been dramatically lowered in the decades following the Taiping Rebellion. Officials were often forced to give concessions — in the form of leadership positions within the preparatory offices — to local gentry in order to guarantee cooperation.
Electoral divisions followed provincial administrative subdivisions of prefectures, counties, and districts. Seats were allotted to these according to the quota of students enrolled at prefecture, department, and county schools. Manchu bannermen were also allocated seats. The central government initially planned twenty-three provincial assemblies, one for each province, with Jiangsu divided into a northern assembly in Suzhou and a northern assembly in Nanjing. The two Jiangsu assemblies were dropped due to local pressure, while an assembly for Xinjiang was postponed due to extremely low rates of Chinese literacy. Elections were not held in Tibet, the Kokonur (modern Qinghai), and Mongolia as they were not provinces, instead administered under the Lifan Bu (formerly the Lifan Yuan).

## Campaign

The public was generally apathetic towards the elections. Only one voting station existed in each electoral district, often many miles apart. Citizens who were eligible through their wealth were often hesitant to give their property value to register, fearing that they would come under target from tax collectors. Preparatory office officials made an effort to emphasis that the voter census would not be a precursor to new taxation. In Shandong, Shanxi, and Yunnan, lecturers were sent to inform voters of the electoral population and attempt to increase participation. As the infant Xuantong Emperor had ascended to the throne after voter registration had begun, many registered voters were listed with names violating the new name taboo; in southern Jiangsu, those who could not be contacted to change their names in time had their names changed by the election preparatory office.
Corruption, election fraud, and vote buying were frequent across the country. Some voters in Yangzhou, Jiangsu, were found to have voted by proxy, while some unqualified voters were allowed to cast ballots in Anhui. Votes cast in Ansu, Zhili, were decided by village brawls. In Houguan County, Fujian, the results of two districts were voided due to suspicious polling booth supervision. In contrast, the North China Herald reported a relatively well-organized election in Shanxi.

## Results

In most provinces, turnout was low even among the eligible population. Out of 21,073 registered voters in Shuntian Prefecture (containing Beijing), only a little over 1,500 votes were cast. Somewhere between 40–70% of eligible voters in Jiangsu participated; in Fujian, turnout was as high as 40% in the cities, while ranging from 10–20% in the rural countryside. Foreign eyewitnesses reported very low enthusiasm and participation within much of the country.

### Assembly composition

Members of the provincial assemblies were largely scholar-gentry, especially those with advanced degrees. Out of a set of five assemblies with known member compositions, a slight majority of members were higher-ranking gentry, with only about 10% from non-gentry backgrounds. A small but prominent percentage of members had studied outside of China‚ mainly in Japan; Japanese-educated members were most numerous in the Sichuan assembly. The average age of the elected candidates was 41.
The vast majority of members elected were constitutionalists. Although they formed a broad opposition bloc to revolutionary groups such as the Tongmenghui, they were not a unified faction; the Shandong and Guizhou assemblies quickly fell into factional conflict between conservative and progressive wings. Many of the progressive constitutionalists were younger and had studied abroad. A small fraction of the assemblymen were secretly affiliated with the Tongmenghui; although precise figures and membership is unknown, at least four members of the Sichuan assembly were Tongmenghui members, as well as Shaanxi assembly vice-chairman Guo Xiren.
1909 provincial assembly elections :
| Province | Voters | % of pop. | Seats | Assembly chairman |
| Fengtian | 52,679 | 0.43% | 50 | Wu Jinglian |
| Zhili | 162,585 | 0.62% | 140 | Yan Fengge |
| Jiangxi | 120,000 | ? | 93 | Xie Yuanhan |
| Hubei | 113,233 | 0.38% | 80 | Tang Hualong |
| Henan | 90,527 | ? | 96 | Du Yan |
| Gansu | 9,249 | 0.19% | 43 | Zhang Linyan |
| Guangxi | 40,284 | 0.50% | 57 | Chen Shuxun |
| Jilin | 15,362 | 0.27% | 30 | Qingkang |
| Jiangsu | 162,472 | 0.50% | 121 | Chang Jian |
| Zhejiang | 90,275 | 0.42% | 114 | Chen Fuchen |
| Hunan | 100,487 | 0.36% | 82 | Tan Yankai |
| Shanxi | 53,669 | 0.43% | 86 | Liang Shanji |
| Sichuan | 191,500 | 0.39% | 105 | Pu Dianjun |
| Yunnan | 47,000 | ? | 68 | Zhang Weicong |
| Heilongjiang | 4,652 | 0.23% | 30 | Wang Heming |
| Anhui | 77,902 | 0.48% | 83 | Fang Lizhong |
| Fujian | 50,034 | 0.39% | 72 | Gao Dengli |
| Shandong | 119,549 | 0.38% | 100 | Yang Yusi |
| Shaanxi | 29,055 | 0.29% | 63 | Wang Hengjin |
| Guangdong | 141,558 | 0.44% | 91 | Yi Xueqing |
| Guizhou | 42,526 | 0.42% | 39 | Yo Jiazao |

## Aftermath

The provincial assemblies convened on 14 October 1909. Contemporary political and press responses were favorable to the new assemblies; the conservative Viceroy of Liangguang, Zhang Renjun, was initially opposed to the creation of the local assemblies, but described their membership as well-spoken and knowledgeable about the problems facing the country. A North China Herald account described the members of the Shanxi provincial assembly as peaceful and intelligent.
The assemblies' powers were primarily consultative. The provincial governors held veto power over the assemblies, almost immediately leading to political conflict between the two. Despite this, the assemblies persistently agitated for political reform and the creation of a national parliament. Within the first year of their operation, they passed a large volume of bills, proposals, and petitions, generally relating to economic development. In 1910, the provincial assemblies elected half of the members of the National Assembly, similarly an advisory council, with the other half of the assembly appointed by the imperial court.
Before another set of provincial elections could be held, the Wuchang Uprising led to an anti-Qing revolutionary movement spreading across much of China. The imperial government responded with the Shijiu Xintiao, a further series of political reforms with some inspiration from the British constitutional system; this did little to curb unrest, and even many constitutionalists joined the revolutionaries. Yuan Shikai, the leader of the Qing armies, began to collaborate with the revolutionaries; the Republic of China was declared on 1 January 1912, and the emperor was soon forced to abdicate. The new republic created its own national and provincial assemblies. New provincial assembly elections were held in 1912, similarly plagued by corruption. Chung Po-yee, a member of both the 1909 and 1912 assemblies, compared the 1909 elections to the first Republican elections, due to candidates who were "gentlemanly, modest, and agreeable". The new provincial assemblies were dismantled under Yuan Shikai's regime and dissolved by the Beiyang government. Further provincial elections, fraudulently controlled by the Anfu Club, were held in 1918.