# Ismael Moreno Pino

Ismael Moreno Pino (15 February 1927 – 15 August 2013) was a lawyer, diplomat, scholar and author who is recognized for his role in the negotiations of the Tlatelolco Treaty, which established Latin America as the first inhabited region of the planet free of nuclear weapons. He worked closely with Alfonso García Robles, who received the Nobel Peace Prize for their efforts, and his work was praised by U Thant, then UN Secretary-General. Ambassador of Mexico between 1964 and 1992, he represented his country in Germany, Netherlands, several Latin American countries, and at international organizations, including the OAS in Washington, D.C., and the UN in New York and Geneva, Switzerland. He also served on the administrative council of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague. He was the grandson of José María Pino Suárez, Vice President of Mexico and a key figure of the Mexican Revolution.
Educated at the American School Foundation, he graduated in Law from the UNAM and in International Relations from Georgetown. He entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1952, collaborating closely with intellectuals such as Octavio Paz and Jorge Castañeda. During the early 1960s, he served as Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs and Undersecretary for Multilateral Affairs and Human Rights, helping define Mexico's stance on key Cold War events, such as the Cuban Revolution and the Missile Crisis, and defending Cuba's non-expulsion from the OAS at the Punta del Este Conference. During his tenure as Mexico's Ambassador to Chile, he witnessed the 1970 presidential election and the challenges faced by Salvador Allende's government. In 1982, President López Portillo granted him the title of Eminent Ambassador (embajador eminente), a distinction reserved by law for only ten career ambassadors for their outstanding service to the Republic. Upon his retirement in 1992, he was the dean of the Mexican Foreign Service. Among his various publications, his book Diplomacy: Theoretical and Practical Aspects stands out, serving as a reference for generations of diplomats in Latin America.

## Family origins

He was born in Mérida, Yucatán on 15 February 1927, the only son of Aída Pino Cámara and Ramón Moreno. His maternal grandparents were José María Pino Suárez, Vice President of Mexico between 1911 and his assassination in 1913, and María Cámara Vales, recipient of the Belisario Domínguez Medal of Honor, one of the highest civil honors that a Mexican citizen can receive.
He descends from the de la Cámara lineage, a distinguished landowning family which settled in the Yucatán peninsula in the 16th century. Their ancestry can be traced back to the early 13th century and they gained recognition in Spain, Portugal, and Yucatán where family members have held positions as knights, explorers, conquerors, aristocrats, landowners, and industrialists. His great-grandfather was Raymundo Cámara Luján, a prominent businessman, while his great-granduncle was Agustín Vales Castillo, an industrialist who served as Mayor of Mérida between 1902 and 1908. Alfredo and Nicolás Cámara Vales who served as Governor of Quintana Roo and Yucatan, respectively, were his great-uncles. He was also related to Eusebio Escalante, the industrialist responsible for developing the henequen industry in Yucatán, José María Ponce, the founder of the Cervecería Yucatán brewery, Carlos Peón, governor of Yucatán, and Alfredo Pino Cámara, the Supreme Court Justice.
In the arts, Hortensia Cámara Vales and Pablo Castellanos León, his great-uncles, were a couple of concert pianists; Castellanos León, a virtuoso, was educated in the conservatoire de Paris under Antoine François Marmontel. His son, Pablo Castellanos Cámara, also became a virtuoso pianist, having studied at the Paris and Berlin Conservatories under Alfred Cortot and Edwin Fischer. Meanwhile, Fernando Cámara Barbachano, another cousin, was a distinguished anthropologist and museum director.
As the grandson of Pino Suárez, he is also a direct line descendant of Pedro Sáinz de Baranda, a founding father who, after fighting the Battle of Trafalgar as a Spanish naval officer, founded the Mexican Navy during the Mexican War of Independence; later in his career, he served as Governor of Yucatán and is widely regarded for having introduced the Industrial Revolution to the country. Other prominent members of the Sáinz de Baranda family include the brothers Pedro Baranda [es] and Joaquín Baranda, as well as Pedro Sainz de Baranda [es] who served as mayor of Madrid during the Napoleonic invasion of Iberia.

## Education

Educated at the American School, he received his Law degree from the National University of Mexico in 1950, writing a thesis on "the role of the consular corps in the national economic recovery plan", a copy of which can still be obtained in the U.S. Library of Congress.
He continued his studies at the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., obtaining bachelor's and master's degrees in Foreign Service. His roommate at Georgetown was Frank V. Ortiz, who would later serve as U.S. Ambassador to Argentina and Peru.

## Diplomatic career
### Early career: the Foreign Ministry and Mexico's response to the Cold War

A protégé of Manuel Tello, then the Foreign Secretary, Moreno Pino joined the Foreign Office in 1952 and the Diplomatic Service in 1955, after passing the necessary examinations. Originally, he was hired as a legal advisor to the Mexican delegation to the Organization of American States in Washington, D.C.
Returning to Mexico, he worked in the Bureau for International Organization Affairs, collaborating closely with Octavio Paz, who would be awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1990, and with Jorge Castañeda, who would serve as Foreign Secretary. In 1960, succeeding the latter, he served as Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs. Between 1964 and 1965, he served as Undersecretary for Multilateral Affairs. In 1964, President Adolfo López Mateos appointed him to the rank of Ambassador of Mexico.
As a non-aligned country in a Cold War context, Mexico was treading a fine line between the Western Bloc, led by the United States, and the Warsaw Pact countries, led by the USSR. This was exacerbated after Fidel Castro came to power in Cuba in 1959, providing no easy solutions for Mexican foreign policy: "wholehearted support for the Cuban Revolution would create an unsustainable tension with the United States, the business community and the Catholic Church; meanwhile, wholehearted support for the United States would provoke an unsustainable tension with the revolutionary government of Cuba, the Mexican intelligentsia and other left-wing sectors which could become radicalized. The Mexican political system entrusted this delicate mission to the Foreign Ministry headed at that time by Manuel Tello, Foreign Secretary, and José Gorostiza, Deputy Foreign Secretary and, next to them, a noteworthy cadre of career diplomats educated in a tradition that [dates back] to the times when the proverb 'a Texan might beat a Mexican in a fight, but he is lost if he tries to argue with him' was minted."
Moreno Pino actively participated in shaping Mexico's response to the Cuban Revolution and its aftermath, including the Bay of Pigs Invasion (1961) and the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962). Indeed, Moreno Pino was one of the key Mexican delegates in the Punta del Este meeting (1962) held after the Cuban Revolution, during which it was decided, contrary to the express wishes of the United States, not to expel Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS). During the meeting, Secretary Tello declared that Cuba's communist ideology was incompatible with OAS membership (pleasing the US); nevertheless, Mexico argued that the OAS Charter had no provision for the expulsion of a member state (pleasing Cuba). Mexico also advocated for non-interventionism, as established in the Estrada Doctrine.
During these crises, Mexico successfully maintained close relations both with the United States and Cuba. In June 1962, President John F. Kennedy carried out a state visit to Mexico and Moreno Pino was invited to act as interpreter. During the visit, Kennedy "recognized that the fundamental goals of the Mexican Revolution were the same as those of the Alliance for Progress: social justice and economic progress in a framework of individual and political liberty." On the other hand, Fidel Castro extended his recognition "to Mexico, to the Mexican government that has maintained the strongest position, we can say that it inspires us with respect, that with the Mexican government we are willing to talk and discuss, and... we are willing to commit ourselves to maintaining a policy subject to norms, inviolable norms of respect for the sovereignty of each country and of not interfering in the internal affairs of any country."
Another sensitive issue at the time was the representation of China in the United Nations; this issue was particularly delicate because China had a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. After the Chinese Communist Revolution, the Chinese Communist Party led by Mao Zedong had established the People's Republic of China (PRC) while Chiang Kai-shek and his followers took refuge in Taiwan, continuing the regime of the Republic of China. During the first two decades of the Cold War, the latter was known as "Nationalist China", while the former was known as "Communist China" (Two Chinas). Despite Mao's triumph, most Western countries, including Mexico, continued to recognize "Nationalist China". During these years, the question of which of the two had the right to be China's legitimate representative before the UN was one of the biggest headaches for multilateral diplomacy. Between 1949 and 1971, Taiwan continued to represent China in the United Nations to the chagrin of the Soviet bloc.
In December 1961, while serving as Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs, responsible for supervising Mexico's relations with the United Nations, Moreno Pino persuaded Secretary Tello to instruct Ambassador Luis Padilla Nervo, then Mexico's Permanent Representative to the UN, to vote in favor of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1668, which, proposed by the United States, established that any proposal that tried to change the representation of China in the UN required a supermajority of votes in the UN General Assembly. This resolution delayed the accession of Communist China to the UN for a decade, until, in 1971, United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758 was passed, recognizing the PRC as "China's sole legitimate representative to the United Nations."

### Negotiation of the Treaty of Tlatelolco: denuclearization in Latin America

After the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, it became obvious to Latin American and Caribbean countries that they had to protect themselves in the case of a nuclear conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union.
President Adolfo López Mateos, "who extended Mexico's diplomatic networks beyond their traditional limits and devoted significant effort to promoting Latin American integration", promoted denuclearization in the region. Indeed, Mexico had been at the forefront of the efforts to denuclearize Latin America; as early as 22 March 1962, Manuel Tello, then the Foreign Secretary, made a unilateral declaration before the United Nations Conference on Disarmament held in Geneva, Switzerland, establishing that Mexico would be free of nuclear weapons.
By 1963, Mexico sought backing in creating a nuclear-free zone in Latin America from Presidents Victor Paz Estenssoro (Bolivia), Joao Goulart (Brazil), Jorge Alessandri (Chile) and Carlos Julio Arosemena (Ecuador). Reflecting on Mexico's leadership during the negotiations, Alfonso García Robles noted that: "the prohibition of nuclear weapons in Latin America constitutes, in effect, an undertaking to which Mexico has had the privilege of making a contribution of extraordinary value."
The chief negotiators appointed by Mexico to guide these negotiations included three important diplomats:
   The minutes of the negotiations reveal the names of diplomats of enormous stature: Alfonso García Robles, a distinguished jurist and promoter of the treaty, who served as Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Mexico and won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1982 for his role in negotiating the treaty [...] Jorge Castañeda y Álvarez de la Rosa, an international jurist who later would later serve as Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and, finally, Ismael Moreno Pino, a staunch defender of multilateralism in Mexico who served as Ambassador in the European capitals and in the United Nations. That brilliant generation was replicated in the quality of the delegations of other countries present in Tlatelolco.
The Preliminary Meeting on the Denuclearization of Latin America (REUPRAL) gathered thirteen nations and created the "Preparatory Commission for the Denuclearization of Latin America", (COPREDAL). The United Nations General Assembly authorized COPREDAL on 27 November 1963 and the negotiations began in November 1964 and were carried out in four sessions until the Treaty was finally signed in February 1967.
Alfonso García Robles, then Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs, was appointed as the Permanent Representative to CORPREDAL. Moreno Pino, then the Undersecretary for Multilateral Affairs, was originally appointed as the Alternate Representative. However, as García Robles was appointed as the Chairman of COPREDAL, Moreno Pino had to take his place and represent Mexico's interests throughout the negotiations. He continued in this role even as he was appointed Ambassador of Mexico to Chile.
During the inauguration in November 1964, Moreno Pino delivered the keynote address to the representatives of the countries gathered in Mexico City. In his speech, he remarked that even though Mexico was undergoing a presidential transition, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, then the President-Elect, was as committed as his predecessor in supporting the cause of denuclearization. He stated his opposition to the nuclear arms race, noting that the believed such a race was "dangerous as it could degenerate into war." Finally, he mentioned that the competition between the Great Powers for supremacy in their nuclear arsenals had "diverted economic resources that should be used to satisfy the most pressing needs of the people."
The Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (commonly referred to as the Treaty of Tlatelolco) was signed in the Foreign Ministry in Mexico City on 14 February 1967. It entered into force two years later on 22 April 1969. Cuba was the last country to ratify the Treaty on 23 October 2002. The treaty is now signed and ratified by all 33 nations of Latin America and the Caribbean. It established a nuclear-weapon-free zone throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, thus becoming the first inhabited nuclear-free zone in the world. "Its historical significance is unquestionable. From its intellectual conception to its signature, the most distinguished minds from the American continent participated in its formulation, faithfully representing a generation anguished by the horrors of two world wars and the threat of a third one [...] incessantly seeking peace and harmony among nations."
Moreno Pino, himself, later wrote:
   Concluded in the midst of the cold war, its genesis and subsequent development required a long, tenacious and patient series of negotiations that finally culminated in what U Thant, the Secretary General of the United Nations, described as "an event of historical significance in the global effort to prevent proliferation and stop the nuclear arms race in Latin America," since it came to establish "the necessary statute for the creation, for the first time in history, of a nuclear-free zone in an inhabited part of the Earth."
The Tlatelolco Treaty inspired other regions in Asia, Australasia and Africa to become nuclear-weapon-free zones. Similarly, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was signed in 1968 and entered into force in 1970.
After 1969, he served as a delegate to The Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (OPANAL), an UN-backed agency headquartered in Mexico City, which is the sole international organization in the world entirely devoted to nuclear disarmament and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
In 1966, in recognition of his work during the negotiations, the Government of Brazil awarded him the Grand Cross of the Order of the Southern Cross. Prior to that, President Juscelino Kubitschek, had already awarded him membership of the Order as a Grand Officer.
To this day, Mexico remains one of few countries possessing the technical capability to manufacture nuclear weapons, having successfully achieved the creation of highly enriched uranium. Following the Treaty of Tlatelolco, however, it has pledged to only use its nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. (See: Mexico and weapons of mass destruction). Argentina and Brazil are the two other regional powers that might also have the technical ability to develop nuclear weapons but have decided to abstain from doing so as they too are signatories to the Tlatelolco Treaty.

### Ambassador to Chile during the Allende years

On 19 April 1965, President Díaz Ordaz appointed him Mexican Ambassador to Chile. After his appointment was ratified by the Mexican Senate and the Chilean government granted their agrément, he arrived in Santiago de Chile on 25 May. On 28 May, he presented his letters of credence to President Eduardo Frei Montalva at the La Moneda Palace. He later stated that heading the diplomatic mission "in Chile was a watershed in my professional life: it was not only my first embassy; It was also my first direct experience with bilateral diplomacy. In addition to the difficulties faced by all newly arrived Ambassadors, I later added the challenge and the opportunity to serve as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps accredited in Chile. As in most of the South American nations, in that country the Apostolic Nuncio is, ex officio, Dean of the Diplomatic Corps; As Vice-Dean, I had to replace three different nuncios during their oftentimes prolonged absences."
Some months after arriving in Chile, he purchased the ambassadorial residence still owned by Mexico in Santiago.
In excerpts published in 2021 from the memoirs of Alexander Anikin, the Soviet ambassador to Chile, he recalls a series of conversations he had with Moreno Pino in which the Mexican diplomat offered insights into the political landscape of Chile during a series of meetings held between 1965 and 1967. These conversations provide a valuable perspective on Moreno Pino's view of Chilean politics during a crucial period in its history.
In one of their conversations, Moreno Pino highlighted the serious economic and political challenges facing the Chilean government under the presidency of Frei. The President's land reform proposal faced strong resistance from right-wing parties in the National Congress. He also pointed out internal contradictions within the Christian Democratic Party. He observed that while a significant and influential faction, led by Alberto Jerez, advocated for bold economic and social reforms, President Frei and most ministers seemed to favor more moderate approaches and compromises with the right.
Moreno Pino also characterized the internal political situation in Chile as highly challenging and complex, emphasizing significant divisions within the major political parties such as the Christian Democrats, Radicals, and Socialists. In particular, he noted a growing rift within the Christian Democratic Party, with elements of leftist tendencies gaining prominence, potentially leading to a deeper split between the party and the government. Similarly, Moreno Pino observed tensions within the Socialist Party. In his view, Salvador Allende's group represented more liberal and flexible tendencies within the Socialist Party, while Raúl Ampuero's group was perceived as more hardline.
Furthermore, as early as June 1967, Moreno Pino accurately predicted that the upcoming presidential elections of 1970 would be a contest between the Christian Democratic candidate, Radomiro Tomic, the candidate of the Popular Unity coalition, Salvador Allende, and the Conservative candidate, Jorge Alessandri. He noted that the conservatives, if necessary, would support the Christian Democratic candidate to prevent Allende's victory. Finally, he warned that if Allende were to win, "it was likely that the United States would intervene with the aim of preventing events in Chile from developing in a way that was dangerous to their interests."
Three years later, Moreno Pino would witness the 1970 Chilean presidential election. In an interview held in November 1999, he recalled the events of that year and reflected on their impact on Chile:
   "At the end of his term, the Frei government called for elections. The candidates were Jorge Alessandri, nominated by the party which had resulted from unifying of the old Liberal and Conservative parties; Salvador Allende, candidate of the Popular Unity, a group resulting from the electoral union of the Communist and Socialist parties; and Radomiro Tomic, for the Christian-Democratic party.
   The presidential elections of 1970 were a close-run affair, but civility reigned. In my opinion, the electoral process was impeccable, although it led to a three-way division of the electorate. According to Chilean law, a second round had to be held in Congress between the two front-runners: Salvador Allende, with the largest relative vote in his favor, and Jorge Alessandri. Although that was the law, a frequently observed tradition established that whoever obtained the first majority was always elected. Keeping with this tradition, Allende followed the strategy of conducting himself as President-Elect. His statements and public actions were in that tenor. Under these circumstances, I began to receive a series of requests —they were never really pressures— to visit him in my capacity as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, a position I held at the time. However, to prevent my visit from being interpreted as an undue intervention in the Chilean electoral process, I delayed this visit as much as possible.
   Although the Christian Democrats hadn't yet announced their decision, an important sector of the party, led by Radomiro Tomic himself, had shown their desire to respect tradition [...] As more Christian Democratic demonstrations took place in favor of avoiding new electoral phases, and after Allende had received the visit of some Ambassadors, especially from the Warsaw Pact countries, I finally decided to visit him myself in order to avoid the loss of all my authority as Dean. Dr. Allende appreciated the gesture, and I did not receive any criticism from the Foreign Ministry, the political parties, or the newspapers. Instead, I managed to keep intact the authority of the Dean.
   Indeed, tradition indicated that the Diplomatic Corps offered a gala dinner to the new President of the republic; a courtesy that, in other circumstances, would not have implied any difficulties. However, given the Marxist-Leninist ideology of President Allende, the organizing committee for the gala dinner, which I chaired, had to carry out complicated maneuvers to get the event to take place. Not all countries with a diplomatic mission in Chile were as enthusiastic about President Allende's accession to power as the socialist countries, which had received the triumph of the Popular Unity with joy.
   In conclusion, Salvador Allende did not lead a Marxist-Leninist government because, as he repeatedly stated, the mission of his government was to prepare the path, under a democratic framework, so that, in due course, a Marxist-Leninist government could come to power. As far as I could observe, he kept his word, his government never acted like a totalitarian government."
He also made the following observations about the Allende administration:
   "Salvador Allende's government —in my opinion, a democratic one— had to face, among other difficulties, opposition from governments like the United States, which was not at all satisfied with the accession to power of a President of Marxist-Leninist sympathies. It also faced a very adverse economic situation: for example, in 1965 [under the Frei government], people lacked purchasing power but there was a relatively well-stocked consumer market in Chile; With the Allende government, the opposite happened: people had money in their pockets, but there was nothing to buy. Without a doubt, this harmed the new government.
   In the domestic political sphere, the Allende government also faced a governance problem, derived, as I have already mentioned, from an electoral process that divided the electorate into three parts.
   There were also some excesses among his supporters. In general, members of the communist Party were much more disciplined than the socialists, Allende's party, who felt that many of their expectations were not being met. With the occupation of factories by workers, and farms by farmers and peasants, the situation became extremely difficult.
   Under these conditions, a good part of Chilean society, particularly the middle class, urged the army to stand against Allende remaining in the presidency. The army, for its part, was highly professional. They were well-trained and educated people, and nothing suggested the eventual fall of Allende. Although there were difficulties, the truth is that the coup that General Pinochet would later carry out was not yet a foregone conclusion.
   While I was still in Santiago, General Pinochet if I remember correctly, was commander of the garrison of Santiago; he was not yet a member of the cabinet. The commander-in-chief of the Chilean Army was General Carlos Prats who, because of an incident, resigned from his post and went to live in Argentina. Allende then appointed General Pinochet as commander of the Army.
   Salvador Allende proclaimed himself a democrat and revolutionary. However, when reflecting on it, it could be concluded that if he acted as a democrat, he was not going to carry out a revolution, and if he acted as a revolutionary, he was not going to be a democrat. This, of course, was due to the division of the country into three different camps, none of which had the means to govern on their own. These types of contradictions, among other elements, undermined the strength of the Allende government, particularly in Congress, where he was increasingly unable to carry out his government program.
   Allende was a clever politician; an excellent politician. However, the circumstances did not lend themselves to achieving spectacular things. Counting only on the support of the Popular Unity party, he could not get his bills passed in Congress, so he had to maneuver, depending on the issue, to win the support of either the Christian Democrats or the right-wing parties."
Writing in confidential diplomatic cables to Emilio Óscar Rabasa, then the Foreign Secretary, Moreno Pino raised concerns regarding the Chilean economy, noting that to win popular support, Allende had increased worker's wages by up to 55%. To finance this, the Allende government resorted to printing money which, in turn, led to an inflationary spiral. Increasingly, economies in the capitalist bloc were persuaded by the Nixon White House, anxious to destabilize the Allende administration, to boycott the Chilean economy, which meant that (as previously noted) the workers had money in their pockets, but there was little for them to buy as inventories emptied out. Emilio Rabasa would later admit to Joseph J. Jova, the US Ambassador in Mexico, that "Allende was a bad administrator and understood very little about economic problems, however, he was a great patriot who wanted to end the oligarchy that controlled Chile."
Although Mexican relations with South America had "traditionally been limited", after the López Mateos administration, Mexico "began to deviate from its tradition of self-imposed diplomatic isolation". During the period that Moreno Pino was Ambassador in Chile, the relations between Mexico and Chile became a foreign policy priority for both countries. Mexican President Luis Echeverria, who had carried out studies in Chile during his youth, was known to be an admirer of Salvador Allende and "had expressed great sympathy with the [Allende] government", fostering a special relationship between the two countries. Indeed, "from 1971 to 1973 Luis Echeverría sought a rapprochement with the socialist Chile of Salvador Allende, which was carried out within the framework of [...] ideological pluralism, expansion of diplomatic relations and diversification of political relations; all this as an effort to recompose the legitimacy of Mexican political institutions, a legitimacy that was seriously damaged after the events of 1968." In April 1972, Luis Echeverría carried out a prolonged state visit to Chile; it was reciprocated by another visit by Allende to Mexico in December 1972. After the 1973 Chilean coup d'état, Echeverría severed diplomatic ties with Pinochet's Chile; they wouldn't be restored until the restoration of democracy in 1990. Echeverría also gave political refuge to Chilean refugees, including Hortensia Bussi de Allende, Allende's widow and the former First Lady of Chile.
Sometime after his state visit to Chile, Echeverria took the decision to name Moreno Pino as Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany. At the time, Walter Scheel, a close friend of Moreno Pino, was serving as Vice-Chancellor of Germany and Foreign Minister. Moreno Pino subsequently presented letters of credence to Dr. Gustav Heinemann, President of Germany, at the Hammerschmidt Villa in Bonn, Germany. In Chile, meanwhile, Moreno Pino, the career diplomat who was apolitical, was replaced with Gónzalo Martínez Corbalá, a seasoned Institutional Revolutionary Party politician with leftist sympathies who was personally and ideologically close to President Echeverría. Before he left for Germany, Moreno Pino was awarded the Grand Cross of the Order of Merit by President Allende in gratitude for his efforts in strengthening Chile–Mexico relations during his seven years as Ambassador and dean of the diplomatic corps.

### Other bilateral and multilateral diplomatic postings

During his extensive diplomatic service, he was stationed in Europe (Bonn and The Hague), Latin America (Santiago, Lima, Caracas, and Santo Domingo), and at major International Organizations in Washington, D.C., New York, and Geneva.
In 1990, he was recalled to Mexico to act as a Senior Foreign Policy Adviser to the Presidency of the Republic. Over four decades, he served under eight Presidents, from Alemán to Salinas, and nine Foreign Secretaries from Tello to Solana. Reflecting on his tenure, he would later write:
   "The eternal gratitude I hold towards those who, besides being wise and respectable bosses during my formative years, knew how to be generous and understanding mentors. During my diplomatic career, I had the chance to work directly and closely with Foreign Secretaries of the stature of Manuel Tello, José Gorostiza, Antonio Carrillo Flores, Alfonso García Robles, and Jorge Castañeda, as well as with ambassadors of the caliber of Rafael de la Colina, Antonio Gómez Robledo, Octavio Paz, and Luis Quintanilla... the great diplomats of contemporary Mexico."
In 1990, at the end of his diplomatic mission in The Hague, he was knighted by Beatrix, Queen of the Netherlands, who awarded him the Grand Cross of the Order of Orange-Nassau in recognition of his efforts in strengthening Mexico–Netherlands relations.
Between 1986 and 1990, he was also a member of the administrative council of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, The Netherlands.
During his career, he developed into one of the most eminent policy experts in the Foreign Office on International Organizations and on the Western Hemisphere. He participated in drafting the amendments carried out to the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR) under the Protocol of Buenos Aires (1967), the Protocol of San José (1975) and the Protocol of Cartagena de Indias (1985). The TIAR had established the "hemispheric defense" doctrine which establishes that an attack against one OAS member state should be considered an attack against them all.
As a distinguished multilateralist, he acted as a Special Ambassador to many international organizations over the years. In this capacity, he represented Mexico in the Organization of American States in Washington, D.C. and in United Nations offices in New York and in Geneva, Switzerland. Throughout his career, he was a delegate in over fifty international conferences on various issues ranging from disarmament to reciprocal assistance; on many occasions, he served as a delegate in the United Nations General Assembly in New York.
He was the Secretary General of the Mexican Delegation to the First United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held in Geneva, Switzerland, between February and April 1958. The conference was important in establishing the modern legal framework of the law of the sea.
He also represented Mexico in the Eighteen Nations Disarmament Committee (ENCD) that was held in Geneva between March and August 1962. Starting in 1969, he was an alternate representative before the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (OPANAL) based in Mexico City.
Likewise, between 1965 and 1972, he was the permanent representative to the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL), the UN agency responsible for promoting the economic and social development of the region.
An adjunct professor of international law, he lectured at Georgetown University, the Mexico City College (UDLAP), Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM) and Instituto Matias Romero.

## Death and legacy

José Antonio Meade, then the Foreign Secretary, announced his death in August 2013 and offered condolences to Moreno Pino's family. Meade acknowledged Moreno Pino's profound contributions during his forty-year diplomatic tenure, emphasizing that he had played a pivotal role in "strengthening the good name of Mexican diplomacy."
In April 2022, almost a decade after his passing, Senator Germán Martínez Cázares delivered a poignant speech on the Senate floor, honoring Moreno Pino as "one of the great diplomats of Mexico." Moreno Pino's lineage, as the grandson of Vice-President Pino Suárez, and his close collaboration with Alfonso García Robles, a key figure in achieving global nuclear disarmament, were highlighted. Martínez Cázares underscored the immense significance of Moreno Pino's diplomatic endeavors and cautioned against using the Mexican Foreign Service for mere political expediency.

## Major books

Moreno Pino wrote numerous hemerographic and bibliographic publications. Among the latter, the following stand out:
* Origins and Evolution of the Inter-American System (In Spanish: Orígenes y evolución del sistema interamericano). Tlatelolco, México: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, 1977. OCLC 4041498
* Law and Diplomacy in Inter-American Relations (In Spanish: Derecho y diplomacia en las relaciones interamericanas). Mexico, D.F.: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1999. ISBN 978-968-16-5995-0
* Diplomacy: Theoretical and Practical Aspects (In Spanish: La diplomacia: aspectos teoricos y prácticos de su ejercicio profesional). México: Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, 2001. ISBN 978-968-16-5234-0
The Matías Romero Institute of Diplomatic Studies, whose main objective is to prepare aspiring candidates who wish to join the Foreign Service, has highlighted the work of Moreno Pino as an author, along with other diplomats.
   "Special recognition is warranted for the invaluable contributions made to the Mexican diplomatic bibliographic collection by distinguished compatriots who have wholeheartedly dedicated themselves to a career in the Foreign Service. Among them, we find notable figures such as Isidro Fabela, Rafael de la Colina, Luis Padilla Nervo, Ismael Moreno Pino, Jorge Castañeda, and Alfonso García Robles, to name just a few. Not only have they left behind a written legacy, but their professional achievements have also served as a guiding light for countless generations of career diplomats."
José Luis Siqueiros Prieto, Founding Partner of Hogan Lovells BSTL and former Chairman of the Inter-American Judicial Committee of the OAS, commenting on Diplomacy: Theoretical and Practical Aspects wrote that:
   "It is somewhat surprising that given the large bibliography available on public international law, the collection of works on Diplomatic Law is rather limited. Leaving aside the already classic texts by Antokoletz, Cahier, Calvo, Nicolson, Pradier-Fodéré, and Vidal y Saura, the most recent of them published more than two decades ago, no new work has been published in that discipline ... work such as the one being discussed, was absent from the national bibliography. It is for this reason, truly satisfying that ... this book – which is not an essay or manual, but a true treatise on the subject – has been published. The author of the work is Ambassador Ismael Moreno Pino, who, in addition to [his] academic credentials, brings to the table a life devoted to Mexican diplomacy ... In this work, written with scientific rigor and the methodology of the academic, Ambassador Moreno Pino analyzes the entire scope and nature of diplomatic relations, not only from a doctrinal perspective but also with the brushstrokes of his own experiences in the interesting world of diplomatic missions abroad qualifying his teachings with interesting case studies such as that of the so-called Ten Tragic Days... In sum, this work is worthy of being read by all scholars of international and diplomatic law both in Mexico and abroad. It is a valuable addition to the limited bibliography of this important discipline."
Similarly, commenting on Law and Diplomacy in Inter-American Relations, Bernardo Sepúlveda Amor, the former Vice-President of the International Court of Justice and Mexican Foreign Secretary, stated that:
   "Ambassador Moreno Pino [...] has written an important work on politics, law, and diplomacy in Inter-American relations. Although the work deals mainly with issues related to the structure and functioning of the Organization of American States (OAS), the text has even more ambitious content. It presents, with impeccable writing, a historical perspective of the remote origins of the inter-American movement, taking as its source the Spanish School of International Law. It examines, in admirable detail, the evolution of that regional organization, with its successes and frustrations, with its legal talent and political limitations, with its capacity to create institutions and norms, as well as its inability to apply them. For those who intend to learn about the nature of the Inter-American system, the work of Ismael Moreno Pino is required reading [...] it suggests a joint reflection on some of its important issues, to evaluate the role that the OAS should play and the role that Mexico ought to play with other Western Hemisphere countries."

## Portrayals in Culture and Media
### Henri Cartier Bresson Photograph in the V&A Museum

In 1963, he and his wife were the subjects of a photograph by Henri Cartier Bresson, the famed French photographer, which is now part of the permanent collection at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. It is described as follows by the V&A Museum:
   "Black and white photograph depicting guests at a drinks reception for the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in Mexico City. There are two men wearing tuxedos standing on the left holding drinks, whilst two women sit separately on elaborate chairs. The women are wearing almost identical outfits with fur coats. Two people present in the image are Ambassador Ismael Moreno Pino and Guadalupe Mercedes González de Hermosillo y Quirós."
The photograph is also published in Cartier Bresson’s Mexican Notebooks 1934 – 64 (in French: Carnets Mexicains 1934 - 1964) which includes several works by Cartier Bresson during his second stint living in Mexico. By 1963, when the photograph was taken, Cartier was already one of the most famous photographers in the world:
   Cartier-Bresson would not return to the country for almost 30 years [...] by the time he returned to Mexico, on commission for LIFE magazine, he was one of the most celebrated photographers in the world. His access, and means were now far greater – he photographed a black-tie reception at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, trekked to the foothills of the Popocatepetl volcano, and stood on the frontline of the anniversary celebrations of the death of Emiliano Zapata, the Mexican Revolutionary.

## Honors and Decorations

Throughout his diplomatic career, Moreno Pino was awarded several honors from several governments, including those of Brazil, Chile, Germany, Japan, The Netherlands, Mexico, Peru, The Republic of China, Venezuela, and Yugoslavia:
* Brazil:
** Grand Officer of the Order of the Southern Cross, awarded by Juscelino Kubitschek, The President of Brazil.
** Grand Cross of the Order of the Southern Cross, awarded by Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco, The President of Brazil
* Chile:
** Grand Cross of the Order of Merit (Chile), awarded by Salvador Allende, The President of Chile
* Germany:
** Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany, awarded by Gustav Heinemann, The President of Germany.
* Japan:
** Order of the Sacred Treasure, Second Class, Gold and Silver Star, awarded by Hirohito, The Emperor of Japan.
* Mexico:
** Foreign Service Medal, awarded by Carlos Salinas de Gortari, President of Mexico.
* The Netherlands:
** Grand Officer of the Order of Orange-Nassau, awarded by Juliana, The Queen of the Netherlands.
** Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Orange-Nassau, awarded by Beatrix, The Queen of the Netherlands
* Peru:
** Grand Cross with Diamonds of the Order of the Sun of Peru, awarded by Alan García, The President of Peru.
* Republic of China:
** Order of Brilliant Star, Grand Cordon (First Class), awarded by Chiang Kai-shek, The President of the Republic of China.
* Venezuela:
** Order of the Liberator, Grand Cordon (First Class), awarded by Luis Herrera Campins, The President of Venezuela.
* Yugoslavia:
** Order of the Yugoslav Star, Great Star, awarded by Marshal Josip Broz Tito, The President of Yugoslavia