# Polish–Lithuanian relations during World War II.

The Polish-Lithuanian Ethnic Conflict was a series of battles fought between the forces of the Home Army and the Lithuanian forces collaborating with Nazi Germany. The balance of the fighting ended with the entry of the Red Army into the area, fighting lasted from 1943 to 1945. The fighting took place mainly in the Vilnius region and beyond.

## The Beginning of Fighting in 1940–1942
### Causes of the conflict

The roots of the conflict date back to the early 20th century, In particular, it is necessary to shed light on mutual relations in the area where these crimes took place, i.e. the Polish-Lithuanian ethnic, linguistic and state borderland, linguistic and state borderland in the northern part of Vilnius. By its very nature, this borderland was a zone of clash between the two elements and a place where, in an inflammatory situation In the first place, confrontation took place. When the conflict escalated, for example during the fighting in October and November 1920, it became a frontline area. The bloodiest Polish-Lithuanian battles were fought here, at Giedroje and Širvintos. In the following years, the neutral zone separating the two sides was still smouldering between Lithuanian and Polish between Lithuanian and Polish militias and military and police formations, a guerrilla war and police formations, partisan warfare of minor intensity
The language issue played a key role in the national self-identification of the rural population in the Vilnius region. The spread of the Polish language in the sub-Vilnius province took place in the second half of the 19th century. Successive generations of villagers were more and more willing to use the culturally attractive Polish language, which later resulted in their Polish national identification. The Polish language had long been the main language of the local elite - landowners and the Christian urban population. In the northern part of the Vilnius district even in the 1890s the dominance of the Lithuanian language was still observed. In the northern part of Vilnius County as late as 1890s, Lithuanian was still dominant in the countryside, while the inhabitants of In the northern part of Vilnius County as late as 1890s, Lithuanian was still predominant in the countryside, while the inhabitants of manor houses, farmsteads and Christian inhabitants of local towns used mainly
Polish language. Interesting data on the linguistic structure of these towns is provided by the census conducted by the starosts of the peasants' land on the order of the Marshal of the gentry of the Vilnius Governorate Adam Plater in 1890. which showed that Lithuanians were in the minority, as in Gedrojets 52% were Jews, 34% were Poles, 2% Russians, only 14% were Lithuanians
A valuable material for reconstructing the picture of the nationality structure of the fragment of the described borderland is the 1912 census of the faithful of the Roman Catholic parish in Giedrojec, which includes information on their nationality. This document was drawn up at a particular moment in history, namely during the period of the heated Polish-Lithuanian conflict over the language of supplementary services in the local church. The aforementioned census includes a total of over 5,600 worshippers, of whom 46 percent are recorded as Lithuanian and 43 per cent as Polish. With more than 10 percent.
Much more favourably presented was the Polish estate in the light of the results of the census conducted three years later, on 19 December 1919, by the Polish Civil Administration of Eastern Territories. In the municipalities of Niemenczyn, Podbrzezie, Giedrocie and Janiszki municipalities, Polish nationality was to be declared by 77-97 per cent of the inhabitants. Lithuanians Lithuanians were expected to prevail only slightly in the municipality of Malaty (44.9 percent Lithuanians and 42.5 percent Poles), located to the north of the district. Poles), located to the north of Gedrojec and Janiszki. Against the background of the earlier 1916 German census German census of 1916, the Polish census showed in the municipalities of Giedrojć, Janiszki and Malaty in total about 10-15 percent more Poles and correspondingly fewer Lithuanians.
In November 1920, after the end of the Lithuanian-Polish battles over Vilnius and the formation of the demarcation line separating the warring sides at the level of Dubinskie Lake, the municipality of Giedraičiai and the northern half of the municipality of Janiškės were cut off from the Vilnius district. After the neutral zone (passing through both municipalities) was eliminated in February 1923, the demarcation line became the de facto border between the Republic of Lithuania and the Republic of Poland, which was approved by the Council of Ambassadors on 15 March 1923. However, it was never recognised by the Lithuanian state and was referred to as the demarcation line and later as the administrative line. It was never recognised by the Lithuanian state and was referred to as the demarcation line and later as the administrative line.
In practice, mainly Poles lived on both sides of the border in this section. The new demarcation had consequences in terms of changes to the borders of municipalities and counties. On the Lithuanian side, the municipality of Gedraičiai was mostly included in the Vilniakės county and the municipality of Janiškės (basically its northern half) was included in the Učės county. The southern part of the municipality of Janiszki, which remained on the Polish side, became part of the newly created municipality of Podbrodzie. The municipalities of Nemenčinė and Podbrzezie, on the other hand, became part of the new Vilnius-Trotsky district.
The drastically different results of the 1942 wartime census make one view its reliability critically. The value of these results lies perhaps only in the fact that they illustrate the strongly anti-Polish atmosphere of the period, to which the survey respondents apparently succumbed. Especially among the rural population, there was widespread agitation to claim Lithuanian nationality. Lithuanians spread rumours by various means that after the elimination of the Jews, the next to be murdered would be Poles.
However, polonisation and the rise of the Novolitvins is not the main reason for the struggles of the Lithuanians but. The desire to regain Vilnius and the main enmity caused by the fall of the January Uprising, which was sealed by massive Russification and an attempt to divide the Poles and Lithuanians. Massacres like Dubiencie reflect well the effects of this Russification

### Conflict

The Lithuanian security police, the Sauguma, closely followed the formation and activities of the Polish independence movement in Vilnius. It considered these organisations to be illegal, claiming that they were aiming to rebuild the Polish state within the pre-war borders (i.e. with Wüne) and therefore considered them to be carrying out subversive activities against the Lithuanian state. The Sauguma's information bulletins preserved a dose of meticulous notes and discharges about the efforts made to penetrate the Polish underground organisations in order to reveal their purpose, their numbers and the Nature of their activities. It was even noted in the files that every Saturday and Sunday "Boże coś Polske" was practically sung in all the churches of Vilnius and Vilnius region, as well as masses were held for the intention of Poland.
The Sauguma made efforts to break up the Polish independence movement, as it considered that its activities were directed against the Lithuanian state, and that the Poles were fighting against the occupants (German and Soviet) was not taken into account. In addition, there were the first contacts between the Gestapo and the Sauguma to fight the Polish underground, which was very dangerous for the Polish underground. In the spring of 1940, the Lithuanian side handed over four transports of Polish prisoners. The transfer of the Polish prisoners took place at the German-Lithuanian border near Sejny. Together with the prisoners, the Lithuanian side handed over to the Gestapo a list of prisoners drawn up by Lithuanians.
After 10 July, arrests of Polish underground activists and Lithuanian nationalists began. It was carried out by the NKVD (former Sauguma). The NKVD also seized the Sauguma's files on the Polish underground in the Vilnius region. Already at the beginning of November, the Sauguma found a trace of the Fighting Poland Organisation (OPW). The aim of this organisation was to organise fighting against the enemy in the Vilnius region at the right time. Many young people, military officers and their families belonged to the Fighting Poland Organisation. In the Sauguma report it was reported that the following people belonged to the organisation: Amanda Aleksandrowiczowa, the wife of a colonel, propaganda department and employee of the two; Zofia Karwowska, that'na pulkownik, meetings of the organisation were held in the flat; Bronislawa Goröwna, the wife of a major, vice-president of the Military Family; Lesia Pacholska, head of the scouts; Maria Swiecinska, maintained communication with Warsaw; Jozef Ciesielski, one of the close employees of pic. Dabrovsky; Kazimiera Komaiszko, liaison officer; Maria Andruszkiewiczowa, representative of the Union of Polish Teachers, recruiting young people to the OPW. Report This report comes from the Sauguma bulletins and is dated 10 November 1939.
In total, Sauguma managed to decode 173 people belonging to the aforementioned organisation. 168 were arrested, five managed to avoid arrest. 47 people were released after testifying. In Lukiski Prison on 19 March 1940, 121 people were serving their sentence, 51 of them confessed. Sauguma succeeded in deciphering the structure of the organisation. The primary goal was to win Polish independence. It was revealed that the organisation mobilised patriotic youth and trained them to fight. The organisation was structured on a military basis, with a commander at the head, to whom the command was subordinate. Then the Red Army entered and annexed Lithuania and the baltic states, peace began to reign until the Germans entered the area in 1941.
The encroaching German army was treated by Lithuanians as liberators; Lithuanian partisans actively assisted the Germans.8 The Front of Lithuanian Activists (LAF), which was founded in 1940 in Berlin in Berlin in 1940, the Lithuanian Activist Front (Lietuviu Aktivistu Frontas - LAF), joined the fight against the retreating Soviet army. As early as 23 June, the LAF proclaimed its own government under the leadership of Pic K. Szkirpa. At the same time, the LAF demanded that the Germans recognise that the Lithuanian state had not ceased to exist. Accounts failed. As early as 28 June, Lithuanian partisan detachments were disarmed in.
At the end of October 1941, a Lithuanian delegation headed by Shkyrpa was Ribbentrop, the Foreign Minister of the Third Reich, who refused to listen to its demands. their demands. He declared that Hitler knew how to decide the future of Lithuania and remembered the behaviour of Lithuanians during the Bolshevik occupation.
The Lithuanian administration was ready to serve anyone who impressed its šila. The conclusion suggested by the Vilnius District Command in its report is that "in liquidating the Polish element in the local area, the Lithuanians show even more ruthlessness than in liquidating the Jews, and the Germans will film as they filmed the Jews". General Rowecki - "Grot" was right when he wrote to the Headquarters of the Supreme Command in London on 11 May 1942 regarding the Lithuanian issue that: it is to be expected that a planned and fierce pogrom against the Poles in Lithuania will be attempted. The pogrom against the Poles in Vilnius came much sooner, already in the first months of the German occupation. This period, September 1941 – June 1942, can be called a period of ethnic cleansing in these areas. The Lithuanians took advantage German occupation to achieve their national aims: the destruction of the Polish element. The Polish government-in-exile closely followed the development of the situation in the Vilnius region on the basis of reports and accounts. It made efforts to improve relations with Lithuanians and Lithuanian organisations working in exile.
In the autumn and winter of 1942, the Germans launched a colonisation campaign in Samogitia. This involved the expulsion of Lithuanian families, most of whom were resettled in the Vilnius region. In September 1942, a decree was issued defining the first German settlement zone. It covered the left bank of the Nemunas and Western Zhmudža along the line Rusiejne-Szavle. In this way a wide German corridor was to be created parallel to the Baltic and linking East Prussia with Latvia. This caused resentment among the Lithuanians. From the sweat of December 1942, Poles began to be expelled from the Vilnius region, to be replaced by Lithuanian families from Samogitia. This was carried out by the Lithuanian police, composed of foreign elements. Several thousands of Polish farmers, residents of villages in rzeszanski, podbrzeska and mejszagolski municipalities.

### Ponary massacre

Main article: Ponary massacre
Attempts by Poles to save their property were suppressed by the police and the newly arrived Lithuanians. During the catego 1942, the murder of Poles took place in Ponary

## Conflict at Vilnius Region and beyond 1943

At the beginning of 1943, the Germans ordered the conscription of Lithuanians into auxiliary formations for the SS and the Battic Legion. The Lithuanian community reacted negatively to this conscription, and leaflets were issued telling people not to join the army. Approximately 3-4 thousand people applied, of whom 1,500 were conscripted. Only a few dozen people applied to join the Battic Legion. As reprisals for the failure to conscript Lithuanian youth into the German formations, the German authorities closed the Lithuanian university in Vilnius (which existed in the buildings and on the basis of the USB
In view of the expressed hostility to the Poles, anti-Polish activity proved too costly. The mood of uncertainty led to a cessation of murders of Poles and blatant anti-Polish accents. Warnings from London, which came at the request of the Polish government, played a major role in this matter. However, this did not mean any rapprochement between Lithuanian social strata and the Poles. The Polish radio broadcasts from London on 13 and 23 February 1943, which spoke of an improvement in Polish-Lithuanian relations in Vilnius, had a downright negative effect. The Lithuanians drew the conclusion from the broadcasts that any rape would go unpunished.
Around 1943, one of the political factions of the Government Delegation for Poland for the Vilnius region, the Vilnius Democratic Concentration (Polish: Wileńska Koncentracja Demokratyczna) – the underground union of leftist Polish parties,partly because of the pro-Nazi stance of Lithuanian authorities, and partly influenced by the nationalist stance of Polish Endecja party, stated a plan to occupy Lithuania after the war, submit it under the rule of Polish General Commissariat and to re-educate "corrupt" Lithuanians.
In the spring of 1943, the Lithuanian and German authorities in Kaunas ordered the deportation of all the people of Polish nationality living there, and the Polish administration and police cooperated zealously with the Germans. The Lithuanian administration and police cooperated zealously with the Germans in this matter.
In the autumn of 1943, after a slight repression of the Lithuanians, a new propaganda campaign was launched to win the Lithuanians to the most explicit cooperation and to cross out the March misunderstanding "the Lithuanian community is slowly maturing to the idea that it will soon be called to arms in German formations".
Meanwhile, on December 28, 1943, a major action on Turgiele was carried out with the forces of two brigades. The attack took place at dusk. Lithuanian policemen spotted the attackers and opened fire from their headquarters. Shots also rang out from some houses. It was Lithuanian officials, sent to Turgiel, who joined the fight. After the Polish partisans used grenades, the Lithuanian policemen surrendered and the opom fires were put out. Lithuanian policemen and officials were stripped of their weapons and uniforms. They were dismissed, ordered to leave the area and go where they came from, i.e. Kaunas Lithuania. A commander spoke to the Lithuanian policemen, stating that Poles do not do any harm to defenceless people, but he emphasised that Lithuanians behave differently when they bully Polish soldiers accidentally taken prisoner. During the action at the municipal office, documents and registers of agricultural contractors were destroyed.
A lot of goods were taken from shops and dairies, and almost all weapons and ammunition were captured. After the action there was a 15-kilometre retreat to Pohidna and accommodation in the village of Onžadovo. On 31 December 1943, three patrols of "Tonka" brigade and "Szczerbiec" brigade liquidated a robber band in the Stoki estate. The commander of the band escaped, the others were killed. The found loot through a softy was given back to the inhabitants of surrounding villages.
The situation changed at the end of 1943, when both communist and Polish partisan formations became increasingly active in both Kaunas and Vilnius Lithuania. It was then that once again the Germans decided to attempt to create Lithuanian military and police formations. This time, support for this initiative was expressed by all Lithuanian political factors from the General Council to the underground anti-German VLIK - Vyriausiasis Lietuvos Išlaisvinimo Komitetas (Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania). The Committee issued a proclamation to this effect, declaring that it "supports the reconstruction of the Lithuanian armed forces". On 13 February 1944, the higher commander of the SS and police in Ostland, SS-Obergruppenführer Friedrich Jeckeln, and SS-Brigadeführer Hermann Harm signed an agreement to establish the LVR - Lietuvos Vietinė Rinktinė (Lithuanian Territorial Corps). Its signatory on the Lithuanian side was General Povilas Plechavičius, appointed as commander of the LVR by order of 1 February 1944. The choice of Plechavičius was not accidental.
The fact that it happened was determined by conflicting interests. The main bone of contention was the question of the territorial belonging of Vilnius and the Vilnius region. Both Poles and Lithuanians clung to their own interests, refusing to accept that the Bolsheviks were about to invade the disputed territory. The Bolsheviks, in turn, had their own vision of resolving the Polish-Lithuanian dispute by annexing Vilnius (along with the whole of Lithuania) to the USSR. Before either side realised the gravity of the Bolshevik threat, unnecessary fighting ensued. The Lithuanians believed that the LVR would stop the process of liquidation of Lithuanian institutions in the Vilnius Region, initiated by the Home Army in the spring of 1944, while the leaders of the Polish underground naively believed that clearing the Vilnius Region of Lithuanian influence would create better conditions for the annexation of the Vilnius Region to Poland.

## Intensification of fighting in 1944

The fact that it happened was determined by conflicting interests. The main bone of contention was the question of the territorial belonging of Vilnius and the Vilnius region. Both Poles and Lithuanians clung to their own interests, refusing to accept that the Bolsheviks were about to invade the disputed territory. The Bolsheviks, in turn, had their own vision of resolving the Polish-Lithuanian dispute by annexing Vilnius (along with the whole of Lithuania) to the USSR. Before either side realised the gravity of the Bolshevik threat, unnecessary fighting ensued. The Lithuanians believed that the LVR would stop the process of liquidation of Lithuanian institutions in the Vilnius Region, initiated by the Home Army in the spring of 1944, while the leaders of the Polish underground naively believed that clearing the Vilnius Region of Lithuanian influence would create better conditions for the annexation of the Vilnius Region to Poland.
On 7 January 1944, Lt. Gregor Schnabel, commander of the German gendarmerie stationed in Oshmia (Vilnius voivodeship), was notified that a partisan unit of about 100 men (the term banda was used) was stationed in the small village of Mikuliszki. The report was not precise; in fact, the partisans were staying in Buniany, 5 km distant from Mikuliszki, and only before dawn on 8 January 1944 did they move to the village indicated in the report. The gendarme proceeded to organise the forces with which he intended to smash the detected unit. The organised group included 16 German gendarmes, who served in garrisons stationed in Oshmia and Holshany, and 59 Lithuanian and Belorussian policemen, serving in Oshmia on a daily basis. On the morning of 8 January, Lt Schnabel set off by sleigh towards the village. The German commander was so confident of victory that he took with him a sack, which was filled with handcuffs - these were to be used to handcuff the captured partisans.
The partisans referred to in the report to Lt. Gregor Schnabel were soldiers of the King Bolesław Chrobry Flight Detachment and the 6th Brigade of the Home Army. The flying squad was headed by Lt. Gracjan Fróg "Szczerbiec", while the brigade was commanded by Lt. cc. Adam Boryczka "Tońko". Both squads had considerable combat experience and had several successful combat actions to their credit. The backbone of the units was made up of Vilnius secondary school students, and it is interesting to note that several Frenchmen served in "Szczerbiec's" unit, as well as some Frenchmen who had already been killed in action.
In the first days of January 1944. "Szczerbiec" and "Tońko" left the grouping and went to Vilnius, where they were to meet with the commander of the Vilnius District of the AK, Lt. Col. Aleksander Krzyżanowski "Wilk". Lieutenant Frog was replaced in command of the unit by Lt. Col. Romuald Rajs "Bury", and command of the VI Brigade was taken over by Lt. cc. Piotr Motylewicz "Szczepcio". In the morning of 8 January 1944, the partisan grouping reached Mikuliszki, located on the Merecznka River, which boasted a small cemetery where the insurgents of 1863 were buried. The village was situated among forests and marshes; moreover, Mikuliszki lay off the main transport routes. This small village was not able to provide quarters and provisions for the entire partisan force. In view of the above, "Bury" and "Szczepcio" divided the troops. The infantry part of the flying squad was quartered in Mikuliszki (about 65 partisans), the nine-person mounted reconnaissance was stationed on a small farm a few hundred metres outside the village, and the 6th Brigade (about 30 partisans) was quartered in Lapiejki, located 1.5 km from Mikuliszki.
The partisans, stationed in Mikuliszki, had drill exercises in the morning, had breakfast and by 11 a.m. began weapons training; the cavalrymen first had to groom their horses and for this reason, with a delay compared to their infantry colleagues, began preparations for the morning meal. Stationed in Lapiejki, "Szczepcia"'s subordinates spent their time similarly to their comrades-in-arms in Mikuliszki. Meanwhile, the officers of the German repression apparatus were approaching the village, and the commander of the expedition divided his forces into three groups. The two outermost were the arms surrounding the village, while the middle one was to push the partisans out of the village with a strong blow, straight under the barrels of the policemen surrounding the village. However, the expedition leader made a mistake. He did not recognise the surrounding villages and was therefore unaware that around 40 Polish soldiers were stationed outside Mikuliszki.
The police grouping hit Mikuliszki at around 11 a.m. N.N., who was standing in front of the village on the so-called lookout. "Tuz", as soon as he spotted the attackers, alerted the partisans quartered in the village with shots of the imminent danger. The battle began. In its initial stage, the German side gained dominance, which was the result of a considerable firepower advantage of the Germans, nevertheless the partisans commanded by "Bury" managed to stop the advancing gendarmes and accompanying policemen. However, this success did not come easily. Three partisans were killed in the fight: Władysław Stundis "Wernes" - a talented footballer, "Wodnik" (Trubaczewski?) - a Pole living in Gdańsk before the war, and Jean Charles Meffre "Michel" - a French volunteer; in addition, six partisans were severely wounded. The outcome of the battle in favour of the partisans was decided by the exit to the rear of the punitive cavalry expedition of the flying squad and soldiers of the 6th Brigade, Unfortunately, the partisan grouping also paid with losses at this stage of the clash. The acting commander of VI Brigade, "Szczepcio", and one of his subordinates, Zbigniew Młodkowski "Malicki", fell. Before nightfall, the battle was over and the result was an undoubted success for the Polish side. According to German figures, six gendarmes (including the expedition commander) and 19 policemen were killed in the battle. Polish reports estimate the enemy's losses even higher. The partisans took several members of the police group prisoner. Among them were Lithuanians and Belarusians. Several Lithuanian policemen were shot. According to the knowledge gained by the partisans, they were the perpetrators of a series of murders of Polish civilians near Swieciany in 1942. The two Belarusians taken prisoner, who were not charged with war crimes, were released. One of them volunteered to join the Polish partisans and from then on served in the "Szczerbiec" unit - he took the pseudonym "Szary". The other policeman most likely holed up somewhere, as he never returned to police duty. In addition, a wounded gendarme, Gotthilf Killinger, was taken prisoner. The ward doctor, Lech Iwanowski 'Lancet', treated the wounded German, after which he was released with a message to his superiors, pointing out that it was the Germans who attacked first and the partisans defended themselves. In this way, the intention was to show that the partisans had no hostile intentions towards the Germans, which was clearly.
Also in March 1944. OP "Piotra" carried out an action to expel Lithuanian colonists, especially from the Podbrzezie commune. Partisan patrols came to individual farms at night, who ordered the settlers to leave within 24 hours, under threat of the death penalty. As a rule The fear for their lives was also shared by the neighbours, who left without waiting, who left without waiting for a visit from the partisans. The fugitives sought protection in the nearest municipalities, under the protection of the Lithuanian police. Some, however, went to Vilnius or fled deeper into Lithuania. According to the memoirs of a participant in these events, Lithuanian teacher Stasys Lisauskas, after the battle, the AK soldiers set fire to the wooden post, having previously locked the wounded Lithuanians inside. However, the lightly wounded later managed to break down the burning door and pull out the more severely injured, thus avoiding being burnt alive. In the report submitted by the commanding action officer was silent about the deliberate burning of the villa after the battle.
In the spring of 1944, a group of Polish partisans disarmed the inhabitants of the village of Kozaki near Bijuciszek: Tyškevičius, Pertas Pivoras and the Narušis brothers. The attackers were then repulsed only by the Katinas family, firing from their weapons. Most of those attacked at the time were members of the Bijucis partisan unit of 1941: Petras Pivoras, Mečys Narušis, Vaclovas Narušis and Jonas Katinas. An action of a similar nature was also carried out by a patrol originating from OP "Blyskawica", which on 16 April 1944 requisitioned (against receipt) a weapon and uniform to a member of Lithuanian self-defence unit from Dubinki
As a result of a similar action, carried out on 15 April 1944 by the 4th and 5th Home Army Brigades, a communal Lithuanian police station in neighbouring Janiškės, with thirteen policemen and several Shaulis supporting them, was liquidated. During the battle, four Lithuanians were killed and four more were wounded. In this way, the area around Dubinki and Janiszki was permanently cleared of Lithuanian police and Soviet partisans, which provided freedom of action for Polish partisans
On 14 March, the brigade received orders to move to the area around Suzan. On 19 March, after a field mass, a review of the 6th Brigade and the "Blyskawica" detachment took place in the presence of Commander "Wilk". Then Major "Dąbek" read out an order from District Commander "Wilk" to incorporate the "Blyskawica" unit into the 6th Brigade. Major F. Koprowski "Konar" was appointed the new commander of the 6th Brigade. "Tońko", a former brigade commander, became commander of the 1st company, encompassing the soldiers of the brigade before the merger, Lieutenant "Piotr" became commander of the 2nd company, encompassing the former "Blyskawica" unit. From then on, the brigade was subordinate only to the District Commander and was called the 6th Wileńska Independent Partisan Brigade of the Home Army.
On 25 March 1944, a 20-man detachment of the 7th Brigade under the command of "Waclaw" carried out a successful operation on the Wielkie Pole railway station (a few kilometres south of Czarny Bor). The German railway guard post was disarmed and telephone communications were destroyed. The action took place a few minutes before the arrival of a train from Vilnius, in which two wagons of Lithuanian soldiers from the corps of Plechavichius corps (about 80 people). After the arrival of the train at the station, there was a sudden attack of the "Waclaw" detachment on these two wagons. The partisans took advantage of the moment of surprise and quickly captured one carriage. In the second, the Lithuanian soldiers defended themselves desperately but briefly and capitulated after a few minutes. The Polish unit captured this action weapons, ammunition and crates of canned goods. The Lithuanians, who had 4 severely and 2 lightly wounded soldiers, were forced to carry the captured supplies. From a nearby village they requisitioned The prisoners were released and quickly retreated into the forest. In less than an hour two lorries arrived from Yashun Germans, but the detachment was already far in the Rudnice Forest, and the Germans at that time were not willing to go into the forest. The attack on the town of Trakai Novi started with a bomb explosion near the barracks in Trakai. At this moment the cavalry began firing at Landvarov and the attention of the German garrison was focused on this detachment. At this time the 3rd Brigade and one platoon of the 7th Brigade struck at Trakai. The remainder of 7 Brigade secured the operation and cut the telephone lines. The Germans and Lithuanians resisted stoutly, but the advantage was on the Polish side. The arsenal was captured, where . All papers and lists were burned. Particularly fierce fighting took place at the capture of the Gestapo and the Lithuanian police barracks. Some Gestapo men defended themselves in the attic of one of the houses until the end and failed to force them to withdraw or lay down their arms. The whole town was in Polish hands. Forty-five Poles were released from the local prison. The 3rd Brigade's soldier Eugeniusz Marszatek "Dan" was killed in action, 10 were wounded. The 7th Brigade suffered no losses. A very large number of weapons, ammunition, grenades, uniforms, food, cigarettes and typewriters were captured. In the morning, the brigades set off with a hip carried on a large number of carts and made a 30-kilometre breakaway.
A few days later, the Lithuanian police noticed a large Polish detachment (according to a police report, the detachment numbered 500-600 men) advancing towards Dukszty. Near Suderva, a skirmish ensued between a Lithuanian detachment, probably from the Plechavicius corps, and a Polish partisan detachment. It was a clash between a horse patrol of the 1st Vilnius Brigade and a detachment of Lithuanian troops. A report from the German security police stated that the skirmish took place in Jurkiszki, located 6 km west of Suderva. One shooter was killed on the Lithuanian side. According to Polish sources, on 20 March 1944, in the village of Antokolce (3 km from Jurkiszki), the 1st Brigade fought a skirmish with General Plechaviczius Lithuanian detachment. A Lithuanian police report stated: "in the village of Antokolce a reinforcement detachment tracked down a Polish band. During the fight, several bandits were wounded, the rest retreated into the forest. While retreating from a Lithuanian manhunt, the 1st Vilnius Brigade was pinned down on both sides of the Neris River at the end of March. Despite being encircled, the unit crossed the Neris on a ferry near the Lithuanian village of Surmance and broke away from the Lithuanian siege. On 31 March 1944, the First Brigade, without reconnaissance, made a marching attack on a railway bunker in the village of Rykonty, located west of Vilnius on the Vilnius-Kaunas railway line. The action was unsuccessful, the bunker was not captured. When retreating, it was not noticed that a wounded partisan, Henry, was left on the battlefield The wounded partisan Henryk Balbus "Kondora" was left on the battlefield and taken prisoner Lithuanian captivity. The wounded "Kondora" was tortured by Lithuanian soldiers, his skull was smashed with and handed him over to the German side.
In late April and early May 1944, the German authorities decided to transfer a significant part of the police duties in Lithuania to the newly created LTDF formation, which was ordered to initiate a wide anti-partisan operation against the Polish and Soviet partisans in the area. Polish units were commanded to not attack the Lithuanian Territorial Defense Force, however the Lithuanians attacked polish villages. On May 4th the LTDF launched an assault on the village of Paulava, murdering the local polish community, however the Unit of "Szczerbiec" attacked the Lithuanian force killing 12 people and executing 8 after the battle, including the commander Vytautas Narkevicius.
On 4 May, in Pavlovo, AK partisans shot LVR company commander Capt. Vytautas Narkevičius236, as responsible for the actions of his subordinates, and two of his non-commissioned officers. Two days later, 6 of the approximately 30 Lithuanian prisoners of war from the 3rd and 4th companies of the 301st LVR Battalion were brought before a field court in Graużyszki. Based on the testimony of witnesses - residents of Adamowszczyzna and Sieńkowszczyzna - they were found by the AK court to be the perpetrators of the murders committed there and sentenced to death. The manner in which the case was handled corresponded to the criminal procedures in force at the time, for the principle was that perpetrators of crimes were punished in court. To this end, the justice apparatus of the Home Army was built up, functioning in the underground as well as in the line partisan units. In accordance with Order No. 5 of the District Commander of 12 April 1944, a Special Military Court was established in each guerrilla unit, with the remit to punish both its own soldiers and captured enemies or civilians if they had committed a crime
Polish historian Piotr Łossowski claims that the Lithuanian 301st Battalion suffered 47 casualties at Hraŭžyški , and was dispersed by the 8th and 12th AK Brigades on May 5.
at 6 may he 10th Battalion of the Plechavicius Corps under the command of Major Antanas Andriunas turned to the village of Senkovshchyna from the Oshmyany-Graużyszki route and began murdering civilian inhabitants and burning buildings without reason. Lieutenant Żagle's platoon from the 8th Brigade, going to the aid of the murdered village, furiously attacked the Lithuanians. The Lithuanians, despite being outnumbered, could not stop the attack and began to retreat. The brigade, supported by part of the forces of the 13th Brigade under the command of Adam Walczek "Nietoperz", completely smashed the Lithuanian company of the 308th Battalion. The Lithuanians lost a total of 36 soldiers, 12 seriously and 26 lightly wounded, and 224 were taken prisoner. And Polish losses were 3 killed and 20 wounded After the battle, an investigation was conducted and the culprits for the murder of 8 Polish peasants were identified. These individuals were executed.
The Lithuanian troops, however, satisfied by their perceived superiority, started suppressing the local Polish communities suspected of harboring the anti-Nazi partisans; numerous war crimes were committed by the LTDF, notably atrocities against Polish civilians in Paulava , Graužiškės and Sieńkowszczyzna. Faced with the need to protect Polish civilians, the AK decided to fight back in early May, and organized a concentrated assault against the fortified Lithuanian positions around the village of Murowana Oszmianka. On 10 May, AK units were ordered to prepare an assault against one of the larger LTDF units in the region.

### Battle of Murowana Oszmianka

Main article: Battle of Murowana Oszmianka
A few days later, at Murowana Oszmianka on the night of 13 to 14 May 1944. The 3rd Brigade of Lt. Gracjan Fróg "Szczerbiec" fought a battle with the units of General Povilas Plechavičius. The joint task of Lt. Vytautas Turonek "Tur" and "Szczerbiec" was to smash two Lithuanian companies in Murowana Oszmianka. The third Lithuanian company, deployed in Tolminów, was to tie up and, in a favourable situation, smash the 13th Brigade of Adam Walczak "Nietoperz". The 9th Brigade of Ensign Jan Kolenda 'Maly' and the 12th Brigade of Capt. Hieronim Romanowski 'Cerberus' were providing cover. The 8th "Tur" Brigade, after a short firestorm, struck from the east, broke through the defence line and broke into the central part of the town. The 3rd "Szczerbiec" Brigade, which was supposed to strike from the west, was late in the action. The other brigades, 9, 12 and 13, stood by to provide cover. In such conditions, the action commander Major Czeslaw Dębicki "Jarema" gave the order to the 12th Brigade to support the 8th Brigade. The Lithuanians were pushed out of the southern part of the city, taking about 20 of them prisoner. At around 23:30 the "Szczerbiec" brigade struck the town on the march, forcing its way through the western defence line and made contact with the 8th Brigade in the centre of the town with part of its forces. However, most of the platoons of the 3rd Brigade fought a tough battle on the outskirts of Murowana Oshmianka. The "Millimeter" platoon encountered very strong resistance and came under massive fire. It was pinned down by enemy fire and suffered heavy losses. The western section, where the 3rd Brigade was advancing, had a well-organised defence. Simultaneously with the 3rd Brigade's strike, the 8th and 12th brigades moved to continue the advance. This was already the final phase of the battle. The enemy's resistance had diminished. The Lithuanians laid down their arms. The enemy lost 23 men killed and over 230 prisoners of war. At the same time as the 8th Brigade, the action in Tolminovo was launched by the 13th "Bat" Brigade, which, by attacking part of its own forces and psychologically exploiting the sounds of a firestorm in Murowana Oshmianka, forced the Lithuanian company to lay down its arms. Around 120 soldiers were taken prisoner.

### Lithuanian offensive

In the first half of May 1944, LVR battalions attempted to recapture rural areas south of the city from Polish hands. This was the first and only LVR armed operation, which ended with a series of defeats inflicted on them by the Home Army: at Pavlov (4 May), at Graużyszki (6 May), at Koniavo (8 May) and at Murowana Oshmika and Tolminovo (13/14 May). As a result of these, around 100 Lithuanian soldiers were killed, many were wounded and several hundred more were disarmed by AK partisans. On 15 May 1944, the Germans withdrew the Lithuanian battalions from action and disbanded the entire formation. This happened both because of the wrong attitude of the Lithuanian soldiers in the Vilnius region, and because of the refusal of the LVR to be strictly subordinated to the German authorities
The German occupying forces used the Polish-Lithuanian conflict for their own ends. The progressive reconquest of the countryside by Polish partisans and the threat of handing over the local administration to the Poles were a convenient scare tactic for the Germans to force further concessions on Lithuanian political factors. In their dealings with the Lithuanians and Poles, they also exploited the jointly perceived Soviet threat. On this basis, the Germans conducted secret negotiations and local non-aggression agreements with the local AK leadership.

### Gliciszka Massacre

Main article: Glinciszki massacre
After the battles fought as a reward for the death of 5 Lithuanian policemen, the police came and in a bestial way slaughtered the population, 39 people were killed. A large proportion of the victims were women and children (most of the men had left for work at the time). Employees of the estate, then under the German administration of Landbewirtschaftungsgesellschaft Ostland, already locked up by Lithuanian policemen in the former chapel of the Glincis palace and probably later shot, were saved by the arrival of Germans, representatives of the German administration, who scared off the attackers. The immediate administrator of the estate, Wladyslaw Komar, who came with them, was killed on his way back near Podbrzezie

### Dubingiai massacre

Main article: Dubingiai massacre
On 23 June 1944, the 5th Vilnius Brigade of the Home Army attacked a military settlement inhabited by Lithuanian military settlers near the town of Dubinki, which had been established after the parceling out of the Dubinki estate by the Lithuanian authorities in the inter-war period. A bunker defended by Lithuanian policemen was captured by surprise. The resistance put up by Polish partisans when entering the village itself was also broken.retaliatory action was launched. Between 21 and 27 villagers, including women and children, were killed in Dubinki. Writings in Polish and Lithuanian were left next to the corpses, stating that this was in retaliation for the crime in Glinciszki. The events were in retaliation for the death of the inhabitants of Glinciszki

## Postwar developments

The postwar assessment of AK's activities in Lithuania was a matter of controversy. In Communist Poland the actions of AK in general, and particularly the actions of commanders and units operating in Lithuania, were presented in a very negative light (see Cursed soldiers). The Communist regime executed or imprisoned commanders of the AK en masse after the war for political reasons, preventing any fair legal examination of crimes they may have committed during wartime. Zygmunt Szendzielarz "Łupaszka", after several years in the postwar underground, was arrested by the Polish Communist authorities, sentenced to death and executed on February 8, 1951, for his anti-communist activities. The assessment of his actions outside of Communist Poland was different, and in 1988 he was posthumously awarded the Virtuti Militari, the highest Polish military award, by the Polish government in exile. Similarly, the Lithuanian general Povilas Plechavičius who was engaged in fighting the Polish and Soviet partisans received a medal from the Lithuanian president in post-Soviet Lithuania. For these reasons, the AK is considered to be a controversial organisation in today's Lithuania in a manner somewhat similar to the view taken of Soviet partisans. Similarly, in Lithuania, many heroes of Lithuanian resistance against the Soviets are blamed as Nazi collaborators who cooperated in the murder of the Poles and Lithuanian Jewry, which caused controversy in Poland.

## See Also

* Polish–Ukrainian ethnic conflict
* Lithuanian partisans