6
hortations had a most salutary effect. The leaders of the different communities
and castes agreed to co-operate with the Darbár officials. They provided special
buildings for the segregation and treatment of affected persons of their respec-
tive classes and also for the isolation of healthy inmates, and relatives. For
those who had not been able to make special arrangements, a special hospital
and sheds were provided by the Darbár. In the second week of March only one
case occurred. But in the second half of the month there was a recrudeseence
of plague, 17 cases having occurred in the same part of the town. The measures
taken, though not successful in at once eradicating the disease from the affected
locality, prevented its spread to other parts of the town. Seven cases occurred
in the first fortnight of April, 7 in the 2nd fortnight, and 4 in the first week of
May, in which month the disease totally disappeared. The total indigenous
cases at Bhávnagar were 44, of whom 34 died and the rest recovered.
Outbreak at Kutiyána.
and other Musalmáns.
16. The disease, however, made greater havoc and stayed longer in Kutiyána
where the Darbár had to deal with a more conser-
vative and illiterate population of Hindus, Menions,
The number of cases at this place aggregated
In March
„ April
„ May
„ June
...
... 23
... 47
... 21
3
94
in a population of 9,580.
The Darbár officials were in the beginning apathetic or afraid to enforce
stringent measures, but soon found that in such matters half measures were
useless and delay was fatal. Here also it was established without a shadow of
doubt that plague was primarily imported from Bombay but that the first cases
were not allowed to leak out which resulted in the disease firmly establishing
itself. Like Bhávnagar the Kutiyáua people have also an intimate connection
with Bombay and in the general exodus from that city in the months of November,
December and January, the natives of Kutiyáua flocked into Kutiyána in large
numbers. No less than 1,500 persons are said to have come before arrange-
ments were made for medical inspection at the Railway stations or the imposition
of quarantine or observation camps at the ports. It appeared from enquiries
made that among the fugitives a Memon with fever and bubo came to Kutiyána
viá Porbandar on the 11th December but he recovered. Another person
similarly affected arrived on the 23rd December. Three more cases were traced
to January. The Chief Medical Officer of the Junágad State thus describes how
the plague originated and established itself at Kutiyána :—
"On the 11th February Santok Madhavji, Hindu female, aged 20 years, was attacked by
plague-fever, bubo, and delirium and she died four days after. The history of her family is very
instructive. The family of Lalji Jagjiwan whose daughter-in-law Santok was, lived at Bombay,
where one son and one granddaughter died. The rest landed at Porbandar on 6th January and
arrived at Kutiyána on 8th. His daughter Acharat was seized by plague on 9th and died on 12th
January. His son Chakon was attacked by plague on 16th and died on 18th. His wife Poori
was attacked on 23rd and died on 26th. The last person had not been to Bombay, all the rest
came from Bombay. The history of this family is still moré mournful to relate. They scrupu-
lously withheld all the cases until the death of Santok and 110 medical aid was resorted to for any
of them. Lalji at last perceived his folly and vacated his house which was kept closed for a few
weeks. On re-entering the house on 15th March Lalji's son Kamalshi was attacked on 17th
and he is yet lingering. Lalji himself was attacked on the 18th and died the same day.
" When I saw Lalji's house on the 23rd instant it was locked, the entire family decimated,
I found the tiles removed, the inside of the house was reported to me as having been fumigated
and whitewashed after Santok's death on 15th February. The history of this family shows how
tenaciously the poison of plague clings to a place and how dangerous it is to live in a plague
stricken house. It; further renders the utility of white-washing, and fumigation doubtful. Till
about this time the people were more or less successful in keeping back plague cases, but the
havoc thus silently wrought by the disease could then no longer be kept hidden. If the disease
had been early recognized and reported and if strict sanitary and suppressive measures were then
allowed a chance, the disease would probably not have had a stronghold of the place as it now
has. But the people were awestricken by measures adopted at Bombay and kept the facts con-
cealed as long as they could."