Attachment and Autonomy in Adolescence 1 Adolescents ’ and Mothers ’ Models of Attachment as Predictors of Developing Autonomy and Relatedness in Observed Family Interactions

This study examined links between adolescent and maternal attachment models and the adolescent developmental task of attaining autonomy while maintaining relatedness with parents as observed in family interactions of 88 adolescents who were seen at ages 16 and 18. Both adolescents’ and mothers’ attachment models combined to predict interactive behaviors around autonomy and relatedness both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. Attachment security predicted higher levels of autonomy and relatedness-promoting behaviors, whereas attachment preoccupation predicted theoretically meaningful combinations of both positive and negative family behaviors. Mothers’ secure attachment models predicted both adolescent and maternal relatedness-promoting behaviors over time. Increases in adolescents’ hostile and critical behaviors (one marker of undermining relatedness) were predicted by mothers’ preoccupied attachment models. The implications of connections between attachment models, the development of family interactions over time, and broader theories of adolescent and family development are discussed. Attachment and Autonomy in Adolescence 3 Adolescents’ and Mothers’ Models of Attachment as Predictors of Developing Autonomy and Relatedness in Observed Family Interactions Adolescence has traditionally been defined as the transition from childhood to adulthood. While proceeding through this period, adolescents are faced with numerous tasks that they must master before becoming adults. The developmental task of attaining autonomy, becoming independent in one’s thoughts and opinions as well as actions, has long been thought of as one of the central processes of adolescence (Hill & Holmbeck, 1986). Contrary to traditional beliefs, growing evidence indicates that this process is most easily navigated in the context of a close relationship with parents rather than at the expense of this relationship (Allen, Aber, & Leadbeater, 1990; Allen & Hauser, 1996; Allen, Hauser, Bell, & O’Connor, 1994a; Allen, Hauser, Eickholt, Bell, & O’Connor, 1994b; Best, Hauser, & Allen, 1997; Connell, Halpern-Felher, Clifford, Crichlow, & Usinger, 1995; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985; Taub, 1997). In order to assess how well adolescents are able to strive for autonomy while maintaining a positive relationship, much of the relevant research has investigated parent-child interactions and the behaviors exhibited by each family member during these interactions (e.g. Alexander, 1973; Allen et al., 1994a; Allen & Hauser, 1996; Becker-Stoll & Fremmer-Bombik, 1997; Kobak, Cole, Ferenz-Gillies, Fleming, & Gamble, 1993; Kobak, Ferenz-Gillies, Everhart, & Seabrook, 1994; Kobak, Sudler, & Gamble, 1991; Steinberg, 1981; Steinberg & Hill, 1978). The degree to which adolescents attain autonomy during a family discussion is often measured through the quality of their reasoning and their level of confidence. The level of closeness or relatedness within the relationship is similarly identified Attachment and Autonomy in Adolescence 4 from individual behaviors during a family disagreement, such as questioning intended to further discussion and express empathy, validation of others’ ideas and opinions, and engagement in the conversation. Adolescents’ abilities to establish autonomy and relatedness as previously defined have been linked to numerous positive outcomes. For instance, research has shown that expressing autonomy and relatedness is related to positive self-esteem, ego development, ego resiliency, friendship competence and educational attainment (Allen et al., 1994a; Best et al., 1997; Connell et al., 1995; Freitag, Belsky, Grossmann, Grossmann, & Scheuerer-Englisch, 1996). Conversely, when adolescents’ autonomy is undermined within the parent-child dyad during a disagreement, it has been found that teenagers are more likely to experience internalizing behaviors such as depressed affect and anxiety. They are also more likely to become enmeshed in and confused by attachment relationships later in life (Allen et al., 1990; Allen et al., 1994b; Allen & Hauser, 1996; Fauber, Forehand, Thomas, & Wierson, 1990; Gjerde & Block, 1991; Kobak et al., 1991). In addition, a lack of relatedness between adolescents and their parents during disagreements has been linked to externalizing behaviors such as delinquency and dropping out of high school (Allen et al., 1990; Allen et al., 1994b; Allen & Hauser, 1992; Connell et al., 1995). Although much research has shown that the struggle for autonomy is a key task of adolescence and, more specifically, that maintaining relatedness with parents during this process is important and necessary, surprisingly little research has investigated the development of individual differences in this achievement. The few studies that have attempted to present possible models for this process have Attachment and Autonomy in Adolescence 5 focused on attachment theory as one possible source of influence (Allen & Land, in press; Collins & Repinski, 1994; Freitag et al., 1996; Kenny, 1994; Schultheiss & Blustein, 1994). Attachment theory focuses on the attachment relationship between children and their caregivers, and the experiences associated with those relationships (Bowlby, 1969/1982). Initially used to describe infants’ connections to their mothers and found to predict functioning five to ten years into the future (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978), attachment theory was later applied to adults’ strategies for processing affect and memories relating to attachment experiences described in the Adult Attachment Interview (AAI) (Main & Goldwyn, in press). Research has also shown that attachment theory can similarly be applied to describe adolescents’ memories and representations of attachment experiences (Allen & Hauser, 1996; Allen, Moore, Kuperminc, & Bell, 1998; Allen & Land, in press). Secure attachment representations in both adolescence and adulthood are characterized by accurate recollections of affect and memories regarding attachment experiences. Insecure attachment representations can be either preoccupied or dismissing in nature and are characterized by memories of attachment experiences that are inconsistent with associated affect. Individuals with preoccupied states of mind regarding attachment tend to be overly caught up in particular attachment relationships, are often confused about their attachment experiences and relationships, and seem to be unable to move beyond these experiences. Individuals who are dismissing of attachment appear to cut off and/or completely devalue attachment relationships and experiences (Main & Goldwyn, in press). The little research that currently exists on the adolescent task of attaining autonomy and relatedness looked solely at either the influences of adolescents’ states of mind regarding the attachment Attachment and Autonomy in Adolescence 6 relationship or parents’ attachment organizations. In addition, the majority of this research observed adolescents and their parents at only one point in time, thus making the research, thus far, incomplete. Because relationships involve more than one person, it can be inferred that the task of maintaining closeness within a relationship is influenced by aspects of the family as a system rather than by any one individual (Hill & Holmbeck, 1986). Previous research has, thereby, ignored the possibilities that a) adolescent and parental states of mind with regards to attachment may differ b) each individual’s state of mind regarding attachment may influence the relationship separately, as well as jointly, and c) children and their parents have reciprocal effects on each other (Bell, 1979). In addition, the nature of the parent-child relationship changes through adolescence, with adolescents turning to their parents for different types of support as they age (Allen & Land, in press; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985; Taub, 1997). Most previous studies on the development of individual differences in attaining autonomy and relatedness, however, observed adolescents and their parents at only one point in time, ignoring the fact that adolescence is inherently a time of change and transition, with the parent-child relationship changing as well. Based on attachment theory, much research has explored the link between parental attachment strategies and behaviors exhibited during parent-child interactions during infancy. Such research has shown that parents holding secure attachment representations allowed their infant children more autonomy while maintaining a sense of connectedness with their infants, whereas parents adhering to more insecure mental models of attachment had more trouble promoting a balance of autonomy and relatedness. For example, Glachan and Murray (1997) found that mothers’ attachment representations Attachment and Autonomy in Adolescence 7 were directly related to their current relationship with their infant. More specifically, parents with more insecure attachment models had infants who displayed less warmth in an interaction than children whose parents with more secure attachment organizations (Cohn, Cowan, Cowan, & Pearson, 1992). Similarly, research has shown that mothers who held insecure attachment models behaved less supportively toward their twoto four-year-old children than those with secure attachment representations during an interaction task (Rhodes, Simpson, & Blakely, 1995). Crandell, Fitzgerald, and Whipple (1997) observed that during interactions, mothers with secure attachment representations encouraged child autonomy more than mothers with more insecure attachment representations. Parentchild dyads in which the mothers held more secure attachment organizations also related to each other more warmly than those with mothers who had more insecure attachment representations. However, studies have been inconsistent in demonstrating that behaviors exhibited in the strange situation at infancy parallel behaviors of adolescence (Weinfield, 1996; Zimmerma