Book Review: Limits: Why Malthus Was Wrong and Why Environmentalists Should Care

actors, some of the countries have been able to address the consequences of precarious work more successfully than others. The respective countries have expanded social safety nets, managed labour market transitions and implemented social and economic reforms targeted at the needs and wants of increasingly diverse labour forces. Thus, even though all the six countries have liberalised labour markets and restructured social welfare protections to cope with the growth of precarious work, the measures have differed, depending on the countries’ political context. The measures range from the deregulation of markets and implementation of social protection in institutions (the UK and the US) and dualism (Germany, Japan and Spain) to a more collective sharing of risk (Denmark). The generosity of social welfare protections and high levels of active labour market policies are associated with greater subjective well-being in a country. Moreover, cultural variations in social norms and values, such as those underlying gender equality, and the importance placed on general social equality and the desirability of collective as opposed to individual solutions to social and economic problems also help to generate and legitimise a country’ s institutions and practices. Kalleberg outlines the elements of what he sees as a social–political contract that has the potential to address some of the major challenges raised by the current growth of precarious work. “The implementation of such a new social contract – with its expanded and portable safety net, better-managed labour market transitions, and appreciation for the needs of a diverse labour force – ultimately requires, of course, an associated political contract among the state, business, and labour that seeks to balance the needs for flexibility and security” (pp. 196–197). He further points out that securing such a new social– political contract constitutes one of the great challenges of the first part of the twenty-first century. Finally, he presents what he sees as both the dystopian and utopian futures of precarious work but leaves the reader with an open question on future developments. Precariousness and job insecurity are major issues in the modern global labour market. Clearly, Kalleberg does not cover all manifestations of these issues in the book. For instance, he does not mention that employees are increasingly being (illegally) replaced by young volunteers and so-called interns, who do not get any wages. Thus, their recruitment is a breach of labour market regulations. Without doubt, it can look like an attractive opportunity for young unemployed people to move around and work for free, as it can improve their CVs and give them an opportunity to travel. This, however, can also be akin to modern slavery and misuse of the young people’s weak labour market situation. All in all, Precarious Lives: Job Insecurity and Well-Being in Rich Democracies effectively deals with the relevant social issues that sociology needs to address in relation to the upsurge of precarious work. The book is also well-organised and accessible to all those who wish to gain a theoretical and practical understanding of the issue of precarious work and its implications. It is a welcome addition to the sociological literature on work and welfare.