Another Emerging "Storm": Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans with PTSD in The Criminal Justice System

America seems to have moved to a position in history where we are captivated with thoughts of military power. Not since World War II has America been engaged in combat along two theaters of combat operation – Iraq and Afghanistan. We now have extended our military prowess and declared war against global terrorism, which means the number of potential combat front lines is impossible to determine. The initial blowback from such a strategy seems to be an economic catastrophe at home. This article focuses on another potential blowback – an emerging storm that encompasses the war at home that Afghanistan and Iraq Veterans are beginning to experience. The lessons from the aftermath of the Vietnam are available for all to review. A disinterest acknowledging those lessons seems to be prevailing. This article is written as evidence for the men and women who serve, or have served, in Afghanistan and Iraq that they have support for their second war – the war that begins when they leave the military. This article also challenges researchers and service providers to begin preparation to support these veterans. About the Author William B. Brown is an Associate Professor in the Department of criminal justice at Western Oregon University. He is also the Director of Pacific Sentencing Initiative and Director of The Bunker Project, a program that assists Afghanistan and Iraq veterans going through the criminal court process. Dr. Brown is a combat veteran who served with the 173 Airborne Brigade in Vietnam. His previous research includes prisoner re-entry, youth gangs, and sentencing processes. His e-mail is: profbrown9@comcast.net. Another Emerging “Storm”: Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans with PTSD in the Criminal Justice System Introduction: The Foundation of the Aftermath of War Over thirty-five years ago the Vietnam War ended for the majority Americans. Most of the troops had returned home by 1973. Many veterans confronted a variety of social and psychological challenges. Following that war thousands of Vietnam veterans were diagnosed with PTSD (Posttraumatic Stress Disorder), while many others battled with symptoms of PTSD but never received formal diagnoses. The actual number of Vietnam veterans who developed PTSD is imprecise. One consistency does exist in the volumes of research that focused on PTSD and Vietnam veterans – those who experienced combat were more likely to exhibit symptoms of PTSD compared to those who did not encounter combat-related incidents. Those who experienced combat can further be subdivided into categories contingent upon their combat roles – the reactive role and the initiative role. The “grunt” (foot soldier) was placed in a reactive combat role compared to the helicopter pilot who was in a position to initiate and control his combat role. Both roles involved the risk of serious injury or death. The grunt was placed on the ground to confront the enemy in an environment that often produced surprise ambush attacks from the enemy The confrontation between opposing sides could be measured in feet. The helicopter pilot fired at the enemy below with rockets and machine guns. The confrontation between opposing sides could be measured in hundreds of feet. There is a tremendous distinction between viewing the aftermath of a battle from a distance, compared to viewing from a position where the sight of dismembered bodies, the smell and taste of death, and the frequent touching of corpses are routine. The most common symptoms shared by Vietnam veterans with PTSD include (1) feelings of guilt that often turned to self-punishment, (2) feeling as though they were scapegoats and/or victims of betrayal by country and government, (3) experiencing rage aimed at discriminate and indiscriminate targets, (4) psychic numbing or emotional shutdown, (5) alienation from themselves and others, and (6) doubt in their ability to love or trust others (Emerson 1976; Figley 1978; Kelly 1985; Marrs 1985; Scurfield 2004). Many Vietnam veterans committed suicide. Similar to the data reflecting Vietnam veterans with PTSD, the actual numbers of veteran suicides are impossible to determine. Perhaps the data were perceived to be embarrassing. Perhaps we wanted to put the war behind us. Perhaps we were simply too busy with other things. Regardless of the reason, consistent incident evaluation procedures and clarified definitions of veteran suicides were not adopted. Some argue that from 50,000 to 150,000 Vietnam veterans committed suicide (Dean 2000). Those who worked at veteran organizations providing services to veterans (e. g., Vietnam Outreach Centers) knew that the number of Vietnam veteran suicides was high. Shad Meshad, a psychiatric social worker, Vietnam veteran, and one of the founders of the Vietnam Outreach Centers, discussed his early work with Vietnam veterans, “I buried eighteen people, five of them from cancer . The others, thirteen of them, were suicides. It has been this intense right from the beginning” (Mesahd 1982: 240). In the 1970s and early 1980s most programs that offered services to Vietnam veterans were completely out of touch with the needs and problems of combat veterans. Many Vietnam veterans refused to go to the VA for help or treatment (Scurfield 2004). Many veterans who did go the VA wished they had not (Klein 1981). Many Vietnam veterans found themselves captives within the criminal justice system. Some research concludes that combat veterans have been arrested at nearly twice the rate of nonveterans who were of the same age group. In the 1980s the Veteran’s Administration concluded that the more combat exposure experienced by the veteran the more likely he would be arrested or convicted (New York Times 1982). During the 1980s, many veterans found themselves in situations where they did not have a permanent place to live. Many were homeless – arguably, a situation that enhanced the likelihood of being subjected to eventual criminal justice system processing. The most recent survey data show that forty-seven percent of all homeless veterans served during the Vietnam War era (The National Coalition of Homeless Veterans 2008). The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (2008) states that nearly one-third of all homeless people are veterans, and estimate the number of homeless veterans on any given night to be 154,000. Other research on homeless veterans will reflect different statistics and will be discussed below. Before one digests the Department of Veterans Affairs’ estimate, she or he must consider that a senior operative within this agency recommended that PTSD diagnoses be restricted due to limited evaluation time (CBS News 2008). Many Vietnam veterans engaged in the practice of self-medication to reduce their PTSD symptoms – using alcohol and other drugs – which also increased their chances of being processed through the criminal justice system. As many as 75 percent of male Vietnam combat veterans with lifetime PTSD had high levels of alcohol abuse or dependence, and among Vietnam theater veteran women – as opposed to Vietnam era veteran women – alcohol abuse or dependence was among the most prevalent frequently occurring lifetime disorders (Kulka et al. 1990). The Vietnam War has had a significant impact on families where a family member is a veteran who has PTSD. Many families have been forced to learn new survival skills as veterans with PTSD struggled with their readjustment process (Matsakis 1988). Data from the National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study, arguably one of the few comprehensive studies of Vietnam veterans, examined family relationships of Vietnam veterans. Vietnam veterans who served in Vietnam and had PTSD reported significantly more marital problems than veterans without PTSD. Over 50 percent of the female Vietnam veterans with PTSD reported severe marital problems. Only 10 percent of the female veterans without PTSD reported severe marital problems. Episodes of family violence were more prevalent in families where the veteran had PTSD. Some of the male veterans reported that there had been 13 or more acts of family violence within the past year. Female veterans with PTSD reported much higher levels of family violence than female veteran who did not have PTSD. Finally, children in families where the father was a Vietnam veteran with PTSD had significantly more behavioral problems compared to children in families where the veteran father did not have PTSD. The number of PTSD diagnosed female veterans who had children was so minimal the data were not included for analysis (Kulka et al. 1990). The criminal justice system is just one of many institutions that will likely be given the task of resolving problems confronting Afghanistan and Iraq veterans. At present, most criminal justice agencies do not collect or maintain data that identifies the veteran status of individuals they process. There are two primary explanations for the absence of veteran status data on arrest, booking, and court-processing records. Based on recent interviews that I have conducted, most criminal justice officials (e.g., sheriffs, jail commanders, and judges) who manage jails, prisons, and courts argue that veteran status information is not a critical factor in the day-to-day operation of their jails or courts. One criminal justice executive I talked with said that data reflecting the number of Afghanistan and Iraq veterans who become caught up in the criminal justice system might be politically damaging. The interviewee stated, “Revealing such data might contradict the political and popularized “we support the troops” slogans and rhetoric. ” Nevertheless, without criminal justice agencies agreeing to allow data collection of veterans processed it will be nearly impossible to develop veteran support structures. This article draws attention to the need for research and services that address immediate problems faced by Afghanistan and Iraq veterans, their families, and their significant others, who curren