Sourcing the Arab Spring : A Case Study of Andy Carvin ’ s Sources During the Tunisian and Egyptian Revolutions Introduction

This paper presents a case study on the use of sources by National Public Radio's Andy Carvin on Twitter during key periods of the 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. It examines the different actor types on the social media platform to reveal patterns of sourcing used by the NPR social media strategist, who emerged as a key broker of information on Twitter during the Arab Spring. News sourcing is a critical element in the practice of journalism as it shapes from whom journalists get their information and what type of information they obtain. Numerous studies have shown that journalists privilege elite sources who hold positions of power in society. This study evaluates whether networked and distributed social media platforms such as Twitter expand the range of actors involved in the construction of the news through a quantitative content analysis of the sources cited by Carvin. The results show that non-elite sources had a greater influence over the content flowing through his Twitter stream than journalists or other elite sources. While alternative actors barely made up a quarter of his sources overall, they nonetheless accounted for nearly half of all the messages in the sample. Carvin’s use of Twitter, while perhaps unique to him, points to the innovative forms of production that can emerge in the initial stages of new communication technologies. The analysis of his choice of actor types and the frequency of citation suggests there was a new paradigm of sourcing at play. In a networked media environment, the journalist emerges as a central node trusted to authenticate, interpret, and contextualize information flows on social awareness streams, drawing on a distributed and networked newsroom where knowledge and expertise are fluid, dynamic and hybrid. Sourcing the Arab Spring 1 Sourcing the Arab Spring: A Case Study of Andy Carvin’s Sources During the Tunisian and Egyptian Revolutions Introduction This paper presents a case study on the use of sources by National Public Radio’s Andy Carvin on Twitter during key periods of the 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. It examines the different actor types on the social media platform to reveal patterns of sourcing of information used by Carvin, a social media strategist at NPR in the U.S., who emerged as a key broker of information on Twitter during the Arab Spring. The aim of this study is to further an understanding of how sourcing is evolving in an era of networked digital media—a space that, by its nature, allows for new research possibilities in tracking the influence of sources. The interplay between journalists and sources is a significant factor in affecting what and who makes the news. Sources help to shape how events and issues are reported, influencing the public’s understanding of the world. Studies on journalistic practices have highlighted key challenges in news routines, including a limited diversity of news sources and a reliance on those with institutional power, such as government officials, police officers or business leaders. The open nature of social media technologies could, in theory, foster greater pluralism in media discourse by providing channels for a greater number and diversity of news sources. The availability of the messages sent by Andy Carvin on Twitter offers an opportunity to analyze his choice of sources on the Arab Spring, investigate the dynamics of discourse across institutional and alternative sources, and chart the predominance of voices on Twitter. This case study, built on a quantitative content analysis of his most frequently cited sources, provides insight into the process through which Carvin, as a member of the professional news media, negotiates information gathering and dissemination in this emerging social environment. Literature Review Theoretical Framework News sources are a critical element in the practice of journalism as it shapes from whom journalists get their information and what type of information they obtain (Carlson, 2009; Gans, 1979; Sigal, 1986). As Franklin et al. (2010, p. 202) suggest, “an understanding of the relationship between journalists and their sources sits at the heart of journalism studies. ” Sourcing involves making decisions on who is included or excluded as an actor in the media. The sources cited in the media do more than denote events and issues. They ascribe meaning to events, shaping public perception and understanding (Berkowitz, 2009). Studies into the production of news have shown that journalists seek to cite sources considered authoritative as they hold certain credentials in society (Ericson, Baranek, & Chan, 1989; Gans, 1979; McNair, 1998; Tuchman, 1978). These credentials stem from bodies holding positions of power, such as government or police, or representing significant segments of society, such as in business. Numerous studies have identified how government officials dominate sources (Brown, Bybee, Wearden, & Straughan, 1987; Sigal, 1973). Hall et al. (1978) argue that elite sources are at the top of a hierarchy of credibility, and as a result, are primary definers who shape the news agenda and interpretative approach used by journalists. For Hall et al., the deadlines of news production and the professional commitment to impartiality and objectivity “combine to produce a systematically structured over-accessing to the media of those in powerful and privileged institutional positions” (1978, p. 58). Not only do non-elite sources Sourcing the Arab Spring 2 make up a small minority of news sources, Ericson et al. argue they are used to inspire “fear and loathing” (1989, p. 1), reinforcing the authority of elites. The use of elite sources by journalists further enhances the credibility of these sources. As Tuchman (1978, p. 210) notes, “by identifying centralized sources of information as legitimated social institutions, news organizations and newsworkers wed themselves to specific beats and bureaus. Those sites are then objectified as the appropriate sites at which information should be gathered. ” The hierarchy of sources is replicated in alternative media, where a counterelite of source types “preserves the dominant model of sourcing in its assumptions about power, legitimacy and authoritativeness” (Atton & Wickenden, 2005, p. 357). News practices reinforce what Becker defines as a hierarchy of credibility, where elites are presumed to have greater authority in defining “the way things really are” (1967, p. 241). Reporters develop routines to manage organizational limits and maximize efficiency (Gans, 1979; Tuchman, 1978). Journalists are expected to have a range of sources, yet come across operational impediments, including the geographic and social proximity of the source. Recent developments, such as the acceleration of the news cycle and the corresponding shortening of the publication cycle, have affected sourcing, with greater reliance on secondhand sources, such as news agency content or already published news stories (Boczkowski, 2010; Thurman & Myllylahti, 2009). Shrewd sources understand the limitations facing journalists and employ tactics to satisfy a reporter’s need for information, hence increasing their chances of being cited. Gans (1979) describes the process as a tug-of-war between sources seeking to shape the content and direction of news, and journalists striving to obtain the details needed. The credibility, or perceived credibility, of a source is a key determinant in the tug-of-war (Detjen, Fico, Li, & Kim, 2000; Gans, 1979; Reich, 2011). While source type and affiliation affect how journalists assign credibility, operational limitations mean reporters develop ongoing relationships with sources. The more familiar a journalist is with a source, the more likely they are to be considered credible (Altheide, 1978; Dunwoody & Ryan, 1987). Engagement influences credibility and the likelihood of being used as a source. As Gans notes, “those they talk with frequently can be evaluated over time, which is another reason why story selectors prefer regular sources” (1979, pp. 129–130). In his study on sourcing and credibility, Reich (2011) found that journalists tended to depend almost exclusively on a core set of sources that had proved their trustworthiness in the past. Reich also observed that journalists who eyewitnessed events were valued as the most credible sources. Initial research into sourcing from social media points to the persistence of journalistic practices. In a study of the use of the live-blog format at The Guardian newspaper, Thurman and Walters (2012) found that journalists relied on known sources with whom they had developed a relationship. But, added the researchers, the live-blog format quoted far more primary sources than other forms of online news. Journalistic Sourcing and the Social Web Web 2.0 technologies, often referred to as social media, offer broad opportunities for individuals to participate in the observation, filtering, distribution and interpretation of news (Gillmor, 2004). The negotiation between journalism and social media as structuring and/or shaping technology is a key point for understanding its role in influencing established norms, practices and routines. Social media allow for new relations that potentially disrupt hierarchical structures and erode the traditional distinction between the producer and consumer of news and information. Sourcing the Arab Spring 3 Services like Twitter facilitate the instant, digital dissemination and reception of short fragments of data from sources both inside and outside the framework of established journalism. The free service has grown as a network for real-time news and information since its creation in 2006, shaping how news is gathered, distributed and received (Bruno, 2011; Hermida, 2010a; Lasorsa et al., 2012; Newman, 2009). In its short lifespan, Twitter has attracted attention for its role in the reporting of major events, such as the terrorist attacks in Mumbai in Novem