The Path to Altruism in Service-Learning Classes: Big Steps or a Different Kind of Awkwardness?

I began using service-learning in my undergraduate psychology classes because I wanted students to connect knowledge with the needs of real people and to do so in a caring, empathetic way. I have observed what other instructors have no doubt noticed: that students begin service-learning with varying levels of commitment to help, ranging from dread to excitement, and from "What do I need to do to get an 'A'? " to "What can I do to help? " During service projects, many students reported increased engagement in volunteering, saying that the project had become "more than an assignment. " To my dismay, some never reached this level and even expressed relief when the project was over. My observations led me to several questions: How do altruistic motivations change during service-learning? What features of students' experiences interact to influence their motivations to help others and to what end? Can I increase the odds that students will become engaged in the act of helping through service-learning projects? Altruism While considerable service-learning research has focused on positive altruistic outcomes (Batchelder & Root, 1994; Eyler & Giles, 1999; Fitch, 1987; Reeb, Sammons, & Isackson, 1999), less has explored the developmental process of altruism as students experience community service. Socially responsive knowledge (Altman, 1996), compassion toward others (Rowe & Chapman, 1999), a commitment to social justice (Roschelle, Turpin, & Elias, 2000), humanitarianism (Gardner & Baron, 1999), prosocial skills (Batchelder & Root), and social responsibility (Giles & Eyler, 1994; Reeb, Sammon, & Isackson) are but a few of the concepts found in service-learning outcome literature related to the phenomenon. Some researchers define altruism as a motivational state that has as its goal the welfare of others (Batson, 1999). Others define altruism by more observable outcomes, as measured by consistent patterns of behavior in human interactions (Noddings, 1988). Altruistic acts vary in quality. It is recognized that some altruistic behavior is at times idealistic and romanticized, and even patronizing (Noddings, 1992; Ward & Wolf-Wendel, 2000). Psychological study of altruism suggests that, although there may be evolutionary benefit derived from some types of altruistic behavior, altruism is primarily learned (Rushton, 1983). Furthermore, altruism has a developmental course, progressing in stages (Bar-Tal, Sharabany, & Raviv, 1981; Eisenberg & Fabes, 1991; Krebs & Van Hesteren, 1994). As students' motivations become more altruistic, they help others less on the basis that they will get something out of it (like a good grade or a line on a resume) and more because they want to help others without expecting something in return. Between altruism for purely personal motives on the one hand and selflessness on the other, there is a more advanced form of personal gain--doing good for others so that "I will feel good myself. " Mixed altruistic motives frequently occur when helpers act out of selfless motivations, but also experience positive feelings about themselves in the process (Midlarsky, 1991). Reciprocal altruistic motivations are commonly reported by students in service-learning projects (Fitch, 1987). Altruism is promoted by several important variables: the ability to be empathetic, to understand the perspective of others (Batson, 1991); feelings of personal efficacy and self-esteem (Rushton, 1983); being able to form meaningful relationships with those helped; and opportunities to assume responsibility (Oliner & Oliner, 1995; Stamper & Masterson, 2002). Gilligan's work (1982) showed the interrelationship between contextual variables and morality, suggesting that contextual features of human experiences are important for developing thoughts and motivations that influence moral actions. Service-learning provides many of the contextual features for developing altruism. …