Social Capital by Design: Normative Systems and Social Structures in Six High Schools.

SOCIAL CAPITAL BY DESIGN: NORMATIVE SYSTEMS AND SOCIAL STRUCTURES IN SIX HIGH SCHOOLS The purposive design of learning environments to counter the erosion of social capital in the communities and schools in contemporary society is the focus of this investigation. Can schools intentionally replenish stocks of social capital by creating normative systems conducive to the optimal academic and social development of students and by designing social structures with closure and continuity to support these normative systems? This study examines the notion of "intentionally created social capital" in relation to six high schools, researched as part of the fieldwork phase of a national study of social capital in high schools. Using one of these schools -a rural high school where naturally occurring social capital is characteristic -as a contrast, the study describes the normative systems and social structures in five urban or suburban high schools that have sought to build social capital -purposively, intentionally, by design. By delineating the interrelationship between normative systems and social structures in practice, the study attempts to portray social capital as it exists in schools and to identify the mechanisms used in its creation. SOCIAL CAPITAL BY DESIGN: NORMATIVE SYSTEMS AND SOCIAL STRUCTURES IN SIX HIGH SCHOOLS The development of social capital theory and its application to education are among the major legacies of James Coleman (1988, 1990). Coleman initially focused on naturally occurring social capital -a property of dense social networks in close-knit residential community -that advantaged parents of school children both in the small towns of rural West Virginia and in the urban neighborhoods of Hyde Park and Kenwood where the families shared close connections to the University of Chicago (1987). Within both contexts, relationships among adults, paralleling relationships among their children, constituted a social network that served, in Coleman's view, to benefit the educational and social development of children by channeling the flow of school-related information and ensuring normative consistency. Unlike geographically enclosed small towns or rural villages or the rare urban neighborhood, cities and suburbs are not environments where social capital with its inherent supports occurs naturally. Because of their openness, diversity, and high rates of social mobility, cities and suburbs are -for most of their residents -anomic places (Palmer 1981; Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, and Tipton 1985; Wilson 1996). Families and individuals in these locations lack the social capital that has historically existed in the small town or village. Unlike rural schools in which teachers, administrators, and students typically share a common set of values, schools in urban and suburban areas serve students from increasingly diverse social and cultural backgrounds. Middle and high schools enroll students from different feeder schools, and with varying levels of academic preparation and commitment. Unlike the rural schools in communities where most of the students' parents (and grandparents) have known each other since childhood, parents of the urban and suburban children generally are strangers to each other. 1 Coleman also invoked social capital theory to account for the differential effectiveness of schools. In comparative studies of public and private schools, Coleman and coauthors attributed the lower dropout rates and higher achievement levels in Catholic high schools to the values of the functional external religious community of the local parish (Coleman and Hoffer 1987; Coleman and Schiller 1992). In actuality, however, Catholic high schools have for decades drawn students from disparate geographical areas and have become less Catholic in their enrollments (Bryk, Lee & Holland 1993). Like their non-denominational counterparts in the private sector, Catholic high schools are more likely to be schools of choice for parents with common academic and social values in mind for their children. Since Catholic high schools depend on the fmancial and moral support of parents who espouse such values, they work in partnership with them to sustain the normative system characteristic of Catholic education (Bryk, Lee and Holland 1993). At least some of the social capital Coleman noted in Catholic schools is more likely to have resulted from deliberate efforts on the part of the school to involve families of students in the educational process than from their shared religious ideology or association in a local church. Moreover, other researchers have concluded that the internal organization of Catholic schools accounted for their effectiveness (Bryk and Driscoll 1988; Bryk, Lee, and Holland 1993). Unlike public schools where bureaucratic arrangements typified the organization, Catholic schools typically demonstrate a communal organizational form shaped by the school's tradition, values, and beliefs. Teachers and administrators share a common sense of purpose; their culture tends to be collaborative and collegial. Teachers and other staff members engage in expanded rather than spiaized roles. Social interactions among teachers and students are frequent and caring. Liturgical activities and rituals give the school year a particular rhythm. In communally organized schools, teachers share a commitment to their work, their students, and each other that is readily distinguishable from the culture of control that is typical in bureaucratically organized schools (Bryk et al.). Through their normative 2 systems and social networks, Catholic schools provide students and teachers with stocks of social capital (Bryk et al.). Based on the belief that students' affiliation with school will enhance their prospects for academic success, public schools aspiring to improve student performance and other outcomes have embarked on various strategies to transform themselves into more personable and student-centered learning environments (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development 1989; National Association of Secondary School Principals 1996). Schools have restructured into smaller interdisciplinary-teamed units, formed advisories to provide students daily contact with a caring adult and supportive peers, and engaged parents and communities with the process of their children's schooling -all the while aiming to enhance students' experience of school and to improve the quality of their learning (Newmann and Associates 1996; Marks, Doane and Secada 1998). Effective public high schools are also recognizing that they depend on strong home and school alliances to provide students with the normative consistency needed to support them in their learning and social development. While these restructuring schools probably did not invoke social capital theory as they undertook their initiatives of change, their efforts could be examined through the lens of that theory. The purposive design of learning environments to counter the erosion of social capital in the communities and schools in contemporary society is the focus of this investigation. Can schools intentionally replenish stocks of social capital by creating normative systems conducive to the optimal academic and social development of students and by designing social structures with closure and continuity to support these normative systems? This study examines the -notion of "intentionally created social capital" in relation to six high schools, researched as part of the fieldwork phase of a national study of social capital in high schools (Lee and Croninger 1998). One of these high schools (Calvin Coolidge), rural and comparatively isolated, reflects the naturally occurring social capital that schools in most urban and suburban settings lack. The other five high schools -three located in large urban 3 6 centers (Zachary Taylor, Woodrow Wilson, and St. Francis Assisi), one in a suburb (Cardinal McGuire) and one in a small city (Andrew Jackson)-represent efforts to create social capital intentionally. Using the school where naturally occurring social capital is characteristic as a contrast, the study describes the normative systems and social structures in high schools that have sought to build social capital -purposively, intentionally, by design. By delineating the interrelationship between normative systems and social structures in practice, the study attempts to portray social capital as it exists in schools and to identify the mechanisms used in its creation. Theoretical Perspective Social capital takes the form of social relations, social networks, and norms -particularly of trust and reciprocity (Coleman 1990). Its function is to work productively for individuals and groups, that is, to enable individuals or groups to achieve the ends they desire. Historically, in its primordial form, social capital has occurred naturally within families, kinship networks, and small communities. The closure, stability, and continuity over time that characterize these homogenous social units preserve the values they hold in common. Such naturally occurring social capital is increasingly rare. Multiple trends in modern society -economic, technological, social, and cultural -have eroded social capital in its primordial form. Few schools today embody the naturally occurring social capital that typifies small towns or rural villages. Schools in such enclosed, culturally homogeneous communities are extensions of the families that make up the community. These schools socialize children in the values generally shared among the adults in the community, creating a normative environment where the values are consistent and usually conservative. In these geographically circumscribed locales, adults and their children know 4 each other well through lifelong contact and familiar interaction in schools, churches, and civic associations. In localities such as these, the relationships that develop among school children reflec