Trust in Natural Resource Information Sources and Postmaterialist Values: A Comparative Study of U.S. and Canadian Citizens in the Great Lakes Area

This study examines the relationship between postmaterialist value orienta­ tions and trust in natural resource information sources among Canadian and U.S. citizens. The data stem from mail surveys collected among residents in metropolitan areas on the Great Lakes. Findings suggest that individuals with postmaterialist value orientations are significantly less trusting of traditional sources of natural resource information (e.g., government and private industry) than are their compatriots with materialist value orientations. In addition, Canadians are found to be generally more trusting of government information sources and less trusting of private information sources than are their American counterparts. Thus, the trust accorded an information source depends on the source itself, the value orientation of the individual according that trust, and the political culture of the country in which the information source and the individual are found. Canada and the United States are democratic nations which have moved into the stage of societal development commonly referred to as "postindustrial. " Such societies are characterized by economic dominance of the tertiary sector over that of manufacturing, complex nationwide communication networks, an exten­ sive role for the knowledge industry and the application of high technology, an enlarged public sector role, and historically unprecedented affluence and high 123 © 1994, Baywood Publishing Co., Inc. doi: 10.2190/YYJN-PVBQ-CWYR-BA81 http://baywood.com 124 / STEEL, LOVRICH AND PIERCE educational levels among the populace [1-3]. A number of prominent scholars argue that the advent of postindustrial society has resulted in systematic changes in values held among citizens—particularly among younger cohorts—such that "higher order" needs (vis-a-vis Maslow's need hierarchy) have supplanted more fundamental subsistence and security needs (e.g., shelter, etc.). Value changes entailing greater attention to "postmaterialist" needs are thought to have brought about changes in many citizens' attitudes toward favoring the preservation of natural resources and the protection of the natural environment [4]. Indeed, many surveys of public opinion have suggested that large numbers of people now consider themselves to be "environmentalists" or environmentally conscious [3, 5, 6]. Concomitant with the rise of environmental consciousness in postindus­ trial society has been the growing complexity of many contemporary natural resource and environmental issues [7, 8]. Complex scientific and technical infor­ mation has become increasingly important in understanding public policy tradeoffs in many natural resource policy arenas, giving support to the timeworn adage that "knowledge is power" [9, 10]. Command of technical informa­ tion and specialized knowledge have become increasingly important aspects of decision-making on public policies and central sources of political power in natural resource politics [11]. As Clague has suggested: " . information is a source of control. It is also a source of understanding, learning, and participation" [12, p. 38]. The combination of a heightened concern for the environment and a growing importance of specialized knowledge concerning natural resource policy issues gives particular salience to the relationship between citizens' values and the level of trust they accord to both official and nongovernmental information sources. Samuel Huntington, for example, early on warned that as newer generations among the postindustrial democratic citizenries become better educated and more knowledgeable concerning public policy issues they will develop "deep feelings of frustration" and become cynical toward the established economic and govern­ mental elites [2, p. 177]. With respect to postmaterialists, then, it could be expected that they would differ from their compatriots holding more materialist value orientations in distrusting established sources (e.g., government agencies and industry) of information on natural resource issues. Instead, environmental groups, industrial and governmental whistleblowers, Naderesque critics of the establishment and other unconventional sources of information would be viewed with favor. Aaron Wildavsky, in agreement with Huntington, has more recently argued that the value changes associated with the advent of postindustrial society have given rise to a form of "radical egalitarianism" which inappropriately under­ mines established economic and governmental authority and seriously misdirects public attention from the true tasks and challenges lying before it [13]. He argues further that the press and knowledge industry generally are permeated with these elite challenging values (citing [14,15]) and thereby provide far greater access to TRUST AND POSTMATERIALIST VALUES / 125 postmaterialist viewpoints than is either deserved or healthy for social governance [3, pp. 115-132]. In this context, then, the three major purposes of this article are: 1) to identify variations in the trust citizens accord sources of natural resource information; 2) to determine whether citizens holding postmaterialist values do indeed trust tradi­ tional natural resource information sources less than do citizens holding other values; and 3) to find out if such value-based differences in trust are equally apparent in two culturally distinct political settings—the American and the Canadian. CROSSNATIONAL CONSIDERATION Trust in information sources concerning environmental or natural resource issues may be importantly affected by the prevailing beliefs and values of a nation's political culture. Such cross-national effects have surfaced in recent studies of U.S./Canadian natural resource policy issues [16]. Studies comparing the political cultures of Canada and the United States note significant differences in political beliefs and values which have been argued to have existed since the founding period of the United States [17-19]. Canadian political culture is generally considered to be more organic, statist, particularistic (group oriented) and collectivist in nature than is American political culture [19]. American politi­ cal culture tends to reflect a Lockean individualistic conception of society, and public policy in the United States is largely shaped by pervasive, widely-held political values that stress the free enterprise system, individualism, respect for property rights and distrust of government [20-22]. As a consequence of these cultural differences, Americans are likely to be more suspicious of governmental information sources than are their Canadian counter­ parts. In turn, American citizens may be more trustful of private sector infor­ mation sources (e.g., business, developers) than are their northern neighbors. Moreover, the higher regard held for governing institutions among Canadians generally may blunt the effects of postmaterialist value holding for Canadian citizens. Unlike Americans already culturally inclined to distrust government officials and government authority over private choices, Canadians are inclined to place greater faith in government and its agents. The impact of postmaterialist values on trust in informational sources may be less powerful among Canadian than among American citizens. On the other hand, postmaterialism may surface as a crossnational force which transcends culture leading to convergence—particular among younger cohorts [23]. Therefore Canadians and Americans with postmaterial values may share distrust for traditional sources of natural resource information and show more trust for sources which challenge the established sources—such as environ­ mental groups. 126 / STEEL, LOVRICH AND PIERCE METHODOLOGY AND MEASUREMENTS In 1989, a mail survey of 4,000 citizens was conducted in the Province of Ontario and the eight states which border the Great Lakes (i.e., Michigan, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota). The sample was drawn from cities located within thirty miles of the Great Lakes and connecting rivers/waterways—excluding the St. Lawrence Seaway. The total population for cities sampled was approximately 20,124,033 (14,909,565 in the United States and 5,214,468 in Canada). Since 74.1 percent of the target popula­ tion is located in the United States and 25.9 percent is located in Canada, 4,000 surveys were sent to potential respondents in the U.S. (n = 2.964) and Canada (n = 1,036) in accordance with the proportion each country contributed to the entire population. Four population categories of cities were used to draw the sample: 1) 24,000 to 50,000; 2) 50,001 to 100,000; 3) 100,001 to 250,000; and 4) cities with popula­ tions of 250,001 or more. The number of potential respondents selected from cities in each size category was determined by calculating its proportion of the total provincial/state population in cities of at least 24,000. Potential respondents were chosen at random from municipal telephone directories within the target cities. The response rate for the four-wave survey was 66 and 68 percent for Canada and the United States, respectively. The questionnaire was designed and administered according to procedures outlined in [24], Dependent Variables Respondents were asked to indicate their level of trust in the natural resource information sources listed in Table 1. The thirteen sources of natural resource information include government sources, business, environmental groups and several quasi-governmental sources such as public utilities and universities. The specific question was: Some groups may supply technical information about natural resources and the environment. How much trust do you have in the technical information supplied by each of the groups listed below? The response categories provided were: (1 = None; 2 = Not much; 3 = Some; and 4 = A great deal). While many citizens, including the well-educated and knowledgeable, may not be able to adequa