An Empirical Study of Relationships between Student Self-Concept and Science Achievement in Hong Kong.

Positive self-concept and good understanding of science are important indicators of scientific literacy endorsed by professional organizations. The existing research literature suggests that these two indicators are reciprocally related and mutually reinforcing. Generalization of the reciprocal model demands empirical studies in different cultures. In this investigation, Hong Kong has been identified as a meeting place between the West and the East, and TIMSS and TIMSS-R databases are analyzed to confirm features of the reciprocal model two years before and after Hong Kong’s political transition in 1997. The result may not only help generalize the reciprocal model in a different culture setting, but also assess contextual changes in the language of instruction from English to Chinese brought by the political transition. An Empirical Study of Relationships Between Student Self-Concept and Science Achievement in Hong Kong Self-concept is an intrinsic characteristic that has a profound impact on student future success (Goleman, 1995; McClelland, 1993; Sternberg & Wagner, 1993). In particular, a person’s belief in his or her ability to do well in science is recognized as a key component of scientific literacy by science educators (AAAS, 1990; Wilkins, 2003). Marsh, Hau, and Kong (2002) further noted, In academic self-concept research, support for the main theoretical models has been based largely on responses by students from Western countries, particularly Englishspeaking students in Australia, Canada, and the United States. (p. 728) Accordingly, it is important to examine the relationship between self-concept and academic achievement in various culture settings. Hong Kong is a unique place harboring different cultures between the West and the East. While the Chinese majority speaks the Cantonese (a local Chinese dialect) as a mother tongue, English is valued highly as a language medium of international trade and academic discourse. During much of the post-war period in Hong Kong, the vast majority of students received a primary education in Chinese-medium schools, and then switched to Anglo-Chinese schools for their secondary education. Hau, Kong, Marsh, and Cheng (2000) observed that “Hong Kong is an ideal setting for testing the juxtaposition of self-concept in native and nonnative languages as both Chinese (the native language) and English (the non-native language) are considered extremely important in the high school curriculum and society” (p. 5). On July 1, 1997, Hong Kong terminated its 150-year British colonial history, and reunited with China. The new local government designated a transition period to promote instruction in Chinese/Cantonese in most secondary schools (Evans, 2000). At this historical conjecture, Hong Kong participated in the Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) in 1995 and a repeat of TIMSS (named TIMSS-R) in 1999. The purpose of this investigation is to study the relationship between student self-concept and science achievement two years before and after the sovereignty switch using the TIMSS and TIMSS-R databases. According to Marsh et al. (2002), “Previous research suggests that Chinese students differ from Western students in ways that may be relevant to how they construct their self-concepts” (p. 728). Therefore, this empirical data analysis may not only help disentangle the relationship between self-concept and science achievement in different culture settings, but also assess changes in the language of instruction from English to Chinese brought by the political transition. Literature Review Development of individual self-concept can be dated back to Socrates’ call of “knowing thyself” more than 2000 years ago (see Hamachek, 2000). In the last century, behavior scientists attempted to conceptualize the idea of self in multiple ways (Cooley, 1902; James, 1950; Mead, 1934). In an attempt to connect self-concept with academic achievement, Shavelson, Hubner, and Stanton (1976) proposed a multifaceted, hierarchical model from an extensive literature review. Apex of the hierarchical structure was split into academic and nonacademic components of self-concept. The relationship between academic self-concept and academic achievement has been postulated to be reciprocal and mutually reinforcing (Marsh et al., 1999). Marsh et al. (2002) reported that “the results of previous research provide general support for a reciprocal effects model” (p. 729). Nonetheless, more recent cross-cultural investigations have revealed inconsistent findings from international databases (see Wilkins, 2003). For instance, Wilkins, Zembylas, and Travers (2002) analyzed the TIMSS international data, and reported a positive relationship between self-concept and science achievement for 16 different countries. Meanwhile, Kifer’s (2002) analysis suggested that many of the highest performing countries had some of the lowest overall beliefs in student self-ability. Incorporating considerations of the instructional language, Evans (2002) further noted needs to articulate the relationship between self-concept and student achievement in specific subject areas. Nonetheless, “The role of language of instruction in the formation of a positive academic self-concept has received surprisingly little attention in the research into immersion, bilingualism, and second-language instruction” (Marsh, Hau, & Kong, 2002, p. 733). On one hand, researchers tend to believe that students learn more effectively when taught through their mother tongue (see Cummins, 1996; Garcia, 1993). The improvement of achievement may in turn enhance positive attitude, as suggested by the reciprocal model (Marsh et al., 1999). On the other hand, schools that support instruction in English are likely to be the most prestigious and academic ones in Hong Kong. Thus, students may have established positive self-concepts in this setting as well. The western literature in this area seemed to suggest potential “cultural ambivalence” from replacement of the first language by the second language (e.g., Krashen, 1997; Ogbu, 1992, 1999), but that concern was largely hinged on consideration of cultural and language protections for minority groups. In contrast, the immersion in English instruction was a preferred choice of the majority parents in Hong Kong, and has been positively valued by the society. Therefore, the western theories on the negative impact might not fit the specific situation in Hong Kong. To date, besides a couple of articles developed by Marsh and his colleagues (i.e., Hau, Kong, Marsh, & Cheng, 2000; Marsh, Hau, & Kong, 2000 & 2002), few other researchers examined the relationship between self-concept and science achievement in Hong Kong’s context. The data analyzed by Marsh and his colleagues were gathered from 56 high schools under guidance of Hong Kong’s Educational Commission in 1995, an era before of the sovereignty switch (see Marsh, Hau, & Kong, 2000, p. 311). To assess impact of the political transition, more recent data need to be analyzed to reflect changes in Hong Kong before and after July 1, 1997. In summary, this study is designed to disentangle the relationships between student selfconcept and science achievement in an era of adjusting English status as a medium of instruction in Hong Kong. Under a “one-country, two-system” framework, Hong Kong remains to be a democratic society and the perceived English importance by education stakeholders plays a crucial role in choosing an instructional language in school. Empirical data on English importance has been gathered in TIMSS and TIMSS-R surveys before and after the political transition. Because most theories of bilingual education were developed in western cultures for minority groups, this investigation not only addresses a critical education topic for the majority residents in Hong Kong, but also facilitates enrichment of the existing literature in bilingual and science education. Research Questions Marsh et al. (1999) reviewed the existing literature, and recommended multilevel analyses to examine generalization of the reciprocal modeling across various schools. Research questions that guide this investigation are: 1. What proportion of the variance in science achievement has been distributed at the student and school levels? 2. What is a plausible model of student self-concept and science achievement under the context of reforming English role in instruction during the political transition? 3. What are differences and/or similarities of the empirical model reconfirmed by the TIMSS and TIMSS-R data analyses? Methods Variable Selection Science scores have been gathered from the 8th grade level in TIMSS and TIMSS-R projects. To avoid a low response rate, each student was tested on a subset of science items, and a total of five plausible scores have been imputed to represent the overall student achievement. According to Gonzalez and Smith (1997), “one set of the imputed plausible scores can be considered as good as another” (ch. 6, p. 3). To enhance comparability between the TIMSS and TIMSS-R results, TIMSS scores have been rescaled at the 8th grade level using the TIMSS-R procedure, and the data are released at a public website (http://www.timss.org). Plausible scores from TIMSS and TIMSS-R are employed in this study to indicate student achievement in the 8th grade science. Selection of self-concept indicators is also grounded on the research literature. Psychologists suggested that self-concept has two major aspects, “the self as a doer” and “the self-as-object” (Hamachek, 2000; James, 1890). From the doer’s perspective, TIMSS and TIMSS-R gathered “Students’ self-perceptions about usually doing well in science” (Supplement 2 of the TIMSS User Guide, section 1, p. 8). Regarding the self as an object, students had a chance to express their feeling of getting bored by science. In addition, students reported importance of learning English as perceived by self, friends,