Do Contextual Stressors Affect Parenting Behaviours and Child Aggression in South African Townships? Department of Psychology University of Cape Town

Violence in South Africa is a considerable problem. It is well established that early child conduct problems and aggression are strongly associated with later delinquency and violence. International evidence suggests that parenting behaviours are significant risk factors for child aggression, yet very little is known about parenting in South Africa, particularly among Black Africans. This study aimed to understand the relationships between parenting behaviours, parental efficacy, and contextual stressors; and children’s aggression, in a Xhosa population. IsiXhosa-speaking primary caregivers (n =312) who attended various non-governmental organisations in the Western Cape completed a self-report questionnaire. Caregivers were interviewed about their parenting (using the Alabama Parenting Questionnaire, and the short form of the Mother-Child Neglect Scale), their children’s behaviour (using the externalising subscales of the Child Behaviour Checklist), parental efficacy (using the Parent Sense of Competence Efficacy subscale), and about contextual stressors (using the Perceived Neighbourhood Violence Scale, a hunger scale, a household inventory, and items pertaining to single parenthood). Mild corporal punishment as well as inconsistent discipline and supervision significantly predicted child aggression. A lack of positive parenting predicted child aggression which was mediated by parental efficacy. Contextual stressors did not moderate parental efficacy; but perceived neighbourhood violence was related to child aggression. These findings suggest that parenting is a major contributor to child aggression. Thus, the results will have implications for the tailoring of parenting programmes to prevent child conduct problems in South Africa. Keywords: child aggression, parenting behaviours, contextual stressors, parental efficacy, South Africa PARENTING, CONTEXTUAL STRESSORS AND CHILD AGGRESSION 4 Introduction South Africa is well-known for its high levels of violence. Two statistics highlight this: The 2011/2012 murder rate was 30.9 per 100 000 population (South African Police Service [SAPS], 2012), and 31.5% of the 31,177 non-natural deaths recorded in 2008, were as a result of violence (National Injury Mortality Surveillance System [NIMSS], 2010). In comparison, England and Wales had only 9.7 homicide offences per million population over 2011/2012 (Office for National Statistics, 2013), while the USA murder rate was 15.2 per 100 000 population in 2009 (United States Census Bureau, 2012). In particular, youth violence is highly problematic both globally (Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi & Lozano, 2002) and in South Africa (Foster, 2012). It is the youth who have the highest risk of being perpetrators and victims of violence. For example, in South Africa in the 15 to 29 year old age group, the number of fatalities as a result of violence reached their highest peak (NIMSS, 2010). Violent offending in adolescence and adulthood are often predicted by the presence of aggressive, conduct, oppositional and disruptive behaviours in early childhood (Farrington, 1988; Hutchings, Bywater, Davies, & Whitaker, 2006; Stormshak, Bierman, McMahon, & Lengua, 2000). Therefore, aggression tends to be stable throughout the life course (Eron, Huesmann, & Zelli, 1991). A range of risk factors are associated with child aggression; however, ineffective parenting behaviours have been identified as a particularly common predictor of conduct problems in children (Farrington, 1988; Hutchings et al., 2006; Stormshak et al., 2000; Trudeau, Mason, Randall, Spoth, & Ralston, 2012). Parenting Behaviours as a Risk Factor for Child Aggression Several ineffective parenting behaviours contribute to the prediction of oppositional, deviant and aggressive behaviour problems in children. Social learning theory and/or attachment theory can assist in understanding this relationship (Bandura, 1977; Bowlby, 1973). Social learning theory posits that children learn through direct reinforcement and punishment (Bandura, 1977). Most of the behaviours children display is learned, either inadvertently or consciously, through the influence of example. Therefore, children’s learning and self-regulation processes depend on vicarious reinforcement, which is based on rewarding or punishing consequences experienced by the parent and observed by the child (Bandura, 1977; 1986; 2002). Research guided by attachment theory shows how important a secure attachment between primary caregivers and children is, in terms of the child’s social, PARENTING, CONTEXTUAL STRESSORS AND CHILD AGGRESSION 5 cognitive and emotional development (Bowlby, 1973). Such an attachment functions protectively for a child’s behaviour regulation and control, because it enables children to manage their emotions and behaviour in order to interact pro-socially with others (Bowlby, 1973). These theories explicitly show how critical parenting is for children’s behavioural development, and therefore, for child aggression. Many parenting behaviours have been established as risk factors for the development of child aggression. These include: (a) inconsistent parenting, (b) poor supervision and monitoring, (c) neglectful parenting, (d) harsh discipline, (e) little parental interaction and involvement, and (f) a lack of positive parenting. Inconsistent parenting. Parents who exercise rule-setting and discipline inconsistently tend to raise children who exhibit higher levels of co-occurring reactive and proactive aggression (Fite, Colder, & Pelham, 2006), as well as adolescents who exhibit conduct problem behaviours (Frick, Christian, & Wootton, 1999). South African parents of young offenders express confusion over their disciplinary roles and are likely to pass on their disciplinary responsibilities to social workers (Mandisa, 2007). Both behaviours suggest disciplinary inconsistencies. Inconsistent parenting puts children at risk for developing problematic self-regulating skills. Such parenting may increase the chances of children failing to make a connection between their unfavourable behaviour and the consequences of it (Bandura, 2002). Poor supervision and monitoring. Parental supervision and monitoring are inversely associated with delinquent behaviours in children. According to a meta-analysis, a lack of parental supervision is one of the strongest predictors of problematic conduct behaviours and delinquency in children (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1986). Adolescent antisocial behaviour in South Africa is also significantly negatively correlated with parental monitoring (Barber, Stolz, Olsen, Collins, & Burchinal, 2005; Mandisa, 2007). A lack of supervision and monitoring prevent parents from correcting their child’s adverse behaviour when necessary, which may result in the child failing to learn appropriate behavioural control (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1986). Neglectful parenting. Child neglect occurs when both “basic physical and/or psychological needs” fail to be met by the child’s caregiver (Tang, 2008, p. 359). Neglect has long-lasting and profound effects on a child, especially if the neglect occurs early in a child’s development (Kotch et al., 2008). Neglect has been associated with child aggression in longitudinal studies; child aggression can be predicted from neglect experienced before the age of two (Kotch et al., PARENTING, CONTEXTUAL STRESSORS AND CHILD AGGRESSION 6 2008). Additionally, cross-sectional studies show that physically neglected children tend to show higher levels of externalising behaviours and aggressive conduct, in comparison to nonmaltreated children (Manly, Kim, Rogosch, & Cicchetti, 2001). Neglectful parenting prevents children from benefiting from the protective factors associated with secure attachment because parents express minimal affection, and enforcement of rule setting tends to be overlooked. Therefore, in neglecting these important parenting behaviours, children are more likely to be at risk for developing delinquent and aggressive behaviours (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Harsh discipline. Corporal punishment is an example of harsh discipline. This parenting behaviour has been associated with child aggression in both longitudinal and cross sectional studies. Spanking and hitting are related to conduct problems in children of primary school ages (Frick et al., 1999), and with aggression in children (Fite et al., 2006). The severity of harsh discipline in early childhood is positively associated with later childhood aggression (Weiss, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1992). A South African national survey on corporal punishment reported that 57% and 33% of parents smack and beat their children respectively (Dawes, Kafaar, De Sas Kropiwnicki, Pather, & Richter, 2004). Coercive disciplinary strategies, such as spanking, beating or hitting, are strong predictors of the development of violent behaviours in children, especially if they are also erratic (Barbarin & Richter, 2001). The high levels of corporal punishment in South Africa suggest that many children are at risk for developing aggressive behaviour. This relationship can be explained by drawing on social learning theory which predicts that children who have experienced harsh discipline may perceive and come to learn that this is an appropriate behaviour (Bandura, 1977). Little parental interaction and involvement. High levels of positive interaction between parent and child function protectively in terms of a child’s behaviour development (Howard & Jenson, 1999). In contrast, low levels of both parental warmth and positive involvement may contribute to the development of problematic behaviours (Pettit & Bates, 1989). For example, parent–child relationships characterised by a lack of attention, affection and supportiveness have been linked with child insecurity and emotion regulation difficulties. These difficulties include frequent child temper tantrums, whining, stubbornness and noncompliance, and are all observed in oppositionalde