“The Kids Are Alright”: Examining Generational Differences with Social Media Behaviors and Psychological Distress

Studies have recently examined associations between social media and psychological distress. Although Facebook use is related to lower psychological distress, few studies have examined the cumulative impact of social media use on psychological distress across multiple social media platforms. According to Erikson’s (1968; 1983) psychosocial theory of development, the relationship between social media and psychological distress may depend on age, specifically comparing young adulthood to middle adulthood. The goal of this study is to examine the relationship between social media behaviors, such as posting or monitoring, on different social media platforms (Facebook, Snapchat, Instagram, and Twitter) and symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress, while also examining age as a moderator. Data comes from participants from a small city in the Midwest and an urban city in the Southwest that completed a daily online survey for 10 consecutive days that addressed how much time and what behaviors participants engaged in across social media platforms and daily reports of symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress (i.e., psychological distress). Results from linear regression analyses found little support for the independent effects of behaviors on social media platforms for psychological distress. However, some support was found for differences between participants who were between 18 and 23 and participants who were between 24 and 40 with Facebook, SnapChat, and Twitter and psychological distress. For middle adults, using Facebook Taylor Kizer Age and Social Media 2 and SnapChat was predictive of psychological distress compared to younger adults, and the reverse was found for Twitter. These results reflect that middle adults may use social media for social comparison as represented by the generativity versus stagnation stage of Erikson’s (1968; 1983) psychosocial development theory, which has implications for psychological distress. Recommendations and future directions will be presented. INTRODUCTION According to the Pew Research Center (2018), approximately 3/4 of young adults check social media daily. Given these high usage rates, it is likely that social media use is associated with psychological distress. Some studies have shown that social media use, particularly Facebook, is associated with lower distress (Primack et al., 2017; Berryman, Ferguson, & Negy, 2017; Kross et al., 2013). However, few studies have examined multiple social media platforms, such as Snapchat, Instagram, and Twitter. Additionally, one recent study has found that spending time on social media may not necessarily be associated with changes in interpersonal and relational well-being, but rather, the types of behaviors that individuals engage in (Seidman, Langlais, & Havens, 2018). Theoretically, behaviors that promote belongingness (Baumeister & Leary, 1995), such as messaging or communicating directly with individuals over social media, should be associated with benefits for well-being. On the other hand, social media behaviors involving one-way communication, such as monitoring others’ social media content, which does not promote belongingness, would hypothetically be negatively associated with psychological distress. Another factor that may predict if social media is associated with psychological distress is age. Based on Erikson’s (1968; 1983) psychosocial theory of development, the relationship between social media and psychological distress may depend on the type of conflict an individual may experience at each stage of life (e.g., intimacy versus isolation during the young Taylor Kizer Age and Social Media 3 adult stage, generativity versus stagnation during middle adulthood). Therefore, the goal of this study is to examine the relationship between social media behaviors on different social media platforms and psychological distress, while also examining age as a moderator. This study advances research on social media in many ways. First, we focus on multiple social media platforms as other studies mainly examine Facebook. Although there are some similarities across the major social media platforms, there are plenty of differences that make each of these platforms unique, which means each platform could have varied effects on psychological health. Second, we collected data from a community sample of participants, which is more reliable than a college student sample. Third, this study uses longitudinal data (social media use over a period of 10 consecutive days) to achieve the goals of this study, as many studies have only collected data at one point in time. This is advantageous because it provides a more precise and valid measure of social media behaviors and psychological distress. Next, we discuss research concerning social media use and behaviors in the context of psychological distress. Second, we introduce age as a potential moderator for the relationship between social media behaviors and psychological distress. Social Media and Psychological distress Social media is incredibly popular among teenagers and adults, with many having regular routine access to multiple social media networks. According to the Lenhart (2015) and Vannucci et al. (2016), about 90% of young adults in the U.S. use social media and most visit these sites at least once a day. Most social media use is concentrated in teenagers and young adults. According to the Royal Society for Public Health (2017), 91% of 16-24 year olds in the UK use the Internet for social networking. One study found that adolescent participants were very active on social media with 82.1% reporting having had social media accounts for at least a year, 92.9% had an Taylor Kizer Age and Social Media 4 account on at least one social media platform, and 68.1% reporting checking their social media accounts at least once a day (Barry et al., 2017). Additionally, most adults appear to access social media through their phones. According to one study, 92% of teenagers and young adults own a smart phone (Twenge et al., 2018), which illustrates the affordances of social media access for this population. Given how common it is to use social media, it is important to understand its implications for individuals’ psychological distress. Many studies have begun to explore the relationship between social media and psychological distress, typically finding a negative association between the two variables. Facebook was one of the first social media platforms to be examined in terms of psychological distress, and many studies illustrate that spending time on Facebook is associated with lower levels of psychological distress. One study found that too much time on Facebook was associated with lower cognitive well-being (Kross et al., 2013). Another study demonstrated that individuals who “like” more material on Facebook are likely to report lower levels of psychological distress (Ginsberg & Burke, 2017). Other studies have examined social media broadly, without specifying a social media platform, which provides support for a negative relationship between social media and psychological distress. For instance, Primack et al. (2017) found that social media use was positively associated with depression and anxiety among young adults. Vannucci and colleagues (2017) found that higher daily use of social media was associated with more frequent and intense experiences of anxiety, particularly for males. Twenge and colleagues (2018) found a correlation between social media screen time and depressive and suicidal symptoms. One study explained the reason behind some of these effects is that individuals tend to compare themselves to others, which leads to negative self-comparison (Ginsberg & Burke, 2017). Other studies have demonstrated a negative associated between social Taylor Kizer Age and Social Media 5 media use and physical health. Woods and Scott (2016) found evidence that too much social media use is associated with less sleep quality, low self-esteem, and high levels of anxiety and depressive symptoms, particularly for teens and adults. Overall, there appears to be a negative relationship between using social media and psychological distress. There is theoretical support for why social media use is likely to be linked to psychological distress. According to Baumeister and Leary (1995), all people have a need to belong and one way to meet this need is to connect with other people over social media. For instance, on Facebook, people can feel connected by commenting on other people’s posts and “liking” others’ content. On Instagram, individuals can comment on others’ photos, which is likely to help them feel like they are a part of others’ lives. Snapchat allows people to send pictures as a form of constant communication. Generally, social media provides individuals opportunities to connect to others. However, if there is a lack of connection between individuals and their social network or if social media is used passively, such as simply viewing others’ content, individuals’ belongingness needs may not be met. For instance, Siedman et al. (2017) found that passive activities, such as monitoring other’s Facebook content, was related to lower relational well-being. These authors also found that excessive social media behaviors, such as posting pictures on one’s romantic partner on Facebook too much, was related to lower relationship quality. Based on findings from previous studies, social media seems likely to negatively impact psychological distress, particularly if the behaviors are passive. Based on this theoretical rationale, there is a need to focus on various behaviors across multiple social media platforms. Although there is evidence that Facebook is associated with lower psychological distress, it may vary by the type of social media behavior and which platform these behaviors are being enacted. Based on research on Facebook, communicating Taylor Kizer Age and Social Media 6 directly with others as opposed