Academic and Community Identities: A Study of Kurdish and Somali Refugee High School Students

This research examined the experiences of 11 high school students and their academic and social experiences in the U.S. using identity and agency in figured worlds. We collected data through interviews and field notes and analyzed them using constant comparative analysis. The findings revealed two main themes: the importance of continuity in promoting and maintaining a positive academic environment and the importance of support in creating positive identities. In addition, there was a strong awareness between being accepted, recognized, and encouraged at school and feeling accepted as a Muslim student. In the end, the participants experienced two different realities which contributed to form their figured worlds. Introduction This research investigated the experiences and challenges facing a small group of Kurdish and Somali students living and studying in the United States. The participants within our study attended two different high schools located within the southeastern United States. Although these schools were not very distant from each other, one school had more resources available to its students and did not experience significant changes or turnover in terms of leadership. Other students attended a school with several challenges. Davidson County, Tennessee, became a place of integration for many immigrants coming to the United States during the 1990s. From 1990-2000, the percentage of foreign-born residents in Nashville increased 203% (Farris, 2005). As the number of foreign-born residents increased in the county, the county struggled to meet the needs of the adolescents. Several communities, such as those with significant populations from Sudan, Bosnia and Kosovo, have had relatively few reports of gangs or other subcultures springing up from their communities. However, the same is not true for youth with Somali and Kurdish origins, and the media reported acts of violence and gang activity among those adolescents (Hall, 2007). Gold (1992) and McDowell (1996) attributed fragmentation in immigrants to endemic levels of disorganization and higher levels of factionalism within the communities. Community structure is one aspect of adaptation (Dorais, 1991). This research examines how students engage in and are engaged socially, academically, and culturally in their schools and communities (Ladson-Billings, 2006; Markhus & Hamedani, 2007; Milner, 2011; Schlosser, 1992). We wanted to find out what contributed to adolescents’ successes academically and socially, and while the experiences reported in this study differ between the two groups of participants, the literature indicates that mentoring and support are pivotal aspects as far as student success in school (Gambone, Klem, & Connell, 2002; LadsonAcademic and Community Identities Journal of Research Initiatives 2 Billings, 1994; Malecki & Demaray, 2003; Nieto, 2009; Vaux, 1990). Schools that provide support and mentoring to their students contribute to their social and psychological development. Feeling isolated and unconnected when in school often generates in some students a sense of detachment (Valenzuela, 1999). In a study of immigrant students in the Netherlands, Vedder, Boekaerts, and Seegers (2005) argued that academic support from teachers was significant in keeping foreign-born students in school. Other studies attribute good levels of students’ attitudes and adjustments toward school when the quality of the relationships between teachers and students is highly supportive (Connell & Wellborn, 1991; Ryan, Stiller, & Lynch, 1994), and students become more engaged academically and feel more accepted in school (Howes, Hamilton, & Matheson, 1994; Hughes, Cavall, & Willson, 2001; Midgley, Fedlauffer, & Eccles, 1989). On the opposite side of the pendulum, when the teacher-student relationship is more conflictual, students are likely to drop out from school and experience rejection (Hughes et al., 2001; Ladd, Birch, & Buhs, 1999; Pianta, Steinberg, & Rollins, 1995). This study is important because academic success is often linked to the types and kinds of experiences available to students while in school. For example, students do better in schools where they are encouraged, cared for, and supported (Gambone et al., 2002; Ladson-Billings, 1994; Malecki & Demaray, 2003; Vaux, 1990). Also, it is important for students to be able to interact with their teachers. This interaction is beneficial for students because it can motivate them to do better in school (Komarraju, Musulkin, & Bhattacharya, 2010). The interactions a teacher has with his/her students have the power to positively shape their social and emotional development (Jennings & Greenberg, 2009). In addition, support and mentoring are extremely important elements because they can contribute to the psychological development of adolescents (Rhodes, Spencer, Keller, Liang, & Noam, 2006; Waller, Houchins, & Nomvete, 2010). However, the mentoring of students must be implemented as a practice not exclusively limited to school personnel. Additional sources of support can come from families. Izzo, Weissberg, Kasprow, and Fendrich (1999) and Sinclair and Ghory (1987) discussed that family support can become a compelling force for academic achievement, and socio-emotional adjustments in schools by students. Furthermore, parental involvement is associated with positive academic outcomes in minority students (Jeynes, 2003). Nieto (2009) found that mentoring is most effective when schools partner with communities in meeting the needs of students. Moreover, when support and mentoring are lacking in schools, students may believe that nobody cares for them (Valenzuela, 1999) or that they have nothing to contribute (Ogbu,