WOMEN ACTIVISM: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE OF EDUCATED ELITES IN MALAYSIA AND PAKISTAN

Women activists in both Malaysia and Pakistan can be categorized as traditionalist and reformers. While reformers advocate a modern interpretation of the Islamic text – traditionalists merely reject any fresh exegesis and strictly follow the conventional tradition thereby giving authority to men to interpret the holy Qur’an. The study focuses on the discourses of reformers both in Malaysia and Pakistan and evaluates the perception of educated elites about them. Using a quantitative approach, the population size is determined by stratified random sampling. The findings of the study suggest that the respondents have a mixed response on the strategies and programmes of the reformers depending on their individual perception. INTRODUCTION Women activism both in Pakistan and Malaysia has been an important debate in the academic discourses having connotations with fundamentalism, extremism, state politics and the women‟s rights organizations. Both reformers and traditionalist treat women‟s activism as a vital agenda not only for gender equality but also an important element for social change. Their debates and discourses are well rooted in the rise of Islamic revivalism occurring in the later part of the nineteenth century resulting in the formation of fundamentalist movements – thereby posing a threat to reformers advocating women‟s equal rights and status [1, 2, 3]. As a counter strategy, women groups reject fundamentalism and women oppression often justified in the name of religion [4, 5, 6, 7]. While advocating women‟s rights in Islam both traditionalist and reformers arrive at a different point of view but both claim that their discourses are well rooted in Islam. Traditionalist define very specific social roles for women mentioning few are; dress code, women‟s discouragement in media, sports and film industry and women‟s primary roles as house wives [8]. In contrast, reformers highlight passages from the Islamic text that supports women‟s involvement in all spheres of life. They question the enforced limits on women, discourage the practice of polygamy and oppose all forms of discrimination against women [9, 10]. An important approach that reformers employ in promoting women‟s rights is to reinterpret the Qur‟an historically and culturally by referring to the early years of Islam. They reinterpret and reread the Qur‟an as women and Muslim feminists and advance an exegesis that is more affirmative of women‟s rights [4]. Moreover, the reformers also believe that the oppression of Muslim women across Muslim societies mainly comes through patriarchal doctrines and the Islamic laws that are propagated in terms of culture and religion [11]. Indeed, there is a wide array of literature on the topic of women in Islam and many recent contributions on gender in Islam. Ideologically, the literature on both has been charged with the central argument of the interpretation of texts as the main cause for female oppression [12, 13, 14]. This study is grounded in a comparative analysis of educated elite‟s perception in Malaysia and Pakistan about reformers and issues of their advocacy namely interpretation of the Quran, reformation of the Islamic Shari’ah law and restrictions on polygamy to ascertain the extent to which it is translated into the local cultures of Malaysia and Pakistan. The study finds whether there is a difference of perception between Pakistani and Malaysian respondents on the reformation of the Islamic Shari’ah law, restrictions on polygamy and interpretation of the Qur‟an by Muslim women in terms of location and field of study? Perhaps the strongest weapon in the arsenal of fundamentalists is the emphasis on a threatened Muslim identity that goes hand-in-hand with the concept of nationalism and women as symbol of this national/religious identity. In this context, a new experience or a new idea such as women‟s greater role and authority in religion on the part of civil society is taken as a conspiracy to destroy the harmony at home and to promote the norms of Western society [15]. These aspects of fundamentalism can be seen at work in Malaysia and Pakistan. For instance, the Islamic fundamentalist groups in Malaysia can be seen in the form of political parties such as PAS and Islamic revivalist movements such as ABIM (Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia or Islamic Youth Movement) or JIM (Jamaah Islah Malaysia). These Islamic fundamentalist forces share a common ideology with that of many Islamic movements in Arab countries. Central to this Islamization project are Muslim women, their status in the family and in society. They seek to establish a society that encourages gender segregation and controls sexuality. For example, throughout the 1980s, the Islamic fundamentalists in Malaysia promoted the wearing of tudung (hijab) and jubah (a long dress that covers women‟s full body) as Islamic attire compulsory for all Muslim women [5]. Furthermore, when PAS took over the reins of power in the State of Kelantan in 1990, they placed a regulation of dress code for Muslim women in public spaces. Not only that, they also promoted ideas like gender segregation that is in contrast to the traditional Muslim culture in Malaysia. These segregation efforts included: separate seating for men and women in public events, separate payment counters in markets and banks, banned unisex hair dressing saloons, and barred female employees 4438 ISSN 1013-5316; CODEN: SINTE 8 Sci.Int.(Lahore),27(5),4437-4442,2015 Sept. -Oct from night shifts. Their typical mindset is based on a belief that unveiled women bring immorality to the society. For them, modern dressing increases the incidences of rape. The primary role of Muslim women is as obedient wives and dutiful mothers [5]. Women always require the permission of a husband for outdoor activities, namely, for shopping, visiting her parents or mingling with friends [16]. In response to the Islamic fundamentalists, Zainah Anwar (Malaysian feminist) argues that instead of forcing Muslim women to live a life of segregation, Muslim men should be made responsible for their action. If men are lustful and not in selfcontrol, why should women be made responsible for it. She further explains this point in the light of the Qur‟an that commands men to lower their graze and prevent immorality in the society. In the case of Pakistan, Islamic fundamentalism emerged in the 1980s from two different directions: (1) General Zia-ulHaq directives to Islamize the country by enforcing Islamization laws; (2) traditional Islam appears as a major source to govern public life. The Deobandis, Ahl-i-Hadith and the Barelvis each with a large following are rivals and engage in debates on theological issues. Islamic fundamentalists in Pakistan contend that women‟s rights organizations promote a western agenda and they are enemies of Islam and Pakistan [15]. Fundamentalists oppose modernity and equate modernity with vulgarity that promotes immorality in the Pakistani society. They define Islam as anti-modern and anti-democratic. They define a very limited role for women, for instance, any sort of education that goes beyond reading the Qur‟an is forbidden for them; wearing of hijab is compulsory; a woman‟s primary job is of a house wife. To reiterate the dilemma faced by women‟s rights groups and advocates, “all attempts to struggle on behalf of women‟s specific interests are viewed as treasons: treason towards the nation or the community, towards religion, towards culture, in short towards the ever-threatened identity and collusion with the external enemy” [17]. Clearly, the question of religion and a Muslim identity is not one that can be avoided by women organizations. Many Muslim feminists are involved in reinterpreting the Qur‟an, or highlighting those passages that give women more rights but have been neglected. For example, Shahidian points a verse from the Qur‟an “Men have authority over women because Allah has made the one superior to the other and because they spend their wealth to maintain them” [18]. For Shahidian, this verse by no means refers to men‟s superiority over women, but reveals a social reality and men‟s position in marital life. In other words, men should be treated as women‟s “keepers” not superiors. It is apparent from the preceding discussion why women‟s organizations and activists turn to Islamic feminism. The threat from fundamentalists, the fear of marginalization by not only the religious community but the masses is all valid reasons for turning to Islamic feminism. Furthermore, the need to counterbalance the image as western agents, as well as the desire to promote an “indigenous” solution to women‟s issues that not only addresses women‟s concerns but also simultaneously challenges the negative stereotypes of Muslims in the West, also push women‟s organizations and activists in the direction of Islamic feminism. MATERIALS AND METHODS The method chosen for this study is quantitative survey. The survey provides with an efficient means of gathering data from a large number of respondents that would not be possible under other methodological techniques such as interviews and participant observations [19]. The participants for this study come from two universities: University of Malaya, Malaysia (UM) and the University of Karachi (UoK), Pakistan. The reason why universities were chosen is based on the nature of the topic which is sensitive in both countries especially in the context of Pakistan. Three faculties are chosen from each university namely, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Islamic Studies and the Sciences. The issues discussed in this research are academically very much linked with Islam; therefore, it is imperative to include Islamic Faculty in both universities. The issues studied in this research are also academically liked with the students of Arts and Social Sciences as they are taught in various academic disciplines, for instance, Gender Studies, Political Science, Sociology and Anthr