Autonomy and Relatedness During the Preschool Period: An Examination of Parent-Child Interactions Within and Across Cultures

This study examined mother-child interactions during the preschool period in two differing cultural contexts (Canada and Singapore), with a focus on autonomyand relatedness-promoting behaviours. In addition to describing the extent to which these behaviours manifest across contexts, this study also examined the theoretical correlates of mothers’ autonomyand relatedness-promoting behaviours across contexts. The aims of this study were: 1) to determine how Canadian and Singaporean mothers differ in their use of autonomyand relatednesspromoting behaviours in their interactions with their preschool children; 2) to determine whether Canadian and Singaporean mothers differ in their socialization goals and whether these differences account for differences in Canadian and Singaporean mothers’ use of autonomyand relatedness-promoting behaviours; 3) to determine whether autonomyand/or relatednesspromoting behaviours are associated with child-parent attachment behaviours and children’s socio-emotional functioning and whether these associations differ across Canadian and Singaporean contexts; and 4) to determine whether autonomyand/or relatedness-promoting behaviours mediate any links between socialization goals and child outcomes and whether these effects differ across Canadian and Singaporean contexts. Results indicate that Canadian mothers tended to discuss their own internal states, to affirm/comply with child initiatives, to orient to the physical environment, and to orient to the dyadic social environment more than Singaporean mothers, while Singaporean mothers tended to issue eatingand non-eating-related commands AUTONOMY & RELATEDNESS IN THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD 35 and to initiate physical touch/control more than Canadian mothers. In the overall sample, interdependent socialization goals were positively correlated with eatingand non-eating-related commands and physical touch/control, while they were negatively correlated with discussion of maternal internal states, maternal affirmation/compliance with child initiatives, orientation to the physical environment, and orientation to the dyadic social environment. Singaporean mothers endorsed greater interdependent socialization goals than Canadian mothers, but cross-sample differences in socialization goals did not account for cross-sample differences in interaction behaviours. In the overall sample, discussion of maternal internal states negatively predicted avoidant attachment, and both internalizing and externalizing problems, while non-eating-related commands positively predicted externalizing problems. Importantly, there were several differences across samples. Non-eating-related commands negatively predicted avoidant attachment in the Canadian context, but not in the Singaporean context. In contrast, discussing maternal internal states negatively predicted internalizing problems and mutual eye contact negatively predicted avoidant attachment in the Singaporean context, but not in the Canadian context. Finally, we observed one instance in which interaction behaviours mediated the effect of socialization goals on child outcomes in the overall sample: the more mothers endorsed interdependent socialization goals, the less they discussed their own internal states, and, in turn, the more their child displayed avoidant attachment behaviours. AUTONOMY & RELATEDNESS IN THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD 36 Culture, as a non-count noun, encompasses the collection of ideas, beliefs, technologies, habits, and practices that is shared by a group of people and that is passed on to succeeding generations through social learning (Heine, 2008). Culture, as a count noun (as in “a culture” or “cultures”), on the other hand, describes any group or groups of people who share and are exposed to the same general ideas, beliefs, technologies, habits, and practices. Cultures around the world and throughout history have long been described in terms of an individualismcollectivism continuum (Hofstede, 2001). Prototypically individualistic cultures tend to value personal achievement, freedom, and responsibility, while prototypically collectivistic cultures tend to value group achievement, cohesion, and social harmony. Examples of prototypically individualistic societies are those currently found in Western Europe and North America, while examples of prototypically collectivistic societies are those currently found in East Asia and Africa (Triandis, 2001). When discussing the individualism-collectivism construct, however, it is important to note several caveats. First, few cultures can be said to occupy either extreme of the individualism-collectivism continuum; rather, most cultures are situated somewhere in between. Here, every effort is made to avoid the dichotomous labeling of cultures and to instead discuss the extent to which one culture may be either more or less individualistic or collectivistic relative to another. Second, the individualism-collectivism dimension for comparing cultures does not explain all variation between cultures. Indeed, additional dimensions have also been posited to more fully account for the multi-dimensional variation that exists between cultures (Hofstede, 2001). Third, although individuals who share historical and/or geographic contexts are often said to comprise a culture, this does not neglect the fact that there can be variation within that culture. AUTONOMY & RELATEDNESS IN THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD 37 Indeed, within a culture, there can exist many sub-cultures, which can themselves possess unique characteristics and which can intersect in complex ways. Bearing these caveats in mind, the individualism-collectivism distinction remains a popular and theoretically relevant construct used to describe and compare groups of people. Related to this distinction, theorists have further specified the construct of cultural selfconstruals, which exist at the individual/psychological level. Specifically, Markus and Kitayama (1991) theorize the existence of an independent self, which views the individual as distinct from others, and an interdependent self, which views the individual as inherently connected and related to others. Both these selves are thought to coexist in complementary fashion in individuals from all societies, but which are developed and expressed to differing degrees depending on the overarching cultural context (either more individualistic or collectivistic). As cultures encompass individuals and individuals comprise cultures, the precise mechanisms by which these levels of classification interact and influence one another is of theoretical importance. As conceptualized in Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory (1979), individual development occurs within several nested environmental contexts or “systems. ” Culture, as broadly defined, comprises the macrosystem – the most distal environmental context from the individual. But by what specific means does culture, a distal, yet all-encompassing factor exert its influence on individual behaviour and development? As Heine (2008) points out, humans are not born with culture, but rather, they must acquire it through socialization. Particularly in early life, parents and caregivers, who comprise the microsystem, serve as the primary conduits through which the overarching cultural beliefs, expectations and norms are transmitted to the individual. In a direct sense, parents may explicitly transmit to children certain beliefs or norms AUTONOMY & RELATEDNESS IN THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD 38 relevant to their culture through didactic teaching. Indirectly, however, parents can also convey, in subtle ways, a rich array of cultural information through their interactions with their children. Given that these implicit ways of transmitting cultural messages are likely to be more common in daily life, we focus on this latter form of socialization in the current investigation. Parent-Child Interactions Across Cultures It cannot be overstated that there are a great number of similarities in caregiving behaviour across cultures. In the vast majority of the world’s cultures, parents are expected to provide the basic necessities of life, to provide security and protection, to teach important skills, and to interact with children. Still, there has been much work to document the subtle ways in which parents in various cultures interact with their children. Outlined in this section is research pertaining to cross-cultural differences in parent-child interactions, with a focus on parental behaviors. These differences, as Keller (2006) suggests, are reflective of different parenting “ethnotheories,” which comprise a system of attitudes, beliefs, and cognitions regarding a prototypical, ideal caregiver that is shaped by the parent’s own interactions with their sociocultural context. Associated with these parenting ethnotheories are particular socialization goals, which define the types of behaviours that parents wish their children to develop and exhibit as members of society. Indeed, research to date has outlined two contrasting patterns of parent-child interactions behaviour across cultures. The first, characteristic of mothers from more individualistic cultures, emphasizes the promotion of autonomy and involves the use of distal contact, the treatment of children as separate, causal agents, and an orientation towards the physical environment. The second, characteristic of mothers from more collectivistic cultures, emphasizes the promotion of relatedness and involves the use of proximal contact, the treatment of children as connected, AUTONOMY & RELATEDNESS IN THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD 39 receptive entities, and an orientation towards the social environment. It is important to note, however, that these two patterns of behaviour, while described in binary terms, are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Mothers from any given culture can and do display behaviours from both dimensions (Keller, 2011); however, cross-cultural differences exist in the relative