Regional differences in attitudes toward corporal punishment.

Corporal punishment is deeply rooted in American culture. Strong legal and religious traditions in this country support the use of physical punishment of children by both parents and school officials (Graziano & Kunce, 1992; Graziano & Namaste, 1990; Greven, 1990; Straus, 1991). Given this powerful normative endorsement, it is hardly surprising that the use of corporal punishment by parents is virtually universal in American society. Recent studies have revealed that over 90% of parents have spanked their children (Straus, 1983; Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980; Wauchope & Straus, 1990). Studies using convenience samples of college students have found that more than 90% report being spanked (Bryan & Freed, 1982; Graziano & Namaste, 1990). In the last several years, some observers have begun to question and challenge the value of well-intentioned spankings. It is becoming clearer that negative consequences, both short-and long-term, can result from "ordinary" spanking (McCord, 1988; Straus, 1991). In a series of studies, Straus and his colleagues have linked physical punishment to substance abuse and criminal activity (Straus & Lauer, 1992), low economic achievement (Straus & Gimpel, 1992), and depression and thoughts of suicide (Straus, in press). Despite these negative outcomes, powerful cultural norms make attitudes toward corporal punishment slow to change. Individuals have developed a host of reasons, or "myths," unsupported by the evidence, to justify the hitting of children (Straus, 1992). Yet to what degree do individuals embrace the norm supporting corporal punishment, and what factors influence their attitudes? RESEARCH ON CORPORAL PUNISHMENT ATTITUDES The data indicate that the vast majority of Americans favor the physical punishment of children. In 1986, a National Opinion Research Center survey found that 84% of Americans either agreed or strongly agreed that "it is sometimes necessary to discipline a child with a good, hard spanking" (Straus, 1991). Adults' support of spanking is not limited to young children. Older children are also viewed as suitable targets for hitting. In the first National Family Violence Survey, Straus et al. (1980) found that between 70% and 77% of respondents believed that spanking or slapping a 12-year-old child was at least somewhat necessary, normal, and good. Even well-educated professionals express support for the physical punishment of children. In a study of 619 Ohio family physicians and pediatricians, McCormick (1992) found that 67% favored giving children a "mild spanking. " Seventy percent of family physicians agreed with corporal punishment, compared with 59% of pediatricians. Normative support for corporal punishment is established before most individuals become parents. In a study of 679 college freshmen, Graziano and Namaste (1990) found that approximately two-thirds (68.9%) felt that spanking was an effective disciplinary procedure. Nearly half (45.1%) agreed that "children need to be spanked to teach discipline. " Further, over 80% of these students believed that parents should have the right to spank (94.9) and that they would spank their own children (82.7%). Deley (1988) compared the experiences with and attitudes toward spanking of American college students with college students in Sweden. (In 1979, Sweden enacted legislation prohibiting the use of physical punishment by parents. The law carries no penalty, as its primary purpose is to establish a cultural norm against spanking.) In addition to receiving corporal punishment more frequently than the Swedes, Americans were more likely to believe in spanking than their Swedish counterparts--62.3% compared with 28.6% for males and 60.4% compared with 18.9 for females. Further, when asked if they would support a law, similar to the one in Sweden, that would prohibit parents from hitting children at all, only 22.2% of American males and 30. …