Host community acculturation expectations toward immigrant groups; an evaluation of theoretical models, perspectives, and factors encouraging the development of multicultural societies

The ability of immigrants to integrate into a new society is dependent on a number of factors including the strength of an immigrant's ethnic identity, willingness of the immigrant to accept the beliefs, values, and cultural practices ofthe host society, and attitudes of members of the host society toward immigrants. This paper reviews research on attitudes toward immigration, in relation to theoretical approaches including Berry's (2003) model of acculturation expectations. Factors discussed throughout this review as contributing to host community acceptance of immigrants include cultural awareness and understanding, preconceived misconceptions and stereotypes, and perceptions ofthreat to resources and quality of life. Existing research literature has depicted the existence of an ethnic hierarchy, which pm1rays a preference by host community members for particular immigrant groups over others. The presence of this hierarchy has been attributed to an ingroup preference for the integration of immigrant groups considered to be more culturally similar to the host community. It is concluded that future research should investigate ways of improving attitudes and subsequent relationships between host community members and immigrants in order to promote policies and practices that strive to establish multicultural societies. Author: Carmen Vakis Supervisor: Dr Justine Dandy Submitted: August, 2008 Acculturation Expectations oflmmigrant Groups 3 Theoretical Models and Perspectives of Host Community Attitudes Toward Immigrants Immigration is a social process that has occurred throughout history, involving the movement of people from one country to another (Stephan, Renfro, Esses, Stephan, & Martin, 2005). The study of immigration has been rooted in many disciplines including anthropology, political science, sociology, and psychology (Berry, 2001). A focus on immigration within psychological research has contributed to policy development and management of intergroup relations between the host community and immigrant groups in culturally plural societies (Aboud & Levy, 1999). The decision to immigrate is influenced by a variety of factors including employment opportunities, population imbalances, natural disasters, and political unrest (Faist, 2000). Although beneficial to both immigrant and host community group(s), immigration has sometimes been associated with negative attitudes by host community members (Stephan et al., 2005). These attitudes may result in hostility and discrimination toward immigrant group(s) (Stephan, Ybarra, Martinez, Scharzwald, & Tur-Kaspa, 1998). Theoretical models investigating the development of interethnic relations between the dominant host community and immigrant group(s) include those of psychological acculturation, which can be defined as the process where two or more cultural groups experience change in cultural practices as a result of contact experienced between members of each group (Rohmann, Piontkowski, & Randenborgh, 2008). A dominant group refers to the cultural group that has the most economic, political and social power within society (Epenshade & Hempstead, 1996). Two factors have been identified as important when attempting to create positive interethnic relations (between the dominant host community and the immigrant group). These factors are; ethnic identity, which is the immigrant's identification with their cultural heritage, and national identity, which is the identification with the larger or more dominant cultural group in the new society Acculturation Expectations of Immigrant Groups 4 (Rohmann et al., 2008). In highly homogeneous societies this differentiation may not be possible as national identity may also be an ethnic identity (Verkuyten, 2003). Existing research literature has outlined the complexity of host community attitudes toward immigration (Stratton & Ang, 1994). These complexities are believed to arise from factors including socio-economic status, emotional reactions and beliefs related to personality traits and values of immigrants, and perceptions of relative threat that immigrants pose to ingroup members and their quality of life (Callan, 1983). This review critically examines research literature pertaining to dominant host community attitudes toward immigration and factors influencing these attitudes, in order to accentuate gaps and variation within the existing body of research literature. Before critically examining specific factors and theoretical frameworks that influence attitudes toward immigration, including those associated with perceptions of threat, empathy, and adjustment (Esses, Jackson, & Armstrong, 1998), the review identifies common theoretical approaches to examining attitudes toward immigration. The review concludes by providing a summary of research findings, identifying specific areas for future research, and discussing the applications and implications of research findings for creating approaches that encourage positive attitudes toward immigration. Acculturation Acculturation refers to cultural changes that occur when two or more culturally different groups are in continuous first-hand contact with each other (Berry, 1997), resulting in changes of the original cultural patterns of one or both groups (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987). Originally acculturation was identified as a group phenomenon, defined by its ability to change the culture of a group (Graves, 1967). However, through further examination of the concept of acculturation, it was also recognised as an individual phenomenon (Berry et al., 1987), coined psychological Acculturation Expectations of Immigrant Groups 5 acculturation (Graves, 1967). Psychological acculturation was further defined as physical, biological, cultural, social, and behavioural changes in individuals resulting from acculturation of their cultural group (Berry et al., 1987). Early research examining patterns of social adaptation and change between two culturally different groups has predominantly compared acculturation attitudes and behaviours of the dominant host majority with members of a native community group (Berry, 1970; Sommerlad & Berry, 1970). These research studies were conducted before the development of models of acculturation, instead utilising Gordon's (1964) seven sub-processes of assimilation and Jacoby's ( 1962) work on social integration as a facet of assimilation to examine individual attitudes toward social change (Berry 1970; Sommerlad & Berry 1970). The process of integration may be defined as an interaction between the host community and immigrant group that precipitates a change in cultural amalgam without individual loss of cultural identity (London, 1967). Alternatively assimilation is more of a unilateral process, whereby the immigrant group is expected to change their identity, minimising differences between the host community and immigrant group (Sommerlad & Berry, 1970). Gordon (1964) emphasised the complexity of the assimilation process, suggesting that individuals would encounter each ofthe seven sub-processes of assimilation; behavioural, structural, amalgamation through inter-marriage, identification with the host society, absence of prejudice, absence of discrimination, and civic assimilation through absence of power conflict. Individuals were expected to encounter each of the processes of assimilation to varying degrees, depending on factors including interaction with the new cultural group, individual predisposition, and societal influences (Sommerlad & Berry, 1970). According to Gordon (1964), behavioural assimilation refers to the extent that the immigrant group absorbs the cultural practices of the host community. Structural assimilation is defined as an immigrant's ability to assimilate into the Acculturation Expectations of Immigrant Groups 6 structural and occupational structure of the host society. Gordon (1964) believed that once structural assimilation has occurred all other sub-processes would automatically follow. Alternatively, social integration (Jacoby, 1962) emphasised the importance of mutual contact and adjustment between cultural groups in order to avoid loss of cultural identity by individual members of either group (Berry, 1990). Sommerlad and Berry (1970) argued that individuals who confidently identity with their own cultural group were more likely to exhibit favourable attitudes toward integration. Conversely, individuals who identity better with the dominant host society were expected to exhibit favourable attitudes toward assimilation (Sommerlad & Berry, 1970). To examine both the attitudes and personal identity of ethnic group(s), Sommerlad and Berry (1970) administered an identification questionnaire to a group of 110 Indigenous Australians from both urban and rural communities. The results of Sommerlad and Berry's (1970) research study were consistent with their hypotheses, depicting a negative correlation between both identification and assimilation and identification and integration. Sommerlad and Berry (1970) concluded that Indigenous Australians favouring assimilation depicted a greater desire for acculturation and absorption into the dominant community through amalgamation than those who favoured integration. It is this initial research study that contributed to the development of Berry et al's. (1987) model of acculturation expectations (Berry, 1970; Sommerlad & Berry, 1970). This model was developed to examine the extent that assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalisation would interact and affect acculturation expectations of both minority and dominant cultural groups, accounting for individual differences affecting people's reactions toward the acculturation process (Berry, Trimble, & Olmeda, 1986). Acculturation Expectations oflmmigrant Groups 7 Acculturation Expectations According to Berry's (1974) approach, there are two main dimensions, termed acculturation strategies, which determine how individuals belonging t