An Investigation into the Fear of Crime: Is there a Link between the Fear of Crime and the Likelihood of Victimisation?

The fear of crime has received an unprecedented amount of attention in the form of research in recent times; however there is a great deal which remains unknown and unanswered. The purpose of this dissertation is to attempt to extensively analyse existing research into the fear of crime, and to uncover new ideas and trends concerning fear and victimisation. In particular, the relationship between fear of crime and likelihood of victimisation is investigated. Many interesting findings emerged from this research, although some results are contradictory. The elderly, for example, were discovered to be generally more fearful than younger adults due to their feelings of isolation and vulnerability. However, research occasionally suggested otherwise; that the elderly were less fearful since they knew their likelihood of victimisation was lower than younger people. Ultimately, the research consulted provides little evidence to suggest that there is a link between fear of crime and the likelihood of victimisation. Fear can be induced by a variety of factors and circumstances and may not necessarily be purely a consequence of one socio-demographic variable. In other words, it is wrong to assume that all women are fearful of crime due to their gender. The impact of fear of crime on lifestyle can be both positive and negative: an individual s likelihood of becoming a victim will be affected by a variety of factors, some of which are almost impossible to quantify. This is a challenge to be addressed in future research. 1 Tom Wynne was a student at the Division of Criminology, Public Health and Policy Studies BA (Hons) Criminology, Nottingham Trent University, Internet Journal of Criminology © 2008 www.internetjournalofcriminology. com 2 Chapter 1: Introduction This dissertation concentrates on the complicated global phenomenon known as the fear of crime . The possibility that an individual s fear of crime can impact on their chances of being victimised is also subject to substantive analysis throughout this research. Aristotle (cited in Kennedy, 1991: 141) suggests that the state of mind of those who fear is accompanied by an expectation of experiencing some destructive misfortune . This may explain both the fear of a negative experience, such as victimisation, or even phobias. Aristotle defines fear as a sort of pain or agitation derived from the imagination of a future destructive of painful evil (ibid) and Alison (2005: 214) argues that the potential to avoid aversive conditions bears a close relationship to negative reinforcement . The issues of fear association and negative reinforcement are discussed in Chapter 3. Fear, according to Ditton et al (1999: 83), is a term encompassing a confusing variety of feelings, perspectives, risk-estimations, and thus means different things to different people . Crime is an inevitable feature of civilization. Durkheim (cited in Ferraro, 1995: 1) suggests that crime is normal because a society exempt from it is utterly impossible . Fear is merely a natural response to crime. Lee (2007: 1) argues that over the past four decades the fear of crime has become an increasingly significant concern for criminologists, victimologists, policy-makers, politicians, policing organisations, the media and the general public . Lee emphasises the emergence of the fear of crime by suggesting that there has been an extraordinary proliferation of research and literature in the field (ibid). This proliferation is also highlighted by Crawford (cited in Newburn, 2003: 139) who suggests that since the 1970s crime and the fear of crime have come to occupy a new salience within everyday life . It has been suggested by Walklate (2007: 88) that the growth in sensitivity to the fear of crime parallels the growth in sensitivity to the victim of crime more generally . She also implies that this growth was boosted by media coverage of muggings in the early 1970s, and that rising recorded crime rates throughout this decade contributed to the introduction of the British Crime Survey (BCS) in 1982. Karmen (2004: 7) suggests that in the past, the lion s share of (media) coverage was devoted to offenders , whereas now accounts are more balanced ; allowing nonvictims to better understand and empathise with the actions and reactions of victims . The considerable attention given to fear of crime by researchers over the last two decades is a result of attempts to identify why certain social categories have reported levels of fear higher than others (Ferraro, 1995). The central aim of this research is to identify whether or not there is a genuine link between fear of crime and the likelihood of victimisation, thus to fully address such a principal issue, several factors must be examined; firstly, what is meant by the term fear of crime and how should it be defined? The second research objective involves examining the use of theoretical approaches by criminologists, and how such perceptions have been utilised to explain fear of crime. Victimisation itself is then evaluated, along with socio-demographic variables within victimisation, such as gender, age, locality, social class, and race, and potential patterns are acknowledged and explored further. What influences an individuals perceived likelihood of victimisation and is there a link? This concluding and ultimately most significant research objective is answered in the analysis section of the report. Internet Journal of Criminology © 2008 www.internetjournalofcriminology. com 3 Fear of crime has become very salient in both politics and the media (Vanderveen, 2006: 9) thus fear of crime is now a socially relevant issue (ibid) as opinions and concerns regarding crime and deviant behaviour are prominent in social life (ibid), therefore justifying the need for further research on the issue. Much of Vanderveen s work is cited throughout and it must be stated that it is largely based on research from The Netherlands. Although this dissertation is predominantly based on and considered relevant to the UK, a range of literature published abroad is also included. It is perhaps inevitable that crimes which impact immediately on individuals (such as robbery and burglary) engender greater levels of fear than larger-scale and longer-term crimes. Crimes such as mis-sold pension plans, the dumping of sewage and chemicals into rivers and the sale of under-tested pharmaceuticals to developing nations all have a significant aggregate impact on society but are unlikely to provoke as much fear in individuals (Kershaw et al, 2000). To date there appears to be no universally accepted definition for the fear of crime and it is this very lack of certainty which has prompted a variety of authors to propose their own suggestions. Vanderveen (2006: 4) cites two contrasting definitions. The first, provided by Conklin (1971) defines fear of crime as the sense of personal security in the community . A subsequent proposal from Covington & Taylor (1991) suggests it is the emotional response to possible violent crime and physical harm , whilst Ferraro & LaGrange (1987, 1992, cited in Ferraro, 1995: 4) suggest that fear of crime is an emotional response of dread or anxiety to crime or symbols that a person associates with crime . Such variances in descriptions highlight the difficulty surrounding the subjective nature of the notion; however, this research attempts to provide a rational and coherent account of the phenomenon and its significance to the discipline of criminology. The dissertation is divided into six chapters as follows: the first two chapters comprise the introduction and methodology. The latter offers an overview of the approach taken to the gathering and analysis of relevant literature, highlighting both the advantages and possible disadvantages relating to secondary analysis. The third chapter, Victimisation, explores the perception trends discovered between socio-demographic groups, and explains the nature of research and the influence of victim surveys in fear of crime analysis. Theoretical Explanations, the fourth chapter, offers further accounts of fear of crime and draws upon informal communications with Victim Support to develop arguments. The fifth chapter, Analysis, considers some of the influences behind creating fear of crime, attempts to reduce it and the confusion surrounding how it should be measured. The sixth chapter concludes this research by summarising the key findings and making appropriate recommendations for future research. Internet Journal of Criminology © 2008 www.internetjournalofcriminology. com 4 Chapter 2: Methodology This dissertation references a wide range of secondary data, including journal articles, books, the Internet, research reports and news articles. Secondary data was considered to be the most efficient means of accessing information. A small number of informal communications were, however conducted with Victim Support, in the form of attending ad hoc presentations, in order to acquire evidence to support arguments already formed, as well as to provide possible discussions on contradictory elements and an alternative insight into the area. Before utilising any of the information obtained it was essential to substantiate the agency s willingness for the data to be used in such a manner thus consent was actively sought and gained through a series of follow-up phone calls and emails. This specific data aside, however, the research objectives were predominantly addressed in this dissertation through the acquisition and analysis of secondary data. By far the most widely used framework for analysing qualitative data is Grounded Theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) which Strauss & Corbin (1998: 12) describe as theory that was derived from data, systematically gathered and analysed through the research process. In this method, data collection, analysis, and eventual theory stand in close relationship to one another . Grounded theory was used to analyse much of the