The Level of Relational Self-Construal Moderates the Relationship between Disclosure and Well-Being

The present study was a quasi-experiment studying whether relational self-construal moderates the relationship between dyadic self-disclosure and well-being. Pairs of high or low relationals were randomly assigned to one of two disclosure conditions: closeness-generating or small-talk generating. After the conversation, participants completed well-being measures. It was hypothesized high relationals would experience higher well-being (higher happiness, state selfesteem, positive affect, and life satisfaction, and lower negative affect and loneliness) in a closeness-generating condition than in a small-talk condition. It was predicted low relationals would experience lower well-being (lower happiness, state self-esteem, positive affect, and life satisfaction, and higher negative affect and loneliness) in the closeness-generating condition than in the small-talk condition. Although no support was found for the hypotheses, high relationals rated themselves higher on happiness and positive affect than low relationals. It was also found that those in the closeness-generating condition had higher state self-esteem and life satisfaction ratings than those in the small-talk condition. RELATIONAL SELF-CONSTRUAL AND WELL-BEING 3 The Level of Relational Self-Construal Moderates the Relationship between Disclosure and Well-Being Self-disclosure is essential to all stages of relationship development. In the early stages of a relationship, self-disclosure facilitates gaining information about others, while in established relationships self-disclosure allows for relationship maintenance and the assurance that the needs of others are met (Derlega, Metts, Petronio, & Margulis, 1993). Current research on selfdisclosure has examined its influence on the relationship between the two individuals involved (e.g., Gore, Cross, & Morris, 2006; Sprecher, Treger, Wondra, Hilaire, & Wallpe, 2013), but less research exists on the benefits of self-disclosure to the individual. Because people value their relationships to different extents, does self-disclosure benefit some individuals more than others? Relational Self-Construal Cross-cultural psychologists have established systematic variation across cultures in the extent to which individuals think about themselves in terms of their social world (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). The concepts independent and interdependent self-construal identify the degree to which an individual incorporates aspects of their social world into their understanding of the self (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Western cultures construct more of an independent selfconstrual, whereas Eastern cultures construct more of an interdependent self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Western individuals with an independent self-construal often think of themselves as independent or separate of others and close relationships, valuing individual uniqueness over group memberships (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Those in Eastern cultures with an interdependent self-construal think of themselves as interdependent with their important social roles and situations, therefore incorporating group memberships and close relationships into the idea of the self (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). RELATIONAL SELF-CONSTRUAL AND WELL-BEING 4 Although a majority of individuals within Western cultures have high independent selfconstruals, variation exists among individuals as to the extent of this independence. In particular, Cross, Bacon, and Morris (2000) found people differ in the extent to which they incorporate relationships with others into their self-concept, termed the relational-interdependent self-construal (RISC; also referred to as relational self-construal). The concept of the relational self-construal identifies individuals within independent self-construal cultures who think of themselves as more interdependent or relational (Cross et al., 2000). Individuals with a highly relational self-construal, called high relationals, think of themselves in terms of their relationship with close others (Cross et al., 2000). In Western cultures high relationals incorporate close relationships into their understanding of the self, as opposed to in Eastern cultures individuals with highly interdependent self-construals incorporate group memberships into their understanding of the self (Cross et al., 2000). Close individual relationships with others, such as with a best friend, coworker, or spouse are included in the understanding of the self (self-definition and self-expression) for high relationals because it reinforces their connectedness to others (Cross et al., 2000; Morry & Kito, 2009). Research has shown women score higher on the RISC scale than men (Cross et al., 2000; Cross & Morris, 2003; Gore et al., 2006). A review of literature conducted by Cross and Madson (1997) found women more often describe themselves in terms of their relations to others, whereas men more often describe themselves in terms of their independence from others. It was suggested the gendered social roles experienced by women and men as they grow are influential in how they describe themselves (Cross & Madson, 1997). In U.S. society, women are more frequently expected to be nurturing in raising children, maintaining relationships, and providing social support (Cross & Madson, 1997). RELATIONAL SELF-CONSTRUAL AND WELL-BEING 5 Cross et al. (2000) suggest the cognitive processes of high relationals may be different from those who do not include relationships with others into their self-concept (low relationals). High relationals may integrate the information about close others as self-relevant information. By combining the information about close others with information about the self, high relationals are more attentive to and better remember the information of close individuals, thus allowing high relationals to think and behave in ways which indicate their connectedness and strengthen their close relationships (Cross et al., 2000). It is likely high relationals vicariously experience the emotions of close others because they are more aware of other’s emotions, leading them to experience positive and negative affect to a greater degree (Cross & Madson, 1997). Contrary to high relationals, low relationals separate their relationships from their self-concept. With the separation of relationships and the self, low relationals disclose less of their emotions to others and avoid the spillover of social affect into their personal affect (Cross & Madson, 1997). The motivational processes of high relationals may also differ from low relationals. Positive feelings about the self are likely to surface for high relationals when their goals of developing and maintaining close relationships are reached (Cross et al., 2000; Cross & Madson, 1997). The decisions and social interactions of high relationals, as compared to low relationals, are centered on their obligations and responsiveness to other’s needs (Cross & Madson, 1997). Research has not explicitly determined the relationship between high relationals and the intimacy motive or need for affiliation. Theoretically, it is expected the RISC scale would correlate highly with measures of affiliation, but this relationship may not exist in the reverse (Cross et al., 2000). In other words, a high relational should score high on intimacy or affiliation measures, but an individual who scores high on intimacy or affiliation measures does not necessarily recognize RELATIONAL SELF-CONSTRUAL AND WELL-BEING 6 this motive or incorporate this need into their self-concept, therefore they may not be a high relational (Cross et al., 2000). For low relationals, positive feelings are likely to surface when they feel autonomous and appear separate or better than others, especially in relation to self-defining areas (Cross et al., 2000; Cross & Madson, 1997). Cross and Madson (1997) discuss when the uniqueness or specialness of low relationals’ various behaviors, skills, or attributes are displayed, their selfesteem is often enhanced. As stated earlier, all individuals desire relationships with others, including low relationals. Unlike high relationals, the relationships valued by low relationals center on individualistic goals, providing a gauge allowing the low relationals to recognize where they stand relative to others in domains such as abilities, attributes, and uniqueness (Cross & Madson, 1997). In comparison to low relationals, high relationals work to establish close relationships to maintain positive feelings about themselves and their self-esteem through self-disclosure of feelings and thoughts (Cross & Madson, 1997). Low relationals may feel their self-esteem threatened by interdependent relationships (Cross & Madson, 1997). To avoid self-esteem threats, low relationals may avoid sharing their feelings and thoughts with others and participate in a “descriptive” self-disclosure instead of an “evaluative” disclosure (Morton, 1978). Descriptive self-disclosure consists of the disclosure of private facts about oneself, whereas evaluative self-disclosure consists of one disclosing “personal or intense feelings or judgments” (Morton, 1978). Evidence has shown evaluative self-disclosure is central to the existence of close, intimate relationships (Cross & Madson, 1997). The tendency for low relationals to avoid this type of self-disclosure allows them to avoid a reduction of autonomy and separateness, which occurs during interdependent relationships (Cross & Madson, 1997). RELATIONAL SELF-CONSTRUAL AND WELL-BEING 7 The present study defined one aspect of an individual’s well-being as state self-esteem. Self-esteem “functions as a sociometer that monitors the degree to which the individual is being included versus excluded by other people and motivates the person to behave in ways that minimize the probability of rejection or exclusion,” according to Leary, Tambor, Terdal, and Downs (1995, p. 518). In this sense, self-esteem acts like a fuel gauge measuring the s