The Effects of Bilingualism and Attention on False Memory

In this study, we used a mixed-factor design to investigate the effects of bilingualism and attention on false memory. Monolingual and bilingual participants studied six word lists from the DRM Paradigm (Roediger & McDermott, 1995). For half the lists, participants divided their attention between studying the words and monitoring a number stream. For the other half of the lists, participants studied the words under full attention. After studying the word lists, participants were given a memory test. Results showed a marginally significant main effect of attention on false memory and a significant main effect of attention on true recall, but did not show any significant effects of bilingualism or any significant interactions on either false memory or true recall. This research is important in helping us further our understanding of the costs and benefits of dual-language programs. BILINGUALISM, ATTENTION, & FALSE MEMORY 5 The Effects of Bilingualism and Attention on False Memory Definition of Bilingualism Defining bilingualism is more complex than it appears. There is no single definition for bilingualism, and no standard criteria for proficiency that must be met in order for someone to be considered bilingual. In simplest terms, bilingualism is the ability to speak two (or more) languages. The issue with this definition is controversy over what constitutes a language. According to Bialystok (2001), clearly identifying individual languages is nothing but an illusion. Dialects of the same language, such as Arabic or Chinese, actually have greater differences than do separate languages such as Hindi and Urdu or Dutch and Flemish. Another barrier to defining bilingualism is the lack of agreement about the amount of proficiency needed in each language in order for a person to be bilingual. Bilingualism is not a categorical variable, but rather a scale, with one end of the spectrum signifying no knowledge of another language and the other end signifying fluency in both languages. At what point on this scale would someone be considered bilingual? Most people conceptualize a bilingual as someone who is highly proficient in two languages. Scholars, however, have differing views. On one hand, scholars such as Bloomfield (1933) assert that a bilingual must be fully fluent in both languages, such that they are indistinguishable from native monolingual speakers in either language. On the other hand, psychologists such as Grosjean (1989) argue that a bilingual is never equally fluent in both languages, due to the different circumstances in which they use each one (e.g., speaking one language at home, but reading and writing in another language at school). Rather, a bilingual is someone who is able to function in each language according to the needs of a given circumstance. BILINGUALISM, ATTENTION, & FALSE MEMORY 6 Although language proficiency is often the determining factor in whether or not someone is considered bilingual, language proficiency is difficult to measure. There are no objective tests or simple assessments of language proficiency. In studies involving bilingual children, parental report is frequently the only measure of the children’s competence in each language. Many studies utilize functional fluency as the criteria for bilingual participants. Although bilinguals’ proficiency in their first language may not be equivalent to their second, their functional proficiency is the same: they can carry on conversations and perform the same activities in both languages. This measurement may be vague, but it acknowledges that fluency is comprised of numerous factors, and it may be the best measurement of proficiency researchers can use, given that more rigorous proficiency testing is not always feasible (Bialystok 2001). Language Use in the United States The American Community Survey (ACS), which is administered each year, is currently the principal source of data on language use in the United States. Of the 291.5 million people ages 5 and over for which data was collected in the 2011 ACS, 60.6 million (21%) spoke a language other than English (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). The Census Bureau has identified 381 languages, which they have categorized into four major groups: Spanish, which includes Spanish Creole; Other Indo-European languages, such as German, French, Russian, and Hindi; Asian and Pacific Island languages, including Chinese, Tagalog, and Tamil; and All Other languages, such as Arabic, Hebrew, and the indigenous languages of Central and South America. The most common second languages spoken in the U.S. were: Spanish (62%), Chinese (4.8%), Tagalog (2.6%), Vietnamese (2.3%), and French (2.1%). BILINGUALISM, ATTENTION, & FALSE MEMORY 7 Developmental Differences Between Bilinguals and Monolinguals Bilinguals and monolinguals have been shown to have different patterns of development in both verbal and nonverbal areas. Research has shown that bilinguals have an advantage over monolinguals in areas such as word awareness (Ben-Zeev, 1977; Feldman & Shen, 1971), syntactic awareness (Galambos & Hakuta, 1988), and creativity and problem-solving (Kessler & Quinn, 1980, 1987; Ricciardelli, 1992). Research has also shown certain disadvantages of bilingualism, particularly in terms of vocabulary (e.g., Doyle, Champagne, & Segalowitz, 1978). This may be because learning vocabulary requires more intentional effort, which poses no problem when there is only one language involved, but may be much more difficult to maintain at the same level for two languages (Bialystok, 2001). Bilingualism and Attention Bialystok (1999) assessed cognitive complexity and attentional control in bilingual and monolingual preschool children. The children completed two tasks: the moving word task and the dimensional change card sort task. In the moving word task, children are shown two pictures of common objects such as a tree and a car. A card with the name of one of the objects printed on it is brought out, the children are told what the card says (they cannot yet read independently), the card is placed under the corresponding picture, and the children are asked an introductory question about what the card says. The children’s attention is diverted and the card is placed under the wrong picture. The children are asked what the card says (inconsistent question). The children’s attention is diverted again, the card is placed back under the correct picture, and the child is again asked what the card says (consistent question). This sequence was presented three times. Children received a point for each question they answered correctly, getting a total score out of three for each of the introductory, inconsistent, and consistent questions. BILINGUALISM, ATTENTION, & FALSE MEMORY 8 In the dimensional change card sort task, children are asked to sort a set of cards into two groups based on a feature of the items on the cards, then are asked to sort the same cards again using a different feature. The set of cards used in this study showed circles and squares that were either red or blue. In the first phase of this task, children sorted the cards by color. In the second phase, the cards were sorted by shape. The results showed a bilingual advantage for both the moving word task and the dimensional change card sort task. Both of these tasks present children with a situation in which there is conflicting information, and in which they must pay attention only to the relevant information in order to perform the task correctly. Since bilinguals outperformed the monolinguals on both tasks, this shows that bilinguals have better attentional control than monolinguals. Bialystok & Martin (2004) also used the dimensional change card sort task to examine attention and inhibition in bilingual children. Their study consisted of three different experiments. The first experiment showed that bilinguals outperformed monolinguals on versions of the task that had moderate representational demands. The second and third experiments showed that bilinguals performed better than monolinguals when the target dimensions were perceptual features of the items. The researchers concluded that bilinguals have better inhibitory control and are better able to ignore irrelevant perceptual information, confirming the results of Bialystok’s (1999) original study. Carlson & Meltzoff (2008) looked at bilingual experience and executive functioning in children. They compared 50 kindergarten children who were native Spanish-English bilinguals, monolingual English speakers, and English speakers enrolled in second-language immersion kindergarten. The children were administered a battery of tasks assessing executive functioning, BILINGUALISM, ATTENTION, & FALSE MEMORY 9 including the Dimensional Change Card Sort Task, Simon Says, Visually Cued Recall, Kansas Reflection/Impulsivity Scale, Comprehensive Test of Nonverbal Intelligence, Attention Network Test, and Delay of Gratification. Results showed that the native bilinguals performed better on all tasks than both the monolinguals and the immersion children. The advantage was particularly significant for the Dimensional Change Card Sort Task and Attention Network Test where managing conflicting attentional demands is vital to the successful completion of the task. Kapa & Colombo (2013) investigated attentional control in monolingual and bilingual children. Participants were 22 monolinguals, 21 early Spanish-English bilinguals (who had learned both languages by age 3), and 36 later Spanish-English bilinguals (who had learned both languages after age 3). Participants completed a variety of tasks, including the Forward Digit Span Task, the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test-III, and the Attention Network Test (ANT). The ANT was adapted for use in children. In a typical ANT, adults are shown a series of arrows and are asked to indicate the direction of the target arrow. Attentional inhibition is not necessary on congruent trials where all the arrows are p