Addressing Child Support in Fatherhood Programs: Perspectives of Fathers and Service Providers

Twenty-four million children in the United States, including two-thirds of all African American children, live apart from their biological fathers (Kreider & Ellis, 2011). The role that nonresident fathers play in their children's lives may vary considerably (Adamsons & Johnson, 2013), but federal policy is clear that once paternity is established, assumption of financial responsibility is expected. For some men, the role of financial provider is mandated through the establishment of a formal child support order. Many fathers, however, face substantial barriers to fulfilling their obligations due to their own financial circumstances (Cancian, Meyer, & Han, 2011; Ha, Cancian, Meyer, & Han, 2008). Men who will not or cannot meet their obligations face legal sanction and many times social disapprobation (Maldonado, 2005). African American fathers have in particular been labeled as financially irresponsible and uninvolved, leading to their characterization as ? deadbeat dads? (Hamer, 2013). However, the perspectives of the men themselves, about the struggles they face or the assistance they need, are seldom examined.Recent policy initiatives have constructed a broader parenting role for noncustodial fathers. This development is important, as evidence suggests that the presence of a nurturing father-child relationship is positively associated with favorable child outcomes, whereas financial contributions may not be (Adamsons & Johnson, 2013). Fatherhood programs in particular have been seen as a means of promoting financial responsibility among low-income men, as well as encouraging other forms of positive father involvement (Cowan, Cowan, & Knox, 2010; Martinson & Nightingale, 2008). For example, many programs provide parenting classes, a strategy that is effective in helping fathers to build healthy relationships with their children (Fletcher, Freeman, & Matthey, 2011). The extent to which programs can equip nonresident fathers to develop a nurturing role at the same time as prioritizing compliance with child support orders is, however, debatable (Martinson & Nightingale, 2008). Visible alliances between child support agencies and fatherhood programs may deter men from receiving any services at all (Anderson, Kohler, & Letiecq, 2002). To better understand how low-income African American fathers can be best supported to provide for and nurture their children, this study examines the perceptions that these men and that fatherhood service providers have of the child support system and of its impact on the parenting role. Participants' opinions about how fatherhood services should address child support issues are also explored.BackgroundLow-Income Fathers and Child Support. The central task of the child support system is to ensure that custodial parents have sufficient resources to care for their children. Child support payments have been shown to have some effect in raising the incomes of female-headed households (Ha et al., 2008). This is especially important for the 39% of African American custodial mothers who live in poverty (Grall, 2013). However, about one third of all noncustodial fathers also live in poverty (Child Trends, 2013), and meeting the requirements of a child support order may place a substantial burden on them (Huang, Mincy, & Garfinkel, 2005). The assumption that these fathers remain poor and unable to pay child support by choice is not supported by the evidence. Child support orders are regressive; low-income parents are expected to contribute a higher percentage of their earnings than more prosperous parents. For fathers who struggle with unemployment or underemployment a child support order may demand more of their income than they have to spare (Ha et al., 2008; Sorenesen & Zibman, 2001). African American fathers are disproportionately affected by the social and economic conditions that make adhering to a child support order more difficult. …