Whites and the Active Representation of Racial Minority Interests

Our demographics are becoming more racially diverse, yet we continue to experience persistent racial disparities with indicators of well-being. One way public administrators have responded to these disparities is to increase workforce diversity. Using the theory of active representation (Mosher, 1982), I interviewed 15 White public administrators from three local county human services agencies (urban, suburban, and rural) in Minnesota. The three counties were selected because these counties had experienced more than a 10% demographic change of people of color from 1990-2010. This study looked at the personal and organizational factors that contribute to White public administrators actively representing the interests of racial minorities in local county human services. Data collection comprised of semi-structured face to face interviews. Subjects were screened to ensure they fit the inclusion criteria. This included whether they identified as White, if their work brought them into weekly contact with racial minorities or people of color, and if they were actively engaged in efforts and activities about race. Of those who participated, 10 were female and 5 were male. The average age was 54, and the length of service ranged from 3-33 years. Subjects were asked about their personal background, what it means to be White, and examples of work experiences in which they were actively representing the interests of racial minorities. The variables in this study include personal factors and organization factors that contribute to active representation. Personal factors were racial consciousness, major life events, and significant relationships with people of color. Organizational factors were a diverse and inclusive work environment, bureaucracy, legal and compliance issues, and supervisor support. A combination of these factors was analyzed for their relationship with weak or strong role adoption to represent the interests of racial minorities. The findings suggest that Whites did not have to be racially conscious to actively represent racial minority interests. Patterns of active representation fell into three types: deliberate, partial, and conformist. Overall, White subjects with racial consciousness were more deliberate and effective. I also identified duality to organizational factors; factors could be facilitative or limiting. Three new factors emerged: supervisor support, leadership engagement, and external factors. Just because White subjects adopted a role to represent racial minority interests, did not mean their self-report behaviors were consistent with their beliefs about what being White means. Seeing solutions to address racial disparities may not be possible without racial consciousness which continues to perpetuate racial disparities. This study is unique in the field because it shifted focus about active representation from a study of people of color to Whites who are in the dominant racial group, and highlighted assumptions in past studies of active representation that challenge previous research findings. In particular, this study addresses the assumption that just because people adopt a role to represent racial minority interest does not mean they are effective in working in ways that benefit racial minorities. Also, organizational factors previously identified only as limitations could actually be facilitative, such as legal and compliance issues. Further work is needed to understand and explore how to link the individual actions of White public administrators to organizational outcomes. Also, there is a need to study other factors that emerged. Primary limitations in this exploratory study included a limited sample size; results cannot be generalized to the entire population of White public administrators in local county government.