Sexual Assault Prevention 1 Running head: DANGEROUS BELIEFS The Identification of Dangerous Sexual Beliefs

Previous research suggests themes of Victim Blame, Machismo, and Equation of Rape with Sex are positively correlated with males’ sexual assault intentions. The current study utilizes an online survey to determine if any of these themes are more likely to be related to males’ intentions to commit sexual assault. 230 participants (79 males, 151 females) completed an online survey regarding rape myths, intent to commit sexual assault, and previous sexual assault experiences. Men who reported some intent were significantly more likely to hold beliefs of Victim Blame, Machismo, and Equation of Rape with Sex than men who report no intention (p<.05). These results suggest that all of the examined themes are essential to address in maledirected sexual assault prevention programs. Sexual Assault Prevention 3 The Identification of Dangerous Sexual Beliefs Sexual assault is often viewed as a women’s issue rather than an issue for men or society as a whole. According to this view, rape is a psychological and physical complication the female must deal with on her own. Yet the belief that rape is an issue for only one gender is unrealistic when viewed in the light of the fact that 99% of sexual assault perpetrators are males and 90% of victims are females (Greenfield, 1997). These statistics clearly show that rape is an issue in which both genders are involved. Prevention of sexual assault has previously focused on educating females to avoid dangerous situations, wear conservative clothing, and always use the buddy system (Warshaw, 1994). Yet placing the responsibility of sexual assault prevention on the victims does nothing to reduce attempted sexual assault and dangerous erroneous beliefs that may contribute to the crime. Several studies have shown that many perpetrators of sexual assault subscribe to false beliefs regarding the psychological and social trauma inflicted on victims of sexual assault (Foubert, Garner, & Thaxter, 2006; Hamilton & Yee, 1990; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; Schewe & O’Donohue, 1993). Burt (1980) and numerous subsequent studies have identified specific rape myths, defined as “prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists” (p. 217), that demonstrate positive correlations with likelihood of committing sexual assault. Thus, this crime may be more effectively prevented through the education of potential perpetrators rather than potential victims because it may often occur due to the perpetrator’s dangerous beliefs in spite of the victim’s vigilance. Costs of Sexual Assault The individual and social consequences of sexual assault are severe. A study conducted by a psychiatric nurse, Ann Burgess, and sociologist, Lynda Holmstrom (1972, as cited in Herman, 1997) observed severe and averse reactions in rape victims, later termed “rape trauma Sexual Assault Prevention 4 syndrome. ” Rape trauma syndrome often consists of reactions such as insomnia, sleeping disturbances, and even dissociative disorders. Following the traumatic experience of rape, a victim may begin to doubt her senses of trust and control. Feelings of insecurity and doubt infiltrate the victim’s personal relationships and affect a victim’s relationship with her spouse, children, and friends. These feelings of helplessness and confusion may be intensified in sexual assault cases in which the victim had a previous relationship with the perpetrator (Herman,1997). A comprehensive study (Michael, Gagnon, Laumann, & Kolata, 1994) on the sexual life of 3,432 Americans found that 96% of women who reported experiencing sexual assault said they knew their attacker. In addition to its effect on victims, sexual assault creates an atmosphere of fear for women in contexts such as dating and parties where they are warned rape may occur. In summary the social and psychological consequences of sexual assault have a devastating impact on both victims and non-victims in American society. Rape Culture Boswell and Spade (1996) define rape culture as “a set of values and beliefs that provide an environment conducive to rape. ” Certain aspects within our society promote a rape culture in which women are viewed not as individual humans, but rather faceless objects used for an established goal (e.g. sexual pleasure) rather than an emotional attachment or personal relationship. This culture is perpetuated through television shows that have men discussing the physical features of the women they “scored” with the night before. Commercials contribute by using feminine features as objects such as alcohol bottles and other consumable goods. The prevalence of these dehumanizing portrayals of females in our culture suggest that many individuals may view woman as objects to be used, enjoyed, and replaced. Even if men within such a culture do not personally intend to commit rape, they may hold attitudes that contribute to Sexual Assault Prevention 5 a climate in which rape is not stigmatized. Previous studies have found that male fraternity members report higher greater intentions to commit sexual assault than non-fraternity men report, possibly due to an effect of living in a rape culture in which sex is a goal and women are simply the means (Garrett-Gooding & Senter, 1987; Martin & Hummer, 1989). A study conducted by Capadli, Dishion, Stoolmiller, and Yoerger (2001) suggests that male aggression towards women can be partially explained by mere exposure to and engagement in hostile and derogatory talk about women. Reinforcement of these discussions, through social acceptance within one’s peer group, may lead to increased levels of machismo, in which men view themselves as physically, intellectually, and socially dominant to women. As this pattern continues to escalate, dangerous behaviors in regards to forced sexual assault may quickly become excused -and even encouraged -within certain social groups. When a woman becomes a victim of sexual assault in a rape culture, individuals often look to support their “just world bias” by suggesting that the woman responsible for the rape due to the clothes she was wearing, her promiscuous past, or by building the man’s sexual appetite without intending to follow through on her behaviors (Abbey, McAuslan, & Ross, 1998; Abrams, Viki, Masser, & Bohner, 2003; Jones & Aronson, 1973; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; Smith, Keating, Hester, & Mitchell, 1976). This tendency to blame the victim not dismisses the serious psychological and physical damage done to victim, but may also contribute to severe levels of guilt in the victim. Rather than seek help in recovering from her traumatic experience, a victim may internalize the anger and pain that she feels and thus experience a dangerous spiral of self-disgust. Subsequent victims of sexual assault will see the condemnation that outspoken survivors may experience, and in turn decide to remain quiet and not report the rape or seek treatment. These dangerous behaviors contribute to a cycle in which victims remain quiet and Sexual Assault Prevention 6 sexual assault offenders may continue to violate women without fear of repercussion. Burt’s Rape Myth Acceptance scale (1980) measures some of these beliefs through questions such as, “In the majority of rapes, the victim is promiscuous or has a bad reputation” and “Many women have an unconscious wish to be raped; and may then unconsciously set up a situation in which they are likely to be raped” (223). Research by Burt and Albin (1981) suggests high levels of rape myth acceptance correlate with limited definitions of rape, and thus support rape behaviors. If an individual believes that rape is only defined as an unknown male demonstrating physical violence in order to achieve vaginal penetration, he may be much more likely to engage in relatively less coercive behaviors to force an acquaintance to engage in sexual contact because he does not view his behavior as rape. In addition, a man may believe that rape is simply sex with an increase in physical force. Such a view demeans the act of rape to a purely physical experience that is neither psychologically or emotionally damaging. It is through the acceptance of such restricted definitions of rape that men may perpetrate rape without understanding and acknowledging the severity of their behaviors. Prevalence of Sexual Assault The need for sexual assault prevention programs is apparent when one notes that in the year 2002, over 95,000 cases of sexual assault were reported (Kilpatrick & Ruggiero, 2004). Even with such a high number, it is important to note that for every rape reported, three to ten rapes go unreported (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987). College-aged women are at a particularly higher risk than older women for experiencing sexual assault, with the number one targeted population being women ages 16 to 19 years old, and the second highest being 20 to 24 years old (Bureau of Justice, 1984). In a study conducted by Koss, Gidycz, and Wisniewski (1987) one in four college women reported experiencing sexual assault since the age of fourteen. Sexual Assault Prevention 7 While critics have questioned defining the specific behaviors described in the study’s scale as rape, the use of any force, either verbal or physical, to obtain sexual gratification at the expense of another human being is a destructive behavior no matter what label it receives. The same study suggests that neither the size of the higher education institution, nor the size of the surrounding area, play a role in the prevalence of rape among college students. These findings emphasize the need for sexual assault prevention programs on campuses of all sizes. The concept of men as sexual assault perpetrators is not merely a gender stereotype. Research conducted by Muehlenhard and Linton (1987) has shown 78% of college women surveyed reported experiencing sexual assault during their college years. In comparison, only 57% of college men reported committing sexual assault. The argument could be made that the