Middle-school girls' reports of peer victimization: concerns, consequences, and implications

Recent research regarding youth victimization suggests that bullying by peers is a common experience during adolescence (Cash, 1995; Crick & Grotpeter, 1996; Hoover, Oliver, & Hazler, 1992; Olweus, 1994). Peer victimization (also referred to in the literature as bullying and teasing) has been described as an unprovoked attack that causes hurt of a psychological, social, or physical nature (Smith, 1991). These behaviors have social, academic, and psychological consequences that impact the well being of both the victim and the bully (Crick & Grotpeter, 1996; Grilo, Wifley, Brownell, & Rodin, 1994; Hazler, Hoover, & Oliver, 1992; Salmivalli, Kaukiainen, Kaistaniemi, & Lagerspetz, 1999; Shapiro, Baumeister, & Kessler, 1991; Sharp, 1996). In addition, bullying has negative impact on the overall school climate (Roberts & Coursol, 1996). Most middle-- school children report having experienced victimization, with attacks happening more frequently at school than elsewhere (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997). School counselors have an obligation to assess whether bullying is a problem for their students, to intervene appropriately, and to be proactive in preventing bullying behavior (Smith, 1991). As many as 81% of school-aged males and 72% of school-aged females report having been bullied, with younger children (i.e., ages 10 to 13) experiencing greater levels of victimizing behavior (Cash, 1995; Hazier et al., 1992). Most research has focused on severe physical attacks such as threatening bodily harm or weapons, with fewer studies of nonphysical or less severe types of attacks like mocking or social isolation (Bosworth, Espelage, & Simon, 1999; Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Crick, Bigbee, & Howe, 1996; Olweus, 1994). Boys identify being the aggressor more often than do girls, in particular for overtly aggressive behaviors such as kicking or hitting (Shapiro et al., 1991). Some authors have suggested that girls engage as frequently in aggressive behaviors as boys, but that girls use more covert forms of aggression such as telling lies about or socially isolating a peer (Bosworth et al., 1999; Clarke & Kiselica, 1997; Shapiro et al., 1991). Crick and Grotpeter (1996) found that both boys and girls report similar levels of victimization; however, boys report significantly more overt victimization than do girls, and girls report significantly more relational victimization or socially hurtful behaviors than do boys (Crick, Casas, & Ku, 1999; Crick & Grotpeter, 1995). One developmental explanation for girls reporting higher levels of relational victimization may be the relative importance girls place on social relationships as compared to boys. Adolescent girls tend to be more relational and invest a tremendous amount of energy into social comparisons and peer acceptance (Gilligan, 1982; Harter, 1990; Steiner-Adair, 1986). Relying more heavily on peer feedback to inform their self-worth, adolescent girls may be particularly susceptible to both the impressions of others regarding physical appearance or attractiveness and to being accepted as part of a social network. Feeling marginalized for being different or not being accepted by peers may be particularly hurtful for them. Because they may be more aware of these relational vulnerabilities, adolescent girls may be more adept at strategies that target social relationships. As these strategies are somewhat covert, there is a risk that they are more difficult for outsiders to observe. One risk is that less severe or more covert tactics found in relational aggression may go unnoticed by adults or be mistaken as "typical" adolescent behavior. One study indicated that middle-school students tended not to report bullying behaviors because they did not believe that reporting would resolve the bullying (Clarke & Kiselica, 1997). When perceived victimization goes unnoticed, students are less likely to feel safe in their schools. …