MikhailT/lj-speech huggingface dataset:
The employer who turns away from impartial agencies of peace,
who denies freedom of organization to his employees, or fails to make every reasonable effort at a peaceful solution of their differences,
is not fully supporting the recovery effort of his government.
The workers who turn away from these same impartial agencies and decline to use their good offices to gain their ends
are likewise not fully cooperating with their government.
It is time that we made a clean-cut effort to bring about that united action of management and labor,
which is one of the high purposes of the Recovery Act.
We have passed through more than a year of education.
Step by step we have created all the government agencies necessary to insure, as a general rule, industrial peace,
with justice for all those willing to use these agencies whenever their voluntary bargaining fails to produce a necessary agreement.
There should be at least a full and fair trial given to these means of ending industrial warfare;
and in such an effort we should be able to secure for employers and employees and consumers
the benefits that all derive from the continuous, peaceful operation of our essential enterprises.
Accordingly, I propose to confer within the coming month
with small groups of those truly representative of large employers of labor and of large groups of organized labor,
in order to seek their cooperation in establishing what I may describe as a specific trial period of industrial peace.
From those willing to join in establishing this hoped-for period of peace,
I shall seek assurances of the making and maintenance of agreements, which can be mutually relied upon,
under which wages, hours and working conditions
may be determined and any later adjustments shall be made either by agreement or, in case of disagreement,
through the mediation or arbitration of state or federal agencies.
I shall not ask either employers or employees permanently to lay aside the weapons common to industrial war.
But I shall ask both groups to give a fair trial to peaceful methods of adjusting their conflicts of opinion and interest,
and to experiment for a reasonable time with measures suitable to civilize our industrial civilization.
Closely allied to the N.R.A.
is the program of Public Works provided for in the same Act and designed to put more men back to work,
both directly on the public works themselves, and indirectly in the industries supplying the materials for these public works.
To those who say that our expenditures for public works and other means for recovery are a waste that we cannot afford,
I answer that no country, however rich, can afford the waste of its human resources.
Demoralization caused by vast unemployment is our greatest extravagance.
Morally, it is the greatest menace to our social order.
Some people try to tell me that we must make up our minds that for the future we shall permanently have millions of unemployed
just as other countries have had them for over a decade.
What may be necessary for those countries is not my responsibility to determine.
But as for this country, I stand or fall by my refusal to accept as a necessary condition of our future
a permanent army of unemployed.
On the contrary,
we must make it a national principle that we will not tolerate a large army of unemployed and that we will arrange our national economy
to end our present unemployment as soon as we can and then to take wise measures against its return.
I do not want to think that it is the destiny of any American to remain permanently on relief rolls.
Those, fortunately few in number, who are frightened by boldness and cowed by the necessity for making decisions,
complain that all we have done is unnecessary and subject to great risks.
Now that these people are coming out of their storm cellars, they forget that there ever was a storm.
They point to England.
They would have you believe that England has made progress out of her depression by a do-nothing policy, by letting nature take her course.
England has her peculiarities and we have ours
but I do not believe any intelligent observer can accuse England of undue orthodoxy in the present emergency.
Did England let nature take her course? No.
Did England hold to the gold standard when her reserves were threatened?
Has England gone back to the gold standard today?
Did England hesitate to call in ten billion dollars of her war bonds bearing 5 percent interest,
to issue new bonds therefore bearing only 3 and one half percent interest,
thereby saving the British treasury one hundred and fifty million dollars a year in interest alone?
And let it be recorded that the British bankers helped.
Is it not a fact that ever since the year 1909,
Great Britain in many ways has advanced further along lines of social security than the United States?
Is it not a fact that relations between capital and labor on the basis of collective bargaining are much further advanced in Great Britain
than in the United States?
It is perhaps not strange that the conservative British press has told us with pardonable irony
that much of our New Deal program is only an attempt to catch up with English reforms that go back ten years or more.
Nearly all Americans are sensible and calm people.
We do not get greatly excited nor is our peace of mind disturbed, whether we be businessmen or workers or farmers,
by awesome pronouncements concerning the unconstitutionality of some of our measures of recovery and relief and reform.
We are not frightened by reactionary lawyers or political editors.
All of these cries have been heard before.
More than twenty years ago, when Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson were attempting to correct abuses in our national life,
the great Chief Justice White said:
There is great danger it seems to me to arise from the constant habit which prevails where anything is opposed or objected to,
of referring without rhyme or reason to the Constitution as a means of preventing its accomplishment, thus creating the general impression
that the Constitution is but a barrier to progress instead of being the broad highway through which alone true progress may be enjoyed.
In our efforts for recovery
we have avoided on the one hand the theory that business should and must be taken over into an all-embracing government.
We have avoided on the other hand
the equally untenable theory that it is an interference with liberty to offer reasonable help when private enterprise is in need of help.
The course we have followed fits the American practice of government -- a practice of taking action step by step,
of regulating only to meet concrete needs -- a practice of courageous recognition of change.
I believe with Abraham Lincoln, that "The legitimate object of government is to do for a community of people
whatever they need to have done but cannot do at all or cannot do so well for themselves in their separate and individual capacities."
I am not for a return to that definition of liberty under which for many years a free people were being gradually regimented
into the service of the privileged few.
I prefer and I am sure you prefer that broader definition of liberty under which we are moving forward to greater freedom,
to greater security for the average man than he has ever known before in the history of America.
The Fireside Chats of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, by Franklin D Roosevelt, Section 7.
April 28, 1935.
Since my annual message to the Congress on January fourth, last, I have not addressed the general public over the air.
In the many weeks since that time the Congress has devoted itself to the arduous task of formulating legislation necessary to the country's welfare.
It has made and is making distinct progress.
Before I come to any of the specific measures, however, I want to leave in your minds one clear fact.
The administration and the Congress are not proceeding in any haphazard fashion in this task of government.
Each of our steps has a definite relationship to every other step.
The job of creating a program for the nation's welfare is, in some respects, like the building of a ship.
At different points on the coast where I often visit they build great seagoing ships.
When one of these ships is under construction and the steel frames have been set in the keel,
it is difficult for a person who does not know ships to tell how it will finally look when it is sailing the high seas.
It may seem confused to some, but out of the multitude of detailed parts that go into the making of the structure
the creation of a useful instrument for man ultimately comes.
It is that way with the making of a national policy. The objective of the nation has greatly changed in three years
Before that time individual self- interest and group selfishness were paramount in public thinking.
The general good was at a discount.
Three years of hard thinking have changed the picture.
More and more people,
cause of clearer thinking and a better understanding, are considering the whole rather than a mere part relating to one section or to one crop,
or to one industry, or to an individual private occupation.
That is a tremendous gain for the principles of democracy.
The overwhelming majority of people in this country know how to sift the wheat from the chaff in what they hear and what they read.
They know that the process of the constructive rebuilding of America cannot be done in a day or a year,
but that it is being done in spite of the few who seek to confuse them and to profit by their confusion.
Americans as a whole are feeling a lot better -- a lot more cheerful than for many, many years.
The most difficult place in the world to get a clear open perspective of the country as a whole is Washington.
I am reminded sometimes of what President Wilson once said:
So many people come to Washington who know things that are not so,
and so few people who know anything about what the people of the United States are thinking about.
That is why I occasionally leave this scene of action for a few days
to go fishing or back home to Hyde Park, so that I can have a chance to think quietly about the country as a whole.
"To get away from the trees", as they say, "and to look at the whole forest."
This duty of seeing the country in a long-range perspective
is one which, in a very special manner, attaches to this office to which you have chosen me.
Did you ever stop to think that there are, after all, only two positions in the nation
that are filled by the vote of all of the voters -- the President and the Vice-President?
That makes it particularly necessary for the Vice- President and for me to conceive of our duty toward the entire country.
I speak, therefore, tonight, to and of the American people as a whole.
My most immediate concern is in carrying out the purposes of the great work program just enacted by the Congress.
Its first objective is to put men and women now on the relief rolls to work and, incidentally,
to assist materially in our already unmistakable march toward recovery.
I shall not confuse my discussion by a multitude of figures. So many figures are quoted to prove so many things.
Sometimes it depends upon what paper you read and what broadcast you hear.
Therefore, let us keep our minds on two or three simple, essential facts in connection with this problem of unemployment.
It is true that while business and industry are definitely better our relief rolls are still too large.
However, for the first time in five years the relief rolls have declined instead of increased during the winter months.
They are still declining.
The simple fact is that many million more people have private work today than two years ago today or one year ago today,
and every day that passes offers more chances to work for those who want to work.
In spite of the fact that unemployment remains a serious problem
here as in every other nation, we have come to recognize the possibility and the necessity of certain helpful remedial measures.
These measures are of two kinds.
The first is to make provisions intended to relieve, to minimize, and to prevent future unemployment;
the second is to establish the practical means to help those who are unemployed in this present emergency.
Our social security legislation is an attempt to answer the first of these questions; our Works Relief program, the second.
The program for social security now pending before the Congress is a necessary part of the future unemployment policy of the government.
While our present and projected expenditures for work relief are wholly within the reasonable limits of our national credit resources,
it is obvious that we cannot continue to create governmental deficits for that purpose year after year.
We must begin now to make provision for the future.
That is why our social security program is an important part of the complete picture.
It proposes, by means of old age pensions,
to help those who have reached the age of retirement to give up their jobs and thus give to the younger generation greater opportunities for work
and to give to all a feeling of security as they look toward old age.
The unemployment insurance part of the legislation
will not only help to guard the individual in future periods of lay-off against dependence upon relief,
but it will, by sustaining purchasing power, cushion the shock of economic distress.
Another helpful feature of unemployment insurance is the incentive it will give to employers to plan more carefully
in order that unemployment may be prevented by the stabilizing of employment itself.
Provisions for social security, however, are protections for the future.
Our responsibility for the immediate necessities of the unemployed has been met by the Congress
through the most comprehensive work plan in the history of the nation.
Our problem is to put to work three and one-half million employable persons now on the relief rolls.
It is a problem quite as much for private industry as for the government.
We are losing no time getting the government's vast work relief program underway,
and we have every reason to believe that it should be in full swing by autumn.
In directing it, I shall recognize six fundamental principles:
1. The projects should be useful.
Projects shall be of a nature that a considerable proportion of the money spent will go into wages for labor.
Projects will be sought which promise ultimate return to the federal treasury of a considerable proportion of the costs.
Funds allotted for each project should be actually and promptly spent and not held over until later years.
In all cases projects must be of a character to give employment to those on the relief rolls.
6. Projects will be allocated to localities or relief areas in relation to the number of workers on relief rolls in those areas.
I next want to make it clear exactly how we shall direct the work.
I have set up a Division of Applications and Information
to which all proposals for the expenditure of money must go for preliminary study and consideration.
After the Division of Applications and Information has sifted those projects,
they will be sent to an Allotment Division composed of representatives of the more important governmental agencies
charged with carrying on work relief projects.
The group will also include representatives of cities, and of labor, farming, banking and industry.
This Allotment Division will consider all of the recommendations submitted to it
and such projects as they approve will be next submitted to the President who under the Act is required to make final allocations.
The next step will be to notify the proper government agency
in whose field the project falls, and also to notify another agency which I am creating -- a Progress Division.
This Division will have the duty of coordinating the purchases of materials and supplies
and of making certain that people who are employed will be taken from the relief rolls.
It will also have the responsibility of determining work payments in various localities,
of making full use of existing employment services and to assist people engaged in relief work
to move as rapidly as possible back into private employment when such employment is available.
Moreover, this Division will be charged with keeping projects moving on schedule.
I have felt it to be essentially wise and prudent to avoid, so far as possible,
the creation of new governmental machinery for supervising this work.
The national government now has at least sixty different agencies with the staff
and the experience and the competence necessary to carry on the two hundred and fifty or three hundred kinds of work that will be undertaken.
These agencies, therefore, will simply be doing on a somewhat enlarged scale the same sort of things that they have been doing.
This will make certain that the largest possible portion of the funds allotted
will be spent for actually creating new work and not for building up expensive overhead organizations here in Washington.
For many months preparations have been under way.
The allotment of funds for desirable projects has already begun.
The key men for the major responsibilities of this great task already have been selected.
I well realize that the country is expecting before this year is out to see the "dirt fly", as they say, in carrying on the work,
and I assure my fellow citizens that no energy will be spared in using these funds effectively
to make a major attack upon the problem of unemployment.
Our responsibility is to all of the people in this country.
This is a great national crusade to destroy enforced idleness which is an enemy of the human spirit
generated by this depression
Our attack upon these enemies must be without stint and without discrimination.
No sectional, no political distinctions can be permitted.
It must, however, be recognized that when an enterprise of this character is extended over more than three thousand counties throughout the nation,
there may be occasional instances of inefficiency, bad management, or misuse of funds.
When cases of this kind occur,
there will be those, of course, who will try to tell you that the exceptional failure is characteristic of the entire endeavor.
It should be remembered that in every big job there are some imperfections.
There are chiselers in every walk of life; there are those in every industry who are guilty of unfair practices;
every profession has its black sheep, but long experience in government has taught me
that the exceptional instances of wrong-doing in government are probably less numerous than in almost every other line of endeavor.
The most effective means of preventing such evils in this Works Relief program will be the eternal vigilance of the American people themselves.
I call upon my fellow citizens everywhere to cooperate with me
in making this the most efficient and the cleanest example of public enterprise the world has ever seen.
It is time to provide a smashing answer for those cynical men who say that a democracy cannot be honest and efficient.
If you will help, this can be done.
I, therefore, hope you will watch the work in every corner of this Nation.
Feel free to criticize. Tell me of instances where work can be done better, or where improper practices prevail.
Neither you nor I want criticism conceived in a purely fault-finding or partisan spirit,
but I am jealous of the right of every citizen to call to the attention of his or her government
examples of how the public money can be more effectively spent for the benefit of the American people.
I now come, my friends, to a part of the remaining business before the Congress.
It has under consideration many measures which provide for the rounding out of the program of economic and social reconstruction
with which we have been concerned for two years.
I can mention only a few of them tonight, but I do not want my mention of specific measures
to be interpreted as lack of interest in or disapproval of many other important proposals that are pending.
The National Industrial Recovery Act expires on the sixteenth of June.
After careful consideration, I have asked the Congress to extend the life of this useful agency of government.
As we have proceeded with the administration of this Act,
we have found from time to time more and more useful ways of promoting its purposes.
No reasonable person wants to abandon our present gains
we must continue to protect children,
to enforce minimum wages, to prevent excessive hours,
to safeguard, define and enforce collective bargaining, and, while retaining fair competition,
to eliminate so far as humanly possible, the kinds of unfair practices by selfish minorities which unfortunately
did more than anything else to bring about the recent collapse of industries.
There is likewise pending before the Congress
legislation to provide for the elimination of unnecessary holding companies in the public utility field.
I consider this legislation a positive recovery measure.
Power production in this country is virtually back to the 1929 peak.
The operating companies in the gas and electric utility field are by and large in good condition, but
under holding company domination the utility industry has long been hopelessly at war within itself and with public sentiment.
By far the greater part of the general decline in utility securities had occurred before I was inaugurated.
The absentee management of unnecessary holding company control
has lost touch with, and has lost the sympathy of, the communities it pretends to serve.
Even more significantly it has given the country as a whole an uneasy apprehension of overconcentrated economic power.
A business that loses the confidence of its customers and the goodwill of the public cannot long continue to be a good risk for the investor.
This legislation will serve the investor by ending the conditions which have caused that lack of confidence and goodwill.
It will put the public utility operating industry on a sound basis for the future,
both in its public relations and in its internal relations.
This legislation will not only in the long run result in providing lower electric and gas rates to the consumer,
but it will protect the actual value and earning power of properties now owned by thousands of investors
who have little protection under the old laws against what used to be called frenzied finance.
It will not destroy values.
Not only business recovery, but the general economic recovery of the nation will be greatly stimulated by the enactment of legislation
designed to improve the status of our transportation agencies.
There is need for legislation providing for the regulation of interstate transportation by buses and trucks,
for the regulation of transportation by water, for the strengthening of our Merchant Marine and Air Transport,
for the strengthening of the Interstate Commerce Commission to enable it to carry out a rounded conception of the national transportation system
in which the benefits of private ownership are retained while the public stake in these important services is protected by the public's government.
Finally, the reestablishment of public confidence in the banks of the nation
is one of the most hopeful results of our efforts as a Nation to reestablish public confidence in private banking.
We all know that private banking actually exists by virtue of the permission of and regulation by the people as a whole,
speaking through their government.
Wise public policy, however, requires not only that banking be safe
but that its resources be most fully utilized in the economic life of the country
To this end it was decided more than twenty years ago
that the government should assume the responsibility of providing a means by which the credit of the nation might be controlled,
not by a few private banking institutions, but by a body with public prestige and authority.
The answer to this demand was the Federal Reserve System.
Twenty years of experience with this system have justified the efforts made to create it,
but these twenty years have shown by experience definite possibilities for improvement.
Certain proposals made to amend the Federal Reserve Act deserve prompt and favorable action by the Congress.
They are a minimum of wise readjustments of our Federal Reserve System in the light of past experience and present needs.
These measures I have mentioned are, in large part, the program which under my constitutional duty I have recommended to the Congress.