thank you greg for the wonderful introduction and amanda and julie and everyone at living future for this amazing gathering it's it's really nice actually to be to be speaking to you near near the end after have already heard from so many exciting speakers who have done so much to name the challenges ahead and i'm able also to take it as a given that you understand the urgency of the need to build a very very different kind of economy if you didn't understand that you wouldn't be engaged in the work that you're doing to try to forge a different relationship between humans and the natural world and between each other in community relationships of reciprocity regeneration and renewal you wouldn't be trying to restore the natural world to health or to build  regenerative communities and you're doing all that already and i thank you for that and it means that i can also skip the usual apocalyptic version portion of of my presentations where you know prove that climate change is happening that it is very very scary and dangerous and we're basically out of time we will just move forward to the most pressing question which is how do we win deep political transformation so that the kinds of living models that you are all forging in your work in your communities can spread at the velocity that is required to keep us all safe and i don't like this phrase we sometimes hear you know how do we take it to scale because i don't think it necessarily has to be big but i do think we can do a lot of we have to do a lot of small and medium size very very quickly right and we don't do that without policy without real political change and so when i look at the equation on the podium in front of me  the genius well i would say the genius is there it's in this room right so it's the challenge has for a very long time has not been about whether or not it is possible technically to do this it's often presented as that kind of challenge right wo will the technology isn't there and so on right well is there right and we know this we know from fantastic researchers like mark jacobson at stanford university that with existing technology we can get to one hundred percent renewables for the entire economy well before mid century which is what we need to do if we're going to keep temperatures below one point five to two degrees which is what we said we were going to do in paris right so the problem is not lack of genius i don't think it is lack of courage although there are issues around courage but i agree that it is more about unleashing the latent courage creating opportunities to express that but i think there is another piece of this equation which is about power which is about how do we build political power because we are up against forces that are actively trying to stop us and often when we talk about sustainability and regenerat economies we forget about the power equation how do we build movements that can win ok so i want to focus on that a little bit and i was thinking about it recently because i was in santa barbara at a conference that was celebrating women in the environment and it was celebrating the particular role that santa barbara played in launching the modern environmental movement so they were talking about how the very first earth day was held ground zero a santa barbara in one thousand nine hundred eighty and that that that earth day which you all know this history you know millions of people participate in these teachings and demonstrations across the country it was this awakening and that led to a series of breakthroughs in legislation that really formed the backbone for environmental law in this country right to the meaningful strengthening of the clean air to species act and it happened very very very very quickly in rapid six or staccato succession in the early one nine hundred seventy s which is an important reminder i think sometimes when we feel overwhelmed by how much change needs to happen and how quickly is that when it does start happening it often happens in this way like a dam breaking and then suddenly things start changing all at once right reminds me of the nelson mandela quote you know it's i always seems impossible until it's done right and and so i was thinking about that and you know and frankly i think the idea that santa barbara launched the environmental movement is slightly problematic and i told them so you know i think it we should probably back to that to the earliest indigenous resistance to colonial land grabbing but just you know for the sake of argument let's say santa barbara did it or did did something very important along the way and if we look at the ingredients for what produced that moment right it wasn't they had a big protest and wanted bunch of laws there was a there was something else that happened a little bit earlier and that has to do oh good i can't see them there it is there we are yeah slide yes so i think you know for for for the younger people in this audience who don't know this history this was an incredibly shocking event right well drilling off the coast of california was already controversial and then there was what at the time was the largest oil spill in american history thousands of birds were killed there were these harrowing images of seals and sea lions and authors coated in oil these beautiful beaches covered in oil cliff covered in oil and the record for the world's largest oil spill has since been surpassed first by acts of the exxon valdez then by the deepwater horizon but it was intensely sort of frog in boiling water theory right we we were shocked we jumped but that leaves out what i think is a very important ingredient in what actually produces deep political change in a culture and that was what was happening before the shock ray so think about the timing of this it's one nine hundred sixty nine it is the end of this decade of of revolutionary thought on so many different fronts right whether it's the counterculture whether it's the civil rights movements whether around the world it is the rise and to colonial movements rising up over overthrowing colonial powers overthrowing dictatorship revolution is in the air everything is on the table people are dreaming in public most notably martin luther king about a vision of radical equality and inclusion but also the counterculture is putting everything on the table questioning everything about industrial society from the nuclear family to the suburbs to the equation of happiness with consumer bubbles  and this eventually led to the limits of growth and questioning the role of growth in at the center of a capitalist economy so the reason and within the environmental context earlier in the decade one hundred sixty two you had the public publication of silent spring which was a deep challenge to a previous era of environmental writing and thinking because rachel carson was not talking about the need to sort of save particular green museums green spaces in which to recreate but really she was challenging this fundamental relationship of humans as conquerors of nature  of nature the whole idea she called them the control men who imagined in her mind with such profound ignorance that they could control the natural world through the with the use of these military tools that had been honed in the second world war right and apply them to the natural world to try to get rid of insects and not realizing the rebound effects that that would have leash so so it was it was really about a paradigm shift right really about challenging what is the role of humans in the natural world and and and you know you could see it as a demotion you could see it as a promotion that we have to live understand that we live in community with one another and with all living beings and and in relationships of reciprocity with the systems upon all life depends so so all of this is happening in the sixty's and then the spill pierces it right and the spill is held up as the ultimate evidence as exhibit a of the madness of this system that would sacrifice all of this life all of this beauty just for short term profits right so that is why the the shock was able to be metabolized in this way you know and i remember when i was covering the deepwater horizon disaster talking to oceanographers who are so frustrated that that so why is that and i think a big part of it was that in the sixty's there was this presence of of dreaming in public of really pushing the envelope and it is worth remembering that the president who passed so many of these laws or under him so many of these laws were passed was not that good guy it was richard nixon a name that's been in the news lately as our pundits search for any kind of precedent for what we're seeing in the white house and the truth is that that nixon though he shared a fair bit in common with trump his duplicit paranoia obstruction the truth is he passed more and better environmental legislation than obama and that is not because he was a better guy i think it confirms what the great late  people's historian howard zinn once wrote that it is less about who is sitting in the white house and who is sitting in in the streets in the cafeterias in the halls of government in the factories who is protesting who  occupying offices and demonstrating those are the things that determine what happens as howard wrote so the political mood in the sixty's and early seventy's was so radical in fact so transformational revolution was in the air that these laws that richard nixon passed were seen as a compromise because the demand for challenging the fundamentals of the economic system those were on the table right so this seemed these were these were moderate reforms in that context because the center had been moved so let's review these ingredients that produced such interesting change you had a period of upheaval unapologetic utopian thought it's punctuated pierced by a painful shock which is held up as exhibit a and you had the existence of a movement before the shock that was already questioning everything and in this volatile indeed revolutionary context meaningful reforms are offered as a compromise so i offer this as a kind of a formula that that we can think about as we as we try to hold on to some hope that it might not be to lay ok but it it shows how heavy a lift it is but it also shows that it's possible and i think if we look at american history we see that in those moments of  progressive transformation these factors have been there most notably in the aftermath of the great market crash of one nine hundred twenty nine where so much of the progressive infrastructure of this country  imperfect right public housing social security unemployment insurance electrification the legacy of the new deal regulation of the banks so much was won in the aftermath of the greatest crisis that capitalism has ever experienced the crash of one hundred twenty nine but what was the context for that well it was a context in which revolution once again was in the air you had a working class that was that was that was talking about socialism that was reading marx that was familiar with the vision of w e b dubois and of the united interracial working class movement that was questioning  the role of work in our lives i mean this is what i find most interesting looking back at the labor movement of the one thousand twenty's and thirty's and you know today the labor movement is all about asking for jobs  this era much of the labor movement was about asking for leisure asking for less work the right to a good life a good quality of life then it was really about that essential question of what is a good life what is happiness what does every human being have a right to so that was the context in which the crash came is held up as evidence of the barbarism of the system right that we could gamble all of our futures on this casino that could crash so spectacularly that you would have stockbrokers jumping out of windows and millions of people losing their homes and their farms and tent cities in central park and so on there was then a wave of revolutionary and disruptive organizing in the one nine hundred thirty s a general strike in minneapolis and eighty three day shutdown of the west coast by longshore workers the flint sit down strikes radical demands the muckraking journalist upton sinclair ran for governor of california in this period and he was kind of the bernie sanders of his day this unlikely populist candidate and the centerpiece of his campaign was the new deal isn't going far enough we should give workers the means of production so that they can turn their factories into workers cooperatives and he got an almost a million votes in california he was moving the center and it was this context that allowed f d r to sell the new deal as a compromise because the alternative looked that scary to the right so i think we have to understand the dynamics of what really produces political change because i think for so long the environmental movement has been under this very misguided illusion that if we just scare people educate people create an understanding of the depth of this crisis they will wake up and be like that frog in boiling water and jump right and that's an incredibly a store of coal version of how change happens right and i have to get pushed back by my friends in the environmental movement when i write books with capitalism in the title right now like well you're making it harder why are you making this about capitalism it's just about carbon and first of all you know i don't think we can separate carbon from this this history is entirely intertwined but more the point i don't think i'm making it harder by talking about radical ideas by putting radical ideas on the table i think i'm making it easier because i think this is how change happens when radical ideas are in the air so  the other thing of it that i think is useful about you know in terms of the particularly the one nine hundred thirty s as a model is though the kinds of change that were introduced in that era not the kinds of change that you guys are working towards i mean these were big centralized state solutions for the most part right and you know a lot of it was fossil fuel based in terms of the electrification and damming of rivers and so on this the velocity of it is of the order that we need right now right and the only other analogy that we can reach towards that proves that it is possible for humans to act as quickly as we need to act in the face of this crisis is the way this economy was transformed during the second world war also not the kinds of changes that we want we don't want our factories to stop making cars and start making fighter jets we want them to maybe start making cars and start making public transit you know start making win turbines but it is possible to do that for this kind of change to happen if we understand the dynamics so socks no longer have this kind of a wake up call function right and this is what i documented in the shock doctrine is that it's actually the opposite and what i found when i was researching the shock doctrine and you know for those of you who aren't familiar with that work with with the shock doctrine is a phrase that i came up with to describe th strategy that was developed by the right in the one nine hundred seventy s to use periods of crisis and the disorientation that follows a a large scale shock in a society to push through very unpopular so called reforms ok and i quote milton friedman saying only a crisis real or perceived produces real change our job is to keep the ideas ready and tell the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable and this is in the examples that i use is incredibly anti democratic so for it since new orleans after hurricane katrina should have been a wake up call for our side right it should have been a wake up call because here you have this crisis born of a collision between heavy weather of the kind we're going to see more and more of because of climate change when you warm oceans you have more ferocious storms turned into a catastrophe because the storm slams into week and neglected public infrastructure the levees should have held they did not hold because there had been warning after warning and the army corps not repair the levees right fema couldn't find new orleans for five days  dysfunction of it this is the legacy of neoliberalism right you neglect the public sphere for four decades you cut it back you cut it back and lo and behold it cannot deal with a crisis of this magnitude and layered on top of all of that is  racism and so the people who are abandoned on their rooftops in the superdome are then animal eyes and vilified on television for going and getting the food and matter that they need right and vigilantes come into the city i was in new orleans in this period and black people were being hunted and being shot by police by vigilantes who were afraid that they were going to somehow escape the city and go to the suburbs and it was just like so it was the vision of the future we've imagined so many times on every side if i feel that you know i often say that our greatest challenge is not to reimagine that future of a little bubbles of of of  fortress winners surrounded by hordes of locked out losers which is essentially the plot of every scifi movie you're ever going to see but imagine a different kind of future where we come together across divides in periods of crisis and believe that we can do that in our bones so that i think is our task is to tell a different kind of story and i think the reason that we've had these moments which should have been wake up calls katrina the two thousand and eight financial crisis right which was so clearly in the result of you know getting rid of the laws that were passed in the aftermath of the of the great crash of one thousand twenty nine like last eagles deregulating the financial markets just letting these bubbles inflate at allowing these outrageous profits to be made and then the bill for it gets passed on to regular people who were the most victimized by the crisis who were losing their homes but they get victimized through more cutbacks to pay for the trillions of dollars in bailouts so this should have been a wake up call indeed it was a kind of a wake up call around the world you had a wave of of organizing protesting occupations in this country it was called occupy wall street in southern europe they called it the movement of the squarest because because a central square is in greece and spain and portugal were being occupied for months on end it was the increase in food prices that set off the arab spring in the same period so all around the world people were saying no we do not want this and there was a slogan we will not pay for your crisis that ricocheted around the world but somehow it wasn't enough and the reason it wasn't enough and the reason i called my new book no is not enough is because what is clear from this is that just saying no that is a bad idea while it may whole slowdown or hold back the worst of the attacks it is not going to get us where we need to go we need we need a convincing inspiring yes that is a vision of the future that will keep us sa you and the reason we haven't and we haven't had that is not because you know we're bad people it is because i would argue that we are products of our time and we need to understand the flip side of the neoliberal project that deregulation low taxes offset with cuts to government spending flipside of that in this country was mass criminalization of communities of color and mass incarceration it's not just that it is also a war on the imagination that was always central to the neo liberal project was saying there is no alternative as margaret thatcher said that there is nothing but this any idea you could possibly have about another way that we could live is inherently wrong and suspect so we now have generations that have grown up without the muscle of imagining other process of futures and without those examples and this is why the work that you are doing is so important in terms of dispelling the idea that there is only one way to live only one way to build only one way to interact with each other and there are many examples of this growing examples of this of of of proving to people through action you're not going to prove it to them just by saying it you're going to prove it by feeling it by living it by seeing it by touching it so the good news is that we're starting to see a revival of the utopian imagination and i think we see this in a lot of social movements now that may be sparked by a crisis like cops killing black people you know or unlivable wages but they are paring their nose with transcendent yesus and the movement for black lives is an incredible example of this last summer in the middle of the election campaign produced their own platform called a vision for black lives which if you haven't read it you should look up vision for black lives and read what is a blueprint for another world another economy which is not just about how do we get cops to stop shooting people though it's about that too it's about demilitarizing schools it's about prison abolition it's about are just tax code it is about reparations for slavery and jim crow and other forms of systemic to discrimination that translates into concrete policies like student loan forgiveness free college education and i would argue that we saw a resurgence of the utopian imagination in the way this country responded to bernie sanders and i don't want to refight the last election and all of that but i would just say that there has been such a focus on the outcome of that election and the horrific outcome of that election that we can lose sight of this seismic shift that happened on the progressive side which is that we found out that progressive ideas bold progressive ideas that we had been told for decades could never resonate with the american people are incredibly popular especially with young people right so bernie's out there he's talking about free college tuition forgiving student loan universal public health care a hundred percent renewable energy by and fifty no new fossil fuel infrastructure and the crowds are cheering and he won thirteen million votes and he took two when he states that is a very very big deal and it shows that if we do better next time and do better at building a broader progressive coalition that from day one convinces communities of color that this coalition understand that it is impossible to separate white supremacy from the history of capitalism that this is not a project of just will win on economics and everything else will be fixed in the trickle down our own version of trickle down  that speaks to women and our understanding of the precariousness of the rights that have been won that really we've the coherent story of how all of these issues prop each other up because let me tell you for donald trump they understand that all of the attacks that they are waging are interconnected and part of a broader vision that they call making america great again but so often on the progressive side of the of the spectrum we work in our silos and we're afraid of making those connections and that is part of the legacy of neo liberalism and we are afraid to speak in the language of ideology big ideas and that is the work that's going to move the center so that we can win reforms and we often have these forces pitted against each other like gee the people who are talking in sort of revolutionary terms are treated as enemies of concrete reforms when in fact that is what creates space for those refor so we have some interesting ingredients shifting neo liberalism has been in crisis since the two thousand and eight financial crisis and everybody saw that you can break the rules for people if if if they're rich enough right we've been told there was no money for schools no money for health care no money for housing but suddenly there are trillions of dollars to bail out the banks you can't unlearn that once you see it right that was a very very important moment you have this rising of a utopian imagination and yes we have a shock his name is d trump he shocks us every day no i think it's complicated because i also think that part of how we need to understand donald trump is that he's not he's he's the least shocking outcome he's a cliche in a way i see him as a living dystopian fiction in the sense that you know what dystopian fiction does is it takes current trends and it follows them to their logical conclusion right and then it holds up a mirror and  says do you like what you see because this is where all roads lead here right and and so many of the roads that we have been on lead directly to donald trump so directly that if you were a fiction editor at random house he would say this i'm sorry i can't publish this book it's too obvious you know so there i would say the advantage of this from a political organizing perspective is that trump is making the need for systemic change seen much more obvious much more appealing to large numbers of people the shamelessness of his corporate coo if titans of american industry can eagerly line up behind this man with all of his viciousness venom venality vanity and vacuousness and if wall street can cheer on news of his plans to let the planet burn and the elderly star and if so many of our media outlets can praise his cruise missiles ordered over chocolate cake as a presidential well then a great many people are coming to the conclusion that they want no part of a system like that with this elevation of the basis of figures to the most exalted of positions this culture of maximum greed individual ism self interest is reaching a kind of a breaking point and there is a growing understanding out there that it is the culture itself that has to be confronted now and not policy by policy but at the root so things are shifting they're shifting very very quickly we have some of the ingredients the radical thought the shock do we have the credible revolutionary threat yet while we have more people  getting involved in politics then you know any organizer who i know has ever seen in their lifetime you have every march is exceeding all expectations for turnout starting with the women's march  march for science your tens of thousands of scientists standing out yes thank you a city sanctuary sanctuary spaces of all kinds people saying no we are going to stand up to the forces that would deport our neighbors and people taking it upon themselves because they understand precisely that there are no protectors in officialdom that it is up to us and people acting like that there is something healthy about that there are the incredible movement standing up to new fossil fuel infrastructure and you know very powerfully at standing rock although ultimately at this point unsuccessfully but that fight is not over and in part thanks to cities like seattle which are going after the banks that are investing in projects like that thankfully eighty million dollars have been killed eighty million dollars and counting have been pulled from the banks that are financing the dakota access pipeline so this fight is far from over and seattle has been a leader as seattle has been a leader in taking on fossil fuel infrastructure and new fossil fuel frontiers right just because they're doing this in washington does not mean that on the ground it is going to happen and that is what shell realized when they made the mistake of parking their arctic drilling rig in this city for a little bit of maintenance when they were surrounded by hundreds hundreds and of chi activists led by indigenous communities communities of color they said no and a few months later shell announced that it was pulling out of the arctic for the forseeable future so i want to talk a little bit about an example getting to yes and there are lots of and i want to stress that there are lots of spaces in which this conversation is happening where movements like the movement for black lives the fight for fifteen the dream climate justice movement the labor movement are coming together across differences to try to figure out what a common forward looking agenda could look like and it's heard it's very hard because people are having to do so much at the same time the are so many defensive battles that people have no choice but to engage in right because they're fighting we're fighting for our lives on so many different fronts right so there has to be a no this is not about saying well we're only going to be about yes no  we have a duty to say no when our neighbors are being deported when communities are being criminalized when pipelines are being pushed through indigenous communities without their consent we have to say no but at the same time we understand that even if we w every one of these defensive battles which we won't win all of them then best case scenario we're standing exactly where we were before donald trump was elected and that is the ground that gave us donald trump that ground is not safe that's why these movements were rising before donald trump came along so we need to do this complicated thing we need to say no and yes maybe it's a sort of a tight oh you need to say we need to say no and yes simultaneously we need to weave together are no and yes as twin strands of d n a so i want to talk about an experience that we have had in canada but a year and a half ago where we tried to do this we found ourselves in the middle of an election campaign and we had a very right wing government stephen harper's government and there was a huge amount of anger at this government that had been telling people that they had to choose between a healthy environment and and a healthy economy and canada had become a complete climate renegade but our economy was doing relatively well so it was sort of this deal with the devil where everyone was sort of trying not to look at this giant hole at the center of our country that is the alberta tar sands ok and then what happened is that the price of oil collapsed went from one hundred dollars a barrel to fifty dollars a barrel in a period of six months which is a shock it is a very shocking event especially for an economy that has bet the farm on fossil fuels not just fossil fuels but a very expensive kind of fossil fuels because the tar sands aren't just very very dirty when you have to mine oil because it's in a semi solid form it costs a lot of money to do so so it is no longer economically feasible when the price of oil goes to fifty dollars or even thirty dollars at it's low so more than one hundred thousand workers have been laid off in the alberta sands has been absolutely devastating and we found ourselves in this situation where we were told we had to choose between a healthy environment and healthy economy and we ended up with neither gray so we decided to try to intervene in the election because what we saw was that none of the major political parties that had a chance of unseating the conservatives had a platform that was in line with the climate science that was connecting the dots between indigenous rights and the need for climate action and the need to fight any quality these which being treated as separate issues and so we have this gathering of sixty movement leaders and organizers very interdisciplinary cross sectoral we had the union representing workers in the alberta tar sands and we had greenpeace and we had some incredibly respected indigenous elders and we had housing rights activists and food justice activists and m rights activists and we sat together for two days and it was really hard because we realized that we had no experience doing what we were trying to do that we had come together in coalition before but they had always been coalitions of the no we had come together to say we don't like this trade deal or we don't like this government or we don't like this very aggressive set of austerity policies but we have not come together to say what we actually agree together we do want to try to paint a picture of the future that we want so we did that and it was hard there's a lot of difficult history between a lot of those movements in the room we had a few ground rules one was that no one is allowed to play my crisis is bigger than your crisis ok because you know if you are fighting for people who have roofs over their head that is the crisis you know and there is this there is this unfortunate history in parts of the environmental movement of sort of going like well first we'll save the planet and then we'll worry about all these other things because we don't save the planet you know it doesn't we're never going to solve racism and we're never going to it's just like whoa that's how you kiss a lot of people we live in a time of integrated overlapping crises they are all urgent and what we need are integrated solutions we need solutions that radically bring down emissions fight in quality and begin to heal the wounds that date back to the founding of our countries so we started we my role in this was really just to listen and and we did had all kinds of breakout exercises and all this and anybody who's interested in the process and who wants to start a leap group in your community go to sleep manifesto dot org we've got all kinds of resources there but what so what we did was we you know we had all these spaces where we try to draw out connections and there were these very clear connections around living in extractive economy usually that phrase just refers to resources  think in a lot of the circles that you guys work in that's as you shift from an extract of economy to a regenerative economy a lot of the time we're talking just about our relationship with the earth right but what was really striking listening to people who were working on homelessness and migrant rights and mass incarceration and labor rights was that everybody was facing this culture of maximum extraction as if there are no consequences and it wasn't just about extracting from the earth it was extracting from workers bodies it was extracting from communities and cutting back and cutting back as if there's no consequences if there's no limit to taking no limit to pushing no consequences for those actions and that what we really want and when we talked about the future that we wanted this phrase of care kept coming up that we wanted a culture of care and inclusion and cherishing where everybody was valued rather than this culture of extraction and disposal you think about the extraction from the earth and those  huge slag heaps of what the mining industry calls overburdened right and what people are also treated as overburden and we need to and treated like garbage to to be contained in jails and we wanted to switch from that culture to a culture of of caretaking for the earth and for each other so we came up with this documented manifesto story there's a man or woman and we chose the word leap because you know  in canada at people like to pride themselves on their sort of cautious centrism you know we don't get too excited we're not like you americans and we can't i wanted to raise a defiant middle finger to that sort of cautious centrism that is so explicitly dangerous in the context of a climate crisis we do need to be bold and we do need change on multiple fronts we called it the leap also because when we when we rode in launched it it was a leap year and we liked  metaphor of a leap year because if you think about what a leap year is it is a rare admission that the human created systems of measurement that we have do not sync up with the laws of nature that our human created calendars do not sync up with the earth's revolution around the sun and if we don't change our rules by tacking on a weird extra day every four years and confusing everybody well then we're in a world  so and it reinforces the fact that it is easier to change our human created systems than to change the laws of nature despite what almost always economists seem to believe so we called the  s and a lot of it is decentralized and community controlled and run in hundreds of cities they have taken back control over their energy grids from the private companies that were running them for profit and they're now when when their excess profits from producing renewable energy it stays in the community and they're able to use it to pay for community services day cares and community centers so it's fighting austerity and fighting climate change and it's creating huge numbers of jobs they've created four hundred thousand jobs in this energy transition so we said that we want energy democracy but we also said that we want energy justice and energy reparations that the communities that have been on the front lines of our toxic addiction to fossil fuels must be first in line to own and control their own renewable energy projects and that is a basic principle breadlines f so there is you know it's a really wide ranging document it also acknowledges the role that our own governments and certainly your government policies i have played in driving migration  pushing trade deals that are pushing people off of their lands resource extraction that are pushing people off of their lands accelerating climate change that is overlaying on top of conflicts and acting as an accelerant to war and driving migration  so it calls for opening our borders to many more migrants and refugees and for all workers regardless of status to be protected by full and equal rights the other thing we wanted to do is redefine what a climate job is because  would expect from a document like this that is drawn in collaboration with trade unions it calls for these huge investments in transit efficiency renewables we know that we can create six to eight times more jobs in these sectors than if we invest the same money in fossil fuels and another core principle of elite manifesto is that no worker is left behind so that the workers in the high carbon economy are democratic participants in this transition in their schools for starters this should be a no brainer it's amazing that it isn't happening very very quickly so that's what that was one of the core principles but we also want to say well wait a minute you know green job a low carbon job isn't just a guy in a hard hat putting up a solar panel it is that but you know daycare workers are low carbon workers taking care of the elderly is low carbon work teaching is low carbon work and these are sectors that  overwhelmingly dominated by women overwhelmingly dominated by women of color this is some of the most undervalued work in our economy under relentless attack by the logic of austerity so we said these are climate jobs and as we contrac extractive sectors we need massive expansion in the caring economy because this is the work that improves tangibly the quality of life in our communities it's expensive to do this kind of thing which is why we worked with a fantastic team of progressive economists who came up with a companion document called we can afford to leap and and you know it's a good thing that we live in a time of unprecedented private wealth we identified the logic  economic austerity as as being at war with life on earth the money that we need for this transition is out there we just have to have the courage to go after it and these are a few of the ways i think that last one cuts to military spending  there's quite a bit of work to do be done in this country so the leap you know the lead has fifteen demands in all you know everything from what a real progressive renegotiation of trade deals would look like  calling for a debate about a guaranteed annual income to getting money out of politics electoral reform so every vote counts and you can see why since we launched the leap there's been a lot of interest in this country  for using it as a kind of a template for movements to come together in a common agenda write one thing we were very conscious of is that we didn't want to just be a laundry list we wanted it to be a different story about this shift from  from disposal to inclusion from endless taking to caretaking so that we're really connecting the dots with a news story about how all of our issues fit together because there's not really any shortage of places you can go for a laundry l what we need are new stories and we've been amazed by the reaction to it tens of thousands of people in the country signed it during the election and it was and you know i can aid in celebrity may sound like a bit of an oxymoron but we have some and you know people like neil young and arcade fire and ellen page and all signed it and leonard cohen who is still alive at his name we are so happy and it reminded me of this slogan that i first heard when i was in argentina during a very fractious election campaign which was our dreams don't fit on your ballots and so people were voting but they were saying don't mistake our vote for a reflection of what we actually want we're voting strategically we're saying no to this government we need to get rid of but this document represents the world we actually want and so people are asking us for lawn signs and things like that and i think it's  know i think in this moment in the u s it's really important to think about these models of people's platforms of people coming together not waiting for messianic political leaders to come along and do this for us right what we need are people who are the experts in the red lines in their communities coming together telling these stories starting small at the city level at the neighborhood level spreading out to the state level and there are discussions going on already at all of the all of those levels in this country  and being very clear on what the vision is so that when the next wave of politicians come forward to say we're the ones that are going to take you to the promised land the message is slow down here's our list here's our vision and we are and our vision is going to lead and you guys can follow so just to wrap up here you know i think this is really important psychologically as well because as i said you know we are seeing these precedented levels of engagement but we're already starting to hear from people that they feel burnt out that they feel tired what is the plan  the no you know no to trump no to racism no to corporate malfeasance that may be what initially brings people into the streets you know into their first political meeting of their lives but it is the yes that will keep us together in gauge dreaming planning the yes is the beacon in the coming storms the light that will prevent us from losing our way thank you think about that a little bit yeah you know i think it's so whatever it looks like it needs to explode the idea of what the environmental movement is it needs  you know it needs i think that one of the biggest problems we face is this idea that this is a sort of a movement for people who aren't facing daily emergencies so they have excess time and energy and money right to to engage in this kind of of of work and they has sent this message that this is a movement that you know isn't for people who are worried about putting food on the  table and and desperately need jobs and so and so i was really excited by that people's climate march in that that just happened in washington and had one locally here because it centered justice and jobs and took leadership from frontline communities and represented a deeper engagement with labor so i would just say that our you know it's such a pressing task that we explode this myth that we have to choose between jobs well being meaningful work and a safe planet that is the most pressing task because it was a huge part of what donald trump elected  playing on the failure of our movement to to really deeply address this so whatever it is it's got a looked different hello naomi i'm back here i have a question about the financial system and specifically the role you see for community and or state banks yeah i think a really big role of death whether it's the fossil fuel companies or the banks that fund them and we saw it with apple and we've seen with the fossil fuel divestment movement that people really want to move their money but i don't think there is enough coherence around where we're moving our money to and also what what and as we're moving you know tens of millions of dollars are in the case of divestment we're talking about trillions of dollars now that have committed to not investing in fossil fuels i think we need to be more ambitious about what we asking of the institutions where we are investing or where we are putting our money because this is some pretty serious leverage and i think it you know if some of these banks that were people are moving their money to our credit unions banks do invest in fossil fuels so i think we need to get be better organized in terms of in terms of making those demands i give you just one tiny example one of the things that came out of the league manifesto that we were most excited about was a project that we did with the postal workers the postal union in canada post you know post offices all around the world are facing this crisis because people don't use the mail the way they used to they use amazon e mail and post offices are in crisis so there is this big threat to cancel home delivery in canada had to shut down hundreds of post offices may we sell the whole thing to fed ex so we have this really visionary postal workers union who came to us and worked with us to design a new vision for the post office called delivering community power which says well look we have this incredible public infrastructure we have we have bricks and mortar institutions in every single town in the country there are more of them than there are outlets of tim hortons which if you know anything about canada you know that's a lie that's a lie and so why would we give that up why don't we reimagine in and a centerpiece of it was posted what was postal banking the idea that your post office could be your bank and a way to get away from payday lenders to have real accountability but more than that the post office could be a hub for the green transition so that this would be where you plug in your electric vehicle so it would solve the problem of where do i plug in your post office outside every post office that you could get a loan from there your postal bank to start your own renewable energy project and get advice and also that the fleet of postal vehicles would be made in canada w be electric but also that they would be delivering more than mail that they would be part of this carrying economy so that they would be delivering local locally grown produce that they would be checking in on the elderly and it was just it was an amazing example of going beyond known like you know this traditional role for unions in the concert in a context like this is just to say no we want things that live the way they were last year you know and instead they  rose to the occasion and said no we want transformation we understand it's not working but the response should not be just to sell off this tremendous asset it's to reinvent it and banking real you know public community control banking with a huge part of that  i was a great moment she was talking about tone but i think we should take that that mantra that if those and apply it to deeds right that you know we have to understand that in washington they control some very powerful parts of government but they don't control everything they don't control what we do in our cities they don't control we do in our towns they don't control what they do what we do in our faith institutions they don't control we do as individuals and in groups you know control what we do in universities and so as they go lower and lower all of us need to go higher and higher we need to demand more of ourselves of each other we need to prove that more is possible in all of the domains that trump does not control thank you so much