we are here today at the people's forum co sponsoring verse so books that the book launch of andrew ross his book stone man andrew ross is a professor of social and cultural analysis and why you and director of the american studies program a contributor to the guardian the new york times the nation and he is the author or editor of more than twenty books including credit talk or c and the case for refusal bird on fire nice work if you can get it fast boat to china no color and the celebration chronicles his new book from  it's titled stone man the palestinians who bill israel today will be in conversation with let me speak who is a palestinian attorney strategist and human rights advocate and private practice and serves as ch counsel to the global justice and human rights lawyer network whose litigated palestinian arab and muslim civil rights and criminal defense of terrorism charges and internationally works on anti corruption human rights grievances and complex l regularly lectures on issues related to government surveillance discrimination and predatory policing and racial ice prosecution and is now working to expand the international movement to end israeli impunity let me s work has been presented at several international expert in strategy meetings on palestine development and refugees hello people thanks for coming in and thinks to my publisher verse so was house run resonance for the topic for this evening so let me tell you a little bit about how i got to write this book because it's by no means obvious really this story begins forty years galilee which is a long standing campaign had just been stepped up so it was a lot of expropriation of land going on and the most well known member of the kibbutz got along on and some of you might know something about his history food orchards just me forty years ago it was a hippie as you can see actually i still am a hippie but sometimes they put me to work in the banana fields and i want to cajun i noticed at the end of the work shift a couple of months and leaving the crew and walking towards a thai bierria zero did and they didn't have the loose limbed swagger of a typical kibbutzniks male and i figure these must be palestinian day laborers and i thought i should ask them some questions who are you where do you live how much are you paid here how do you feel about working on the land that has probably been stolen from your forefathers and foremothers but i never got to ask the question i left to go and travel in egypt shortly thereafter and it really wasn't until thirty five years later that i returned to the region at the invitation of some palestinian friends who were making a film there they wanted me to come and interview workers at checkpoints for the film and we previously had been doing a lot of work and with migrant workers in the gulf states related proposition but also quite different altogether and in the course of the interviews i was doing i realize here i am finally asking the questions that i had lightly formulated thirty five years before so i decided to spin this off and write a book spin it off from the film and write a book on palestinian labor now why did i think this book was necessary well there's not a whole lot of literature on palestinian livelihoods believe it or not and from the point of view of international palestine watchers even the solidarity movement there mostly focus on other things right land  human rights violations soldier brutality incarceration take your pick and all for very good reasons there's not a lot of knowledge of an attention to what palestinians do on a daily basis to put food on the table for their families so that's one of the reasons i decided to write this book in addition i was kind of us donnish to discover there isn't a single published study of the stone industry in the west astonishing because it's the largest private sector employer palestinians it contributes the largest share of g d p and also the largest share of exports from the occupied territories and for such a small population palestinians are the twelfth largest stone producer in the world behind the u s and russia and those of you many of you probably know there are two resources in  the west bank that are in short supply in israel one is a water which israelis and siphon off using advanced pumping technologies from the mountain aquifer or the other is stone and it is extraordinary stone is still largely under palestinian ownership and control this is a map of some of the west bank stone deposits they're all in the central highlands and it's some of the best dollar mythic limestone in the world what happens to it once it's extract some of it is used in the west bank and some of it goes to neighboring countries in the region but seventy five percent of it goes inside the green line to israel or resource curse to strip mining of it causes an enormous amount of environmental damage it ravages the environment and sickens the workers it's largely unregulated as far as production chain goes there's about twelve hundred firms quarries factories and workshops crushers and from there the stone moves from the corys through this system across the green line to construction sites in in israel in the settlements for the most part so i decided that i was going to interview the workers who follow this phone at every point of the chain because there is this dual journey of labor and stone the labor in the form of native skills and manpower here is the factories here is the workshops here's a check pints here's a construction sites on the other side and also interview them coming back because you get a different story from workers when they're coming back at the end of the day sometimes in a great hurry to get through the checkpoints and there's very little time left in a worker's day because the day i basically from but to work and from work to hardly any time left in the day for and i think else for these guys also did a lot of interviewing of workers who had to work in settlements and in particular those that lived in villages that were being encroached upon by the subtle ones and were in danger of losing losing the resources the industry itself is mostly small family owners the same names come up again and again and that means it's under capitalizes on their professional eyes and also on their regulated and this is a different economy from those of you know about the famous palestinian capitalists like the elite circle of cronies circle around the palestinian authority they don't get involved in this economy that's comprador capitalism this is a village base economy that i call careful competition because the families know each other for centuries they very carefully compete with one another and co exist so as a different kind of capitalism there are unions there is a workers union debate for jar which is one of the big stone discouraged in the name of national unity in the name of anti colonial national unity palestine's basic law for example an embed the principles of a free market economy as no other country in the world that i know of that actually does that has a free market economy as its sort of constitutional operating economic principle there's a number of new unions in the west bank palestinian labor history is very rich and varied and not at all unified and quite fragmented but a number of you unions have sprung up independent of the orbit iran and the palestinian authority and also in israel mechanized it is still pretty labor intensive palestinian producers are not allowed to use explosives and this puts some of the considerable disadvantage when they're competing with producers in other countries and also with a handful of israeli own crushing facilities and areas see the owners well it typically after i interviewed owners they would invite me back to their homes and they would be fairly lavish h top mansions and be invited inside for an hour or so of palestinian hospitality by the purpose of the visit was not just hospitality but also to advertise the wealth of the owners to me as part of our interview so the owners are doing quite well there has to be so many of them at least compared to the workers in a lot of my interviews  humiliation involved in this has its own impact upon profiles of masculinity this is a profoundly masculine trade male bread winners and then particularly evident among workers who work in are those who actually labor on the separation wall itself so many west bank palestinians have to work on the wall and every so often someone i was interviewing tried to summarize the situation and some of them did it quite well here's one example i picked we build their houses while they demolish our homes and know the distinction here between houses and homes right the know how the workers felt about their situation how they felt about the occupation how they felt about the palestinian authority very highly and also about how their livelihoods of being toss around as colonial bargaining chips and that's for those of you who and who know about this this is the the policy of economic pacification in israel is that you are issued work permits to come and work in israel in return for keeping the peace so it's very much a trade and if you if you misbehave and you act up and one of your relatives and up in prison then you're you won't be able to work your apartment gets withdrawn  that said i was just as interested in documenting the daily routines of these workers what they do on a daily basis the daily grind and i was very struck again and again and again by their resilience how you know through thick and thin in spite of all their obstacles and indignities thrown in their path they are always there they always show up in the in that production chain for work and it's this sort the remnants of the craft of stone masonry is what the stone industry is structured around and it's a very ancient craft for palestinians palestinian for they are superior artists in all scales for centuries every large village had a master mason who designed and built and passed on knowledge to to each generation states needed their labor and their expertise and this was the work for the palestinian workforce built these states before was replaced by south asian migrant workforce which we had been studying previously  so i don't think is an exaggeration to say that palestinians have built almost every state in the region except for their own and of course that includes israel because part of book is tries to answer the question who built israel and in the public mind the given wisdom of course the jewish settlers and pioneers built israel they were unused to manual labor they learned on the job the stuff th cement mixer is the balance of bricks awkwardly on their shoulders and they made new jews of themselves through this nation making toil according to the doctrine of labor zionism now if you leave aside a lot of this zionist mythology you find that the labor part of this story is actually quite murky and for a long time was obscured by very grey area and romance of the the communists that computes and the economic origins of the boats lay in the quest of jewish the lawyers to try to extract a european standard of living from a middle eastern agricultural livelihood how do you do that and the solution was a kibbutz which involves pulled resources the pulling of resources in a calm you know basis provided a sustainable economy to do that right and that was in in rural areas in the urban sector even more difficult however because jewish settlers many of them were socialists they demanded their labor rights they demanded a european a wage as opposed to an arab wage which is a local market wage and they got how did they get that wage they got it through world sinus funding world zionist funding was used to top up the wage political development economic development rather which continues to this day there was also the famous our infamous conquest of labor which was a campaign that put pressure on  jewish and foreign employers to exclude arabs from the work force and it was a lot of sun and fury around it but it was only partially successful i think why because employers have always preferred palestinian arab labor then and now and there's lots of reasons why they would have preferred it then they were cheaper they were better they had less strident labor politics and they had generations of construction experience in the region why wouldn't you prefer that kind of workforce let me give you an example of how it played out in one case study what i call the battle of  centuries and worked very well with it and when the world zionist funders wanted to make this new settlement of tel aviv they demanded that the work force to build tel aviv would be  would be built with jewish hands and that was almost impossible to do because at the time with one hundred thousand people it would reduce to four thousand after the nakba the level of reduction of yafo were in a very very strong labor position and excluding them from the work force would cause all sorts of conflicts so the decision makers in tallow v decided to decided to look for a technological solution to devise silicate breaks and then they started using cement and concrete materials and meant they didn't have to rely on the palestinian stonemasons and these are materials that were deemed to be easier to use by the less skilled jewish hands concrete developed into a cult in israel that became the signature mark remember as i said earlier the original decision to use the concrete was to exclude palestinians from the work force after forty eight there was an effort to do what i call architectural cleansing which meant to ride a cave physically eradicate all of the run all evidence of autumn and built a heritage in the portion of the land that was now called israel that involved not just the demolition of villages but also the make over of urban quarters and that flight flight of zionism away from the built heritage of the region came to a halt in one thousand nine hundred sixty seven after the occupation of the old city in jerusalem and with the work of the israeli biblical archaeologists what happened was that  israelis begin to see old stones of palestine through new eyes they were no longer for the crumbling remnants of a backward civilization right to be demolished and gotten rid off they were now seen as sort of magical pathways to the landscape of jewish antiquity so they were seen through completely new eyes and this was driven by religion on the one hand there was also a more secular movement driven by religious the value old stone began to have an immense amount of real estate value in the appetite for that volume and we can see this all over the world right this is how gentrification is driven by an appetite for old things old core and crumbling facades and so on and so forth so what had been shunned you know previously just ten years before was not a highly prized and by the time i got to along with a lot of features of autumn on architecture six on the like which are fighting high real estate value this is  buildings there on the edge of the old city were the highest real estate prices in israel which is just astonishing if you consider what has been happening previously in addition  low and behold the current car the stone that had been shunned a century earlier was now in hot demand along with workers who were few and far between but workers who knew how to work with  car in they didn't know really all that while in fact this wall they were building around the old french hospital felt had to be rebuilt so the skills had to be learned now the other part of th story is in the west bank if you go twenty five kilometer from ya in the west bank you find there's also a lot of restoration of vintage stone and mortar buildings going on but it's not being driven by real estate value these buildings don't have a lot of market value at least not yet and the west bank is being driven by political political factors the need  retain land the need for bold works against their evidence of long standing palestinian residence on the land in some folks i interviewed referred to them as palestinian facts on the land on the ground and they might also be feeding into food security because it's largely a rural revival so i study these three organizations each of them are architectural restoration and they're in and quite a transformation in addition this work of restoration involves reclaiming old masonry skills and training workers and these old skills some of them are old timers who still have the knack and some of them are younger who are learning the skills from the old timers so i'm going to try and wind up now and just say that my review and this is a historical part of the book my review of the employment history of the construction industry shows that palestinians have always been involved in the construction industry in israel in every part of historic palestine from the ottoman period through the british mandate when there's a long wave of economic expansion after the not bow when a lot of palestinians who remained inside israel who survived had to build houses to accommodate to wave of incoming jewish settlers hundred sixty seven when there's a reservoir of cheap labor opened up in the west bank and gaza through thick and thin israeli employers have always found it difficult to shake off their dependency on palestinian workers and today there are no numerical height the number of west bank workers employed in israel and the settlements with or without permits is collective punishment effort to bring in migrant workers to israel from overseas there's only one period i found that you could really say that the construction work forces are free and that was after  and didn't last very long palestinians in israel were under military lockdown so almost impossible for them to leave villages during that period but after a few years in fact maybe even after a few months they could be f once again working in construction sites so so what is what are the claims that arise from this what claims and what rights a crew from this century or more  toil from this century of sweat equity what does that get you all that labor does it how can it translate into rights this is a question i kind of lay on the table in the book and in addition what  right but we're not talking about free labor it's what i call a compulsory workforce because there were no alternatives and by design there was no alternatives the alternative is a starvation wage for many of these workers they can't survive they have to do this work that's what makes it a compulsory workforce how can this inventory of labor feed into the debate about a single state a unitary state with civil and political rights for everyone if and when a final status you know the negotiations for final status are permanent settlement start up again and i hope that's something to a lot to say about this she's a expert in some of these issues when that happens if and when that happens that is a big if all the old claims will still be on the table right claims lost property restitution of lost property from the naacp onwards compensation for moral suffering and of course the right of return all of these are debts from the past that have to be repaid but what about the future what about rights in the future in the successor state a single state that is where at least i make the argument that the labor based remedies come into play based on this principle that if you build a for bonded indentured slaves and ethnically persecuted immigrant work forces who generally done that work in developed countries to get any kind of state level recognition for their rights as a result of their labor if you look at the us the hard labor of african americans and chinese and irish and mexicans and other immigrant work forces hasn't been  example i can think of but for the most part it hasn't worked however i do think that the moral force of this argument has translated over time into civic and legal acceptance and full inclusion of these laboring populations and these are populations that were brought here are came here not always willingly from somewhere else in the case of palestine we're not talking about such a population we're talking about people who are building on their own land on their own and land so there's even stronger case to be made i think for the sweat equity to translate into right i'm going to leave you with one quote from this fellow who was at a checkpoint and he was waiting to go across and he said to me i've been building homes every day over there for thirty years in a way it's really my country too isn't it and i think that kind of sums it up very nicely very much more eloquently than you know what i've been describing with twenty five dollar words so i'm going to i'm going to leave you with that to think thank you andrew for your work and that brilliant presentation i'm going to be a little bit less dynamic i'm in a sit because i'm so tired i'm probably cross eyed at this point and you know this is a little less prepared than i would normally be because when when i make the time for this you know and i have a goal or and i ask of people and my ask right now is how do i get this on here and we go  if i could figure that out i could show you anything else so you know we're actually at a very critical time and you know in world history not just in palestinian history and i think everybody sees you know what's paean called almost in a silly way this extreme bipartisan split is really a manifestation of the you know stark polarization that we're seeing happen all over the world you know zionists fascists neo nazis the hard right wing the climate change deniers on one end and those who are fighting for black lives who are fighting for clean air and clean water clean soil and palestine and just and humanity and for human and global morality on the other and palestine is increasingly rising to the top of the whole the seeks justice and what that means is fortunately we have a mushroom ing movement in solidarity with the palestinian struggle for liberation and a return right but that also means that a lot of forces are going to be very heavily invested in what our liberation and return looks like and very heavily committed to dictating the boundaries and some friends of our liberation and return and we are as andrew said you know not always able to articulate all of the damages that we saw for all of the issues that are going to touch on a few of them that i don't know whether they're mentioned in the book and i haven't read it yet but i'm eager to  because we are in a community palestinians and our supporters were a community in crisis which means that we're constantly responding to violence right and the violence is everywhere right it's not just in palestine it's in lebanon and syria and in the us in lawfare and repression and arrests and it's ongoing it hasn't stopped so but i ask that as we can maybe relegate some of the work to manage that crisis and you'll notice i'm looking at my people the young people leading the movement in this room that as we rush to manage the crises that we don't lose sight of really what it means to develop a more specifically asked and demanded that not only we refrain from doing that but that nobody hears us finish the sentence of what we want so that's my goal tonight all hands on deck and prepare prepare not just offensive strategies but really have an idea taking and this is why i think andrew's work is so critical  crimes committed by the zionists are some of the best documented actually on earth but their incorporation into the work and their publication is the least documented and the least proliferat and so we need to start preparing and making actual calculations political mathematical financial for distributive purposes so that's the that's my message is all hands on deck so why is why our israeli crimes of the early part of the sun trees aren't as crimes of the early part of the century the best documented on earth because at the time israel came into existence and as as the zionists were escalating their crimes it was also the same time that the united nations was forming and we were watching these mandates to d colonize the rest of the world right while there was a mandate to essentially colonize palestine and so palestine unlike most other conflicts unlike most other wars and i was assigned quite a number of institutions specifically of the u n to try to resolve this because this was before the u s had come into imperial power and before the u was racing to take the reins of europe and britain which happened in the one nine hundred fifty s and in fact to us was one of the members of the you and c c p i forget what the acronym stands for i want to say the un commission on conciliation for palestine and that committee tasked with the u s france i wunna say turkey as i recall which other state was responsible for documenting the number of palestinian refugees documenting their grievances and in fact was also tasked with trying to get some of their money released from scientists and israelis right i mean this is a committee can you imagine that the u s was involved in in the one nine hundred fifty s this is how different the u s is position so we have that and then we have an array which has a record a very clear record not just of the refugees but of all of their complaints and this is well documented and this is in large part i assure you why the u s and israel want to shut it down and hopefully take over  these records and then you also had the i c r c the red crescent right international red crescent operating in palestine which had you know and i c r c had actual testimonies and this is where i'd like to begin because before there was this sort of exploited labor and when i say exploited to give to give you some context we know all the justified outraged at the fact that in the u s constitution a black person is listed as being three fifths of a human being as compared to a white person well in israeli labor practices a palestinian is actually treated mathematically as one half a person as an israeli as one half ok well before we got to this actually rather advanced stage of extremely exploited labor what we had in palestine and what is unfortunately not real liberation and nation rebuilding and integration for palestine because what he did is he was able to pluck out all the documents that said that before there was labor exploitation by israelis they were actually labor slavery by israelis of palestinians there were five registered camps registered with the i c r c one of which was dedicated solely to slave palestinian labor and what did that labor entailed precisely what andrew was discussing which is building israel course transporting the goods that zionists have looted from palestinian homes and distributing them amongst israelis and military if you will and that was the beginning of the relationship here who have experience on call but says but the palestinians who were kept in these camps right there are five registered camps seventeen quote unquote unregistered camps twenty two throughout palestine at the time now by that time  talking about one nine hundred forty eight through one nine hundred fifty five so by nine hundred forty eight two thirds of the palestinian population had been exiled or murdered ethnically cleansed in summary leaving to about two hundred fifty thousand palestinians of those two hundred fifty thousand palestinians at least twelve thousand where were interned in camps that's approximately five percent of the total population all of whom are men so you're looking at the majority of men from each of those towns boys from the age of fifteen to men the age of fifty five were held as captives of war and combatants however there were people much older than not and children much younger it was just those who were treated as enemy combatants and treated with extra violence the i c r c had been lobbying had lobbied for about a year before they were able to release get a lot of those prisoners released on what happen when they were released as they were permanently exiled so they were enslaved and then permanently exiled the ones who remained in the camps were not released through until nine hundred fifty five  and as they were released for some of you who know if you remember the film local for the casa massacre around the time that they were released was also around the same time that they relaunched the israelis relaunched a series of massacres in those very same areas in which those camps where on one night they had massacred i want to say twelve of twelve towns one of those october one nine hundred fifty six that same week the most famous one is the cost of moscow because it was the only one that was that was memorialized we still don't know all of the details of the other the massacre of the other eleven towns and villages that were nearby so this is the context and really should frame our understanding of labor relations in palestine under israeli control that everything that has developed or have been structured structure allies institutionalized rather structural and institutionalized by israel comes from and is born from this this relationship this psychological dynamic and this power dynamic and so to this day as i'm sure andrew puts in his book you know there's actually a list of of labor based on race and ethnic identity that's produced by israel so our workers no matter who comes in after them are always the least pate and like i said you know we're number one too busy but number two there's also a very strong investment in the race share not just of the ongoing crimes and the historic crimes that palestinians have suffered but there is an investment  censoring our demands and that's because our demands are really very very peaceful and strongly supported by law you know what the zionist narrative is the palestinians  being not just the israeli narrative by the way and there is the zionist narrative which i think we have to be honest about it we have to discuss openly the very right wing israeli narrative which talks about you know  talks about there was this video leaked and i mean i had always heard this back home but actually talks about the belief that the whole point of israel coming into being is that the arabs would be made in so this is not an unusual narrative that is openly openly openly discussed by very hard core zionists and we have to be honest that this have this right because again this also shapes what the perspective is of all of these again more ultra right wing zionists but it's also something that's perpetuated in schools and as rule right in public schools or religious schools in israel which are funded by the state  and so all of this is a race because all they want you to know and we are is that palestinians are angry and they are violent oh yes we have to violently protect ourselves and we are angry because we're not allowed to complete the first or the last part of the sentence which is we have been and we continue to be injured therefore we are angry and will defend ourselves by any means necessary and do what we ask for so that we don't have to do this is justice in law so that we can all live in peace and the rest of that is a race because the law is on our side for over four thousand years for over four thousand years there has been a  basic common sense without which there would be absolute up he vold right to leave your home and return to it there has also been for almost that long for almost four thousand years  occasion of the right of a person who is injured to reparations and restitution and this is how peace is kept this is how you preach empt retaliatory violence right and so this is where our demands and our work needs to go as a in separable three part demand for return with the reparations with the restitution and there is a slight distinction there's you know an overlap in terms i don't want to bore you too much but i do think that i should talk about some of the regulations and laws right so palestine was the most addressed issue i think it continues to be one of the most  had actually petitioned the un general assembly had had posed a resolution for the un general assembly can you imagine if this had to happen to investigate israel for war crimes and to try to prevent them right and the un general assembly had refused and had they not had refused i think we would be in very different conditions not just in palestine but globally and if you want me to explain how i can do that later but the whole world would be very different than we know it to be now at the same time resolution after resolution was coming was being proliferated and signed and passed by various agencies and not just the general assembly and the one that everybody knows is resolution one nine general assembly resolution one thousand four will you and generally a resolution one thousand four doesn't just give us the right to return no to the contrary it specifically gives two options to palestinians right and these options are again just another articulation of all of the laws that existed previously including the un declaration of human rights of one nine hundred forty eight which said that palestinians have the right to return restitution and reparations or they have the right to resettlement and restitution and reparations in both of these is the term and right now palestinians say we want to return you've never seen a palestinian say i'm leaving my right to return and in fact this is a huge internal gripe or grievance that palestinians have with the palestinian authority in the post office low palestinian governance there's also u n security council resolution a two thirty seven which was pas hundred sixty seven which also says that palestinians have the right to all three of those things right very basic now that the distinction and why restitution reparations and return i mean i coleman to return you've probably heard me talk about that a million times but restitution compensation reparations first of all this is not just a duty that's to the victims right the idea of restitution reparations is a duty that the actor that the criminal actor or the prepare the perp the perpetrator owes to society at large right because if they are liable or guilty enough to be liable for restitution and reparations they may commit these crimes or these actions again so it is a duty to society first and foremost with the payment the demand of payment and restitution and reparations law are actually developed unfortunately largely in the civil context right the i c j the international court of justice which gives advisory opinion usually on labor related cases in fact you know discusses this and and of course there has been a trend especially from european and european nations on the u s to limit what restitution and reparations look like but in the context of grave war crimes and war crimes against humanity as israeli crimes and zionist crimes are and will be labeled i'm sure there are certain things that are immutable and cannot really be compromised and the and so so there's this one duty that you have to promise you have to feel bad enough and pay enough to know that you cannot and we will not accept a repetition of these actions and there has to be a wiping out of the structures and the gains that came from those crimes and that led to the institutionalization of segregation or ethno religious supremacy right so the point of reparations is to dismantle the structures and institutions born from violence and grave injustices this enough itself alone the application of this law would resolve every grievance of every palestinian in the world peace like this tomorrow and that is why they don't want us to finish the sentence and they fill it in for as they say well we want to drive all jews into the river right that's what they say when we say river to visit palestine will be free no what we mean when we say river to the sea palestine will be free is that we don't want on any land in the world and certainly on palestinian land structures and institutions of and for the violence because that's what this is and if you read andrew's book and you'll see how tremendously violent because we went from slave labor to actually conditions of slavery and this is all also mapped out this is very violent there should be no safe haven for these institutions anywhere on the face of this earth and that's what reparations really works and should work to accomplish restitution is a more individualized relationship restitution is what really prevents the individual desire for retaliation right the legacy that you have stolen from me the psychological damage the trauma that me and my children and my great grandchildren have suffered right this needs to be rabid right and  restitution comes in and it's a more mathematical formula so reparations would look at things not only just the institutions but would look at the theft of gross domestic product right the prohibition of expansion of the economy if you will or palestinian industry and israel has undertaken what seem almost like some of the silliest policies and practices to inhibit palestinian industry there's a film i forget what it's called somebody in here might remember about israelis who raided a town and put it under curfew because palestinians brought in eight cows so they can have their own milk and not have to buy israeli milk  just one tiny example of the lengths that israelis have gone to inhibit palestinian industry and by industry i don't mean like industrial but industry has innovation and creativity and self sustenance right so this is addressed in reparations and just one last point on reparations it's estimated that approximately eighty five percent of the israeli g d p is taken by direct theft by direct theft i'm talking about the destruction that is not including the labor under conditions of slavery that andrew was addressing and all of the other ways that israel in directly steals from palestinians that's reparations restitution is the more one on one and there is compensation which is what area out of pocket costs for whatever it is and this is the whole sentence right we were and we are injured we were are we are angry and we demand return reparations and restitution and everybody everybody even the zionist criminals upon reparations restitution and return could live together in peace that's how peace is maintained but they don't want us to finish that sentence because it does a disservice to the narrative of the angry violent the anti muslim islam a phobic anti palestinian narrative that not only sustains israel but also some stains us imperial interests and domination  of the arab region as a whole so this is what i hope we will add to our demands this is really the formula for peace this needs to be normalized what we're seeing happen you know throughout the world and  palestine rises to congress and to parliament in the u k the two state solution and nobody nobody is talking about the repatriation of palestinians and exacting real justice otherwise we've just you know we've been trenched this is what a bi national state is or a two state solution is you're entrenching segregation ethnic and i mean this is unheard of who would ever think that this is you know a palpable acceptable model just a couple of models i think andrew said let me know when i should wrap up ok so you know just a couple of models because it's fine to look at history and i think it's important to look at other examples and andrew is right there haven't been any great examples certainly not as of late but you know the great thing about the palestinian movement in the palestinian condition is that we are free of an administrative layer that imposes upon restrictive frameworks within which we should operate our movements decide the frameworks of our liberation our narrative and therefore the policies that we will push to have implemented