today are people between the ages of fifteen and twenty nine that's how we define you we went not only in easy to get to urban areas but deep into the countryside to make sure that everyone had a chance to be heard all of our interviews were done in home and face to face so that we're not excluding people for not having access to the internet not having a phone  first thing we'll discuss is what are the main assets that we uncovered in our research  before i go on let me explain how we've chosen to divide the data to make it more comprehensible we looked at the a the middle east the arab region where i'm not going to show you all twenty states on every slide it would just be too much data to digest so what we did as a whole so the first that we covered in terms of an asset is that young people are ready to work so when we asked  if the pay and work conditions were similar in general where would you prefer to work so there is a thought out there in many places that young people are only interested in working for the government that they're not interested in entrepreneurship they're not interested in the private sector we've found that that's not the case for everybody in fact in some regions the majority are actually saying that they would rather work in the private sector a prefer to work in the government followed by the levant in egypt but outside of that the majority are saying that they want to work outside of the government so the first task that is there is an interest and a willingness perhaps more than many people think to work in places outside of the public sector which can only take so many people  second we found that there is a great deal of enthusiasm comparatively for entrepreneurship so that's the second asset now what you see here is the silver or  gold diamond is the median for each region and then we look at the range within each region reese found that between a quarter and a half of young people say that they would like to around four percent of young people of the same age group say that they would like to start a business in the next year or so there is a comparatively high entrepreneurial spirit in the region in this case young people are looking at entrepreneur as a source as a part of the solution so that the next asset n want to leave their country and what's interesting is when we look around the world because we do research in a hundred and forty countries we find that about twenty five percent around the world want to leave their country wherever that country may be and go somewhere else even in very developed countries believe it or not such as britain and germany so what we find here is that there is a high percentage i mean seventeen percent could be considered high in terms of wanting to leave their country but the percentage of young people in the arab world that want to leave their country are planning on leaving or at least expressed a desire to leave is not higher than anywhere else and in fact the majority say they don't want to leave at least compared to other countries a relative desire to stay and build they're also self reliant so we ask the question who are you looking to for progress in your country and we ask them to rate young men young women in the west and  that the vast majority want to see progress as up to young men and women in the country and are looking for specifically to an outside force to come in and save the day  the next major asset is a balanced view of prioritizing or value a face family as well as a career the most frequent response to the question which of the following is the most important thing to you in the next ten years of your career your family or your face is all three a recognition that all three are important people aren't sort of one or the other now what are the major challenges that we uncover to harnessing the potential in the region the first issue is a reluctance is specially among young women to relocate for a job so that could be a potential  obstacle to getting a job if they are not located in the specific city where a young person lives so that's the first thing is there is a reluctance to relocate within the country to find or that can actually make them move to the next stage in life here were the top three responses number one was about market readiness simply wasn't enough work lack of good quality jobs were available was the first obstacle the second most frequent response was that people felt that jobs were only given to people who have connections that that there was a lack of a merit based system and then the third was a lack of proper training that the labor force itself was not prepared for the jobs that were available  now one in fact asset was that people felt that training would increase their chances of getting a job or a better job but they felt that there were all the calls to getting better training  here were the top obstacles we heard from young people in the region first because they couldn't afford the training that they needed to get a better job distance there was no training facility in their area  they lacked the prerequisite training to get the available training that did exist either they lacked skills math or reading skills or or simply the training was  required computer skills for example that were higher than what they currently had and finally family obligations were taking time away from their ability to train the next obstacle we covered at least the perception that it was difficult to get capital to start businesses that people had a great deal of enthusiasm for a lack of a there was also the next obstacle was the perception that government required paperwork was difficult and complicated and made it also difficult for young people to start their business which also prevents an obstacle in young people feeling like or or being able to move forward in their business venture now this question about again this idea of nepotism and we kept hearing about it when we asked people what is the obstacles to getting a job the issue of corruption and  this is a direct question in general mostly agree or disagree with the following knowing people in high positions is critical not helpful but critical to getting a job country  the majority across the board said that they fell but it  was it's important to keep in mind all of these are perceptions they don't necessarily have to be true and we're not saying they're true or false we're simply saying this is what young people believe which can affect their their hopes and their motivation to work to to progress are you satisfied or dissatisfied with efforts to increase the number of quality jobs in most cases the percentage who are satisfied is is low there are some notable exceptions specifically in the gulf but across the region there is a perception that more needs to be and then there is also the question is do you think that government in your country is doing enough to fight corruption or not there's a huge range here and in some cases a bout how believe the government is doing in some cases of the majority in some cases only a significant minority believe that the government is doing enough so again this obstacle now what are the recommendations that the research points to to moving forward on these issues how do we overcome the obstacles first on mindset the issue of resistance to relocate to get a job if there's only jobs in in areas that young person doesn't live in and they refuse to relocate that certainly becomes an obstacle to point so there are two things that we would recommend first is to simply re examine the societal support for relocating and for employment second is to invest in high tech job training that people can do virtually that people can do within their homes especially for young women who are the most likely to be resistant to relocating  access recommendations so the obstacle is lack of access to networks and mentors if people are are convinced that you need to have connections to get a job well let's increase the number of people with connections i mean as a short term solution to that problem can we make provide merit based access to networking events and mentorship second  institutionalize a best practice in job matching so that we are creating institutions that match people to jobs that are more objective in their criteria second lack of access to demand driven skills training due to cost distance family obligation and lack of awareness of the job training that is available some of the recommendations are skills training should be decided in partnership with enterprise many of these things are already happening second to invest in well advertised online training opportunities so that they don't have to go anywhere to get the training and finally to provide online pre training to address the issue of not having the requisite skills to get the training needed and then finally  states the second point is they do we put in consideration the size of a population in each case because whenever you have a large number of corporation like egypt the situation should be different because as you know whenever you have over police state you can't compare easy with others with the same kind of tedious it needs in this case more accurate definition to have much the first question is about combining the love want in egypt and trust me this was a very lively debate within our center and that's and that's actually why we have egypt not just to live on including egypt and what we wanted to do in creating the region is to just give ourselves a way to organize the data so that we were comparing countries with similar economic characteristics so the gulf states for example shouldn't be compared to somalia they're all in the arab league but they're very very different so we had to to if you think about what's a better place to put it i think it would be hard to come up with that what is the better region or just by itself well we needed to put it somewhere we love was the best place because they did have similar economic characteristics in terms of their asset but where to put countries in terms of regional characterisation is a long  debate and you're right it's not something that's easy or black and white area it is a gray area the population difference is you're right they are different and that's why we don't actually take averages in any of these that's why we only show the median which is the middle number and then the range and then we do that exactly for that reason is because population differences will affect you can't simply average you can even take a population weighted average because  on this research and in that full report there is a separate report on every single country will have its own report serious on report and so forth i was just sharing with you overall trends to get the conversation going and we are planning on sharing this and we have already started to share it with policymakers in the region it was launched at a conference where we did share wit matching not necessarily matching with each other so this is why we have ended this project and second now we have already issued the furthest report much i think that would be excellent and like i said i have given the final report of this research which we just launched in doha over to the commission on the computer and hopefully can be shared education the consortium made a decision and this was something we talked about that we wouldn't at this early stage take on educational reform that we were going to focus on low hanging fruit and just talk about training post graduation or in terms of after someone graduates how do we get them into a job that is available you're absolutely right you're talking about the root cause of some of these issues which will eventually have to deal with what are people learning in school but right now we are focusing on training versus education and you're right relocation and urban on are two different things and we were really looking at is the willingness because the question asked if there was a job would you be willing to relocate to get to it and that's what we found that there was a comparative reluctance especially among young women to relocate in any shape or form it doesn't we didn't say urbanization it doesn't have to be urbanization you're right urbanization is not the answer and then finally that young people wanted to work in small businesses most of all what we actually found wasn't that they necessarily wanted to only work in small business the main finding was that unlike popular conception they didn't all want to work in the government that about half wanted to work in private enterprise of some kind maule business as one but not all of them want to do with small business sector is about twenty percent another is just private enterprise working for a private company or even working at a charitable charitable organization and n g o s so you're you're right it's not viable to do all of that everyone work in small businesses but we found that there was a diverse  tremendous success during economic downturn all small amounts of money in certain locations carry a substantial amount of weight and what the people for example that the world bank learned that sometimes they get better results in terms of being paid back all and all business making a profit particularly with the women they make along the five hundred dollars as opposed to sometimes when they make a loan the five million discrimination the objective of this initiative is not only to provide a valuable unity to young people of the world to express that concerns and desperation for dissent life and we ha but you have you have you have to understand there is no one single solution for the problem that we are facing that can be implemented across all boards ok there might be exercises that have been achieved that have been solutions and certain areas that might not even be available to be implemented different towns in the same country ok we have a problem i think all major problem is education rather than it is employment that is saudi education in all these areas is the challenge and even from the little bit rich countries that can actually provide certain type of education come on let's let's speak frankly here i think that sixty or seventy percent of your targeted audience in the study have a problem with education essentially why is that because it's provided by a government that does not look into quality but looks into a majority of services provided with as low cost as possible because the economies are falling so the problem is we reach the stage of having twenty year old who are ignorant people coming out into the workforce and this is why you're saying that you need to train them how come i have somebody who's been ija catered for such a long time and then i bring him out and then i ask him to go into training to be ready to go into the workforce it's a cultural issue here that the education itself needs to implement and do some changes in all the countries to make sure that the people that we have educating are coming out as a good work force that's number one number two is that you have the youth i did something i'll just give you a small story and my hometown i'm an m b a right we get a new company coming  quoting forty people forty they only need forty people do you have any idea how many people came in to present their c v s fourteen thousand fourteen thousand people looking and competing over forty jobs this is what creates what we call i need somebody big i need somebody to push me here or is that so people take other people's status more jobs whatever it is ok we are we all know that so the issue of solutions that you have presented that extreme you know government jobs are always seek to because government means security because people know that if they work for the government they will always get the paycheck no matter how low it is ok and you know that we have jobs that pay twenty dollars a month and fifty dollars a month ok in the government and fifty dollars would be a very good pay and then so the second thing is you need the private sector to come in but private sector needs stability needs stability and clear vision well there's very very little that i would disagree with i think you're right on all of the things that you just said and the solutions that we presented are meant to be general and they are meant to be  generic in many ways because we're looking at the presentation broad trends but we won't be the ones who will figure out the specific solutions for each country study to not i mean i agree with you but reforming the education system we're looking at immediate how do we create how do we alleviate some of the problem as quickly as possible it's not the only thing we actually have three  three horizon but the most immediate educational reform will take much longer so we're not we're just simply not at the stage of looking at the long term issue because we're just in the very beginning of  at all because this study is so generic and look at it each country has to do its own if huge country could do its own then we wouldn't be sitting here discussing what we're going to do with each country so which means there are certain third and there is no way from a social point of view from the political point of view from the level of development democratic development level of development and so on that we can group them together they have to be looked at what i'd like to do to the total that we are in the second season what we called our knowledge based economy education program and the program consists mainly of a number of factors but one of them that the advantage will know this has created a computer literacy which in the organization i had on i had the five hundred training program for the people of my age on computer  like to discuss this further to come up and we could have a conversation during the coffee break because i would be very interested in how in your ideas and you really are the target audience for the study so how can it be more useful this is again the first round and we plan on doing it into the future so how can it be more useful for you in making decisions on these important issues  for example focus in on specific projects on water management energy security and i hope in this session we can focus a bit more on the environmental aspects of all security going to take place all in conjunction with all the mediterranean conference on october eleventh and after all i know all that we have a robust delegation coming and i also know all and i'll say to all the staff director for president suarez all that i'm going to begin there to make the more formal presentation  thank you thank you very much again for this very very very kind invitation and it's it's a great pleasure to be here with you and to talk about something that is of great interest to me but also of great interest to my organization the german marshall fund of the united states we different and as i understand it it's not really principally to talk about risks in the mediterranean per se but rather how mediterranean experiences mediterranean partners can bring that experience their experiences  characteristic of the global strategic environment and in fact has been an advance of trends in the global strategic environment and that is that we don't just face risks that cross borders that are transnational but they're actually trends regional and that has implications for much of our national policy making because we do tend to divide our thinking up into quite regional boxes european security on the one hand middle eastern security on the other eurasian security if you look at our state department look divided up that way and so on so we have these intellectual and bureaucratic ways of thinking about foreign and security policy they don't always match up with the kinds of risks that we have out there let me just mention a couple of that i think are emblematic of this trans regional environment that face today there are three very different kinds we can think of others at the very high end the risk of nuclear proliferation additional nuclear proliferation  above all the problem of crisis with iran over the issue of their nuclear program we can debate how fast the clock is ticking with their gods were on their development but i would argue that even if that clock is ticking fairly slowly and it might not be that the consequences of this will be felt over a very large region for some time to come and then not all nuclear one is discussed every day in the newspapers about the possibility for additional proliferation others going nuclear in response except but to me that's that's only one aspect of the problem some other aspects of it may be more likely have to do with the conventional response things that countries do of developing nuclear weapons programs of their own a kind of cascading series affects on security perceptions on military balances on hardware the whole deterrence and reassurance calculus it was a very large area of a thousand kilometers or more of this technology is out there you can buy it countries are buying it have bought it it makes everyone exposed so this is one very very prominent example of the trans regional let me and it clearly is not one that the local states even though they are exposed are going to be able to manage themselves europe the united states nato russia others who have a stake in this are clearly going to have to be involved the maritime space the maritime space again not just a mediterranean issue you want to talk about the greater mediterranean this extends into the black sea that extends into the red sea the caspian that includes the atlantic approaches i see the next year as basically a period in which maritime security is going to have a run of something that we really haven't thought about seriously since the cold war it will have many pieces  part of it is about this fashionable issue of piracy which does have again cascading effect for example from the point of view of the suez cannot use of the suez canal in egypt and in come to countries around the mediterranean who are dependent on maritime traffic through the suez canal what happens in the red sea becomes a mediterranean issue what happens in the broader black sea environment at sea becomes a mediterranean  the environment congressman hastings mentioned something about this briefly before he left i don't have a great deal to say about it unfortunately it's not my area of expertise but clearly if we're going to talk about security broadly defined in the  space in the years ahead environmental security is going to be the top of the list in terms of the global issue of climate change of course but also in terms of so much more specific risks that come from the transport of energy  threats to economically important industries like tourism around the region all very critically dependent on a healthy environment second the second point i'd make you about  economics again i'm not an economist but i'm a strategist who's interested in economics and it's impossible i think to avoid the implications of the current global economic crisis for security really in all of its dimensions this space including the mediterranean but going way beyond that and let me just mention a few things to you that i would worry about first we have this problem that is a standing problem of how we get more south south cooperation and integration people are writing reports on the costs of them on magreb fact the borders are close but if we look again at the broader space you can see this problem of clean develop regional cooperation regional linkages infrastructure and other things right across the region it's true around the caucasus in the black sea it's true in places in eurasia it is not moved fast as some people would like in the balkans this is a very very important aspect of economic growth and policy coordination it becomes even more important at a time of slower growth but it also gets tougher investment that's required for this kind of infrastructure the incentives that you would need to open borders and build new links again get much tougher when you face an environment of economic stringency the german marshall fund recently held a meeting in genoa italy the talked specifically about the magreb and the problems of  whether south south cooperation in the magreb is possible actually that's how we framed the question and everybody sort of agreed that it was possible that it was a good thing but it was very very tough to do in some areas there is some cooperation in other areas it's very poor but everyone sort of agreed that the cost of not having a magreb the cost of not having black sea region the costs of not having other regions function the way we would ideally like them to are very very real and matter to society a very interesting point that was made in that setting i think you'll find it in other places is that the only actors who really do have an integrated region whether it's around the black criminals of criminal activity impeded by closed borders isn't impeded by the lack of free trade agreement there is in fact free trade among  criminals and non state actors and security realm as well so i mean the dark side of this works very well unfortunately the overt side of it doesn't and that's something that's going to be a problem for the future what are the shared lessons here to what extent can and here to get to this question that was posed to me how can we think about the lessons that are applicable from one region to another in terms of being increasing this kind of integration there are places where used to be very bad and now it's quite good i mean one example of that would be between greece and turkey twenty years ago ten years ago the problem the relationship between greece and turkey in the gene was a security problem was a crisis management problem now that the leading problems many of them result but the leading problems are how do you do more joint ventures how do you build new infrastructure you clearly have had a political detente accompanied by commercial detente the building of the constituency for cooperation what could be learned from that experience or the experience in the balkans where this is also happened for the black sea or for the magreb i think those are the kinds of shared lessons that many institutions and governments ought to be interested in for the future a third final point to you on the human side but i think it also relates very clearly to both the security and the economic climate that we face we are now really looking at the security and discussing security and that in a climate of reduced prosperity many countries are not used to th deterioration of political relationships and ultimately relationships but we need to think through the effects of the economic crisis not only at the level of state the state relationships where you could imagine greater nationalism  renationalization of policies all the things that many people have been working against for years but also at the level of society and we're seeing this in different places we're seeing it in the middle east we're seeing it in the balkans we're seeing it in parts of europe in fact where you see declining social cohesion greater intolerance frictions that result from higher unemployment migrate pressures on migration migrant communities remittances all of these things creating more social tension in a way that has a negative effect on human security on personal security and all of those things that we're concerned with so that i think is a final aspect that we're going to have to pay attention to i would just conclude by saying that especially since you're meeting here to discuss these issues in washington there is a very important part of this that has to do with getting the united states and europe over the next years to pay attention to these problems of security across the old space but in particular in the south including the mediterranean how do you incorporate those things that are unique to these places and challenges that are unique to nato debates  debates about mediterranean policy relations with russia very much part of the environment how is the southern dimension to be incorporated into that so these are much bigger strategic questions that are really open one looking ahead but if you'll allow me i'll just stop with that and welcome your own thoughts and questions thank you very much again relation as an example of shifting from security issues to what you call coming to talk to the states with the provided that the security concern is still there thank you i think there are thank you for that yes i do surely not everything is going to be applicable i mean there are big differences let's face it each of these kinds of areas where we could imagine similar problems and similar need for detente but i am really very struck having followed the relationship between greece and turkey for many years that it has changed quite fundamentally i think the whole of attraction of the european union has been one piece of this for sure but there's no question that something went on there where political relaxation coupled with the interest of the private sector coupled with civil society becoming interested in the other to the extent that it actually became trend go in to be doing things in the other country came together in some way which was very very useful can it be the same in between israel and the palestinians probably not exactly but there is an issue of  how much political space political cover if you want to use that term does the private sector need to go and do it how influential can it be once there is that political space how does it over time transform a security confrontation into a political dispute and eventually into something else there are no simple answers to this to be sure and you could ask the same questions in the balkans you could ask the same questions around the caucasus in relation to frozen conflicts there were similar dynamics at play but again to go back to our topic i think it's a very interesting sort of task to examine what lessons can be learned from these different experiences including some much further afield of latin americans on about regional integration that it's effect on conflict so it's a long it's a long as elegantly simple question of is it possible maybe but i think it's worth  you very much for your four presentation we know each other from time and time again i mean a long time ago one one little comment on the  much you know i think you described the situation with greece and turkey very very very very accurately there are bigger stakes involved they don't change everything at the end of the day you still probably have to fix some of the security  issues going back to the relationship between the united states and the soviet union or between the west in the soviet union during the cold war where it was possible to have a certain economic detente without fixing all the strategic central strategic issues but you do at least have to stabilize the strategic issues in order for that to happen in between greece and turkey it seems to me it's happened it looks to me quite durable actually you know people worried about that now you could speculate about the looks that way ten years from now but it seems to me something durable is going to be on this question of south south cooperation and what institutions and policies can do i'm struck that if you look at european policy towards the mediterranean union for the mediterranean concept as it's evolved other kinds of projects what nato is been doing what the united states has been doing in its policy towards the southern mediterranean which is much less developed this piece of south south cooperation and highlighting projects that have a south south to them has been very very prominent so i think everybody in a way agrees that this is the way to go the trouble is in fact  rich your relationship with paris or with washington is jealously guarded if you're living in the periphery and and that's something that's very tough to change actually and i think it's not just true of magreb for example it's true also in the eleventh i think it's true on the black sea whether the core relationship is with united states or brussels or moscow you know actors have a tendency to guard those quite jealous what can change it is i think exactly the kind of thing that you mentioned very pressing energy needs other kinds of infrastructure needs where you create incentives to commercial or other kinds of things differently lateral cross border regional cooperation piece t have security cooperation programs between the two sides was and the nato mediterranean battle program we have a similar program of cooperation with the as that framework for social and economic security issues and the corporation between the two sides here is always conservative as perhaps of the best framework of corporation for  ability can help countries with their tangible security problems i think we should be doing more with nato i think nato should be more actively for example in the demining business than it's been around but i think you know nato ought to be doing that i think when it comes to issues of economic cooperation and development in the region the obvious it's the dominant factor and it ought to be ought to be institutionalized in a more effective way  this union for the mediterranean idea you know it's interesting ten years ago you probably couldn't have found a dozen people in washington knew what the barcelona process was but suddenly everybody was interested in the union for the mediterranean there were articles about it th were seminars about it in washington and so why well i think the reason has a little bit to do with the core of your question that there is a kind of practical american interest in this stuff what was attractive  first of all it was so there was a bit of the so cozy let's be honest but beyond that it laid out a series a limited number of very practical projects that had to do with alternative energy had to do with education environment and so on there was something very appealing about that now has it worked is it going forward not really not exactly maybe it's become a little too institutionalized but anyway i think there is something here you've got to put the resources against it you have to be strategic about it i think that's the reason why the marshall plan worked well it was dealing with an immense problem very substantial way at the right time led by the right people and it worked it's a reason why that image is security agenda which is getting bigger very particular role to play a very unique one but i would invent a new one i think the ones you've got and that's the first time to go into the same direction thank you just to clarify between which two institutions between i think the bigger question is what is the theme what is the the the the border what is the scope for cooperation between the e u policy in the mediterranean generally of which the union for the mediterranean has been incorporated and what does for that matter what nato does or what other institutions do i mean that's much much tougher i mean you have this massive irony in that the european union has very substantial resources to devote to the mediterranean but using them effectively is not easy so i don't have a clear i don't have a clear answer to you except that i think that the with the issues that it's concerned with in the kind of debate that you have is going to be a clear stakeholder not only in where the european union's mediterranean policy is going because it's changing quite rapidly but also where for example nato strategic concept is going to go on much of what nato does with it new strategic concept i'm assuming is going to be extremely relevant to the south in particular to the mediterranean to the black sea to much of the space a much broader swath of the space so i think this is an opportunity i think for members to make their views known if they have that kind of entree into the nato debate this is the time to do it the next two years  or what we are talking about is a connection between security and the development we need something we want to do we need some scene for the implementation we would like to mediterranean there was something that was part of that concept at the beginning which clearly was lost over time and i think that's not true of the union for the mediterranean it was also true of other some of the other mediterranean that would allow you to make some kind of progress that you otherwise could not make so that there's something about this identity that mattered and there have been a whole series of initiatives going back to certainly the one nine hundred eighty s that were built around oriented there could be real virtue to that it's one of the reasons why it's so appealing on this side of the atlantic but at a time i think when europe is trying to figure out its policy towards the south generally really right the way from the magreb to central asia maybe something gets lost if you're simply talking about the vast neighborhood and neighborhood policy without any differentiation that there was something interesting and useful about having a mediterranean definition and identity that gets lost so i think just putting that on the table again matters but the union for the mediterranean as i see it observing it from here doesn't quite do that so that's one point i would make on the question of so i think it's very important as someone who looks at mediterranean policy and strategy to reassert that mediterranean identity because maybe it allows you to do something politically that you otherwise couldn't do i think it's worth bearing in mind on this question of security and development or generally well it's very tough  because i think we use the same vocabulary but we mean quite different things sometimes when we talk about this when it's discussed in washington very often the idea that  through development we will somehow reduce security risks in a very simple way it's obviously not a simple relationship but the complicated relationship you can even imagine situations in which economic development leads instability i mean let's let's admit we have experience examples of this in history as well revolutions that are made by unmet expectations and so on so it's a very complicated linkage that has risks inherent in i think and it was mentioned that we need to be very conscious of the social dynamics that are a play today in the face of the economic crisis that we all are  experiencing i know it was a very common view that some countries could somehow decouple themselves that this was a problem of the develop north that it was about problem even of certain markets in the develop north and that others could somehow isolate themselves from this well it doesn't seem to be that way everyone is sharing in some aspect of this problem so the effects on social cohesion the effects on social stability all of these things whether it's in the north or it's in the south i think are going to matter and frankly if you were to ask me to identify one defining overarching security challenge in the space and for the key part of the next five years i hate to say ten  years it's going to be precisely this question of the economic crisis and its social effects that to me is going to be number one and will have all kinds of security implications so it to about security in development to me is sure  question of development policy in the traditional sense in the south but it's also a question of this broader issue of how you do security under conditions of reduced prosperity  later two thousand and four we have we have had also a stumble corp initiative so we have two initiatives within nato and we have more done within the framework of discussed extensively in fact by such a seminar and even after the seminar thank you very much and then the north so the delicious ship historically has been the stronger to getting what he wants and with this in mind it is very difficult to decide on methods of co operation between  mediterranean he proposes a two year rotating presidency one from the north then one from the solve all with a central executive is that over a number of years in the parliamentary assembly there has always been a strong desire on the part of parliamentarians from southern european states to focus on the mediterranean extent into discussion of the palestinian issue and this is also the case in quite a number of other problem entry assemblies in there in their approach to this barcelona process also has another another mechanism related to parliamentary cooperation and of course within the we have a number of mechanisms mentioned earlier where there's a mediterranean forum every year  working group in vienna so there's a lot of focus a lot of interest and a lot of desire but it is one of the gentleman said earlier sometimes there are too many of these forms and and they do overlap so by purely european the council of europe which has a responsibility is only coming human rights and democracy internally so to say not least a very powerful mechanism that every citizen has a right to appeal above the national court of human rights to use a really powerful instrument and then of course the european union focusing on the economy more than ours on freedom of movement on the human di in that sense we shouldn't forget that perhaps one of the real strengths of european integration has been that we have these different organizations with different tasks that comes out of  cooperation and that means also that when we are discussing with others the european union certainly will not be an effective partner when it comes to discuss and security in the mediterranean because they have only parts of the important parts of the security yes but not the ones where of course but the simple united states is critically important you can discuss middle east peace process without the united states moving over to the european union and the different and i think it was interesting to listen to the different names on on on perhaps some policies and the problem there and let me be very  the debate about turkey's membership in europe i think is focused on that you have more protectionist forces in europe that are not prepared to deliberate i mean in that sense i'm very self critical i come from a country w market when it comes to sensitive products like all of our produced south of the mediterranean of course competing with produce that comes north of the mediterranean they have a lot of vested interest not least in the agricultural sector yourself different sphere and a long list of them as you say they are in all their different ways a struggle to create something truly multilateral in the region to overcome what a fact a very strong pattern this does have to do with creating more weight if i can use that term political strategic weight in the south so that the south actually feels like it's a an equal negotiating partner in this process of developing  hard to do the union for the magreb is one vehicle so this hasn't worked very well but it's one of the other approaches something that wasn't mentioned but it's also worth thinking about which is this kind of sub regional approach  maybe you can do something in the western mediterranean there's five plus five equivalents in the eastern mediterranean not as affected that may be deals with a smaller list of issues but of special relevance to countries there yet and i don't have a simple answer to how you make something like the union for the mediterranean into that thing not easy to do well again i want to return to the question of institutions and priorities to barcelona in my study of the barcelona process was that it failed for exactly the reasons that you suggested that there was  really no central political will to to and the marshall plan succeeded primarily because one president and one secretary of state decided that they were going to impose this economic plan on europe with secretary marshall and present  vegetables agricultural products and so on and so then came along the mediterranean into the mediterranean caused idea that that had seeds are conferences earlier took up some of those ideas you put them together in a new package and they have a general sort of a macro approach but not a micro pro to get the problem solved so maybe you another approach another track might be this and that is to talk to the i m f and the world bank which are very ready participants on the one hand to form a new bank in the middle east which could support some of these economic projects we need that that was the essence of the european recovery which was the central banking authority to lend  money on the on the banking side because all these things require funding and the i m f stands ready with bundles of money in the world bank has bundles of money but they're not funneled through an instrument that has legitimacy and requires it's done it in the past so i still come to the conclusion that we need more micro institutions that will have new energy new funding new awareness that will not be will not be confusing with the barcelona process because a lot of the recommendations are there not be confusing with the mediterranean union process and i certainly congratulate start closing his thinkers about this but now puts into both of these proposals and again the urgency we hear over and over again these are economic issues that are urgent and i conclude by this my study of the nine eleven the worst the worst region to suffer from nine eleven and remains the middle economically in every way shape or form look at all you know economic indicators direct foreign investment job creation name growth economic think it's the middle east and so i've been alive and we've done i think an important role we're going to do it again and we're going to repeat it again but i think ultimately we have to come up with new micro institutions following what happened in europe and the marshall plan to facilitate the concerns that we've heard here from our colleagues from the let me ask everybody and maybe someone can weigh in on this of when the president made his among othe and disaster response and civil protection alternative energy promotion and mediterranean plan of obviously all of us higher education research and development of  compare eastern europe and what happened after the collapse of the soviet union of soviet bloc but we have to bear in mind that if you compare the france even to the europe and south eastern europe in the more or less second this is from the part of the european union and the west now from the part of the south and  congressman thank you i mean just just spawn's on this question of the different projects that are cozy laid out i mean one of them at least is in a way happening and it's happening despite the fact that it is blocked politically in the secretariat isn't fully set up yet and all the rest of it the middle one has a lot of interest there are companies there are countries who want to do this they're ready to invest money in it including american companies who are interested in  this the german foreign ministry has put money into it there are other desert tech the other kind of projects around it one of the but it brings you back to this problem of the under development of south south link because to make this really work you have to be able to issues but if you could open the border if you could have more infrastructure that was common things like the med solar plant and the port the maritime highways idea would be much more effective another practical example borders so i mean it's it is another example there is plenty of blame in the north to be sure there are issues about money to be sure but there is also a question of the environment in the south which i think you know partners in the south will readily acknowledge excellent quick housekeeping matters for anyone who would like to attend the hearing this afternoon we will have staff remaining outside of this room from now until two o'clock in order to escort folks to the building where the hearing is held so look for our intern staff and those that have been manning our front desk and we will make sure that you get to the hearing room where these proceedings will be synthesised and we'll hear from some of our other guests thank you very much