2022年度各国人权报告(英文)
 
美国国务院
发言人办公室
2023年3月20日
 
安东尼·布林肯国务卿就2022年度各国人权报告发表讲话
 
新闻发布厅
 
布林肯国务卿：韦丹（Vedant），谢谢你。各位上午好。
 
让我先谈谈今天早上的一些非常好的消息，那就是杰弗里·伍德克（Jeffrey Woodke）在被囚禁六年多之后获释。我要感谢我上周刚刚访问过的尼日尔政府，感谢它提供的重要协助，让他能够回国。我还要感谢我们的团队，首先是罗杰·卡斯滕斯（Roger Carstens）特使，以及一直在国务院努力帮助他回国的所有人，他们都在不懈努力，我很高兴我们现在看到了今天这项成果。
 
正如你们所知，我最重视或最关注的工作就是帮助被不公正拘押的美国人回到祖国，无论他们在世界上哪个地方。在他们都回到家中并像杰弗里一样与家人团聚之前，我们不会懈怠。
 
今天上午，我将发布2022年度人权报告（Human Rights Report）。但在我进入正题之前，我想谈谈现在正在莫斯科发生的情况。
 
今天及这个星期，习主席将在俄罗斯与普京总统会谈。我们预计中国可能会利用这次访问再次根据其和平提议提出停火。
 
美国欢迎任何促进公正及持久和平的倡议。中国的提议包含我们长期以来一直支持的几个要素，其中有确保核安全、解决人道主义危机以及保护平民。
 
而且事实上，第一个要素要求维护所有国家的主权、独立和领土完整。
 
终止在乌克兰战争并实现公正及持久和平的任何计划的根本要素都必须是根据《联合国宪章》（UN Charter）维护乌克兰的主权和领土完整。
 
任何不优先考虑这一核心原则的计划充其量只是一种拖延手段，或者只是在寻求为一种不公正的结果提供便利。这不是建设性的外交。
 
不包括把俄罗斯军队赶出乌克兰领土的停火呼吁实际上是支持认可俄罗斯的征服行径。它将承认俄罗斯以武力夺取主权邻国的领土的企图。这将使俄罗斯能够进一步巩固其在乌克兰的地位。若没有持久的解决方案而现在就停火，普京总统便可以趁机休整并重整他的军队，然后在对俄罗斯更有利的时候重新发动战争。
 
世界不应当被俄罗斯——在中国或任何其他国家的协助下——采取的按照它自己的条件冻结战事的任何战术手段所愚弄。这样的行为将违反《联合国宪章》，并违背在联合国大会（United Nations General Assembly）上谴责俄罗斯发动战争的141个国家的意愿。
 
这场冲突的一方——乌克兰——已经提出了一个公正的和平方案。如果中国承诺支持正如其计划第一点所要求的根据《联合国宪章》的有关原则结束战争，它可以在这个基础上与泽连斯基总统（President Zelensky）和乌克兰接触，并利用其影响力迫使莫斯科撤回其军队。
 
俄罗斯所称的对乌克兰主权领土的兼并，包括它甚至并不控制的大片地区，及其对平民的持续不断的野蛮袭击，都表明普京总统目前对这样的和平不感兴趣。
 
习主席在国际刑事法院（International Criminal Court）对普京总统发出逮捕令几天后前往俄罗斯，表明了中国感到它没有责任对克里姆林宫在乌克兰犯下的暴行追究责任；它非但不谴责这些暴行，反而提供外交掩护让俄罗斯继续犯下这些罪行。
 
我每年都会来到这个讲台上发布人权报告。我这样做是因为这份报告体现了人权对于美国外交以及我们对开放、自由、繁荣和安全的世界的愿景的重要意义。
 
人权具有普世性。人权不受任何国家、思想意识或地区的局限，而适用于每个地方的每个人。
 
这份报告对全球近200个国家和地区的人权状况进行了实事求是、客观、严格的记录。而且重要的是，它对各个国家和地区都采用相同的标准，包括我们的盟友和伙伴以及与我们有分歧的国家。
 
本报告的目的不是说教或羞辱。相反，它是要为那些在世界各地当人类尊严受到多种多样的威胁时奋力予以捍卫及维护的人们提供资源。虽然这份报告面向世界各国，但我们知道美国在人权方面也面临着一系列自身的挑战。
 
我们愿意公开面对我们的挑战，承认我们自己的缺点——而不是掩盖它们或假装它们不存在——这是我们和其他民主国家的独特之处。
 
这份报告明确指出，在2022年，在世界上各个地区，我们继续看到一些国家的人权状况倒退——公民空间被关闭，基本人类尊严得不到尊重。
 
该报告详述了伊朗政权对其本国人民犯下的骇人听闻、持续不断的侵权行为。在马赫萨·阿米尼（Mahsa Amini）惨死之后，伊朗当局杀害了数百名和平抗议者，其中包括数十名儿童，并任意拘押了数千人。
 
伊朗武装部队对被捕的抗议者施以酷刑和基于性别的暴力。新闻记者和律师受到骚扰并遭到先发制人的拘押。假庭审及仓促处决被用来进一步恐吓伊朗人民。
 
国际社会齐心协力地谴责和抗议伊朗的残酷镇压，我们将继续采取行动支持伊朗人民为其基本自由大声疾呼的权利。
 
在阿富汗，塔利班（Taliban）无情地歧视并镇压妇女和女童，迄今颁布了80项法令，限制妇女的行动自由以及受教育和工作的权利。塔利班于12月颁布的禁止非政府组织的女雇员进入工作场所的法令危及数千万依赖人道主义援助生存的阿富汗人。
 
人权在缅甸进一步受到侵蚀，该国的军事政权残酷对待本国人民。数以千计的活动人士被当局杀害——其中包括去年夏天被处决的四名支持民主的领导人。
 
中国继续侵犯人权，包括针对维吾尔人的种族灭绝和危害人类罪行、镇压藏人、在香港压制基本权利，以及打击在中国大陆行使基本自由权利的个人。
 
在古巴，有关法院把数百名为争取自身权利而抗议的人判处严厉的徒刑。在尼加拉瓜，专制政府继续拘押政治犯，并将他们关押在条件极其恶劣的监狱中。
 
2022年人权报告还提醒我们谨记众多人士——活动人士、新闻记者、律师、政府官员和普通公民——反抗这些侵权行为的非凡勇气。许多人是冒着遭到报复、骚扰、拘押、酷刑甚至死亡的巨大个人风险进行抗争的。
 
我们在二月份表彰了10位全球人权捍卫者（Global Human Rights Defender）获奖者——他们来自世界各地，提倡并捍卫基本自由，从抗击奴役到为被迫失踪者的家人维权，再到要求为低收入劳工提供更高的工资和更好的工作条件，以及为被判处死刑的政治犯代言。这份报告向他们致敬。
 
我也为我在国务院的同事们感到自豪，他们分布在华盛顿以及世界各地的各个使领馆，他们不仅报告和记录了侵犯人权的行为，而且还借助于美国外交的力量和目标来增进人类尊严。
 
正如你们所知，我最近访问了埃塞俄比亚，并在那里与阿比（Abiy）总理及其团队进行了非常富有成效的讨论。我还会见了格塔丘·瑞达（Getachew Reda），他是签署11月2日《停止敌对行动协议》（Cessation of Hostilities Agreement）的提格雷人民解放阵线（TPLF）代表，并刚刚被选为临时政府的领导人。我对双方达成这项协议并为执行协议取得重大进展表示赞赏。
 
随着这项协议的达成，战斗已经停止，人道主义援助正在流入，服务正在恢复，埃塞俄比亚北部的侵犯人权行为明显下降，厄立特里亚部队正在撤离，埃塞俄比亚政府正在实施转型正义的最初步骤。
 
但是，正如我在访问期间与双方讨论的那样，要建立持久的和平，必须承认所有各方犯下的暴行，在和解的同时追究责任。
 
埃塞俄比亚北部的冲突是一场毁灭性的灾难。男女老幼被杀害。妇女和女童遭受了令人发指的性暴力。成千上万的人被迫离开家园。整个社区因种族原因而成为特定的攻击目标。
许多这些行动不是偶然发生的，也不仅仅是战争带来的副产品，而是精心策划和蓄意所为。
 
经过国务院对法律和事实的认真审查，我确定埃塞俄比亚国防军、厄立特里亚国防军、提格雷人民解放阵线部队和阿姆哈拉部队的成员在埃塞俄比亚北部冲突中犯下了战争罪。
 
埃塞俄比亚国防军、厄立特里亚国防军和阿姆哈拉部队的成员还犯下了危害人类罪，包括谋杀、强奸和其他形式的性暴力及迫害。
 
阿姆哈拉部队成员犯下了驱逐人口出境或强行转移人口的危害人类罪，其在提格雷西部实施的行动对提格雷人犯下了种族清洗罪。
 
我们欢迎《停止敌对行动协定》各方承诺承认所犯下的暴行及其破坏性后果。
 
通过公开发布一份详细的、以最佳做法为基础并借鉴了其他国家在摆脱大规模暴力时期经验的转型正义方案绿皮书，埃塞俄比亚政府正在实施转型正义的最初步骤。埃塞俄比亚政府已邀请人权事务高级专员办事处的专家加入埃塞俄比亚人权委员会，在受冲突影响的地区派驻一个人权监察员小组，以确保此类暴行被真正制止。
 
政府还在就转型正义举行公开协商，正如我与总理讨论的那样，这些协商应该包括所有利益相关者，并让受害者有发言权。这一进程正受益于该领域专家的建议，包括我的团队成员，他们上周刚刚与其他国际专家一起参加了一个关于转型正义的研讨会。
 
最后，至关重要的是，我们敦促埃塞俄比亚政府和厄立特里亚政府，以及提格雷人民解放阵线对实施这些暴行的人追责。
 
这些步骤——承认、问责、和解——是打破种族和政治暴力循环的关键，这种暴力长期以来一直钳制着埃塞俄比亚，阻碍该国发挥其无穷的潜力。
 
美国将与埃塞俄比亚合作，为所有受害者和受影响社区的利益实施一个可信的转型正义计划。在埃塞俄比亚坦诚面对其过去虐待行为、对其公民所受伤害承担责任、朝着持久和平的未来迈进之际，我们将与埃塞俄比亚站在一起。
 
欲查看原稿内容:  https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-on-the-2022-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/
本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
 
REMARKS
ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE
PRESS BRIEFING ROOM
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 20, 2023
 
MR PATEL:  Good morning, everybody.  And welcome back to those of us that were on the road with us last week.
The Secretary will make some very brief remarks and take a couple of questions before he has to head back upstairs for some engagements.  Assistant Secretary Barclay and Ambassador Van Schaack, though, will hang back downstairs to answer some more Q&A once the Secretary departs.
Secretary, the floor is yours.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Vedant, thank you.  Well, good morning, everyone.
Let me just start with some very good news this morning, and that is the release of Jeffrey Woodke after more than six years in captivity.  I want to thank the Government of Niger, where I was just last week, for its important assistance in bringing him home.  I also want to thank our team, starting with Special Envoy Roger Carstens, all of those who have been working at the department to bring him home, tireless efforts, and I’m very pleased that we are now seeing that come to fruition today.
As you know, I have no higher priority or focus than bringing home any unjustly detained American, wherever that is in the world.  We won’t rest until they’re all home and, like Jeffrey, reunited with their families.
This morning, I’ll be launching the 2022 Human Rights Report.  But just before I turn to that, I want to speak to what’s happening right now in Moscow.
Today, and throughout this week, President Xi is meeting with President Putin in Russia.  We expect that China may use this visit to reiterate calls for a ceasefire under its peace proposal.
The United States welcomes any initiative that advances a just and durable peace.  China’s proposal includes elements that we have long supported, including ensuring nuclear safety, resolving the humanitarian crisis, protecting civilians.
And indeed, the first element calls for upholding sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of all countries.
The fundamental element of any plan for ending the war in Ukraine and producing a just and durable peace must be upholding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, in accordance with the United Nations Charter.
Any plan that does not prioritize this critical principle is a stalling tactic at best or is merely seeking to facilitate an unjust outcome.  That is not constructive diplomacy.
Calling for a ceasefire that does not include the removal of Russian forces from Ukrainian territory would effectively be supporting the ratification of Russian conquest.  It would recognize Russia’s attempts to seize a sovereign neighbor’s territory by force.  It would enable Russia to further entrench positions in Ukraine.  And a ceasefire now, without a durable solution, would allow President Putin to rest and refit his troops and then restart the war at a time more advantageous to Russia.
The world should not be fooled by any tactical move by Russia – supported by China or any other country – to freeze the war on its own terms.  Such a move would violate the UN Charter and delay – defy, excuse me – the will of the 141 countries who have condemned Russia’s war in the United Nations General Assembly.
One party to this conflict – Ukraine – has already put forward a just peace formula.  If China is committed to supporting an end to the war based on the principles of the UN Charter as called for in point one of its plan, it can engage with President Zelenskyy and Ukraine on this basis and use its influence to compel Moscow to pull back its forces.
Russia’s purported annexation of sovereign Ukrainian territory, including vast areas it doesn’t even control, and its ongoing, brutal attacks on civilians make clear that President Putin currently has no interest in such a peace.
That President Xi is traveling to Russia days after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for President Putin suggests that China feels no responsibility to hold the Kremlin accountable for the atrocities committed in Ukraine, and instead of even condemning them, it would rather provide diplomatic cover for Russia to continue to commit those very crimes.
Now, every year, I come to this podium for the launch of the Human Rights Report.  I do so because the report embodies the importance of human rights for American diplomacy and for our vision of an open, free, prosperous, and secure world.
Human rights are universal.  They aren’t defined by any one country, philosophy, or region.  They apply to everyone, everywhere.
This report makes a factual, objective, and rigorous accounting of human rights conditions around the world, looking at nearly 200 countries and territories.  And, importantly, it applies the same standards to everyone: our allies and partners, and countries with which we have differences.
The goal of this report is not to lecture or to shame.  Rather, it is to provide a resource for those individuals working around the world to safeguard and uphold human dignity when it’s under threat in so many ways.  And while this report looks outward to countries around the world, we know the United States faces its own set of challenges on human rights.
Our willingness to confront our challenges openly, to acknowledge our own shortcomings – not to sweep them under the rug or pretend they don’t exist – that is what distinguishes us and other democracies.
The report makes clear that, in 2022, in countries across every region, we continued to see a backsliding in human rights conditions – the closing of civic space, disrespect for fundamental human dignity.
The report details the appalling and ongoing abuses committed by the regime in Iran against its own people.  In the wake of the tragic death of Mahsa Amini, authorities have killed hundreds of peaceful protestors, including dozens of children, and have arbitrarily detained thousands.
Iranian forces are using torture and gender-based violence against arrested protesters.  Journalists and lawyers are harassed and pre-emptively detained.  Sham trials and hasty executions are used to further intimidate the people of Iran.
The international community has come together to condemn and confront Iran’s brutal crackdown, and we’ll continue to act in support of the right of the Iranian people to speak out for their fundamental freedoms.
In Afghanistan, the Taliban relentlessly discriminates against and represses women and girls, so far issuing 80 decrees and – that restrict women’s freedom of movement and their right to education and work.  The Taliban’s December edict barring female employees of non-governmental organizations from the workplace imperils the tens of millions of Afghans who depend on humanitarian assistance for their very survival.
Human rights have further eroded in Burma, where the military regime brutalizes the population.  Thousands of activists have been killed by the authorities – including four pro-democracy leaders executed last summer.
The PRC continues its abuses, including genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, repression of Tibetans, crackdown on basic rights in Hong Kong, and targeting of individuals on the mainland for exercising fundamental freedoms.
In Cuba, courts have issued draconian jail sentences to hundreds of people for protesting for their rights.  And in Nicaragua, the authoritarian government continues to detain political prisoners and hold them in appalling prison conditions.
The 2022 Human Rights Report is also a reminder of the extraordinary courage of so many – activists, journalists, lawyers, government officials, regular citizens – who stand up to these abuses.  Many do so at great personal risk of retaliation, harassment, detention, torture, even death.
In February, we celebrated ten Global Human Rights Defender awardees – individuals from around the world who are promoting and defending fundamental freedoms, from combatting slavery, to advocating for families of those forcibly disappeared, to demanding better wages and working conditions for low-income laborers, to representing political prisoners on death row.  This report honors them.
I’m also proud of my colleagues here at the State Department – in Washington and at every post around the world – for not only reporting and documenting human rights abuses but also drawing on the power and purpose of American diplomacy to advance human dignity.
Now, as you know, I recently traveled to Ethiopia, where I had a very productive discussion with Prime Minister Abiy and his team.  I also met with Getachew Reda, the TPLF signatory to the November 2nd Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, who was just selected to be the leader of its interim administration.  I commended both sides for reaching that agreement and the significant progress made in its implementation.
With this agreement in place, the fighting has stopped, humanitarian assistance is flowing, services are being restored, human rights[i] in northern Ethiopia are significantly down, Eritrean forces are leaving, the Ethiopian Government is taking the first steps toward transitional justice.
But, as I discussed with both sides during my visit, to build a durable peace, there must be acknowledgment of the atrocities committed by all parties, as well as accountability together with reconciliation.
The conflict in northern Ethiopia was devastating.  Men, women, and children were killed.  Women and girls were subject to horrific forms of sexual violence.  Thousands were forcibly displaced from their homes.  Entire communities were specifically targeted based on their ethnicity.
Many of these actions were not random or a mere byproduct of war.  They were calculated and deliberate.
After the department’s careful review of the law and the facts, I’ve determined that members of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, Eritrean Defense Forces, Tigray People’s Liberation Front forces, and Amhara forces committed war crimes during the conflict in northern Ethiopia.
Members of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, the Eritrean Defense Forces, and Amhara forces also committed crimes against humanity, including murder, rape and other forms of sexual violence, and persecution.
Members of the Amhara forces committed the crime against humanity of deportation or forcible transfer and committed ethnic cleansing through their treatment of Tigrayans in western Tigray.
We welcome the commitment that the parties to the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement have made to acknowledge the atrocities committed and their devastating consequences.
The Government of Ethiopia is taking the first steps by publicly releasing a detailed green paper of transitional justice options based upon best practices and building upon the experiences of other states emerging from periods of mass violence.  It has invited experts from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to join the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission to deploy a team of human rights monitors to conflict-affected areas to ensure that such acts have truly ceased.
The government is also holding public consultations about transitional justice, which, as I discussed with the prime minister, should be inclusive of all stakeholders and provide victims a voice.  The process is benefiting from the advice of experts in the field, including members of my team who participated in a workshop on transitional justice with other international specialists just last week.
Finally, and crucially, we urge the Government of Ethiopia and the Government of Eritrea, as well as the TPLF, to hold those responsible for these atrocities accountable.
These steps – acknowledgement, accountability, reconciliation – are key to breaking the cycle of ethnic and political violence that has gripped Ethiopia and prevented it from reaching its unlimited potential for so long.
The United States will partner with Ethiopia as it implements a credible transitional justice process for the benefit of all victims and affected communities.  We will stand with Ethiopia as it honestly faces the abuses in its past, provides accountability for the harms committed against its citizens, and moves toward a future of lasting peace.
With that, happy to take a couple of questions before turning it over to my colleagues.
MR PATEL:  Matt, go ahead.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Matt.
QUESTION:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary, and welcome back.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.
QUESTION:  I’ve got about 17 questions, but for the sake of —
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Hold on, let me get my pen out.
QUESTION:  But – yeah, but for the sake of both you and my colleagues, I’ll narrow it down to just one.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.
QUESTION:  And that has to do with the Ethiopia – and the decision you just made.  As you noted, you were just there.  Why didn’t you make this determination either while you were there or before you went?  Were your conversations while you were there instructive in – did the – in making this?
And then the other thing is – on this – you seem to suggest that you think that Ethiopian courts can take care – can deal with this.  That is not so much the case as it relates to Russia and Ukraine.  And I – so I’m just wondering why it is that you think that.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thanks, Matt.  Well, look, I’m not – obviously not going to get into the details of private discussions that I had, but two things.  First, this determination is the product of a lot of very deliberate, detailed work, and we are, when we make these determinations, very focused on doing that work, making sure that we have the facts, that we apply them to the law, and all of that takes time and focus.
It seemed appropriate to release the determination that we made as we’re putting out the Human Rights Report.  And beyond that, I’d say that in terms of what happens next in Ethiopia, including what process they establish to provide for justice, for accountability, we’ll see.  I don’t think that’s been determined.  What has been determined and what I could see from my meetings and conversations last week is a commitment on all sides to engage in this process of transitional justice; an acknowledgement of the atrocities that have been committed – again, by all sides – in the course of this conflict in northern Ethiopia; and, I believe, a commitment to genuinely get to a better place that has to include accountability, that has to include, I think, reconciliation if we’re going to have a truly durable peace.
That’s what I heard on the trip, and again, I think the situation that we’re seeing now in Ethiopia is vastly different than situations in other parts of the world in that, over the last four months, the steps that all sides have taken to implement the cessation of hostilities agreement has literally saved lives and changed lives for tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands of people.  But that doesn’t erase what happened over the last two years, which is why it is so important that we get this transitional justice process moving and that there is accountability as well as reconciliation.
QUESTION:  Afghanistan?
MR PATEL:  Let’s go to Missy in the back.
QUESTION:  Please, Mr. Secretary.  Afghan situation also is very bad.
MR PATEL:  Please.
QUESTION:  Any message for our new year?  We celebrated our new year.
MR PATEL:  Nazira, I’m going to call the questions.  Missy, (inaudible).
QUESTION:  Please – you guys don’t give me opportunity.  Any comment about Afghan women?  And what’s your message for our new year?  We celebrated, but Afghan women crying.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, we —
QUESTION:  I know you don’t give me a chance.  Sorry, I have a lot of pain.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  I’ll say very simply – no, no, I’m happy to address that.  I’ll say very simply that we deplore the edicts that the Taliban have promulgated repeatedly that fundamentally repress the rights of Afghan women and girls.  And we’ve seen this now time and again: denying them education, denying them the ability to work, denying them the ability to participate in the provision of humanitarian assistance that benefits all Afghans.  And I think it’s safe to say from conversations with countries around the world that to the extent the Taliban is looking for more normal relations with countries around the world, that will not happen in so long as they continue to advance these repressive edicts against women and girls.
MR PATEL:  Missy, go ahead.
QUESTION:  Secretary Blinken, thanks so much for coming to talk to us about the report.  What would your response be to those that would say despite the content of the – contents of the report and despite all of the work that goes into it, that the issues that are flagged don’t – are not sufficiently influencing policymaking, especially when it comes to countries where it is harder for the United States to have those tough discussions on human rights, like Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Israel?  What’s your response to that?
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, first, we have those tough discussions across the board with friends, adversaries, competitors alike.  So that – and the report itself makes that very clear.  But in the day-in, day-out, it’s the same thing.  So we don’t – we’re not pulling our punches with anyone as – we call things as we see them.  Sometimes we do it more publicly; sometimes we do it more privately.  We’re trying to determine in each instance how we hopefully can be most effective in advancing human rights and advancing human dignity.
So I think it’s safe to say, without getting into details, that we raise these concerns with everyone – again, friends, adversaries, competitors.
At the same time, as we’re working in different ways with different countries, we have a multiplicity of interests that we’re working on, and we always try to determine how we can most effectively advance them.  Human rights is a central interest of ours; it’s not the only one.  And my responsibility is to make sure that we’re doing our best to advance all of our interests however we can.  But as this report makes clear – and it’s the fact that it’s a very public report and that it applies the same standards to countries around the world, whatever their relationship with us – I think demonstrates the seriousness with which we take this issue.
MR PATEL:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  I’ll leave it in the very capable hands of my colleagues.  Thank you, everyone.
MR PATEL:  Thank you, everybody.