美国国务院 
发言人办公室 
华盛顿特区 
2023年2月15日
 
布鲁金斯学会（Brookings Institution）
 
大家早上好。感谢苏珊娜（Suzanne）的介绍，也感谢布鲁金斯学会团队组织今天的讨论。
你们知道，当我们第一次讨论举办与你们全球中国（Global China）计划的相关活动时，这个话题在某种意义上是不变的。我们可以随时安排这次对谈。
中华人民共和国及其所带来的挑战，以及对全球规范和价值观的利害关系，对美国和我们的伙伴所要求的战略和政策选择——这些问题从拜登总统上任的那一刻起就一直处于核心位置。
我们已经知道，中华人民共和国是我们这个时代的地缘政治步调挑战（pacing geopolitical challenge）—— 一个在我们近期记忆中罕见的考验美国外交的挑战。
我们已经认识到，中华人民共和国是唯一一个有意图和能力改变基于规则的国际秩序的竞争对手。
在中华人民共和国在南中国海的挑衅行为中，在其对香港、新疆和西藏的人权侵犯行为中，在其使用经济胁迫的活动中，在其对台湾等地的威胁行径中，我们目睹了这些事实是如何实时产生影响的。
两周前所有这些都是事实。随后，美国人民目睹了最新的实例：美国政府发现、密切追踪并最终击落了一个中华人民共和国高空侦察气球；该气球侵入了我们的领空，公然侵犯了我国的国家主权并违反了国际法。
我想补充的是，中华人民共和国的高空气球侦察项目不仅侵犯了美国的主权，而且多年来也侵犯了许多其他国家的主权。
针对最近这起事件，我们迅速而且积极主动地采取了行动。我们持续向国会成员通报事态进展，并与我们的盟友保持密切联系。
我们直接向中华人民共和国官员明确表示，这种侦察气球的侵入是不可接受的。
上周五，美国商务部将6家中华人民共和国实体列入清单，这些公司都直接支持了中国人民解放军的航空航天项目，其中包括飞艇、气球和相关部件。
总的来说，这些步骤重新确定了我们政府的核心优先要务：我们将始终果断地采取行动保护美国人民的安全和保障。我们将始终以坚定的决心回应中华人民共和国带来的挑战。我们将始终捍卫美国的利益和理念，促进普世人权，并维护以规则为基础的国际秩序。
在整个过程中，我们已经、正在并将继续与中华人民共和国保持畅通的沟通渠道，以便我们能够负责任地管理两国之间的竞争。
我们不寻求与中华人民共和国发生冲突。我们相信外交的力量能够防止可能导致冲突的误判。
在我们可以的领域——在增强美国利益以及全球和平与安全的领域——我们准备好与中华人民共和国在需要我们协作的议题上一起努力：诸如气候、粮食安全、禁毒、全球卫生等议题。
尽管如此，中华人民共和国不负责任的行为充分显示了我们长期以来所了解的一点，即中华人民共和国对内镇压更为专横，对外挑衅更为嚣张。
这加强了我们加倍努力建设战略核心支柱的必要性：“投资、协同、竞争”。
这意味着：简而言之，我们正在国内投资于我们实力的基础，所需资金将来自两党支持的法案，如《芯片和科学法案》（CHIPS and Science Act），《两党基础设施法》（Bipartisan Infrastructure Law）和《通胀削减法案》（Inflation Reduction Act）。
这包括在布林肯国务卿领导下所做的努力，使我们国务院的工作现代化，让我们出色的外交官和公职人员能够应对未来十年的挑战和机遇。
我们新组建的中国事务协调办公室（China House，简称中国组）是这一工作的关键组成部分，这是一个将各事务局的代表汇聚一处，以增强我们的能力并改善总部与驻中华人民共和国驻外机构以及驻全球各地的外交官之间的协调工作的办公室。
其次，我们正在与全球志同道合的合作伙伴协同一致，以加强我们的共同利益和价值观，应对中华人民共和国带来的挑战。
最后，通过对我们自己的投入并与合作伙伴协同一致，我们会获得更大的优势来与中华人民共和国竞争，并对其挑衅性的军事、外交和经济行为进行反击。
这些是我们方针的组成部分。但是，我在讲话的其余部分要强调第二个支柱——协同一致。
这是这个费解问题的一个关键点，你们在布鲁金斯的人对此是有深刻和绝对理解的。否则，你们为什么要将你们的计划叫做全球中国？
这是因为你们懂得，就像我们国务院的人一样，中华人民共和国的挑战涉及几乎，的确，涉及世界的每一个地区，每一种功能，天下的每一个问题。因此，如何将我们的政策与其他国家协同一致事关重要。也许现在比任何时候都更重要。
为此，过去两年来，我们将七国集团汇聚在一起，通过它推动对世界最紧迫问题的解决办法。
我们深化了与日本、韩国、澳大利亚、泰国、菲律宾、印度以及全球各地、各大洲国家的合作伙伴关系。
我们与欧洲伙伴在对待中华人民共和国对我们共同的安全、繁荣和价值构成怎样的影响这点上，从未像现在这样协同一致。
我们加强和深化了美国-欧盟关于中国的对话（U.S.-EU Dialogue on China）和印太磋商（Indo-Pacific Consultations）；通过美国-欧盟贸易和技术委员会（U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council）增进了以民主方式促进贸易、技术和安全；并且将中华人民共和国和印太地区列为跨大西洋关系中的首要议程。
我们指示我们的外交官在印太、中东、非洲、南美——在每一个大陆——应对这一挑战。
我们通过我们的区域中国事务官（Regional China Officers）的团队扩大这项工作，他们与驻外使馆合作，监查并反制中华人民共和国令人质疑的举止。
我们通过协调努力，与我们的伙伴分享信息，进一步说明中华人民共和国威胁的范畴——以及我们团结一致对抗这些威胁的必要性。
不要误解：我们不是要再来一次冷战。但是我们确实要请所有人按同一套规则行事，从而使所有国家和所有人能够做出他们自己的选择。
基于我们具有的合作关系，我们将继续抵制中华人民共和国试图胁迫他国、扭曲市场及损美国工人和企业的活动。
我们将继续反对北京在南中国海和东中国海的非法行动，让那些在西藏和新疆参与践踏人权的人承担责任，并且支持香港人民。
我们将继续尽一切可能的努力，使遭到不公正拘留的美国人返回家园。
我们将继续警告中华人民共和国不要对俄罗斯在乌克兰发动的战争提供军事支持——并且对从事有害活动的中华人民共和国实体继续给予打击。
我们将继续努力应对中华人民共和国的跨国压制活动，包括在全球各地限制海外华人权利的他们所谓的“海外警察站”。
我们将继续采取果断步骤，防止中华人民共和国利用美国的技术从事其自身军事现代化。
最后，我们将继续努力维护台湾海峡的和平与稳定。我们继续致力于我们长期以来的一个中国政策，并且反对任何对海峡两岸现状做出的单方面改变。
我们的政策没有改变。发生改变的是北京日益增长的威逼胁迫。因此，我们将继续帮助台湾保持足够的自卫能力。
归根到底，诚如拜登总统在国情咨文讲话中所说：我们处于“几十年以来最强健的地位，可以与中国或世界上其他任何国家竞争”。
鉴于在我们的雷达屏幕上[意即在我们所关注的领域中]有如此多的重大事项——这并非双关语——利益攸关极其重大。我们必须以坚定、理智、深思熟虑和合作的方式采取行动，以实现我们寻求的未来。
这就是使我们的“协同一致”如此至关重要的原因，无论是针对中华人民共和国还是对全球的任何问题而言。
无论我们面对什么样的挑战，我们之间的关系都是核心。
我们以外交关系纽带作为源泉的能力；我们与海外伙伴的合作；我们对双边关系和多边机制的投资——所有这一切都对保持和加强一个长期以来基于规范与规则的体系至关重要。
我们的政府全年都在进行这项繁重的外交工作。这并不光鲜亮丽，也不会成为头条新闻。但是，如果我们不远离关注焦点地每天都迈出艰难的步履，就不可能取得进展——我们的目标和任何积极的进展也都无法实现。
就在过去两天，我在接待韩国和日本的对口官员参加我们的第五次三边会谈时看到了这一点得到展现。
我们的议程强健有力，涵盖从发展、卫生健康、促进民主直至防卫事务的方方面面。
我们共同强调了我们在印太地区展开协作的重要性。我们凸显了我们对朝鲜破坏稳定的行为的统一回应。我们重申了对朝鲜半岛完全去核化的承诺。面对中华人民共和国破坏全球规范的行径，我们再次阐明我们对全球规范予以支持。
我们重申支持乌克兰反对俄罗斯的无端入侵，并致力于在人权、性别平等、粮食安全、能源可负担性、人道主义援助、经济公平等诸多方面持续采取集体行动。
我们还请欧盟秘书长参与了这些讨论——这是我们的政策和优先要务如何与各个地方的合作伙伴协调一致的另一个表象，并帮助其他国家和机构也相互协调一致。
这次集会恰逢我们启动印太战略（Indo-Pacific Strategy）一周年：我们对一个自由开放、互联互通、安全、繁荣和有复原力的地区的积极平等的愿景；界定这一愿景的不是我们反对什么，而是我们支持什么——我们共同的价值观和利益、充满活力的经济及自由社会。
我们与印太地区的合作伙伴一道，为促进民主、法治、经济繁荣、航行自由、自由和开放的媒体及其他很多目标做出自己的贡献。
我们正在推进在民主峰会（Summit for Democracy）上做出的承诺；与韩国、日本和越南就治理及人权问题展开战略对话；捍卫缅甸的民主和尊严；并在南亚地区各地为公民社会组织提供资金。
我们正在提升与这个地区的朋友的往来，在所罗门群岛和马尔代夫设立了新大使馆；计划在太平洋诸岛加强外交存在；与四方伙伴（Quad）——澳大利亚、印度、美国和日本——展开经常性协作；欧洲还有另一个四方伙伴——东盟（ASEAN）、蓝色太平洋伙伴（Partners in the Blue Pacific）等等。
我们正在通过印太经济框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework）推动地区繁荣，该框架正在解决有关供应链、贸易、数字经济和清洁能源转型的问题。
在我们作为APEC主办国的一年中，正如我们的主题所阐明的，我们着重于“为所有人创建一个强健且可持续的未来”（Creating a Resilient and Sustainable Future for All）。通过与印度的合作，我们正在加强两国的创新生态系统。通过这些及其他许多实例，我们正在促进整个地区的经济发展和勃勃生机。
我们还通过使我们的防务合作现代化、开展更广泛的威慑力对话以及增加联合军事演习来增强地区安全。我们正在加强海事安全并增强各国监测本国水域和网络空间的能力。我们也在深化关键的联盟：与菲律宾指定新的加强防务合作（Enhanced Defense Cooperation）地点，并推进澳大利亚-英国-美国伙伴关系。
最后，我们正在通过投资于大流行病疫情防范来增强地区复原力；向该地区提供2.67亿剂安全有效的新冠疫苗；从印度尼西亚到越南再到不丹，调动数十亿美元用于清洁能源、清洁空气和气候项目。
重点在于：通过我们的印太战略——以及我们在世界范围内广泛的关系——我们正在进一步增强外交、全球参与和国际对话的架构。
面对如此多的挑战，这必须而且将继续是我们对外政策的基石。作为一项积极主动的战略的一部分，来塑造一个由合作与协作、共同繁荣以及平稳进步所界定的世界。
这源于总统就职时所倡导的：重振美国的伙伴关系和联盟网络；深化我们在多边机构中的参与；发挥长期关系的作用并建立旨在应对我们这个时代的种种考验的新联盟。
这再重要不过了。因为当我们有效力地这样做时，我们就会将自己置身于全球努力的核心，将外交承诺变成现实——实现一个更加充满活力以及民主、繁荣而且和平、公平和自由的世界的愿景。
谢谢各位。
 
欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/remarks-at-global-china-event/ 
本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

REMARKS
WENDY R. SHERMAN, DEPUTY SECRETARY OF STATE
BROOKINGS INSTITUTION
WASHINGTON, DC
FEBRUARY 15, 2023
 
Good morning everyone. Thank you, Suzanne, for that introduction, and thank you to the team at Brookings for organizing today’s discussion.
You know, when we first talked about doing an event tied to your Global China program, the topic was, in a sense, evergreen. We could have planned this conversation virtually anytime.
The People’s Republic of China, the challenges it poses, the stakes for global norms and values, the strategies and policy choices demanded from the United States and our partners — these questions have stood front and center from the moment President Biden took office.
We’ve known that the PRC is the pacing geopolitical challenge of our era – one that will test American diplomacy like few issues in recent memory.
We’ve recognized that the PRC is the only competitor with the intent and the means to reshape the rules-based international order.
We’ve witnessed how these facts play out in real time: in the PRC’s provocative acts in the South China Sea; its human rights abuses in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and Tibet; its use of economic coercion; its threatening behavior against Taiwan and more.
All of that was true two weeks ago. Then the American people saw the latest example of that reality, after the U.S. government detected, closely tracked, and ultimately shot down a PRC high-altitude surveillance balloon that had entered our territorial airspace, in a clear violation of our national sovereignty and international law.
Let me add that the PRC’s high-altitude balloon surveillance program violated not only U.S. sovereignty, but, over the years, that of many other countries as well.
In response to this most recent incident, we worked swiftly and deliberately. We worked to keep Members of Congress up-to-date. We stayed in close touch with our allies.
We made it clear, directly to PRC officials, that the presence of this surveillance balloon was unacceptable.
This past Friday, the Commerce Department listed six PRC entities – firms that have directly supported the People’s Liberation Army’s aerospace programs, including airships, balloons, and related components.
Taken together, these steps reaffirm our Administration’s core priorities: we will always act decisively to protect the safety and security of the American people. We will always answer the challenges presented by the PRC with determination and resolve. We will always defend U.S. interests and ideals, promote universal human rights, and stand up for the rules-based international order.
Through it all, we have, we are, and we will maintain open lines of communication with the PRC so we can responsibly manage the competition between our countries.
We do not seek conflict with the PRC. We believe in the power of diplomacy to prevent miscalculations that can lead to conflict.
Where we can – where it enhances U.S. interests and global peace and security – we are ready to work with the PRC on issues that demand our collaboration: issues like climate, food security, counter-narcotics, global health, and more.
Still, the PRC’s irresponsible acts put on full display what we’ve long understood – that the PRC has become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad.
It reinforced the need for us to double-down on the core pillars of our strategy: “Invest, Align, Compete.”
Here’s what that means: simply put, we are investing in the foundation of our strength on our shores, with funding from bipartisan bills like the CHIPS and Science Act, the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, and the Inflation Reduction Act.
This includes an effort, led by Secretary Blinken, to modernize our work at the State Department and equip our remarkable diplomats and public servants to meet the challenges and opportunities of the decade ahead.
Our new China House is a key component of that agenda – an office that unites representatives from all bureaus under one roof to grow our capabilities and improve coordination between our headquarters, our posts in the PRC, and our diplomats worldwide.
Next, we are aligning with likeminded partners globally to strengthen our shared interests and values, and address the challenges posed by the PRC.
Finally, by investing in ourselves and aligning with our partners, we gain a stronger hand to compete with the PRC and push back against its aggressive military, diplomatic, and economic practices.
These are the building blocks of our approach. But for the balance of my comments, I want to drill down into that second pillar – align.
This is a vital piece of the puzzle, something you understand deeply and implicitly here at Brookings. Otherwise, why would you dub your initiative Global China?
It’s because you appreciate, as we do at the State Department, that the PRC challenge touches nearly, really, touches every region in the world, every function, every issue under the sun. So how we align our policies with other countries matters. Maybe now more than ever.
To that end, over the past two years, we have brought together the G7 and used it to drive outcomes on the world’s most pressing problems.
We have deepened our partnerships with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, Thailand, the Philippines, India, and countries all over the map, on every continent.
We have never been more aligned with our partners in Europe on how the PRC impacts our shared security, prosperity, and values.
We have strengthened and deepened the U.S.-EU Dialogue on China and Indo-Pacific Consultations; advanced democratic approaches to trade, technology, and security through the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council; and placed the PRC and Indo-Pacific at the top of the agenda in the Transatlantic relationship.
We have instructed our diplomats to engage on this challenge in the Indo-Pacific, the Middle East, Africa, South America – on every single continent.
We have amplified this work with our team of Regional China Officers who coordinate with embassies to monitor and push back on problematic PRC inroads.
We have made a concerted effort to share information with our partners to reinforce the scope of the threats posed by the PRC – and the necessity of our unity in confronting them.
Make no mistake: we do not seek another Cold War. But we do ask everyone to play by the same set of rules, so that all countries and all people can make their own choices.
With our partnerships in place, we will keep pushing back against PRC activities that seek to coerce other countries, distort markets, and undermine American workers and businesses.
We will continue to oppose Beijing’s unlawful acts in the South and East China Seas, hold accountable those involved in human rights violations in Tibet and Xinjiang, and support the people of Hong Kong.
We will continue to do everything possible to bring home unjustly detained Americans.
We will continue to warn the PRC against providing military support to Russia’s war in Ukraine – and to crack down on PRC entities engaged in harmful activities.
We will keep working to address the PRC’s transnational repression, including their so-called “overseas police stations” that restrict the rights of the Chinese diaspora around the world.
We will keep taking decisive steps to prevent the PRC’s exploitation of U.S. technology to enable its own military modernization.
Finally, we will keep working to preserve peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. We remain committed to our longstanding one China policy and oppose any unilateral shifts to the cross-Strait status quo.
Our policy has not changed. What has changed is Beijing’s growing coercion. So we will keep assisting Taiwan in maintaining a sufficient self-defense capability.
When all is said and done, what President Biden said in the State of the Union rings true: we are now in “the strongest position in decades to compete with China or anyone else.”
With so many big-ticket items on our radar – no pun intended – the stakes could not be higher. We must act with resolve, with reason, with deliberation and cooperation toward the future we seek.
That is what makes our “align” pillar so essential, when it comes to the PRC or when we tackle any other issue around the world.
No matter what challenges we face, our relationships are central.
Our ability to tap into our wellspring of diplomatic bonds; our collaboration with partners abroad; our investment in bilateral ties and multilateral institutions – it is all essential to sustaining and strengthening a system rooted in long-held norms and rules.
Our Administration is doing this hard work of diplomacy year-round. It’s not sexy. It doesn’t lead the headlines. But progress would not be possible – our goals and any positive news would not be achievable – without the tough steps we take every day, far from the spotlight.
We saw this on display just over the past two days, as I hosted my counterparts from the Republic of Korea and Japan for our fifth trilateral meeting.
Our agenda was robust, covering everything from development to health to democracy promotion and defense.
Together, we touted the importance of our coordination across the Indo-Pacific. We highlighted our unified response to the DPRK’s destabilizing behavior. We renewed our commitment to complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We reiterated our support for global norms in the face of the PRC’s efforts to undermine them.
We reaffirmed our support for Ukraine against Russia’s unprovoked invasion and committed to ongoing, collective action on human rights, gender equality, food security, energy affordability, humanitarian assistance, economic fairness, and on and on.
We also brought the EU’s Secretary General into these discussions – yet another sign of how our policies and priorities are aligning with partners everywhere. and helping other countries and institutions align with each other as well.
This gathering happened just after we marked one year since the launch of our Indo-Pacific Strategy: our affirmative vision for a region that is free and open, connected and secure, prosperous and resilient; a vision defined not in terms of what we’re against, but what we stand for – our common values and interests, dynamic economies and free societies.
Alongside partners across the Indo-Pacific, we are doing our part to promote democracy, the rule of law, economic prosperity, freedom of navigation, free and open media, and more.
We are advancing commitments made at the Summit for Democracy; pursuing strategic dialogues with the ROK, Japan, and Vietnam on governance and human rights; standing up for democracy and dignity in Burma; and funding civil society organizations across South Asia.
We are elevating our engagement with our friends in the region, with new embassies in Solomon Islands and Maldives; with plans for greater diplomatic presence in the Pacific Islands; with regular collaboration with the Quad – that’s Australia, India, the U.S., and Japan; there’s another Quad in Europe – ASEAN, Partners in the Blue Pacific, and beyond.
We are driving regional prosperity through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, which is tackling issues around supply chains, trade, the digital economy, and the clean energy transition.
Through our APEC host year, we are focused, as our theme says, on “Creating a Resilient and Sustainable Future for All.” Through our work with India, we are strengthening innovation ecosystems in both our countries. Through these examples and many others, we are advancing the economic development and dynamism of the entire region.
We are also strengthening regional security by modernizing our defense cooperation, conducting extended deterrence dialogues, and increasing joint military exercises. We are bolstering maritime safety and growing countries’ capacity to monitor their own waters and cyberspace. We are deepening key alliances as well: designating new Enhanced Defense Cooperation sites with the Philippines and advancing the Australia-United Kingdom-U.S. partnership.
Finally, we are building up regional resilience by investing in pandemic preparedness; delivering 267 million doses of safe and effective COVID vaccines to the region; mobilizing billions of dollars in clean energy, clean air, and climate projects from Indonesia to Vietnam to Bhutan.
Here’s the bottom line: with our Indo-Pacific Strategy – as with our wide range of relationships worldwide – we are reinforcing the architecture of diplomacy, of global engagement, of international dialogue.
In the face of so many challenges, this must, and will, remain the bedrock of our foreign policy. part of a proactive strategy to forge a planet defined by cooperation and collaboration, shared prosperity and steady progress.
This grows out of what the President called for when he took office: to reinvigorate America’s network of partnerships and alliances; to deepen our engagement in multilateral institutions; to tap into longtime relationships and build new coalitions designed to meet the tests of our time.
This couldn’t be more essential. Because when we do this effectively, we place ourselves at the heart of a global effort to make real the promise of diplomacy – realizing the vision of a world that’s more dynamic and democratic, prosperous and peaceful, fair and free.
Thank you.
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