拜登总统关于美国世界地位的讲话
白宫
华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.）
2021年2月4日 
美国国务院总部
哈里·杜鲁门大楼（Harry S. Truman Building）
华盛顿哥伦比亚特区
东部标准时间下午2:45
总统：国务卿先生，很高兴在这里见到你。长时期以来我始终期待能称你为“国务卿先生”。
诸位下午好。很荣幸能够在美国第一任首席外交官本杰明·富兰克林（Benjamin Franklin）的注视下再次来到国务院。
顺便说一句，我希望新闻界诸位都知道，我曾在宾夕法尼亚大学担任总统政治学本杰明·富兰克林教授（Benjamin Franklin Professor）。我想他们这样做是因为我和他都一样老。但我猜想不会是如此。
不开玩笑了，很高兴来到这里，与我们最近上任的高级外交官国务卿托尼·布林肯（Tony Blinken）站在一起。国务卿先生，感谢你今天接待我们。我们已经一起工作了20多年。你的外交能力受到我们世界各地的朋友和竞争对手同等的尊重。
他们知道，当你发表讲话的时候，你是在代表我。所以，今天我想让全世界都收到这个信息：美国已经回归。美国已经回归。外交已经回归我们对外政策的中心。
我在我的就职演说中谈到，我们将修补我们的联盟，再次与世界发展联系，不仅应对昨天的挑战，而且应对今天和明天的挑战。美国的领导作用必须适应当前的新局势。目前专制主义日益坐大，包括中国与美国对抗的野心愈益膨胀，俄罗斯处心积虑地想破坏和摧毁我们的民主。
我们必须适应全球挑战逐步加剧的新局势，从疫情爆发、气候危机到核扩散，对意志构成了挑战，只能通过各国齐心协力才能得到解决。我们无法单枪匹马完成使命。
我们必须以根植于美国最崇高的民主价值的外交为起点：捍卫自由，倡导机会，保护各项普遍的权利，尊重法治，维护每一个人的尊严。
这是我们的全球政策——我们全球实力的基本点。这是我们的力量取之不尽的源泉。这是美国永不衰竭的优势。
近几年来，其中众多的价值受到强大的压力，前几个星期甚至被推到了危险的边缘，但美国人民冲破迷雾重新崛起，更强壮、更坚定、更有能力团结全世界捍卫民主，因为我们本身已经为之进行了奋斗。
过去几天来，我们与我们的盟友和伙伴密切合作，汇聚国际社会的力量解决缅甸的军事政变问题。
我还与领袖麦康奈尔（McConnell）讨论我们对缅甸局势的共同关注。我们达成了一致的意志。
毫无疑问，在民主制度下，武力永远不可凌驾于人民的意志之上，也不应该抹杀正当选举的结果。
缅甸军人应该放弃他们夺走的权力，释放他们拘押的维权人士、社会活动分子和官员，取消对电讯施加的限制并避免采取暴力。
我曾在本星期早些时候说过，我们将与我们的伙伴一起支持恢复民主和法治，让应该对事态负责的人员承担后果。
过去两个星期，我与加拿大、墨西哥、英国、德国、法国、北约（NATO）、日本、韩国、澳大利亚等众多最密切的友邦的领导人进行了交谈，努力恢复相互合作的模式，重振民主联盟的威力。过去几年，民主联盟因受到忽视，且我认为因受到践踏已气势渐衰。
美国缔结的联盟是我们最宝贵的财富。通过外交发挥领导作用意味着与我们的盟国和重要伙伴再次并肩站在一起。
通过外交发挥领导作用，我们必须与我们的敌方和我们的竞争对手进行外交接触。这符合我们的利益，有利于促进美国人民的安全。
为此，昨天美国和俄罗斯同意新削减战略武器条约（New START Treaty）延长5年，保留我们两国之间现存唯一保障核稳定的条约。
与此同时，我以完全不同于前任的方式向普京（Putin）总统明确表示，对于俄罗斯采取的侵略性行动——干涉我国选举、网络攻击、毒杀其本国公民等行为，美国不闻不问的日子已经过去。我们毫不犹豫地要求俄罗斯为此付出更高的代价，努力捍卫我们的重要利益和我们的人民。我们与其他志同道合的伙伴联合行动，同心协力，将会更有力地对付俄罗斯。
出于政治动机监禁阿列克谢·纳瓦利内（Alexei Navalny）和俄罗斯力图压制表达自由及和平集会自由的行为是我们和国际社会高度关注的问题。
纳瓦利内先生与俄罗斯全体公民一样享有俄罗斯宪法规定的各项权力。他成为受攻击的目标——因揭露腐败受到攻击。他应该立即无条件得到释放。
我们也将直接迎战我们的最大竞争对手中国对我们繁荣、安全和民主价值观的挑战。
我们将对抗中国的经济弊行；反击它咄咄逼人的高压行动；遏制中国对人权、知识产权和全球管理规则的攻击。
但是，在符合美国利益的时候，美国有准备与北京合作。通过将国内建设得更好，与盟国友邦进行合作，恢复我们在国际机构中的作用，重新取得我们被大量丧失的信誉和道德权威，我们将在强有力的基础上展开竞争。
正因为这样，我们迅速采取了行动，恢复美国的国际参与，重新赢得我们的领导地位，激发针对共同挑战的国际行动。
我在第一天便签署了重新加入《巴黎气候协议》（Paris Climate Agreement）的文件。我们正在拿出行动，将气候目标纳入我们各项外交努力就是一个代表，而且提出了更宏大的气候目标。这样我们能够要求其他国家，其他排放大国，也加大——将他们的承诺加大。我将在今年的地球日（Earth Day）主持气候领导人——一个气候领导人峰会（Climate Leaders’ Summit），谈解决气候危机问题。
面对这个存亡威胁美国必须一马当先。同疫情一样，这需要有全球合作。
我们也在重新与世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）携手。这样将能让我们为抗击2019冠状病毒病（COVID-19）和在未来发现和预防疫情作出更好的全球防范，因为这种情况还会出现。
我们在政府内部提高了网络问题的地位，包括任命了首位国家的——负责网络和新型技术事务的副国家安全顾问（Deputy National Security Advisor for Cyber and Emerging Technology）。我们即将启动一个紧急行动计划，增进我们在网络空间的能力、防备性和抵抗力。
今天，我宣布采取进一步举措，纠正我们的外交政策路线，使我们的民主价值观与我们的外交领导作用更好地结合起来。
首先，国防部长奥斯汀（Austin）将主持我军的全球态势评审（Global Posture Review），以便让我们的军事足迹与我们的外交方针和国家安全重点相一致。它将由国家安全的所有部门协作进行，奥斯汀部长和布林肯国务卿将密切合作。
在评审期间，我们将停止一切从德国撤军的计划。我们也将加强外交努力，结束也门的战争——这场战争造成了人道和战略灾难。我已经要求我的中东团队确保支持以联合国为首的行动计划，实行停火，开放人道援助渠道，恢复长期搁置的和平谈判。
今天早上，布林肯国务卿任命职业外交政策官员蒂姆·伦德金（Tim Lenderking）担任也门冲突问题特使，我感谢他这样做。蒂姆是毕生——在那个地区投入了毕生精力，他将与联合国特使和冲突各方共同推动找到外交解决方案。
蒂姆的外交努力也将得到美国国际发展署（USAID）的加持，努力确保人道援助将被送到正在经历不堪忍受的摧残的也门人民手中。这场战争必须结束。
为突出表明我们的决心，美国将停止对也门战争中攻击性行动的一切支持，包括相关军售。
与此同时，沙特阿拉伯面临导弹攻击，无人机袭击以及其他来自伊朗支持的多国武装势力的威胁。我们将继续支持和帮助沙特阿拉伯捍卫它的主权和领土完整，保护它的人民。
我们还面临着全球各地8,000多万人流离失所的危机。在我来到这里的几十年中，美国在难民问题上的道义领导作用一直是两党共识。我们曾为受压迫人民点亮了一盏自由的明灯。我们为那些逃避暴力或迫害的人提供了安身之地。我们的榜样推动其他国家也敞开了大门。
因此，今天我批准一项行政命令，启动恢复我国难民接收项目的艰难工作，以便帮助满足全球前所未有的需要。重建遭到如此重创的项目需要时间，但这是我们将要做的。
这项行政命令将使我们可以在拜登–哈里斯（Biden-Harris）政府的第一个完整的财政年度里，将接收难民的人数重新提升到最多12.5万人。我正在指示国务院与国会磋商，尽快为这项承诺拨款。
为进一步恢复我们的道德领导力，我还将向各部门颁布总统备忘录，重振我们在男女同性恋者、双性恋者、跨性别者、酷儿和间性者（LGBTQI）问题上的带头作用，并且在国际上这样做。你们知道，通过同将男女同性恋者、双性恋者、跨性别者、酷儿和间性者视为罪犯的情况作斗争，并且保护身为男女同性恋者、双性恋者、跨性别者、酷儿和间性者的难民和寻求避难者，我们将使外交和国际援助促进被包含进来的人的权利。
最后，为成功展现我们的外交力量并维护美国人民的安全、繁荣和自由，我们必须恢复我国外交政策机构的健康和士气。
我要让在这座大楼和我们在世界各地使领馆工作的人知道：我珍惜你们专业能力，尊重你们，我将做你们的后盾。本届政府将赋予你们完成工作的权能，不会让你们成为靶子或将你们政治化。我们希望有一种热烈的辩论，纳入各种视角并为不同意见创造空间。这是我们将尽可能获得最佳政策成果的方式。
因此，在你们的帮助下，美国将再度引领，不仅仅以我们的力量为榜样，而是以我们的榜样为力量。
这就是我的政府已经采取重要步骤在国内践行我们的国内价值观——在国内践行我们的民主价值观的原因。
在就职几小时内，我签署了一项推翻带有仇恨的歧视性的穆斯林禁令的行政命令；逆转了禁止跨性别者在我们的军队中服务的禁令。
而且作为我们对真理、透明度和问责制的承诺的一部分，我们从第一天开始——我们从第一天开始就在白宫举行每日新闻简报会。我们已经重新恢复——我们已经在国务院这里和五角大楼（Pentagon）重新恢复了例行简报会。我们相信自由媒体不是敌人；而是必不可少的。一个自由媒体对于一个民主制度的健全是必不可少的。
我们已经恢复了我们对科学以及对制定基于事实和实证的政策的承诺。我觉得本·富兰克林（Ben Franklin）一定会表示赞同。
我们已经采取步骤承认并应对我们自己的国家中系统性的种族主义以及白人至上主义（White Supremacy）的祸患。种族平等将不仅仅是我们的政府中某一个部门的问题，而必须成为整个政府以及我们所有的联邦政策和机构的要务。
所有这些都事关对外政策，因为当我们在我的政府初期主办民主峰会（Summit of Democracy）以联合全世界各国在全球捍卫民主，并击退专制主义的进犯时，我们将成为可信得多的合作伙伴，因为有了这些支持我们自己的根基的努力。
在对外政策和国内政策之间不再有一条鲜明的界线。我们在国外行事时采取的每一项行动，我们在行动时都必须谨记美国的工作家庭。推动一项有利于中产阶级的对外政策要求我们必须迫切地着重于我们的国内经济复兴。
因此，我立即提出了美国救援计划（American Rescue Plan），以便让我们走出这场经济危机。这就是我上周签署一项行政命令来增进我们的购买美国产品（Buy American）的政策的原因。这也是我同国会共同努力对研究和开发可转换的——可转换的技术进行影响深远的投资的原因。
这些投资将创造就业机会，保持美国在全球的竞争优势，并确保所有美国人都享有这些收益。
如果我们投资于我们自己和我们的人民，如果我们奋力确保美国公司有能力在全球舞台上竞争并胜出，如果国际贸易规则不会对我们不利，如果我们的劳动者和知识产权得到保护，那么地球上就没有一个国家——中国或地球上的其他任何国家都不能——与我们比肩。
投入于我们的外交并不是我们仅仅因为这是对于世界的正确之举就去做的事情。我们这么做是为了生活在和平、安全和繁荣之中。我们这么做是因为这符合我们自己直白的自身利益。当我们增强我们的同盟时，我们就扩大了我们的力量，以及我们在威胁能够达及我们的国土前就挫败它们的能力。
当我们投资于各国的经济发展时，我们就能为我们的产品开辟新的市场，并减少不稳定、暴力和大规模迁移的可能性。
当我们增强全世界偏远地区的医卫系统时，我们就能减轻今后出现可能威胁我们的人民和我们的经济的流行疫情的风险。
当我们在全世界捍卫人们的平等权利——妇女和女童，男女同性恋、双性恋、跨性别者及酷儿（LGBTQ），原住民社区，残障人士，以及所有族裔背景和宗教群体的权利——我们也在为我们自己在美国的子孙后代确保这些权利得到保护。
美国不能在世界舞台上继续缺席了。我今天来到国务院，这个机构如同我们的国家一样悠久、一样传奇，因为外交对于美国人——美国如何谱写自己的命运一直是至关重要的。
因为本·富兰克林的外交帮助确保了我们的革命的胜利。马歇尔计划（Marshall Plan）的构想帮助防止了世界被掩埋在战争的残垣之中。还有埃莉诺·罗斯福（Eleanor Roosevelt）的热情宣告了属于所有人的普世权利的宏大理念。
正是各类外交人员的领导作用，通过从事日常的交往工作，开创了一个自由的、互联互通的世界的理念。我们是一个做大事的国家。美国的外交使之得以实现。而且本届政府准备好再接再厉并再次引领。
谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们并保护我们的军队、我们的外交人员以及我们的发展专家，还有所有置身于险境为国服务的美国人员。
从这边走。谢谢大家。
讲话结束
东部标准时间下午3:04

Remarks by President Biden on America’s Place in the World
U.S. Department of State Headquarters
Harry S. Truman Building
Washington, D.C.
2:45 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:  Mr. Secretary, it’s great to be here with you.  And I’ve been looking forward a long time to be able to call you “Mr. Secretary.”
Good afternoon, everyone.  It’s an honor to be back at the State Department under the eyes of the first American chief diplomat, Benjamin Franklin.
And, by the way, I want you all to know in the press I was the Benjamin Franklin Professor of Presidential Politics at Penn.  And I thought they did that because I was as old as he was, but I guess not.
Anyway, all kidding aside, it’s great to be here and stand alongside our most recent and senior diplomat, Secretary Tony Blinken.  Mr. Secretary, thank you for welcoming us today.  We’ve worked together for over 20 years. Your diplomatic skills are respected equally by your friends and our competitors around the world.
And they know when you speak, you speak for me.  And so — so is the message I want the world to hear today: America is back.  America is back.  Diplomacy is back at the center of our foreign policy.
As I said in my inaugural address, we will repair our alliances and engage with the world once again, not to meet yesterday’s challenges, but today’s and tomorrow’s.  American leadership must meet this new moment of advancing authoritarianism, including the growing ambitions of China to rival the United States and the determination of Russia to damage and disrupt our democracy.
We must meet the new moment accelerating glo- — accelerating global challenges — from the pandemic to the climate crisis to nuclear proliferation — challenging the will only to be solved by nations working together and in common.  We can’t do it alone.
That must be this — we must start with diplomacy rooted in America’s most cherished democratic values: defending freedom, championing opportunity, upholding universal rights, respecting the rule of law, and treating every person with dignity.
That’s the grounding wire of our global policy — our global power.  That’s our inexhaustible source of strength.  That’s America’s abiding advantage.
Though many of these values have come under intense pressure in recent years, even pushed to the brink in the last few weeks, the American people are going to emerge from this moment stronger, more determined, and better equipped to unite the world in fighting to defend democracy, because we have fought for it ourselves.
Over the past few days, we’ve been in close cooperation with our allies and partners to bring together the international community to address the military coup in Burma.
I’ve also been in touch with Leader McConnell to discuss our shared concerns about the situation in Burma, and we are united in our resolve.
There can be no doubt: In a democracy, force should never seek to overrule the will of the people or attempt to erase the outcome of a credible election.
The Burmese military should relinquish power they have seized, release the advocates and activists and officials they have detained, lift the restrictions on telecommunications, and refrain from violence.
As I said earlier this week, we will work with our partners to support restoration of democracy and the rule of law, and impose consequences on those responsible.
Over the past two weeks, I’ve spoken with the leaders of many of our closest friends — Canada, Mexico, the UK, Germany, France, NATO, Japan, South Korea, Australia — to being [begin] reforming the habits of cooperation and rebuilding the muscle of democratic alliances that have atrophied over the past few years of neglect and, I would argue, abuse.
America’s alliances are our greatest asset, and leading with diplomacy means standing shoulder-to-shoulder with our allies and key partners once again.
By leading with diplomacy, we must also mean engaging our adversaries and our competitors diplomatically, where it’s in our interest, and advance the security of the American people.
That’s why, yesterday, the United States and Russia agreed to extend the New START Treaty for five years to preserve the only remaining treaty between our countries safeguarding nuclear stability.
At the same time, I made it clear to President Putin, in a manner very different from my predecessor, that the days of the United States rolling over in the face of Russia’s aggressive actions — interfering with our elections, cyberattacks, poisoning its citizens — are over.  We will not hesitate to raise the cost on Russia and defend our vital interests and our people.  And we will be more effective in dealing with Russia when we work in coalition and coordination with other like-minded partners.
The politically motivated jailing of Alexei Navalny and the Russian efforts to suppress freedom of expression and peaceful assembly are a matter of deep concern to us and the international community.
Mr. Navalny, like all Russian citizens, is entitled to his rights under the Russian constitution.  He’s been targeted — targeted for exposing corruption.  He should be released immediately and without condition.
And we’ll also take on directly the challenges posed by our prosperity, security, and democratic values by our most serious competitor, China.
We’ll confront China’s economic abuses; counter its aggressive, coercive action; to push back on China’s attack on human rights, intellectual property, and global governance.
But we are ready to work with Beijing when it’s in America’s interest to do so.  We will compete from a position of strength by building back better at home, working with our allies and partners, renewing our role in international institutions, and reclaiming our credibility and moral authority, much of which has been lost.
That’s why we’ve moved quickly to begin restoring American engagement internationally and earn back our leadership position, to catalyze global action on shared challenges.
On day one, I signed the paperwork to rejoin the Paris Climate Agreement.  We’re taking steps led by the example of integrating climate objectives across all of our diplomacy and raise the ambition of our climate targets.  That way, we can challenge other nations, other major emitters, up to — to up the ante on their own commitments.  I’ll be hosting climate leaders — a climate leaders’ summit to address the climate crisis on Earth Day of this year.
America must lead in the face of this existential threat.  And just as with the pandemic, it requires global cooperation.
We’ve also reengaged with the World Health Organization.  That way, we can build better global preparedness to counter COVID-19, as well as detect and prevent future pandemics, because there will be more.
We’ve elevated the status of cyber issues within our government, including appointing the first national — Deputy National Security Advisor for Cyber and Emerging Technology.  We’re launching an urgent initiative to improve our capability, readiness, and resilience in cyberspace.
Today, I’m announcing additional steps to course-correct our foreign policy and better unite our democratic values with our diplomatic leadership.
To begin, Defense Secretary Austin will be leading a Global Posture Review of our forces so that our military footprint is appropriately aligned with our foreign policy and national security priorities.  It will be coordinated across all elements of our national security, with Secretary Austin and Secretary Blinken working in close cooperation.
And while this review is taking place, we’ll be stopping any planned troop withdrawals from Germany.  We’re also stepping up our diplomacy to end the war in Yemen — a war which has created a humanitarian and strategic catastrophe.  I’ve asked my Middle East team to ensure our support for the United Nations-led initiative to impose a ceasefire, open humanitarian channels, and restore long-dormant peace talks.
This morning, Secretary Blinken appointed Tim Lenderking, a career foreign policy officer, as our special envoy to the Yemen conflict.  And I appreciate his doing this.  Tim is a life — has lifelong experience in the region, and he’ll work with the U.N. envoy and all parties of the conflict to push for a diplomatic resolution.
And Tim’s diplomacy will be bolstered by USI- — USAID, working to ensure that humanitarian aid is reaching the Yemeni people who are suffering un- — an undurable [sic] — unendurable devastation.  This war has to end.
And to underscore our commitment, we are ending all American support for offensive operations in the war in Yemen, including relevant arms sales.
At the same time, Saudi Arabia faces missile attacks, UAV strikes, and other threats from Iranian-supplied forces in multiple countries.  We’re going to continue to support and help Saudi Arabia defend its sovereignty and its territorial integrity and its people.
We also face a crisis of more than 80 million displaced people suffering all around the world.  The United States’ moral leadership on refugee issues was a point of bipartisan consensus for so many decades when I first got here.  We shined the light of lamp on — of liberty on oppressed people.  We offered safe havens for those fleeing violence or persecution.  And our example pushed other nations to open wide their doors as well.
So today, I’m approving an executive order to begin the hard work of restoring our refugee admissions program to help meet the unprecedented global need.  It’s going to take time to rebuild what has been so badly damaged, but that’s precisely what we’re going to do.
This executive order will position us to be able to raise the refugee admissions back up to 125,000 persons for the first full fiscal year of the Biden-Harris administration.  And I’m directing the State Department to consult with Congress about making a down payment on that commitment as soon as possible.
And to further repair our moral leadership, I’m also issuing a presidential memo to agencies to reinvigorate our leadership on the LGBTQI issues and do it internationally.  You know, we’ll ensure diplomacy and foreign assistance are working to promote the rights of those individuals, included by combatting criminalization and protecting LGBTQ refugees and asylum-seekers.
And finally, to successfully reassert our diplomacy and keep Americans safe, prosperous, and free, we must restore the health and morale of our foreign policy institutions.
I want the people who work in this building and our embassies and consulates around the world to know: I value your expertise and I respect you, and I will have your back.  This administration is going to empower you to do your jobs, not target or politicize you.  We want a rigorous debate that brings all perspectives and makes room for dissent.  That’s how we’ll get the best possible policy outcomes.
So, with your help, the United States will again lead not just by the example of our power but the power of our example.
That’s why my administration has already taken the important step to live our domestic values at home — our democratic values at home.
Within hours of taking office, I signed an executive order overturning the hateful, discriminatory Muslim ban; reversed the ban on transgender individuals serving in our military.
And as part of our commitment to truth, transparency, and accountability, we stated on day one — we started on day one with daily briefings of the press from the White House.  We’ve reinstate- — we’ve reinstituted regular briefings here at State and at the Pentagon.  We believe a free press isn’t an adversary; rather, it’s essential.  A free press is essential to the health of a democracy.
We’ve restored our commitment to science and to create policies grounded in facts and evidence.  I suspect Ben Franklin would approve.
We’ve taken steps to acknowledge and address systemic racism and the scourge of white supremacy in our own country.  Racial equity will not just be an issue for one department in our administration, it has to be the business of the whole of government in all our federal policies and institutions.
All this matters to foreign policy, because when we host the Summit of Democracy early in my administration to rally the nations of the world to defend democracy globally, to push back the authoritarianism’s advance, we’ll be a much more credible partner because of these efforts to shore up our own foundations.
There’s no longer a bright line between foreign and domestic policy.  Every action we take in our conduct abroad, we must take with American working families in mind.  Advancing a foreign policy for the middle class demands urgent focus on our domestic econog- — economic renewal.
And that’s why I immediately put forth the American Rescue Plan to pull us out of this economic crisis.  That’s why I signed an executive order strengthening our Buy American policies last week.  And it’s also why I’ll work with Congress to make far-reaching investments in research and development of transformable — in transformable technologies.
These investments are going to create jobs, maintain America’s competitive edge globally, and ensure all Americans share in the dividends.
If we invest in ourselves and our people, if we fight to ensure that American businesses are positioned to compete and win on the global stage, if the rules of international trade aren’t stacked against us, if our workers and intellectual property are protected, then there’s no country on Earth — not China or any other country on Earth — that can match us.
Investing in our diplomacy isn’t something we do just because it’s the right thing to do for the world.  We do it in order to live in peace, security, and prosperity.  We do it because it’s in our own naked self-interest.  When we strengthen our alliances, we amplify our power as well as our ability to disrupt threats before they can reach our shores.
When we invest in economic development of countries, we create new markets for our products and reduce the likelihood of instability, violence, and mass migrations.
When we strengthen health systems in far regions of the world, we reduce the risk of future pandemics that can threaten our people and our economy.
When we defend equal rights of people the world over — of women and girls, LGBTQ individuals, indigenous communities, and people with disabilities, the people of every ethnic background and religion — we also ensure that those rights are protected for our own children here in America.
America cannot afford to be absent any longer on the world stage.  I come today to the State Department, an agency as old and as storied as the nation itself, because diplomacy has always been essential to how American — America writes its own destiny.
For the diplomacy of Ben Franklin helped assure the success of our revolution.  The vision of the Marshall Plan helped prevent the world from foundering on the wreckage of war.  And the passions of Eleanor Roosevelt declared the audacious idea of universal rights that belong to all.
The leadership of diplomats of every stripe, doing the daily work of engagement, created the very idea of a free and interconnected world.  We are a country that does big things.  American diplomacy makes it happen.  And our administration is ready to take up the mantle and lead once again.
Thank you all.  And may God bless you and protect our troops, our diplomats, and our development experts, and all Americans serving in harm’s way.
Going this way.  Thank you all.
3:04 P.M. EST