美国国务院
发言人办公室
华盛顿特区
2023年5月16日
 
迪尔克森参议院办公大楼（Dirksen Senate Office Building）
 
布林肯国务卿：默里（Murray）主席、柯林斯（Collins）副主席、国务及外交运作委员会（State and Foreign Ops）主席库恩斯（Coons）、资深委员格雷厄姆（Graham）、拨款委员会（Appropriations Committee）各位杰出委员，感谢你们让我今天有机会在这里作证。感谢你们让我们所有人汇聚一堂。
 
我也非常高兴与奥斯汀（Austin）部长和雷蒙多（Raimondo）部长一起来到这里。本届政府致力于领导一项两党合作的、举全政府之力的中国战略，以促进美国的利益和价值观，并为美国人民服务。
 
默里主席，关于你的观点，我认为我们确实站在一个拐点上。后冷战时代已经结束。目前正在展开一场激烈的竞争，以打造今后的走向。
 
中国——一个有意并且日益具备能力挑战我们自由、开放、安全和繁荣的国际秩序愿景的国家——是我们今天所面临的最重大的地缘政治挑战。
 
我们不能决定北京的道路， 我们也不能等待中国改变其轨迹。但我们可以使自己处于具备实力的地位，通过激烈竞争，打造中国周围的更广泛的战略环境，并推进我们的愿景。
 
我们不寻求与中国发生冲突或新的冷战。我们也不试图遏制中国。事实上，美国与中国保持着全面的贸易和投资关系，我们的大多数盟友及合作伙伴也是如此。然而，我们坚决主张去风险及多样化，而不是脱钩。这意味着投资建设我们自身的能力以及安全、有韧性的供应链，为我们的工人和企业争取公平竞争的环境，抵制有害的贸易行为，并确保美国和盟国的技术不被用来对付我们。
 
我们还致力于与盟友和伙伴合作，推进一个自由和开放的印太地区（Indo-Pacific）——一个和平并尊重基于规则的国际秩序的地区。
 
我们在谈及“自由和开放”时所指的是：国家有权自由选择自己的道路和合作伙伴，有关问题将通过公开方式而非胁迫性方式来解决。有关规则将透明地达成并公正地应用。货物、思想和人员将在陆地、海洋、天空和网络空间合法地、自由地流通。
 
世界正在关注我们——以及北京——如何处理这种关系。以一种负责任的方式——促进安全和繁荣并为事关美国人民和全球各地人们的共同挑战提供解决方案的方式——来管理这一关系符合我们的最佳战略利益。
 
去年，我有机会阐述本届政府对中华人民共和国的全面战略，即“投资、协同、竞争”。
 
我们在国内进行了历史性投资，包括两党共同支持的基础设施法、《芯片与科学法案》（CHIPS and Science Act）以及《通胀削减法案》（Inflation Reduction Act），以增强我们的竞争能力。
 
我们已与欧洲、亚洲及其他地区的重要伙伴协同合作，有条不紊地努力提升在世界各地的参与度——因此，我们在如何应对中国带来的挑战方面比以往任何时候都更趋于一致。
 
在竞争的同时，我们将努力在各个层级与中华人民共和国保持畅通的沟通渠道，以避免误判，并防止竞争转变为冲突。过去几周的高级别接触显示出这一承诺。
 
我们将目标明确地与中国接触，不是作为一种好处，或将接触本身作为目的，而是以反映我们的价值观以及我们可以找到的符合我们共同利益的合作领域的方式。这是全世界对负责任的大国的期望。
 
因此，我们将推动在气候危机、宏观经济稳定、公共卫生等重点要务中取得进展。我们将继续强调有必要遏制加剧芬太尼和合成阿片及其造成的危机的前体物流。我非常感谢本委员会在美国面临的这一最紧迫的挑战方面发挥的领导作用。
 
我们已经听到来自国会山两党成员表示，这一前所未有的挑战需要一个雄心勃勃的资源战略。我们对此非常赞同。这正是总统提出的2024财政年度（FY2024）国务院预算提案力争实现的目标：为我们提供资源和灵活性，以推进我们的战略。
 
这项预算使美国能够在印太地区提升我们的实力，那里是我们与中国竞争的前沿。印太地区是世界上最具活力和增长最快的地区——占世界人口的50%、占全球GDP的60%、占美国15大出口市场中的8个。它在美国国内支持着300万个工作岗位，为我国提供约9000亿美元的外国直接投资，并在过去5年中带动了约75%的全球经济增长。而中国也恰恰将其整整一半的援助以及经济和外交资源投入于印太地区。
 
我们的预算提案将使我们能够进一步深化我们在印太地区的外交影响力——从在太平洋岛国（Pacific Islands）开设新使团，到在该地区及其他地区迅速增加有关岗位，其中包括在与北京存在最大争议的技术、经济以及区域和国际组织等领域。
 
北京明白外交是一项至关重要的工具。这就是为什么它极大地投入于发展其自身的外交能力、扩大其自身的外交影响力，而且事实上，去年其外交预算的增长速度超过了其军事预算。今天，它在全球的外交驻地数量超过了美国。如果我们严肃认真地对待这场竞争，我们就必须在各个方面展现出同样的外交严肃性。
 
我们并不要求其他国家在美国和中国之间做出”选择”，相反，我们旨在提供一个更有吸引力的选择。如果我们能够引发一场争相向上的竞争，那就更好。各方都会从中受益。我们的预算使我们能够与志同道合的伙伴合作，加强我们的提案，确保它与世界各地人民的需求和愿望相关，并且能够对其作出回应。
 
这就是为什么预算中包括了20亿美元的新投资，用于建设高质量、可持续的基础设施，而不是那些低质量、不透明、具有掠夺性并造成有关国家陷入债务困境的项目。
 
这项20亿美元的投资将用于支持印太经济，帮助美国在中华人民共和国目前占主导地位的领域以及该地区的关键优先事项上展开竞争，其中包括海事安全、疾病监测、清洁能源、数字技术、海底通信电缆以及至关重要的矿产开采。
 
此外，它还包含70多亿美元资金用于通过《自由联系契约》（Compact of Free Association）扩展我们与自由联系邦（Freely Associated States）之间的经济联系。这是我们的印太和国家安全战略（National Security Strategy）的重要组成部分。
 
综上所述，这些资金流会确保我们能够应对一项时代的挑战，展示出我们对该地区主要国家面临的最重要的问题所做的长期承诺，以确保美国继续成为它们的首选伙伴。
 
在这决定性的十年里，我们——协同合作伙伴——的努力和投资，将决定我们能否成功推进对国际体系所共有的积极平等的愿景，还是中华人民共和国是否会侵蚀或取代保障世界和平、安全和稳定的全球规则和规范。
 
我很感谢本委员会的合作，持续提供应对这一挑战所需的资源和政策支持，也十分期待回答各位的提问。谢谢。
 
________________________________________
 
欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-opening-remarks-before-the-senate-committee-on-appropriations-on-the-presidents-fy24-budget-request/
 
本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

REMARKS
ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE
DIRKSEN SENATE OFFICE BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MAY 16, 2023  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Chair Murray, Vice Chair Collins, State and Foreign Ops Chair Coons, Ranking Member Graham, distinguished members of the Appropriations Committee, thank you for this opportunity to testify before you today.  Thank you for bringing us all together.
I’m very pleased as well to be here with Secretary Austin, Secretary Raimondo.  This administration is committed to leading a bipartisan, whole-of-government China strategy that advances U.S. interests and values and delivers for the American people.
And to your point, Chair Murray, I think we do stand at an inflection point.  The post-Cold War era is over.  There is an intense competition underway to shape what comes next.
China represents the most consequential geopolitical challenge that we face today: a country with the intent and, increasingly, the capability to challenge our vision for a free, open, secure, and prosperous international order.
We cannot dictate Beijing’s path.  We cannot wait for China to change its trajectory.  But we can put ourselves in a position of strength to compete intensely to shape the broader strategic environment around China and to advance our vision.
We do not seek conflict with China or a new Cold War.  We’re not trying to contain China.  And in fact, the United States continues to have a comprehensive trade and investment relationship with China, as do most of our allies and partners.  We are, however, resolutely for de-risking and diversifying, not decoupling.  That means investing in our own capacities and in a secure, resilient supply chain, pushing for a level playing field for our workers and companies, defending against harmful trade practices, and ensuring that the United States and allied technology is not used against us.
We’re also committed to working with allies and partners to advance a free and open Indo-Pacific – one that is at peace and grounded in respect for a rules-based international order.
When we talk about “free and open,” what we mean is this:  We mean countries being free to choose their own path and their own partners, and that problems will be dealt with openly, not coercively.  Rules will be reached transparently and applied fairly.  Goods, ideas, and people will flow lawfully and freely across the land, the seas, the skies, and cyberspace.
The world is watching how we – and Beijing – manage this relationship.  And it’s in our best strategic interest to do so responsibly, in a way that promotes security and prosperity and delivers solutions on shared challenges that matter to the American people and to people around the world.
Last year, I had an opportunity to set out the administration’s comprehensive PRC strategy to “invest, align, and compete.”
We have made historic investments here at home – including the bipartisan infrastructure law, the CHIPS and Science Act, the Inflation Reduction Act – to strengthen our ability to compete.
We’ve aligned our approach with key partners in Europe and Asia and beyond, working methodically to elevate our engagement around the world – and as a result, we have achieved greater convergence on how to deal with the challenges that China poses than ever before.
As we compete, we will work to maintain open lines of communication at all levels with the PRC to avoid miscalculation, to prevent competition from veering into conflict.  Senior-level engagements over the past few weeks demonstrate that commitment.
We will purposefully engage China, not as a favor, or with engagement as an end in and of itself, but in ways that reflect our values and where we can find areas of cooperation that are in our mutual interest. That’s what the world expects of responsible powers.
So we’ll push for progress on priorities like the climate crisis, macroeconomic stability, public health.  We’ll continue to press the need to curb the flow of precursors that exacerbate fentanyl and synthetic opioids and the crisis that they pose.  And I very much appreciate the leadership of this committee on this most urgent challenge for the United States.
We’ve heard from members in both parties, on both sides of the Hill, that this unprecedented challenge requires an ambitious resource strategy.  We very much agree.  That’s what the President’s proposed FY2024 State Department budget aims to do: to give us the resources and the agility to advance our strategy.
This budget positions the United States to up our game in the Indo-Pacific: the frontline of our competition with China.  The Indo-Pacific is the most dynamic and fastest-growing region in the world – 50 percent of the world’s population, 60 percent of global GDP, eight of the top 15 U.S. export markets.  It supports 3 million jobs here in the United States, provides about $900 billion in foreign direct investment to our country, and it’s driven about 75 percent of global economic growth over the last five years.  China, as it happens, invests a full 50 percent of its assistance and economic and diplomatic resources in the Indo-Pacific.
Our budget proposal will allow us to further deepen our diplomatic footprint in the Indo-Pacific – from new missions in the Pacific Islands, to a surge of new positions in the region and beyond, including in the areas of greatest contestation with Beijing like technology, economics, and regional and international organizations.
Beijing understands that diplomacy is a critical tool.  It’s why it’s invested heavily in building up its own diplomatic capacity, its own diplomatic reach, and in fact it’s increased its diplomatic budget last year at a faster rate than its military one.  And today, it has more diplomatic posts around the world than the United States.  If we’re serious about this competition, we have to demonstrate the same diplomatic seriousness of purpose across the board.
Now, we’re not demanding that other countries “choose” between us and China – but rather, we aim to offer a more attractive choice.  If we can spark a race to the top, so much the better.  That would be to everyone’s benefit.  Our budget sets us up to work with likeminded partners to strengthen our offer, and ensure it’s relevant and responsive to the needs and aspirations of people around the world.
That’s why the budget includes $2 billion in new investments in high-quality, sustainable infrastructure, rather than low-quality, opaque, extractive projects that leave countries mired in debt.
It would invest $2 billion to bolster Indo-Pacific economies and help the United States compete in areas where the PRC currently dominates and in key priorities for the region, including maritime security, disease surveillance, clean energy, digital technology, underseas communications cables, critical mineral mining.
And it contains over $7 billion to extend our economic engagement with the Freely Associated States via the Compacts of Free Association.  That’s a critical component of our Indo-Pacific and National Security Strategy.
Altogether, these funding streams ensure that we can meet a generational challenge and demonstrate our long-term commitment on issues that matter most to key countries in the region – so that the United States remains the partner of choice.
During this decisive decade, our efforts and investments – together with our partners – will determine whether we succeed in advancing our shared affirmative vision for the international system, or whether the PRC can erode or replace the global rules and norms that guarantee peace, security, and stability in the world.
I’m grateful for this committee’s partnership to sustain the resources and policies required by this challenge and very much look forward to taking your questions.  Thank you.