华沙皇家城堡
波兰华沙
欧洲中部时间下午 6 点 16 分
总统：谢谢大家。如果有座位的话，请就座。（笑声）否则的话，请到台上来。
非常感谢。很荣幸来到这里。总统先生，他们告诉我您也在场。噢，您在那儿。谢谢您，总统先生。
“不要害怕”。这是第一位来自波兰的教皇在1978年10月获选后的第一次公开演讲中所说的第一句话。历史证明，这是教皇约翰·保罗二世 (Pope John Paul II) 最有代表性的一句话。这句话改变了世界。
1979 年 6 月，约翰·保罗在作为教皇第一次回到华沙时将这段话语带回家乡。这是一段关于力量的话语——信仰的力量、坚韧的力量和人民的力量。
面对一个残酷和残暴的政府制度，这段话在30 年以前帮助结束了苏联对中欧和东欧地区的压制。这段话也将会战胜这场不公正的战争的残酷和残暴。
当教皇约翰·保罗在 1979 年说出这段话时，苏联正在铁幕后面实行铁腕统治。
一年之后，团结工会运动 (Solidarity Movement) 在波兰发展壮大。虽然我知道莱赫·瓦文萨 (Lech Wałęsa)今晚不能到场，但我们在美国和世界各地都感谢他。（掌声）
这让我想起了哲学家克尔凯郭尔 (Kierkegaard) 的一句名言：“信仰在黑暗中看得最清楚”。历史上曾有过许多黑暗时刻。
十年之后，苏联解体，波兰以及中欧和东欧很快获得自由。这场争取自由的斗争并非轻而易举。它是一场漫长而痛苦的艰苦奋斗，不是几天和几个月，而是几年和几十年。
但我们在争取自由的伟大斗争中重新崛起：这是一场民主与专制、自由与镇压、基于规则的秩序与暴力统治之间的斗争。
在这场战斗中，我们需要保持清醒的头脑。这场战斗也不会在几天或几个月内取得胜利。我们需要为未来的长期斗争做好准备。
总统先生、总理先生、市长先生、国会议员、尊贵的来宾和波兰人民，我想在座的可能还有一些乌克兰人民：我们——（掌声）——我们汇聚在这座城市的皇家城堡中，这座城市不仅在欧洲历史上，而且在人类对自由永无止境的追求中，都占有神圣的地位。
几代人以来，华沙一直屹立在一个自由受到挑战而且自由获得胜利的地方。
事实上，曾经有一位年幼的捷克斯洛伐克难民从苏联统治下逃离家乡，后来又回到这里，就在华沙，她大声疾呼，声援持不同政见者。
她的名字是玛德琳·科贝尔·奥尔布赖特 (Madeleine Korbel Albright)。她成为——（掌声）——全世界最热切地支持民主的人士之一。她是一位与我一起共过事的朋友。她是美国第一位女国务卿。她在三天前去世了。
她一生都在为民主的基本原则而奋斗。今天，在争取民主和自由的长期斗争中，乌克兰及其人民正站在浴血奋战保卫国家的前线。
而且他们的奋勇抵抗是为团结所有自由人民的基本民主原则而进行的更广泛的斗争的一部分：法治；自由公正的选举；言论、写作和集会的自由；按照自己的选择敬拜的自由；新闻自由。
在一个自由社会里，这些原则是必不可少的。（掌声）但它们一直——一直都遭到围攻。它们一直都受到攻击。每一代人都必须击败民主制度的不共戴天的仇敌。世道就是这样——正如我们所知，世界是不完美的。在这个世界上，少数人的欲望和野心总是企图主宰许许多多的人的生活和自由。
我给乌克兰人民的信息就是我今天向乌克兰外交部长和国防部长所传达的信息，我知道他们今晚也在这里：我们与你们站在一起。绝对如此。（掌声）
今天在基辅 (Kyiv)、马里乌波尔 (Mariupol) 和哈尔科夫 (Kharkiv) 的战斗是长期斗争中的最新战役：1956年在匈牙利；1956 年以及1981年在波兰；1968 年在捷克斯洛伐克。
苏联的坦克镇压了民主抗争，但抵抗一直在继续，直到 1989 年，柏林墙以及苏联统治的所有屏障最终都轰然倒塌。它们都崩塌了。人民取得了胜利。（掌声）
但是，争取民主的斗争不能也没有随着冷战的结束而结束。
在过去的 30 年里，专制势力在全球范围内卷土重来。其特征是司空见惯的：蔑视法治、蔑视民主自由、蔑视真相本身。
今天，俄罗斯已经扼杀了民主——不仅在本国，还试图在其他地方这样做。在谎称民族团结的借口下，它 入侵了邻国。
普京居然胆敢声称他在对乌克兰“去纳粹化”。这是一个谎言。这令人嗤之以鼻。他知道这一点。而且这卑鄙可憎。
泽连斯基总统是通过民主选举产生的。他是犹太人。他父亲全家都在纳粹大屠杀中惨遭杀害。而普京却与他之前的所有独裁者一样，厚颜无耻地以为强权即公理。
在我们国家，一位名叫亚伯拉罕·林肯的前总统曾在南北战争期间为拯救我们的联邦而表达了一种截然不同的理念。他说：“让我们都有这样的信念：公理即威力”。“公理即威力”。（掌声）
今天，让我们再次拥有这一信念。让我们下定决心，将民主国家的实力付诸行动，以挫败专制制度的阴谋。让我们谨记，这一刻的考验是有史以来的重大考验。
克里姆林宫想把北约的扩展说成是一个旨在破坏俄罗斯稳定的帝国主义计划。再没有比这更违背事实的了。北约是一个防御性联盟，它从未寻求过让俄罗斯灭亡。
在当前危机爆发之前，美国和北约花了几个月的时间与俄罗斯接触，以避免战争。我曾亲自与他会面，并通过电话与他多次交谈。
我们一次又一次地提出切实的外交建议和具体建议，以加强欧洲安全、提高透明度并在各方建立信任。
但在所有谈判中，普京和俄罗斯除了使用谎言和最后通牒之外，对任何一项提议都毫无兴趣。俄罗斯从一开始就执意要使用暴力。
我知道，当我们一再指出“他们要越过边境，他们要进攻了”，并非所有人都相信我们所说的话。
他一再声称，“我们对发动战争没有兴趣”，并保证他不会发动攻击。
他一再声称不会入侵乌克兰。
他一再声称俄罗斯军队是在边境进行“训练”——总计18万军队之多。
俄罗斯发动这场无端的战争根本没有任何理由、也没有受到任何挑衅。这是人类最原始的冲动之一的一个例证：使用暴力攻击和虚假信息来满足对绝对权力和控制的贪欲。
这全然是对第二次世界大战结束以来所建立的以规则为基础的国际秩序的直接挑战。
而且它还构成倒退回在基于规则的国际秩序建立之前蹂躏欧洲数十年的战争之中的威胁。我们绝不能倒退回去。我们绝对不能。
正是因为这一威胁的严重性，西方的应对才如此迅速、如此有力、如此团结一致、前所未有而且势不可挡。
迅速施以惩罚性的代价是唯一能让俄罗斯改弦易辙的方式。
在俄罗斯入侵几天之内，西方已联合采取制裁行动来打击俄罗斯的经济。
俄罗斯中央银行现在已被封锁在全球金融系统之外，断绝了克里姆林宫使用它藏匿在全球各地的战争资金的渠道。
通过停止美国从俄罗斯进口能源，我们打击了俄罗斯的经济核心。
迄今为止，美国已经制裁了 140 名俄罗斯寡头及其家庭成员，扣押了他们的不义之财：他们的游艇、豪华公寓和豪宅。
我们已对400 多名俄罗斯政府官员实施制裁，其中包括这场战争的主要策划者。
这些官员和寡头已从与克里姆林宫有关的腐败行径中中饱私囊，现在他们也必须为此承担痛苦。
私营部门也在行动。从石油公司到麦当劳，超过 400 家私营跨国公司已退出了在俄罗斯的业务，完全撤离了俄罗斯。
由于这些史无前例的制裁措施，卢布几乎立刻变得一文不值。俄罗斯经济——（掌声）——这是事实。大约要用200卢布才能兑换1美元。
在未来几年里，它的经济将被削减一半。它被评为——在这次入侵之前，俄罗斯经济在世界上排名第 11 位。而它很快就连世界前20名都排不到了。（掌声）
这些经济制裁相互结合，是一种新的经济国策，其造成损害的威力可与军事力量相匹敌。
这些国际制裁措施正在削弱俄罗斯的实力，削弱其补充军力的能力，以及它的能力——它炫示力量的能力。而普京——应该受到指责的正是弗拉基米尔·普京。
与此同时，在实行这些经济制裁的同时，西方世界还联合起来，为乌克兰人民提供巨大的军事、经济和人道主义援助。
在入侵之前的几年里，在他们越过边界之前，美国已向乌克兰运送了超过 6.5 亿美元的武器，包括防空和反装甲装备。
自入侵以来，美国又承诺提供 13.5 亿美元的武器和弹药。
并且，感谢乌克兰人民的英勇和无畏——（掌声）——我们以及我们的同仁所提供的装备发挥了毁灭性效力以保卫乌克兰的领土和领空。我们的盟友和合作伙伴也已加紧行动。
但是，正如我已明确指出的：美国军队在欧洲——不是要在欧洲与俄罗斯军队发生冲突。美国军队在这里是为了保卫北约盟国。
昨天，我会见了与我们的波兰盟友并肩加强北约前线防御的部队。这是我们针对他们在乌克兰的行动作出的宣示：不要对踏入北约的任何一英寸领土存有非分之想。
我们有神圣的义务——（掌声）——根据第五条 (Article 5)，我们有神圣的义务以我们集体的力量来全力保卫北约的每一寸土地。
今天早些时候，我去了你们的国家体育场，在那里，成千上万的乌克兰难民试图回答一个人所能提出的最难以回答的问题：“天哪，等待我的命运是什么？等待我的家人的命运是什么？”
当我拥抱她们时，我看到许多母亲眼中含泪；她们年幼的孩子们——她们年幼的孩子们不知道是该笑还是该哭。一个小女孩对我说：“总统先生”——她会说一点英语——“我哥哥和我爸爸——他们不会有事吧？我能再见到他们吗？”没有丈夫，没有父亲，在很多情况下，他们的兄弟或姐妹也留下来为自己的国家而战。
我不需要会说或理解她们的语言就能感受到她们眼里所流露的情​​感。她们紧紧握住我的手，孩子们抱住我的腿，绝望地祈祷这一切都是暂时的；他们担心可能会永远离开家园，担心这种情况会再次发生，他们的悲伤令人心碎。
同时，我也为华沙人民的慷慨相助深受感动——就此而言，是所有的波兰人民——他们深厚的同情心，他们伸出的援助之手——（掌声）——他们敞开的胸怀。
我刚才和市长谈到，他们之所以敞开胸怀和家园，是为了帮助别人。我还要感谢我的朋友，美国名厨何塞·安德烈斯 (José Andrés) 和他的团队，他们帮助为那些——（掌声）——为那些渴望自由的人们提供食物。
但是，帮助这些难民的责任不应当由波兰或任何其它国家独自承担。世界上所有的民主国家都有责任提供帮助。所有的民主国家。美国也将履行自己的责任，不会让乌克兰人民失望。
我在两天前宣布，我们将接收10万名乌克兰难民。目前每周已经有 8000 名其它国家的人入境美国。
我们将提供近三亿美元的人道主义援助，提供数万吨食品、饮水、药品和其它基本生活用品。
在布鲁塞尔，我宣布美国准备额外提供超过 10 亿美元的人道主义援助。
世界粮食计划署 (World Food Programme) 告诉我们，尽管存在重大障碍，但至少有一些救济物资已送达乌克兰的一些主要城市，但未能送到马里乌波尔，俄罗斯军队的封锁使救济物资难以送达。
但我们会继续努力，为乌克兰任何需要的地方以及为逃离乌克兰的人们提供人道主义救助。
尽管弗拉基米尔·普京不惜采用残暴手段，俄罗斯的这场战争已经无疑是一个战略性失败。（掌声）我自己也曾失去孩子——我知道这对那些失去家人的人们来说并不是一种安慰。
但他，普京，认为乌克兰人民会束手就范，不战而降。他显然对历史了解甚少。相反，俄罗斯军队遇到了乌克兰人民勇敢而顽强的抵抗。
俄罗斯的铁血策略非但没有摧毁乌克兰人民的决心，反而使之更加坚定。（掌声）
它没有能够分裂北约，相反，西方现在比以往任何时候都更加强大，更加团结。（掌声）
俄罗斯企图在其边境减少北约的军事存在，但现在我们有更强的存在，更大的存在，这里有超过十万美军，还有北约的所有其它成员。
事实上（掌声），俄罗斯已经成功地做了一件事情，我敢肯定这是它始料未及的：即世界上的民主国家在短短几个月的时间里振作起来，达到了我们曾需要数年才能达到的目的和团结。
为我们提醒民主制度优越性的不仅仅是俄罗斯在乌克兰的行动。还有我们自己的国家——他自己的国家，克里姆林宫，正在监禁抗议人士。据称已有二十万人离开。这是人才流失——离开俄罗斯。关闭独立新闻机构。官方媒体全是政治宣传，屏蔽俄罗斯军队在乌克兰攻击平民目标、造成大规模死亡、采用饥饿战术的图像。
正如我所说，20 万名俄罗斯人在一个月内纷纷离开他们的国家，这不奇怪。在如此短暂的时间内出现如此惊人的人才流失，让我借此向俄罗斯人民传达我的信息： 
我曾与俄罗斯领导人打过几十年的交道。我曾在冷战高峰时期，与前苏联总理阿列克谢·柯西金 (Alexei Kosygin) 坐在谈判桌前，讨论军备控制问题。
我一直是对你们，俄罗斯人民，直言相告，开诚布公。
如果你们能听到的话，我想说：你们，俄罗斯人民，不是我们的敌人。
我绝不相信你们会欣然支持杀害无辜儿童和祖父母，或者你们接受——看在上帝的份上——俄罗斯导弹和炸弹对医院、学校、产科病房的狂轰滥炸；或接受将城市包围起来，使平民无法逃离；切断供应线，企图以饥饿来迫使乌克兰人民屈服。
数百万家庭被赶出家园，其中包括一半的乌克兰儿童。这些绝不是一个伟大的国家的作为。
在所有民族当中，你们，俄罗斯民族，以及整个欧洲的所有民族，仍然记得在 30 年代末和 40 年代发生的类似情况——第二次世界大战的情况——这一地区的许多祖父母仍然记忆犹新。
无论——无论你们这一代经历了什么——无论是经历了列宁格勒保卫战 (Siege of Leningrad) ，还是从你的父母和祖父母那里听说过——火车站挤满了逃离家园、惊恐不安的家庭；晚上躲在地下室和地窖里；早晨坐在住房的废墟中——这些场景都已不是过去的记忆。不再是过去的记忆。因为这正是俄罗斯军队现在在乌克兰的所作所为。
2022 年 3 月 26 日。就在几天之前——我们在二十——你们还是一个 21 世纪的国家，像全世界人民一样为自己和家人拥有希望和梦想。
现在，弗拉基米尔·普京的侵略行动已经把你们——俄罗斯人民——与世隔绝，它把俄罗斯带回了 19 世纪。
这种行动并不代表俄罗斯人民。这不是未来——不是你们和你们的家人和孩子应有的未来。我想坦诚相告：俄罗斯人民，这场战争不值得你们为之背书。
普京能够而且必须结束这场战争。美国人民与你们以及渴望和平的勇敢乌克兰公民们站在一起。
我对欧洲其它国家要说的是：这场新的自由之战已经让一些事情变得一目了然。
首先，欧洲必须结束对俄罗斯化石燃料的依赖，而我们美国将提供帮助。（掌声）因此，就在昨天，我在布鲁塞尔与欧盟委员会 (European Commission) 主席共同宣布了一项使欧洲能够度过当前能源危机的计划。
从长远来看，为了经济安全和国家安全以及地球的生存能力，我们都需要尽快转向清洁的可再生能源。我们将共同努力以帮助完成这项工作，以便结束任何国家因能源需求而受制于某一暴君的妄想的时代。这一时代必须结束。这一时代必须结束。
其次，我们必须打击克里姆林宫的腐败现象，还俄罗斯人民一个公平机会。
最后也是最紧迫的一点，世界上的民主国家之间要保持绝对的团结，我们必须这样做。
使用高尚言辞侈谈民主、自由、平等是远远不够的。我们所有国家，包括波兰，每天都必须为民主制度付出艰苦卓绝的努力。我的国家也是一样。
这就是为什么——（掌声）——这就是为什么我本周再次来到欧洲，向北约、七国集团 (G7)、欧盟和所有热爱自由的国家发出一个明确而坚定的信息：现在，我们必须为这场持久战做出承诺。我们必须在今天、明天、后天和未来的岁月里团结一致。（掌声）
这并非是一件轻而易举的事情，它会有代价。但这是我们必须付出的代价。因为驱动独裁专制的黑暗势力终将无法与照亮世界各地自由人民灵魂的自由之火相匹敌。
历史一次又一次地表明，最大的进步来自最黑暗的时刻。历史表明，这是我们这个时代的任务，是我们这一代人的任务。
让我们记住：推倒柏林墙的重锤和掀起铁幕的巨大力量并非来自某一领导人的讲话；而是几十年来欧洲人民为解放自己而奋斗的结果。
他们的非凡勇气为欧洲野餐计划（Pan-European Picnic）打开了奥地利和匈牙利之间的边界。他们携手前行，以最长人链走出了波罗的海之路 (Baltic Way) 。他们在波兰团结一致。众志成城，形成了一股不容置疑和不容否认的人民力量、一股苏联无法抗拒的力量。
今天，我们再次从勇敢无畏的乌克兰人民身上看到了这一点，它表明：民众的力量远大于任何一个独裁者的意志。（掌声）
所以，在这一时刻，让教皇约翰·保罗的话语在今天同样明亮地放射光焰：“永远不要放弃希望，永远不要动摇，不要倦怠，不要灰心。不要害怕。”（掌声）
一个执意重建帝国的独裁者永远不能抹去人民对自由的热爱。残暴永远不会磨灭他们的自由意志。俄罗斯永远不会在乌克兰取胜——因为自由的人民拒绝生活在一个绝望和黑暗的世界中。
我们将拥有一个不同的未来——一个植根于民主和原则、希望和光明、体面和尊严、自由和无限机遇的更加光明的未来。
看在上帝的份上，不能让这个人再继续掌权。
上帝保佑你们。愿上帝捍卫我们的自由。（掌声）愿上帝护佑我们的军队。感谢你们的耐心。谢谢你们。（掌声）谢谢。谢谢你们。 
欧洲中部时间下午 6 点 43 分 
欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/02/22/remarks-by-president-biden-announcing-response-to-russian-actions-in-ukraine/
本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。
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Remarks by President Biden on the United Efforts of the Free World to Support the People of Ukraine

MARCH 26, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS
The Royal Castle in WarsawWarsaw, Poland
6:16 P.M. CET
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, thank you, thank you.  Please, if you have a seat, be seated.  (Laughter.)  If you don’t, come up on stage.
Thank you very much.  It’s a great honor to be here.  Mr. President, they tell me you’re over there somewhere.  There you are.  Thank you, Mr. President.
“Be not afraid.”  They were the first words at the first public address of the first Polish Pope after his election on October of 1978.  They were words that would come to define Pope John Paul II.  Words that would change the world.
John Paul brought the message here to Warsaw in his first trip back home as Pope in June of 1979.  It was a message about the power — the power of faith, the power of resilience, and the power of the people.
In the face of a cruel and brutal system of government, it was a message that helped end the Soviet repression in the Central land and Eastern Europe 30 years ago.  It was a message that will overcome the cruelty and brutality of this unjust war.
When Pope John Paul brought that message in 1979, the Soviet Union ruled with an iron fist behind an Iron Curtain.
Then a year later, the Solidarity movement took hold in Poland.  And while I know he couldn’t be here tonight, we’re all grateful in America and around the world for Lech Wałęsa.  (Applause.)
It reminds me of that phrase of philosopher Kierkegaard: “[F]aith sees best in the dark.”  And there were dark moments.
Ten years later, the Soviet Union collapsed, and Poland and Central and Eastern Europe would soon be free.  Nothing about that battle for freedom was simple or easy.  It was a long, painful slog fought over not days and months, but years and decades.
But we emerged anew in the great battle for freedom: a battle between democracy and autocracy, between liberty and repression, between a rules-based order and one governed by brute force.
In this battle, we need to be clear-eyed.  This battle will not be won in days or months either.  We need to steel ourselves for the long fight ahead.
Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Mayor, members of the Parliament, distinguished guests, and the people of Poland, and I suspect some people of Ukraine that are here: We’re — (applause) — we are gathered here at the Royal Castle in this city that holds a sacred place in the history of not only of Europe, but humankind’s unending search for freedom.
For generations, Warsaw has stood where liberty has been challenged and liberty has prevailed.
In fact, it was here in Warsaw when a young refugee, who fled her home country from Czechoslovakia was under Soviet domination, came back to speak and stand in solidarity with dissidents.
Her name was Madeleine Korbel Albright.  She became — (applause) — one of the most ardent supporters of democracy in the world.  She was a friend with whom I served.  America’s first woman Secretary of State.  She passed away three days ago.
She fought her whole life for essential democratic principles.  And now, in the perennial struggle for democracy and freedom, Ukraine and its people are on the frontlines fighting to save their nation.
And their brave resistance is part of a larger fight for an essential democratic principles that unite all free people: the rule of law; free and fair elections; the freedom to speak, to write, and to assemble; the freedom to worship as one chooses; freedom of the press.
These principles are essential in a free society.  (Applause.)  But they have always — they have always been under siege.  They’ve always been embattled.  Every generation has had to defeat democracy’s mortal foes.  That’s the way of the world — for the world is imperfect, as we know.  Where the appetites and ambitions of a few forever seek to dominate the lives and liberties of many.
My message to the people of Ukraine is the message I delivered today to Ukraine’s Foreign Minister and Defense Minister, who I believe are here tonight: We stand with you.  Period.  (Applause.)
Today’s fighting in Kyiv and Mariupol and Kharkiv are the latest battle in a long struggle: Hungary, 1956; Poland, 1956 then again 1981; Czechoslovakia, 1968.
Soviet tanks crushed democratic uprisings, but the resistance continued until finally, in 1989, the Berlin Wall and all of the walls of Soviet domination — they fell.  They fell.  And the people prevailed.  (Applause.)
But the battle for democracy could not conclude and did not conclude with the end of the Cold War.
Over the last 30 years, the forces of autocracy have revived all across the globe.  Its hallmarks are familiar ones: contempt for the rule of law, contempt for democratic freedom, contempt for the truth itself.
Today, Russia has strangled democracy — has sought to do so elsewhere, not only in its homeland.  Under false claims of ethnic solidarity, it has invalidated [invaded] neighboring nations.
Putin has the gall to say he’s “de-Nazifying” Ukraine.  It’s a lie.  It’s just cynical.  He knows that.  And it’s also obscene.
President Zelenskyy was democratically elected.  He’s Jewish.  His father’s family was wiped out in the Nazi Holocaust.  And Putin has the audacity, like all autocrats before him, to believe that might will make right.
In my own country, a former president named Abraham Lincoln voiced the opposing spirit to save our Union in the midst of a civil war.  He said, “Let us have faith that right makes might.”  “Right makes might.”  (Applause.)
Today, let us now have that faith again.  Let us resolve to put the strength of democracies into action to thwart the denigns [sic] of our — the designs of autocracy.  Let us remember that the test of this moment is the test of all time.
The Kremlin wants to portray NATO enlargement as an imperial project aimed at destabilizing Russia.  Nothing is further from the truth.  NATO is a defensive alliance.  It has never sought the demise of Russia.
In the lead-up to the current crisis, the United States and NATO worked for months to engage Russia to avert a war.  I met with him in person and talked to him many times on the phone.
Time and again, we offered real diplomacy and concrete proposals to strengthen European security, enhance transparency, and build confidence on all sides.
But Putin and Russia met each of the proposals with disinterest in any negotiation, with lies and ultimatums.  Russia was bent on violence from the start.
I know not all of you believed me and us when we kept saying, “They are going to cross the border.  They are going to attack.”
Repeatedly, he asserted, “We have no interest in war.”  Guaranteed he would not move.
Repeatedly saying he would not invade Ukraine.
Repeatedly saying Russian troops along the border were there for “training” — all 180,000 of them.
There is simply no justification or provocation for Russia’s choice of war.  It’s an example of one of the oldest of human impulses: using brute force and disinformation to satisfy a craving for absolute power and control.
It’s nothing less than a direct challenge to the rule-based international order established since the end of World War Two.
And it threatens to return to decades of war that ravaged Europe before the international rule-based order was put in place.  We cannot go back to that.  We cannot.
The gravity of the threat is why the response of the West has been so swift and so powerful and so unified, unprecedented, and overwhelming.
Swift and punishing costs are the only things that are going to get Russia to change its course.
Within days of its invasion, the West had moved jointly with sanctions to damage Russia’s economy.
Russia’s Central Bank is now blocked from the global financial systems, denying Kremlin’s access to the war fund it stashed around the globe.
We’ve aimed at the heart of Russia’s economy by stopping the imports of Russian energy to the United States.
To date, the United States has sanctioned 140 Russian oligarchs and their family members, seizing their ill-begotten gains: their yachts, their luxury apartments, their mansions.
We’ve sanctioned more than 400 Russian government officials, including key architects of this war.
These officials and oligarchs have reaped enormous benefit from the corruption connected to the Kremlin, and now they have to share in the pain.
The private sector is acting as well.  Over 400 private multinational companies have pulled out of doing business in Russia — left Russia completely — from oil companies to McDonald’s.
As a result of these unprecedented sanctions, the ruble almost is immediately reduced to rubble.  The Russian economy — (applause) — that’s true, by the way.  It takes about 200 rubles to equal one dollar.
The economy is on track to be cut in half in the coming years.  It was ranked — Russia’s economy was ranked the 11th biggest economy in the world before this evasion [sic] — invasion.  It will soon not even rank among the top 20 in the world.  (Applause.)
Taken together, these economic sanctions are a new kind of economic statecraft with the power to inflict damage that rivals military might.
These international sanctions are sapping Russian strength, its ability to replenish its military, and its ability — its ability to project power.  And it is Putin — it is Vladimir Putin who is to blame, period.
At the same time, alongside these economic sanctions, the Western world has come together to provide for the people of Ukraine with incredible levels of military, economic, and humanitarian assistance.
In the years before the invasion, we, America, had sent over $650 million, before they crossed the border, in weapons to Ukraine, including anti-air and anti-armor equipment.
Since the invasion, America has committed another $1.35 billion in weapons and ammunition.
And thanks to the courage and bravery of the Ukrainian people — (applause) — the equipment we’ve sent and our colleagues have sent have been used to devastating effect to defend Ukrainian land and airspace.  Our Allies and partners have stepped up as well.
But as I’ve made clear: American forces are in Europe — not in Europe to engage in conflict with Russian forces.  American forces are here to defend NATO Allies.
Yesterday, I met with the troops that are serving alongside our Polish allies to bolster NATO’s frontline defenses.  The reason we wanted to make clear is their movement on Ukraine: Don’t even think about moving on one single inch of NATO territory.
We have a sacred obligation — (applause) — we have a sacred obligation under Article 5 to defend each and every inch of NATO territory with the full force of our collective power.
And earlier today, I visited your National Stadium, where thousands of Ukrainian refugees are now trying to answer the toughest questions a human can ask: “My God, what’s going to happen to me?  What’s going to happen to my family?”
I saw tears in many of the mothers’ eyes as I embraced them; their young children — their young children not sure whether to smile or cry.  One little girl said, “Mr. President” — she spoke a little English — “is my brother and my daddy — are they going to be okay?  Will I see them again?”  Without their husbands, their fathers, in many cases, their brothers or sisters who stayed back to fight for their country.
I didn’t have to speak the language or understand the language to feel the emotion in their eyes, the way they gripped my hand, and little kids hung on to my leg, praying with a desperate hope that all this is temporary; apprehension that they may be perhaps forever away from their homes, almost with debilitating sadness that this is happening all over again.
But I was also struck by the generosity of the people of Warsaw — for that matter, all the Polish people — for the depths of their compassion, their willingness to reach out — (applause) — opening their hearts.
I was saying to the Mayor they’re preparing to open their hearts and their homes simply to help.  I also want to thank my friend, the great American chef, José Andrés, and his team who helped feeling [sic] those — (applause) — feeding those who are yearning to be free.
But helping these refugees is not something Poland or any other nation should carry alone.  All the world democracies have a responsibility to help.  All of them.  And the people of Ukraine can count on the United States to meet its responsibility.
I’ve announced, two days ago, we will welcome 100,000 Ukrainian refugees.  We already have 8,000 a week coming to the United States of other nat- — nationalities.
We’ll provide nearly $300 million of humanitarian assistance, providing tens of thousands of tons of food, water, medicine, and other basic supplies.
In Brussels, I announced the United States is prepared to provide more than $1 billion, in addition, in humanitarian aid.
The World Food Programme told us that despite significant obstacles, at least some relief is getting to major cities in Ukraine, but not Metropol [sic] — no, excuse me, Mar- — not Mariupol, because Russian forces are blocking relief supplies.
But we’ll not cease our efforts to get humanitarian relief wherever it is needed in Ukraine and for the people who’ve made it out of Ukraine.
Notwithstanding the brutality of Vladimir Putin, let there be no doubt that this war has already been a strategic failure for Russia already.  (Applause.)  Having lost children myself — I know that’s no solace to the people who’ve lost family.
But he, Putin, thought Ukrainians would roll over and not fight.  Not much of a student of history.  Instead, Russian forces have met their match with brave and stiff Ukrainian resistance.
Rather than breaking Ukrainian resolve, Russia’s brutal tactics have strengthened the resolve.  (Applause.)
Rather than driving NATO apart, the West is now stronger and more united than it has ever been.  (Applause.)
Russia wanted less of a NATO presence on its border, but now he has [we have] a stronger presence, a larger presence, with over a hundred thousand American troops here, along with all the other members of NATO.
In fact — (applause) — Russia has managed to cause something I’m sure he never intended: The democracies of the world are revitalized with purpose and unity found in months that we’d once taken years to accomplish.
It’s not only Russia’s actions in Ukraine that are reminding us of democracy’s blessing.  It’s our own country — his own country, the Kremlin, is jailing protestors.  Two hundred thousand people have allegedly already left.  There’s a brain drain — leaving Russia.  Shutting down independent news.  State media is all propaganda, blocking the image of civilian targets, mass graves, starvation tactics of the Russian forces in Ukraine.
Is it any wonder, as I said, that 200,000 Russians have all left their country in one month?  A remarkable brain drain in such a short period of time, which brings me to my message to the Russian people:
I’ve worked with Russian leaders for decades.  I sat across the negotiating table going all the way back to Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin to talk arms control at the height of the Cold War.
I’ve always spoken directly and honestly to you, the Russian people.
Let me say this, if you’re able to listen: You, the Russian people, are not our enemy.
I refuse to believe that you welcome the killing of innocent children and grandparents or that you accept hospitals, schools, maternity wards that, for God’s sake, are being pummeled with Russian missiles and bombs; or cities being surrounded so that civilians cannot flee; supplies cut off and attempting to starve Ukrainians into submission.
Millions of families are being driven from their homes, including half of all Ukraine’s children.  These are not the actions of a great nation.
Of all people, you, the Russian people, as well as all people across Europe, still have the memory of being in a similar situation in the late thirties and forties — the situation of World War Two — still fresh in the minds of many grandparents in the region.
What — whatever your generation experienced — whether it experienced the Siege of Leningrad or heard about it from your parents and grandparents — train stations overflowing with terrified families fleeing their homes; nights sheltering in basements and cellars; mornings sitting through the rubble in your homes — these are not memories of the past.  Not anymore.  Because it’s exactly what the Russian army is doing in Ukraine right now.
March 26, 2022.  Just days before — we’re at the twenty-fir- — you were a 21st century nation with hopes and dreams that people all over the world have for themselves and their family.
Now, Vladimir Putin’s aggression have cut you, the Russian people, off from the rest of the world, and it’s taking Russia back to the 19th century.
This is not who you are.  This is not the future reserve — you deserve for your families and your children.  I’m telling you the truth: This war is not worthy of you, the Russian people.
Putin can and must end this war.  The American people stand with you and the brave citizens of Ukraine who want peace.
And my message to the rest of Europe: This new battle for freedom has already made a few things crystal clear.
First, Europe must end its dependence on Russian fossil fuels.  And we, the United States, will help.  (Applause.)  That’s why just yesterday, in Brussels, I announced a plan with the President of the European Commission to get Europe through the immediate energy crisis.
Over the long term, as a matter of economic security and national security and for the survivability of the planet, we all need to move as quickly as possible to clean, renewable energy.  And we’ll work together to help get that done so that the days of any nation being subject to the whims of a tyrant for its energy needs are over.  They must end.  They must end.
And second, we have to fight the corruption coming from the Kremlin to give the Russian people a fair chance.
And finally, and most urgently, we maintain absolute unity — we must — among the world’s democracies.
It’s not enough to speak with rhetorical flourish, of ennobling words of democracy, of freedom, equality, and liberty.  All of us, including here in Poland, must do the hard work of democracy each and every day.  My country as well.
That’s why — (applause) — that’s why I came to Europe again this week with a clear and determined message for NATO, for the G7, for the European Union, for all freedom-loving nations: We must commit now to be in this fight for the long haul.  We must remain unified today and tomorrow and the day after and for the years and decades to come.  (Applause.)
It will not be easy.  There will be costs.  But it’s a price we have to pay.  Because the darkness that drives autocracy is ultimately no match for the flame of liberty that lights the souls of free people everywhere.
Time and again, history shows that it’s from the darkest moments that the greatest progress follows.  And history shows this is the task of our time, the task of this generation.
Let’s remember: The hammer blow that brought down the Berlin Wall, the might that lifted the Iron Curtain were not the words of a single leader; it was the people of Europe who, for decades, fought to free themselves.
Their sheer bravery opened the border between Austria and Hungary for the Pan-European Picnic.  They joined hands for the Baltic Way.  They stood for Solidarity here in Poland.  And together, it was an unmistakable and undeniable force of the people that the Soviet Union could not withstand.
And we’re seeing it once again today with the brave Ukrainian people, showing that their power of many is greater than the will of any one dictator.  (Applause.)
So, in this hour, let the words of Pope John Paul burn as brightly today: “Never, ever give up hope, never doubt, never tire, never become discouraged.  Be not afraid.”  (Applause.)
A dictator bent on rebuilding an empire will never erase a people’s love for liberty.  Brutality will never grind down their will to be free.  Ukraine will never be a victory for Russia — for free people refuse to live in a world of hopelessness and darkness.
We will have a different future — a brighter future rooted in democracy and principle, hope and light, of decency and dignity, of freedom and possibilities.
For God’s sake, this man cannot remain in power.
God bless you all.  And may God defend our freedom.  (Applause.)  And may God protect our troops.   Thank you for your patience.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thank you.
6:43 P.M. CET