美国国务院
发言人办公室
华盛顿哥伦比亚特区（Washington, D.C.）
2020年 6月30 日
谢谢你，尼古拉斯（Nicolas）。谢谢用英语说的几句话。我很感激。
诸位上午好。很高兴见到你，秘书长。罗丝玛丽（Rosemary），谢谢你今天上午发表的评论。我想说的是，你对伊朗境内的人道主义援助问题发表的一些评论。考虑到伊朗境内的冠状病毒疫情，美国已尽力而为。我们的确提出为伊朗人提供我们美方的援助，但遭到他们的拒绝。所以，我认为，所谓我们的制裁阻碍了人道主义援助进入伊朗的说法是因为没有真正了解当地发生的情况。
由于美国前任政府谈判达成的核协议存在弊端，对全世界最令人发指的政权实施武器禁运预定10月18日到期，距今仅4个月。4个月。
安理会需要进行抉择：按照联合国创始人的意愿维护国际和平与安全，或者听任对伊朗伊斯兰共和国的武器禁运过期，背弃我们各方矢志维护的联合国使命及其最终理想。
如果你们不采取行动，伊朗就可以肆无忌惮地购买俄罗斯制造的战斗机，其作战半径可达3,000公里，将利雅得（Riyadh）、新德里（New Delhi）、罗马（Rome）和华沙（Warsaw）都纳入伊朗的瞄准镜。
伊朗就可以肆无忌惮地更新并扩大其潜艇舰队，进一步威胁霍尔木兹海峡（Strait of Hormuz）、波斯湾（Persian Gulf）和阿拉伯海（Arabian Sea）的国际航运和航行自由。
伊朗就可以肆无忌惮地为中东（Middle East）各地的代理人和伙伴购买新的先进的技术，包括哈马斯（Hamas）、真主党（Hizballah）和胡塞（Houthis）组织。
伊朗就会将达摩克里斯剑（sword of Damocles）悬挂在中东稳定的经济局势上方，对俄罗斯和中国等依赖能源价格稳定的国家构成威胁。
伊朗就可以毫无顾忌地成为歹毒的军火商，通过武器供应为委内瑞拉、叙利亚，乃至阿富汗的冲突火上浇油。
去年11月，总统鲁哈尼（Rouhani）亲口表示，“明年禁运解除后，我们就可以很容易地买卖武器。”我们应该注意他说的这番话。
伊朗不像澳大利亚或印度，不属于负责任的民主政体。我们已经知道，德黑兰如果有能力购买更多的武器会做什么。
请考虑我们今天讨论的秘书长关于联合国安理会第2231号决议的报告。这份报告确认，2019年9月用于攻击沙特阿拉伯的武器原产地是伊朗。报告还确认，2019年11月和2020年2月在也门外海截获的武器原产地是伊朗。
伊朗即使在到期前已经违反武器禁运的规定。伊朗的活动因理事会的授权受到了制裁，可以设想一旦限制被解除会是什么情况。
我们其实不需要秘书长的报告就可以看见，该政权还在做其他什么事情。1月，伊朗利用自己拥有的先进导弹向驻伊拉克的联盟军队发动了进攻。
即使在今天我们举行会议的时候，伊朗仍为真主党旅（Kata’ib Hizballah）等什叶派武装团伙供货。自去年秋季以来，这些什叶派武装对美国和联盟部队发动了数十次火箭袭击，当时美国和联盟部队正在持续进行打击达伊沙（Daesh）的重要战役。
伊朗在阿曼湾（Gulf of Oman）对商业船舶发动鱼雷袭击，例如去年5月和6月发生的事件。
几乎所有的国家都拥有武器。成熟的国家使用武器进行防御和促进稳定。
但伊朗伊斯兰共和国不在此列。
不必仅听我或者美国所说的情况；不妨听听该地区国家发出的声音。从以色列到海湾地区，中东国家作为最容易受伊朗侵害的国家，正在发出同一个声音：延长武器禁运。
安理会有责任听取他们的意见。
美国最强烈的愿望是与安理会一道努力，延长武器禁运，保护人的生命，保护我们的国家安全，保护你们的国家安全。
我们以各种形式对德黑兰实施武器限制达13年，这有其合理的原因，也有重大成效。
早在我们在2007年一致通过联合国安理会第1747号决议（UN Security Council Resolution 1747）时——其举措之一是禁止伊朗的武器转运，英国的安理会代表说，我引用他的原话：“伊朗走扩散之路不是国际社会所能接受的”。
我欢迎最近来自英国，来自法国和德国的声明，承认取消禁运将对地区安全与稳定产生重大影响。
我也欢迎来自几乎400名美国国会议员的支持。对这里不注意这个数字的人说一下，国会一共有435名议员。他们当中将近400名议员都支持我为延长武器禁运所做的外交努力。我们的担忧事关国家安全，而不是党派政治。
我们在落实“联合全面行动计划”（JCPOA）的过程中从伊朗的行动中看到，我们解除制裁或放松追责时伊朗政权并不有所节制。
事实上它做的恰恰相反。
伊朗在仍然声称保持协议的同时，自己承认，也得到国际原子能机构（IAEA）证实，伊朗没有任何迹象显示在放慢其破坏稳定的核升级。
伊朗也在积累危险的知识。例如，去年年底，伊朗宣布，伊朗科学家正在研制新型离心机——IR-9——它将使德黑兰能够以比“联合全面行动计划”所允许使用的IR-1离心机高达50倍的速度提炼浓缩铀。
伊朗即使在从事有可能威胁核武器突破时间的研究时，也拒绝让国际原子能机构检查员进入根据协议伊朗有义务予以准入的地点。
鉴于无可非议的有关伊朗的事实模式，安理会不能单纯希望伊朗本着良好意愿行事。
安理会必须对伊朗追究责任。我们都有机会这样做。
我将以下面的话结束我的发言。我将用我们的更高目的的号召结束我的话。
《联合国宪章》（UN Charter）第一章说，联合国的目的是“采取有效集体办法，以防止且消除对于和平之威胁……”。
请考虑我今天详细说明的压倒性证据。它是现有证据中的一小部分。如果伊朗不是一个需要用集体办法应对的和平威胁，我不知道什么会是。
安理会必须拒绝外交勒索。鲁哈尼总统最近宣布“如果延长对德黑兰的武器禁运，伊朗将作出粉碎性回应”。
鉴于伊朗掌权具有使用恐怖主义和暴力的历史，也许我们应该认真对待这一威胁。伊朗外交部长今天将发言。我希望他将告诉我们——我希望他将告诉我们他准备粉碎谁以及如何粉碎他们。
重新延长禁运将给德黑兰带来更大压力，要开始像正常国家那样行事。
世界需要看到这点。长期受苦受难的伊朗人民需要看到这点。
75年前，联合国创始国在第二次世界大战的浩劫结束后聚到一起，要确保世界不会再次遭遇这种可怕的经历。
让我们不要仅仅因为前面的道路似乎艰难而面对挑战退缩。
让我们信守这个机构的使命，解决伊朗伊斯兰共和国给国际和平与安全带来的威胁。
让我们以本安理会的名义采取真正行动，延长武器禁运。
感谢各位让我今天来到这里。

For Immediate Release
REMARKS
June 30, 2020
Washington, D.C.
SECRETARY POMPEO:  Thank you, Nicolas.  Thanks for the couple words in English there.  I appreciate that.
Good morning, everyone.  Good to see you, Secretary General.  Rosemary, thank you for your comments this morning.  I would like to say you made some comments about humanitarian assistance inside of Iran.  The United States has tried to facilitate that, in light of the COVID issues inside of Iran.  Indeed, we offered our own American assistance to the Iranians, which was rejected by them.  So to suggest somehow that our sanctions have prevented humanitarian assistance to get into Iran I think is a misunderstanding of the situation on the ground.
Because of the flawed nuclear deal negotiated by the previous American administration, the arms embargo on the world’s most heinous terrorist regime is scheduled to expire on October 18th, a mere four months from now.  Four months.
This chamber has a choice:  Stand for international peace and security, as the United Nations’ founders intended, or let the arms embargo on the Islamic Republic of Iran expire, betraying the UN’s mission and its finest ideals, which we have all pledged to uphold.
If you fail to act, Iran will be free to purchase Russian-made fighter jets that can strike up to a 3,000 kilometer radius, putting cities like Riyadh, New Delhi, Rome, and Warsaw in Iranian crosshairs.
Iran will be free to upgrade and expand its fleet of submarines to further threaten international shipping and freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, the Persian Gulf, and the Arabian Sea.
Iran will be free to purchase new and advanced technologies for its proxies and partners throughout the Middle East, including Hamas, Hizballah, and the Houthis.
Iran will hold a sword of Damocles over the economic stability of the Middle East, endangering nations like Russia and China that rely on stable energy prices.
Iran will be free to become a rogue weapons dealer, supplying arms to fuel conflicts from Venezuela, to Syria, to the far reaches of Afghanistan.
In November of last year, President Rouhani himself said, quote, “When the embargo . . . is lifted next year, we can easily buy and sell weapons,” end of quote.  We should take him at his word.
Iran is not a responsible democracy like Australia or India.  We already know that[1] Tehran will do, if given the ability to buy more weaponry.
Just consider the secretary general’s UNSCR 2231 report that we’re discussing today.  The report confirmed that weapons used to attack Saudi Arabia in September 2019 were of Iranian origin.  The report has also confirmed the weapons interdicted off the coast of Yemen in November of 2019 and February 2020 were of Iranian origin.
Iran is already violating the arms embargo, even before its expiration date.  Imagine if Iranian activity were sanctioned, authorized by this group, if the restrictions were lifted.
And we don’t need the secretary general’s report to see what else the regime is doing.  In January, Iran launched an attack on the coalition forces in Iraq with its own advanced missiles.
Iran, even as we sit here today, supplies Shia militia groups like Kata’ib Hizballah – groups which have launched dozens of rocket attacks since the fall of last year against U.S. and coalition forces fighting the important continued important campaign against Daesh.
Iran unleashes ship-mining attacks on commercial vessels in the Gulf of Oman, as it did in May and June of last year.
Nearly all countries have arms.  Mature nations use them for defensive purposes and to promote stability.
But not the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Don’t just take it from me or from the United States; listen to countries in the region.  From Israel to the Gulf, countries in the Middle East – who are most exposed to Iran’s predations – are speaking with a single voice:  Extend the arms embargo.
This council has a responsibility to listen to them.
The United States’ overwhelming preference is to work with this council to extend the arms embargo to protect human life, to protect our national security, and to protect yours.
We’ve imposed arms restrictions on Tehran in various forms for 13 years, and with good reason, and to substantial effect.
When we unanimously adopted UN Security Council Resolution 1747 back in 2007 – which, among other actions, prohibited arms transfers from Iran – the United Kingdom’s representative to the council said, quote, “The path of proliferation by Iran is not one that the international community can accept,” end of quote.
I welcome the statement from the United Kingdom, from France and Germany, recently recognizing that lifting the embargo would have major implications for regional security and stability.
I also welcome the support of almost 400 members of the United States Congress.  For those of you not tracking, there’s only 435.  Those almost 400 members supported my diplomacy to extend this arms embargo.  Our concern is a matter of national security, not partisan politics.
We saw from Iran’s actions while implementing the JCPOA that the regime doesn’t moderate when we lift sanctions or weaken accountability.
In fact, it does just the opposite.
While still claiming to remain in the deal, Iran, by its own admission, and as confirmed by the IAEA, is showing no signs of slowing its destabilizing nuclear escalation.
Iran is also accumulating dangerous knowledge.  For example, late last year Iran announced that its scientists were working on a new centrifuge – the IR-9 – that would allow Tehran to enrich uranium up to 50 times faster than the IR-1 centrifuges allowed under the JCPOA.
Even as Iran pursues research that could threaten its breakout time to a nuclear weapon, it’s also denied IAEA inspections access to locations Iran is obligated to provide.
This council cannot simply hope that Iran acts in good faith, given its indisputable fact pattern.
The council must hold Iran accountable.  And we all have the chance to do so.
I’ll close with this.  I’ll close with an appeal to our greater purpose.
Article I of the UN Charter says the purpose of the UN is to “take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to … peace.”
Consider the overwhelming evidence that I’ve detailed today.  It’s a fraction of the evidence available.  If Iran isn’t a threat to peace that demands a collective measure, I do not know what is.
The council must reject extortion diplomacy.  President Rouhani recently declared, quote, “Iran will give a crushing response if the arms embargo on Tehran is extended.”  End of quote.
Given the Iranian regime’s history of resorting to terrorism and violence, perhaps we should take this threat seriously.  Iran’s foreign minister will speak today.  I hope he’ll tell us – I hope he’ll tell us whom he intends to crush and how he will crush them.
Renewing the embargo will exert more pressure on Tehran to start behaving like a normal nation.
The world needs this to happen.  The long-suffering Iranian people need this to happen.
Seventy-five years ago, the founders of the UN came together after the devastation of World War II to ensure that the world would never again have to face such horrors.
Let’s not shrink from the challenge before us simply because the path ahead seems hard.
Let’s uphold the mission of this body to address the threats to international peace and security that the Islamic Republic of Iran presents.
And let’s take real action in the name of this council by extending the arms embargo.
Thank you all for allowing me to be here today.
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[1] what