立陶宛维尔纽斯
维尔纽斯大学（Vilnius University）
2023年7月12日
 
东欧夏令时间晚7:51
 
总统：立陶宛你好！（掌声）我母亲会说“上帝爱你”。没有座位，天哪。（笑声）
 
很高兴回到维尔纽斯，这个国家和这个地区比任何人都更懂得自由的变革力量。（掌声）要知道，你们向世界表明，一国人民团结起来的力量是不可抗拒的。
 
你们与爱沙尼亚和拉脱维亚的兄弟姐妹一道，用连接的力量帮助结束了一个分隔的时代。波罗的海之路（Baltic Way），而不是柏林墙（Berlin Wall），成为了欧洲未来的象征。
 
后来，当苏联的坦克试图又一次剥夺你们的独立时，维尔纽斯人民说“不”。不，不，不。1991年1月，成千上万公民，手无寸铁而不屈不挠，自动挺身而出，众志成城，保卫电视塔，保护最高议会，捍卫自由。
 
14位英雄不幸失去了生命。数百人受伤。但是，全世界看到，数十年的压制丝毫未能扑灭自由的火焰。（掌声）我的话是认真的。这很有意义。
 
立陶宛之光：你们保持了它的强大，你们保持了它的明亮。你们继续使它在维尔纽斯这里和在华盛顿闪闪发光，你们的黄绿红旗帜每天在华盛顿飘扬。
 
过去一年，我们庆祝了美国与波罗的海国家未间断的外交关系100周年。
 
美国——美国从来没有承认苏联对波罗的海国家的占领。总统先生，从来没有、从来没有、从来没有。（掌声）
 
此外，你们有一位伟大的总统。（掌声）请站起来，不，请站起来。
 
诚如你们的总统可以对你们说，立陶宛人民和美国人民之间的纽带从来没有动摇。
 
在那场血腥的一月镇压过后仅仅7个月，持有你们重新再生国家的签证、护照在维尔纽斯这里盖了章的第一批外国来访者，是一飞机满载的来自美国伊利诺伊州芝加哥的立陶宛裔美国人。（掌声）哦。（笑声）他们的家人对此仍然感到骄傲。
 
一名听众：来自洛杉矶。
 
总统：而后有洛杉矶。（笑声）而后有许许多多。
 
那班飞机上的许多人是在苏联压制的早期逃离立陶宛的，回到这个独立的国家令他们感到惊叹。其中一个人对记者说，我引述：“这天对我们就像一个复活日”。“这天，神父，对我们就像一个复活日”。这是原话，确确实实的。那就是当时的感觉。
 
而且它是——复活日很快变为启示日。这个国家今天是自由与机会的堡垒，是欧洲联盟和北约中的一名骄傲的成员。（掌声）
 
我作为美国参议员，非常荣幸曾在2004年力主立陶宛和其他波罗的海国家加入北约。我这样做是不是很高明？（笑声）
 
但是玩笑放在一边，想想看——事情有了怎样的变化。想想都发生了什么。
 
过去几天来，作为美国总统，我荣幸地出席了由立陶宛主持的有历史意义的北约峰会，我们将北约最新盟国芬兰迎接进来，并就尽快使瑞典加入联盟达成协议。（掌声）埃尔多安总统信守诺言。
 
我目睹了你们的历史性历程。我骄傲地称立陶宛为朋友、伙伴和盟友。盟友。盟友。（掌声）
 
不久，北约将有32个独立 ——33，32个独立成员——（笑声）站在一起，保护我们的人民，我们的领土——超越所有其他，将我们团结在一起的是使我们强大的民主价值观，是神圣的誓言——对一个成员的攻击就是对所有成员的攻击。因为每一个北约成员国都知道，我们人民的力量和我们团结的力量不容否认。（掌声）
 
如果我的话听起来乐观，那是因为我感到乐观。
 
今天，我们的联盟继续是全球安全与稳定的堡垒，它70多年来一贯如此。北约现在更加强大，更有活力，而且，是的，比它有史以来任何时候都更加团结。的确，对我们的共同未来更加重要。
 
这一切并非是偶然的。也并非必然。
 
当普京和他懦夫般的土地和权力欲望使他对乌克兰发动残酷战争时，他指望着北约分裂。他以为我们的团结一受到考验就会瓦解。他以为民主领导人是软弱的。但是他想错了。（掌声）
 
面对威胁——（掌声）——面对对世界和平与稳定，对我们珍视的民主价值观，对自由本身的威胁，我们的做法一如既往：美国挺身而出。北约挺身而出。我们在欧洲，还有在印太地区的伙伴挺身而出。他们在世界各地挺身而出。
 
我们做好了准备——我们做好了准备，因为我们团结一致。
 
在临近战争爆发的数个月里，当普京在乌克兰边境集结重兵，为残酷入侵行动布阵时，我一直在与七国集团、欧洲联盟和北约领导人保持联系。
 
我们就普京正在进行的策划向世界发出警告。甚至一些在乌克兰的人都不相信我们在——我们有——我们情报机构的发现。我们确保北约做好准备遏制针对任何成员国的进犯。我们致力同俄罗斯进行了密集的外交，力求避免这场可怕的战争。而当俄罗斯开始扔下炸弹时，我们毫不犹豫地采取了行动。
 
我们团结了全世界，以支持乌克兰勇敢的人民以极大的尊严捍卫他们的自由和主权。（掌声）这是我的肺腑之言。想想这些。想想他们正在做的事情。
 
在俄罗斯军队犯下了包括危害人类罪在内的残忍暴行将近一年半之后，乌克兰人民依然坚强不屈。坚强不屈。（掌声）乌克兰依然独立。乌克兰依然自由。而且美国已经建立起一个由50多个国家组成的联盟，以确保乌克兰现在能够保卫自己，并且将来也能这样做。
 
自从这场战争爆发以来，我曾与泽连斯基总统（President Zelenskyy）一起站在——我刚刚同他交谈了大约一个小时——在华盛顿、在基辅（Kyiv）、在广岛（Hiroshima），以及今天在维尔纽斯，并向全世界宣告我今天要再次重申的：我们不会动摇。我们不会动摇。（掌声）我强调这一点。我们对乌克兰的承诺不会削弱。我们今天、明天而且不论需要多长时间都将捍卫自主和自由。（掌声）
 
我们都希望这场战争以公正的条件结束——这些条件将维护《联合国宪章》（United Nations Charter）最基本的原则，而这是我们所有人都签字赞同的：主权和领土完整。这是国家间和平关系的两大支柱。不能允许任何一个国家通过武力夺取其邻国的领土。
 
俄罗斯通过从乌克兰撤军、承认这些国际边界并停止俄罗斯对乌克兰妇女和儿童以及乌克兰军队的毫无人性的攻击，明天就可以结束这场战争。
 
但令人遗憾的是，俄罗斯迄今对外交解决方案没有表现出任何兴趣。普京仍然错误地以为他可以拖垮乌克兰。他不相信这是他们的土地、他们的国家、他们的未来。
 
即使经过这么长的时间，普京仍然怀疑我们的持久力量。他仍然在下错误的赌注，认定美国与我们的盟友和伙伴的信念和团结将会瓦解。
 
他仍然不理解我们对这些价值观的承诺，对自由的承诺是我们永远不会、绝对不会背离的。这是我们的本质。（掌声）我再次强调——这是我们的本质。这是我们的本质。
 
在这场令人发指的战争中，立陶宛人民与我们的波罗的海兄弟们一起，一直最坚决地捍卫着乌克兰选择自己的未来的权利：一个自由的未来。
 
因为你们曾长期生活在自由被剥夺的境遇中，你们之中很多年长的人比任何人都更了解决定自己未来的权利有多么宝贵——对每个地方的人——每个地方的人而言都是宝贵的——不仅仅是在乌克兰，还有白俄罗斯、摩尔多瓦和格鲁吉亚——以及在全世界各个地方，
那里的人们为了让自己的声音被听见而正在继续奋斗。
 
因此，我今晚对你们所有人要说的话是——继续努力。继续前进。继续向世界展示立陶宛所代表的希望。而这正是你们所代表的：这个国家的希望。（掌声）我的话的确是认真的。我没开玩笑。这是我的肺腑之言。
 
我们绝不能忘记这有多重要，而且永远、永远不能放弃追求更美好的明天。捍卫自由不是一天或一年就能完成的任务。这是我们毕生的使命，也是永恒的使命。
 
我们已为前面的斗争坚定地做好准备。我们的团结不会动摇。我可以向你们保证。（掌声）
 
各位，当我环顾世界的今天，在这个战争和危机的时刻，在这个存在竞争和不确定性的时刻，我也看到了前所未有的机遇——前所未有的机遇——向一个更加和平、更加繁荣和自由以及更有尊严的世界切实大步迈进的机遇，那里有法律之下的司法平等以及作为全体人类的福祉及与生俱来的权利的人权和基本自由。
 
这就是美国正在努力寻求的世界。而这个世界，我们只有共同努力才能实现——必须共同努力。
 
我们需要发扬我们在应对俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略中所展现的团结一致、共同目标和坚定决心的精神，并让更多的伙伴加入，继续努力建设一个我们想要生活在其中的世界以及一个我们想要给我们的子孙后代留下的世界。
 
朋友们，我们在最基本的层面上面临着一个选择——这并非夸大其词——我们面临着一个选择：在一个强权即公理的以胁迫和剥削为特征的世界，还是一个我们认识到我们自身的成功与他人的成功息息相关的世界之间做出选择。
 
当别人做得更好时，我们自己也会做得更好——而且我们明白，我们今天所面临的挑战——从气候变化对生存构成的威胁，到建设一个不让任何人掉队的全球经济——都极其重大，任何一个国家单独应对都将是力不从心的，而且我们必须共同努力，才能实现我们的目标并应对这个时代的挑战。
 
这是我的肺腑之言：这个世界正在改变。我们有机会来改变态势。
 
这就是为什么作为总统，我如此专注于重建和振兴联盟，这是美国在世界上的领导力的基石。
 
在过去的几年里，我们将跨大西洋伙伴关系（Transatlantic Partnership）提升到了新的高度，重申了欧洲与美国之间的关系作为全球稳定的一个锚点的重要性。
 
我们还提升了——（听众鼓掌）——这绝非玩笑。（掌声）
 
我有时——好的——我们还提升并加深了美国在印太地区的联盟关系——与日本、韩国、澳大利亚和菲律宾的联盟在那个至关重要的地区提供了关键的安全和威慑。
 
通过我们的四方（Quad）伙伴关系——即澳大利亚、印度、日本和美国的伙伴关系，我们正在将该地区的主要民主国家团结在一起，合作维护印太地区的自由、开放、繁荣和安全。
 
我们在这次北约峰会上展示出，有了印太地区的合作伙伴连续第二年加入我们，我们正在努力加深大西洋地区和太平洋地区民主国家之间的联系，以便我们能更好地共同努力，实现我们所有人共同寻求的价值观：强大的联盟、多样化的伙伴关系、共同的目标以及为应对共同挑战而采取集体行动。
 
这个世界变小了。这就是我们建设我们都希望看到的未来的方式。但我们共有而且知道我们有共同的挑战并共同努力。
 
我们必须共同加紧努力，建立最广泛、最强大的联盟，以增强并捍卫基本的行路规则，以维护源于以法治为根基的国际体系所带来的巨大的惠益。
 
我们必须团结一致，以保护支撑着思想和商贸的流通的权利和自由，这使全球多年的增长成为可能。是的，领土完整和主权，但还有像航行和飞越自由这样的原则，保持我们共同的海洋和空域开放，以使每个国家都有平等的途径进入我们的全球共同领域。
 
在我们继续探索这个充满新的可能性的时代之时，这个由创新的快速进展推动的时代，我们必须团结一致，以确保我们未来的共同领域能够反映出我们对自己和他人所抱有的最崇高的愿望—— 正如我父亲说过的，每个人都得到有尊严的待遇——以确保人工智能、工程学、生物学和其他新兴技术不会被用做压制的武器，而是被作为机遇的工具。
 
我们正在与盟友和伙伴合作，建设更具韧性和安全性的供应链，以免再次面临像在疫情期间那样无法获得日常生活所需的关键商品的情况。
 
你们知道，我们都必须鼓起共同的意志——以切实应对日益加剧的气候危机对生存构成的威胁。这是真真切切的。这是严重的。我们的时间不多了。这是人类所面临的最严重的一种威胁。
 
而且只有通过共同努力，我们才能防止气候变化的最恶劣的后果对我们的未来以及我们子孙后代的未来造成严重破坏。
 
我们还必须认识到我们共同的责任，去帮助发挥世界各地低收入和中等收入国家所具有的巨大潜力——不是出于慈善，而是因为这符合我们自身的利益。当更多的伙伴共同努力，朝着共同的目标前进时，我们所有人都会受益。当人们更加健康和繁荣时，我们所有人都会受益。我要重申，这并非夸大其词。事实如此。当更多的企业家和创新者能够为更美好的明天追求他们的梦想时，我们所有人都会受益。
 
你们知道，因此，我们需要更新我们的一系列工具，以更好地应对当今这个互联互通的世界的需求。这是一个气候灾难、疫情和冲突跨越边界的世界，使得应对贫困和不稳定所带来的挑战变得更加困难，而这些挑战阻碍了太多人的发展。
 
这就是为什么美国正在领导一项努力来改革多边发展银行，例如世界银行（World Bank），以帮助它们更好地应对全球挑战，同时加强它们减轻贫困及促进共同繁荣的核心使命。
 
我们还与七国集团伙伴合作，共同满足世界各地对高标准基础设施的巨大需求，尤其是在非洲、拉丁美洲和东南亚地区的低收入和中等收入国家。这是关于我们希望共同构建的世界的宣言。
 
女士们、先生们，我们正处在一个拐点，历史上的一个拐点。我们现在所做的选择将打造我们的世界未来几十年的走向。这个世界已经改变。
 
我们是否能在今天击退赤裸裸的、肆无忌惮的侵略行径，以遏制明天可能出现的其他侵略者？
 
我们是否能遏制气候危机，以免为时太晚？
 
我们是会利用新技术推进自由，还是削弱自由？
 
我们是会在更多地方增进机遇，还是听任不稳定和不平等顽固存在？
 
我们如何回答这些至关重要的问题将切实决定我们留给子孙后代的是什么样的未来。再次重申，这并非夸大其词，而是实事求是。这需要我们所有人共同来回答。我们所有人。
 
我相信，怀着雄心壮志、怀着对自己和彼此的信心以及各国为了共同的事业携手努力，我们就能回答这些问题。我们可以确保我们共同的愿景以及我们所珍视的自由不是动荡时期的空洞言辞，而是一张路线图——的确如此——一张路线图和一份紧急行动计划，朝着我们能够实现的未来迈进，一个只要我们共同努力就将能实现的未来。
 
各位，我们前面的道路是艰难的。它将考验我们，激发我们拿出最佳面貌，彼此保有信心，而且永不放弃。永不丧失希望。永远不会。
 
每一天，我们都必须做出选择。每一天，我们都必须鼓足力量，以维护正义、维护真理、维护自由，并齐心协力地站在一起。
 
朋友们，这正是我们从历史中、从立陶宛的历程中汲取的教诲。你们知道，这是我们每天都从中得到的教诲，而且它将决定——它将决定乌克兰的前景。我们正将以这种方式努力——以这种方式为全世界所有人民重新书写未来，一个充满和平与希望、正义与光明、自由与种种可能性的未来。
 
各位，有些人已经听我对我的国家说过很多遍：在我的整个职业生涯中，我对于未来前景从未比现在更乐观。从来没有比现在更加乐观。
 
请允许我感谢你们抽出时间莅临聆听。
 
愿上帝保佑你们大家，愿上帝保护在乌克兰、在这里以及在世界各国和各个地方捍卫自由的人们。愿上帝保护我们的军人。
 
谢谢大家。（掌声）
 
东欧夏令时间晚8:12
 
欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/07/12/remarks-by-president-biden-on-supporting-ukraine-defending-democratic-values-and-taking-action-to-address-global-challenges-vilnius-lithuania/
本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Remarks by President Biden on Supporting Ukraine, Defending Democratic Values, and Taking Action to Address Global Challenges | Vilnius, Lithuania
 

 
JULY 12, 2023
Vilnius UniversityVilnius, Lithuania
7:51 P.M. EEST
THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, Lithuania!  (Applause.)  As my mother would say, “God love ya.”  No seats.  Holy mackerel.  (Laughter.)
It’s good to be back in Vilnius, a nation and a region that knows better than anyone the transformational power of freedom.  (Applause.)  You know, you showed the world that the strength of a people united cannot be denied.
And together, with your brothers and sisters in Estonia and Latvia, you helped end the era of division through the power of connection.  The Baltic Way, not the Berlin Wall, became the symbol for Europe’s future.
And later, when Soviet tanks sought once more to deny your independence, the people of Vilnius said, “No.”  No, no, no.  And in January of 1991, tens of thousands of citizens, unarmed and unyielding, came for their own — of their own accord, standing as one to protect the TV Tower, to shield the Supreme Council, and to defend freedom.
Fourteen heroes tragically lost their lives.  Hundreds were wounded.  But the whole world saw that decades of oppression had done nothing to dim the flame of liberty in this country.  (Applause.)  I mean it.  It’s consequential.
The light of Lithuania: You kept it strong.  You kept it bright.  And you kept the light shining here in Vilnius and in Washington, D.C., where the yellow, green, and red of your flag flew every day.
This past year, we have celebrated 100 years of unbroken diplomatic relationship between the United States and the Baltic states.
America — America never recognized the Soviet occupation of the Baltics.  Never, never, never, Mr. President.  (Applause.)
And besides, you’ve got a great president.  (Applause.)  Stand up.  No, stand up.
As your president can yell you, the bonds between Lithuanian and the American people have never faltered.
And just — just seven months after the bloody January crackdown, the first foreign vivistor [sic] — first foreign visitor to have their passports stamped here in Lithuania with visas of this — to this new, reborn state were a planeload of Lithuanian Americans from Chicago, Illinois.  (Applause.)  Oh.  (Laughs.)  And their families are still proud of that.
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  From Los Angeles.
THE PRESIDENT:  Los Angeles came after that.  (Laughter.)  A lot came after.
Look, many aboard that plane had fled Lithuania during the early years of Soviet oppression and marveled — marveled at their return to this independent state.  One of them told reporters, quote, “This day is like a resurrection for us.”  “This day, Father, is like a resurrection for us.”  That’s what the quote was, for real.  That’s the feeling.
And it was — a resurrection that quickly became a revelation.  And a nation which stands today as a stronghold of liberty and opportunity, a proud member of the European Union and of NATO.  (Applause.)
I had the great honor as a United States senator of championing Lithuania and other Baltic states to join NATO in 2004.  Wasn’t I brilliant doing that?  (Laughter.)
But all kidding aside, think about what it — how it’s changed things.  Think about what’s happened.
Now, over the last few days, as President of the United States, I had the honor of participating in a historic NATO Summit hosted by Lithuania, where we welcomed NATO’s newest Ally, Finland, and reached agreement to bring Sweden into the Alliance as soon as possible.  (Applause.)  And President Erdoğan kept his word.
We have witnessed your historic journey.  And I’m proud to call Lithuania a friend, partner, and Ally.  Ally.  Ally.  (Applause.)Soon, NATO will be the 32nd freestanding — have free- — 33 — 32 freestanding members — (laughter) — standing together to defend our people and our territory, beyond — beyond all the rest, bound by democratic values to make us strong and by our sacred oath that an attack against — it is a sacred oath — attack against one is an attack against all.  Because each member of NATO knows that the strength of our people and the power of our unity cannot be denied.  (Applause.)
If I sound optimistic, it’s because I am.
Today, our Alliance remains a bulwark of global security and stability as it’s been for more than seven decades.  NATO is stronger, more energized, and, yes, more united than ever in its history.  Indeed, more vital to our shared future.
It didn’t happen by accident.  It wasn’t inevitable.
When Putin, and his craven lust for land and power, unleashed his brutal war on Ukraine, he was betting NATO would break apart.  He was betting NATO would break.  He thought our unity would shatter at the first testing.  He thought democratic leaders would be weak.  But he thought wrong.  (Applause.)
Faced with a threat — (applause) — faced with a threat to the peace and stability of the world, to democratic values we hold dear, to freedom itself, we did what we always do: The United States stepped up.  NATO stepped up.  Our partners in Europe, in the In- — and then the Indo-Pacific stepped up.  All across the world they stepped up.
And we’re ready — we were ready because we stood together.
In the months leading up to the war, as Putin amassed his forces on the Ukrainian border and laid the groundwork for his brutal invasion, it wa- — I was in constant contact with my fellow leaders of the G7 and the European Union and NATO, constantly.
We warned the world what Putin was planning.  Even some in Ukraine didn’t believe we were — what we had — our intelligence community found.  We made sure NATO was prepared to deter any aggression against any member state.  We pursued intense diplomacy with Russia, seeking to avert this terrible war.  And when Russian bombs began to fall, we did not hesitate to act.
We rallied the world to support the brave people of Ukraine as they defend their liberty and their sovereignty with incredible dignity.  (Applause.)  I mean that from the bottom of my heart.  Think about it.  Think about what they’re doing.
After nearly a year and a half of Russia’s forces committing terrible atrocities, including crimes against humanity, the people of Ukraine remain unbroken.  Unbroken.  (Applause.)  Ukraine remains independent.  It remains free.  And the United States has built a coalition of more than 50 nations to make sure Ukraine defends itself both now and is able to do it in the future as well.
Since this war began, I’ve stood with President Zelenskyy — as I just spent about an hour with him — both in Washington, in Kyiv, in Hi- — in Hiroshima, and now in Vilnius, to declare to the world what I say again: We will not waver.  We will not waver.  (Applause.)  I mean that.  Our commitment to Ukraine will not weaken.  We will stand for liberty and freedom today, tomorrow, and for as long as it takes.  (Applause.)
We all want this war to end on just terms — terms that uphold the basic principles of the United Nations Charter that we all signed up to: sovereignty, territorial integrity.  These are two pillars of peaceful relations among nations.  One country cannot be allowed to seize its neighbor’s territory by force.
Russia could end this war tomorrow by withdrawing its forces from Ukraine, recognize these international borders, and ceasing its attacks on its — inhumane attacks on Russia — I mean, by Russia on Ukraine, against its children — women and children; its military.
Unfortunately, Russia has shown thus far no interest in a diplomatic outcome.  Putin still wrongly believes that he can outlast Ukraine.  He can’t believe it’s their land, their country, and their future.
And even after all this time, Putin still doubts our staying power.  He’s still making a bad bet that the conviction and the unity among the United States and our Allies and partners will break down.
He still doesn’t understand that our commitment to our values, our freedom is something he [we] can never, never, ever, ever walk away from.  It’s who we are.  (Applause.)  I mean it — it’s who we are.  It’s who we are.
Throughout this horrific war, the people of Lithuania, together with our Baltic brethren, have been among the fiercest champ- — most fiercest champions of Ukraine’s right to a future of its own choosing: one that is free.
Because you lived so long with freedom denied, many of you who are older know better than anyone how precious the right to determine your own future is, precious to people everywhere — everywhere — not just in Ukraine, but Belarus, Moldova, Georgia — in all the places around the world where people continue to fight to make their voices heard.
So, my message — my message to all of you tonight is: Keep it up.  Keep it going.  Keep reminding the world of hope that Lithuania embodies.  And that’s what you embody: hope in this country.  (Applause.)  No, I really mean it.  I’m not joking.  I mean this sincerely.
We must never forget how much this matters and never, never give up on a better tomorrow.  The defense of freedom is not the work of a day or a year.  It’s the calling of our lifetime, of all time.
We are steeled for the struggle ahead.  Our unity will not falter.  I promise you.  (Applause.)
Folks, as I look around the world today, at a moment of war and peril, a moment of competition and uncertainty, I also see a moment of unprecedented opportunity — unprecedented opportunity — opportunity to make real strides toward a world of greater peace and greater prosperity, liberty and dignity, equal justice under the law, human rights and fundamental freedoms which are the blessing and birthright of all of humanity.
That — that is the world the United States is working toward.  And it’s one we’ll only reach if we do it together — and I mean together.
We need to take the same spirit of unity, common purpose, determination that we have demonstrated in our response to Russian aggression in Ukraine and bring more partners along as we continue working to build a world we want to live in and a world we want for our children.
My friends, at the most fundamental level, we face a choice — it’s not a hyperbole — we face a choice: a choice between a world defined by coercion and exploitation, where might makes right, or a world where we recognize that our own success is bound to the success of others.
When others do better, we do better as well — where we understand that the challenges we face today, from the existential threat of climate change to building a global economy where no one gets left behind, are too great for any one nation to solve on their own, and that to achieve our goals and meet the challenges of this age, we have to work together.
And I mean this sincerely: The world is changing.  We have a chance to change the dynamic.
That’s why I’ve been so focused as president on rebuilding and revitalizing the alliances that are the cornerstone of American leadership in the world.
These past years, we have brought the Transatlantic Partnership to new heights, reaffirming the importance of the relationship between Europe and the United States as an anchor to global stability.  The idea that the United States could prosper without a secure Europe is not reasonable.
We’ve also elevated — (audience members clap) — that’s — it really isn’t.  Not a joke.  (Applause.)
I sometimes — well — we also elevated and deepened America’s alliance in the Indo-Pacific with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the Philippines, which provide critical security and deterrence in that vital region of the world.
Through our Quad partnership — it’s a fancy way of saying our partnership with Australia, India, Japan, and the United States — we’re bringing major democracies of the region together to cooperate, keeping the Indo-Pacific free and open, prosperous, and secure.
We’ve demonstrated during this NATO Summit, with In- — with Indo-Pacific partners joining us for the second year in a row, we’re working to deepen connections between the Atlantic and Pacific democracies so they can better work together toward the shared values we all seek: strong alliances, versatile partnerships, common purpose, collective action to meet our shared challenges.
The world has shrunk.  That’s how we build a future to see.  But we share and know we share challenges and work together.
We have to step up together, building the broadest and deepest coalition to strengthen and defend the basic rules of the road, to preserve all the extraordinary benefits that stem from the international system grounded in the rule of law.
We have to come together to protect the rights and freedoms that underwrite the flow of ideas and commerce and which have enabled decades of global growth.  Yes, territorial integrity and sovereignty, but also principles like freedom of navigation and overflight, keeping our shared seas and skies open so that every nation has equal access to our global common space.
And as we continue to explore this age of new possibilities, an age enabled by rapid advances in innovation, we have to stand together to ensure that the common spaces of our future reflect our highest ras- — aspirations for ourselves and for others — as my dad would say, that everybody has — is treated with some dignity — so that artificial intelligence, engineering, biology, and other engineering techno- — emerging technologies are not made into weapons of oppression but rather are used as tools of opportunity.
We’re working with our allies and partners to build a supply chains that are more resilient, more secure, so we never again face a situation like we had during the pandemic where we couldn’t get critical goods we needed for our daily lives.
You know, we all must summon the common will to — to actually address the existential threat of accelerating climate change.  It’s real.  It’s serious.  We don’t have a lot of time. It is the — the single greatest threat to humanity.
And it’s only by working together that we’ll prevent the worst consequences of climate change from ravaging our future and that of our children and grandchildren.
We also have to recognize our shared responsibility to help unlock the enormous potential that exists in low- and middle-income companies [countries] around the world — not out of charity, because it’s in our own self-interest.  We all benefit when more partners stand together, working toward shared goals.  We all benefit when people are healthier and more prosperous.  And that’s not, again, hyperbole.  It’s true.  We all benefit when more entrepreneurs and innovators are able to pursue their dreams for a better tomorrow.
You know, so we need to update our toolset to better address the needs of today in this interconnected world.  A world where climate disasters, pandemics, conflicts spill over borders and make it harder to address the challenges of poverty and instability that hold so many people back.
That’s why the United States is leading an effort to transform the multilateral development banks, like the World Bank, to help them better address the global challenges while enhancing their core mission of reducing poverty and boost shared prosperity.
We’re all working together with our partners in the G7 to address the enormous needs for high-standard infrastructure around the world, especially in low- and middle-income countries in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia.  It’s a statement about the world we want to build together.
Ladies and gentlemen, we stand at an inflection point, an inflection point in history, where the choices we make now are going to shape the direction of our world for decades to come.  The world has changed.
Will we turn back naked, unchecked aggression today to deter other world — would-be aggressors tomorrow?
Will we staunch the climate crisis before it’s too late?
Will we harness the new technologies to advance freedom or will we diminish it?
Will we advance opportunity in more places or allow instability and inequality to persist?
How we answer these essential questions is literally going to determine the kind of future our children and grandchildren have.  And, again, that’s not an exaggeration; that’s a fact.  It’s going to take all of us.  All of us.
I believe that with ambition, with confidence in ourselves and one another, with nations working together for common cause, we can answer these questions.  We can ensure the vision we share and the freedoms we cherish are not just empty words in a troubled time, but a roadmap — and I mean this literally — a roadmap, a plan of urgent action toward a future we can reach, and we’ll reach if we work together.
Folks, the road that lies before us is hard.  It will challenge us, summon the best of ourselves to hold faith in one another and never give up, never lose hope.  Never.
Every day, we have to make the choice.  Every day, we must summon the strength to stand for what is right, to stand for what is true, to stand for freedom, to stand together.
And that, my friends, is the lesson we learn from history and the history of Lithuania’s story.  You know, it’s the lesson we see demonstrated each day, and it will determine — it will determine what Ukraine looks like.  And it is now — it’s how we’re going to work — how we rewrite the future of peace and hope, justice and light, liberty, possibilities for everyone — everyone everywhere.
Folks, some have heard me say to my country many times: Never ever in my entire career I’ve been more optimistic about the prospects of the future.  Never.  Never.
So let me just say thank you for taking the time to be here to listen.
God bless you all, and may God protect the freedoms of the — the protectors of freedom in Ukraine, here, in every nation in the world, everywhere.  God protect our troops.
Thank you, thank you, thank you.  (Applause.)
8:12 P.M. EEST