美国国务院
发言人办公室
华盛顿特区
2023年1月11日
 
本杰明·富兰克林厅（Benjamin Franklin Room）
 
[摘译］
 
布林肯国务卿：各位晚上好。很高兴见到大家。首先我想说，奥斯汀部长和我刚刚与我们的同事——林外相、滨田防相——结束了一次非常富有成效和涉及广泛的讨论，这当然是在拜登总统于周五在白宫接待岸田首相之前进行的。
 
美日同盟（U.S.-Japan Alliance）的重要性怎么强调都不为过。七十多年来，它一直是印太地区（Indo-Pacific）和平与稳定的基石——确保着我们两国人民和整个地区人民的安全、自由和繁荣。
 
这一同盟持久的力量来源之一是我们有能力对其进行调整，以应对不断变化的挑战和把握摆在我们面前的机遇。
 
日本新的国家安全战略、国防战略和国防建设计划反映了这种调整变化的规模和范围。
 
这些新战略清楚地表明，日本承诺投入资源，提高自身实力，发挥新作用，促进与美国和共同伙伴更紧密的防务合作。我们对日本承诺到2027年将国防开支翻一番表示赞赏。
 
日本的战略与我们自己的国家安全战略高度一致——无论是在所确定的主要挑战方面，还是在如何有效应对这些挑战方面都是如此。
 
我们致力于维护民主和人权的共同价值观，捍卫国际法治，继续引领世界应对气候危机和致命病毒等任何国家都无法单独解决的全球性挑战。
 
我们一致认为，中华人民共和国是我们的盟友及合作伙伴所面临的最大的共同战略挑战。
 
我们与乌克兰站在一起，反对普京总统的战争，这场战争威胁到基于规则的国际秩序的核心原则，其中包括所有国家都应该能够选择自己的道路，并使其主权、独立和领土完整得到尊重。
 
面对这些和其他挑战，今天我们讨论了如何深化两国间的协调工作，包括联合指挥和控制、情报、监视和侦察、联合及共同使用设施，以及增加双边演习等方面的问题。
 
我们正在通过区域和多边机构与其他盟友及合作伙伴进行更深入的合作，比以往任何时候都更有力地巩固美日同盟。
 
面对朝鲜违法和肆无忌惮的导弹发射——包括在10月向日本上空发射远程弹道导弹——我们正在深化与韩国的三方合作，对挑衅侵犯发出威慑，必要时作出防卫。这是我们三国领导人在11月三边峰会上突出作出的保证。
 
今天，我们首次以2+2形式举行了有关扩大威慑力——即增强我们针对多种威胁的同盟防御能力及可靠性——的正式对话。
 
2022年6月，岸田文雄首相成为出席北约峰会的第一位日本领导人。日本正在为北约亚洲太平洋伙伴集团发挥先导作用，展现出我们大西洋和太平洋同盟之间日益发展的协同力。
 
我们正在与七国集团（G7）伙伴一道努力，对俄罗斯在乌克兰的侵略行径实施协调制裁，并且帮助乌克兰修理、恢复和捍卫面临重重危险的能源网。我们期待日本在今年担任G7轮值主席期间，为推动有关这些努力及其他优先事项的一项强有力计划发挥领导作用，广岛峰会（Hiroshima Summit）将成为一个高潮。
 
日本也加大努力，针对普京总统将能源武器化，帮助我们的欧洲友邦扩大液化天然气供应的多元化。
 
我们正在努力通过一些区域性机构促进和平与安全，例如通过东盟（ASEAN），它对印太地区具有关键的核心作用；通过四方伙伴关系（Quad），包括与印度和澳大利亚共同努力扩大被我们称为的海域意识，基本来说，就是使我们的伙伴更有能力发现和应对出现在其领海水域的挑战，如非法捕捞、贩运以及与气候相关的灾难。
 
在联合国，我们正在号召成员国捍卫《联合国宪章》（United Nations Charter）的核心权利。日本担任安理会（Security Council）非常任理事国虽然还不到两周，但我们已经看到它在关键优先事项中的领导作用，如和平建设、阿富汗，以及外相明天将主持的关于法治的部长级会议。
 
鉴于我们的国家安全战略与我们的经济和能源安全紧密相连，我们也正在加强这些领域中的合作。5月，我们与占全球GDP百分之四十的其他十几个经济体一道，启动了印太经济繁荣框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework），制定出帮助我们的经济体更迅速和更公平发展的路线图，从而让我们的所有人民能够充分实现他们的潜力。
 
上个月，我们启动了首轮日本–美国能源安全对话（Japan-U.S. Energy Security Dialogue）；明天我们两国政府将在东京联合主持第五届印太商务论坛（Fifth Indo-Pacific Business Forum）。
 
我们正在不断扩大我们的合作范围——甚至超出我们的星球。本周晚些时候，外相和我将签署一项关于美国–日本太空合作的新协议。促成这项协议的努力已经有十年之久；它涵盖从联合从事研究到为将第一位女性和有色人种人士送上月球而共同努力的方方面面。
 
一言以蔽之：我们和我们的人民在一起永远会更强大，更安全。今天我们朝着增强已经极其强有力的纽带迈出了又一步。
 
[外相林芳正通过翻译讲话。]
 
奥斯汀部长：好的，各位下午好，感谢各位出席。首先，让我感谢我的朋友兼同事布林肯国务卿主持今天的美日2+2部长级会议。谢谢，托尼。
 
滨田大臣、林外相，我想强调我支持日本在你们的2022年国家安全战略、你们的国防战略和你们的国防建设计划中做出的有魄力的决定。拜登总统和岸田首相的愿景具有明显的战略一致性。这是维护基于规则的国际秩序以及在全球加强有韧性的伙伴关系的共同承诺。至关重要的美日同盟是这些努力的核心。我们各自的防卫战略为我们正在进行的使美日同盟现代化的工作奠定了坚实的基础。此外，日本承诺大幅增加国防开支并投资于国防机构、基础设施及各项能力，将能加速我们同盟的努力。我很高兴我们在这样一个重要的时刻会面，在日本加强自身的防卫并进一步为地区和平与稳定做出贡献之时。
 
今天，我们欢迎同盟做出一项具有历史意义的决定，即通过前沿部署更具备多功能性、机动性和韧性的各项能力来优化美国在日本的军力态势。这些行动将在该地区增强威慑力，并使我们能够更有效力地保卫日本及其人民。在一个挑战性日增的安全环境中，我们已决定第12炮兵团（12th Artillery Regiment）留驻日本，并到2025年重组为第12 海军陆战队滨海团（12th Marine Littoral Regiment）。我们将为这个新编队配备先进的情报、监视和侦察能力，以及与当前和未来威胁环境相关的反舰和运输能力。这些态势更新遵循2012年调整计划的基本原则，将加强我们的同盟维护地区和平与稳定的能力。
 
我们还讨论了更新我们同盟的作用和使命，以便日本能够与美国及其他志同道合的伙伴一起更积极地为地区安全做出贡献。因此，在我们今天的会议上，我们大力支持日本获得反击能力的决定，而且我们申明在使用这种能力方面的密切协调将增强美日同盟。我们还讨论了一系列关键问题，包括我们对东中国海和南中国海以及台湾周边地区的和平与稳定的共同利益以及我们对朝鲜无核化的承诺，我们加强与大韩民国、澳大利亚及其他志同道合的合作伙伴的多边合作的努力，以及我们在包括太空和网际在内的所有领域不断增强的合作。
 
正如你们之前听我说过的，中华人民共和国对国防部而言是一种步调挑战。日本和美国在对中国破坏稳定的行为表示关切方面继续保持一致，而且我要重申美国以包括核在内的全部能力保卫日本的坚定不移的承诺，并强调共同安全条约第五条适用于尖阁诸岛（Senkaku Islands）。我和滨田大臣将于明天签署新的安排，这将增加日本和美国国防企业在先进技术方面密切合作的机会，并加强我们各自工业基地之间的联系。我们今天的密切磋商推动了我们的同盟在拜登总统和岸田首相于本周在白宫会晤之前应对共同挑战的努力。
 
最后，我要重申，美日同盟依然是我们印太战略的基石，对于维护自由开放的地区秩序至关重要。我们的同盟比以往任何时候都更强大，建立在团队合作、信任和共同价值观的基础之上，这一基础几十年来一直支撑着我们的关系。因此，如果我们继续并肩努力，就没有我们不能克服的挑战。谢谢你们。
 
[防卫大臣滨田通过翻译讲话。]
 
*       *       *       *
 
欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-secretary-of-defense-lloyd-j-austin-iii-japanese-foreign-minister-hayashi-yoshimasa-and-japanese-defense-minister-hamada-yasukazu-at-a-joint-press-availability/
本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

Secretary Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III, Japanese Foreign Minister Hayashi Yoshimasa, And Japanese Defense Minister Hamada Yasukazu At a Joint Press Availability

REMARKS
ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ROOM
WASHINGTON, D.C.
JANUARY 11, 2023
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Good evening, everyone.  Very good to see you all.  And let me say first, Secretary Austin and I just concluded a very productive and wide-ranging discussion with our colleagues – Foreign Minister Hayashi, Defense Minister Hamada – and this of course is ahead of President Biden hosting Prime Minister Kishida at the White House on Friday.
It is hard to overstate the importance of the U.S.-Japan Alliance.  For more than seven decades, it’s been the cornerstone of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific – ensuring the security, the liberty, the prosperity of our people and people across the region.
One of the Alliance’s enduring sources of strength is our ability to adapt it to meet the evolving challenges as well as the opportunities before us.
Japan’s new national security strategy, national defense strategy, and defense buildup program reflect the scale and scope of that transformation.
These new strategies make clear Japan’s commitment to invest in enhancing its capabilities, to take on new roles, and foster even closer defense cooperation with the United States and our mutual partners.  We applaud Japan’s pledge to double defense spending by 2027.
Japan’s strategies align closely with our own National Security Strategy – both in the key challenges we identify as well as in how to effectively address them.
We’re committed to upholding shared values of democracy and human rights, defending the international rule of law, continuing to lead the world in tackling global challenges that no one country can solve alone, like the climate crisis and deadly viruses.
We agree that the PRC is the greatest shared strategic challenge that we and our allies and partners face.
We stand together with Ukraine against President Putin’s war, which threatens the principles at the heart of the international rules-based order – including that all nations should be able to chart their own path, and have their sovereignty, their independence, their territorial integrity respected.
In the face of these and other challenges, today we discussed ways to deepen our coordination, including on allied command and control, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance, joint and shared usage of facilities, and increased bilateral exercises.
More than ever before, we’re buttressing the U.S.-Japan Alliance through deeper cooperation with other allies and partners, through both regional and multilateral bodies.
In the face of the DPRK’s unlawful and reckless missile launches – including the launch of a long-range ballistic missile over Japan in October – we’re deepening our trilateral cooperation with the Republic of Korea to deter and, if necessary, defend against aggression.  That’s a pledge the leaders of our three countries underscored in their November trilateral summit.
Today we held our first formal dialogue in this 2+2 format on extended deterrence – namely, to enhance the capability and credibility of our allied defense against a wide range of threats.
In June of 2022, Prime Minister Kishida became the first Japanese leader to attend a NATO summit.  Japan is spearheading the NATO Asia Pacific partners’ group – demonstrating the growing synergy between our Atlantic and Pacific alliances.
We’re working together with our G7 partners to impose coordinated sanctions on Russia for its aggression in Ukraine, and to help Ukraine repair, restore, and defend its embattled energy grid.  We look forward to Japan’s leadership in driving an ambitious agenda on these and other priorities during its presidency of the G7 this year, culminating in the Hiroshima Summit.
Japan has also stepped up to help our European friends diversify their LNG supply in response to President Putin’s weaponization of energy.
We’re working to advance peace and security through regional bodies like ASEAN, whose centrality is vital to the Indo-Pacific; and through the Quad, including by working with India and Australia to expand what we call maritime domain awareness, basically giving our partners a better ability to detect and respond to challenges in their territorial waters like illegal fishing, trafficking, climate-related disasters.
At the United Nations, we’re rallying member states to defend the rights at the core of the United Nations Charter.  It’s been less than two weeks since Japan took its non-permanent seat at the Security Council; already we see its leadership on key priorities, like peacebuilding, Afghanistan, and the ministerial that the foreign minister will chair tomorrow on the rule of law.
And because our National Security Strategy is so bound up in our economic and energy security, we’re strengthening our cooperation in these spheres as well.  In May we joined a dozen other economies that represent 40 percent of global GDP to launch the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, which sets out a roadmap to help our economies grow faster and fairer, so that all of our people can reach their full potential.
Last month we kicked off the first Japan-U.S. Energy Security Dialogue; tomorrow our governments will co-host the Fifth Indo-Pacific Business Forum in Tokyo.
We’re constantly expanding the horizons of our cooperation – beyond even our planet.  Later this week, the foreign minister and I will sign a new agreement on U.S.-Japan cooperation in space.  This agreement has been a decade in the making; it covers everything from joint research to working together to land the first woman and person of color on the Moon.
The bottom line is this: We and our people are always stronger and more secure together.  Today we’ve taken yet another step toward tightening already incredibly strong bonds.
With that, Yogi, the floor is yours.
FOREIGN MINISTER HAYASHI:  (Via interpreter) Secretary Blinken, Secretary Austin, Minister Hamada, and I have just come out of the Japan-U.S. 2+2 meeting, which we had in person, where we engaged in extremely meaningful exchange of views.  During the past year since the previous 2+2 meeting, Russia’s aggression of Ukraine, an event that shakes the foundation of international order, occurred, placing the international community at historical crossroads.  In the midst of elevated severity in the security environment, today’s Japan-U.S. 2+2 took place at a timing shortly after the release of strategic documents by both countries.
Today’s meeting delivered three major outcomes, and let me go through them one by one.
First, based on the strategic documents of our two countries, we were able to hold in-depth discussions to confirm the alignment of the recognition on both sides over the regional strategic environment thoroughly and in detail.  Specifically, first of all on China, China presents an unprecedented and the greatest strategic challenge.  Its foreign policy to recreate international order to serve its self-interest is a grave concern for the Japan-U.S. Alliance and for the whole of the international community.
Upon confirming such shared recognition, we confirmed that Japan and the U.S. will continue to be united in raising objections against China’s attempts to change status quo in the East China Sea, including its behavior that seeks to undermine long years of administration by Japan of the Senkaku Islands.
We also confirmed our strong opposition against unlawful claims and coercive and provocative efforts and actions by China in the South China Sea.  We reaffirmed that the basic positions of our two countries over Taiwan remains unchanged, and confirmed the importance of maintaining peace and stability of the Taiwan Straits, which is an essential element for the safety and prosperity of the international community.  At the same time, we concurred that there have not been any changes to our policies to strengthen communication with China, including in the area of security.
On Russia, we reaffirmed our notion that aggression of Ukraine shakes the foundation of international order; accused Russia for its reckless nuclear rhetoric and attacks against civilian infrastructure; and concurred to continue our strong support to Ukraine.  In addition, we shared our concern over the enhanced military cooperation between China and Russia.
Further, on North Korea, we strongly accused them for the launch of ballistic missiles during the past year at unprecedented frequency, and reaffirmed our unwavering commitment towards the complete denuclearization of North Korea based on UN Security Council resolutions.
With our positions perfectly aligned, we agreed to continue to work closely together in responding to the North Korea issue, including the pursuit of immediate resolution of the abduction issue.  And we agreed about deepening the trilateral cooperation between the three countries.
Secondly, we affirmed the further endeavors to bolster the deterrence and response capabilities of the Japan-U.S. Alliance in view of the new strategies based on the increasingly severe security environment.  I welcomed the U.S. resolve to optimize the force posture in the Indo-Pacific, including Japan, and we decided to continue close consultation how to further optimize the U.S. force posture in Japan, including the readjustment of the USFJ realignment announced this time.
Extended deterrence was one of the agenda, and there was in-depth discussions at the ministerial level.  Spending some time having discussed that, we reaffirmed the strong U.S. commitment to the defense of Japan, underpinned by the full range of U.S. capabilities, including nuclear.  Furthermore, there was an affirmation of strong support by the U.S. on the new security policy of Japan in that it will fundamentally reinforce the deterrence capability of the Alliance.
In addition, we agreed on the importance of deepening our cooperation in the areas of space and cyber, the promotion of technological cooperation, the further strengthening of information security.  The fact that we were able to agree on the announcement of the applicability of Article V of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty on attacks on others in outer space was a significant achievement in terms of the reinforcement of deterrence capability of the Alliance as a whole.
Thirdly, we once again affirmed the importance of the reduction of the impact on the local communities, including Okinawa.  We also reaffirmed that in order to avoid the continued use of Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, the relocation to Henoko is the only solution.
Furthermore, I once again requested the U.S. side on safe operations with utmost consideration to the impact on the local communities; appropriate responses to incidents and accidents, including sharing information in a timely manner; and on environmental issues, and confirmed our close coordination.
The joint announcement – the joint statement issued as a result of this 2+2 is a presentation of the vision of a modernized Alliance (inaudible) posture to win in the new era of strategic competition.  The vision will be executed speedily, and together with Minister Hamada, Secretary Blinken, and Secretary Austin, we will constantly bolster the Japan-U.S. Alliance.  Thank you.
SECRETARY AUSTIN:  Well, good afternoon, everyone, and thanks to everyone for being here.  At the outset, let me thank my friend and colleague, Secretary Blinken, for hosting today’s U.S.-Japan 2+2 Ministerial Meeting.  Thanks, Tony.
Minister Hamada, Minister Hayashi, I want to underscore my support for the bold decisions that Japan has made in your 2022 national security strategy, your national defense strategy, and your defense buildup program.  There is clear strategic alignment between the visions of President Biden and Prime Minister Kishida.  It is a shared commitment to uphold the rules-based international order and to strengthen resilient partnerships around the globe.  And the essential U.S.-Japan Alliance is at the center of these efforts.  Our respective defense strategies provide a strong foundation for our ongoing work to modernize the U.S.-Japan Alliance.  In addition, Japan’s commitments to substantially increase its defense spending and to invest in defense institutions and infrastructure and capabilities will accelerate our Alliance’s efforts.  I’m grateful that we’re meeting at such a consequential time, as Japan strengthens its own defense and further contributes to regional peace and stability.
Today we welcomed an historic Alliance decision to optimize U.S. force posture in Japan by forward stationing more versatile, mobile, and resilient capabilities.  These actions will bolster deterrence in the region and allow us to defend Japan and its people more effectively.  In an increase – in an increasingly challenging security environment, we’ve decided that the 12th Artillery Regiment would remain in Japan and be reorganized into the 12th Marine Littoral Regiment by 2025.  We will equip this new formation with advanced intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance, as well as anti-ship and transportation capabilities that are relevant to the current and future threat environments.  These posture updates adhere to the basic tenets of the 2012 realignment plan, and they will strengthen our Alliance’s ability to maintain regional peace and stability.
We also discussed updating our Alliance’s roles and missions so that Japan can more actively contribute to regional security alongside the United States and other likeminded partners.  And so in our meeting today we strongly endorsed Japan’s decision to acquire a counterstrike capability, and we affirmed that close coordination on employing this capability will strengthen the U.S.-Japan Alliance.  We also discussed a number of key issues including our shared interest in peace and stability in the East and South China Seas and around Taiwan and our commitment to – to the denuclearization of North Korea, and our efforts to increase multilateral cooperation with the Republic of Korea, Australia, and other likeminded partners and our growing cooperation across all domains, including space and cyber.
Now, as you’ve heard me say before, the People’s Republic of China is a pacing challenge for the Department of Defense.  Japan and the United States remain united in our concern over China’s destabilizing actions, and I want to reaffirm the United States ironclad commitment to defend Japan with the full range of capabilities, including nuclear, and underscore that Article V of the mutual security treaty applies to the Senkaku Islands.  And tomorrow Minister Hamada and I will sign new arrangements that will increase opportunities for the Japanese and the United States defense enterprises to closely cooperate on advanced technologies as well as increased linkages between our respective industrial bases.  And our close consultations today have advanced our Alliance’s efforts to address common challenges ahead of President Biden and Prime Minister Kishida’s meeting at the White House this week.
I’ll close by reiterating that the U.S.-Japan Alliance remains a cornerstone of our Indo-Pacific strategy, and it’s critical to upholding a free and open regional order.  Our Alliance is stronger than ever, building on a foundation of teamwork, trust, and shared values that has underpinned our relationship for decades.  And so there is no challenge that we can overcome if we continue to work shoulder to shoulder.  Thank you.
DEFENSE MINISTER HAMADA:  (Via interpreter) At the outset, I extend my deepest appreciation to Secretary Austin, Secretary Blinken, and members of the U.S. side for having organized this meeting.  My three colleagues have already mentioned the severity of the security environment surrounding us.  As we live in this age of intense competition, in order to sustain a new rules-based international order and free and open Indo-Pacific, the role that the Japan-U.S. Alliance must play has never been so enormous.  The national security and defense strategies of our two countries that have been prepared most recently are highly consistent at a degree never seen before and will serve as a strong infrastructure for our bilateral cooperation.
What is noteworthy is the importance attached to the – attached by both countries to integrate all means and approaches to deter a situation from occurring.  Alignment of our positions as such has been significant.  At the same time, strategies don’t end by just preparing them.  In light of the severity of the security environment, both Japan and the U.S. is expected to put their strategies into action swiftly and steadily.
Based on the new strategy, in order to expeditiously achieve the fundamental reinforcement of Japan’s defense capabilities, I am committed to making maximum efforts to gain new capabilities, including counterstrike capability and to enhanced persistent warfare capability.  I am much encouraged by the strong support shown by Secretary Austin and Secretary Blinken as I shared with them such resolve.  Japan and the U.S. must properly engage in discussions on strengthening partnership.
During today’s consultations, we agreed on the need to realize division of roles and missions assuming the fundamental reinforcement of Japan’s defense capabilities.  The four of us agreed to promote initiatives in extensive areas, including effective operation of counterstrike capability based on bilateral cooperation, strengthening collaboration in space and cyber, and deepening cooperation in equipment and technology.
We also agreed to deepen cooperation with partners, including Australia, ROK, ASEAN, and Europe, to expand partnership and based on our Alliance, because in the increasingly important extended deterrence in the region, I have listened to the extensive viewpoints of the U.S. from Secretary Austin.  Based on that, in order for the U.S. extended deterrence to be even more reliable and resilient, we discussed what the two countries need to do in order to optimize the U.S. force posture in Japan.  The current realignment plan was coordinated in 2012, but in order to deal with the increasingly severe security environment, both Japan and the U.S. have decided to readjust the plan while maintaining the fundamental principles.
Keeping the 3rd Marines Division command and the 12th Marines Littoral Regiment in Okinawa will allow the forward-deployed U.S. force posture to have more versatile capabilities, be more resilient and more mobile.  This effort will significantly strengthen the deterrence and response capabilities of the Japan-U.S. Alliance, and at the same time it will demonstrate the robust commitment of the U.S. to the defense of Japan.  In order to execute these plans, we will coordinate closely with the U.S. side.
I also mentioned that for the stable stationing and activities of USFJ, the understanding by the local community such as Okinawa is crucial.  We will continue to work on the reduction of impact on Okinawa.  It was extremely significant that, at a timing so soon after the two countries had formulated the strategic documents that will guide the future national security and defense policies, that the four ministers responsible for defense and foreign policy got together and had the opportunity to engage in in-depth discussions on how to implement their respective strategy.  I shall continue the discussions in order to bolster our Alliance.  Thank you.
MR PRICE:  We’ll now turn to questions.  We will alternate questions per side.  We will start with Shaun Tandon of the AFP.
QUESTION:  Hi there.  Good evening.  Thanks for this.  Can I follow up on a couple of things that you just announced?  Speaking about the Marine littoral regiment, both of the defense – both the Defense Secretary and defense minister spoke of the increasing – the increasingly challenging security environment.  Can you be more specific in what you’re responding to?  Is this specifically China?  Is these – are these contingencies in Taiwan or potentially in the Senkaku Islands, North Korea?  And also you mentioned the impact in Okinawa.  Is there any concern that this could aggravate tensions locally in Okinawa?  Will this result in a net increase in the forces there?  And if you don’t mind, could I also ask about space?  There have been some reports that space will now be included as part of the defense partnership.  Could you comment on that?
And for – on the American side, if you don’t mind – if you don’t mind a couple of questions that are a little bit off topic.  To Secretary Austin, the situation in Ukraine – Soledar.  There have been lots of reports the Wagner Group has claimed to control it, and there’s been another shake-up in the Russian military command.  What do you make of this?  Do you think that it’s fallen?  What significance do you see?
And Secretary Blinken, a couple of days ago – you were just in Latin America yesterday, but a couple of days ago in Brazil there was, of course, the unrest.  Former President Bolsonaro remains in the United States.  There have been some calls from the Democratic Party to make a persona non grata.  How tenable is it to – for him to stay in Florida despite what happened a couple of days ago in Brasilia?  Thanks very much.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  You want to start?
SECRETARY AUSTIN:  So I lost count – I lost count on a number of questions, but we’ll try to knock them down.  If we miss one, then we’ll double back.
First, let me begin with the question you asked on Soledar and whether or not it’s fallen to the Russians.  At this point, we can’t corroborate that reporting.  Of course, I’ve seen some of that reporting, but you know that this has been a very fluid, dynamic environment, dynamic fight in that area.  It’s gone back and forth a number of times, and it really is some pretty brutal fighting.  But the Ukrainians have acquitted themselves very, very – in a very impressive fashion as a – they’ve fought a very – continue to fight a very determined fight.
We are focused on doing everything we can to help make sure that the Ukrainians have the capabilities that they need to be successful in their efforts to defend their sovereign territory.  We’ve been – we talk – I talk to my counterpart routinely.  We’re going to conduct another Ukraine Contact Group – Defense Contact Group meeting next week in Germany, where we’ll get another – we’ll get 50 or so ministers of defense together to talk about what Ukraine’s needs are now and what they need to be successful going forward.
So you’ve heard us say over and over again that we’re going to support Ukraine for as long as it takes, and from everything that I can see from our allies and partners, they feel the same way.  So we remain united in our efforts.
On the Marine littoral regiment, we believe that this brings – this capability brings a tremendous capability to the Alliance.  We’re replacing an artillery regiment with an outfit that’s more lethal, more agile, more capable.  And as you have seen from what’s been published on this particular formation, it consists of a combat element, which is a battalion-size element; a long-range fires element, which allows us to – gives us an anti-ship capability, which I think is very, very important; and also a logistical element that helps sustain the overall regiment there.
So I think this is going to contribute in a major way in our efforts to help defend Japan, and also promote a free and open Indo-Pacific.  And that’s really our focus.  Japan – we share a common vision with Japan to maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific, and all the things that we’re doing points towards that direction.
So I’m going to stop there and allow Minister Hamada to comment, if you’d like.
DEFENSE MINISTER HAMADA:  (Via interpreter) Regarding the current topic, our position is, in Okinawa, that there are realignment in many other comments referred to.  With regard to these aspects, we understand – and together with the U.S. forces, including the coordination, our discussion will have to take place.  But at any rate, regarding the matters in Okinawa, that there is the relationship with the local communities, and we will have to continue our effort to explain in order to overcome these challenges.  Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Shaun, just to respond, I think, to a couple of other questions you asked.  First, in terms of the security environment that we’re dealing with, there’s – I think it’s no secret that it is a more challenging one, and we see different challenges to the status quo coming from different countries – including China, including the DPRK, including of course Russia.  Even though that aggression against Ukraine is happening in Europe, it has profound implications for countries around the world, including in Asia – because this is not only a challenge to Ukraine and the lives and livelihoods of its people, it’s a challenge to the entire international rules-based order and the very principles that underlie that order that are so important in every part of the world: sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, the right to shape your own future.  That’s why Japan, from day one, has been such a strong partner with us and many other countries in seeking to uphold that order, whether it comes to Russia’s aggression or in any other areas.
You asked about our cooperation in space.  Well, there’s cooperation in cyberspace and there’s cooperation in outer space.  We’ll be putting out a statement, if it’s not already out, that reflects the additional steps that we’ve taken.  But this is very significant.  We’re working to deepen our cooperation across every realm – land, sea, air, and yes, space, cyber and outer.
The outer space component of this is important to the security and prosperity of our Alliance.  We agreed, as you’ve heard, that attacks to, from, or within space present a clear challenge, and we affirmed that depending on the nature of those attacks, this could lead to the invocation of Article V of our Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.  That is significant.  We’ll sign, as I mentioned, a space agreement a little bit later this week at NASA.
On cyber, we have emphasized the foundational importance of cyber security and information security for our Alliance.  We agreed there as well to deepen our collaboration.  This is a challenge that we both face, other countries face; it’s important that we work on it together.  We’re all learning lessons in dealing with the challenges that come in cyberspace.  Being able to share best practices, being able to support one another, is more important than ever.
We’re also committed in that light to bolstering technology cooperation as well as making joint investments in emerging technologies to try to further sharpen the competitive edge of the Alliance.
Last question, as I heard it, with regard to Brazil.  As President Biden told President Lula, we stand with the people of Brazil.  We stand with Brazil’s democracy and its institutions.  The President will have an opportunity to confer directly and closely with President Lula when he visits Washington in early February, and the President looks very much forward to that.
President Lula has called for an investigation of the events of January 8th.  I’m not going to get ahead of that.  We’ve not received any specific requests from Brazilian authorities.  Of course, if and when we do, we’ll work expeditiously to respond, as we always do.
And then with regard to individuals, we’re talking now about people who are private citizens.  We’ve heard various public statements that have been made by those individuals about their plans, but we really don’t have anything to add, and it’s not appropriate for us to comment on any individual’s visa status.
MODERATOR:  (Via interpreter) Next, from the Japanese press, Miki-san of Nikkei newspaper company.
QUESTION:  (Via interpreter) My name is Miki of Nihon Keizai Shimbun company.  I have a question to both foreign and defense ministers of Japan and the United States.  In East Asia, there are concerns of unilateral change of status quo by force, and there are those who point out the Taiwan contingency risk.  You’ve mentioned the southwest defense bolstering, but what agreement have you reached in the 2+2 to upgrade the response and deterrence capability?  And how will you go about in terms of integrated operations between SDF and U.S. forces?
And in the renewed national security strategies, both countries positioned China as being a challenge for the international community.  How do you assess the risk in terms of security by China in East Asia, and how will you respond?
FOREIGN MINISTER HAYASHI:  (Via interpreter) First of all, on Nansei Islands, with severity of the security environment surrounding Japan increasing, in order to reinforce the defense of our nation, including the Nansei Islands, strengthening the deterrence and response capabilities of our Alliance is an urgent mission.  At today’s 2+2, we concurred on the decisive importance of joint initiatives at peacetime to deter armed attack against – and attacks that undermine regional stability.
Based on such shared recognition, the joint statement issued today refers to concrete initiatives – for example, in the area including the Nansei Islands, joint use of Japan-U.S. facilities will be expanded and joint exercises and training will be increased.
On Taiwan, I refrain from responding to a hypothetical question on contingency in Taiwan.  It has been the consistent policy of Japan that peace and stability of the Taiwan Strait is important not only for Japan’s security, but also for the stability of the international community at large, and that we hope to see Taiwan-related issues be resolved peacefully through dialogue.
Now, on China, as explicitly mentioned in the new national security strategy, present external posture and military orientation of China are grave concerns for Japan and the international community.  As we strive to secure peace and stability of Japan and the international community and strengthen international order based on rule of law, China presents an unprecedented and the greatest challenge.  At the same time, Japan and China both bear important responsibility for regional and global peace and prosperity.  Establishment of a constructive and stable relationship by Japan and China is essential for peace and stability of the international community, including the Indo-Pacific.
Defense Minister?
DEFENSE MINISTER HAMADA:  (Via interpreter) Yes.  As mentioned by Minister Hayashi, that is our position.  Based upon the mutual recognition of Japan and the United States in the area including Nansei Islands, we will expand the joint use of facilities of Japan and the United States, and we’ve committed to increase joint exercises and joint trainings.  In such form, we will upgrade the deterrence and response capabilities of our Alliance, which is necessary, and we will continue to work in close coordination with the United States following today’s meeting.  Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  I have little to add because my colleagues have covered it so well.  Suffice to say that first, we are united in ways that, at least in my experience over the last 30 years, we’ve never been before.  There’s greater convergence in our approach, greater alignment in our approach – both in terms of the way we see the challenges and how we propose to respond to them – than ever before.  And I think that’s very significant, and you’ve heard both ministers speak to it.  The statements that we’re putting out – or we’ve already put out this afternoon – will reflect in detail that alignment, that convergence between Japan and the United States.
When it comes to Taiwan, I think it’s very important to note that what we’ve seen from China in recent years – not recent months, recent years – is, unfortunately, an effort to undermine the longstanding status quo, a status quo that’s maintain peace and stability for decades.  We, on the other hand, want to sustain that status quo; we want to bolster it.  We oppose any unilateral change to the status quo by either side.  We’ll continue for a calm, resolute approach to uphold peace and stability.  Japan in the United States are united in that effort.
As you’ve heard us say, our Alliance is a cornerstone of peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific.  And the steps that we announced today will strengthen the Alliance’s ability to uphold the rules-based order that we are both very much committed to.
SECRETARY AUSTIN:  I think that my colleagues have – did a – have done a tremendous job of outlining the key points here, and so I won’t plow that ground again.  But I would just say that we really do remain committed to enhancing resiliency and interoperability between U.S. and Japanese forces and deepening the operational cooperation.  So the things that we touched upon today, especially the agreement to increase bilateral exercises and training, I think are a real powerful statement of that commitment.  So I look forward to continuing to work with my colleagues on these issues going forward.
MR PRICE:  Our next question goes to Ryo Kiyomiya from Asahi Shimbun.
QUESTION:  Thank you so much.  I’m Ryo Kiyomiya from Asahi Shimbun, Washington, D.C. bureau.  I have questions for each of you.  First, Secretary Austin, while U.S. and Japan share the concern about the – China’s military aggression, how can the U.S. manage the relationship with China and avoid miscalculation leading to the contingencies?  And last October you said that you don’t see an imminent invasion of Taiwan by China.  Do you still hold that view?
And also, if I may, Japan decided to establish our self-defense force joint headquarter.  From your perspective, what would be the ideal Alliance command and control relationship between U.S. and Japan to enhance interoperability and readiness?
And Secretary Blinken, regarding U.S.-China relations, how do you plan to manage and build the relationship with China during your upcoming engagement with China?  And also, what kind of role do you expect Japan to play in diplomacy to manage this relationship?
And finally, to Minister Hamada and Minister Hayashi, there is a growing sense of risk about China’s invasion of Taiwan.  In the previous 2+2 meeting, U.S. and Japan welcomed the robust progress on bilateral planning for contingencies.  How would you evaluate the current progress on bilateral planning for contingencies so far with the U.S.?  Also, from the perspective of deterring China’s aggression, how do you evaluate the recent U.S. announcement of reorganization of Marines in Okinawa into the Marine littoral regiment?  Thank you.
SECRETARY AUSTIN:  Okay, thank you.  I think your first question was: how do we avoid miscalculation?  You’ve heard me say a number of times that it’s absolutely critical that leaders of great powers maintain open lines of communication and be able to talk with each other.  In that way, we can avoid miscalculation wherever possible.  And you see us continuing to try to ensure that we keep those lines open, and I would invite my colleagues in China to meet us halfway there and work hard to keep those lines of communication open.  And that is the primary and best way to avoid that miscalculation.  Of course, I believe that our forces are trained and disciplined, and to the degree that they’re going to do everything within their power to avoid any kind of misunderstanding or miscalculation.  But again, that dialogue is enormously important.
So – and then your second question was regarding whether or not China is – whether or not an invasion of Taiwan by China is imminent.  I won’t second-guess Mr. Xi, but what I will tell you, what we’re seeing recently, is some very provocative behavior on the part of China’s forces and their attempt to re-establish a new normal.  So we’ve seen increased activity in – aerial activity in the straits.  We’ve seen increased surface vessel activity around Taiwan.  And again, we believe that they endeavor to establish a new normal, but whether or not that means that an invasion is imminent, I seriously doubt that.
So we will continue to watch and we will continue to work with our allies and partners to do everything that we can to ensure that we promote peace and stability in the strait and in the region overall.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  And just quickly to – more broadly to add to that on China, as you know, President Biden, President Xi had a very open, candid conversation during the last G20 meeting in Bali, and they spoke about our intentions.  President Biden shared our intentions and our priorities, and we got some sense of that from President Xi as well.  As the Secretary of Defense just said, these lines of communication, starting with the presidents but also including many of us, are vitally important – vitally important to keep open and, I would hope, to deepen, because, as the Secretary of Defense said, what we don’t want is for any misunderstanding to veer into conflict.
I will have an opportunity to travel to China in the coming weeks to follow up on the President’s discussions precisely to move forward on those lines of communication between us.  We – both of our countries, Japan and the United States – have complex and consequential relationships with China, and there are clearly aspects of intense competition between us.  There are aspects as well of cooperation, and it’s important to see if we can pursue those.  We hear from countries around the world the desire for the United States, China, Japan to manage this relationship responsibly and, if there are areas where we can cooperate that would be to the benefit not only of our own people but of people around the world, whether it’s in climate, whether it’s in global health, whether it’s in dealing with drugs, we should pursue them.
But we are going to compete vigorously.  The President’s been very clear about that.  We’re not looking for conflict.  We’ll manage the competition responsibly, but we will compete vigorously.  And we will seek to keep these lines of communication open and do all that we can to establish guardrails to prevent competition, as I said, from veering into conflict.
FOREIGN MINISTER HAYASHI:  (Via interpreter) First of all, U.S.’s commitment and optimization of the posture in the Indo-Pacific, including Japan, is very much welcome.  And including the recoordination of the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan in order to optimize posture of USFJ, we decided to continue our close consultations.  And this may not be a direct response to your question – I may have misunderstood your question – but if your question is implying on guideline, there was no discussion over U.S.-Japan guidelines.  Regarding the necessity of review of the Japan-U.S. guidelines, of course, it is being constantly studied.  But we don’t assume that it will be immediately necessary.  Thank you.
DEFENSE MINISTER HAMADA:  (Via interpreter) On the U.S.-Japan bilateral planning, in 2015, based upon the guidelines for Japan-U.S. defense cooperation, the Japan-U.S. governments are to prepare and renew bilateral planning.  And we very much welcomed the steadfast progress of this task.  And in order to respond to the very severe security environment in Japan, by maintaining the remaining Marine Corps in Okinawa after the realignment decision was made to keep the 3rd Division of the Marine Corps and the 12th Regiment of the Marine Corps and agreed to realign into MLR by 2025, we believe that this will bolster the USFJ posture in Japan.  And this also is a demonstration of the unwavering commitment of the United States towards the defense of Japan.  And together with the fundamental reinforcement of defense capabilities of Japan, this will significantly elevate the deterrence and response capabilities of our Alliance against attacks – armed attacks – to Japan.
MODERATOR:  (Via interpreter) This will be the last question.  Tajima-san, Asahi Shimbun newspaper.  Thank you.
QUESTION:  (Via interpreter) Tajima, Asahi Shimbun.  Thank you.  During this meeting, I believe the new national security strategy and the new defense strategy were the main topics, so I asked Minister Hayashi and Minister Hamada – so the reinforcement of defense, including counterstrike capability and the meaning and the goal of significant increase of defense expense, how did you explain to the U.S. side, please?
And then, Secretary Blinken and Secretary Austin, if I may, the strengthening of Japan’s defense capability, what is your assessment?  And the new strategies of both countries have been evidence coming forward – the deterrence and the response capability of the two countries.  How do you intend to elevate?  Earlier Minister Hayashi referred to the guideline, about the possibility of the need to revise the guideline.  What is your view?  Thank you.
FOREIGN MINISTER HAYASHI:  Please allow me to start.  At the 2+2 today, the – based on the new strategy, we affirmed the future activities in order to bolster the defense response capabilities of the Alliance under the new strategy in light of the increasingly severe security environment.  I mentioned that the fundamental reinforcement of Japan’s defense capability will lead to further effective exercise of U.S. capabilities, and that in turn would mean a further reinforcement of the deterrence response capabilities of the bilateral Alliance and would play a huge role for the peace and stability of the region.  The U.S. in response expressed firm support.
As I mentioned earlier, as a result of the 2+2, the joint statement to be released, this presents a vision of the Alliance in the new era of strategic competition.  The plans will be implemented speedily, and together with Minister Hamada, Secretary Blinken, and Secretary Austin, we will constantly bolster the bilateral Alliance.
DEFENSE MINISTER HAMADA:  (Via interpreter) If I may, regarding the fundamental reinforcement of Japan’s defense in order to speedily realize about the significant increased defense, we will acquire new capabilities, including war sustainability and counterstrike capability, and I expressed my very strong commitment.  As Minister Hayashi just mentioned, the U.S. side mentioned that they will strongly support Japan’s new strategy, that it is a major evolution of the bilateral Alliance.
Based on today’s discussion, in this most severe and complex security environment after the war, we will fundamentally reinforce the defense capability, including the counterstrike capability.  And together, in order to make the U.S. Alliance be a contribution to peace, stability, and prosperity of the region and the world, we will continue to work with Secretary Austin, Secretary Blinken, and Minister Hayashi to strengthen the Alliance.  Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you for the question.  It’s very simple:  We heartily welcome the new strategies, especially because there is, as I said and we’ve all said, remarkable convergence between our strategy – strategies – and Japan’s.  We applaud the commitment to increased investment; to enhanced roles, missions, and capabilities that you’ve heard; to closer cooperation not only between the United States and Japan, but as well with other allies and other partners on a bilateral basis but also on a trilateral and multilateral basis.  We already have a strong foundation.  That’s only going to grow.
As we read them, these new documents really reshape the Alliance’s ability to promote peace and protect the rules-based order in the region but also beyond, around the world.  I think what you’re seeing in real time is an Alliance that is modernizing, and the United States and Japan are working in lock step to be prepared for the emerging challenges in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.
So we could not be more pleased with the work that we’re doing together, but also, and I have to say for Japan’s extraordinary leadership, I know President Biden will have an opportunity to share that appreciation with Prime Minister Kishida when he welcomes him here to Washington later this week.
SECRETARY AUSTIN:  I certainly agree with Secretary Blinken.  There is clear strategic alignment between the visions of President Biden and Prime Minister Kishida.  You see that reflected in the strategies as you put them side by side.  We are all focused on maintaining a rules-based international order and promoting peace and stability in the region.
So what you’ve heard us talk about today – the things that we discussed in the meeting – really bring that strategy to life.  Optimizing force posture, agreeing to increase our bilateral exercises and training events – all of those things are real good indicators that all of us are committed to making sure that, as Prime Minister Hamada has said previously, we don’t just write strategies, we do the things necessary to be able to execute them.  And this is work that’s never finished, okay, so we will continue to work to optimize force posture and increase interoperability so that we maintain a credible deterrent force.  And I look forward to continuing to work with my colleagues to do that, what I would call hard government work.  But thank you very much.
MR PRICE:  Thank you, Your Excellencies.  Thank you, everyone.  That concludes the press conference.
# # #