联合国总部
纽约州纽约市
美东夏令时上午11:08
拜登总统：谢谢你。
主席先生、秘书长先生、各位领导人，过去一年里，世界动荡不安：粮食安全危机日益严重，创纪录的高温天气、洪水和干旱，新冠疫情，通货膨胀，以及一场残酷的、无谓的战争—— 更直白地说，一场由一个人选择发动的战争。
让我们直言不讳地谈谈。 联合国安理会的一个常任理事国入侵其邻国，妄图从地图上抹去一个主权国家。
俄罗斯无耻地违反了《联合国宪章》（United Nations Charter）的核心原则—— 其最重要的莫过于明确禁止国家以武力侵占邻国领土。
同样，就在今天，普京总统公开对欧洲进行了核威胁，肆无忌惮地漠视核不扩散机制的责任。
现在，俄罗斯正在征召——招募更多士兵加入战争。 克里姆林宫同时正在组织一场假公投，试图吞并乌克兰部分领土，这一行径极其严重地违反了《联合国宪章》。
世界应该认清这些无耻行径的本质。 普京声称因为俄罗斯受到了威胁，使他别无选择而采取行动。 但没有人威胁俄罗斯，除了俄罗斯，也没有人寻求冲突。
事实上，我们曾告诫这些情势会发生, 并与你们中的许多人一起，力图防止其发生。
普京自己的话让其真实意图昭然若揭。 就在他入侵乌克兰之前，普京断言说——我引用他原话 ——乌克兰是 “俄罗斯缔造的”，而且从未享有——普京原话——”真正的国家地位”。
而现在，我们看到学校、火车站、医院 ——乌克兰历史和文化中心都遭受到攻击。
过去一段时间里，更令人毛骨悚然的俄罗斯暴行和战争罪证据已公布于众：在伊久姆（Izyum）发现的万人坑；据收敛尸体人员说，尸体上有遭受酷刑折磨的痕迹。
显而易见，这是一场妄图消灭乌克兰有权作为一个国家存在以及乌克兰有权作为一个民族存在的战争。 无论你是谁，无论你住在哪里，无论你信仰什么，那都是令人不寒而栗的行为。
这就是为什么联合国大会上有141个国家携手一致，明确谴责俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争。 美国已经为乌克兰调集提供了大量的安全援助和人道主义援助以及直接经济支持 ——迄今已超过250亿美元。
我们在世界各地的盟友和合作伙伴也已加紧行动。今天，在座的40 多个国家为乌克兰保家卫国捐助了数十亿美元的资金和装备。
美国还与盟友和伙伴密切合作，迫使俄罗斯付出代价，遏制俄罗斯攻击北约成员国领土，让俄罗斯为其暴行和战争罪行负责。
因为如果任由国家图谋帝国野心而不承担后果，我们就会把这个机构所代表的一切都置于危险之中。所有一切。
战场上赢得的每一场胜利都属于勇敢的乌克兰战士。但过去一年里，世界也经受了考验，然而我们没有迟疑不决。
我们选择了自由。 我们选择了主权。 我们选择了《联合国宪章》每个缔约国都必须遵守的原则。 我们与乌克兰站在一起。
跟大家一样，美国希望这场战争在公正的条件下结束，在我们都赞同的条件下结束：不能用武力侵占他国领土。阻碍这一进程的唯一国家是俄罗斯。
因此，我们——这个机构中每一个决心维护我们作为联合国成员所承诺捍卫的原则和信仰的人——必须明确、坚定、毫不动摇地下定决心。
乌克兰拥有属于每个主权国家的同等权利。我们将与乌克兰站在一起。一言以蔽之，我们将团结一致反对俄罗斯侵略。
当今，在民主与专制的较量中，美国——以及作为总统的我个人——倡导以民主价值观为基础的世界愿景，这不是什么秘密。
美国决心捍卫和加强国内和世界各地的民主。 因为我相信，民主仍然是人类应对时代挑战的最佳机制。
我们正在与七国集团以及志同道合的国家合作，证明民主政体不仅能为自己的公民服务，也能造福世界其他地区。
但就在我们今天开会之时，联合国宪章——作为一个稳定和公正、基于规则的国际秩序的基石——正遭到那些妄图为自己的政治私利而破坏或扭曲它的人的攻击。
然而，《联合国宪章》不仅由世界上的民主国家所签署，而且也由历史和意识形态大相径庭的几十个国家的公民通过谈判达成，大家一致承诺为和平而做出努力。
正如杜鲁门总统在1945年所说，《联合国宪章》——我引述原话—— “证明国家和个人一样，可以表达分歧，面对分歧，然后找到大家都能接受的共同立场。”原话引用完毕。
这一共同立场极其清晰，极为根本，因此今天，你们中的193个国家——193个联合国成员国——都自觉自愿地接受了宪章原则。每个负责任的成员国都应把捍卫《联合国宪章》确定的这些原则作为己任。
我反对使用暴力和战争来征服国家，或通过流血扩大边界。
反对恐惧和胁迫的全球政治势力；捍卫小国与大国平等的主权权利；拥护航行自由、尊重国际法以及军备控制等基本原则——无论我们可能存在其他哪些分歧，我们都必须捍卫这一共同立场。
如果你们仍然致力于为全世界每个国家的利益奠定坚实基础，那么美国希望与你们合作。
我还认为，现在到了让联合国机构变得更具包容性的时候了，只有这样，联合国才能更好地应对当今世界的需求。
包括美国在内的联合国安理会成员应始终如一地维护和捍卫《联合国宪章》，除非在罕见的极其特殊的情况下, 成员国要避免——避免使用否决权，以确保安理会的可信度和有效性。
这也是为什么美国支持增加安理会常任理事国和非常任理事国代表数量的原因。 其中包括我们长期支持的那些国家的常任席位，以及非洲、拉丁美洲和加勒比地区国家的常任席位。
美国致力于这项至关重要的工作。在每一个地区，我们积极寻求新的、建设性方式与合作伙伴合作，促进共同利益；从提升印太地区的四方伙伴关系（Quad），到美洲国家首脑会议（Summit of the Americas）签署《洛杉矶移民和保护宣言》(Los Angeles Declaration of Migration and Protection)，再到加入由九位阿拉伯领导人组成的历史性会议，努力实现一个更加和平、融合的中东地区，以及今年12月将主办的美国-非洲领导人峰会(U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit)。
正如我去年所说，美国正在开启一个展开不懈努力的外交新时代，以应对与人们的生活­——所有人的生活——关系最重大的挑战：解决气候危机，正如前一位发言者所谈到的；加强全球卫生健康安全；为世界提供粮食——为世界提供粮食。
我们当时将此作为首要任务。 一年之后，我们正在兑现这一承诺。
从我上任之日起，我们就率先启动大胆的气候议程。我们重新加入了《巴黎协定》（Paris Agreement），召开了重大气候峰会，促成在第26届联合国气候变化大会（COP26）上达成关键协议。我们也帮助使全球三分之二GDP有望将升温幅度限制在1.5摄氏度以内。
现在，我已经签署美国一项有历史意义的立法，它包含我国有史以来最大规模、最重要的气候承诺：针对气候变化的3690亿美元，其中包括成百上千亿美元对海上风能和太阳能的新投资，加倍汽车零排放努力，提高能源效率，支持清洁生产。
我们的能源部估计，这项新法律将使美国的排放量到2030年每年减少十亿吨，同时带来一个以清洁能源为动力的经济发展新时代。
我们的投资还将帮助降低全球开发清洁能源技术的费用，这不仅是在美国。这是一个全球性的大变革——而且已为时不早。我们没有多少时间了。
我们大家都知道我们已经处于气候危机中。经历了过去这一年后似乎没有人怀疑。我们现在开会时，巴基斯坦的大片地区仍然淹没在水中；它需要帮助。与此同时，非洲之角（Horn of Africa）面临着前所未有的干旱。
家庭面临艰难的选择，要选择喂养哪一个孩子，而且不知他们能否活下来。
这是气候变化的人类代价。它在增加而不是减少。
所以，正像我去年宣布的，为了肩负起我们的全球责任，我的政府正在与国会合作，每年向国际气候资金提供110多亿美元，帮助低收入国家落实他们的气候目标，确保公正实现能源转型。
其中一个关键内容将是我们的“总统适应与复原力紧急计划”（PREPARE），它将帮助5亿人，尤其是易受影响的国家，适应气候变化的影响并具备复原力。
这是一个巨大的需求。因此，让我们此刻从内心发愿，一定要扭转气候变化灾难的潮流，释放出有复原力的、可持续的清洁能源经济实力，保护我们的地球。
在全球卫生健康方面，我们已向世界各地116个国家送去超过6.2亿剂新冠疫苗，并且还将提供更多疫苗来帮助满足其他国家的需求——所有这些都是免费，不附加任何条件。
我们正在与二十国集团以及其他国家密切合作。美国帮助引领改变，在世界银行成立了开创性的疫情防范、准备与反应基金（Fund for Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response）。
与此同时，我们继续推进针对长期全球卫生健康挑战的努力。
今天晚些时候，我将主持抗击艾滋病、结核病和疟疾全球基金第七次充资大会（Seventh Replenishment Conference for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria）。在我国国会两党支持下，我已经承诺为这项努力提供多达60亿美元。
所以，我期待在会议中迎来一轮有历史意义的承诺，进而带来历史上前所有未的最大规模的全球卫生健康捐助之一。
我们还将直接迎战粮食危机。面对全球多达1.93亿人陷入严重的粮食不安全——一年之内增加了4000万人——今天我宣布，美国仅在今年一年里再增加提供29亿美元，支持挽救生命的人道和粮食安全援助。
与此同时，俄罗斯在大力散布谎言，力图将危机——粮食危机——归咎于世界许多国家针对其侵略乌克兰所实施的制裁。
那么，让我十分清楚地说明一点：我们的制裁明确允许——明确允许俄罗斯出口粮食和肥料。没有限制。是俄罗斯的战争在加剧粮食不安全，只有俄罗斯能够结束它。
我感谢联合国这里的努力——包括您的领导作用，秘书长先生——由此建立了一个机制，能够从被俄罗斯封锁数个月的乌克兰的黑海港口出口粮食。我们需要确保它的延续。
我们坚信世界需要粮食。这就是为什么美国是世界粮食计划署（World Food Programme）最大的支持国，为它提供了40%以上的预算。
我们正在带领支持——我们正在带领支持联合国儿童基金会（UNICEF）的努力，为世界各地儿童提供食品。
为了迎战粮食不安全的更大挑战，美国发出一个行动号召（Call to Action）：消除全球粮食不安全的路线图，它已经得到100多个国家成员的支持。
6月，七国集团宣布提供45亿多美元，加强全球粮食安全。
通过美国国际发展署（USAID）的“未来粮食保障”（Feed the Future）行动计划，美国正在增加有创意的方式，将抗旱和抗高温种子送到需要它们的农民手中，同时发放肥料和提高施肥效率，使农民能够在减少用量的同时增加生产。
我们正在呼吁所有国家在如此多人受苦之时，不要禁止粮食出口或囤积粮食。因为在世界每一个国家，无论彼此之间有什么其他分歧，如果父母没有东西给孩子吃，其他一切就都不重要——如果父母没有东西给孩子吃。
展望未来，我们正在与合作伙伴共同努力，更新和建立针对我们21世纪面对的新挑战的行路规则。
我们与欧洲联盟成立了贸易和技术委员会（Trade and Technology Council），以确保关键技术——关键技术的开发和管理以惠益所有人的方式进行。
我们正在与伙伴国家和通过联合国，支持和加强责任规范——在网络空间的负责任的国家行为，并且努力将那些用网络攻击威胁国际和平与安全的人绳之以法。
我们正在与美洲、非洲、欧洲、中东以及印太地区的伙伴努力建设新型经济生态系统——这里的每个国家——每个国家都有公平的机会，并且经济发展是有弹力的、可持续的、共同分享的。
正因为如此，美国积极倡导采用一种全球最低税率。我们将努力使之得到实施，从而使大公司在所有地方——所有地方——缴纳他们应有的份额。
这也是印太经济框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework）背后的设想，这个框架是美国与其他13个印太经济体在今年启动的。我们正在与我们在东盟和太平洋岛国的伙伴共同努力，支持这个重要印太地区的愿景，即自由和开放、相联和繁荣、安全和有弹力。
我们与全球各地的伙伴一起努力，以形成有弹力的供应链，保护所有人不受胁迫或主宰，并且确保没有任何国家能将能源作为武器。
随着俄罗斯的战争给世界经济造成动荡，我们也呼吁世界主要债权方，包括非巴黎俱乐部的国家，以透明的方式谈判为低收入国家免除债务，以防止全球更广泛的经济和政治危机。
我们不要导致债台高筑却不兑现效益的基础设施项目，让我们通过透明的投资来满足世界各地对基础设施的巨大需求——这是一些高标准项目，保护劳工权利和环境，致力于满足所服务的社区需要，而不是出资者的需要。
正是因为这个原因，美国与七国集团伙伴一道，启动了全球基础设施和投资伙伴关系（Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment）。我们准备通过这一伙伴关系到2027年共同筹集6000亿美元投资。
有十几个项目已经展开：在塞内加尔的产业规模疫苗生产，给安哥拉带来变革的太阳能项目，在罗马尼亚的首创第一座小型模块化核电厂。
这些投资的回报将不仅局限于那些国家，而是惠及所有人。为解决像气候变化这样的全球问题，美国将与包括我们的竞争者在内的所有国家一道努力。气候外交不是为了有利于美国或任何其他国家，但抛弃它损害全世界。
让我直截了当地来谈美国和中国之间的竞争。在处理不断变化的地缘政治趋势时，美国将作为一个讲道理的领袖行事。我们不寻求冲突。我们不寻求冷战。我们不要求任何国家在美国或任何其他伙伴之间作选择。
但美国将光明正大地提倡我们对一个自由、开放、安全和繁荣的世界的愿景以及我们必须为各国共同体提供些什么：不以助长依赖性为目的，而是旨在减轻负担并帮助各国实现自给自足的投资；不为制造政治义务的伙伴关系，而是因为我们知道我们自己的成功——当其他国家也取得成功时，我们的每个成功都会有所增强。
当个人有机会过上有尊严的生活并发展他们的才能时，每个人都会受益。为此至关重要的是达到这个机构的最高目标：为每个地方的每个人增进和平与安全。
美国抗击并挫败我们的世界所面对的持续不断的恐怖主义威胁的坚定决心不会动摇。我们将以我们的外交为引领，争取和平解决冲突。
我们寻求维护台湾海峡地区的和平与稳定。
我们仍然致力于我们的一个中国政策，这项政策40年来帮助防止了冲突。而且我们继续反对任何一方单方面改变现状。
我们支持非洲联盟领导的和平进程，以结束埃塞俄比亚的战事并恢复其所有人民的安全。
在委内瑞拉，多年的政治压迫已迫使超过600万人逃离该国，我们敦促展开一个由委内瑞拉主导的对话，并恢复自由和公正的选举。
我们继续与我们的海地邻国站在一起，它正面临着政治因素所引发的帮派暴力以及一场巨大的人类危机。
我们呼吁全世界都这样做。我们还有更多工作要做。
我们将继续支持由联合国斡旋的也门停火协议，它为饱受多年战火的人们带来了宝贵的几个月的和平。
我们将继续倡导犹太民主国家以色列和巴勒斯坦人民之间谈判达成的持久和平。美国致力于以色列的安全，毋庸赘言。在我们看来，通过谈判达成的两国解决方案仍然是确保以色列未来安全和繁荣，并让巴勒斯坦人拥有一个他们有权享有的国家的最佳方式——双方都充分尊重他们的公民的平等权利；双方人民都享有同等程度的自由和尊严。
我还要敦促每个国家都重新承诺通过外交来加强核不扩散制度。无论世界上发生什么其他情况，美国都准备好采取关键的军备控制措施。核战争不可能打赢，也绝不能打。
安理会五个常任理事国刚刚在一月重申了这一承诺。但今天，我们看到了令人不安的趋势。俄罗斯在第十次《不扩散核武器条约》审议大会（10th NPT Review Conference）上避不接受所有其他国家都已采纳的不扩散理念。
而且，今天，正如我所说，他们正在发出使用核武器的不负责任的核威胁。中国正在进行一场空前的、令人关切的核扩充，毫无任何透明度。
尽管我们为开始严肃、持续的外交做出努力，但朝鲜民主主义人民共和国仍继续公然违反联合国的制裁。
虽然美国准备在伊朗积极履行其义务的情况下共同重返《联合全面行动计划》（Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action），但美国明确表示：我们不会允许伊朗谋取核武器。
我继续相信，外交是实现这一结果的最佳方式。防扩散制度是这个机构最伟大的成功之一。我们不能听任世界现在发生倒退，也不能对人权遭到侵蚀视而不见。
在这个机构的各项成就中，独树一帜的可谓《世界人权宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Rights），它是我们的先辈用来挑战我们去衡量自己的标准。
他们在1948年明确表示：人权是我们寻求实现的所有一切的基础。然而今天，在2022年，基本自由在我们世界的每个地区都面临风险，从联合国高级专员办事处最近的报告所详述的在新疆的侵权行径，到缅甸军政权对民主活动人士和少数民族的令人发指的虐待，还有阿富汗塔利班对妇女和女童的日益加剧的镇压。
今天，我们与勇敢的伊朗公民和勇敢的妇女们站在一起，他们现在正在示威以确保他们的基本权利。
但我所知道的是：那些发挥其人口全部潜力的国家将会赢得未来，那里的妇女和女孩可以行使平等权利，其中包括基本的生殖权利，并为建设更强大的经济和更健强的社会做出全面贡献；那里的宗教和族裔少数群体可以在不受骚扰的情况下生活并为他们的社区生活做出贡献； 那里的LGBTQ+社区成员可以自由地生活和相爱，而不会成为暴力攻击的对象；那里的公民可以质疑并批评他们的领导人，而不必担心遭到报复。
美国将始终在我们自己的国家以及全世界各地提倡人权以及神圣载入《联合国宪章》的价值观。
让我以此作为结语：这个以《联合国宪章》和《世界人权宣言》为指导的机构，其核心是一种勇敢无畏的希望之举。
让我再说一遍：这是一种勇敢无畏的希望之举。
想一想那些在全世界仍硝烟弥漫时承担起看似不可能完成的任务的第一批代表们的愿景。
想一想当时的世界人民感到多么分裂，他们仍沉浸在对数百万死难者的哀痛之中，而且大屠杀揭露了种族灭绝的恐怖。
他们完全有权只相信人性中最坏的一面。但他们却努力追求我们所有人最好的一面，并力争建立起更好的：持久和平；国家间的礼让；人类大家庭中每个成员的平等权利；合作促进全人类的进步。
各位领导人，我们今天面临的挑战的确艰巨，但我们的能力更大。我们的承诺也必须更加巨大。
因此，让我们站在一起，再一次宣布世界各国依然团结一致的明确无疑的决心，我们支持《联合国宪章》的价值观，而且我们仍然相信，我们通过共同努力可以将历史之弧弯向一个我们全体子孙后代所享有的更自由、更公正的世界，尽管我们任何人都尚未完全实现它。
我们不是历史的被动见证者；我们是历史的书写者。
我们可以这样做——我们必须这样做——为了我们自己，为了我们的未来，为了全人类。
感谢你们耐心地听我讲话。我对此深表感谢。上帝保佑你们。 （掌声）
美东夏令时上午 11:37
 
欲查看原稿内容: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2022/09/21/remarks-by-president-biden-before-the-77th-session-of-the-united-nations-general-assembly/
本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。

SEPTEMBER 21, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS
United Nations HeadquartersNew York, New York
11:08 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, my fellow leaders, in the last year, our world has experienced great upheaval: a growing crisis in food insecurity; record heat, floods, and droughts; COVID-19; inflation; and a brutal, needless war — a war chosen by one man, to be very blunt.
Let us speak plainly.  A permanent member of the United Nations Security Council invaded its neighbor, attempted to erase a sovereign state from the map.
Russia has shamelessly violated the core tenets of the United Nations Charter — no more important than the clear prohibition against countries taking the territory of their neighbor by force.
Again, just today, President Putin has made overt nuclear threats against Europe and a reckless disregard for the responsibilities of the non-proliferation regime.
Now Russia is calling — calling up more soldiers to join the fight.  And the Kremlin is organizing a sham referenda to try to annex parts of Ukraine, an extremely significant violation of the U.N. Charter.
This world should see these outrageous acts for what they are.  Putin claims he had to act because Russia was threatened.  But no one threatened Russia, and no one other than Russia sought conflict.
In fact, we warned it was coming.  And with many of you, we worked to try to avert it.
Putin’s own words make his true purpose unmistakable.  Just before he invaded, Putin asserted — and I quote — Ukraine was “created by Russia” and never had, quote, “real statehood.”
And now we see attacks on schools, railway stations, hospitals, wa- — on centers of Ukrainian history and culture.
In the past, even more horrifying evidence of Russia’s atrocity and war crimes: mass graves uncovered in Izyum; bodies, according to those that excavated those bodies, showing signs of torture.
This war is about extinguishing Ukraine’s right to exist as a state, plain and simple, and Ukraine’s right to exist as a people.  Whoever you are, wherever you live, whatever you believe, that should not — that should make your blood run cold.
That’s why 141 nations in the General Assembly came together to unequivocally condemn Russia’s war against Ukraine.  The United States has marshaled massive levels of security assistance and humanitarian aid and direct economic support for Ukraine — more than $25 billion to date.
Our allies and partners around the world have stepped up as well.  And today, more than 40 countries represented in here have contributed billions of their own money and equipment to help Ukraine defend itself.
The United States is also working closely with our allies and partners to impose costs on Russia, to deter attacks against NATO territory, to hold Russia accountable for the atrocities and war crimes.
Because if nations can pursue their imperial ambitions without consequences, then we put at risk everything this very institution stands for.  Everything.
Every victory won on the battlefield belongs to the courageous Ukrainian soldiers.  But this past year, the world was tested as well, and we did not hesitate.
We chose liberty.  We chose sovereignty.  We chose principles to which every party to the United Nations Charter is beholding.  We stood with Ukraine.
Like you, the United States wants this war to end on just terms, on terms we all signed up for: that you cannot seize a nation’s territory by force.  The only country standing in the way of that is Russia.
So, we — each of us in this body who is determined to uphold the principles and beliefs we pledge to defend as members of the United Nations — must be clear, firm, and unwavering in our resolve.
Ukraine has the same rights that belong to every sovereign nation.  We will stand in solidarity with Ukraine.  We will stand in solidarity against Russia’s aggression.  Period.
Now, it’s no secret that in the contest between democracy and autocracy, the United States — and I, as President — champion a vision for our world that is grounded in the values of democracy.
The United States is determined to defend and strengthen democracy at home and around the world.  Because I believe democracy remains humanity’s greatest instrument to address the challenges of our time.
We’re working with the G7 and likeminded countries to prove democracies can deliver for their citizens but also deliver for the rest of the world as well.
But as we meet today, the U.N. Charter — the U.N. Charter’s very basis of a stable and just rule-based order is under attack by those who wish to tear it down or distort it for their own political advantage.
And the United Nations Charter was not only signed by democracies of the world, it was negotiated among citizens of dozens of nations with vastly different histories and ideologies, united in their commitment to work for peace.
As President Truman said in 1945, the U.N. Charter — and I quote — is “proof that nations, like men, can state their differences, can face them, and then can find common ground on which to stand.”  End of quote.
That common ground was so straightforward, so basic that, today, 193 of you — 193 member states — have willingly embraced its principles.  And standing up for those principles for the U.N. Charter is the job of every responsible member state.
I reject the use of violence and war to conquer nations or expand borders through bloodshed.
To stand against global politics of fear and coercion; to defend the sovereign rights of smaller nations as equal to those of larger ones; to embrace basic principles like freedom of navigation, respect for international law, and arms control — no matter what else we may disagree on, that is the common ground upon which we must stand.
If you’re still committed to a strong foundation for the good of every nation around the world, then the United States wants to work with you.
I also believe the time has come for this institution to become more inclusive so that it can better respond to the needs of today’s world.
Members of the U.N. Security Council, including the United States, should consistently uphold and defend the U.N. Charter and refrain — refrain from the use of the veto, except in rare, extraordinary situations, to ensure that the Council remains credible and effective.
That is also why the United States supports increasing the number of both permanent and non-permanent representatives of the Council.  This includes permanent seats for those nations we’ve long supported and permanent seats for countries in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean.
The United States is committed to this vital work.  In every region, we pursued new, constructive ways to work with partners to advance shared interests, from elevating the Quad in the Indo-Pacific; to signing the Los Angeles Declaration of Migration and Protection at the Summit of the Americas; to joining a historic meeting of nine Arab leaders to work toward a more peaceful, integrated Middle East; to hosting the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit in — this December.
As I said last year, the United States is opening an era of relentless diplomacy to address the challenges that matter most to people’s lives — all people’s lives: tackling the climate crisis, as the previous spoker [sic] — speaker spoke to; strengthening global health security; feeding the world — feeding the world.
We made that priority.  And one year later, we’re keeping that promise.
From the day I came to office, we’ve led with a bold climate agenda.  We rejoined the Paris Agreement, convened major climate summits, helped deliver critical agreements on COP26.  And we helped get two thirds of the world GDP on track to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius.
And now I’ve signed a historic piece of legislation here in the United States that includes the biggest, most important climate commitment we have ever made in the history of our country: $369 billion toward climate change.  That includes tens of billions in new investments in offshore wind and solar, doubling down on zero emission vehicles, increasing energy efficiency, supporting clean manufacturing.
Our Department of Energy estimates that this new law will reduce U.S. emissions by one gigaton a year by 2030 while unleashing a new era of clean-energy-powered economic growth.
Our investments will also help reduce the cost of developing clean energy technologies worldwide, not just the United States.  This is a global gamechanger — and none too soon.  We don’t have much time.
We all know we’re already living in a climate crisis.  No one seems to doubt it after this past year.  We meet — we meet — much of Pas- — as we meet, much of Pakistan is still underwater; it needs help.  Meanwhile, the Horn of Africa faces unprecedented drought.
Families are facing impossible choices, choosing which child to feed and wondering whether they’ll survive.
This is the human cost of climate change.  And it’s growing, not lessening.
So, as I announced last year, to meet our global responsibility, my administration is working with our Congress to deliver more than $11 billion a year to international climate finance to help lower-income countries implement their climate goals and ensure a just energy transition.
The key part of that will be our PEPFAR [PREPARE] plan, which will help half a billion people, and especially vulnerable countries, adapt to the impacts of climate change and build resilience.
This need is enormous.  So let this be the moment we find within ourselves the will to turn back the tide of climate demastation [sic] — devastation and unlock a resilient, sustainable, clean energy economy to preserve our planet.
On global health, we’ve delivered more than 620 million doses of COVID-19 vaccine to 116 countries around the world, with more available to help meet countries’ needs — all free of charge, no strings attached.
And we’re working closely with the G20 and other countries.  And the United States helped lead the change to establish a groundbreaking new Fund for Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response at the World Bank.
At the same time, we’ve continued to advance the ball on enduring global health challenges.
Later today, I’ll host the Seventh Replenishment Conference for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.  With bipartisan support in our Congress, I have pledged to contribute up to $6 billion to that effort.
So I look forward to welcoming a historic round of pledges at the conference resulting in one of the largest global health fundraisers ever held in all of history.
We’re also taking on the food crisis head on.  With as many as 193 million people around the world experiencing acute — acute food insecurity — a jump of 40 million in a year — today I’m announcing another $2.9 billion in U.S. support for lifesaving humanitarian and food security assistance for this year alone.
Russia, in the meantime, is pumping out lies, trying to pin the blame for the crisis — the food crisis — onto sanctions imposed by many in the world for the aggression against Ukraine.
So let me be perfectly clear about something: Our sanctions explicitly allow — explicitly allow Russia the ability to export food and fertilizer.  No limitation.  It’s Russia’s war that is worsening food insecurity, and only Russia can end it.
I’m grateful for the work here at the U.N. — including your leadership, Mr. Secretary-General — establishing a mechanism to export grain from Black Sea ports in Ukraine that Russia had blocked for months, and we need to make sure it’s extended.
We believe strongly in the need to feed the world.  That’s why the United States is the world’s largest supporter of the World Food Programme, with more than 40 percent of its budget.
We’re leading support — we’re leading support of the UNICEF efforts to feed children around the world.
And to take on the larger challenge of food insecurity, the United States introduced a Call to Action: a roadmap eliminating global food insecurity — to eliminating global food insecurity that more than 100 nation member states have already supported.
In June, the G7 announced more than $4.5 billion to strengthen food security around the world.
Through USAID’s Feed the Future initiative, the United States is scaling up innovative ways to get drought- and heat-resistant seeds into the hands of farmers who need them, while distributing fertilizer and improving fertilizer efficiency so that farmers can grow more while using less.
And we’re calling on all countries to refrain from banning food exports or hoarding grain while so many people are suffering.  Because in every country in the world, no matter what else divides us, if parents cannot feed their children, nothing — nothing else matters if parents cannot feed their children.
As we look to the future, we’re working with our partners to update and create rules of the road for new challenges we face in the 21st century.
We launched the Trade and Technology Council with the European Union to ensure that key technologies — key technologies are developed and governed in the way that benefits everyone.
With our partner countries and through the U.N., we’re supporting and strengthening the norms of responsibility — responsible state behavior in cyberspace and working to hold accountable those who use cyberattacks to threaten international peace and security.
With partners in the Americas, Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, and the Indo-Pacific, we’re working to build a new economic ecosystem while — where every nation — every nation gets a fair shot and economic growth is resilient, sustainable, and shared.
That’s why the United States has championed a global minimum tax.  And we will work to see it implemented so major corporations pay their fair share everywhere — everywhere.
It’s also been the idea behind the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, which the United States launched this year with 13 other Indo-Pacific economies.  We’re working with our partners in ASEAN and the Pacific Islands to support a vision for a critical Indo-Pacific region that is free and open, connected and prosperous, secure and resilient.
Together with partners around the world, we’re working to ser- — secure resilient supply chains that protect everyone from coercion or domination and ensure that no country can use energy as a weapon.
And as Russia’s war rolls [sic] — riles the global economy, we’re also calling on major global creditors, including the non-Paris Club countries, to transparently negotiate debt forgiveness for lower-income countries to forestall broader economic and political crises around the world.
Instead of infrastructure projects that generate huge and large debt without delivering on the promised advantages, let’s meet the enormous infrastructure needs around the world with transparent investments — high-standard projects that protect the rights of workers and the environment — keyed to the needs of the communities they serve, not to the contributor.
That’s why the United States, together with fellow G7 partners, launched a Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment.  We intend to collectively mobilize $600 billionin investment through this partnership by 2027.
Dozens of projects are already underway: industrial-scale vaccine manufacturing in Senegal, transformative solar projects in Angola, first-of-its-kind small modular nuclear power plant in Romania.
These are investments that are going to deliver returns not just for those countries, but for everyone.  The United States will work with every nation, including our competitors, to solve global problems like climate change.  Climate diplomacy is not a favor to the United States or any other nation, and walking away hurts the entire world.
Let me be direct about the competition between the United States and China.  As we manage shifting geopolitical trends, the United States will conduct itself as a reasonable leader.  We do not seek conflict.  We do not seek a Cold War.  We do not ask any nation to choose between the United States or any other partner.
But the United States will be unabashed in promoting our vision of a free, open, secure, and prosperous world and what we have to offer communities of nations: investments that are designed not to foster dependency, but to alleviate burdens and help nations become self-sufficient; partnerships not to create political obligation, but because we know our own success — each of our success is increased when other nations succeed as well.
When individuals have the chance to live in dignity and develop their talents, everyone benefits.  Critical to that is living up to the highest goals of this institution: increasing peace and security for everyone, everywhere.
The United States will not waver in our unrelenting determination to counter and thwart the continuing terrorist threats to our world.  And we will lead with our diplomacy to strive for peaceful resolution of conflicts.
We seek to uphold peace and stability across the Taiwan Straits.
We remain committed to our One China policy, which has helped prevent conflict for four decades.  And we continue to oppose unilateral changes in the status quo by either side.
We support an African Union-led peace process to end the fight in Ethiopia and restore security for all its people.
In Venezuela, where years of the political oppression have driven more than 6 million people from that country, we urge a Venezuelan-led dialogue and a return to free and fair elections.
We continue to stand with our neighbor in Haiti as it faces political-fueled gang violence and an enormous human crisis.
And we call on the world to do the same.  We have more to do.
We’ll continue to back the U.N.-mediated truce in Yemen, which has delivered precious months of peace to people that have suffered years of war.
And we will continue to advocate for lasting negotiating peace between the Jewish and democratic state of Israel and the Palestinian people.  The United States is committed to Israel’s security, full stop.  And a negotiated two-state solution remains, in our view, the best way to ensure Israel’s security and prosperity for the future and give the Palestinians the state which — to which they are entitled — both sides to fully respect the equal rights of their citizens; both people enjoying equal measure of freedom and dignity.
Let me also urge every nation to recommit to strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime through diplomacy.  No matter what else is happening in the world, the United States is ready to pursue critical arms control measures.  A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.
The five permanent members of the Security Council just reaffirmed that commitment in January.  But today, we’re seeing disturbing trends.  Russia shunned the Non-Proliferati- — -Proliferation ideals embraced by every other nation at the 10th NPT Review Conference.
And again, today, as I said, they’re making irresponsible nuclear threats to use nuclear weapons.  China is conducting an unprecedented, concerning nuclear buildup without any transparency.
Despite our efforts to begin serious and sustained diplomacy, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea continues to blatantly violate U.N. sanctions.
And while the United States is prepared for a mutual return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action if Iran steps up to its obligations, the United States is clear: We will not allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon.
I continue to believe that diplomacy is the best way to achieve this outcome.  The nonproliferation regime is one of the greatest successes of this institution.  We cannot let the world now slide backwards, nor can we turn a blind eye to the erosion of human rights.
Perhaps singular among this body’s achievements stands the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which is the standard by which our forebears challenged us to measure ourselves.
They made clear in 1948: Human rights are the basis for all that we seek to achieve.  And yet today, in 2022, fundamental freedoms are at risk in every part of our world, from the violations of — in Xinjiang detailed in recent reports by the Office of U.N. — U.S. — reports detailing by the U.S. [U.N.] High Commissioner, to the horrible abuses against pro-democracy activists and ethnic minorities by the military regime in Burma, to the increased repression of women and girls by the Taliban in Afghanistan.
And today, we stand with the brave citizens and the brave women of Iran who right now are demonstrating to secure their basic rights.
But here’s what I know: The future will be won by those countries that unleash the full potential of their populations, where women and girls can exercise equal rights, including basic reproductive rights, and contribute fully to building a stronger economies and more resilient societies; where religious and ethnic minorities can live their lives without harassment and contribute to the fabric of their communities; where the LGBTQ+ community individuals live and love freely without being targeted with violence; where citizens can question and criticize their leaders without fear of reprisal.
The United States will always promote human rights and the values enshrined in the U.N. Charter in our own country and around the world.
Let me end with this: This institution, guided by the U.N. Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is at its core an act of dauntless hope.
Let me say that again: It’s an act of dauntless hope.
Think about the vision of those first delegates who undertook a seemingly impossible task while the world was still smoldering.
Think about how divided the people of the world must have felt with the fresh grief of millions dead, the genocidal horrors of the Holocaust exposed.
They had every right to believe only the worst of humanity.  Instead, they reached for what was best in all of us, and they strove to build something better: enduring peace; comity among nations; equal rights for every member of the human family; cooperation for the advancement of all humankind.
My fellow leaders, the challenges we face today are great indeed, but our capacity is greater.  Our commitment must be greater still.
So let’s stand together to again declare the unmistakable resolve that nations of the world are united still, that we stand for the values of the U.N. Charter, that we still believe by working together we can bend the arc of history toward a freer and more just world for all our children, although none of us have fully achieved it.
We’re not passive witnesses to history; we are the authors of history.
We can do this — we have to do it — for ourselves and for our future, for humankind.
Thank you for your tolerance, for listening to me.  I appreciate it very much.  God bless you all.  (Applause.)
11:37 A.M. EDT