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2022年3月17日
 
布林肯国务卿：大家下午好。
三周前，俄罗斯对乌克兰发动了无端战争。
随着时间一天天过去，包括儿童在内的平民死伤人数继续攀升。
俄罗斯继续袭击民用场所，包括——仅本周——乌克兰卢甘斯克地区的一家医院、三所学校及一所视障儿童的寄宿学校。
昨天，俄罗斯军队轰炸了马里乌波尔(Mariupol)的一个剧院，那里有数百人正在避难。
在该建筑外的人行道上，用硕大的白色字母写着俄语的“儿童”这个词，这样从空中就可以知道建筑物里有儿童。
俄罗斯军队还对正排队拿面包的10名平民开火。
这些只是一长串在乌克兰各地袭击平民事件中的一部分——不是军人，包括公寓楼、公共广场，以及上周在马里乌波尔的一家妇幼医院。
我想我们所有人看过那些画面都将永远无法忘记。
我们以前在格罗兹尼(Grozny)和阿勒颇(Aleppo)看到过俄罗斯使用类似的手段。他们加紧轰炸，目的就是击垮那里人民的意志。
昨天拜登总统说，他认为，在乌克兰出现了战争罪行。
我个人同意这一点。
故意将平民当作袭击目标是战争罪。
在最近三个星期的这一切破坏后，我认为很难得出结论说俄罗斯不是在这样做。 
全世界都正感受着莫斯科发动的这场战争的后果——粮食成本上涨，对燃料供应的担忧，更广泛的担忧还有这场战争将如何影响全球经济以及抗击COVID-19的斗争。
这些都是国际社会迫切需要解决的严重问题。这场战争正使之变得更加困难。
就此而言，俄罗斯的举动正对地球上的每个人产生影响，无论他们生活在哪里。
我们在这间房间里也感受到了这种影响。
今天这里应该为福克斯新闻的本杰明·霍尔(Benjamin Hall)留一个座位，他乘坐汽车经过基辅(Kyiv)附近时遇袭，受了重伤。
我们中的许多人，包括我自己，跟本熟识，他是随行记者团中的一员。
他是一位非常有才华的记者，总是提出很难回答的问题。他也是一个可爱的人。
我们的心——我的心——与他和他的家人同在，包括他的三个年纪尚幼的孩子。
本在福克斯新闻的两名同事，皮埃尔·佐克切夫斯基(Pierre Zokchefski)和萨沙·库夫舍诺娃(Sasha Koofshenova)，在袭击中身亡。《时代》杂志的特派记者布伦特·雷诺(Brent Renaud)在一天前的另一次袭击中遇难。
我知道这个房间里的所有人对失去他们尤其倍感沉痛。
做一名战地记者是一项举足轻重的工作；他们要让世界知晓当军队开入、炸弹开始落下时，真正发生了什么。
这也需要非凡的勇气；在其他人不难理解地尽快离开战区时，他们却进入战区。
因此，不仅对于家人、朋友，而且对于他们的同事、他们的职业，以及因他们而了解世界时事的读者和观众来说，这无疑都是巨大的损失。
我们的专家正在记录和评估正在乌克兰犯下的潜在战争罪行。
贝丝·范·沙克 (Beth Van Schaack) 本周获参议院最终确认担任我们的全球刑事司法事务无任所大使，将在国务院领导此项工作。
我们将确保我们的调查结果有助于调查战争罪行和向责任方追责的国际努力。
我还要指出，参议院还有其他几项提名，直接关系到我们支持乌克兰的能力，其中包括：负责人口、难民和移民事务的助理国务卿，负责国际安全和不扩散事务的助理国务卿，以及我们的制裁政策协调员。
因此，我敦促参议院尽快确认这些被提名人，以便他们能够尽快开始工作。
几周前，就在俄罗斯开始入侵的前几天，我去联合国安理会阐述了我们认为即将发生的事情。
今天我们再次强烈感觉到俄罗斯下一步可能会采取的举动。
我们认为，莫斯科可能是在为使用化学武器创造条件，然后栽赃于乌克兰，以此为由升级对乌克兰人民的攻击。
制造事端和编造种族灭绝的虚假说法，以此为由更多地使用军事力量，这是俄罗斯以前使用过的技俩，包括在格鲁吉亚。
我们认为，俄罗斯将要让私人军事团体和外国的雇佣兵进入乌克兰。
普京总统周末授权从中东和其他地方招募更多部队时便承认了这一点——这再次表明他的战争努力并没有如他所愿地进行。
他们还可能有系统地绑架地方官员，并用傀儡取而代之。
再一次， 这一切已经开始。
梅利托波尔市(Melitopol)市长几天前在街上被抓，昨天在交换在押人员时获释。
乌克兰南部另一个城市的市长也被绑架，目前尚未获释。
这是一种恐怖手段——抓走地方官员，废黜地方政府，让代理人取而代之。
在摧毁乌克兰的城市之后，莫斯科可能会引入俄罗斯官员来担任地方政府官员，并迅速大量增加他们所谓的“经济支持”，试图让人民的生存依赖于莫斯科。
同样，这也是俄罗斯在格鲁吉亚所作的事情。
普京总统对乌克兰的入侵未能按计划进行。
乌克兰人民没有欢迎俄罗斯军队。他们没有就范。
恰恰相反，他们正以非凡的勇气为保护自己的家园、家人和国家而战。
俄罗斯受到了前所未有的制裁打击，并被切断了与全球经济的联系。
它的本国经济正处于自由落体状态。
数百家公司已关闭了业务。
在短短几周内，普京总统就毁掉了30年来的对外开放成果和俄罗斯人民的经济机会。
克里姆林宫腐败权力基础的数十名成员已受到制裁，一些人失去了他们的大型游艇和别墅。
普京总统嘲笑了这些制裁，在最近发表的公开抨击中嘲笑生活在国外的俄罗斯人，用他的话说，他们太依赖”鹅肝酱和牡蛎“。
与此同时，他坐在自己的豪宅里，积累了从俄罗斯人民那里夺走的数十亿财富，而俄罗斯人民排着长队取现金，看着商店关门、卢布价值暴跌。
难怪勇敢的俄罗斯人继续抗议这场战争，并因此遭到殴打和逮捕。
而俄罗斯记者正辞去他们在国家媒体机构的工作，因为他们无法再忍受鹦鹉学舌般重复克里姆林宫的谎言。
然而普京总统并没有放松，事实上可能正在变得更加孤注一掷。
因此昨天，拜登总统授权——宣布，抱歉，不是授权——向乌克兰再提供8亿美元的军事援助。
这使我们在本届政府期间对乌克兰前线防御者的支持超过了20亿美元——仅在上周就有10亿美元。
我们很感激坚定、慷慨的国会伙伴，他们本周向乌克兰提供了130多亿美元的紧急支持。
我们将继续与立法者合作，支持乌克兰，并追究克里姆林宫的责任。
正如拜登总统描述的那样，这个新的安全援助一揽子计划包括800套防空系统，以阻止进攻的飞机和直升机，不让它们继续摧毁乌克兰；9000套反装甲系统，以摧毁坦克和装甲车；7000件小型武器，包括机关枪和榴弹发射器；以及2000万发弹药。
应泽连斯基总统的要求，我们还在帮助乌克兰获得更远程距离的防空系统和弹药。
我几乎每天都与库列巴外长保持联络，协调对乌克兰最紧急的需求作出迅速的反应。
我们的盟友和伙伴继续加紧运送他们自己的大量安全援助。
我已经授权十几个国家提供美国原产的设备，世界各地还有几十个国家已经提供了他们自己的安全援助。
我还要指出，除了国防部的援助外，我们还正从其他机构提供支持，包括我们自己的外交安全局提供的价值1000万美元的装甲车。
昨天我又宣布了1.86亿美元人道主义援助，以帮助在过去三周内逃离乌克兰的300多万难民——这是自二战以来在欧洲增长最快的难民危机——以及仍在乌克兰境内流离失所的人。
这使我们自上月以来的人道主义援助总额达到2.93亿美元。
在国会正向乌克兰提供的130多亿美元中，超过40亿美元将用于人道主义援助。
乌克兰的欧洲邻居正慷慨地迎接难民并为他们提供支持。美国将尽自己的一份力帮助这些政府和当地的人道主义组织满足这一巨大需求。
我们以及我们的盟友和伙伴正在采取的所有步骤都是为了一个目标：结束这场战争。
我们正在向乌克兰提供的支持，以及我们对莫斯科采取的金融和经济措施，将加强乌克兰在外交谈判桌上的影响力。
我们赞扬乌克兰在克里姆林宫的残暴侵略仍在继续的情况下，留在谈判桌前并继续寻求外交途径。
我们将竭尽所能支持乌克兰的外交努力。
我们继续呼吁所有国家，尤其是那些对俄罗斯有直接影响的国家，使用它们所拥有的一切手段来迫使莫斯科结束这场本不必打的战争。
我们认为，中国尤其有责任使用其对普京总统的影响力，维护它宣称所支持的国际规则和原则。
但是中国看起来与此背道而驰，拒绝谴责这次侵略行为，同时试图把自己描绘成中立的调停者——我们感到担忧的是他们在考虑直接向俄罗斯提供军事设备用于乌克兰。
拜登总统明天将与习近平主席通话，并将表明中国要为任何支持俄罗斯侵略的行动担责，我们会毫不犹豫地让其承担后果。
我最后想说的是，泽连斯基总统昨天向国会和美国人民传达的信息极为强有力。
他要求获得更多帮助，而我们正在提供这些帮助并将继续提供。
他还说，乌克兰人民自己想要得到的与我们自己想要得到的是一样的——民主、独立、自由。
看到了过去三周发生的事，没人会怀疑乌克兰对这些理想的承诺之深。
我们将继续与为自己的未来而战的乌克兰站在一起。
我们将继续加大俄罗斯的代价，直到它结束这场本不必打的战争。
我们将继续为乌克兰人民提供挽救生命的援助，他们忍受着俄罗斯侵略的残酷后果。
接下来，很高兴回答一些提问。
普莱斯先生：保罗。
问：先生，您如何看待乌克兰和俄罗斯之间的会谈？他们有进展吗？泽连斯基总统似乎暗示他们正在讨论一些事情。
布林肯国务卿：正如我所说的，我们与乌克兰领导人保持着密切联系，在我这里包括外交部长库列巴。我们与那些以这样或那样的方式展开外交的国家保持着密切联系。
迄今为止，我必须说，一方面，我们赞扬乌克兰在尽管每时每刻都受到轰炸的情况下仍然参与谈判。与此同时，我还没有看到俄罗斯做出任何有意义的努力，以通过外交手段来结束它正在打的这场战争。
我们支持乌克兰通过外交努力缓和局势，达成停火，当然还有俄罗斯军队撤离。我们赞赏其他国家的努力，包括法国、德国、以色列、土耳其等。但再次要说的是，从我的角度看，外交需要有双方为缓和局势而真诚参与，我目前没有看到普京准备停战的任何迹象。
相反，只是举个例子，如果你听到他昨天发表的最新言论，它显示的是他正在走向相反的方向。但不管言辞，我们真正注重的是行动。我们看到俄罗斯每天、几乎是每一天的每一分钟所采取的行动，都与任何旨在结束战争的认真外交努力大相径庭。
因此，我们希望看到俄罗斯采取有意义的行动来缓和局势，停止它对乌克兰的暴力，并进行真诚的谈判。我们将支持乌克兰为此做出的任何努力。我们当然会竭尽全力支持他们，但也要确保，若有任何真正的谈判并且如果外交确实取得进展，他们具有可以有的最强实力，这即是为什么我们向乌克兰提供支持，并且继续对俄罗斯施加压力和甚至加大压力。
普莱斯先生：凯莉。
问：谢谢您，国务卿。有——国务院确认有一名美国人今天在乌克兰死亡，所以我想知道您是否可以与我们分享更多有关当时的情况，有关这个人是谁，以及俄罗斯是否会因一个美国人死亡而承担任何具体后果。
其次，本周早些时候，您在美国有线电视新闻网上说，乌克兰无论如何都会生存下去，而到时候普京则不会。但我们每天都看到乌克兰人被打死；他们的城市正在被摧毁。那么，您怎么能够如此有信心这样说呢？您是在暗示普京应被免除俄罗斯领导人职务吗？谢谢。
布林肯国务卿：凯莉，首先，关于这位美国公民，我可以确认一名美国公民被打死。我没有更详细的信息，但我可以确认这点。
其次，我认为，不仅我清楚，而且全世界都清楚，一个独立的乌克兰会在弗拉基米尔·普京之后长存。同样明显的是，这场战争有可能还要可怕地持续一定时间。但是到最终，一个独立的乌克兰会存在，而弗拉基米尔·普京到某个时候不再存在。真正的问题是，在这期间还将有多少死亡和破坏。我们正在尽一切努力尽快结束这场俄罗斯发动的战争。这就是为什么我们支持乌克兰；这就是为什么我们对俄罗斯施加压力；这就是为什么我们与世界各国正在努力并进行协调。
但我认为世界已经看到了这一点。全世界已经看到了乌克兰人民捍卫自己的国家、捍卫自己的未来、捍卫自己的自由的无比决心。弗拉基米尔·普京无法让乌克兰人民屈服于他的意志。但正如我前面讲过的，这可能会持续一段时间，我们将继续努力尽快结束它。
问：普京应该继续担任俄罗斯领导人吗？
普莱斯先生：凯莉，我们要尽量让其他人提问。康纳。
问：国务卿先生，您描述了俄罗斯实行的恐怖战术。国务院是否在考虑将俄罗斯定为国家支持者——对不起——国家恐怖主义支持者？
其次，您所描述的一切，总统最近几天所使用的词语——战犯、杀人的独裁者、彻头彻尾的暴徒——您认为，只要弗拉基米尔·普京在位，美国和俄罗斯之间还会有正常关系吗？
布林肯国务卿：我们最首要的关注是尽我们的一切所能，帮助迅速结束这场战争，停止因俄罗斯侵略乌克兰而给乌克兰人民带来的苦难。这是我们的重点。在我们这样做的同时，正如我之前所说，我们也在非常认真地研究正在发生的事情，正在做的事情，特别是审视是否正在犯下战争罪行。 
而且，除其他方面之外，蓄意攻击平民将构成战争罪。你们已听到拜登总统昨天谈到这个问题。你们听到了我几分钟前所说的话。所以我们正在记录。我们欢迎对此表示关注的各种团体、机构和组织的努力，将所有证据汇集在一起​​，继续记录情况，而后以便通过某种方式追究责任。
至于根据俄罗斯正在采取的行动对其定性的问题，我们正在并且将会对一切予以审视。
普莱斯先生：尤利娅·亚尔莫连科。
问：关于第二个问题？对不起。
布林肯国务卿：对不起，提醒我一下。
问：只要普京在位，俄美关系还能正常吗？
布林肯国务卿：我再说一遍，我们的重点是结束这场战争。我不想推测未来，但将必须以某种方式对这场侵略战争追究责任。
普莱斯先生：美国之音乌克兰语部的尤利娅·亚尔莫连科。
问：谢谢。那么，就乌克兰和俄罗斯之间可能进行的谈判而言，如果俄罗斯同意停止攻击并从乌克兰撤军，是否有任何安全形式可以保证俄罗斯不会再次对乌克兰发动侵略？如果乌克兰不会成为北约成员，那么将会怎样？
还有一个问题。拜登总统表示，美国将张开双臂接受乌克兰难民，到目前为止，没有针对逃离战争或想来美国或与家人团聚的乌克兰人的官方签证或其他计划。国务院是否正在为乌克兰难民制定一些特别的加急计划？若是的话，什么时候可以推出？
布林肯国务卿：谢谢。首先，在外交方面，我不打算推测任何谈判的实质内容，会向什么方向发展。正如我所说的，我们全力和强力支持乌克兰政府——乌克兰的民选政府——所做的一切。我们对我们所听到的希望努力尽快通过外交结束的表述非常欢迎。
我认为乌克兰首先需要的是缓和局势，需要俄罗斯军队撤出乌克兰。乌克兰需要恢复它的基本自由和独立，但我会让乌克兰伙伴来推进外交——如果他们认为这样可以产生效果的话。我们将尽我们的所能予以支持。
如果谈判中出现的一些问题最终需要我们以某种方式参与的话，我们当然会考虑这一点，看看我们可以在哪些方面提供帮助。我们首先希望能够做我们正在做的事情，即支持乌克兰政府、乌克兰人民，同时向俄罗斯施加压力。如果外交努力最终当道，并且我们可以为外交努力提供支持并能够为恢复乌克兰独立提供支持的话，我们当然会考虑这一点，我肯定会这样做。
关于难民问题，有几个方面。首先，正如我所说的，这是自第二次世界大战以来欧洲最大的难民危机。数字惊人。而且，当然，有时被这些数字淹没的是背后那些危在旦夕的真实的生命，他们正被改变，也许不是永远，但正在遭受重大改变。
就在几周以前，当我和你们中的一些人在波兰和乌克兰边境时，我亲眼见到其中一些人，我与跨过边界的人进行了交谈，面对俄罗斯的杀戮他们在寻找安全。在许多情况下——在大多数情况下是妇女和儿童——男人们留下作战。
我们当然在乌克兰看到了这些影响。我们看到对邻国的影响——波兰、摩尔多瓦、罗马尼亚和其他国家——他们正在接收大量难民。我认为这种慷慨卓越非凡。但数字正在增长，挑战越来越大。今天早上，我与我们的七国集团合作伙伴视频电话会议，这是我们讨论的事情之一——用协调一致的方法处理问题和帮助到来的难民。
美国已经是并将继续是对乌克兰人道援助的最大提供者。增加的一揽子计划中的一个部分就包括约 40 亿美元的人道援助，援助将既直接提供给乌克兰，也将向邻国和其他国家——以及乌克兰以外的乌克兰人——提供支持。
其次，我们正在与联合国难民署密切合作，了解我们能够如何支持这方面的努力。
最后，我们正在研究我们可以自己做和直接做的事情——例如，研究我们可能对家庭团聚采取的步骤以及其他我们可以提供支持和真正参与的事情。
我要说的最后一件事情是：什么——当然还有难民推荐程序，但这需要时间。但是，如果人们申请难民身份并寻求来美国的话，我们当然会接受转介。但我们正在考虑一些近期可以采取的措施。
最后一点是：我认为我们至少在最初看到的是，这么多离开乌克兰的人都希望留在他们的家园附近，这是可以理解的。他们希望——我们希望——他们能够尽快返回家园。他们也想留在离家较近的地方，因为正如前面我所说的，在很多情况下，妇女和孩子离开了配偶、丈夫、父亲、兄弟，他们希望尽快团聚，所以他们想待在尽可能近的地方。但随着这种情况以及如果这种情况继续下去的话，随着数量的增加，随着欧洲合作伙伴负担的增加，我们肯定会尽我们的一切所能提供帮助。所以我想我们会在接下来的日子里，对此有更多的信息。这是我们现在非常关注的一件事。
普莱斯先生：最后一个简短问题，安德莉娅。
问：国务卿先生，您已经概述过，讲述了对平民的一连串可怕袭击。正如联合国大使上周所说，您说过您同意总统关于这些是战争罪行的评论。我知道肯定会进行调查，但究竟如何追责？如果弗拉基米尔·普京被定有罪，对他会怎样，因为他就是国家？这应该怎么办（听不清）？告诉世界。
布林肯国务卿：安德莉娅，有几点。首先，我们都看到了——你们在电视上有力地展示了这些来自乌克兰的毁灭性画面，我们看到了俄罗斯的炸弹、炮火对这个国家这么多的地方的摧毁。我们看到民用场所被夷为平地；我们看到人们被打死——成百上千的平民。是的，正如我——再次，正如总统昨天所说，在他看来，正在发生战争罪行。我同意这一点。在我们看到所有的破坏之后，真的很难得出其他结论。
但是我们正在做的是——我会回答你的问题——我们只是刚刚开始为正在进行的非常重要的工作提供支持，一个将证据汇集在一起​​的举证程序，记录发生的事情，支持并与人权活动家、民间组织、独立媒体以及调查此事的相关组织和机构合作。所以我们需要经过这个汇集证据、收集证据、理解证据的过程。我们将分享这些——我相信我们的盟友和合作伙伴通过正在进行的所有调查也是在做同样的事情——从而让我们用一切可以使用的工具来支持追究责任。 
首先，我不会事先预测结果将是什么或后果将是什么，但我可以确信地说，任何被确定发生的战争罪行都将受到追究。
问：您在阿勒颇和格罗兹尼之后怎么还能这样说？他一再这样做。他是一个战争罪惯犯。
布林肯国务卿：安德莉娅，当我们在俄罗斯发动侵略之前说这种侵略将承受重大后果时，包括对俄罗斯实行前所未有的制裁，我知道有些人对此表示怀疑。我认为我们已经证明了我们信守诺言。当我们说乌克兰的自卫努力将获得持续、有力的支持时，我们表明我们能够信守诺言。因此，当我告诉你任何战争罪行都会受到追究和承担后果时，我希望你能相信我的话。但是，行动永远胜于言辞。
普莱斯先生：非常感谢大家。
布林肯国务卿：谢谢你们。谢谢。 
 
欲查看原稿内容: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-at-a-press-availability-16/
本译文仅供参考，只有英文原稿才可以被视为权威资料来源。 
###

REMARKS TO THE PRESS
ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE
PRESS BRIEFING ROOM
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 17, 2022
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Good afternoon, everyone.
Three weeks ago, Russia launched its unprovoked war on Ukraine.
With every day that passes, the numbers of civilians, including children, killed and wounded continues to climb.
Russia continues to attack civilian sites, including – this week alone – a hospital, three schools, a boarding school for visually impaired kids in the Luhansk region of Ukraine.
Yesterday Russian forces bombed a theater in Mariupol, where hundreds of people had been taking shelter.
The word “children” had been written in Russian in giant white letters on the pavement outside the building, so that you could know from the air that there were children inside.
Russian forces also opened fire on 10 civilians in who were waiting in line for bread.
These incidents join a long list of attacks on civilian – not military – locations across Ukraine, including apartment buildings, public squares, and, last week, a maternity hospital in Mariupol.
I doubt that any of us who saw those images will ever forget them.
We’ve seen Russia use similar tactics before in Grozny and Aleppo.  They stepped up their bombardment with the goal of breaking the will of the people.
Yesterday President Biden said that, in his opinion, war crimes have been committed in Ukraine.
Personally, I agree.
Intentionally targeting civilians is a war crime.
After all the destruction of the past three weeks, I find it difficult to conclude that the Russians are doing otherwise.
The consequences of Moscow’s war are being felt around the world – in rising food costs, concerns about fuel supplies, more broadly in worries about how this war will affect the global economy and the fight against COVID-19.
These are serious issues that the global community urgently needs to address.  This war is making that much more difficult.
In this way, Russia’s actions are having an impact on every person on the planet, wherever they live.
We also feel the impact right here in this room.
There should be a seat reserved here today for Benjamin Hall from Fox News, who was injured badly when his vehicle came under attack near Kyiv.
Many of us, myself included, have gotten to know Ben very well as part of the traveling press corps.
He’s an incredibly talented reporter, always asking tough questions.  He’s a lovely person, as well.
Our thoughts – my thoughts – are with him and his family, including his three little kids.
Two of Ben’s Fox News colleagues, Pierre Zokchefski and Sasha Koofshenova, were killed in the attack.  And Brent Renaud, a reporter on assignment with Time Magazine, was killed in a separate attack a day earlier.
I know that everyone in this room, in particular, feels these losses deeply.
Being a war correspondent is vital work; they make sure that the world knows what’s really happening when armies move in and bombs start falling.
It also takes incredible courage; they go into war zones when others, understandably, are heading out as fast as possible.
So these are huge losses, of course, for families, for friends, but also for their colleagues, their profession, their readers and viewers who understand world events because of them.
Our experts are in the process of documenting and evaluating potential war crimes being committed in Ukraine.
Beth Van Schaack, whom the Senate finally confirmed this week as our Ambassador at Large for Global Criminal Justice, will be leading that effort within the State Department.
We’ll make sure that our findings help international efforts to investigate war crimes and hold those responsible accountable.
I’d also mention that there are several other nominations before the Senate with a direct bearing on our ability to support Ukraine, including for Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration; Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and Non-Proliferation; and our Coordinator for Sanctions Policy.
So I urge the Senate to confirm these nominees quickly, so that they can get to work as soon as possible.
A few weeks ago, just days before Russia’s invasion began, I went to the United Nations Security Council to lay out what we believed was about to happen.
Again today, we have a strong sense of what Russia could do next.
We believe that Moscow may be setting the stage to use a chemical weapon, and then falsely blame Ukraine to justify escalating its attacks on the Ukrainian people.
Manufacturing events and creating false narratives of genocide to justify greater use of military force is a tactic that Russia has used before, including in Georgia.
We believe Russia will bring its mercenaries from private military groups and foreign countries to Ukraine.
President Putin acknowledged as much over the weekend when he authorized the recruitment of additional forces from the Middle East and elsewhere – another indication that his war effort is not going as he hoped it would.
They are also likely to systematically kidnap local officials and replace them with puppets.
Again, this has already begun.
The mayor of Melitopol was grabbed off the street several days ago, released yesterday in a prisoner exchange.
The mayor of another city in southern Ukraine was also kidnapped; he hasn’t yet been let go.
This is a terror tactic – grab local officials, depose local governments, put proxies in their place.
After devastating Ukrainian cities, Moscow may bring in officials from Russia to serve as local government officials, and surge what they describe as “economic support” in an attempt to make the people dependent on Moscow for survival.
Again, something that Russia did in Georgia.
President Putin’s invasion of Ukraine is not going to plan.
The Ukrainian people haven’t welcomed the Russian military.  They haven’t submitted.
On the contrary.  They’re fighting with extraordinary courage to protect their homes, their families, their country.
Russia has been hit by unprecedented sanctions and cut off from the global economy.
Its own economy is in free fall.
Hundreds of corporations have closed operations.
In a matter of weeks, President Putin has destroyed 30 years of opening to the world and economic opportunity for the Russian people.
Dozens of members of the Kremlin’s corrupt power base have been sanctioned; several have lost their mega yachts and villas.
President Putin has derided those sanctions, using recent public diatribes to mock Russians living abroad as too dependent, as he said, on “foie gras and oysters.”
Meanwhile, he sits in his mansions, having accumulated billions taking wealth from the Russian people, while they stand in long lines to access cash and watch as stores close and the ruble plummets in value.
It’s no wonder that brave Russians continue to protest the war and be beaten and arrested for it.
And Russian journalists are resigning from their jobs at state media outlets, because they can’t stomach parroting the Kremlin’s lies any longer.
Still, President Putin is not relenting and in fact may be growing more desperate.
And so yesterday, President Biden authorized – announced, excuse me, not authorized – another $800 million in military aid to Ukraine.
That brings our support for Ukraine’s frontline defenders to more than $2 billion during this administration – one billion in the last week alone.
We’re grateful to have a determined and generous partner in Congress, which this week provided more than $13 billion in urgent support to Ukraine.
And we’ll continue to work with lawmakers to support Ukraine and hold the Kremlin to account.
As President Biden described, this new security assistance package includes 800 anti-aircraft systems, to stop attacking planes and helicopters before they destroy more of Ukraine; 9,000 anti-armor systems to destroy tanks and armored vehicles; 7,000 small arms, including machine guns and grenade launchers; and 20 million rounds of ammunition.
We’re also helping Ukraine acquire longer-range anti-aircraft systems and munitions, at President Zelenskyy’s request.
And I have been in almost daily contact with Foreign Minister Kuleba, coordinating to respond swiftly to Ukraine’s most urgent needs.
Our allies and partners continue to step up with their own significant shipments of security assistance.
I’ve authorized more than a dozen countries to provide U.S.-origin equipment, and dozens more around the world have provided security assistance of their own.
I’d also note that, in addition to assistance from the Department of Defense, we’re sending support from other agencies, including $10 million worth of armored vehicles from our own Diplomatic Security Service.
And yesterday I announced another $186 million in humanitarian assistance to help the more than 3 million refugees who have fled Ukraine in the past three weeks – the fastest-growing refugee crisis in Europe since World War II – as well as internally displaced people still in Ukraine.
This brings our total humanitarian aid since last month to $293 million.
And of the more than $13 billion for Ukraine that Congress is putting forward, more than 4 billion of that will go to humanitarian assistance.
Ukraine’s neighbors in Europe are generously welcoming, supporting refugees.  The United States will do our part to help those governments and the humanitarian organizations on the ground meet this tremendous need.
All the steps that we and our allies and partners are taking are aimed at one goal: to end the war.
The support we’re providing Ukraine, as well as our financial and economic measures against Moscow, will strengthen Ukraine’s hand at the diplomatic table.
And we commend Ukraine for staying at that table and continuing to pursue diplomacy while the Kremlin’s brutal aggression continues.
We’ll support Ukraine’s diplomatic efforts however we can.
We continue to call on all nations, especially those with direct influence with Russia, to use whatever leverage they have to compel Moscow to end this war of choice.
We believe China in particular has a responsibility to use its influence with President Putin and to defend the international rules and principles that it professes to support.
Instead, it appears that China is moving in the opposite direction by refusing to condemn this aggression while seeking to portray itself as a neutral arbiter – and we’re concerned that they are considering directly assisting Russia with military equipment to use in Ukraine.
President Biden will be speaking to President Xi tomorrow and will make clear that China will bear responsibility for any actions it takes to support Russia’s aggression, and we will not hesitate to impose costs.
Let me close by saying that President Zelenskyy’s message to Congress and to the American people yesterday was incredibly powerful.
He’s asked for more help, which we are providing and will continue to provide.
And he said that the people of Ukraine want the same things for themselves that we want for ourselves – democracy, independence, freedom.
No one who’s watched the events of the past three weeks could ever doubt the depth of Ukraine’s commitment to these ideals.
We’ll continue to stand with Ukraine as it fights for its future.
We’ll continue to increase the costs on Russia until it ends this war of choice.
And we’ll continue to provide life-saving aid to the Ukrainian people as they endure the brutal consequences of Russia’s aggression.
With that, happy to take some questions.
MR PRICE:  Paul.
QUESTION:  Sir, what do you think about the talks between Ukraine and Russia?  Are they making any progress?  President Zelenskyy seems to suggest there are things they are talking about.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So we’re in close contact, as I said, with Ukraine’s leaders, including in my case Foreign Minister Kuleba.  We’re in close contact with other countries that have, in one way or another, been engaging on diplomacy.
And to date I have to say, on the one hand, we commend Ukraine for being at the table, despite being under bombardment every minute of that day.  At the same time, I have not seen any meaningful efforts by Russia to bring this war that it’s perpetrating to a conclusion through diplomacy.
We support Ukraine’s efforts to try to de-escalate through diplomacy, to reach a ceasefire, and of course the withdrawal of Russian forces.  We appreciate the efforts of other countries, including France, Germany, Israel, Turkey, and others.  But again, from where I sit, diplomacy requires both sides engaging in good faith to de-escalate, and I don’t see signs right now that Putin is prepared to stop.
On the contrary, if you listen to, just for example, his most recent remarks yesterday, that suggests that he is moving in the opposite direction.  But never mind the words.   What we’re really focused on is actions, and the actions that we’re seeing Russia take every single day, virtually every minute of every day, are in total contrast to any serious diplomatic effort to end the war.
So we’re looking to see Russia take meaningful actions to de-escalate, to stop the violence that it’s perpetrating on Ukraine, and to engage in good-faith talks.  We will support any effort that Ukraine makes to do that.  We’re certainly doing everything we can to back them, but also to make sure that they have the strongest possible hand, if there are any real negotiations and if diplomacy does advance – hence the support that we’re giving to Ukraine as well as the pressure that we continue to put and even increase on Russia.
MR PRICE:  Kylie.
QUESTION:  Thank you, Secretary.  There is – this department is confirming that an American has died in Ukraine today, so I’m wondering if you can share any more with us about the circumstances, about who that person is, and if there’ll be specific consequences for Russia because an American died.
And then second, earlier this week you said on CNN that one way or another Ukraine will be there and at some point Putin won’t.  But we’re watching every day Ukrainians are getting killed; their cities are being demolished.  So how can you be so confident to say something like that?  And are you suggesting that Putin should be removed as the leader of Russia?  Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Kylie, first, with regard to the American citizen, I can confirm that an American citizen was killed.  I don’t have any more details for you than that, but I can confirm that.
Second, it is I think not only clear to me but clear to the world that an independent Ukraine will be there long after Vladimir Putin.  And it’s also clear that this could horrifically go on for some time.  But when all is said and done, an independent Ukraine will be there, and at some point Vladimir Putin will not.  The real question is how much death and destruction is going to occur in the meantime.  And we’re doing everything we can to bring this war, perpetrated by Russia, to the quickest possible end.  That’s where the support for Ukraine comes in; that’s where the pressure on Russia comes in; that’s where the work, the coordination that we’re doing with countries around the world comes in.
But I think the world has seen this.  The world has seen the absolute determination of the Ukrainian people to hold onto their country, to hold onto their future, to hold onto their freedom.  And there is nothing that Vladimir Putin can do to subjugate that to his will.  But as I said, this could go on for some time, and we’re going to continue to work to bring it to an end as quickly as we can.
QUESTION:  And should Putin remain the leader of Russia?
MR PRICE:  Kylie, we’re going to try and move around.
Conor.
QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, you described what you called Russia’s terror tactics.  Is the State Department considering designating Russia a state sponsor – excuse me – of terrorism?
And then second, everything that you described, the words that the President has used in recent days – war criminal, murderous dictator, pure thug – do you think that there can ever be normal relations between the United States and Russia so long as Vladimir Putin is in power?
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So our focus first and foremost is on doing everything we can to help bring this war to a quick end, to stop the suffering of the Ukrainian people that’s the result of Russia’s aggression on Ukraine.  That’s our focus.  As we’re doing that, and as I said earlier, we’re also looking very carefully at what is happening, what is being done, and in particular looking at the question of whether war crimes are being committed.
And, among other things, the intentional targeting of civilians would constitute a war crime.  You heard President Biden speak to this yesterday.  You heard what I said a few minutes ago.  So we are documenting.  We welcome the efforts of various groups, institutions, organizations that focus on this to bring all of the evidence together, to continue to document things, and then for there to be accountability one way or the other.
In terms of other designations based on actions that Russia’s taking, we are and we will look at everything.
MR PRICE:  Yulia Yarmolenko.
QUESTION:  On the second question?  I’m sorry.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  I’m sorry, remind me.
QUESTION:  As long as Putin is in power, can there be normal relations between Russia and the United States?
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Again, our focus is on ending this war.  I don’t want to speculate about the future, but there’s going to have to be, one way or another, accountability for this war of aggression.
MR PRICE:  Yulia Yarmolenko, VOA Ukraine.
QUESTION:  Thank you.  So on possible negotiations between Ukraine and Russia, if Russia agrees to stop attacks and withdraw its forces from Ukraine, are there any security formats that will guarantee that Russia would not renew its aggression against Ukraine?  If it’s not membership in NATO for Ukraine, then what?
And another question.  President Biden said that U.S. will accept Ukrainian refugees with open arms, and so far there is no official visa or other program for Ukrainians who are fleeing war or who want to come to the United States or reunite with their families.  Is Department of State working on some special expedited program for Ukrainian refugees?  And if yes, when it might be launched?
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  First, on the diplomacy, look, I’m not going to speculate on the substance of any negotiations, where that might go.  As I said, we fully and strongly support whatever the Government of Ukraine – the democratically elected Government of Ukraine – does.  We very much welcome sentiments that we’ve heard expressed for trying to bring this to a diplomatic end as quickly as possible.
I think in the first instance what Ukraine needs is de-escalation.  It needs Russian forces out of Ukraine.  It needs to have its basic freedom and independence returned, but I leave it to Ukrainian partners to work on advancing the diplomacy if that’s – if they believe that can be productive.  We will look at whatever we can do to support that.
And if there are issues that wind up being negotiated that require in some fashion our participation, of course we will look at that and see where we can be helpful.  We want to be able in the first instance to do what we’re doing, which is to support the Government of Ukraine, the Ukrainian people, along with putting pressure on Russia.  If diplomacy finally carries the day and there are things that we can do to support that diplomacy and to support any outcomes that restore Ukraine’s independence, we will, of course, look at that and I’m sure do that.
With regard to refugees, a couple of things.  First, as I said, this is the largest refugee crisis in Europe since World War II.  The numbers are staggering.  And, of course, what gets lost sometimes behind these numbers are the real lives that are at stake and that are being changed, maybe not forever, but are being changed in profound ways.
I saw some of that firsthand when I was on the border between Poland and Ukraine with a number of you just a couple of weeks ago, talking to people who had made the journey across the border, looking for safety in the face of this Russian onslaught.  And in many cases – most cases, women and children – the men staying behind to fight.
And we see the impact, of course, in Ukraine.  We see the impact on neighboring countries – Poland, Moldova, Romania, others – that are taking in very large numbers of refugees.  The generosity I think is extraordinary.  But the numbers are growing.  The challenge is growing.  I was on a call, a video conference, this morning with our G7 partners, and this is one of the things that we talked about – having a coordinated approach to dealing with and helping refugees coming over.
The United States is already and will remain the largest provider of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine.  Part of the package that is in the supplemental includes about $4 billion in humanitarian assistance, and that will go both directly to Ukraine.  It will also go to neighboring countries and others – and Ukrainians outside of Ukraine – to support them.
Second, we are working closely with UNHCR to see how we can support this effort.
Finally, we’re looking at things that we can do ourselves and do directly – for example, looking at steps we may be able to take on family reunification and other things that we can do to be supportive and to really take part in this effort.
Last thing I’ll say is this:  What – and of course, there is the refugee referral process, but that takes time.  But if people apply for refugee status and seek to come to the United States, of course we will take referrals.  But we’re looking at steps that we can take in the near term.
Last thing is this:  I think what we’re seeing, at least initially, is that so many people coming out of Ukraine understandably want to stay close to home.  They hope – we hope – that they’ll be able to return home as soon as possible.  They also want to stay close to home because, as I said, in many cases it’s women and children who have left behind spouses, husbands, fathers, brothers, and they want to be reunited as quickly as possible, so they want to stay as close as possible.  But as this and if this goes on, as the numbers increase, as the burden increases for European partners, we will certainly do everything we can to help.  So I suspect we’ll have more to say on this in the coming – in the coming days.  It’s something we’re very focused on right now.
MR PRICE:  Time for one final, quick question from Andrea.
QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary, you’ve outlined, recounted a litany of horrific attacks on civilians.  You’ve said you agree with the President’s comment that they’re war crimes, as the UN ambassador said last week.  I know there has to be an investigation, but where will the accountability be?  What should happen to Vladimir Putin if he is found guilty, since he is the state?  What should happen to this (inaudible)?  Tell the world.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So, Andrea, a few things.  First, we’re all seeing what – and you’re showing, powerfully, on television – these devastating images coming out of Ukraine, and we are seeing the destruction of so much of the country by Russian bombs, artillery.  We’re seeing civilian sites being devastated; we’re seeing people being killed – hundreds, thousands of people, civilians.  And yes, as I – again, as the President said yesterday, in his opinion, war crimes are being committed.  I agree with that.  After all the destruction that we’ve seen, it’s really hard to conclude otherwise.
But what we’re doing is this – and I’ll come to your question – we are in the first instance supporting the very important work that’s being done, the evidentiary process to bring the evidence together, to document what’s happened, to support and to work with human rights activists, with civil society, with independent media as well as with the appropriate organizations and institutions that look into this.  So we need to go through this process of compiling the evidence, collecting the evidence, understanding the evidence.  We’ll share that – and our allies and partners I’m sure will do the same with all of the investigations that are ongoing – to support accountability using every tool that we have available.
I’m not going to get ahead of, first of all, what the outcome will be or what the consequences will be, but I can say with conviction that there will be accountability for any war crimes that are determined to have occurred.
QUESTION:  How can you say that after Aleppo and Grozny?  He does it repeatedly.  He’s a repeat offender as a war criminal.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Andrea, when we said before Russia’s aggression that there would be massive consequences for that aggression, including unprecedented sanctions on Russia, I know some people had their doubts.  I think we’ve demonstrated that we’ve been good to our word.  When we said that there would be sustained, powerful support for Ukraine in its efforts to defend itself, we’ve demonstrated that we’re good to our word.  So when I tell you that there will be accountability and consequences for any war crimes that have been committed, I hope you’ll take me at my word, but actions always speak louder than words.
MR PRICE:  Thank you very much, everyone.
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  Thanks.