2021年10月4日
华盛顿— 美国贸易代表戴琪今天在战略与国际研究中心(CSIS)发表讲话，概述拜登-哈里斯政府对美中双边贸易关系的新方针。
观看发言的现场直播：www.csis.org/events/conversation-ambassador-katherine-tai-us-trade-representative
戴大使的预定发言讲稿如下：
各位好。谢谢各位出席。我想要感谢何慕理（John Hamre）、比尔·赖因施（Bill Reinsch）和战略和国际研究中心(CSIS) 今天的接待。CSIS在我们的外交政策论述里扮演至关重要的角色。我在这里与各位谈全球最重要的议题之一，是恰当的。
我过去曾经说过，并且我会继续这么说：美中经贸关系是一个具有深远影响的关系。作为世界上最大的两个经济体，我们如何与对方相处不仅影响我们两国。它影响整个世界和数十亿的劳工。
这个双边关系是复杂且具竞争性的。拜登总统乐见此一竞争支持美国劳工，助长我们的经济，并增加国内的工作岗位。
他相信我们必须负责任地管理竞争— 并确保竞争是公平的。
太长的一段时间以来，中国对全球贸易规范缺乏遵守，已经损害了美国人和世界上其他人的繁荣。
近年来，北京加强以国家为中心的经济体系。越来越明显地，中国的计划不包括解决美国和其他许多国家共有的关切的有意义的改革。
我们有很多工作要做。
为了成功，我们必须直接且坦诚地面对我们面临的挑战以及若不应对这些挑战所带来的严重风险。我们必须探索一切选项，以规划最有效的前进道路。
在与中国的关系里，对美国劳工最好的是增长美国经济，以在美国这里创造更多机会和工资更高的工作岗位。
作为美国贸易代表，我计划要实现拜登总统的愿景，在美中贸易动态关系里实现以劳工为中心的贸易政策。我们需要展现，贸易政策在一般人的生活里可以是一股正能量。
我们将通过与我们的劳工重建信任，并将我们国内和外交政策对齐，创造能持久的贸易政策以造福广大范围的利益攸关者。
拜登总统已经清楚表明：我们的全球竞争力和创造共同繁荣的关键要从国内开始。我们必须做聪明的国内投资，提高我们自身的竞争力。我们必须投资于研发和清洁能源技术，加强我们的制造业，并激励公司在供应链从上至下都购买美国产品。
通过美国救援计划（American Rescue Plan）,行政部门对供应链韧性的关注，以及我们就我们技术领导力的投资，我们已经完成了这其中的部分工作。行政部门现正通过跨党派基础设施协议（Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal）以及重建更美好（Build Back Better）的议程，与国会紧密合作进一步推进这些行动。
至于美中贸易，最近几个月，拜登-哈里斯政府已经进行了全面审议。
今天，我将阐述我们行政部门调整对中国的贸易政策上的战略愿景起点，以捍卫美国劳工、企业、农民以及制造者的利益，并强化我们的中产阶级。
首先，我们将与中国讨论第一阶段协议下中国的履行情况。中国做了让部分美国产业能受益的承诺，包括农业，我们必须执行。
拜登总统将继续促进我们的经济利益—并建立美国产业信心。
第二，我们将开始启动有针对性的关税排除程序。我们将确保现有的执行架构最符合我们的经济利益。我们将保持在必要时继续开放排除程序的可能性。
第三，我们对中国以国家为中心、非市场的贸易做法继续持有严重关切，这些在第一阶段协议中没有涉及。在我们努力执行第一阶段协议的条款时，我们将向北京提这些更广泛的政策关切。
并且我们将使用我们拥有的各种工具，必要时制定新的工具，以维护美国的经济利益，免于遭到伤害性政策和做法的影响。
最后，至关重要的是，我们将继续与盟友合作，塑造二十一世纪公平贸易的规则，促进市场经济和民主体制的向上竞争。
在我开始谈我们计划的更多细节前，我想回顾美中贸易关系几十年来如何演变—我们是如何走到今天的这一步。
上个世纪70年代末到80年代中期，中国从世界上排名第11大的经济体升至排名第8。不到十年里，美国对中国出口翻了约四翻，进口增加了14倍。
这样的经济增长为中国加入世界贸易组织的努力铺平了道路。
当时世界面临着一个重要的挑战：如何让一个以国家主导的经济体整合进入一个由致力于开放、以市场为导向原则的经济体创立的贸易组织。
在设法应对这一困境时，有些人认为对中国的工业和农业出口与其扩大中的中产阶级能有巨大的提高。其他人的论点是，会造成加速和大量的失业。
最后，中国在2001年12月正式加入世界贸易组织。
接下来的15年里，美国对北京使用双管齐下的方针。
一方面，连续三任总统任内，每年都有美中高层官员对话。这些对话是为了促使中国遵守并内化世贸组织的规则和规范，并做出其他以市场为导向的改变。
然而，要中国做出这些承诺，几年来更形困难，而且中国的履行状况不一致，执行变得不可能。
另一方面的重点放在世贸组织的争端解决案件。我们对中国提出27件诉讼，其中一些官司是我去打的，通过与我们的盟友合作。我们在所有有裁决的案件里都胜诉。但是，即便中国改变了我们质疑的特定做法，他们并未改变根本的政策，而中国有意义的改革仍然难以实现。
近年来，中国的领导人更是加强了他们以国家为中心的经济模式。
面对着对话和执行两轨皆未带来有意义改变的现实，上一届政府决定使用不同的模式—美方单边压力—试图改变北京的做法。
上届政府针对中国的强制知识产权和技术转移政策展开调查—这些是存在已久且严重的问题。之后带来美国对中国进口的大量关税—以及中国的报复。在这个紧张关系不断升高的背景下，2020年1月，上届政府与中国达成了广称的“第一阶段协议”。
这项协议包括一套有限的承诺。这些承诺涵盖中国在知识产权和技术转移、购买美国产品，以及改善农业和金融服务业市场准入的义务。
它稳定了市场，尤其是美国农业出口。但是我们的分析显示虽然在某些领域承诺履行了，某些商业获得收益，其他领域却有不足。
但事实是，这项协议并未有意义地应对我们对中国贸易做法，以及这些做法对美国经济的有害影响的根本关切。
即便有了第一阶段协议，中国政府持续将数十亿美元投入特定产业，继续照着国家的意愿形塑其经济—伤害美国和世界各地劳工的利益。
我们看看钢铁行业。2000年时，有超过100家美国的钢铁公司。我们当时每年制造1亿公吨的钢，该行业在美国各地雇佣13万6千人。
不久之后，中国开始建造自己的钢铁厂。他们的生产力迅速膨胀，夺走美国钢铁公司宝贵的市场机会。低价的中国钢泛滥全球市场，抢走美国和世界各地公司的生意。
每关闭一家钢铁厂，就代表数百名劳工失去生计。靠着工厂存活的小企业倒闭，昏暗的建筑物压低房地产价格，也让社区一片惨淡。
今天，中国每年制造量超过十亿公吨—占全球钢铁制造近百分之六十。中国一个月的钢铁制造量比美国和世界上多数其他国家一整年的制造量还多。在美国，钢铁业的雇佣人数自2020年以来已下降百分之四十。
在太阳能光伏电池的制造中，我们看到中国不公平政策的影响。美国曾经一度是过去这个新兴产业的全球领导者。但是当中国扩大其自身的产业，我们的公司就被迫关门。
今天，中国占全球产量的百分之八十—太阳能供应链的多数部分在美国甚至已不存在。
美国的农业也没逃过。近年来我们对中国出口增加，但是市场份额正在缩小，对日渐重度依赖这个市场的美国农民和牧场主来说，农业仍然是难以预测的行业部门。中国的监管机构继续使用措施限制或威胁我们制造者的市场准入—以及他们的收益。
当前在半导体行业中，我们也看到令人担忧的动态不断发酵。2014年，中国出台了一份产业计划，宣布“2030年前建立起领先全球的半导体产业的目标”据报道，中国已经就这项工作投入了至少1500亿美元，未来还会有更多投入。其意图明显，就像当初和钢铁和太阳能的一样。
这些政策加剧了全球经济里的零和动态关系，中国的增长和繁荣代表美国和其他以市场为基础、民主的经济体的劳工和经济机会要受损。
这就是为什么我们在与中国的关系里，必须采取一个新的、全观的、务实的方针，能够切实地推促我们短期和长期的战略和经济目标。
我们与中国的经济关系不断演变，我们捍卫自身利益的策略也必须不断改变。随着时间，风险越来越高，提高美国竞争力更形重要。
我们的策略必须要应对这些关切，同时要具弹性和灵活度，以因应未来可能来自中国的挑战。
那么我们该如何做到这点呢？
有别于以往，本届政府将以实力地位去进行接触，因为我们正在投资于我们的劳工和基础设施。
修缮我们的道路桥梁、港口现代化，以及部署扩大的宽带网路，这类投资将会开始为美国劳工和公司提供拥护他们的全球竞争力所需要的推进力。
而我们必须投资于教育和劳工培训，以发挥和善用我们人民的才华—这些投资都被包含在拜登总统的“重建更美好”计划里。我们也需要加倍努力作世界上最有创新力的国家，通过研究、开发和发明新的、新兴的技术。
中国和其他国家已经在他们的基础设施上投资数十年。如果我们要在全球市场上竞争，我们就需要在国内做同等或更大的投资。
这个持续的投资确保我们在21世纪里能够维持我们的竞争优势。
除了我们国内的投资以外，未来几天里，我也打算与中国的对口官员进行坦诚的对话。
这将包括讨论中国在第一阶段协议下的履行情况。
而我们将继续与中国就他们的产业政策进行接触。我们的目标不是要激化与中国的贸易紧张关系。
要持久共存就需要对我们行动的巨大后果负责和尊重。我致力于逐步解决这一双边进程中的诸多挑战，以带来有意义的成果。
但最重要的是，我们必须捍卫—彻底捍卫—我们的经济利益。
这代表要采取所有必要步骤，保护我们自己不受到多年来不公平竞争造成的一波波损害。我们必须做好部署所有工具的准备，探索制定新的工具，包括通过与其他经济体和国家协作。我们必须规划新的道路，改变我们双边贸易动态关系的轨迹。
重要的是，我们将与我们的盟友和志同道合的伙伴紧密合作，建立真正公平的国际贸易，从而实现良性竞争。
我已经在通过双边、区域和多边的交流接触努力加强我们的同盟。而我也会继续这么做。
我们在六月与欧盟和英国在世贸组织达成协议，解决大型民用飞机争端，这展现拜登总统的承诺，要与我们的伙伴合作为我们的劳工创造更公平的竞争环境。
就在上周，我共同主持了美国-欧盟贸易和技术委员会的第一次会议。欧洲加强他们自身对非市场做法的抵御，我们也将与他们合作确保我们的集体政策能奏效。
在七国集团、20国集团和世贸组织上，我们正在讨论市场扭曲和其他不公平的贸易做法，例如在渔业和包括新疆在内的全球供应链里使用强迫劳动力。
未来几个月和几年里，我们将会把工作基础建立在这个之上。
我们的目标是将深思熟虑、稳定和长期的思维带进我们方针里–并通过双边和多边的渠道工作。我们的策略核心是致力确保与我们的盟友合作，创造公平开放的市场。
全球经济里的各方都能增长并成功，这样的未来是存在的—在我们自己的边境内和各个边境之间繁荣兼蓄。
我们迄今为止所走的道路没有领向那个未来。我今天提出的，拜登总统的优先事项的目标是达到共同繁荣，对我们的劳工、制造者和公司好，对我们的盟友好，对全球经济都好。
谢谢。

October 04, 2021
WASHINGTON – United States Trade Representative Katherine Tai today delivered remarks at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) outlining the Biden-Harris Administration’s new approach to the U.S.-China bilateral trade relationship.
You can watch the remarks live at www.csis.org/events/conversation-ambassador-katherine-tai-us-trade-representative.
Ambassador Tai’s remarks as prepared for delivery are below:
Hello, everyone.  Thank you for being here.  I want to thank John Hamre, Bill Reinsch, and the Center for Strategic & International Studies for hosting me today.  CSIS plays a vital role in our foreign policy discourse.  It is fitting that I am here speaking to you about one of the most important global issues.
I have said this before and I will continue to say it: the U.S.-China trade and economic relationship is one of profound consequence.  As the two largest economies in the world, how we relate to each other does not just affect our two countries. It impacts the entire world and billions of workers.
This bilateral relationship is complex and competitive.  President Biden welcomes that competition to support American workers, grow our economy, and create jobs at home.
He believes we need to manage the competition responsibly – and ensure that it is fair.
For too long, China’s lack of adherence to global trading norms has undercut the prosperity of Americans and others around the world.
In recent years, Beijing has doubled down on its state-centered economic system.  It is increasingly clear that China’s plans do not include meaningful reforms to address the concerns that have been shared by the United States and many other countries.
We have a lot of work to do.
To be successful, we must be direct and honest about the challenges we face and the grave risk from leaving them unaddressed.  We must explore all options to chart the most effective path forward.
When it comes to our relationship with China, what’s best for American workers is growing the American economy to create more opportunity and more jobs with better wages here in the United States.
As the United States Trade Representative, I intend to deliver on President Biden’s vision for a worker-centered trade policy in the U.S.-China trade dynamic.  We need to show that trade policy can be a force for good in the lives of everyday people.
We will create durable trade policy that benefits a broad range of stakeholders by rebuilding trust with our workers and aligning our domestic and foreign policies.
President Biden has been clear: the key to our global competitiveness and creating shared prosperity begins at home.  We have to make smart domestic investments to increase our own competitiveness.  We must invest in research and development and clean energy technology, strengthen our manufacturing base, and incentivize companies to Buy American up and down the supply chain.
We already accomplished some of that work with the American Rescue Plan, the Administration’s focus on supply chain resilience, and our investments in our technological leadership.  The Administration is working closely with Congress to build on those actions with the Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal and the Build Back Better agenda.
In terms of U.S.-China trade, in recent months, the Biden-Harris Administration has conducted a comprehensive review.
And today, I will lay out the starting point of our Administration’s strategic vision for realigning our trade policies towards China to defend the interests of America’s workers, businesses, farmers and producers, and strengthen our middle class.
First, we will discuss with China its performance under the Phase One Agreement.  China made commitments that benefit certain American industries, including agriculture, that we must enforce.
President Biden will continue to promote our economic interests – and build confidence for American industry.
Second, we will start a targeted tariff exclusion process.  We will ensure that the existing enforcement structure optimally serves our economic interests.  We will keep open the potential for additional exclusion processes, as warranted.
Third, we continue to have serious concerns with China’s state-centered and non-market trade practices that were not addressed in the Phase One deal.  As we work to enforce the terms of Phase One, we will raise these broader policy concerns with Beijing.
And we will use the full range of tools we have and develop new tools as needed to defend American economic interests from harmful policies and practices.
Finally and critically, we will continue to work with allies to shape the rules for fair trade in the 21st century, and facilitate a race to the top for market economies and democracies.
Before I get into further details around our plans, I would like to reflect on how the U.S.-China trade relationship has evolved in recent decades – and how we got to where we are today.
From the late 1970s to mid-1980s, China went from the world’s eleventh-largest economy to the eighth-largest.  U.S. exports to China increased approximately four-fold, while imports grew 14 times in less than 1 0 years.
This economic growth set the stage for China’s efforts to join the WTO.
The world faced an important challenge at that time: how to integrate a state-led economy into a trade institution created by those dedicated to open, market-oriented principles.
In grappling with this dilemma, some believed there would be huge boosts in industrial and agricultural exports to China and its growing middle class.  Others argued that accelerated and massive job losses would result.
In the end, China officially joined the WTO in December 2001.
Over the next decade and a half, the United States pursued a dual-track approach with Beijing.
One track involved annual high-level dialogues between U.S. and Chinese officials over three successive presidential administrations.  These talks were intended to push China towards complying with and internalizing WTO rules and norms, and making other market-oriented changes.
But those commitments became more difficult to secure over the years, and China’s follow-through was inconsistent and impossible to enforce.
The other track focused on dispute settlement cases at the WTO.  We brought 27 cases against China, including some I litigated myself, and through collaboration with our allies.  We secured victories in every case that was decided.  Still, even when China changed the specific practices we challenged, it did not change the underlying policies, and meaningful reforms by China remained elusive.
In recent years, China’s leaders have doubled-down on their state-centric economic model.
Faced with the reality that neither the dialogue nor the enforcement tracks were producing meaningful changes, the previous administration decided to use a different paradigm – unilateral U.S. pressure – to try to change Beijing’s practices.
It launched an investigation focused on China’s forced IP and technology transfer policies – longstanding and serious problems.  This led to substantial U.S. tariffs on imports from China – and retaliation by China.  Against this backdrop of rising tensions, in January 2020, the previous administration and China agreed to what is commonly referred to as the “Phase One Agreement.”
This agreement includes a limited set of commitments.  These cover China’s obligations regarding intellectual property and technology transfer, purchases of American products, and improved market access for the agriculture and financial services sectors.
It has stabilized the market, especially for U.S. agricultural exports. But our analysis indicates that while commitments in certain areas have been met, and certain business interests have seen benefits, there have been shortfalls in others.
But the reality is, this agreement did not meaningfully address the fundamental concerns that we have with China’s trade practices and their harmful impacts on the U.S. economy.
Even with the Phase One Agreement in place, China’s government continues to pour billions of dollars into targeted industries and continues to shape its economy to the will of the state – hurting the interests of workers here in the U.S and around the world.
Let’s look at the steel industry.  In 2000, there were more than 100 U.S. steel companies.  We produced 100 million metric tons of steel annually and the industry employed 136,000 people in communities across the country.
Soon after, China started building its own steel plants.  Its production capacity ballooned, depriving U.S. steel companies of valuable market opportunities.  Low priced Chinese steel flooded the global market, driving out businesses in the United States and around the world.
Every steel plant that shuttered left hundreds of workers without livelihoods.  It also left communities reeling, as small businesses dependent on plants also closed their doors and blighted buildings brought down real estate values.
Today, China produces over one billion metric tons annually – and accounts for nearly 60 percent of global steel production.  China produces more steel in a single month than the United States and most other countries in the world produce in an entire year.  In the U.S., employment in the steel industry has dropped 40 percent since 2000.
We see the impact of China’s unfair policies in the production of photovoltaic solar cells.  The United States was once a global leader in what was then an emerging industry.  But as China built out its own industry, our companies were forced to close their doors.
Today, China represents 80 percent of global production – and large parts of the solar supply chain don’t even exist in the United States.
U.S. agriculture has not been spared either.  While we have seen more exports to China in recent years, market share is shrinking and agriculture remains an unpredictable sector for U.S. farmers and ranchers who have come to rely heavily on this market.  China’s regulatory authorities continue to deploy measures that limit or threaten the market access for our producers – and their bottom line.
We also see troubling dynamics playing out today with the semiconductor industry.  In 2014, China issued an industrial plan to announce “the goal of establishing a world-leading semiconductor industry…by 2030.”  Reportedly, China has already spent at least $150 billion on this effort, with more on the way.  Its intentions are clear, just as they were with steel and solar.
Those policies have reinforced a zero-sum dynamic in the world economy where China’s growth and prosperity come at the expense of workers and economic opportunity here in the U.S. and other market-based, democratic economies.
That is why we need to take a new, holistic, and pragmatic approach in our relationship with China that can actually further our strategic and economic objectives – for the near-term and the long-term.
As our economic relationship with China evolves, so too must our tactics to defend our interests.  As the years go by, the stakes keep getting higher and boosting American competitiveness becomes all the more important.
Our strategy must address these concerns, while also being flexible and agile to confront future challenges from China that may arise.
So how do we accomplish this?
Unlike the past, this administration will engage from a position of strength because we are investing in our workers and our infrastructure.
Repairing our roads and bridges, modernizing our ports, and delivering expanded broadband are the kinds of investments that will begin to give American workers and businesses the boost needed to embrace their global competitiveness.
And we must harness and leverage the talent of our people by investing in education and worker training – investments that are included in the President’s Build Back Better plan. We also need to re-double our own efforts to be the most innovative country in the world by researching, developing, and creating new and emerging technology.
China and other countries have been investing in their infrastructure for decades.  If we are going to compete in the global market, we need to make equal or greater investments here at home.
That continuous investment ensures we can maintain our competitive edge throughout the 21st century.
Beyond our domestic investments, in the coming days, I intend to have frank conversations with my counterpart in China.
That will include discussion over China’s performance under the Phase One Agreement.
And we will also directly engage with China on its industrial policies. Our objective is not to inflame trade tensions with China.
Durable coexistence requires accountability and respect for the enormous consequences of our actions.  I am committed to working through the many challenges ahead in this bilateral process in order to deliver meaningful results.
But above all else, we must defend – to the hilt – our economic interests.
That means taking all steps necessary to protect ourselves against the waves of damage inflicted over the years through unfair competition.  We need to be prepared to deploy all tools and explore the development of new ones, including through collaboration with other economies and countries.  And we must chart a new course to change the trajectory of our bilateral trade dynamic.
And vitally, we will work closely with our allies and like-minded partners towards building truly fair international trade that enables healthy competition.
I have been working to strengthen our alliances through bilateral, regional, and multilateral engagement.  And I will continue to do so.
The agreements we reached in June with the EU and the UK to resolve the large civil aircraft disputes at the WTO demonstrate President Biden’s commitment to work with our partners to create a more level playing field for our workers.
Just last week, I co-chaired the first meeting of the U.S.-E.U. Trade and Technology Council.  As Europe strengthens its own defenses against non-market practices, we will work with them to ensure that our collective policies deliver.
In the G7, G20, and at the WTO, we are discussing market distortions and other unfair trade practices, such as the use of forced labor in the fisheries sector, and in global supply chains, including in Xinjiang.
In the coming months and years, we will build off of this work.
Our goal is to bring deliberative, stable, long-term thinking to our approach – and to work through bilateral and multilateral channels.  The core of our strategy is a commitment to ensuring we work with our allies to create fair and open markets.
There is a future in which all of us in the global economy can grow and succeed – where prosperity is inclusive within our own borders and across those borders too.
The path we have been on did not take us there.  President Biden’s priorities that I’ve laid out today are aimed at achieving a shared prosperity that is good for our workers, producers, and businesses; good for our allies; and good for the global economy.
Thank you.
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