关于启动印太经济框架的公开电话媒体简报会（节选）

沙利文先生：谢谢。感谢各位今晚的出席。也感谢我的同事和伙伴，雷蒙多部长和戴琪大使。
我先概述以下印太经济框架的推动和目的，然后再请部长和大使就框架的关键实质要素，做深入详细说明。
印太经济框架，或称IPEF，是拜登总统承诺的一部分，要将美国家庭和工人置于我们经济和外交政策的核心，同时加强我们与盟友和伙伴的纽带，以便提高共同的繁荣，以及将未来的数十年，定位为全球经济技术创新，特别是在未来数十年至关重要的地区，印太地区。
总统先生于周一在日本东京启动IPEF。IPEF的起始伙伴国将与他出席启动。这些国家为：澳大利亚、文莱、印度、印度尼西亚、日本、大韩民国、新西兰、菲律宾、新加坡、泰国和越南。与美国一道，总共13个国家来启动 – 面包师傅所称的一打数目。
但是，如同我们打从一开始就指出的，这是个开放的平台。因此，可以预见会有其他的国家之后也会加入。
携手一道，这个非常多元的经济体组合，代表了全球40%左右的GDP。事实上，我们在启动之初就已经有如此广泛和为数之多的国家的参与，反映出框架的宏伟雄心，同时也显现整个地区对其兴趣浓厚。主要经济体、新兴经济体、与我们有自由贸易协议的经济体，以及其他将是第一次与美国进行经济谈判的国家。
会员国的多样化与IPEF的愿景一致，而且也与我们所设计的具弹性、具创意的四大支柱结构相共鸣，以便得以顺应如此多样化的国
再多说一句有关会员国的话：我们相信这次的启动势头如同排山倒海，真的，特别是来自总统先生前几天才刚主办的美国-东盟峰会。就在那次的峰会上，他有机会与东盟的主要领导人来真正分享他对本框架的愿景。七个东盟国家与其他我们在该地区的紧密伙伴一道，作为IPEF的一份子，令我们感到骄傲。
IPEF是个21世纪的经济安排，设计来解决21世纪的经济挑战，从为数字经济铺设道路规则、到确保供应量安全有韧性、到帮助做出必要的主要投资，来建设清洁能源基础设施和过渡到清洁能源、到提升透明度、公平税收和反贪污腐败的标准。
我们相信扩大美国在印太地区的经济领导力，通过像IPEF的载体，对美国是有利的的，包括美国工人和公司在内，也对该地区的人民有利。
印太地区人口占全球的60%，预计在未来的30年，将是全球增长最大的贡献者。与印太地区的贸易，支持300多万个美国工作，同时也是在美国外国直接投资中将近9000亿美元的来源 – （声不可辨）全球经济成长。
我们美国是印太地区的经济力量。美国在该地区的外国直接投资总额，在2020年超过9690亿美元，在过去十年内，将近翻了一番。
美国是最主要的出口国将服务输出至该地区，其不只刺激地区的增长、繁荣和加大安全，同时也支持美国境内的工作。
虽说如此，我们和在该地区的伙伴同意，未来的几十年将取决于各个政府在创新上的作为，特别是正在进行中的清洁能源、数字、科技领域，而且同时还要巩固我们的经济不受到诸多的威胁，从脆弱的供应量、到贪污、到避税港。
事实是，过去的模式未做到应对这些挑战，没有将之全面处理或迎头面对，使得我们的工人、企业和消费者更加容易受到伤害。因此，我们认为需要一个新的模式，让我们可以快速行动，事实上，迎头面对挑战，这也就是IPEF将做的事。
我们花了数个月的时间与在这地区的主要伙伴进行接触。广泛的参与便是所投入的时间、努力、精力的呼应，也是与有组织的劳工、商界、国会两党和其他关键利益相关方共同找出前进方向的映照。
我再讲个一、两点，便交棒给我的同事们，让她们来细谈IPEF的四大支柱。
第一，IPEF不是个传统的自由贸易协议，事实上这是它的特点，而不是问题。有些自由贸易传统主义者对它提出质疑。我们的基本看法是，我们所面对的新情势和新挑战，需要以崭新的做法以应对之，而且我们将与我们的伙伴一道，努力打造其实质内容。
第二，应该以连贯的整体来看待IPEF。它是现代经济的愿景，是实现的法门，它是应对挑战，亦是抓住经济机会的方法。但是它同时也是，应该也被视为是，一步步驱动倡议的一个良机。
举例来说，如果我们能快速开发出关键供应链早期预警系统，我们就不用等IPEF所有部分都到位了，才将之推出，才能开始行动。因此，不同的要素可以以不同的速度来推动，就算到头来，所有不同的部分终要相嵌而整合成一个大框架。
最后，而我认为这是真正关键的，这是我们对印太地区全面战略的根本要素。我们相信IPEF将使得我们印太战略的经济支柱成型且有连贯性。我们认为它将使我们迈向成功的大道，得以帮助打造该地区的未来，建立一个自由、开放、相互连结、有韧性、安全的地区。
我们都知道任何要在印太地区成功的战略，经济都得要是关键的一环。我们将IPEF视为是一个我们所参与至关重要的平台；一个机会，伙同其他提高我们对印太地区参与的方式，使得我们能在未来数十年在这个关键地区，留下印记；确保美国的领导力为我们的人民和该地区的所有人民带来好的结果。
我就开场做些框架性的发言。下面有请雷蒙多部长。谢谢。
雷蒙多部长：谢谢，杰克。感谢各位线上出席。我将针对杰克刚刚说的，补充几点。
首先我要说，我们对明天印太经济框架的启动，感到非常兴奋。就像杰克刚才说的，它包括13个国家，占全球GDP的40%。除此之外，它还包括一些世界上成长最快速、最富活力的经济体。
它是，它是，无论怎么看，是美国在这个地区，有史以来最重大的国际经济参与。明天的启动，在东京这里，标志着一个重要的转折点，重新恢复美国在该地区的经济领导力，为印太国家提供应对这些重要议题，除了中国的做法之外的替代选项。
从上任商务部长以来，我一而再、再而三地听到美国商界表示，如果美国在这地区重新恢复、重拾经济领导力，他们可以从中受益，他们和他们的员工可以从中受益，因为这地区对美国公司而言，日益重要。
而且，这地区也传达出强而有力的需求信号。我们在印太地区一再听到，寄望美国的经济领导力，期望美国有着积极的经济愿景和经济议程。
就像杰克刚刚说过的，这个框架是特意不设计成“老掉牙”的传统贸易协定。它的设计方针是更创新、更有弹性，设计来反映我们的经济已经有所变化的事实。我们必须与我们的盟友所要共同应对的最迫切的议题，已经有所改变，而且，我们需要一个新的做法才能满足我们公民的需要。
因此，借由聚焦于影响我们所有经济体的经济优先事项，本框架的设计反映出我们所面临的共同现实，其为气候变化；迁移和满足气候变化需求所带来的机会和挑战，清洁技术工作的机会；供应链干扰；对更具协调力、高科技制造业经济的需要。
如同杰克所说，本框架有四大支柱。商务部将领头其中三个，其为：供应链韧性支柱，清洁能源和去碳化支柱，税收和反贪污。
我对每个加以简短说明。供应链方面，我想我们所有人都看到了，不具韧性的供应链的代价。新冠疫情也曝露出供应链韧性不足，所造成难以置信的经济代价。
我们看到，老实说，我们不断地说，印太地区的瓶颈和缺乏透明度，对美国经济各方面造成涟漪效应，伤害工人，并引起通货膨胀。您们也知道，我们也得到教训，“刚好及时“留有太多尚待改进的空间。
我会这么说，如果在新冠疫情爆发之前，我们已有印太经济框架和其中达成的协议，我认为，我们应该可以不需经历如此多的干扰。
例如，疫情期间，我们看到马来西亚的半导体包装作业因为疫情爆发而得关厂。其造成的结果是，数千名在密歇根州的汽车制造厂工人因而失业。如果我们当初有比较高的透明度，更多沟通，更多数据分享和早期预警系统，那这些也许就不会发生。那些在密歇根州厂里的工人也不需经历留职停薪。
因此，在IPEF，我们寻求的是，制定史无前例的供应链协议，来更好地预期、预测，更重要的是，防止对供应链造成干扰。
在清洁能源和基础设施支柱方面，我们都知道未来的工作将会在清洁技术制造和创新领域，因此，我们希望和伙伴一道，在这方面取得协议，将清洁能源视为创造工作和经济成长的驱动力。为了支撑该支柱，我们将签署协议，追求具体、雄心勃勃的承诺，例如可再生能源目标、碳去除采购承诺、能效标准，以及抗击甲烷排放的新举措。
最后，商务部所领头的第三个支柱是税收和反贪污。我们将努力确保每个人遵守同样的规则，因为贪污对每个人的经济是最大的扯后腿。我们必须寻求承诺，制定与我们的价值观一致的有效税收、反洗钱、反贿赂的立法和落实方案。
我想作为结尾，我要说的是：这是个令人振奋的时刻。我要感谢所有的伙伴国与我们合作。我期待，明天是一个开始；我迫不及待想要开始着手工作，讨论接下来的步骤，以便谈判框架的具体条件及制定细节，建立一个地区经济参与的新方针。
如此的雄心、涵盖范围如此广的地区伙伴，是个空前之举。我有信心，美国公司将会从中受益。
我要说，特别是当各个企业逐渐开始寻找中国以外的替代选择之际，印太框架里的国家将会是美国公司更可靠的伙伴。
因此，我们对于着手制定一个长久、能造福美国企业和工人的框架，倍感兴奋。
我就说到这里，接下来我请齐心努力的伙伴，戴琪大使来发言。
戴琪大使：非常感谢，吉娜。 我将花点时间来讲述贸易支柱。本届政府上任头一天，拜登总统就很明确地表示，我们必须重新思考何为21世界的贸易政策，而且它必须造福更多人。
几十年来，贸易政策经常被压缩成零-和游戏，把我们很多的工人撇在后头。这就是为什么我们所设计的贸易政策，是为了要达到真正的经济繁荣，推进我们的全球优先事项，例如抗击气候变化、保护劳工权益、建立有韧性的供应链。这些议题不是相互排斥的，我们可以，而且也必须，两者兼顾。
在过去几个月里，美国贸易代表办公室、国家安全委员会和商务部，与我们的贸易伙伴、国会议员、广泛的利益相关方一道，致力于总统明天将启动的印太经济框架。
经济框架的核心将连结主要和新兴经济体，来应对21世纪的挑战，为未来推动公平、具韧性的贸易。与此同时，它的设计也是要适应未来可能会产生的壁垒和障碍。
您们听到吉娜对三个支柱的说明。我来详述美国贸易办公室所领头的贸易支柱，以便建立一个连结性更强、更有韧性的经济。
我们会与IPEF伙伴在广泛贸易议题上合作，包括数字经济和新兴科技、劳工承诺、环境、贸易便利、透明度和良好监管实践和企业问责。
特别是数字经济，最能代表我们需要与IPEF伙伴合作的领域，因为它在今天的全球市场中突出的角色，以及它对我们工人、消费者和企业的影响。这就是为什么我们将处理数字经济中的问题，其将有助于在主要市场之间，建立连接性和互信，包括跨境数据流动和数据本地化的标准。
我们也会和我们的伙伴一道，解决其他的数字关切，例如网络隐私、歧视性和不道德利用人工智能。
总总合在一起，贸易支柱将解锁巨大的经济价值，造福包括一直以来，在贸易协议中，获益不若大企业的中小企业。
我们也打算寻求加快世贸组织《贸易便利化协定》的落实，其将应对并改善货物的跨境流动。我们将看到和IPEF伙伴所做出承诺，通过基于科学的决策和采用健全、透明的监管实践，来促进农业贸易。这将有助于我们的农民、牧场主和渔民，获得将产品输往该地区的确定性。
这些条款将有助于推动包容性经济繁荣，我们也希望这框架作为我们更广泛的战略的一部分，形成贸易向上竞争。这也就是为什么IPEF所追求的一个议题，为制定更有力的劳工和环保标准，以及企业问责条款。
在提升地区标准的方面，我们可以以身作则，作全世界的榜样，其将有助于我们所有的工人和社区。我们旨在让IPEF得以应对21世纪全球经济的挑战。
明天将开启我们与该地区关键伙伴合作的新篇章。
我期待以一系列的形式与我们的伙伴在接下来的几个月内，开始合作。我们将继续与利益相关方一道，就像我们在过去几个月中所做的，来确保体现多元范围的利益和关切。
我们会与国会两党议员一起合作。
当然，我们也会经常出访印太地区，与该地区的领导人接触，继续我们的对话，以便建立更公平、更具韧性的经济，来造福在美国和在印太地区此地的家庭、工人和企业。
这是实实在在的团队精神。我很感激杰克·沙利文和雷蒙多部长的努力，使得这个框架得以成真。我们相信它将达成总统的贸易政策愿景，其在于推动遍及各地的经济成长，推进我们共同的全球优先事项。随着我们往前推动，我会持续向各位通报我们所取得的进展，这令我感到振奋。
谢谢。

On-the-Record Press Call on the Launch of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework

MAY 23, 2022•PRESS BRIEFINGS
7:09 P.M. JST
MR. PATEL:  Good evening, everybody.  Thanks so much for joining.  This call will be on the record and embargoed until 4:15 Japan Standard Time tomorrow, May 23rd.
Joining us for this briefing, we have National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo, and U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai.
We, of course, will have some time for questions at the end, but I will turn it over to Jake to kick us off.
MR. SULLIVAN:  Thanks.  And thanks, everybody, for joining this evening.  And thanks to my colleagues and partners, Secretary Raimondo and Ambassador Tai.
I wanted to just start with some broad comments about the thrust and purpose of IPEF, and then – and then turn it over to the Secretary and the Ambassador to dive into some more detail on the key substantive elements of the framework.
The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, or IPEF, is part of President Biden’s commitment to putting American families and workers at the center of our economic and foreign policy, while strengthening our ties with allies and partners for the purpose of increasing shared prosperity and for the purpose of defining the coming decades for technological innovation in the global economy — especially in the most vital region for the coming decades, the Indo-Pacific.
The President will launch IPEF in Tokyo, Japan, on Monday.  And joining him for that launch will be the initial IPEF partner countries.  They are as follows: Australia, Brunei, India, Indonesia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam.  Alongside the United States, that’s 13 countries launching this — a baker’s dozen.
But, of course, as we’ve also indicated from the start, this is an open platform.  So there are other countries that could conceivably join us as we move forward.
Together, this very diverse set of economies represent around 40 percent of global GDP.  And the fact that we have such a range and a significant number of partner countries in on the ground floor for the launch reflects the far-reaching ambition of the framework and also indicates that there’s deep interest across the region in it.  You’ve got major economies, emerging economies, economies with which we have free trade agreements, and others for which this will be the United States’ first economic negotiation.
And that diversity of members is consistent with both the vision of IPEF and consonant with the fact that the four-pillar structure that we’ve built has flexibility and creativity designed into it so that we can, in fact, accommodate this diverse range of countries.
One more thing, just to say on the membership: We believe that we’re heading into this launch with a really significant amount of momentum, really, especially coming out of the U.S.-ASEAN Summit that the President hosted just a few days ago.  It was at that summit that he had the opportunity to really share his vision for this framework with key leaders in ASEAN.  And we are proud that seven ASEAN countries have joined with many of our other close partners in the region as part of IPEF.
IPEF is a 21st century economic arrangement designed to tackle 21st century economic challenges, ranging from setting the rules of the road for the digital economy, to ensuring secure and resilient supply chains, to helping make the kinds of major investments necessary in clean energy infrastructure and the clean energy transition, to raising standards for transparency, fair taxation, and anti-corruption.
We believe that expanding U.S. economic leadership in the Indo-Pacific through vehicles like IPEF is good for America — American workers and businesses as well as for the people in the region.
With 60 percent of the world’s population, the Indo-Pacific is projected to be the largest contributor to global growth over the next 30 years.  And trade with the Indo-Pacific supports more than 3 million American jobs, as well as being the source of nearly $900 billion in foreign direct investment in the United States — (inaudible) global economic growth.
And the United States, for our part, is an Indo-Pacific economic power.  Foreign direct investment in the region from the United States totaled more than $969 billion in 2020 and has nearly doubled in the last decade.
And the United States is the primary exporter of services to the region, which in turn not only fuels regional growth and prosperity and greater security, but it also supports American jobs at home.
That being said, we and our partners in the region agree that much in the coming decades will depend on how well governments harness innovation, especially the transformations underway in clean energy and the digital and technology sectors, while at the same time fortifying our economies from a range of threats from fragile supply chains, to corruption, to tax havens.
The fact is that past models did not address these challenges — or did not address them fully and take them head on — leaving our workers, businesses, and consumers more vulnerable.  So we believe that we need a new model that we can move on quickly to, in fact, take these challenges head on, and that’s what IPEF will do.
We’ve spent months engaging with major partners in the region.  And the broad participation is a reflection of that investment of time and effort and energy, as well as with organized labor, the business community, bipartisan members of Congress and other key stakeholders to chart the way forward.
Just a couple of more points before I turned to my colleagues — in terms of diving into the four pillars of IPEF.
One, the fact that this is not a traditional free trade agreement is a feature of IPEF not a bug.  There are free trade traditionalists who have raised questions about it.  Our fundamental view is that the new landscape and the new challenges we face need a new approach, and we will shape the substance of this effort together with our partners.
Second is that IPEF should be seen both as a coherent whole; it is a vision of the modern economy and the way to get — it’s a way to tackle the challenges and seize the opportunities of that economy.  But it also — it should also be seen as an opportunity to drive initiatives, in part.
So, for example, if we can rapidly develop an early warning system for critical supply chains, we will not wait until all of IPEF is complete to roll that out and move forward on it.  So different elements of this could end up moving at different speeds, even as all of the pieces will end up fitting into a larger integrated framework.
Finally — and I think this is really critical — this is a foundational element of our overall strategy towards the Indo-Pacific.  We believe that IPEF brings shape and coherence to the economic pillar of our Indo-Pacific strategy.  We think it sets us up for success in helping to shape the future of the region in a way that produces a region that is free, open, connected, resilient, and secure.
We all know that economics is a critical part of succeeding with any strategy in the Indo-Pacific region.  And we see IPEF as a vital platform for our engagement and a chance, alongside all of the other ways in which we have elevated our engagement in the Indo-Pacific, to put our stamp on this critical region for decades to come, and to ensure that American leadership delivers good outcomes for our people and for all the people in the region.
So, with those opening framing comments, let me turn it over to Secretary Raimondo.  Thanks.
SECRETARY RAIMONDO:  Thank you, Jake.  And thank you, everybody, for joining us on the call this evening.  So I will add on with a few more points to what Jake said.
But I’ll begin by saying just how excited we are for the launch tomorrow of this Indo-Pacific Economic Framework.  As Jake said, it consists of 13 countries, which account for 40 percent of global GDP.  And on top of that, it includes some of the world’s fastest-growing, most dynamic economies.
It is — it is, by any account, the most significant international economic engagement that the United States has ever had in this region.  And the launch of it tomorrow, here in Tokyo, marks an important turning point in restoring U.S. economic leadership in the region and presenting Indo-Pacific countries an alternative to China’s approach to these critical issues.
Since I’ve been Commerce Secretary, I have heard over and over again from the U.S. business community that they will benefit from — they and their employees will benefit from the U.S. restoring and re-exerting economic leadership in the region — an increasingly important region to U.S. businesses.
And there is also a strong demand signal coming from the region.  We hear over and over again in the Indo-Pacific region that there is a desire for U.S. economic leadership and for the U.S. to have a proactive economic vision and economic agenda.
As Jake said, this framework is intentionally designed not to be a “same old, same old” traditional trade agreement.  But it’s designed as a more innovative and flexible approach, designed to reflect the fact that our economies have changed.  The most pressing issues that we need to tackle with our allies have changed, and we need a new approach going forward if we’re going to meet the needs of our citizens.
So, by focusing on economic priorities that affect all of our economies, this framework is designed to reflect the shared realities we face, which is climate change; the opportunity and challenges presented by moving, meeting the need of climate change and the opportunity of clean tech jobs; supply chain disruptions; and the need for a better-coordinated, high-tech manufacturing economy.
As Jake said, there are four pillars in the framework.  The Department of Commerce will be leading three of the four pillars, which is: the supply chain resiliency pillar, clean energy and decarbonization pillar, and tax and anti-corruption.
Just very quickly on each one.  On supply chains, I think we all have seen how — the cost of supply chains that aren’t resilient.  And COVID exposes incredible economic costs of insufficient supply chain resilience.
We saw — frankly, we continue to say all the ways that bottlenecks and lack of transparency in the Indo-Pacific cause ripple effects throughout the United States economy, hurting workers and driving inflation.  And, you know, we’ve learned that “just in time” leaves much to be desired.
I would say if we had had this Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the agreement therein in place before COVID, I think we could have experienced much less disruption.
For example, during COVID, we saw semiconductor packaging operations in Malaysia be closed on account of COVID outbreaks.  The result of that was thousands of workers were put out of work in Michigan auto-manufacturing plants.  And if we had had more transparency, more communication, more data-sharing, and an early alert system, that may not have happened.  And the workers who were furloughed in a Michigan plant would not have experienced that.
So, in IPEF, we are seeking to develop a first-of-its-kind supply chain agreement that better anticipates, predicts, and, importantly, prevents disruptions in supply chains.
On the clean energy and infrastructure pillar, we all know jobs of the future are going to be in clean tech manufacturing and innovation, and so we want to work with partners in this agreement to view clean energy as a driver of job creation and economic growth.  And to support this pillar, we will be signing agreements to pursue concrete, high-ambition commitments such as renewable energy targets, carbon removal purchasing commitments, energy efficiency standards, and new measures to combat methane emissions.
And finally, the third pillar Commerce is leading on is the tax and anti-corruption.  And we’re going to be working to ensure everybody plays by the same set of rules, because corruption is a huge drag on everyone’s economy.  And we’re going to be seeking commitments to enact and enforce effective tax, anti-money laundering, anti-bribery schemes in line with our values.
So, I guess I’ll just close by saying: This is an exciting time.  I want to thank all of our partner countries for working with us.  I’m looking forward — tomorrow is the beginning; I’m anxious to begin and get to work and discuss the next steps ahead as we negotiate the specific terms and develop the details of this framework and, you know, establishing a new approach to regional economic engagement.
This has never been done before, in terms of the ambition and inclusivity across a broad range of regional partners.  And I’m confident that there’ll be benefits for U.S. businesses.
And I would say, especially as businesses are beginning to increasingly look for alternatives to China, the countries in the Indo-Pacific Framework will be more reliable partners for U.S. businesses.
So we’re excited to get going and develop a framework that will be durable and beneficial for American businesses and workers.
And with that, I will turn it over to my partner in this endeavor, Ambassador Katherine Tai.
AMBASSADOR TAI:  Thank you so much, Gina.  I will spend some time to talk about the trade pillar.  From day one of his administration, President Biden has been clear that we have to rethink what trade policy can be in the 21st century and that it must benefit more people.
For decades, trade policy was often reduced to a zero-sum game that left many of our workers behind.  And that is why we are designing trade policies that aim to deliver real economic prosperity and advance our global priorities, like combating climate change, protecting labor rights, and building resilient supply chains.  These issues are not mutually exclusive; we can and must do both.
Over the last several months, USTR, the NSC, and the Department of Commerce have worked with our trading partners, members of Congress, and a diverse range of stakeholders on the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework that the President will launch tomorrow.
At its core, the Economic Framework will link major economies and emerging ones to tackle 21st century challenges and promote fair and resilient trade for years to come.  At the same time, it will be designed to adapt to address barriers and obstacles that may arise in the future as well.
You heard Gina describe three of the pillars.  And I’ll walk through the details of the trade pillar that USTR will lead in order to create a more connected and resilient economy.
We will work with our IPEF partners on a wide range of trade issues, including the digital economy and emerging technology, labor commitments, the environment, trade facilitation, transparency and good regulatory practices, and corporate accountability.
The digital economy in particular best represents an area where we need to work with our IPEF partners, given the prominent role it plays in today’s global marketplace and how it affects our workers, our consumers, and our businesses.  And that’s why we will address issues in the digital economy that will help build connectivity and trust between key markets, including standards on cross-border data flows and data localizations.
We will also work with our partners to address other digital concerns such as online privacy, discriminatory and unethical use of artificial intelligence.
Collectively, the trade pillar will unlock enormous economic value, including for small- and medium-sized businesses that historically have not benefited from trade agreements as much as their large counterparts have.
We also intend to pursue an accelerated implementation of the World Trade Organization’s Trade Facilitation Agreement, which will also address and improve the movement of goods across borders.  We will see commitments with IPEF partners that facilitate agricultural trade through science-based decision making and the adoption of sound, transparent regulatory practices.  This will help our farmers, our ranchers, and our fishers gain certainty for getting their products to the region.
While these provisions will help promote inclusive economic prosperity, we also want this framework be part of our broader strategy to make trade a race to the top.  And that is why the IPEF will pursue an agenda for setting strong labor and environmental standards and corporate accountability provisions.
In raising regional standards, we can set an example for the rest of the world to follow, which in turn helps all of our workers and communities.  Our aim is for the IPEF to address the challenges in the 21st century global economy.
Tomorrow begins the next chapter of our collaboration with our key partners in the region.
I look forward to convening our partners in the months ahead in a range of forms.  We will continue to work with stakeholders, as we have done for the last several months, to ensure a diverse range of interests and concerns are represented.
We will work with members of Congress in both parties.
And, of course, we will make frequent trips to the Indo-Pacific to engage leaders in this region and continue our discussions to create a fairer, more resilient economy for families, workers, and business in the United States and here in the Indo-Pacific.
This is truly a team effort.  And I’m grateful to Jake Sullivan and Secretary Raimondo for their work in bringing this framework to life.  We believe it will deliver on the President’s vision of trade policy that promotes widespread economic growth and advances our shared global priorities.  And I’m excited to continue to keep all of you updated on our progress as we move forward.
Thank you.
MR. PATEL:  Thanks so much.  We will move into taking some folks’ questions.  As a reminder, this call is on the record, but it is embargoed until 4:15 Japan Standard Time tomorrow, May 23th.
So with that, why don’t we start with Nancy Cook at Bloomberg.
Q    Hi, thank you so much for doing the call.  I appreciate it.  Just an overview question.  You know, you talked a lot in the call about the commitments that you’re going to seek for these — for countries to join this agreement.  Are there any requirements?  Like, are you requiring participants to do anything?  Or is it really, like, suggestions and recommendations and commitments that you’re seeking?
Really, I’m asking: Are there binding things or non-binding things?
SECRETARY RAIMONDO:  So, this is Secretary Raimondo.  I would say there will certainly be — like any other agreement, it will be a negotiation at which will — which will, you know, begin post-launch.  So after tomorrow, we’ll spend the next — you know, the weeks ahead, scoping out each pillar.
But, yes, there will be firm commitments.  There will be signed agreements.  And like any agreement, you know, we plan to have high-standard commitments that will be enforceable.
Now, also, like any agreement, I would say the greatest enforcement is that if you don’t hold up your end of the bargain, you don’t receive the benefits.  And so there will be incentives to go ahead and live up to the commitments that will be part of the agreement.
Q    Just to follow up, Secretary Raimondo: But tomorrow — like, what you’re unveiling tomorrow, there are not commitments in place at this point.  There are not, like, binding things.  Those are going to be negotiated moving forward.  Is that right?
SECRETARY RAIMONDO:  Yep.  Yes, exactly.  Tomorrow is the beginning.  Tomorrow — tomorrow is the starting gate.
It’s incredible that we have, you know, a dozen countries signed up to this.  But, yes, tomorrow we begin the negotiations.  And we will, in the weeks and months ahead, define precisely the de- — exactly what’s in each pillar and what each country will be committing to and signing up for.
MR. PATEL:  Great, thanks so much.
Next, let’s go to Peter Baker with the New York Times.
Q    Hi there.  Thanks for doing the call, especially for doing it on the record.  Could you just outline for us a little bit more about what was wrong with the TPP negotiated by the Obama-Biden administration, that we’re not getting back into it and that you’re trying to distinguish this from?  In other words, what’s the big difference?
And what is the incentive for countries in the region that want market access and tariff reductions but don’t seem to be getting it as part of this agreement?
AMBASSADOR TAI:  Hi, Peter.  This is Katherine Tai.  So let me take your question first and see if the others want to join in after.
With respect to TPP, I think that the biggest problem with it was that we did not have the support at home to get it through.  If you look back at the years 2015 and 2016, and despite Herculean efforts, it could not be gotten through Congress.  And then, in 2017, it was President Trump who took the United States out of it.
I think that there’s a very, very strong lesson there: that TPP, as it was envisioned, ultimately was something that was quite fragile and that the United States was not able to deliver on.  And that informs very much our thinking about bringing the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, as it’s designed here, to the region — which is that trade is an important component of this, but not the only component.  So that we are bringing in more robust and comprehensive approach to our partners in this region.
There has been a lot of swirl about the fact that there is not tariff liberalization incorporated into the scope of what we are engaging on here.  And I think that also goes to the fact that the kinds of trade agreements, the traditional ones that we’ve done before, are very much a part of the practice that has brought us to where we are, both in terms of the fragility of where that trajectory has taken us.
But also, if you look at the world economy today, I just am — have arrived in Tokyo from the APEC meetings in Bangkok.  And of all of the counterparts that I had the chance to speak with in depth, each one of them reiterated for me that their priorities in their economic policymaking, including in trade, are to promote an economic recovery that advances resilience, sustainability, and inclusion for their economies.
And they’re looking for engagement, especially from us, around a vision for trade and economic engagement that will reinforce those priorities, given where we are in the global economy and a couple of very, very turbulent years that we’re all still working to recover from.
Q    And then, just to be clear then, the thing that made it — TPP — no good was it wasn’t able to be delivered, you couldn’t get it through Congress.  Are these agreements that will come out of this process agreements that will go to Congress at some point?
AMBASSADOR TAI:  Peter, on that, let me say this: I think that the robust stakeholder engagement that you are hearing all of us talk about — stakeholders throughout our economy, expanding the table for engagement with our stakeholders, engaging with our traditional stakeholders — we can’t — they have to be part of the solution and part of our engagement.
But bringing to the table and ensuring that other stakeholders, like our workers, like our environmental organizations, the ones who are the smartest about climate and the policy solutions that we need, that they have premier seats at the table and that they will be influencing and shaping the policies that we create.
Our trading partners, our members of Congress — along the way, this engagement is designed for maximum supportability and durability because, ultimately, we know that this engagement is something that we need to stick for our partners and for our stakeholders at home in this region.
Q    All right, I’m confused.  Does Congress vote on these agreements or not?
AMBASSADOR TAI:  Let’s see where these negotiations take us, and let’s see where the discussions go.  But along the way, we have to keep — regardless, we have to keep Congress close, and Congress needs to be a part of shaping what we do with our partners here.
MR. PATEL:  Thanks so much.  Let’s try to limit our follow-ups so we can get through as many of our colleagues as we can.
Next, let’s go to Asma Khalid from NPR.
Q    Hey, thank you guys for doing this.  I had two quick questions.  And one, I know, Jake, you touched on, actually, earlier a bit about Taiwan.  But if I could just get clarity here on the record about why Taiwan was not a part of this initial grouping of countries or self-governed democracies — whatever you want to call Taiwan — given its role in supply chains.
And then the follow-up question is something that I also wanted to get clarity on — I believe Nancy touched on — around the incentives for countries to join.  Can you articulate at all what those incentives are?  Or have they not been, I guess, decided upon yet since negotiations haven’t begun with various countries?
MR. SULLIVAN:  I’ll make a couple of comments but then invite both Secretary Raimondo and Ambassador Tai, particularly on the second question.  And Ambassador Tai should speak to the first one as well because she just met with her counterpart.
But I would just say that we intend to pursue a deeper bilateral engagement with Taiwan on trade and economic matters in the coming days and weeks.  And we think that that track can help strengthen both of our economies while we’re also pursuing IPEF with the countries that we listed.  And we think it puts us in the best position for us to be able to enhance our economic partnership with Taiwan and also to carry IPEF forward with this diverse range of countries.
Just briefly on what the U.S. has to bring to the table: I’d just start by saying that, you know, the premise of the question is that without market access, you know, countries wouldn’t be really interested.  Well, we’ve got an incredible range of countries who’ve signed up to this, including some with whom we haven’t had meaningful economic negotiations before.
So why is that?  One reason is because having the opportunity to work closely with the United States on rules and standards; on greater clarity and transparency and coordination on supply chains; on innovation, as it applies to the digital economy and the decarbonization; on technical expertise; on anti-corruption matters and taxation; on investment in infrastructure and in growing businesses, both foreign direct investment in the U.S. where we have a huge market to offer people for that and the enormous investment we’re making in the region — the United States is going to be a partner of choice on all of the elements of this framework, even setting aside the question of traditional tariff liberalization.
And so we think we bring a huge amount to the table.  And we think that proposition has been validated by the fact that we’ve gotten such an overwhelming and broad-scale response from, you know, the Indian subcontinent, to Down Under, to Southeast Asia, to Northeast Asia.
And let me stop there and see if Katherine or Gina has anything they want to add.
SECRETARY RAIMONDO:  No, I think that’s exactly right.  You know, I would just offer additionally, having spent time in the region, the demand to have the United States increasingly present economically is so strong, which is why, as Jake said, you know, a dozen countries have decided to join us tomorrow for the launch.
You know, so, broadly, there is a strong desire to have U.S.  businesses, the United States government engaged in the region.
Now, if you’re asking for kind of a list of specific issues, you know, it’s everything from trade facilitation — which, by the way, you know, we talk about there are non-tariff barriers, which often can be, you know, more expensive than tariffs, which — so, one, you know, we’ll have trade facilitation, as Katherine mentioned earlier; we’ll work together on technology standards to promote interoperable Internet and other kinds of standards.
I mean, the Commerce Department sets standards in technology.  If you’re — if you don’t set standards in a way that allows your company to participate, you’re out of — out of business, you know?  So that’s a binary.
Decarbonization of key industries.
Capital.  You know, we expect that for the infrastructure pillar, there will be sources of public and private capital flowing from the United States into the region; you know, into infrastructure projects in countries in the region.
So, anyway, the list is long.  But I think that there will be, you know, a very concrete benefit to countries in the region.
By the way, just today, you know, you see reporting that Apple is looking to boost production outside of China.  And many companies — many U.S. companies are looking to diversify away from China.  Well, countries — Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia — that are actually signed up and in the Indo-Pacific Framework will obviously have an advantage to get that business from American companies, because they will have signed up to be the high-standard agreement that we plan to sign pursuant to the IPEF.
So I think once we get underway, the concrete benefits are going to become pretty clear.
AMBASSADOR TAI:  This is Katherine Tai.  Let me just very, very quickly — on the Taiwan question, I did just meet Minister John Deng in Bangkok.  And we had a great conversation.  It was a really, really encouraging and really dynamic meeting that we had.
And coming out of the conversation we had — I think this was just two days ago — both Minister Deng and I have committed that our teams would be in touch and that we’d be in touch in the next couple of weeks.  So please stay tuned for that.
In terms of the tariff question — again, the tariff liberalization, let me just put an additional point, add on to what — all of the great examples that Gina has just provided, which is: You know, in our trade policies, our trade experiences and trade relationships, we have so many examples of situations where there are no tariffs between us and another country.  And yet, you know, we have farmers who can’t get, for example, a single potato across the border and into the other market.
And so, I just want to reinforce Secretary Raimondo’s point that, in terms of economic value, we’re looking at connectivity and we’re offering a program relating to connectivity for our stakeholders.  And that goes beyond tariffs.
In fact, average bound tariff MFN for the United States right now is 2.4 percent.  It’s very low.  In terms of where the value is that is left to be unlocked in the global economy right now, it is in the areas where we are engaging through this framework.
MR. PATEL:  Thanks so much.  I think we have time for one last question before our speakers have to head to another commitment.
Why don’t we go next to Trevor Hunnicutt with Reuters.
Q    Thanks for taking the question.  It’s a quick one.  Jake said that this is an open architecture arrangement.  Does that mean that it’s open to all countries in the region, regardless of how they perform on indices of economic freedom and democracy?  And what role do you see China potentially playing in this in the future?
MR. SULLIVAN:  So I think one of the things we will do on a going-forward basis with addi- — in terms of additional members is work with the other countries that are now in — with the founding partners, so to speak — to determine both the process and criteria by which to add additional members.
And it won’t just be if you raise your hand, you’re automatically in.  But we also want to maintain a proposition of inclusivity and diversity of economies.
So the short answer is that we will not dictate, just as the United States, who comes in going forward, but we’ll have to work that with our partners.  And that will be part of those initial discussions that Secretary Raimondo referred to.  But that will immediately follow from the launch event tomorrow.
Oh, and on China, just broadly speaking, those — the — what I just said would apply to that case.
MR. PATEL:  Thank you so much.  As a reminder to everybody, this call was on the record, but it is under embargo until tomorrow at 4:15 Japan Standard Time.  Again, until 4:15 tomorrow, May 23rd, Japan Standard Time.
Thanks so much, everyone, for joining and a special thanks to our speakers.  And we’ll all be in touch again over the course of this trip.
7:49 P.M. JST