德国慕尼黑
拜恩林谢霍夫酒店（Hotel Bayerischer Hof）
 
白宫
2023 年 2 月 18 日 
欧洲中部时间中午12点44分
 
副总统：谢谢。谢谢您，克里斯托夫（Christoph）。谢谢您，克里斯托夫。谢谢。
 
再次出席慕尼黑安全会议（Munich Security Conference），我感到荣幸之至。
 
正如在座的许多人都还记得，在去年这个讲坛上，我曾提出俄罗斯即将入侵乌克兰的警告。让我们大家回想一下：当时很多人都想知道我们应当如何做出回应。许多人都想知道：能够阻止俄罗斯吗？北约（NATO）会团结一致吗？北约会分裂吗？乌克兰做好准备了吗？
 
各位同仁，在一年后的今天，我们对此有了答案。
 
基辅（Kyiv）仍巍然屹立。（掌声）俄罗斯——俄罗斯已被削弱。
 
这一跨大西洋联盟比以往任何时候都更加强大。（掌声）最重要的是，乌克兰人民的精神永存。
 
在美国总统乔·拜登（Joe Biden）的领导下，我们的国家展现了果断的领导力。
 
正如拜登总统常说的那样：美国将会自始至终地一直支持乌克兰。我们绝不会动摇。
 
在今天这次慕尼黑安全会议上，我阐明我们所有国家都持续面临的利害关系：道义利益、战略利益，以及乌克兰对于美国人民、欧洲人民乃至世界各国人民都至关重要的原因。
 
首先，从这场无端战争最初开始的那几天起，我们就目睹了俄罗斯军队犯下的惨绝人寰的暴行和战争罪行。他们的行为是对我们共同价值观的侵犯，是对我们普遍人性的攻击。
 
我们必须明确的是：俄罗斯军队对平民进行了广泛的、系统性的攻击，包括谋杀、酷刑、强奸和驱逐等残忍行径，还有行刑式的屠杀、殴打和电刑。
 
俄罗斯当局强行将数以十万计的人口从乌克兰驱逐到俄罗斯，其中包括儿童。他们残忍地将儿童与其家人分开。
 
我们都看到过马里乌波尔（Mariupol）剧院里的惨状，数以百计的人在那里遇害。
 
想一想那位在妇产医院遭到轰炸后丧生的孕妇的情形，当时她在那里准备分娩。
 
想一想布查市（Bucha）的景象。平民被残忍地枪杀。他们的尸体被弃之街头。还有那张骑车人的照片，让人心碎。
 
想一想联合国最近的一份报告，一名四岁的女孩遭到一个俄罗斯士兵的性侵犯。一个四岁的孩子啊。
 
野蛮残忍，毫无人性。
 
早在我成为美国副总统之前，我的大部分职业生涯都是作为一名检察官，从一名年轻的法庭律师开始，到后来主管加州司法部（California Department of Justice）。我亲身体会到收集证据并将罪犯绳之以法的重要性。
 
我们已经针对俄罗斯在乌克兰的行动审查了证据。我们知道法律准绳。毫无疑问，这些都是反人类的罪行。（掌声）
 
美国已正式认定，俄罗斯犯有反人类罪。
 
对所有那些犯下这些罪行的人及其在这些罪行中的上级同谋，我要说：你们将被追究罪责。
 
面对这些无可争辩的事实，我们要对出席这次慕尼黑会议的所有人士说：让我们重申对追究罪责的承诺。让我们重申对法治的承诺。
 
就美国而言，我们将继续支持乌克兰的司法程序和国际调查，因为正义必须得到伸张。
 
让我们达成共识，必须代表所有已知的和无名的受害者伸张正义。这就是我们的道义利益。
 
我们也有重大的战略利益。在乌克兰的战争造成了深远的全球影响。
 
如若某个国家可以侵犯另一个国家的主权和领土完整，如若犯下反人类罪却可以逍遥法外，如若某个怀有帝国主义野心的国家可以为所欲为，那么这个世界上就不会有一个国家是安全的。（掌声）
 
我们对俄罗斯入侵做出的回应表明了我们对维护国际规则和规范的集体承诺。自第二次世界大战结束以来，这些规则和规范不仅为美国人民、欧洲人民，而且为全世界人民都带来了前所未有的安全和繁荣。
 
这些原则阐明：主权国家有权和平存在，边界绝不能以武力来改变，政府必须尊重不可剥夺的人权，法治必须得到维护。
 
的确，这一历史时刻考验了我们捍卫和维护这些规则和规范的意愿。我们一直坚定有力，我们必须保持坚定有力。因为如果普京（Putin）攻击这些基本原则的行径得逞的话，其他国家就会斗胆效仿他的暴力榜样。其他专制国家可能会试图通过胁迫、虚假信息甚至暴力让世界屈服于他们的意志。我们所赖以生存的国际秩序可能会面临风险。
 
因此，为了全球的安全与繁荣，我们确定无疑的一项使命是维护基于规则的国际秩序。世界各国都同意这一点。
 
想想看，140多个国家在联合国投票谴责俄罗斯的侵略行径，支持乌克兰的主权和领土完整，并藉此捍卫《联合国宪章》（U.N. Charter）的核心原则。
 
当然我们也看到有些国家，像朝鲜和伊朗，提供武器支援俄罗斯残暴的战争。
 
我们也忧心忡忡，因为北京自战争开始以来，深化了其与莫斯科的关系。
 
接下来，如果中国采取任何步骤向俄罗斯提供致命性武器，将只会使得侵略肆无忌惮，杀戮继续不断，基于规则的秩序受到更进一步损害。
 
我再次阐明，美国将继续大力支持乌克兰。无论需要多长时间，我们都会始终这样做。
 
美国人民敬重乌克兰人民的坚定信念，敬重他们的坚韧和正义感，敬重他们为自由和自由权而战的意愿，敬重泽连斯基总统（President Zelenskyy）非凡的坚韧和领导力。
 
事实上，与我一起前来慕尼黑的还有一些杰出的美国国会议员，包括共和党人和民主党人，美国众议院和参议院议员。他们一起出席会议是因为他们深知事关重大。
 
这些国会成员的领导力对于美国支持乌克兰来说至关重要。拜登总统和我都知道，他们将继续支持乌克兰。
 
我们也知道，乌克兰将继续得到一个团结一致的跨大西洋共同体的支持。（掌声）
 
因此，普京以为他可以分裂北约。还记得一年前的局势吗？在这一点上，他失败了。
 
北大西洋公约组织现在比以往任何时候都更加强大，美国对北约及其第五条款的承诺是坚定不移的。
 
看看我们过去一年所做的工作、看看我们的多边合作就会一目了然。我们一起向乌克兰提供了历史性援助。我们一起在战略上挫败了俄罗斯。我们一起让俄罗斯付出了前所未有的代价。而且我们一起寻求能源安全并对我们的集体防御重新进行了投资。
 
我们已齐心协力地维护我们共同的价值观、我们共同的利益和我们共同的人性。这种团结将一直持续下去，我对此坚信不疑。
 
我对前面道路的艰辛也不存在错觉。乌克兰还将面对更多的黑暗岁月。战争将持续地日复一日地带来苦难。
 
全球连锁反应将继续波及到位于不同地区的国家，从非洲到东南亚，再到加勒比地区。
 
但是，如果普京认为他能拖垮我们，他就大错特错了。时间并不站在他那一边。
 
可以肯定的是，乌克兰人民将继续经受锤炼与考验，就像他们在过去一年中所经历的那样。跨大西洋团结将继续经受锤炼与考验。我坚信，乌克兰将勇于承担使命，美国和欧洲也将勇于承担使命。
 
所以，我想说的最后一点是：美国将继续在捍卫人类尊严、捍卫规则和规范以及捍卫自由和自由权方面引领前行。事关重大，不容松懈。
 
美国人民深知独立的含义。我们相信主权和法治的根本重要性。而且我们将永远站在正义的一边。
 
各位同仁，我相信我们都知道这一点：当我们的后代回顾这一历史时刻时，他们会看到，我们理解摆在我们面前的使命并勇于承担重任。
 
因此，我要对你们说：美利坚合众国自豪地作为你们的合作伙伴从事这项崇高事业。
 
谢谢大家。（掌声）
 
霍伊斯根大使（Ambassador Heusgen）：副总统女士，感谢您强劲有力的演讲，感谢您对跨大西洋的团结以及对支持乌克兰所做的承诺。今天与会的有很多、很多的乌克兰代表，他们肯定对您所说的感到欣慰。
 
我想问您的问题是：您确认了美国的支持，但我们都知道明年将是美国的选举年。我们生活在一个民主国家。我们[不]知道结果将为哪一方。您有多么确定——或者说肯定您所说的，普京想拖垮我们，但最终他不会得逞吗？
 
副总统：多谢，克里斯托夫。正如我刚才所说的，我相信并且我相信美国人民理解其中的利害关系。利害攸关的是我们的道义利益和战略利益。
 
我想告诉你，在前往美国各地的旅途中，我看到乌克兰的国旗在你们大多数人可能从未听说过的美国的各个地方迎风飘扬：在商店前面（掌声）；在住宅前面；人们自豪地穿上——美国人自豪地穿上带有乌克兰国旗颜色的衣服。美国人民知道布查市的一幕幕景象。
 
美国人民为争取独立而战感到非常自豪，这是我们国家基础的一部分，也是我们的原则和价值观的一部分。 
 
我是根据我们历来所做的工作来考虑美国在这个问题上的进展的。您只需看看美国投入的种种贡献和资源来比较一下我们一年前和今天的状况就会一目了然，从弹药到大炮到对空防御武器，从毒刺防空导弹（Stingers）到艾布拉姆斯坦克（Abrams）、高机动火箭炮系统（HIMARS）以及标枪导弹（Javelin）。
 
我是在美国国会参与的背景下来看这个问题的，国会议员们今天也在此出席会议。我了解到这是两党和两院派出参加这次会议的最大的美国国会代表团——来参加这次慕尼黑安全会议。（掌声）
 
并且就美国国会以两党合作的方式在过去一年里提供支持的一贯努力取得了多么大的进展而言，更不用说在——在我们的预算流程中，这是一个被称为“综合议案”（omnibus）的技术术语——但在去年年底，为来年再次拨款450亿美元用于支持乌克兰。
 
我们的首要任务是确保乌克兰在战场上的实力，这是我们的承诺。这不仅仅是对乌克兰人民的承诺，也是对我们作为一个国家所珍视的价值观和原则的承诺。在此，我不能不提到联盟的重要性：欧洲及其所做的贡献；还有我们的东道主德国。
 
昨天我和舒尔茨总理（Chancellor Scholz）会面。我们共同所做的事情——我认为，我们不仅仅只是通过我们的价值观和我们对利害关系的理解以及在道义和战略利益方面的利害关系而连结在一起，在汇集和协调我们的资源方面，我们一直都是很好的同事，我相信这将为乌克兰提供他们打赢这场战争所需的最佳支持。
 
霍伊斯根大使：好的，谢谢。非常感谢您的回答。
 
对于某些局外人来说，给人的印象的确是这种关系——这种跨大西洋关系；欧洲、德国政府和美国政府之间的关系——是一如既往地牢固。非常感谢您对这个问题的回答。
 
请允许我提及名称为IRA的法案。并且——
 
副总统：是的，《通胀削减法案》（Inflation Reduction Act）。
 
霍伊斯根大使：它在大西洋此岸引起了很多关注。但国会议员们提醒说我们这边也有“欧盟碳边境调整机制”（CBAM）。
 
副总统：是的。
 
霍伊斯根大使：我们应如何防止跨大西洋联盟在非常重要的问题上出现分歧？商业、贸易问题非常重要。您有多大信心可以克服这些差异，并且不会干扰这种非常好而且绝对必要的密切的跨大西洋关系？
 
副总统：我很高兴您选择提出这个问题。那就让我从《通胀削减法案》背后的精神和意图开始谈起。
 
对我们来说，一个非常重要的关注领域是应对气候危机并为我们必须做的事情承担责任，这当然是全球性的。所以事实上，我们的欧洲朋友们多年来一直要求我们更上一层楼并做更多的事情。
 
因此，在拜登总统的领导下，我们感到自豪的是——美国在我们必须做的事情上投入了历史性的资金，以承担我们在气候危机方面的责任。我的意思是说，在国会的支持下，我们已经为这项工作投入了3700亿美元。
 
当考虑到对我们朋友的影响以及我们在我们每个国家所做的一切之间的相互联系和相互依赖性——以及对其他国家的影响时，我们认为这项投资的全球性影响主要体现在两个方面。
 
首先，美国——我遗憾地说——是世界上最大的排放国之一。我们需要减少排放，不仅是为了我们自己国家人民的健康和福祉，而且正如我们所知，全世界人民都会受到影响。因此，这是一项真正能够扭转趋势的历史性的、非常重要的投资。 
 
如您所知，正如我们许多欧洲朋友和世界各地其他国家所做的那样，我们根据时间表为自己设定了严格的标准。也就是，这是减少排放的目标。
 
另一方面是：考虑到我们为激发创新而进行的投资，我们感到非常兴奋。我们正在进入一个创造新经济，一个清洁能源经济的历史时期。如果您认为我们是一个投资方，为私营部门创造激励机制，让科学家和学者围绕清洁能源经济进行研究、开发和创新，我们正在进行的这项投资将会做到这一点，并且会影响到全世界。这就是我们的想法。
 
但就像您刚才所说的，还有一些问题我们需要解决，并且需要通过与世界各地的朋友密切协商来加以解决。我们已经成立了一个工作组——美国和欧盟工作组（United States-EU Task Force）——进行密切协调，并围绕解决一些具体问题进行磋商。这些对话正在继续进行。
 
昨天我与马克龙总统（President Macron）和舒尔茨总理举行了会谈。我认为我们在这方面看到了一些进展，工作还将继续进行。
 
霍伊斯根大使：谢谢您重申美国的立场，因为我们不需要就这些问题发生争论。
 
如果时间允许的话，我想提最后一个问题。
 
当然，这次慕尼黑安全会议聚焦于乌克兰问题，为乌克兰提供支持，确认跨大西洋联盟，但我们今年扩大了参加会议的范围。我们邀请了创纪录数量的“全球南方”（Global South）的代表，因为虽然我们之间有这种团结，但当您与全球南方的代表交谈时——今天早上他们曾在会议上发言——您会看到许多国家都持观望态度。他们认为这是美国和俄罗斯或北约和欧盟以及欧洲国家和俄罗斯之间冲突的一种延续，而且他们感觉到种种后果。他们想结束这一切。他们处在一个等距离的立场。为什么我们有——您刚才提到是141票。
 
但是，当您与全球南方的重要合作伙伴交谈时，他们是——他们弃权了。对吧？他们说，“赶快结束吧。我们不想——选边站。”当然，我们需要说明的是，这不是一个东西方的问题；这是基于规则的——您所提到的法治问题。但是我们必须说服人们，因为我们在这方面的记录也并非最好。
 
那么，我们应该怎样来赢得那些继续持观望态度的国家的支持呢？
 
副总统：我们必须将他们视为合作伙伴。
 
刚才我们进来的时侯，我们曾简短地谈到这个问题，多谢——我要在各位朋友面前向您致谢——您把这个问题提出来，并将其作为本次会议议程的一部分。我同意，这是一个重要议题。
 
我会见过许多非洲领导人和加勒比地区、加勒比共同体和共同市场（CARICOM）以及东南亚地区的领导人。他们希望在这个问题上能够确保各个层面都能听到他们的声音，包括对他们国家的影响，我认为这是对的。
 
例如，看看那些非洲国家，以及俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略所造成的粮食不安全及能源不安全问题。正如我们所知，这些国家是粮食和能源的重要进口国。因此，供应减少会对他们国家产生重大影响。因此，我认为我们必须认识到俄罗斯发动的战争对这些国家所产生的影响。
 
我是以上面提到的我们必须做的事情为背景来考虑这一问题的，考虑到气候危机对这些国家的影响。我们是最大的几个排放国，其影响是显而易见的。
 
我会见了加勒比共同体和共同市场国家——加勒比海各岛国——的一些领导人。他们告诉我他们对土地侵蚀的看法；通过极端的气候事件，他们如何看到旅游业的减少以及这对他们国内生产总值的枯竭所造成的影响。
 
因此，当我们——当我们作为合作伙伴就解决方案与他们进行讨论时，包括在主权和领土完整的原则问题上采取统一的立场，这些都是我们必须谨记的问题。 
 
我的朋友加纳总统昨天发表了讲话，我认为他很好地抓住了这一点——让我转述一下——我的理解是，他说我们需要摒弃这种“我们对他们”的模式 ，并以不同的方式来思考我们之间的关系。
 
鉴于所有这些原因，感谢您提出这个问题，我认为这个问题值得您给予这种重视和讨论。
 
霍伊斯根大使：谢谢，非常感谢。这将仍然是这次会议的一个主题。我们明年也会讨论这个问题。也许，副总统女士，我们是不是可以预订好酒店房间，以便您明年再来？
 
副总统：（笑声）
 
霍伊斯根大使：感谢您出席。
 
副总统：谢谢。（掌声）
 
欧洲中部时间下午 1:16 结束
 
欲查看原稿内容：https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/02/18/remarks-by-vice-president-harris-at-the-munich-security-conference-2/

FEBRUARY 18, 2023
Hotel Bayerischer HofMunich, Germany
12:44 P.M. CEST
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you, Christoph.  Thank you, Christoph.  Thank you.
Well, it is my honor to be back at the Munich Security Conference.
As many of us remember, last year, on this stage, I warned of the imminent invasion of Ukraine by Russia.  And let us all recall: Many at the time wondered how we would all respond.  Many wondered: Could Russia be stopped?  Would NATO come together?  Would NATO break apart?  And would Ukraine be prepared?
Colleagues, today, a year later, we know.
Kyiv is still standing.  (Applause.)  Russia — Russia is weakened.
The transatlantic Alliance is stronger than ever.  (Applause.)  And most importantly, the spirit of the Ukrainian people endures.
And under Joe Biden, President of the United States, our country has demonstrated decisive leadership.
As President Biden often says: The United States will support Ukraine for as long as it takes.  We will not waver.
And today, at this Munich Security Conference, I will describe what we all continue to have at stake: the moral interest, the strategic interest, and the reason Ukraine matters for the people of America, for the people of Europe, and for people around the world.
First, from the starting days of this unprovoked war, we have witnessed Russian forces engage in horrendous atrocities and war crimes.  Their actions are an assault on our common values, an attack on our common humanity.
And let us be clear: Russian forces have pursued a widespread and systemic attack against a civilian population — gruesome acts of murder, torture, rape, and deportation.  Execution-style killings, beatings, and electrocution.
Russian authorities have forcibly deported hundreds of thousands of people from Ukraine to Russia, including children.  They have cruelly separated children from their families.
And we’ve all seen the images of the theater in Mariupol, where hundreds of people were killed.
Think of the image of the pregnant mother who was killed following a strike at a maternity hospital, where she was preparing to give birth.
Think of the images of Bucha.  Civilians shot in cold blood.  Their bodies left in the street.  The jarring photograph of the man who was riding his bike.
Think of the four-year-old girl who the United Nations recently reported was sexually assaulted by a Russian soldier.  A four-year-old child.
Barbaric and inhumane.
Long before I was Vice President of the United States, I spent the majority of my career as a prosecutor, beginning as a young lawyer in the courtroom and later running the California Department of Justice.  I know firsthand the importance of gathering facts and holding them up against the law.
In the case of Russia’s actions in Ukraine, we have examined the evidence.  We know the legal standards.  And there is no doubt these are crimes against humanity.  (Applause.)
The United States has formally determined that Russia has committed crimes against humanity.
And I say to all those who have perpetrated these crimes and to their superiors who are complicit in these crimes: You will be held to account.
In the face of these indisputable facts, to all of us here in Munich: Let us renew our commitment to accountability.  Let us renew our commitment to the rule of law.
As for the United States, we will continue to support the judicial process in Ukraine and international investigations, because justice must be served.
Let us all agree, on behalf of all the victims, both known and unknown, justice must be served.  Such is our moral interest.
We also have a significant strategic interest.  The fight in Ukraine has far-reaching global ramifications.
No nation is safe in a world where one country can violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another — (applause) — where crimes against humanity are committed with impunity; where a country with imperialist ambitions can go unchecked.
Our response to the Russian invasion is a demonstration of our collective commitment to uphold international rules and norms.  Rules and norms which, since the end of World War Two, have provided unprecedented security and prosperity not only for the American people, not only for the people of Europe, but people around the world.
Principles that state that sovereign nations have a right to peacefully exist, that borders must not be changed by force, that there are inalienable human rights which governments must respect, and that the rule of law must be preserved.
Indeed, this moment has tested our willingness to defend and uphold these rules and norms.  And we have remained strong, and we must stay strong.  Because if Putin were to succeed with his attack on these fundamental principles, other nations could feel emboldened to follow his violent example.  Other authoritarian powers could seek to bend the world to their will through coercion, disinformation, and even brute force.  The international order upon which we all rely could be at risk.
So, in the interest of global security and prosperity, one of our defining missions is to uphold international rules-based order.  And nations around the world agree.
Consider, more than 140 countries voted at the United Nations to condemn Russia’s aggression and to support Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in defense of the core principles of the U.N. Charter.
Of course, we have also seen nations like North Korea and Iran send weapons in support of Russia’s brutal war.
We are also troubled that Beijing has deepened its relationship with Moscow since the war began.
Looking ahead, any steps by China to provide lethal support to Russia would only reward aggression, continue the killing, and further undermine a rules-based order.
Again, the United States will continue to strongly support Ukraine.  And we will do so for as long as it takes.
The American people, you see, are in awe of the resolve of the people of Ukraine, in awe of their resilience and righteousness, their willingness to fight for freedom and liberty, and the extraordinary tenacity and leadership of President Zelenskyy.
In fact, joining me in Munich are distinguished members of the United States Congress.  Republicans and Democrats.  Members of the House of Representatives and the United States Senate.   And they are here together because they understand the stakes.
The leadership of these members has been vital to America’s support of Ukraine.  And President Biden and I know that their support for Ukraine will continue.
We also know Ukraine will continue to be supported by a united transatlantic community.  (Applause.)
So, Putin thought he could divide NATO.  Remember where we were a year ago.  In this, he has failed.
The NATO Alliance is stronger now than ever before, and the United States commitment to NATO and to its Article 5 is ironclad.
Just look at our track record over the past year.  Just look at our multilateral cooperation.  Together, we have provided historic assistance to Ukraine.  Together, we have dealt Russia a strategic failure.  Together, we have imposed unprecedented cost on Russia.  And together, we have pursued energy security and reinvested in our collective defense.
And we have come together to stand for our common values and our common interests and our common humanity.  I have no doubt that this unity will endure.
I also have no illusions about the path forward.  There will be more dark days in Ukraine.  The daily agony of war will persist.
The global ripple effects will continue to be felt by countries near and far — from Africa, to Southeast Asia, to the Caribbean.
But if Putin thinks he can wait us out, he is badly mistaken.  Time is not on his side.
To be sure, Ukrainians will continue to be tried and tested, just as they have been over this past year.  Transatlantic unity will continue to be tried and tested.  And I am certain that Ukraine will rise to the task, that the United States and Europe will rise to the task.
So, my last point: America will continue our leadership in defense of human dignity, in defense of rules and norms, and in defense of freedom and liberty.  There is too much at stake to do anything less.
Americans know well the meaning of independence.  We believe in the fundamental importance of sovereignty and rule of law.  And we will always stand on the side of justice.
Colleagues, I do believe we all know when future generations look back at this moment, they will see that we understood the task before us and rose to the occasion.
And so, to you I say: The United States of America is proud to be your partner in this noble pursuit.
Thank you.  (Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HEUSGEN:  Madam Vice President, thank you for this very, very strong speech, this commitment to transatlantic unity, this commitment to the support of Ukraine.  And we have many, many representatives from Ukraine here in the room, and they certainly were reassured by what you have said.
Let me ask you: You confirmed this U.S. support, but we all know next year the United States will enter into an election campaign.  We are in a democracy.  We know which side of the aisle the result will be.  How sure are you that — or certain are you that what you have said that Putin, who wants to wait us out, that in the end he will not succeed?
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, Christoph.  As I said, I believe and I believe the American people understand the stakes.  And the stakes being our moral interest and our strategic interest.
I will tell you, I travel around the United States, and I have seen the Ukrainian flag fly in places most of you have probably never heard of in the United States: in store fronts — (applause) — in front of homes, people proudly wearing — Americans proudly wearing the colors of Ukraine.  The American people are aware of the images of Bucha.
The American people take great pride in a fight for independence — that being part of the foundation of our nation and in our principles and values.
I think about where the United States is going on this issue based on the track record of where we’ve been.  You only have to look at where we were a year ago and where we are today, in terms of the contributions and resources that America has put into everything from ammunition to artillery to air defense, from Stingers to Abram tanks, HIMARS, Javelins.
I look at it in the context of the United States Congress, which is here in force.  I’m told it is the largest delegation, bipartisan and bicameral, of the United States Congress to this meeting — to this Munich Security Conference.  (Applause.)
And how forward the United States Congress, in a bipartisan way, has been in terms of the track record of our support just over the last year, not to mention in a — it’s a technical term called an “omnibus” in our budgetary processes — but at the end of last year, dedicating another $45 billion for this upcoming year to support Ukraine.
Our priority is to ensure Ukraine’s strength on the battlefield, and that is our commitment.  And it is a commitment not only to the people of Ukraine, but it is a commitment to our values and the principles we hold dear as a nation.  And I cannot be here without also mentioning the importance of the Alliance: Europe and what it has done; our host, Germany.
I was with Chancellor Scholz yesterday.  What we collectively have done — we are not only joined, I think, by our values and our understanding of the stakes and what is at stake in terms of a moral and a strategic interest, we have been great colleagues in terms of pooling our resources, coordinating our resources in a way that I believe will give Ukraine the best support they need to fight this fight.
AMBASSADOR HEUSGEN:  Well, thank you.  Thank you very much for this.
And for the outsiders, it is indeed the impression that this relationship — this transatlantic relationship; the relationship also between European, the German government, and the U.S. administration — is as strong as ever.  And thank you very much for — for this.
If I may, nevertheless, there is something called IRA.  And —
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yes, the Inflation Reduction Act.
AMBASSADOR HEUSGEN:  And it has raised a lot of concern on this side of the Atlantic.  But we have been reminded also by members of Congress about CBAM on our side.
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.
AMBASSADOR HEUSGEN:  How do we prevent transatlantic rifts on very important questions?  Business, trade issues are very important.  How confident are you that these differences can be overcome and don’t disturb this wonderful, but absolutely necessary, close transatlantic relationship?
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I’m very happy that you chose to raise this topic.  So let me start with the spirit and the intent behind the Inflation Reduction Act.
One very important area of focus for us has been to address and take our responsibility for what we must do in terms of the climate crisis, which, of course, is global in nature.  And so — and, in fact, our friends in Europe have been asking for years that we would actually step up and do more.
So under President Biden’s leadership, we are proud that — that the United States has invested an historic amount in what we must do to take on our role of responsibility in the climate crisis.  And by that, I mean we have, with the support of Congress, dedicated $370 billion to this effort.
When I think of the impact on our friends, and the interconnection and interdependence, if you will, between whatever we do in each of our — in any of our nations and the effect on the others, we think of this investment as having a global impact in predominantly two ways.
One, the United States — I’d say this, sadly — is one of the biggest emitters in the world.  And we need to reduce our emissions not only for the sake of the health and wellbeing of the people of our own country, but, as we know, the people of the world are impacted.  So this is a historic and very significant investment to actually turn the tide on that.
And as you know, as many of our European friends and others around the globe have done, we have set strict standards for ourselves based on timelines.  So there is that, which is the goal of reducing emissions.
The other piece of it is: We are very excited about thinking about the investment that we are making to spur innovation.  We are entering a moment where we are creating a new economy, a clean energy economy.  And if you think of us as being an investor, if you will, in creating incentives for the private sector for scientists and academics to research, develop, and innovate around a clean energy economy, this investment that we are making will do that and have global impact.  So that is how we think of it.
But to your point, there are also issues that we need to address and do that in close consultation with our friends around the world.  We have created a task force — the United States-EU Task Force — closely coordinating and in consultation around working out some of the specific concerns.  And those conversations are continuing.
I met with President Macron yesterday and Chancellor Scholz.  And I think we are seeing some progress there, and the work will continue.
AMBASSADOR HEUSGEN:  Well, thank you for this reaffirmation, because we don’t need these quarrels at that time.
If time allows, one last question, if I may.
This Munich Security Conference is, of course, dedicated to Ukraine, to the support of Ukraine, to confirm the transatlantic Alliance, but we have widened the participation this year.  We have invited a record number of representatives from the so-called “Global South,” because while we have this unity between us, when you talk to representatives of the Global South — and we had them on the podium this morning — you see that many countries sit on the fence.  They see this as kind of a continuation of the conflict between U.S. and Russia or NATO and EU and — or European countries and Russia, and they feel the consequences.  And they want to get it over with.  They have an equidistant position there.  And why we had — and you pointed to the 141 votes.
But when you talk to important partners in the Global South, they are — they abstain.  They, you know, say, “Get it over with.  We don’t want to take — take one side.”  And the point we’re making, of course, is this is not East-West; this is about the rules-based inter- — the rule of law that you mentioned.  But we have to do some convincing, because our track record is also not the best.
So what can we do together to win over those countries that continue to sit on the fence?
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, we have to treat them as partners.
And you and I talked about this briefly as we were walking in, and I thanked you — and I will thank you in front of the friends — for bringing this issue to the stage and making it a part of the agenda for this conference.  I agree it is an important subject.
And I have met with many African leaders, leaders in the Caribbean, CARICOM, and in Southeast Asia.  And what I believe is that they are right to want to make sure their voices are heard on every level on this topic, including the impact to their nations.
You look at, for example, African nations and what Russia’s aggression in Ukraine has meant in terms of food insecurity, energy insecurity.  And these are nations, as we know, that are great importers of food and energy.  So when the supply decreases, it has a significant impact on their nations.  So I think it is important for us to recognize the impact that Russia’s war has had on these nations.
I think of it in the context of what we must do to also — on the previous discussion — consider the impact to the climate crisis — of the climate crisis on those nations.  We are some of the biggest emitters, and the impacts are clear.
I meet with CARICOM nations — so, island nations in the Caribbean — and they tell me about how they’re seeing land erosion; how they are seeing, through the extreme climate occurrences, a reduction in tourism and what that means in terms of a depletion of their GN- — GDP.
And so these are issues that we must keep in mind when we — when we have this discussion with them as partners around what the solutions look like, including standing in a unified way on these principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity.
My friend, the President of Ghana, I believe spoke yesterday, and I think he captured it well when — I’m going to paraphrase — but my understanding is he said that we need to dispense with this paradigm that is about “us versus them” and think differently about the relationship that we have.
And for all of those reasons, I thank you for raising this, and I think it is worthy of the type of elevation and the discussion that you are giving it.
AMBASSADOR HEUSGEN:  Thank you.  Thank you very much for this.  And this will remain a theme here.  We’ll discuss this also next year.  And maybe, Madam Vice President, can we already booked a hotel room so you come back next year?
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  (Laughs.)
AMBASSADOR HEUSGEN:  Thank you for being here.
THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.)
END                      1:16 P.M. CEST