2021年4月19日，国务卿安东尼·布林肯在切萨皮克湾基金会发表讲话 (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin, Pool) 
国务卿安东尼·布林肯（Antony J. Blinken）在切萨皮克湾基金会（Chesapeake Bay Foundation）发表讲话：
“应对危机，抓住时机：发挥美国在全球气候问题上的领导作用”
菲利普·梅里尔环境中心（Philip Merrill Environmental Center）
马里兰州安纳波利斯（Annapolis, Maryland）
2021年4月19日
国务卿布林肯：诸位下午好。威尔，谢谢你的嘉言。感谢你让我们借用这个精美绝伦的场地和景观——我担任国务卿的时间还不长，这是我见到的最好的场地和环境。多谢切萨皮克湾基金会为挽救这个海湾恪守的永恒承诺。
切萨皮克湾在近12,000年前由融化的冰川形成。今天，切萨皮克湾纵横200英里，成为3,600多种植被和动物的家园。每天，成千上万条河流和溪水向海湾注入500亿加仑的水。1,800多万人在这个流域居住，很多人以此维持生计。仅当地海产行业就可提供约34,000个工作岗位，每年收入达近9亿美元。
但是，正如威尔所言，人类活动导致温度上升 ，使这个海湾发生了彻底的变化。海湾内的海水正逐步上涨。土地——包括我现在站立的地方——因冰川融化正逐步塌陷，而冰川融化正是海湾形成的原因。这种情况如果以目前的速度继续发展，这个海湾只需80年就会向内陆延展数英里，使300万人的家园被淹没，道路、桥梁、农田受到破坏。这个海湾众多的植被和动物将消亡殆尽。捕捞业也会陷入同样的境遇。对我们子孙的后代而言，这里的景观将变得不可辨认。
我们必须制止这种情况发生，我们仍然有能力做到。
为此，拜登总统（President Biden）就职后立即采取重新加入巴黎协议（Paris Agreement）的行动，同时任命国务卿克里（Kerry）担任我国第一位气候问题总统特使（Special Presidential Envoy for Climate），主持我们在全世界进行的努力。这也是拜登总统邀请40位世界领导人本星期出席华盛顿（Washington）气候问题峰会的原因。
出于同样的原因，拜登-哈里斯（Biden-Harris）政府将超越任何历届政府，采取前所未有的行动应对我们面临的气候危机。这项工作已经成为我国政府和我们全国上下全体动员进行的努力。我们的未来取决于我们今天做出的抉择。
我作为国务卿的工作是保证我们的对外政策为美国人民谋利益——抗击他们面临的最大挑战，抓住最有利的时机改善他们的生活。没有任何挑战能够比气候问题更明显地体现这项工作的上述两个方面。
如果美国不能带领全世界解决气候危机，我们就无法给世界留下多少恢复生机的余地。我们如果获得成功，就能够通过这个最有利的时机创造世世代代的高质量工作；我们将建设更公平、健康和可持续的社会；同时我们将保护这个宏伟壮丽的星球。这就是我们当前面临的考验。
今天我想介绍一下美国的对外政策如何帮助我们经受这个考验。
不久前，我们还不得不想象气候变化造成的影响。但现在没有人再需要做这样的想象。
过去60年来，每一个十年的气温都比前一个十年更高。
各种天气活动正越来越趋于极端。
在今年2月寒流来袭期间，从内布拉斯加州（Nebraska）到德克萨斯州（Texas），气温比正常水平低40度以上。仅在德克萨斯州一地，数千人被迫流离失所，400多万人失去暖气和电力，至少125人丧生。全球暖化导致天气寒冷似乎不合常理。但随着北极的暖化，寒冷的气候向南方推移，可导致德克萨斯州出现前所未有的寒潮。
2020年的野火季节吞噬了1,000多万英亩的土地，超过了马里兰州的总面积。我们看到加利福尼亚州（California）出现5至6场有史以来最大的野火，科罗拉多州（Colorado）也发生了有史以来最大的一场野火。
综上所述，2020年的自然灾害已造成美国约1,000亿美元的损失。
与此同时，2019年是美国本土48个州最潮湿的一年。由于发生暴雨和洪水，中西部（Midwest）和大平原（Great Plains）地区的农场主无法在1,900万英亩的土地上种植作物。
2000年至2018年，美国西南（American Southwest）地区遭遇了16世纪—— 16世纪以来最严重的干旱。
我们所有的记录都已经被打破。
代价是——金钱损失、生活无着、人命危急——正越演越烈。
除非我们扭转局势，否则会每况愈下。
更经常和更猛烈的风暴；时间更长的干旱；更大规模的洪灾；更极端的热浪和更极端的寒潮；海平面加速上升；更多的人流离失所；更严重的污染；更多的哮喘发作。
健康成本上升；农场主可预知的季节减少。所有这一切都将对低收入、黑人和褐色人种群体造成最严重的打击。
最后一部分很重要。气候危机的代价会不成比例地落在我们社会中承受力最差的群体身上。但同样值得注意的是，解决气候变化问题可为我们消除不平等和系统性种族主义提供最有力的工具之一。我们应对的方式有助于打破这个循环。
这些都是为什么我们必须成功地防止气候灾难的原因。但是全世界已经落后于我们6年前通过巴黎协议制定的目标。现在我们都认识到，从根本上说，这些目标远未达到足够的程度。今天，科学明确指出：我们需要使地球的暖化程度保持在1.5摄氏度才能避免灾难。
美国可以为达到这个目标发挥重要作用。我们的人口仅占全世界的约4%，但是我们的排放占全球的近15%，成为全世界名列第二的温室气体排放大国。我们如果尽力解决国内的问题，就能够为战胜这场危机做出巨大的贡献。
但是，仅仅做到这些还不够。即使明天美国达到零排放的标准，但如果我们不解决排放量占85%以上其他地方的问题，我们仍然会在抗击气候变化的战斗中尝到败绩。
如果功亏一篑，我们的国家安全就会受到重大打击。
对于影响美国的任何一项安全挑战，气候变化都可能使之雪上加霜。
气候变化加剧了目前的各种冲突，同时提高了爆发新冲突的可能——特别是在政府衰败、资源贫乏的国家。在红十字会（Red Cross）列出的20个容易受气候变化影响的国家中，12个国家已经发生武装冲突。由于用水等基本资源萎缩，各地政府为满足日益增长的人口需求相互争夺，我们将看到更多的苦难和争斗。
气候变化还可引发冲突的新战场。2月，俄罗斯一艘油轮第一次穿越北极的北海航道（Northern Sea Route）航行。直到不久前，这条航道每年只有几个星期的时间可以航行。但是北极暖化的速度是全球其他地区平均速度的两倍，导致航行期大大延长。俄罗斯正在利用这个变化企图对新的空间实行控制。俄罗斯正在进行其北极基地的现代化，同时建立新的基地，其中一处距阿拉斯加州（Alaska）仅300英里。同时中国也在日益加强在北极的存在。
气候变化还是移民的推动因素。2020年遭遇了 13次大西洋飓风——数量达创纪录的水平。中美洲（Central America）受到的打击尤其严重。暴风摧毁了危地马拉、洪都拉斯和萨尔瓦多680万人的房屋和生计，成千上万英亩土地上的作物毁于一旦，饥馑现象大幅上升。暴风来袭几个月后，一座座村庄仍然淹没在泥潭中，人们从被掩埋的房屋中挖掘一件件断片，作为废金属换取金钱。
当灾难来临时，它可能成为对已经生活在贫困中和缺乏保障的人的最后一击，迫使他们为寻找较好的生活而背井离乡。对许多中美洲人来说，这意味着要尽力去美国——尽管我们一再表示边界关闭，尽管那样的旅途充满艰险，尤其是对妇女和女童，因为她们面临遭受性暴力的更大风险。
所有这些挑战都对我国军队提出更大要求。美国海军学院（U.S. Naval Academy）坐落在距离这里以北仅仅五英里的地方，世界最大的海军基地——诺福克海军基地（Naval Station Norfolk），距离这里以南200英里。这两个基地——以及它们支持的关键使命——都面临着气候变化带来的紧迫威胁。而这只是面临气候变化危险的几十个军事设施中的两个。此外，我们的军队经常响应自然灾害救灾需要，这些灾害现在越来越频繁，破坏力越来越大。今年1月，国防部长奥斯汀（Secretary of Defense Austin）宣布，军方将立即把气候变化因素纳入军事计划和行动及风险评估。正如奥斯汀部长所说，我引述他的原话：“国防部保护美国人民的各项使命几乎无一不受气候变化的影响”。
综上所述，仅通过各类威胁的棱镜考虑气候问题将是一个错误。原因如下。星球上的每一个国家都必须做两件事——降低排放和为气候变化不可避免的影响做好准备。美国的发明和工业都站在这两项工作的最前列。拜登总统（President Biden）曾说过，“我在考虑气候变化问题时想到的是工作岗位。”他所说的就是这个意思。
考虑到问题涉及的范围，请想一想，2040年全世界将面临基础设施4.6万亿美元的资金缺口。这类基础设施如何建造与美国利害攸关。这不仅仅关系到
能否为美国工人和工商业创造机会，也关系到能否实现绿色环保和可持续性，同时需要采取适当的方式，例如保持透明；尊重工人权利；保障当地人口的发言权；不使发展中政府和社区陷入债务的泥潭。这就是我们面临的机会。
或者考虑到各国目前在清洁能源领域的大量投资。在占世界总人口三分之二的各国，目前再生能源是大容量电力价格最低的来源。同时全球再生能源市场预期到2025年为2.15万亿美元，达目前美国再生能源市场规模的35倍以上。太阳能和风能技术人员已经名列美国增长最快的工作。
很难想象，如果不能率先进行再生能源革命，美国能够在与中国的长期战略竞争中取胜。
目前我们已经落于人后。中国是太阳能面板、风能涡轮机、电池和电动车最大的生产国和出口国，再生能源专利数量占世界的近三分之一。
如果我们不迎头赶上，美国将失去以体现我国利益和价值的方式塑造全世界气候未来的机会，同时我们将使美国人民失去大量的工作。
现在我需要明确指出：我国气候政策的首要目标是预防灾难的发生。我们正全力支持每一个国家、每一个企业和社区在削减排放和发展适应能力方面有所改进。
但是这并不意味着我们不重视美国开发和向世界出口这些创新能力。这并不意味着我们不关心各国降低各自的排放和适应气候变化的方式。我们如何做到？
我们可以通过我们的榜样力量发挥带头作用。在努力实现宏大的气候目标的过程中，我们将以下列核心原则为指南：
我们将大力增加对清洁能源研究和开发的投资，因为这将加速带来突破，使美国社区受益，创造美国的就业机会。
在针对气候的所有投资中，我们的目标将不仅是促进增长，而且要促进平等。我们将包含所有人，注重于让美国各地的人——以及各种社区——都得到有良好收入的工作和加入工会的机会。
我们将赋予年轻人权能，不仅因为他们将更多地承受气候变化的后果，而且因为他们在迎战这一危机中所表现出的紧迫感、聪明才智和领导能力。
我们将让州、市、大小商企、公民社会以及其他联合势力加盟，成为伙伴和样板。其他人早已在这个领域作出了突破性努力。我们将支持他们，分享他们的最佳做法。
必须指出一点：我们要意识到，尽管向清洁能源的不可避免的转型将创造许多机会，但是在近期，并不是每一位美国工人都成为赢家。一些有赖于传统工业的谋生方式和社区会受到严重影响。我们不会抛弃那些美国人。我们将为自己的同胞提供新的可持续的谋生道路，并在他们的过渡过程中提供帮助。
拜登总统一上任，就成立了煤碳和电厂社区与经济重振跨机构工作组（Interagency Working Group on Coal and Power Plant Communities and Economic Revitalization）。工作组与政府各部门一道努力明确和提供联邦资源，以便重振煤、油、气、电社区的地方经济，让这些社区的工人享有福利和保护。在总统的美国就业计划（American Jobs Plan）中，有一项160亿美元的前期投资提案，旨在让数十万人从事带有工会组织的掩埋废弃油气井和矿井的工作。
如果我们能够坚守这些原则，同时达到我们的气候目标，我们将向其他国家展现一个他们愿意合作和效仿的样板。
本着这些价值观，国务院将通过以下方式运用我们的外交政策，为美国人民实现气候目标：
首先，如拜登总统在就职第一周指示我们的那样，我们将把气候危机放在外交政策和国家安全的中心位置。这意味着在每一项双边和多边接触中——在每一项政策决定中——都考虑到它将对实现我们让世界更安全、向更可持续的道路前进的目标会产生什么影响。它也意味着让我们的外交官获得培训和掌握技巧，在全球的对外关系中将气候问题放在更重要的位置。
但是，这并不意味着其他国家在气候问题上的进展可被用来作为他们在对我们的国家安全有重要意义的其他领域采取不良举动的筹码。拜登-哈里斯政府对此保持一致：气候不是交易筹码——它是我们的未来。
我对拜登总统任命我的朋友约翰·克里（John Kerry）为总统的气候问题特使感到特别高兴。在说服其他国家加大气候决心方面，没有人更富有经验或更有效。我们需要全世界注重在现在采取行动，在这个十年里，推进在2050年实现全球净零排放的目标。
在这项努力中，我与约翰百分之百在一起。美国政府其他部门的领导人也是这样。把气候问题纳入我们国务院的各项工作的努力中，他的领导作用不可或缺。
第二，随着其他国家加大努力，国务院将从政府各方、私人行业、非政府组织和研究院校调动资源、机构能力和技术专长，为这些国家提供帮助。仅在过去几周里，我们就宣布了为孟加拉国的清洁能源创业和更有效的再生能源市场提供新的资金，帮助印度小型企业对太阳能进行投资。这些投资在推动我们的气候目标，并让从来没有这些能源的人用上它们。
第三，我们将强调对遭受气候变化影响最严重的国家予以帮助，其中大部分国家缺乏应对其破坏稳定的种种影响的资源和能力。这包括小岛屿发展中国家（Small Island Developing States）在内，其中一些国家因为海平面上升而确实正在沉入海洋。2020年，气候融资中只有3%以这些国家为对象。我们必须解决这个问题。为此，美国正在向易受影响的太平洋（Pacific）和加勒比海（Caribbean）岛屿派出专家并提供技术，以改善预警和应对系统，而且我们正在投资于在基础设施和农业等领域建设抗御力。
第四，我们的驻外使馆将在实地发挥主导作用。他们已经在——帮助有关政府制定并实施气候智能型政策，同时寻求途径以发挥美国的公共和私营部门的独特的实力。就在上个月，美国公司“阳光非洲”（Sun Africa）在安哥拉的两个巨大的太阳能设施破土动工，其中包括144兆瓦的比奥皮奥（Biopio）设施。它在完工后将成为整个非洲撒哈拉沙漠以南地区（Sub-Saharan Africa）最大的太阳能设施。这项工程将为265,000个住家提供足够的电能，并将消除安哥拉每年进口及烧掉的440,000加仑高碳柴油燃料。此外，该工程预期将使用美国出口的大约1.5亿美元的太阳能设备。这项努力有益于安哥拉人民、有益于气候，而且有益于美国的就业和商业。如果没有我们的外交人员的努力，这根本无法实现。
第五，我们将利用我们所有的一切手段来使美国的清洁能源创新者在全球市场上更具竞争力。这包括利用种种工具，例如利用进出口银行（Export-Import Bank）提供的融资来激励可再生能源出口；总统的美国就业计划中提议的为清洁能源生产和储存扩大税收减免；以及本届政府正在进行的为美国制造的产品和服务提供平等的全球竞争环境的努力。
像这样的支持能产生特别大的影响，尤其是因为目前的可再生能源市场仅仅是未来市场的一小部分。除了太阳能板块、风力发电机和电池外，还有40多种清洁能源类别，包括清洁氢气、碳捕集以及像增强型地热能源等下一代可再生能源。还没有人宣布已对这些有前景的技术占据主导地位。而且，有了我们的国内和对外政策的托举，它们中的每一个都能成为由美国主导及由美国制造。
马萨诸塞州（Massachusetts）的一家初创企业“波士顿金属”（Boston Metal）显示了如何做到这一点。这家公司首创了一种新型工序，能够以更低的成本更高效地生产钢和其他金属，同时还能减少污染。美国钢铁部门大都已经采用了清洁技术，但该公司的首席执行长（CEO），一位巴西移民，在像巴西这样的国家看到了一个尚未开发的市场，“波士顿金属”公司正在那里同产业结成伙伴，取代生产钢铁的更老旧、污染更严重的方式。这家公司正在美国创造工资高的高质就业机会。钢铁产业是一个2.5万亿美元的全球产业，而且全世界很多厂家都需要完成类似的飞跃。美国可以帮助他们这样做。
第六，对于某些国家采取行动的方式——或者无所作为——让我们走回头路，我们的外交人员将提出挑战。继续以煤炭作为本国大部分能源的国家，或者为新的煤炭工厂进行投资的国家，或者采取大规模毁林行动的国家，都将听到美国和我们的伙伴强调这些行动具有多大危害性的声音。
最后，我们将抓住我们得到的每一个机会向我们的盟友和伙伴提出这些问题，并通过多边机制这样做。例如，在北约组织（NATO）存在的一项共识是，我们必须调整我们的军事备战来应对气候变化的不可避免性，并减轻盟国军队对化石燃料的依赖，这既是一种脆弱性，也是一个重大的污染源。我知道斯托尔滕贝格秘书长（Secretary General Stoltenberg）将气候称为一种“威胁乘数”，他同我们一样严肃地应对气候变化。
我们将向下一个月举行的7国集团（G7）会议发出一个强烈的信号。该集团成员的排放占全世界四分之一。我将代表美国出席下一个月举行的北极理事会（Arctic Council）部长级会议，届时将重申美国坚持实现气候目标的承诺，并鼓励其他北极国家做出同样的承诺。
所有这些努力，既在国内也在国外，将使我们能在全世界于11月汇聚在格拉斯哥（Glasgow）的联合国气候变化大会（United Nations Climate Conference）时从一种实力的地位来引领。
我将我的很多时间都花在重点处理对美国的安全和利益的威胁上——俄罗斯或中国的挑衅行径，COVID-19疫情的传播，以及各民主体所面临的种种挑战。但对于美国人民同样严重的一种威胁——而且从长远来看的一个生存威胁——可以在这里看到，在切萨皮克湾（Chesapeake Bay），气候变化造成的代价已在这里有所显现。
然而从这同一个地方，我们也能看到美国的创新和领导力的范例——如果得到推广——能够防止一场气候灾难并能使美国劳动者和社区受益。
马里兰州已致力于到2030年将该州的排放削减至少40%，并到2040年实现百分之百的清洁能源。马里兰州还大力鼓励农民种植覆盖作物，这种作物有助于捕获二氧化碳。现在该州农民中正在利用这类作物的人超过了40%。还有数不胜数的其他人正在尽他们的力量在切萨皮克湾防止气候变化——而且往往在这个过程中使美国的就业获益。
就看看我在这里讲话的这座梅里尔中心大楼。它在20年前启用时是全世界第一座能源与环境设计领导力白金认证的建筑（LEED Platinum Building），这项美国的节能标准此后已成为全球性的金质标准。它的能源的大约三分之一来自太阳能。它比大多数同样规模的建筑少用80%的水量。将近一半的建筑——是建筑材料， 对不起，来自300英里以内。其设计每年单在能源成本上就能节约50,000美元。
切萨皮克湾基金会于2014年建造的一座更新型的设施甚至更加节能，显示出美国的设计和生产所取得的进步。它生产的能源多于它消耗的能源，而且它的用水全部都是收集的雨水。它的太阳能板块来自俄勒冈州（Oregon），它的风力发电机来自俄克拉荷马州（Oklahoma）。这些太阳能板块和风力发电机都是美国设计、美国所有、美国建造的。来自世界各地的人都前来研究这些建筑。
正是像这样的改变将有助于保护我们所知的切萨皮克湾，以及它所支撑的所有社区和生计。
这是美国在气候问题上的领导力的蓝图。将来自政府、私营部门、社区和组织的创新汇集起来。不仅要达到控制气候变化的各项目标，而且要以一种开放的、进行良好投资并为美国劳动者创造机会的方式去做。
我们所面临的气候危机是深重的。不予以应对的后果将是灾难性的。但如果我们以榜样的力量来引领——如果我们利用我们的对外政策，不仅让其他国家致力于必要的改变，而且让美国在实施那些改变的过程中成为他们的伙伴——我们就能将几代人以来最严峻的挑战变成未来几代人最重大的机遇。
感谢你们的聆听。

Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks to the Chesapeake Bay Foundation:
“Tackling the Crisis and Seizing the Opportunity: America’s Global Climate Leadership”
Philip Merrill Environmental Center
Annapolis, Maryland
April 19, 2021
SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, good afternoon, everyone.  And Will, thank you for a wonderful introduction.  And thank you for lending us this absolutely spectacular setting and backdrop – certainly the best setting and backdrop I’ve had in my brief tenure as Secretary.  And thanks so much to the Chesapeake Bay Foundation for your lasting commitment to save the Bay.
The Chesapeake Bay was formed nearly 12,000 years ago by melting glaciers.  Today, it stretches 200 miles and is home to over 3,600 species of plants and animals.  A hundred thousand rivers and streams feed over 50 billion gallons of water into the Bay every single day.  More than 18 million people live in the watershed, and many rely on it for their livelihood.  The local seafood industry alone provides some 34,000 jobs and nearly $900 million in annual income.
And yet, as Will alluded to, warming temperatures caused by human activity are transforming the Bay.  Its water is rising.  And the land – including where I stand right now – is sinking due to the melting of the glaciers that formed the Bay.  If this continues at the current pace, in just 80 years, the Bay will extend inland for miles, overtaking the homes of 3 million people, destroying roads, bridges, farms.  Many of the Bay’s plants and animals will die out.  So will the fishing industry.  To my children’s children, the landscape will be unrecognizable.
We have to stop this from happening while we still can.
That’s why President Biden took steps to rejoin the Paris Agreement right after taking office, and named Secretary Kerry as our nation’s first Special Presidential Envoy for Climate to lead our efforts around the world.  It’s also why President Biden invited 40 world leaders to Washington this week for a summit on climate.
And it’s why the Biden-Harris administration will do more than any in history to meet our climate crisis.  This is already an all-hands-on-deck effort across our government and across our nation.  Our future depends on the choices we make today.
As Secretary of State, my job is to make sure our foreign policy delivers for the American people – by taking on the biggest challenges they face and seizing the biggest opportunities that can improve their lives.  No challenge more clearly captures the two sides of this coin than climate.
If America fails to lead the world on addressing the climate crisis, we won’t have much of a world left.  If we succeed, we will capitalize on the greatest opportunity to create quality jobs in generations; we’ll build a more equitable, healthy, and sustainable society; and we’ll protect this magnificent planet.  That’s the test we face right now.
Today, I want to explain how American foreign policy will help us meet that test.
Not too long ago, we had to imagine the impact of climate change.  No one has to imagine it anymore.
For the last 60 years, every decade has been hotter than the one that came before it.
Weather events are becoming more extreme.  During the cold wave this February, temperatures from Nebraska to Texas were more than 40 degrees below normal.  In Texas alone, thousands were left homeless, over 4 million people went without heat and electricity, more than 125 people died.  It may seem counterintuitive that global warming leads to cold weather.  But as the Arctic warms, cold weather gets pushed south.  And that can contribute to record cold spells like the one in Texas.
The 2020 wildfire season burned more than 10 million acres.  That’s more than the entire state of Maryland.  We saw five of the six biggest wildfires in California’s history, and the single biggest wildfire in Colorado’s history.
Together, natural disasters in 2020 cost the United States around $100 billion.
Meanwhile, 2019 was the wettest year on record for the lower 48 states.  Heavy rains and floods prevented farmers in the Midwest and Great Plains from planting 19 million acres of crops.
And from 2000 to 2018, the American Southwest experienced its worst drought since the 16th century – the 16th century.
We’re running out of records to break.
The costs – in monetary damage, livelihoods, human lives – keep going up.
And unless we turn this around, it’s going to get worse.
More frequent and more intense storms; longer dry spells; bigger floods; more extreme heat and more extreme cold; faster sea level rise; more people displaced; more pollution; more asthma.
Higher health costs; less predictable seasons for farmers.  And all of that will hit low-income, black and brown communities the hardest.
The last part’s important.  The costs of the climate crisis fall disproportionately on the people in our society who can least afford it.  But it’s also true that addressing climate change offers one of the most powerful tools we have to fight inequity and systemic racism.  The way we respond can help break the cycle.
These are all reasons why we must succeed in preventing a climate catastrophe.  But the world has already fallen behind on the targets we set six years ago with the Paris Agreement.  And we now know those targets didn’t go far enough to begin with.  Today, the science is unequivocal:  We need to keep the Earth’s warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius to avoid catastrophe.
America has a key role to play in hitting that mark.  We only have around 4 percent of the world’s population, but we contribute nearly 15 percent of global emissions.  That makes us the world’s second biggest emitter of greenhouse gases.  If we do our part at home, we can make a significant contribution to addressing this crisis.
But that won’t be enough.  Even if the United States gets to net zero emissions tomorrow, we’ll lose the fight against climate change if we can’t address the more than 85 percent of emissions coming from the rest of the world.
Coming up short will have major repercussions for our national security.
Pick a security challenge that affects the United States.  Climate change is likely to make it worse.
Climate change exacerbates existing conflicts and increases the chances of new ones – particularly in countries where governments are weak and resources are scarce.  Of the 20 countries the Red Cross considers most vulnerable to climate change, 12 are already experiencing armed conflicts.  As essential resources like water dwindle, as governments struggle to meet the needs of growing populations, we’ll see more suffering and more strife.
Climate change can also create new theaters of conflict.  In February, a Russian gas tanker sailed through the Arctic’s Northern Sea Route for the first time ever.  Until recently, that route was only passable a few weeks each year.  But with the Arctic warming at twice the rate of the rest of the global average, that period is getting much longer.  Russia is exploiting this change to try to exert control over new spaces.  It is modernizing its bases in the Arctic and building new ones, including one just 300 miles from Alaska.  China is increasing its presence in the Arctic, too.
Climate change can also be a driver of migration.  There were 13 Atlantic hurricanes in 2020 – the highest number on record.  Central America was hit especially hard.  Storms destroyed the homes and livelihoods of 6.8 million people in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, and wiped out hundreds of thousands of acres of crops, leading to a massive rise in hunger.  Months after the storms, entire villages are still subsumed in mud, and people are carving off pieces of their buried homes to sell as scrap metal.
When disasters strike people who are already living in poverty and insecurity, it can often be the final straw, pushing them to abandon their communities in search of a better place to live.  For many Central Americans, that means trying to make it to the United States – even when we say repeatedly that the border is closed, and even though the journey comes with tremendous hardships, especially for women and girls who face heightened risk of sexual violence.
All of these challenges are placing greater demands on our military.  The U.S. Naval Academy is only five miles north of here, and Naval Station Norfolk, the largest naval base in the world, about 200 miles to the south.  Both bases – and the critical missions they support – face an imminent threat from climate change.  And these are just two of the dozens of military facilities that climate change puts at risk.  What’s more, our military often responds to natural disasters, which are getting more frequent and more destructive.  In January, Secretary of Defense Austin announced that the military would immediately integrate climate change into its planning and operations and how it assesses risk.  As Secretary Austin put it, and I quote, “There is little about what the department does to defend the American people that is not affected by climate change.”
Having said all that, it would be a mistake to think about climate only through the prism of threats.  Here’s why.  Every country on the planet has to do two things – reduce emissions and prepare for the unavoidable impacts of climate change.  American innovation and industry can be at the forefront of both.  This is what President Biden means when he says, and I quote, “When I think of climate change, I think jobs,” end quote.
To give you a sense of scale, consider that, by 2040, the world will face a $4.6 trillion infrastructure gap.  The United States has a big stake in how that infrastructure is built.  Not only whether it creates opportunities for American workers and businesses, but also whether it’s green and sustainable, and done in a way that’s transparent; respects workers’ rights; gives the local population a say; and doesn’t mire developing countries and communities in debt.  That’s an opportunity for us.
Or consider the massive investments countries are making in clean energy.  Renewables are now the cheapest source of bulk electricity in countries that contain two-thirds of the world’s population.  And the global renewable energy market is projected to be $2.15 trillion by 2025.  That’s over 35 times the size of the current market for renewables in the United States.  Already, solar and wind technicians are among the fastest growing jobs in America.
It’s difficult to imagine the United States winning the long-term strategic competition with China if we cannot lead the renewable energy revolution.  Right now, we’re falling behind.  China is the largest producer and exporter of solar panels, wind turbines, batteries, electric vehicles.  It holds nearly a third of the world’s renewable energy patents.  If we don’t catch up, America will miss the chance to shape the world’s climate future in a way that reflects our interests and values, and we’ll lose out on countless jobs for the American people.
Now, let me be clear:  Goal number one of our climate policy is preventing catastrophe.  We’re rooting for every country, business, and community to get better at cutting emissions and building resilience.
But that doesn’t mean we don’t have a stake in America developing these innovations and exporting them to the world.  And it doesn’t mean we don’t want to shape the way countries reduce their emissions and adapt to climate change.  So how can we do that?
We can start with leading by the power of our example.  As we work to meet our ambitious climate targets, the following core principles will guide our approach.
We will significantly increase our investment in clean energy research and development, because it’s how we will catalyze breakthroughs that benefit American communities and create American jobs.
In all our climate investments, we will aim not only to promote growth, but also equity.  We’ll be inclusive, focusing on providing Americans across the country – and from a range of communities – with good-paying jobs, and the opportunity to join a union.
We’ll empower youth, not just because they will bear more of the consequences of climate change, but also because of the urgency, ingenuity, and leadership they’ve demonstrated in confronting this crisis.
We will enlist states, cities, businesses large and small, civil society, and other coalitions as partners and models.  Others have been doing groundbreaking work in this field for a long time.  We’ll lift them up and share best practices.
And this is important:  We will be mindful that for all the opportunities offered by the unavoidable shift to clean energy, not every American worker will win out in the near term.  Some livelihoods and communities that relied on old industries will be hit hard.  We won’t leave those Americans behind.  We’ll provide our fellow Americans with pathways to new, sustainable livelihoods, and support as they navigate this transition.
Right after taking office, President Biden created the Interagency Working Group on Coal and Power Plant Communities and Economic Revitalization.  It’s working across the government to identify and deliver federal resources to revitalize the local economics of coal, oil, gas, and power plant communities, and ensure benefits and protections for workers in those same communities.  And as part of his American Jobs Plan, the President proposed a $16 billion upfront investment to put hundreds of thousands of people to work in union jobs plugging abandoned oil and gas wells and mines.
If we can stay true to these principles while meeting our climate targets, we’ll demonstrate a model that other countries will want to partner with and follow.
With those values in mind, here’s how the State Department will leverage our foreign policy to deliver for the American people on climate.
First, we’ll put the climate crisis at the center of our foreign policy and national security, as President Biden instructed us to do in his first week in office.  That means taking into account how every bilateral and multilateral engagement – every policy decision – will impact our goal of putting the world on a safer, more sustainable path.  It also means ensuring our diplomats have the training and skills to elevate climate in our relationships around the globe.
Now, what it does not mean is treating other countries’ progress on climate as a chip they can use to excuse bad behavior in other areas that are important to our national security.  The Biden-Harris Administration is united on this: Climate is not a trading card – it’s our future.
I am particularly delighted that President Biden named my friend John Kerry to serve as our Special Presidential Envoy for Climate.  No one is more experienced or effective in convincing other countries to raise their climate ambitions.  We need the whole world focused on taking action now, and through this decade, to promote the achievement of net-zero global emissions by 2050.
I am with John 100 percent in this effort.  The leaders of our other U.S. Government agencies, they are as well.  And his leadership will be indispensable in weaving climate into the fabric of everything we do at the State Department.
Second, as other countries step up, the State Department will mobilize resources, institutional know-how, technical expertise from across our government, the private sector, NGOs, and research universities to help them.  In the last few weeks alone, we announced new funding for clean energy entrepreneurship and more efficient renewable energy markets in Bangladesh and to help India’s small businesses invest in solar energy.  These investments move us toward our climate goals and bring energy access to people who had never had it before.
Third, we’ll emphasize assisting the countries being hit hardest by climate change, most of which lack the resources and capacity to handle its destabilizing impacts.  Now, that includes Small Island Developing States, a number of which are literally sinking into the ocean because of rising sea levels.  In 2020, only 3 percent of climate finance was directed toward these countries.  We’ve got to fix that.  To that end, America is deploying experts and technology to vulnerable islands in the Pacific and the Caribbean to improve early warning and response systems, and we’re investing in building resilience in areas like infrastructure and agriculture.
Fourth, our embassies will lead on the ground.  They already are – helping governments design and implement climate-smart policies, while looking for ways to draw on the unique strengths of America’s public and private sectors.  Just last month, the U.S. company Sun Africa broke ground on two massive solar energy facilities in Angola, including the 144-megawatt Biopio site.  When finished, it will be the biggest solar facility in all of Sub-Saharan Africa.  The project will provide enough power for 265,000 homes and eliminate 440,000 gallons of carbon-intensive diesel fuel that Angola imports and burns each year.  Plus, this project is expected to use around $150 million in solar energy equipment exported from the United States.  This effort is good for the Angolan people, good for climate, and good for American jobs and business.  And it simply wouldn’t have happened if not for the efforts of our diplomats.
Fifth, we will use all the tools in our kit to make U.S. clean energy innovators more competitive in the global market.  That includes leveraging instruments like the financing provided by the Export-Import Bank to incentivize renewable energy exports; the proposed expansion of tax credits for clean energy generation and storage in the President’s American Jobs Plan; and the Administration’s ongoing efforts to level the global playing field for American-made products and services.
Support like these can have an outsized impact, particularly because the current market for renewables is only a small fraction of the market to come.  Beyond solar panels, wind turbines, batteries, there are more than 40 additional categories of clean energy, including clean hydrogen, carbon capture, and next-generation renewables like enhanced geothermal energy.  No one has staked a dominant claim to these promising technologies yet.  And, with a lift from our domestic and foreign policy, every one of them can be American-led and American-made.
A Massachusetts start-up called Boston Metal shows how this can be done.  The company pioneered a new process that can produce steel and other metals more efficiently and at lower costs, while also producing less pollution.  Most of the U.S. steel sector already uses clean technologies, but the company’s CEO, a Brazilian immigrant, saw an untapped market in countries like Brazil, where Boston Metal is partnering with industry to replace older, dirtier ways of making steel.  This company is creating good-paying, quality jobs in the United States.  Steel is a $2.5 trillion global industry, and many of the world’s producers will need to make a similar leap.  America can help them do it.
Sixth, our diplomats will challenge the practices of countries whose action – or inaction – is setting the world back.  When countries continue to rely on coal for a significant amount of their energy, or invest in new coal factories, or allow for massive deforestation, they will hear from the United States and our partners about how harmful these actions are.
And finally, we’ll seize every chance we get to raise these issues with our allies and partners, and through multilateral institutions.  At NATO, for example, there is consensus that we need to adapt our military readiness for the inevitability of climate change and reduce the reliance of the Allies’ forces on fossil fuels, which is both a vulnerability and a major source of pollution.  I know that Secretary General Stoltenberg, who has called climate a “threat multiplier,” is as serious about addressing climate change as we are.
We will convey a strong message to the meeting of the G7 next month, whose members produce a quarter of the world’s emissions.  And I’ll also represent the United States at next month’s ministerial meeting of the Arctic Council, where I’ll reaffirm America’s commitment to meeting our climate goals and encourage other Arctic nations to do the same.
All of these efforts, at home and abroad, will allow us to lead from a position of strength when the world comes together in November for the United Nations Climate Conference in Glasgow.
I spend a great deal of my time focused on threats to America’s security and interests – aggressive actions by Russia or China, the spread of COVID-19, the challenges facing democracies.  But an equally grave threat to the American people – and an existential one over the long term – can be seen right here, on the Chesapeake Bay, where the costs of climate change are already manifesting themselves.
Yet from this very same place, we can also see examples of American innovation and leadership that – if taken to scale – can prevent a climate catastrophe and benefit American workers and communities.
Maryland has committed to cutting the state’s emissions by at least 40 percent by 2030, and to 100 percent clean energy by 2040.  Maryland also offers farmers strong incentives to plant cover crops, which help trap carbon dioxide.  More than 40 percent of the state’s farmers are now using these crops.  And countless others are doing their part to prevent climate change on the Bay – and often benefiting American jobs in the process.
Just consider the Merrill Center building right here, from which I speak.  When it opened 20 years ago, it was the first LEED Platinum Building in the entire world, a U.S. standard for energy efficiency that has since become the gold standard globally.  Around a third of its energy comes from solar power.  It uses 80 percent less water than most buildings its size.  Nearly half of the building – the building materials, excuse me, came from within 300 miles.  Its design saves $50,000 a year in energy costs alone.
A newer facility the Chesapeake Bay Foundation built in 2014 is even more efficient, reflecting advances in American design and manufacturing.  It produces more energy than it consumes, and all the water it uses is captured rainwater.  Its solar panels come from Oregon, its wind turbines from Oklahoma.  These solar panels and wind turbines are American-designed, American-owned, American-built.  And people from around the world have come to study these buildings.
It’s changes like these that will help preserve the Bay as we know it, and all of the communities and livelihoods that it sustains.
This is the blueprint for American leadership on climate.  Bringing together innovation from government and the private sector, communities and organizations.  Not just meeting targets for controlling climate change, but doing it in a way that’s open, that’s a good investment, that creates opportunities for American workers.
The climate crisis we face is profound.  The consequences of not meeting it would be cataclysmic.  But if we lead by the power of our example – if  we use our foreign policy not only to get other countries to commit to the changes necessary, but to make America their partner in implementing those changes – we can turn the greatest challenge in generations into the greatest opportunity for generations to come.
Thanks for listening.