The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-14 00:00:00

d t , e red no measure more calculated to ensure t h e freedom o f 'e people, or th e secur i ty o f t h e corporat i on, than that • the " raraunity should have the opportunity of electing them. • Ano tiler subject was, at this moment, much agitated,—the question of Church Reform. Himself a member of the Church of England, and an a dmirer of her pure doctrines, he was no advocate of tithes or pro tll'neplurality. Ambition, he thought, should form a trifling part of ' character, and the working clergy - ought to be better teta linerated. He had read, with pain and indignation, the sufferings br w hich c er t a i n rel i g i ous m i n i sters h ad received from our colonial e a, • -- "kez. and he was sure there was no man !present who could . Z iv ocate such conduct, if so he would call upon him to vindicate wha t 4 1114 heard with pain relative to such brutal treatment ; he (Mr, a rt) Could not, as an Englishman, refrain froul expressing his 44{4 gnation at such conduct. The time was come when the question „ . e inancipatiou must be settled by the Parliament of the country, se , es a ded by the people of old England. Prompt measures must be s'u-for the abolition of the odious system, but he was anxious to do u n cial good, unaccompanied by individual evil and wilting to allow A,*c immediately affected by the change, a sufficient remuneration c ugil he was not of those who would make emancipation demand on compensation, but as far as they were able to emancip,te 1i341 Y, to do s o , an d no t t o a ll ow ema n c i pat i on to d epen d on t h e poli fqukstion of compensation. He was an advocate for the educ a ti on t lhe people at home and universal peace abroad, he was convinced 7te was no greater security for property, than the sound education c t the people—for the government no securer support. Peace wa s the Cte 'te for which man was destined by his Creator, and, at which. he r klil ultimately arrive, although now, carried away by his passions. ;01:amerce was the younger sister of peace and could not exist with a r• He trusted that the war bequeathed by the late adminiatration Efor which they were now paying the l ega cy duty, would soon be tlialted. Was their no ether' enemies of Comtheree besides Yes, monopoly. The _ two great monopolies to he en tintered by their Representatives were, the, China trade, and ` 4O trade in corn, and' he knew nothing- more calculated for the i~ltef of the country than cheapness of subsistence and an exten lk of our commerce ; than, he would repeat, by giving the ring classes a cheap subsistence, and extending this com merce the aaa regions of the earth. Were there. any more questi on s on " 41 81 sit was necessary to state his! opinion ?! Yes ; the vote by ballot k(l the Septennial Act. Of the former he had read much—considered a ,nd could conscientiously declare, that he had never h ear d NY sound reason against it ; and if any thing was wanting to con " ce him that it was necessary, it was afforded him during his eksens canvass, for some respectable persons had said to him, * heti he solicited their vote, " We coincide with your opi wish you every success, but must candidly confess that in ''test a n d intimidation prevent our giving you a vote."—(• Name, 44 'e,' and great confusion.) -Ile was asked to name th e in d,Ltiduals, but he must say that he spoke in the presence of many who - 7 ` 311 8 knew the persous, and (amid speak to the fact.---(Great cheering "Id vociferating cries of ' Name, name.') Those who wished them led knew them as well as he (Mr. Ewart.,—(Here the c r i e s o. P 4 tcble' were most Vehement.) Ile ought not basely to tell svhaL 28 confided to him by another man, and would not do so. lIJ • 8 aware that the gentlemen who wished him to name, did so be - A e kse they knew he would er not betra.y confidence, and not because they rqihted the fact. (Ches and hisses.) lie was favourable to shorten tkthe duration of Parliaments, for he thought them twice as l ong as ought to be, (cheep,) and it was right they should be shortened tli e came before them backed by no junto ; he was not put for wa rd by professedly to advocate the interests of the town, but in reality t '''ir own ; but he threw himself on the whole town, and, having done • duty conscientiously, hoped he did nut do so in vain. Mr. Ewar t ) 74 retirelearaid.st great cheering, after having ent rea t e d th em t o h ear 4 opponents ealiuly. to tord SaNnoat then ascended the platform, and came forward address the assemblage in front. He ' was asserted by much hiNsition, and nungleci cheers and hisses. With great difficulty „ commenced his speech as folloWs :—Mr. (Mayor and Gentle come before you, not called into the field by a self n• cted. junto. • come before you presenting myself as a can- LLtate ior your suffrages upon the simple ground of my own e r inciples, and independentay of all party.and seatish influence. t i(ebeers•.) I have been summoned hy a requisition of gen t.tlien connected with every branch of trade which .supports Os great community, of peirsons belonging to the freemen, the „ 1 -tsekeepers, and to every osa-ss of society amongst us.—(Cheers '"Ltd hiss(;,) t es, gentlemen, by persons not only of the highest 91i aeciability, but by .uiivieadas in every sphere of our local line is not au interest Connected with : this ,port / t v i tlich has not its representative among the nanies attached to rep uisitron.—((sheers and uproar.) ['l he disorder here be eduie so tumultuous that Lord . .a:untion was compelled to address. 'osell to the 'gentlemen inside the hustings.) I -repeat, con - o, ll ed his lordstap, that came here, not aa the representative t .,`„, 4 junto, nor oi a single branch of trade, .but astlie represen ve of the commercial in of this commultity.—(Cheere.) a 'at, sir, are those new, those disorganizing • doctrines, which i t e ar e „n o w to:a of ? e are told that it is the shopkeepers of ," town that we are to appeal to.—(Latighlorandcheeri.) . I ap era]. to neither one class nor another : I-call upon the mer rlants, the shopkeepers, the freemen, the ••nava electors, or faiekeepers alt alike.—(Cheers.) Are these attempts really to k'al:e, us suppose that the- shopkeepers have a distinct inter kit? Uo not all our interests hang together as:the links :Elf a 49.:deuchain, of which one cannot tie broken, without the whole being destroyeu ? I our told, that as an individual con- • n• cted with-the aristocracy of the country, it is improper for Me L P aspire to the representation of a commercial town, and that )1 .1 ought to choose a parson who is conversant with mercantile Here is another of those disorganizing doctrines, the • e ndeney of which as to prod rice a separatism /aerieen the great ' ll -terests of the country, and to divide this one against an- • (Cheers- and digapprOlialjon a ) I •do not know.where the qltierneii whir make these objections can have read the - consti '°/1, or what kind of politica' economy it is which teaches them ' , la, an v °lour interests are distinct and separate, or that one eau ta.arieh at the expense of another.—(Applause.) Certainly ive riot mace that discovery, nor sarcad the constitution, and sure the iutedigent masses of thistown. mill not coincide 41, a tem. It has been asserted that I .came here , as•there-i I ` l 'vseotative of a particutar ciass.—(cries of " No, no," and gi t• approhation.) t cm not place myself upon that ground.' • tatitled to say, anti I say With pride, that I . amthe re presen tative of the who.e.—(Louti cheers.) Of those men in every ~.( 4• 3 48 who are intimately connected with the commerce of the rort and have.a right to share in its . representatiou. Gentle tell, I feel sum that I stand upright before. you. I feel that I 4 ve cleared myself from those base and calumnious insinua- - ris which preceded my arrival in the town.—(Yes„) Of this: alh confident, for I know the effect which my explanation has ."act in every quarter.—(Cheers.) I have .witnessed that effect wherever I have been; and • I truce the consequence in a general . ()pinion in my favour.-a(Cheers.) But what is it, gentlemen, for those explauatiebe ? What is .it ' , have-been guilty 7f that required so much explamttion ? maid antlemen, hear,ha Live scorned to he the spa e ‘ of party.—(l a elleciaa • a lact Bravol") Becattse I have defiled the servility of party, 41 h1 chosen to follow my own independent judgment.--(Benew eg charting.) And because I considered - . thyseit , niore as your ‘te lkesentative_than as the ells - neat,: of any private or.pauticutar ‘ t r ews.—(Cheers.) Gate- l ien - len. it is tdr easy ca saripie:teNk 0 f• vL'ow ,14indly •any ,1301{TS.0 •or SC I; -PI i payrnaka you may .vielatc 'eDlir own coukeiCtice, 4.11 aaaebkiage yoaiscaf ail .for prieciple, to 1.0;3 as yqe aeliere to cue peaty ; the shi e ld O f . thg broad partyarc , eing . is:thrown oyei• you tam 'rider that - yeti may •Sheitea •xottreetf-from all ( Very great applatiseo •IStieh'geutiernon, has neve, Been c ourse, at anyaane.ofonyilife • aittbasilong,ael lit e andhreathe, !" I[l ;ean,take:sapartittpublic ' fiffairs,•roilie shall be a free antaau , • ' 4 dependent course—( ehemeld mingled with ()pp ka 'lion.) Is it, indeed, fit that -you'r .repietentaute should sur r ,Nnier himself to the leading-strings of any one party ?—(gll'u,• iti that .he should ' L 4 derhimself bound to•aequieseoineveky.propositioniwtiah they ' 441 , ghtimake, add to go;akortg: faillktheyt Yalta (Went ?-a(l'ap- I ' t aUs(..) I do not,halimie c tluttaan);h• Js,yqux-Ippinio ; I feel, oil .le.coritrary,.that there isr risitlg. miliguation I eiich con fl)4ptible catinsela.—(cheeq.) gentlemen, avail those gates , 1 3 'lis to which 'I referred wheii had „the' honour of aapearitig: a ffore a Portion of - your coraimmily the tl 'xclionge, 'it may, .. needdess , for me .to en ter into- futtlier esptanntioin.' l Y political•Viows are•understood by-you alt a tind, aarticulat,. I 'Y:opinions.upon. theasliwnqueatidn: I [need not t• aich lawn • nriL again, ti3ul a tiara la a me j tapic ishiuls tale,as ka tkiirlaaa4 togp,t, I.vraniki, .for women t, a. foss ae If. It. utiverheen any ; part .14).4g1it the 4erab, reegea.,. eacore. I hat;( §IIPPOVIed !every .napasure . for lite caa:a,aal . caul it p tOtS, so in every period, 6tray life have I.haen a rlwti.it.o time e ilgious freedom of my countrymen- h Thia . h ale done •tci - the sacrifice o6office, #1.0114 cot: less not: to t, destruction of my own creed--not to• the ocaratiowiug af!! • Of l °Be barriers which have,made:that creed :the -notioual redgigit ay countra7,-(Cheers.),No, gentlemen, thave.done ' L „ view to strengthen her institutions. .my own inaid,ther( tno greater or more momentous question, amoa a.ll tbat, t ..,brpaoi l t before parliament; thin the question of church re ••„"rt•-414ear, hear.) question,- gentfeincii, ia . •-tib' new, Dalian tune or my family. Through the cxertiaus of my father, titre is at this moment L.3a),000. a year distributed amongst the curates and working ciergy, eiore than before-the -passing of his curates' aua cheers.) Ail - those with whom I am connected, have ever dote as much as they could to-reform the churci, so -far as was consistent with the happiness of the people, aid the spirit of our beet institutions, and it- will be my endeavour, as your representative, to obtain a sate and moderate reform, tc widen and consolidate the basis of our ancient church esteiblishrtent. (Cheers.) , l appeal then to the electors of every - class for their rapport, and I have no doubt as to the manner-in which that appear-will be auswered.—i have before Bc(3n a similar excite-. tue - ntto the present; but what was toe resort then? It proved the futility oft vexatious oppeeition, and now I have been amongst every class and tried the eeetings oteach,and my experience tens me that theattempt will be equeily vain. (Cheers.) Gen tiemen, the questicu of national education has -been much auntie(' to.• (Reeve) It is a subject which I have nearest my heart. • I :Agree ,eordially with those who think that a sound and safe establishment of social order can rest on no other -foundation than a solid and reii e lious education. .1 am not of those philo sophers and theorists' of the present day who think you can dispense vith reAgion in the school, who think you can safely cultivate the head whilst you neglect the .heart. (Hear,- and loud cheers.) - Education so conducted appears to tme like raising a grand superstructure without a solid foundation. Gen tlemen, 1 have supported education it ,every branch from the -first moment of my public life; (Cheers) but I wish to see reli gion made. the first principle of the edu.cation of a responsible and an immortal being. (Applause.) it has been said that I opposed a Tote in the House of Commons for Irish national education. : Gentlemen, I did no such, thing. I wished to place it upon the: basis which has ben found so eminently effectual in Scotland. I disapproved of national fands being granted on condition of the bible being excluded. (Cheers.) Not that I wished the reading of the bible. should be •inade •coinpulsory, but because I objected to its being made a condition of voting national funds that that book should -be banished from the I school during certain hours, - Upon this ground I acted in my place in Parliament. There was another ground. What was the situation of Ireland? Education there had for many, years been going. on throughthe aid - of numerous classes in the com munity; but after a lapse of time the Roman Catholics 'oh-. I jetted to the manner in which that education was conducted. In the state of religious feeling which then existed, that Cosaide no lon g er be properly called a national system of education to which the great body of teachers in one. faith were opposed. What was the case with regard to the vete last year ? Did not the whole body of the' Protestants oppose it? (" Yes.") With two or three exceptions all the Protestant Episcopacy did .so. The Protestant Synod of Ulster did the same. When, therefore, I see the Presbyterian and Episcopal body, forming • no small proportion of the influence and intelligence of the flatlet, when I found them taking , the same course as the Catholics . had done against the iaildare-street Society, I thought it best not to introduce a system against which the great body of the people's instructors had' so strong an aver- , awn. I felt myself perfectly safe ou this ground, and I appeal to any man who will hear fair discussion, - if on any principles of sound policy or conscientious dealing, if I was not justified in the line of conduct I pursued. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, with respect to the charge brought against me, that, it is not fit that I shou l d be the representative of a. great com mercial body, because Lord John Russell has said, that every commercial town should send up a member of its own com munity, I would appeal from Lord John Russell to the mer chants themselves. - They are the best judges, and not a lord whose chief acquaintance is with the lanced interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) I recollect well, when I first saw Lord Grey, before I took office under him, I inquired in what shape he intended to bring forward his plan of reform. He .said, " I cannot tell exactly what that measure will be ; it is not .yet ripe; but I will tell you this, it shall not go in any degree to sever that mixture between the two bodies, the lords and the commons, which I think is so salutary an ingredientin•the con stitution."—(Cheers.) On this ground, then, I rest. If Lord -John Russell is quoted against me upon one point, I may-surely ' quote Lord Grey on auother.—(Appiause.) I believe that upon this fusion of the two bodies the safety and equilibrium of the .whole depends.—(Cheers.) If they are divided the system can no longer work. It is by this fusion, this entire mixture that the whole machine is kept in -harmony, continues its equal .course in a manner which has defied every attempt.at imitation, , and which philosophers had before considered impossible,— (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, Ido not know that I need tres pass further on your time, There is one subject upon- which it may be right to touch, the question of monopolies,—(Hear, hear.) I will not use big words, and say monopolies are odious, abolish them at once. They may be odious, but it is a grave subject to destroy existing interests. It was laid down by a great authority, and I beheve'it -to be a wise expression that all change is an evil. This was the opinion of Lord Althorp, though thachanr might have-its atteudant advantages, still in itself it-was no evil.—(Hear.) As the inhabitants of a cot-1111ex cial town, you -must, .above all others, be sensible how even , changes for the better may,. in a great de_gree, effect aud . tend to destroy existinginterests.—(Cheere4 Before I hazarded such innovations .I would inquire if the .advantages promised were a sufficient.compeneation. I Monopolies are an evil. They might have had their utility in the infancy of commerce: but When once capital accumulated, and intelligence penetrated to every part of the globe; they become no longer useful. We should look about us and see the best means of getting rid of every in convenient restriction which they have imposed. Thus far I concur it the remarks which have been made here; - but I will . not-make large professions, -without qualification, which would lead• to expectations on -the -part of. trey constituents -which I might notbe able to fulfil.—(Loud cheers.) There are many 'persons for annihilating the protection of -every -branch at na -live industry e hut are-ave sure we shall. -not be instrumental iu their destruotion, or that it-will be-safe to destroy every protec tion of-existing manufactures ?—(Cheers.) •With.regtua to the protection ofinatufactured silk, - the protection of manufactured corn,—of almost all our interests, indeed, 1 am.not-ahleto enu merate them,: which are-more or-less protected ; and -I do con ceive that that man does not look•deeplyinto what he is- going Ludo ewho .would-say, "-Do away with all .restrictions, and caSt aside all consequences' of the change."—(Load cheering.) The distribution of-- wealth is one- of the objects of the greatest importance. It ;is distributed. in certain pages; if by great changes you give an equivalent to one party, that which yeti -add to 0112 .1)17:illt fa of the-population is,no .compensatien for the etaisery,..aud „distress which you inflict upon anether.--(Laud ' cheers.) • These, .gentlemen, are my ilaeliaga; they are feel -lugs Iberalaiiut modcrate.---(4pplause.) 'i hey ~are fee:trigs favourable. eratatan' jeut, not to deatauctiou.Leud (heels.) My view has always been, that;the object of aorta ,shoued ,be to bring iback the country- to',its orig,ntalsenstitntion.--;-(Loud cheers.) Therefore, .before I Preceedeto:aecertain whother the increased imfisteuee now given to the-constituent Lc> y weer their representatives, .before Lascertain-whetherthis is 1101-00 Much, I will not assist in putting into their hands au additional Owes.. —(Hear.) ft.is riot vela , likely, at this matteut, that e etr ;re- ; .presentatives shouldloOk. coo liatie to their constituents, or that they to mark the effect whichtheir coueuetwillhave, upon their.constittienlea Let 'us .pause, then,hefote wei . do any. I - mew to make , a derelserate berg,- a Jody - of ;tietegatee.—(Geeet appiause, and some: hissing, wito an exclamation of "The -vote by ballot.") Gentlemen, :there is. at attetopt, .an attempt which I do uot.leclieve wilt be.ellectual, to do away , with.the intluenae of property. Let us ace whether it creates too lunch, before ,you wake fartherthangee to eimiaishtliatinfluenec.— : (Cheers.). latia ea advocate : for freedom, but at the.,eame time, I .do ,not .wish to destioy that infinence .which preperty and intelligence .gives, aey mote tieea I shontelevish a mat's v,otet6 deprive him of his lise.ibooth is now-too much the fashion to tall a man eteets leteet,,,Lec,tresette.will net conform to the newest opinions, wilith just please luecafree they happet to be the latest bedicion seutatp.--e(Clicerse) -Lord Brougham may not,be called an illiberal, I.believehearißnot be ctispoaedto keep .in •the van .of mantle and he who - ,is.to,dey a liberal-may he fill bei,al ,teeeterittw. Loth :however, has given his ,Prtiltio,4 chat it e le not an taperitient.to he tried at this .Geittitemeti, lateed not e ruether treepess,upon your time. ,),beg pee,lett. for tliOttist y awe incorrect mentor:in Vital have de aivta-cd,lity.eentiments delete you. I. can claim no praise for' tee:el:ea. eenientai,s ; I us,sully wh speak at conies .bcaere :me to tt;el4.eet-of my power. ,It lam this way that I have advocated i .your 14 .tere in -th e .11euee,o1Commons,,end I trust I may .say ' .ttaliaa..not , becti altogether-itetlietente- s -(cheers.) If you should . iteatinarttitti tie to the henotiralite post.of your,repteetaitative, ,theearee,zatel end devotion shall be tippliea.to,yOur servite, and the ague asaitleou, though iudepeuctent,.eitettien he again at aaver ttiaposail. The noble lord . concluded his speech. amidst • much -applause, -and, having bowed totheartultitture in front of the hustings, re tired into thehu.dingr. Mr. Tironw,y then came forward, but as his partisans had not thought proper to hear Lord Saudon, those of the noble lord Sirtioward were deJerthrued that he should not be heard. o.i.owever the noise having partially subsided he eammeneednis address ; and said—The nine had at last arrived when it was Their duty to return.two members to the House of Commons. eleetion,Was to decide whether the. people of LiNerpow Nvoittil return two .reformers tO.parliament or those who would -inreede the measures of au . enlig - htened administration Which had mreeinertitsVedges in relbraung the representation. They-had anoler candidate more to liCar, and he hoped they would give him a. patient hearing,, and as he begged them to hear another, so;heahm:begged•they would hear him. (The uproar at this umnient became so:outrageous that Mr. Rathbone and Mr. THE LIVERPOOL STA ND,ARD:' James Heyworth had to step forward toseeure apatient hearing for Mr. Thornely, and as soon. as the noise diminished sufficient ly to lidos's , him to proceed, Mr. Thornely then went on, and said) The : grounds on which he stood forward as a cantliciate were sufficiently known to them; he stood-forward inconsequence of a requisition more numerously signed than any requisition ever got up in this town. lie was supported .by bankers, by merchants; .and by an overwheiming majority of the tradesmen in the town. He had iisued an address iu consequence of re ceiving this requisition, and in it did not state any thing for the ,purpose of pleasing the people of the town, but had given his opionions openly and feariessiy, as he had been a reformer from his youth upwards. This election was to declare the opiiiions of this town to the country at large, and as he had before stated, whether it would give its assistance to ministers or embarrass them, by the men they would send pp. Although he paid his election would decide the character of the town, he agreed with-a previous speaker (Mr. Ewalt) that-grest intimi d—tion. had been used, and that it was only by vote by ballot, that every individual could freely exercise lus franchise. When he asserted in his address that he was against commercial mo uopolies, lie was not for doing away with them by a sudden change. . The. East India Company should not be done away with until the expiration of their charter. Sir Edward Coke said truly that "freedom of trade was the life bf trade; and all monopolies and restrictions of trade do overthrow trade." He was au enemy to the corn monopolies as also to the china trade. Sir H. Parnell has said that by these monopolies 17 millions were yearly . taken from-the pockets of the people, and press on the population of the country making the taxes appear more . heavy than they really were, from which it must appear that one of the most obvious ways to relieve ourselves from taxes, would he to labour to relieve ourselves from monopoly, If the House of Commons should be chosen by the householders of the coun try, it should ,be done at limited periods, and the corporation fund should be applied to the service of the community. He would now speak of negro slavery, he had seen negroes mounted on a stage to be sold by auction, and a shocking sight it was. (Cries of name—in America.) He had seen it in Charleston. He would read -them a letter written twenty-five vars ago . by one who had seen it in practice. H e sa id a .man of if he is accustomed to negro s la ver y, w ill d ee pl y regret the situation of the unfortunate Africans in the plantations. A certain quantity of land, to be broken up by the hoe, is staked out for each negro, and over every gang probably of ten or fif teen, is placed a ,negro-driver, -with a whip in hand, who sees that the work is properly done and report to the overseers such slaves as require correction. There was abroad in this country a spirit against negro slavery, and, therefore, it behoves them all to bring the matter to a close. In this period of excitement I shall not say much more, except to call on the electors to dis- Aarge their duty by returning two reformers .to parliament. He had just received a letter from Wigan, which says that the election was over there yesterday, and terminated in the return of two reformers, Messrs. Thicknesse and Potter. He then so licited a patient hearing for Sir Howard Douglas, the next can didate who would address them, and retired from the platform amid great cheering. SIR HOWARD DOUGLAS then came forward amid the most enthusi astic calls, and on mounting the platform was hailed with the most astounding cheers by his friends and party, which the opposite party evidently wished to drown by loud groans and yells. The gallant candidate finding himself thus placed, as it were, between two fires, turned-round to the court and numerous assembly on the hustings, and spoke as follows : "It is I believe well known to you that I offer myself as a candidate for your suffrages on this occasion, in consequence of a requisition addressed to me by a numerous, and, (as I have found since I have had the pleasure of becoming personally known to them) a most respectable body of this community. That requisition, and the pow erful support which I have met with, proceed from gentlemen who yield to none in desire of applying such sound and safe remedies as the constitution may require from the inward wealth, and the an;;- mented population of the country, but who, viewing with alarm the dangers which menace our political institutions and our commercial power, are desirous to uphold, through their representatives in par iament, thc.dignity of their. ancinnt monarchy and the religion of the .established church,—to . protect the colonies—encourage manufac tures—foqer agricultural interests, and preserve inviolate the national faith. " Actuated by principles strictly according with these views,parti cipatiug with the framers, and supporters of ; the _requisition in the ap prehensions they entertain, and feeling,. that .under such eircum sfaxicea I dare not.brave.the reproaches with which conscience would assail me hereafter were I to resist such a call-from such a commu nity as this, I comply with the wishes which have been enressed, not as the volunteer of a hopoless . enterprize,—(allyding to the obser intion in Captain Colquitt's speech,) not as the captain of a forlorn hope, but as the chopen leader of a great and mighty people, Is - ho will lead Me on to a'glorious and constitutional victory. I have on several occasions by speech as well as in my printed addresses to the worthy and independent Electors of Liverpool, responded explicitly to all the.points stated in the requisition ; and I have replied fully to other matters which have been propounded to me, as questions in the course of the very extensive, but still I regret to say imperfect canvass, which the shortness of the time has enabled me .to make. But I consider it due -to, myself and to my principles here briefly to recapitulate .my sentiments, in the presence of that immense body before whom I have the honor to stand, and in the hear ing of as many as my voice has force to:reach. The con stitution of .Great Britain and Ireland did, I freely -avow, require remedies suited to the increase of wealth, intelli gence and population of the country in general, and to those vicissitudes in particular, which iu the lapse of time, had raised sorne.placeis toarealtb, consideration and impartance„whilst others had fallen to decay. A. measure of:parliamentary reform, which has.now become the law 9f the land, has been introduced to effect these among other great objects whatever differences of opinion may hay.e existed as to some of the principles: and de tails of that measure, _these uow-merge intothe .obligation we are Winn:ler, .aullititithane the.dispositron. is sineereand devoted to make the best of that uwasure for the benefit of.the common avea:th. -Proceeding tioxtto cotrimereial-afrairs,..l a,--sloady friend to the shipping, commercial, paid eplenialinfiarests. I hope, gentleinen, * l'da not take, koknpeMicial:aineir of the colonial sys tem of- Great lisitain, as to noninler .it..enly, with. : reference to. one .oI the-materials or fillifjecii Of n i:rade,WitfiWhich its dealings are concerned," It is tine that I have ointhe . pa,r4Cularoccasion to isliich allnsion has been made, viz., the timber ditties; shown the injurious effects which that measure ,ivoiffd have li/educed, ul;ou fire 4avigatiou, Cominerce and manufacttirca of this eeuntr) ; but I o l d not thee,ll4;lla:l I now cianfine uiy oliser v:.rion6 t. tics cit:anti.° part *of the transaction. I contend that I . ;wat,ii..ai :li s S.. the peat,* inagriitride, would ensue from, such ,L measture iti p;ink.ipLe, us that attempted.. with respect to that ;1 ; e:' colonial predUction,and I ; shall there -1-1:;.. ;„ :,; ans 9dt-he:general principles and recip pi .to shuw .that our cello ii co.l,l;Ci:.l...4_Lo.Lc.PiNierly,oclhete4..t9,is_hcjieficial iii. a xi:, sense,. as welt to the i‘tother -country as to her co 'atics, and that the,dangerof deviating from those principles is of no tees a. degree; than tllat of hazarding the,disiolution of the co lonial empire. 'i he n eo lonia I tnitte may safely be reckoned at least one thirdthe actual trade of the country. Where principles .are open 4 avowed-by certaimdectrinarians that colonies are of no use : that we ought and shotild now get rid of them : tint we should benefit more in colarocreialintereonrse with those posses; sons it tic y were independantof us,thin we do in their coionial connexion with thiS country. 'When men jump from the coun ter to the trained with notionS such as these, there is, in truth, abundant reason for time apprehension you entertain, that the commercial power ofthis last Empire may be overthrown. The colonial trade is secured to us, by the. enactments of-the British Parliame.nt which : protect the productiens of British industry in the colonial markets, by ditties ou tho importation of foreign goods sufficient to effect, this, and by . giving to the colcnial proanctions in return light protection - in the markets of the united Kingdom. But our economists, as in the' case of the timber duties, weal(' have perpetrated a manifest act of in justice.by-teducing the protecting-duties on this.principalartic:e of colonial expoit, to loWer the .price to the parent country; but leaving the import of British nianufacturect goods into the colonies, .81111 protected bythe imposition . of excessive duties. well enhanced in price. Gentlemen,. .such views as these can not tail to excite discontent in the colonies, and to occasion alarm lucre.- Political evils of the greatest -magnitude to the interests of Great Britain, the ;dissolution of the colonial crupire itself is at.hazard, if measures such as these.be carried. I dui well informed and well advised of the manner in which the colonies view this question, iII piinciple,* in all the posses sions of Great Britain; and it is not without.apprehension that Lcontemplaie s er io us questions that may be opened, if srich unjust principles its the preceding ueelared in measures which itely hereafter be adopted with respect .to .; the colonial ate. Tire colonists do not dispute the right of the Parliament of Great Britain to repeal or modi) , its enactments, in such manner as to permit the people •of Great Britain to purchase timber, or. any other article of eoloniai. prof.lnction, - wherever they may be tithe to get it cheap es t : but they contend that this is only one . pait of the transaction. They have said, and they will re-asset t, it, that the Parliamentary ditties which protect the. colonial 31 ticies. in the, hoine,inarke t, ; having been repealed to their exclusion in -favour of foreigners, the Parliamentary 51 enactments which protect and favour British productions in the . colonial markets, by excessive duties laid on all foreign goods, must likewise be repealed, and whilst the mother country gives i preference to foreign "articles of that kind, .with which only the colonist can purchase British goons, that he be neither ,restricted nor prohibited in his dealings with foroigners.— (Hear, hear, hear.) Gentlemen, this fair and equitable position of the whole question does .not appear to have occurred to the Government, but it is manifestly founded in justice and equity. The course taken would be the first, and a great step towards the - dissolution of the colonial empire of Great Britain. Many persons may, ignorant in their lit), - aal'ity, say that the colonies should be left to legislate for themselves—tp 11011127 e their own affairs. Gentlemen, they will assert the right of 'doing so, if their interests be not dealt with fairly and justly by Great Bri tam. The COlonial empire is held together entirely by the su -preroe legislation of the British Paniament, in regulating all that relates to commercial intercourse with the colonies, and between the colonies; and if Great Britain should ever so act as to be called upon, or constrained to telex or surrender this supreme regulating power, or the colonists - be so treated as to be obliged to - do this for, themselves, then the awful hour of Britain's dissolution as a colonial and first-rate maritime power is at hand. Asa practical man, connected, as I have been, with colonial affairs, I can give-you a proof; and gentlemen, I bin fond of dealing with those stubborn evidences, facts, of the manner, in which any relaxation of the supreMe regulating and controling power of Great Britain must operate to subvert the colonial empire. The session which immediately preceded Inv taking up the reins of the government of New Brunswick, a focal act passed the colonial legislature, laying a duty of one penny per ton on all foreign vessels entering the ports of the province, for the pur pose of raising a fund to defray•the expenses incurred in the protection of the revenue. The first foreign vessel that entered after this act went into operation, was an American schooner of 30 tons. The captain protested against the exaction of the thirty-pence, as an infringement of the terms of the treaty then subsastingLietween Great Britain and the United States, and on his arrival in Ins own Pert lie Made a representation to the go vernment upon the subject. The American minister at the : court of London, was thereupon instructed to remonstrate and ; protest against ndemand which though insignificant yet in prin ;ciple ale onisfed to an actual infringement of the treaty, and in :was intimated in substance that unless-the government of Great BritaineontxoleslandrompelleaLitackpMderloP§....to attempt no .violation ofany such treaties, that making a treaty With Meat Bri tain was a farce : and whit WasitlinceusSequence ? Why, that the ,King in council waaelllige, d to adopt the very strong meainre of disallowing an act which his Representatives had assented. to. Gentlemen, this you must be conunced is a true developeraent of Whit would take . place if the colonies were permitted to _legislate for themselves for the regulation of their commercial transactions; and this proves the serions danger—the great political evils that must ensue, if their commercial interests are so unfairly and unjustly treated, as to afford them any pre text for assuming such a power. In such a case there not a colony belonging to the empire that would .not make . some abatement or modification in the duties imposed upon foreign prOdiietions, or countervail them by their focal acts, and you cannot be ignorant, gentlemen, that some colonial legislatures have 'already. attemptetfthe laying of considerable duties on Bri tish manufactures imported into their parts—a commencement of very significant warning of what they may do. Now, with respect to the theory of our shallow visionanes, who maintain .that if we get rid of our colonies, we shall benefit as much in commercial intercourse with them, as independent states, as we now do in 'their colonial connexion. Gentlemen, the cha racteristic of the colonial trade ii, that it opens to you the double voyage in British ships, and the two-fold transaction emanating therefrom. YOU, as practical men, are well aware of this advantage, instead of the disadvantage of the single • .voyage. if the colonies were independent states, first, how ,complicated would be our diplomacy in making any commer cial arrangements with them; and secondly, ..would they con-. sent to send their productions to British markets in Isritish ships? They would adhere to the old-fashioned pre:mice that has made Great Britain herself what she is—that the first duty of a commercial power is to extend its own marine, by giving it exclusively the privilege of transporting its own pro aluctions to foreign markets.' 1 - believe the most steady trade we have is the colonial trade. Where, then, would be the steadiness of our dealings, w' en we shall depend entirely upon foreigners: Lot onfy fur the purchase of our pitiduc ductions, but for the supply of the raw materials; for, let it not be forgotten, gentlemen, that in getting rid of our colonies, we'shouldhe getting rid of the raw material, which we should at present command. Does experience teach us, that when the sources of supply of an indispensible article is in the hands of any holder, that he will not exact his own terms with the per son who must buy . from him ? Gentlemen, I need not take up More of your tine, 1 briefly, I trust forcibly sheirn you,, the valuc--the indispensibie importance to us, or tke colonial trade. I have passcd great part of my life' in the colonial pos a4sions of this great Empire. I have contemplated it, as made up of possessions extensive .as the universe : con sisting, of every variety of climate : Commanding every variety ofproouctions embracing every caste of our species: I consi der these . favored isles to be but the centre and scat of govern ment of that mighty Empire.—Deprived of her colonies, Great Britain would stand like, the venerable trunk of the decayed monarch of the forest—leafless and limbless. She would" be like the hulk, dismasted, iaid up for ever, in.the ordinary of sta ttisical condition.---What enabled. Great Britain to defy a world in arms—but her colonial power? So soon as she divests herself; or is divested of these prowl and certain elements of her greatness —these members of her body—her sun of glory will have passed. ,the zenith, and rapidly deeime, to set for ever in a troubled hori zon, prematurely prepared, and by her own hands. Now with respect to monopoires,--it cannot., I presume, be supposed, thata person who_thinks thus, of the importance of navigation, and of course, of the Miiity of farther extension of commercial inter course, shows! be otherwise than desirous of seeking and opening new supplies, and facilities for its gi catest possible advantage. I abhor monopolies in principle; and, of this; I haVe givert-prac tied' proof, outing my coloided administration. But, as I have said eisehere; there is a great difference between originating a monopoly; and suddenly getting rid of one which has been in long operation,. When first principles arc deviated'lroin, - and long courses of practice take the path of that deviation, it is mapossibx to'revertsuddenly to those principles. - You might as well attempt to stem the iniglity river and drive it back to its source. The first principles of humanity, for instance, have been outraged,and philanthropy.scandaliied in the on of the slave trade. And. here I Must again declare to you, that which I stated upon ariother: oc casion, that had I lived in the day when man itrst dared to usurp a property in his fellow man, I should have risen with indignation against the accursed attempt, and have done all in my -power to prevent the perpetration of so atrocious a crime. But I will not indulge my humanity at the expense of justice ; that property has been cleated and sanctioned, and I therefore think it would be unstatesnucu-like to precipitate any measure which we are not, most fully assured will tend to the immediate benefit of the slaves themselves, mid be in strict accordance with that proper sense of justice which is due to the hqltiers of such preueity. Mr. SA I% ILJEL flute here put some questions as to the China trace. Sir Howatd said, " I aid give tio pledges-upon this or any other subject; Though my, eject:tin vsete to depend upon it." Mr. 0 vit.* EL WOOD said, "We want no pledges from you, Sir Howard; we-want year opinions." Sir Howarto said, " Cominittees of both Houses of Parlia ment hate long been engaged in • taking evidence upon this Most important and difficult question , .• butso doubtful are Go .vernment as to the course to be pursued, that they had grounded no measure upon that evidence, and were not agiceci upon the course which it would be most expedient to pursue. Under such circumstances it would be wrong and rash to embarrass myself by giving any opinion upon a matter upon which even the Government have prepared no plau,.and on.which I may fairly confess am not so thoroughly informed at present at I hope to be ere: ten dayi 'Shall elapse in my residence amongst you. With respect tO•the Currency, had I been in Parliament when the Bill, generally called Mr. Peel's Bill, was passed, I should net have concurred in so sudden a contraction of the circulating medium, by .resorting to cash paynients, in the manner pro iided for by that Bill. But here too I will be cautious, because I am not prepared to say in what manner, and•tO what extent woUldUow recommend an extension of the circulation. This is a question of vital importance to the interests 'of the country, and I am persuaded it can be discussed in another place with more adVantage to its interests than from these hustings. Gentlemen, I now repeat again, I am a firm supporter of the Church I do admit that it, like other institutions arranged by man, has defects andimperfections which obscure its beauty. I will impartially con 1. eider whatever may be proposed for the improvement of its condi thm, the renovation of its disCipline, the regulation of its property ; but I will not hazard the safety, of this bulwark of Protestantism .for the Christian world by any rash innovation. I .will uphold the Esta blished Church for its own sake and for the sake of the Monarchy ; because it.is that-particular form of God's Church inwhieb"l conviction, devoted; and because • it recognises the union of Church and State. ' Am I asked what I mean by God's Church in a more ge neral sense, I reply, Christ's Church upon earth,—the thurch which acknowledges the Divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ." -This - was received with the most enthusiastic cheers, which con tinued unabated for several minutes.