The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-08-18 00:00:00

UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY. SAILORS' BAZAAR. A BAZAAR in aid of the SEAMEN'S'CI-lURCH, Rath -111 bone-street, will be - held in the KNIGHTS TEMPLARS' HALL, Great George-street, TO -MORROW, (Wednesday,) the 19th, and Tituitsoav next, the 20th instant. The attendance and liberal supporta - the P lic are earnestly and respectfully solicited by the Seamen i erested in it, who will have for Sale a number of Shells, inerals, and other Curiosi(iea•, Rare Specimens of Sea W d, Elegant Models of Vessels, &c. Sm., together with a variety Fancy Articles. Sale to commence at Eleven o'clOck Contributions gratefully received at the Hall, This Day. (Tuesday,) the 18th instant, between the Hours of Ten and Four. Mr. Stubbs's Royal Harmonic Band has been engaged for the occasion. ' Owing to some accident, intelligence of her Majesty's gracious intention to aid this Bazaar by her work did not arrive until after its first announcement to the Public. I3ROPOSALS for Publishing an ENGRAXING of LI VER POOL in a STORMIroin a Pictur painted by Mr. SAmilgt WALTERS, Jun., and now in the iverpool Exhibi tion. To be Engraved y Mr. R. G. RE& R, of London, and Dedicated by permission to the Worshjf)ful the Mayor and Corporation. Size of the Print 25 inches by 17. PP.ICE. To be increased on Publication to Prints to Subscribers l2s Od. 15s. Proofs. In Cotours(Fac-simile of Picture) 245. Od. 30s. To be published by HENRY LACE!, Printseller and Station er, 61, Bold-street, by whom Subscribers' Names are received, and by Messrs. ACKERMANN and Co. and Mr. M'Cousiicx, London. / i e Q A. BRANDEIS, respectfully i orms the Merchants, 1.74 - that he has opened a WHOLE ALE WAREHOUSE, at 24, King-street, of all kind s o f G RMAN an d ITALIAN MANUFACTURED GOODS, as n Toys of all sorts and sizes, Looking-glasses, Snuff Boxes, Beads of all sorts and colours, which be has constantly in good assortment in bond for exportation. LUCAS'S, late ORRELL'S BULL HOTEL, i i CLAYTON-SQUARE, LIV RPOOL. 141110 MAS LUCAS, Succes s o r to th e ate Mrs. Orrell, begs I leave most respectfully t o announc to Professional, Com mercial, and other Gentlem en a tt en d i Liverpool during the Assizes, that ho has com pl e t e d ex t e ive alterations, and has provided extra well-aired beds and private .sitting rooms in the above Hotel, and hopes, by unremitting attention to their com fort and convenience, to gain a liberal snare of patronage and support. An Ordinary will be providcd at the rising of the Court, each day, during the Assizes. T: L, avails himself of this opportunity to express his grate ful acknowledgements for the kind support he has hitherto re ceived. N.B. Clayton•square plssesses every advantage in situation, being open, quiet, clean, and as nearly as possible the very cen tre of the town. L4;(OVERS of TENPENNY AL ' may be accommodated with an Article of superior lity to any that has ever been offered to the Public, at th BRUNSWICK HOTEL, 53, panover-street, near Bold-street. PATENT METALLIC BEDSTEADS. AMUEL - HUNT, WHOLESALE IR ONMONGER , 76, C u URCH "irtS S STREET, LIVERPOOL, begs to call the attention of his Friends and the Public to the PATENT IR N and BRASS TUBE BEDSTEADS, which are now in eh general repute in this Country, and so well adapted for W rm Climates. Having made arrangements in his Premises to fix up a variety of Patterns, he respectfully solicits their inspection ; the Plain Iron Bedsteads are particularly suited for Public Institutions and for Nurseries and Servants' Rooms. S. H. has also a new Article of ARGENT PLATE, in Spoons, Forks, &c., &c., being covered with a strong Silver Plate, to which it has a ~,, P reat af fi nity, and, maintaining a firm cohesion, renders it a substantial substitute for Silver. In the GENSRAL FURNISHING IRONMONGERY he continues to keep up that Extensive Variety of good and choice Articles, which he trusts will insure him a continuance of the distin guished patronage with which he has so long been favoured. S. H. respectfully informs the Merchants of Liverpool that his connexions with the Manufacturers enable him to collect Goods for Foreign Markets on the most advantageous terms, and at the usual Commission paid to the Mercantile Houses in Birmingham. 1100TICE IS HEREBY GIVEN . , that the PARTNER- I\ SHIP lately subsisting between us the undersigned i JAMES JOHNSON and tIENR 'JOHNSON, in Saint Helens, in the County of Litneaste in the Trade or Business of TALLOW CHANDLERS, under t firm of "Messrs. James and Henry Johnson," was this d dissolved by mutualeonsent. Witness our hands this Bth day o August, 1835, JAMES JOHNSON, HENRY JOHNSON. Witness,—William Johnson. Clerk to Mr. Barnes, Solicitor, St. lichens. N.B. —MI debts will be received and paid by the said Henry Johnson, who will in future carry on the business on his own account. rEIHE Partnership lately subsisting between ROBERT, SEPH, and ILTON RUSSELL, SHIP WRIGHTS, BOAT BUILDERS, ANCHOR SMITHS, CHAIN CABLE MANUFACTURERS, &c. in Liverpool, being dissolved, JO SEPH RUSSELL takes the liberty to inform his Friends, Ship Owners, and the Public generally, tha he has taken his Son, J. W. RUSSELL, into partnership, nd commenced the above Business at the foot of Blundell-st ,on the North Side, in the Yard lately occupied by Mr. \ liam Quirk, as Ship Wright and Boat Builder. Joseph Russell gladly embraces this opportunity of return ing thanks to those Ship Owners, Merchants Captains, and the Public generally, who have kindly favoured hint with their pa tronage and support, during a pereiod of Twenty-two Years, and hopes, by his experiemce and attention in the execution of such orders as may be hereafter entrusted to his care, to merit a continuance of their support. JOSEPH RUSSELL and SON. WOOLFIELD'S BAZAAR, 71 AND 72, CHURCH-STREET, LIVERPOOL, ADJOINING THE POST-OFFICE. ' EMPORIUM FOE SUPERIOR LO.,VDOX JEWELLERY. SUPERB BRONZES, CLOCKS, LAMPS, CHANDE LIERS, CHIMNEY ORNAMENTS, AND ALL THE VARIOUS FANCY MANUFACTURES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, GE RMANY, kc., MANUFACTORY FOR WORK-BOXES, WRITING DESKS, AND DRESSING-CASES., ATISITORS ai4l Strangers in Li verpoo l , and the Public in V general, are respectfully invited to visit this Unique Establishment, whether as Purchasers or Parties in search of amusement, the whole of the STOCK ( certa i n l y one of thd largest and most varied in England) being conveniently arranged for inspection, and the price marked on each Article, from which no deductions are made nor credit given, —this system enabling the-Proprietor to offer his Goods lower than any other. The JEW k. LLERY is of the best London Ma -1,1 nufacture, and haiven general satisPactio ; in con se q uence , 'l'. WOOLFIELD fins a continually inere. ng demand, and h e is therefore enabled daily to replenish his Stock with the choicest and most fashionable Articles, and to keep a most ex tensive Assortment, the moderate price of which cannot fail to secure to the Jewellery department of the Bazaar a continuance of the favoured and increasing patronage of the Public. The WRITING.DESKS, DRESSING-CASES, WORK BOXES, and JEWEL-BOXES, are all made on the Pre mises, and the regular-finished Stock of these Articles is cer tainly more extensive than in any other House in the King dom. In the planning of both Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dress ing -Cases the utmost pains are taken to make them as conve nient and as complete as possible for Travelling. Purchasers have likewise the option of taking or rejecting any part of the Fitting'' , or Instruments as may suit them, or can have Cases made to accommodate their own Articles. A large Assortment of GENTLEMEN'S DRESSING CASES and POUCHES, in Russia or Morocco Leather ; also small MILITARY DRESSING -CASE'S, containing all that is needful, and weiging only six ounc es eac h. NE PLUS ULTRA WRITING-DESKS, for Travelling, complete with Patent Inkst an d s , & c., i n great var i e t y, f rom 12s. 6d_, to E-I each. PAPER CASES, FOLIOS, TRAVELLING BAGS, &c, In the Repairing and Refitting of DESKS, DRESSING CASES, &c., T. WOOLFIELD'S Workmen have great expe iience, and he has the means to complete everything that is intrusted to him in this branch in the most substantiafinanner, with economy and despatch. 'I'.WOOLFIELD begs to draw particular attention to his splen did array of CLOCKS and TIMEPIECES, in GILT, Beosize, ALABASTER, FANCY WOODS. &c.; the Stock is immensely large, and the Designs suited to Rooms of any size or style, the price varying from £5 to £l2O, and the utmost care is taken with regard to the . MoViltrieutx, which are all Warranted: --- - ' An immence choice of LADIES' SILK, VELVET, and other RETICULES, from 3s. to three Guineas each. Also, PURSES Plain and very Richly Embroidered, from Is. to 30s. each. LADIES' FRENCH SATIN SHOES at ss. 61. Per Pair. LADIES' and GENTLEMEN'S KID GLOVES of the best Paris Manufacture. A variety of FANCY ARTICLES in IVORY, MOTHER of PEARL, and TORTOISESHELL. CHESSMEN, BACKGAMMON BOARDS, BAGA TELLE TABLES, and various other Gamea and• Fancy Arti cles tuo numerous to mention. T. W. has also a choice Collection of ANTIQUE CLOCKS, of the time of Louts XIV., extremely well suited for Country Mansions, large Staircases, &c. These Articles are now much in favour, allot - very scarce. OIL and GAS LAMPS and CHANDELIERS in great va riety, adapted to Private Rooms of all sizes, Public Buildings, Churches. Chapels. &c. • TABLE, SIDEBOARD, BRACKET, FIGURE, and HALL LAMPS, ou the newest and most approved construc tion. T. WOOL F IEI. Co also RE-BRONZES, RE-LACQUERS, and RE PAIRS LAMPS of all descriptions ; and keeps for Sale a great variety of GROUND and CUT GLASSES, adapted to all kinds of Lamps. CHINESE GOODS of various kinds, including some fine specimens of very Old China, in JARS, VASES, JARDI NIERES, PLATES, DISHES, &c. Elaborately carved IVORY FANS, CARD-CASES, &c. Likewise a variety of real INDIA ARTICLES, in JAPANNED and LACQUERED Work. A superb variety of FLORENTINE, PARIS, and other BRONZES, of the most beautiful and costly finish consisting of FIGURES, BUSTS, VASES, CANDELABRA &c. Elegant CUT GLASS LUSTRE CANDLEST ICKS, for • CHIMNEY maeus, with an immense choice of other appropriate CHIMNEY ORNAMENTS, includin g a recent importation from• Leghorn of a most tasteful variety of ITALIAN ALA BASTERS: also, a tine Collecti on o f 1 A B LES, in MARBLE • aad SCAGLIOLA WORK. JAPANNED - PAPIER MACHE TABLES, POLE SCREENS, VASES, CARD-BOXES, CAKE BASKETS, HAND-SCREENS, &c. All these Articles may be had in Plain Colours for Ladies themselves to finish. RonoF.us AND, SON'S WACIZANTND CUTLERY, in RA ZORS, PENKNIVES, SCISSORS, TABLE-KN IVES, and DRESSING CASE INSTRUMENTS. Al so a variety of very complete Sets of TABLE CUTLERY, fitted up in cases exceedingly convenient for preserving them in good condition. SILVER DESSERT KNIVES and FORKS; Plated on Steel DITTO, with Plain.and Carved Pearl and Ivory Han files, in Single or Double Sets; and in Cases lined with Silk Velvet, admirably arranged for their preservation, and forming very suitable Marriage Present's. Imptrial Partiawitnt. HOUSE OF LORDS.-WEDNESDAY MUNfCIPAL COUPORATIONS' BILL. The order of the day for going into committee on this bill having been read, Viscount MaortLLE addressed the house. The noble lord spoke of the inconvenience of having heard counsel at the bar, and proceeded to defend the commissioners from the attacks made upon them. His lordship read a letter from two of the commissioners, Messrs. Driukwater and Rushton, and conelvd ed by moving that the house do now resolve itself into a com mittee. The Duke of NEWCASTLE regretted that he could not agree with the Duke of Wellington and others of his noble friends, as to the course which ought to be pursued, and should also re gret any collision between the two houses, but he could not see why that house should be o bli ge d t o adopt a decision which it in its wisdom should not be convinced was a correct and proper one. He had warned the house of the consequences which were likely to accrue from a repeal of the t...t and corporation act, as well as front catholic emancipation. He should now warn it against the measure now before them. He felt convinced that it was fraught with every evil which could render it odious —that it had for its object the spoliation of property, the depri vation of rights, and the violation of that good faith which every government should preserve with those it governed. The noble duke concluded by moving that the bill be re-committed that day six months. The Earl of MANSFIELD, though he participated in a great many of the objections urged against the bill by his noble friend, could concur in his motion. He should vote that the bill be sent to a committee for the purpose of, seeing whether it could be effectually amended. The Earl of FALMOUTH supported the motion of the Duke of Newcastle. The Duke of WELLINGTCN was opposed to the course of his noble friends who intended to vote against the amendment of the bill, although he had great respect for the reasons they had offered. He (the Duke of Wellington) objected to the princi ple and to many parts of the bill, but he would go into com mittee upon it with the intention of amending those parts which he thought defective. He would go into committee with the most sincere desire to amend the bill, that while making it a generally useful and beneficial measure they should so revise and reform it as to meet those circumstances which required reform. His noble friend (Falmouth) had said that there was no evidence of the existence of any dissatisfaction on the part of the people respecting corporation management. lie (the duke) could not say that he had evidence of the existence of such dis satisfaction, but could not shut his eyes to the great change which a few yeariaad produced in the general aspect of society. In continuation he said I cannot conceal from myself that in the course of a very . few years the people of this realm have ad vanced greatly in riches, in knowledge, and in luxury, and that in proportion to that f advance it is natural they should wish to have participation in the administration of government. ( Hear.) Such'being the case raitrnot prepared to agree with my noble friend in saying that there is no desire entertained by the people of England that their corporations should be thrown open tothem, and I am, consequently, disposed to consider whether the estab lishment of a municipal system in this country, founded in the place on the free election of those to Whom the administration first of corporate matters shall be confided—fouuded, likewise, on a veryliberal basis of qualification, and with every view to render it such a system as will really carry into execution the object of this measure, namely, that of giving to the people who inhabit our large towns a fair participation in their government, might not be a measure as well of sound policy as of expediency. (Loud cheers.) I confess, likewise, that there is another cir cumstance which induces me to consider a reform in the admi nistration of the large towns at this moment as most essential to the interests of the country. There is scarcely one of these towns in which some trust does not exist for the performance of some duties which regularly . belong to the administration of a town. In some places there is a trust for the administration of police, in others for paving, lighting, and watering, and in all these trusts are to be found real evasions of the original rights of the corporatious. In some of the original charters it was not thought expedient to give to the corporations a power of rating the inhabitants for the improvement of the town, and when, as in the case of Bath, Liverpool, and other large towns, the neces sity of such a rate was felt, a trust was created which was not originally contemplated in the charter. In every instance where these trusts were established the rights of the original corporations were invaded, and when that was once done he did not see why, when it was found necessary to proceed a step farther, and establish those bodies on a principle which should be to all satisfactory, we should be deferred from discharging a duty by the argument that any such alteration would imply a direct infringement of the existing charters. Under all these • circumstances I have determined to go into committee on the bill; and I repeat I shall do so with a sincere desire to amend it so as to establish a system of corporate government which shall be satisfactory to the great body of the inhabitants of the large towns, but at the same time with an equal desire to secure all those great objects which I mentioned to your lordships at the commencement of my address, namely, the rights of the crown, the rights' of the existing corporate officers, the rights and privileges of existing freemen, and, finally, the general in terests of all those who enjoy rights and privileges under corpo rate charters now in force. The noble duke resumed his seat amid loud and prolonged cheering. The Earl of Falmouth explained. The Duke of CUMBERLAND.—My Lords, I do not mean to detain you for any length of time, but I feel called upon to say a few words in explanation of the line which I mean to pursue with reference to the measure under consideration. I beg to declare that if my noble friend near me (the Duke of Newcas tle), for whom I entertain the greatest respect and sincerest friendship, and who I know never acts but from a most honour able and conscientious feeling, takes the sense of the house upon the amendment he has proposed 1 for one cannot consist ently with what I feel give him ma vote. (Cheers.) I am as much opposed to the principle of the bill as my noble fa iend—l feel it to be an invasion upon chartered rights and privileges— and in defence of such rights and privileges I for one shall ever be ready to stand up. I feel it to be an invasion upon the pre rogative of the crown; but, nevertheless, for the reasons so clearly expressed by my noble friend near me (the Duke of Wellington), I am prepared to give my best and most serious consideration in committee; and I trust and hope I shall be in a situation when the motion for the third reading is made to give it my hearty concurrence. (Hear, hear.) I only say this mach to prevent my being supposed as using one language in one place and another an another, and from a desire that my opinions may stand clearly and fairly before the public. (Cheers.) Lord Baountiam rose, amidst loud cries of " Question." He observed that as he had been already heard upon the principle of the bill he would not again enter upon itsconsideration. He was unable, he regretted to say, to congratulate himself, or those with whom he acted, upon the accession their numbers had just received, for, from all he heard, he was convinced that the bill was only delayed, and that on the first opportunity the recent allies would join the enemy's camp, and bring about a complete defeat. What could be the meaning of a noble lord's saying that although Opposed to the principle of the bill he would go into committee upon it he was altogether at a loss to understand. He could understand a noble lord, who chanced to approve of the principle but not the details of a bill, con senting to go into committee, with a view to their examination; but that a noble lord who opposed the principles and details— who said that the measure was founded on illegal reports—on, in fact, waste paper—should consent to a committee did indeed puzzle him. To him it was evident that one or two fates awaited the bill--=either an immediate or a languishing, lingering death. It was either to be knocked upon the head at once, or by slow degrees reduced to such a mere shadow of what it was that its own party would not be able to recognise it. He candidly owned that he regarded the intention of the noble duke oppo site as most mischievous for the bill and the country. What was to be expected when it was openly declared by those who supported its commitment that unless its entire framework was altered they would join those who opposed that proceeding, and reject it upon a future state ? The noble and learned lord then proceeded to repeat the substance of his former speech with re ference to the legality of the commission. The commissioners had been accused in the evidence brought before their lordships, but they were not allowed the common privilege of accused men, namely, sht,obh safetrl from d btu e h f te e .i n f d o t i ph n po g os se t i h t w e i o m hno s e bl l ea v nu e ges benches.) oe sd ( . aughter, and cries of would tie onlytoo k a blame tten d for to his argument, and not, like children, or, as he was going to say, like old women, run away with his words, they would have themselvesss e i s s te i d on onmitgl at tt thh reason to regret their . precipitation. He knew that if he in sisted commissionersarb e the n e s n iic cahenas.:sioncl,,L t a h; n eab o ni p dl portunity to defend during the present eesperet ferred doing them an act of injustice sooner than gratify the claim of some of their lordships for delay. On the question for going into committee being put, The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that he should offer no fur ther opposition to their lordships going into committee. His object in troubling the house chiefly was to record his opinion upon this important subject. The house then went into committee pia forma on the bill, the Earl of Shaftesbury in the chair, after which the house re sumed. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY gave notice that he should on Tuesday next (as Kell as we could hear the noble mar- Rens amidst the noise of peers leaving the house) call the atten tion of their lordships to the state of our foreign relations. Adjourned at twelve o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY. THE IRISH CHURCH BILL. This bill, with but little discussion, was read a third time and •SLAVEOIVNERS' COMPENSATION BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL. Ma' bill was reported, and ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. TEA DUTIES BILL. • This bill was reported, and ordered for a third reading to morrow. SUPPLY (REPORT.) The report of the commitiee of supply was then brought up. The other orders were disposed of, and the house adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS.—THuRsvay. A conference was held with the other home respecting the Bognor improvement bill. IRISH CHURCH BILL. Lord Morpeth brought up this bill from the House of Corn• mono, which, on the motion of Lord MELBOURNE, was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Thursday se'unight. The Duke of RICHMOND sail he would call on their lordships to throw out that part of the bill which went to appropriate church property to other than ecclesiastical purposes. Some bills were then forwarded a stage. SIUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL. Lord BEAUCHAmP presented a petition from Worcester, and Lord KENYON one from l're,gethick, Col nwail, against the bill. Lord PoTTimottx presented a petition from Exeter in its favour. THE LIVERPOOL AND LEICESTER PETITIONS. Lord tANDI-1 [MST rose to present a petition from the bank. era, merchants, traders, and inhabitants of the town of Liverpool and its neighbourhood against the municipal corporations bill. The petitioners expressed a feeling of admiration at the firm and dignified conduct of their lordships, in suspending their judgment oii - the bill for regulating the municipal corporations of England and SVales until they had examined into the allega tions made with respect to the government of those boroughs. They declared their determination to support their lordships in maintaining that integral part of the constitution of this king dom. They stated that, in their opinion, municipal reform should have been preceded by a full, fair, calm, and deliberate investigation of the whole subject, which had not been done. The petition was signed by 5,300 inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood. the first signature was that of the mayor, and there was attached to each signature a particular description ipf the address and profession of each person signing it, (hear. hear,) thereby designating in the c l earest an d most unequ i vocal manner who the parties were. ([fear, hear.) This petition wes, in his opinion, worthy of the greatest attention and consi deration on the part of their lordships. (Hear, hear.) Lord Lit.' DU uns.r said he had now to present a petition from the merchants, bankers, traders, and other inhabitants of the towu of Leicester against the municipal reform bill. In this THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. case the address and situation in life of each su bscriber was affixed to his name. ( Hear, hear.) Their lordships would re collect that a petition had been Yesterday presented by a imble and learned lord, which, it had been said, was signed by 9,500 inhabitants of Leicester, while the petition which he now pre sented was signed by 2,500 inhabitants of that town, whose addresses were annexed to their respective signatures. Nov:, according to the last return of the population of that .place, there were 18,0(x0 male inhabitants; . therefore their lordships would see that it was quite impossible for the petition presented yesterday to have been signed by 9,500 adult male inhabitants. Hear, hear.) That number, added to 2,500 who had signed the present petition, would form a total of. 12,000, and it was very clear that the adult population could not amount to any such number. Without entering into any observations on the mode that had been - adopted to procure signatures, he would leave it to their lordships to decide whether, on the Lace of the business, some fraud had not been committed. On the motion of Viscount Melbourne, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whote house on the above hill. The preamble was postponed. The first clause, repealing all acts, charters, and customs in consistent with this act, was agreed to. On the second, the interpretation clause, being read, • - Lord LYNDHURST expressed his intention .of moving an' amendment to this clause; but before doing so was desirous of clearing himself from an imputation fixed upon by the noble viscount (Melbourne). He had been represented as having made it a matter of charge against the commissioners , that they entertained parti cu l ar po li t i ca l op i n i ons. In what he had said he had anxiously guarded himself against making* such an ac cusation.' He stated then and now, that any gentleman had an undoubted right to hold the opinions the unbiassed dictates of his mind led him to adopt; and that whether he was whig or tory, was not a fair ground of accusation. But he certainly did make a charge against the noble viscount, for having selected one particular set of persons advocating one particular 'class' of opinions, as the individuals the most proper to conduct this ins, quire. (Heer.) His lordship then proceeded to review the, evidence given at their lordships' bar. He regretted that his. noble and learned friend (Lord Brougham) was not now pre ' sent in his place. His noble and learned friend had said, that the object of the evidence given at their lordships' bar was to ' convict these commissioners, and that in consequence some of them had desired to be heard in answer to the charges which had been brought against them. His noble and learned friend had, however, taken on himself to speak for the whole of the house; and to refuse these very parties to be heard, for, said his noble •and learned' friend, in defence of the alleged culprits, nothing could be more unjust, nothing could he more contrary 'to the first principles of justice, than to allow this evidence to weigh against them. Such was the ingenious, the dexterous, the adroit way in which the case of the commissioners bad been put to their lordships hy his noble and learned friend. But what was'the real state of the case? These commissioners were the accusers, the paid accusers (hear, hear), of the corporations of this c - crinitry.. They were the individuals who had preferred the indictment, had made the charges—charges to be foll Owed by disfranchisement and loss of property (hear, hear)--eagainst. the corporations: The corporations therefore raise before their lordships as defendants on that indictment, and they had prayed to be heard by their counsel—to be permitted to adduce evidence at the bar in refutation, and being heard, they had succeeded in repelling and in refuting those charges. Vet it was contended, contrary to all justice, that they were not to' have the benefit of that refutation. (Hear, hear.) Another course of observation had been followed, which was even still more extravagant. It had last night been contended, and justly contended, that when any fault or complaint was made against the decision of a judge, it was usual to apply to the judge to furnish the grounds upon which that decision had been pronounced, and upon this principle it was contended that these commissioners ought to have au opportunity in this instance of supporting the decision at which they had arrived in framing their report. The cases were, however, very dissimilar. The noble viscount at the head of the government, well knew that in reference to judicial decisions it was usual to apply to the judge for his report of the nature of the case. In this instance the application was unnecessary, for the report of the commis sioners was already furnished; the house had those Materials which these gentlemen had thought were important, to the con sideration of this question. (Hear, beer.) The noble viscount was also aware that this report was general, and did .not, like a judge's report, contain the evidence upon which the charge was sought to he maintained. (11 - ear, hear.) That evidence had been asked for, and that evidence had been refused by his Majesty's government. (Hear, hear.) Such was the extraordinary course pursued--,such was the live of argument upon which it was encleavotteed to deprive the corporations of those rights and of that property which had heretofore ever been considered as inalienable. ( Hear, hear.) The noble and learned lord concluded by moving the insertion of the following clause :—" And whereas in divers cities, towns, and boroughs the common lands and public stock of such cities, towns, and boroughs, and the rents and profits thereof, have been held and applied fur the particular benefit of the citizens, freemen, and burgesses of the said cities, toe tie, and boroughs respectively, or of certain of them, or of the widows or kindred of them, or certain of them, and have not been applied to pub lic purposes, and it would be unjust to deprive such persons of their rights of property, and to apply the same to other pur poses. Be it therefore enacted, that every persom who now is, or hereafter may he, an inhabitant of any borough, and als o every person who has been admitted, or wh o might hereafter have been admitted, a freeman or burgess of any borough, if this act had riot been passed, or who now is, or hereafter may he, the wife or widow, or son or daughter, of any freeman or burgess, or who may have espoused, or may hereafter espouse, the daughter or widow of any freeman or burgess, or who has been or may hereafter be bound an apprentice, shall have and enjoy, and be entitled to acquire and enjoy, the same share and benefit of the lands, tenements, hereditaments, and of the rents and profits thereof, and of the common lands and public stock of any borough or body corporate, and of any lands, tenements, and hereditaments, and any sum or sums of money, chattels, securities for money, or other personal estate of which any per son or any body corporate may be seized or possessed, in Whole or in part, for any charitable uses or trusts, and of any discharg e or exemption from any t o ll s or dues lawfully leaied; in whole, or in part, by or to the use of any borough or body corporate, es fully and effectually, and for such time and in such inauner, as he or she by any statute, charter, by-law, or custom its force, at the tithe of passing this act might or could have had acquired Or enjoyed, in case this act had not been pasked.'! isienunt M. esrsociteE referred to the observations Loed Lyndhurst respecting tbepoliticalopinians of the commissioners, and said that when the noble and learned lord was a young member of the bar he would not like to have been called a "whig," or "something mere than a whig." Did the tobleicsed deny that he had admitted that the charge of being a whig had been made against himself? Lord LYNDHURST.—I never did admit it and there is not the slightest foundation for it in fact. Lord MEL BOURNE.—It had been so stated. He (Lord Mel bourne) however knew it was a calumny—knesi it to he false. The noble and learned lord anticipated an unanimous support, for his amendment, which went to save the rights of freemen, in respect to corporate property, as they at present stood. He could only say, that the anticipation of unanimity expressed by the noble and learned lord would not be realized, for he (Lord Melbourne) should most undoubtedly give his most decided opposition to the amendment. (Hear, hear.) The noble and learned lord admitted that the rights of freemen were preserved by this bill to the existing individuals. If the bill was thought defective in respect to the period within which it extended the preservation of those rights, and if it was thought that a greater regard would be had to justice by a further extensiou of the period, to each an alteration of the bill he should not be disin clined to give his best consideration; but the amendment, which would preserye in perpetuity rights which he believed to he pre judicial not only to the freemen themselves, but to the whOle community, was a provision which should not be introduced into the bill with his content and approbation. He held that the property now enjoyed by freemen, especially time right of common, —that the system under which one man enjoyed the hay, another the aftermath,—was one which was prejudicial to the due cultivation of the soil; and equally' prejudicial, as he contended, to the freemen themselves. Freemen relied on this property, and this state of general public charity had rendered freemen in boroughs of this country inferior in rank, estate, and property to other classes of the community. He felttosv very inferior he must be to the noble and learned lord opposite in discussing the nature of the law affecting these rights; but he would ask the noble and learned lord why, of all mankind, these freemen were to have a perpetuity? None of the property of any of their lordships was inalienable; if any of their lord ships attempted by deed to create a perpetuity, time noble and learned lord opposite, if sitting on the bench of justice, would tear that deed in pieces. He repeated that these rights were prejudicial to the country and to the freemen themselves. They were equally prejudicial to the occupation and to the proper cultivation of the land, and he could appeal to a noble lord opposite who had introduceda bill for the very purpose of pre venting all these rights of common, and for promotin the appropriation and division of common lands, whether such was not the case. The fact was admitted by lawyers, statesmen, and all writers on political economy. He contended that the bill provided perfect security for all those rights at present in ex- istence; that it committed no injustice, hut, on the contrary, would effect the greatest advantage to the community ; and he, for one, should give his negative to the introduction of this clause. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of H ADDINGTON expressed his surprise at hearing the opinions contained in the speech of his noble friend (Lord Milbourne ;) he was astonished, to hear from the first minister of the crown notions expressed of so loose and dangerous a cha racter upon the subject of the rights of property. (Hear, hear.) It was enoug h f or hi m , ( the Earl of Haddington) that this with which the house was now called upon to deal was pro , perty-,..1t was the property of the _lower classes, ftirehe most part of them poor men, to whom these grants and rights of pro perty were of great i m p ortance. Ile knew well, from having !lad during eight y ears o f hi s l i fe a slight connexion with a body of freem e n p ossess i ng t h ose rights that they r egar d ed the , possession of those rights and privileg e s with pride and satis faction. Ile begged to ask what there was in those feelings which ought to call for their disfranchisement ? What was there in the property which rendered it less worthy of attentionas Tear, hear.) Was property to this great amount to than the properly . of the richest individual in the u try? he n thus ealt with so lightly, and to be given up to the views of fast',(l. inquirers and fanciful speculators on the question as to whether certain rights of property were or were not a d vantageous to the public in g en era l ? ( Hear, hear.) The people thought oet ofin t l h ier is ie n e )e a a g s a u i r u e s . t such ,rhe doctrines h a e s r h e e d a b t e e e d n , vaadlyuaendc t e h d e i s n e emu wise, and it was n ecessary f or t h e i r lordships to make aost'ana rigplapotsrt; they held them to be advantageous, and who would deify that. the right of grazing two or three cows upon a common was not beneficial to th e p oor man ? H e could scarcely recover himself from the astonishm en t w ith w hi c h h e h eard the statement of his noble friend opposit e , th a t th ese l i g h ts were prejudicial both tothe parties enjoyin g th em an d t o t h e community at large. .If the principle advanc e d was t o s t an d , he begged t o i neuire who was to.judge as to whom p ro p er ty was b eneficial ? (Hear, hear. ) Upon the whole of thi s ma tt er h e ent i re l y concurred in what had' been urged by his noble and learned friend. He thought it was the duty of their lordships to stand forward in the breach a ainst this attack ea the property of the p oor (h ear, hear;) e g ad he also was of opinion that if the clause proposed was not intro duced the bill ought not to be permitted to pass int o a law. (Hear, hear.) No untried th eor i es oug h t to induce the house to sanction that which was neither more nor less than plunder and spoliation. ( Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELL INGTON addressed a few observations to the house in support of the amendment, and in the course of his speech regretted that Lord Melbourne had not thought tit to reply to what he had said on the previous night instead of, the present occasion. Lord BsouGn Aid saw that the.reas on w h y hi s noble friend bad not answered the noble duke was, th a t h e (L ord B.) had taken upon himself that part of• the debate. (Ch eers from the opposi tion.) And why should he not ? If hi s no bl e friend did not repudiate his services why should n o bl e lords opposite obj ect to them ? He could not have believed, if he had not heard it on the testimony of those•who were incapable of misrepresenting what occurred, the passage that hail taken place in his absence. He had not come into the house early in the sittings of the evening. The Earl of WICKLOW.—At half-p as t seven o ' clock. Lord BROUGHAM.—And is this a b reac h •of parliamentary` duty? (" Hear, hear," from Lord Wi c k low.) Is this an impeachable offence ? (" Hear, hea r ," f rom Lord Wicklow.) The noble earl says e that coming i n at half-past seven o'cl oc k i s a breach of parliamentary duty ! The Earl of WICE tow.—l said no such thing. Lord Bao UG IA A Nl.—That it is an impeachable offence. The Earl 01 . W ICKLOW.—I said nothing of the kind. Lord BitoeuilA3l.—My lords, am I bound to be here from sun-rise to sun-set ?. I was here this morning at the sitting - of the house to do judicial business. If any other man in this house, except the noble earl, will have the courage to get up and say,t d o n u t a t ten d to my duty in this h o us e , I - will retire from the house and plead guilty to the charge. (Great cheering.) There is no man in, this house that attends one.fifth part so much as 1 do. I have been here every day from the 13th of Februa r y, at t en o ' c l oc k i n the morning till the rising of the ',house. I was not lounging upon the seats last night, like some 1 noble lords—l took part in the debate, and I shall always do so when it suits my convenience, I care not one jot whether my doing so pleases noble lords or displeases them. Ido not do it to please them, but to satisfy my own sense of duty. I did it with infinite pain, because 1 was labouring under indisposition; but I did it as au act of justice to the commissioners,- whose con duct had been impeached by speeches in the house, and at the bar, in their absence, and when they had not the physical pos sibility of defending themselves. I came here to-day at a quarter to eleven and remained till half-past five o'clock, when I left to attend a society elsewhere, and I find on my returning hither that I h ave b een answere d b y my no bl e an d l earne d fr i end (Lyndhurst,) whom I have never refused to meet in fair fight, face to face, in my life, though in all our conflicts, political and professional, nothing for a moment has interfered with that friendship which unites us personally. (" Hear," from Lord Lyndhurst.) It is a very extraordinary thing that my noble and learned friend could not just have attended to the noble duke's doctrine, and have made his answer last night instead of to-night—last -night, when it would have been appropriate to the discussion. But no doubt the zeal of my noble and learned friend in the cause of his clients, the corporations, made it in cumbent on him to treat him as the commissioners have been treated—they were attacked in their absence, and I, their de feader, have been replied to behind my back. Yes, my lords, I'see that not only do a large majority of you think that it was proper to attack, convict. and condemn the commissioners in their absense, but that it was proper also to attack, convict, and condemn me, the defender of those commissioners, in my ab sence. (Question, question.) Yes, and that one or two of you cry "question !" when I undertake to rep e l thi s a tt ac k , f rom a totalignorance of my nature, and of my habits of life; from a foolish and ridiculous and absurd notion, that by crying "ques tion" they can put me down. Why, I have stood up against half the House of Commons when they have cried "question" for three quarters of an hour, and they coulditot put ine down. Ccaalince pladios contempsi ; non twos pertimescam. I know what it is to stand up against 300 men, pretending to be the repre sentatives of the people, who have attempted to drown the voice of one man, who was their real friend and representative, and they did not succeed; and do you think that one of you, by crying ' , question," can put me down ? (Order, order.) i Mlle Burl of ItossLyrs spoke to order, but the noble earl was wholly inandible in the gallery. Lod I3aou H se(without leaving his seat) said, I have done. The‘Earl of Riroty lamented the course, the debate had token, and would confine himself entirely to the question before the house. He could not conceive upon what principle of justice thev.were galled upon to take away this property unless they could establish a clear and intelligible ground that there was some great public object to be gained by it, and which could not be obtained without it. All that his noble friend had said was, that this species of property was injurious to those who held it, and injurious to the community; and then his noble friend invoked the principles of political economy to sanction this proposition. But, whatever speculative opinions his noble friend might entertain, yet if those poormen told him that their 'interests were involved in the protection of these rights, he would not consent to violate them. It was perfectly ludicrous to argue a question of this kind upon such very inadequate and unsubstantial grounds as those that had been advanced by . his npble friend. He (Lord Ripon) had supported this bill with a sincere and honest desire that it should pass into a law; but he at the same time must support the clause proposed by the noble and learned lord. The Earl of RA DNOR did not believe that freemen valued this property so highly as had been alleged, but those who had the management of it wished to keep it. Of what value was this property where the freenrn might at any time be increased, as in Leicester, SOO shareholders in one year? It had been said by a noble lord last night, that it was the duty of that house to do that which it deemed right in spite of the popular opinion of the house, and to leave the public afterwards to appreciate the soundness of their views. Now, it certainly appeared to him that the house had done much to lower itself in the popular es timation by the proceedings which it had adopted with respect to this bill. If they did that which was just and honourable, he tad no doubt but that ultimately the public would always give them credit for it; in the present instance, however, he thought the house had acted in a way which could only reflect discr e dit upon them. He sh ou ld certainly oppose the amendment of the noble and learned lord. Lord SEGRA VIC supported the amendment. On a division the numbers were—F'or the amendment-- Contents.. Not contents 37 Majority for the amendment 93 Lord LYNDHURST then moved the following clause-" And whereas the right of noting at the election of members of par liament was by the , act entitled, 'An act for amending the re presentation of the• people,' preserved to all persons who then were or hereafter might become freemen or burgesses of any borough represent e d i n parl i ament under certain conditions named in the act; be it therefore enacted, that whoever as a burgess or freeman enjoys, or shall enjoy, by birth or servitude, the right of voting at the election of a member of parliament, I shall be entitled to enjoy such right as if this act had not been passed." • Viscount MELBovaNE considered the proposition of the no ble and learned lord replete with disadvantages and incon veniences, and that its adoption would be inconsistent with the system which they were about to introduce. He should, there fore, oppose the clause: . The Earl of HARRoWRY observed, that the bill proposed the extinction of the lights of freemen. He had supported the last clause•proposed by his.noble and learned friend, and ho should support the present, because he considered the perpetuity of those rights as one of the most valuable parts of tae constitution. • The clause was agreed to without a division. • Lord Lrismititisr proceeded to inove another 'cla,use, the substande of which was that the town-clerk ()revery borough should, on or before the 25th of Octobir next, make out a list of all the freemen on the roll who had been admitted as bur gesses of such borough; and that when hereafter any claim of admission should be made, and after examination, established, that the name of the person making that successful claim should be entered on the roll; and that the town-clerk shOuld make out a copy of the roll to be open for inspection, without expense, at all reasonable times; arid deliver copies of it, on the payment of a reasonable remuneration, to any persons re quiring them. Lord BROUGHAM said that the principle involved in this clause had been-already discussed and decided upon; but he would observe that it illustrated fully all the defects, without any of the advantages of the hereditary principle. He objected en• tirely to the arithmetical argument of his noble friend—that Irish . questions were to be decided by the feelings of the majority of huh members; English questions by the feeling's of the ma jority of English members; and Scotch questions by those of Scotch members. He was sorry to find that his noble friend, in his old age, was becoming a repealer; for certainly that prin ciple was essentially one of repeal, and one which would lead to strange conclusions. Lord LYNDHURST thought that the clauses which he proposed would answer the purposes desired ; if they would not, he was willing to amend than' an as to give effect completely to their lordships' intentions. Lord MELBOURNE asked if the noble lord wished to preserve the rights of freemen for municipal purposes ? Lord LYNDHURST said that he did not. The clause was then inserted, and the interpretation clause was agreed to. On the clause which provides that the boundaries of parlia memary boroughs shall be the boundaries for municipal pur poses, and that the boundaries of others should be determined by the Kin in council, The Duke of WELLINGTON said that there was no part of the bill which was more complained of, and which had excited more alarm and discontent than this clause ; many portions of boroughs not now included within the boundaries would be com pelled to pay the rates levied for municipal purposes, without participating in the parliamentary privil eges o f the boroughs. He,moved, as an amendment, " That the bound ar i es o f b oroughs in schedules A and B should remain fixed as they now were unless p ar li ame n t s h ou ld ot h erw i se d eterm i ne. " , After a short conversation, the clause was agreed to. Clause 5 was' postponed. Clause 6 and 7 were respectively put and agreed to. The house resumed. The chairman reported progress, and-obtained leave to sit again to-morrow. Their lordships then adjourned at a quarter to twelve. HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDA'Y. - In the House of Commons, during the early titting, the bankrupts' estate (Scotland) bill, the civil bill courts (Ireland) bill, and the reform of parliament: (Scotland) bill, went through committee, and the reports were orde re d t o b e rece i ved to-day. The letters patent bill was read a second time after some op position. On the reassembling of the house in the evening, the third reading of the militia staff reduction bill was carried, on a divi sion, by 109 to 9. The motion for the discharge of Mr. Keith from custody was agreed to. The AT TORNEY-GENER AL, in answer to a question from Mr. Herne, said that he had instituted proceedings against certain parties reported to have beea of .bribery . at the, Ipswich etettitb. • • - - Mr. C. BULLXR withdrew his motion relative to the Mauri tins. On the motion of Mr. Hume a series of resolutions, founded on the report of the committee on printed papers, were agreed to. The report of the committee on the slave compensation act was agreed to, and the bill read a third time. The municipal corporations (Ireland) bill, and the peace pre servation (Ireland) bill, severally went through committee, aryl the reports were ordered to be receieed to-day, (Friday.) • —__ HOUSE OF LORDS, FRIDAY. Lord EitoucHast moved the second reading of the education and charities bill. The bill, after a short discussion, in the course of which Lord Lyndhurst said he was by no means satis fied with its provisions, was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday, (yesterday.) MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS' BILL. Viscount MELBOURNE moved the order of the day for the house resolving itself into a committee on the above bill. The Bth clause—which allows occupiers of prelnises to be rated to the relief of the poor, and which provides that where an occupier, who has claimed to be put on every rate made for the relief of the poor during the first three years after the passing of this act, and who shall have on or before the last day of Au gust, in any of the said three years, tendered the full amount of all such rates then due, such occupier shall be entitled to be en rolled as a burgess—having been read, Lord LYNDHCRST said, be had no objection to the clause itself in substance, but he would suagest one or two merely ver bal alterations. He did, however, object to the second proviso, by Which persons might claim to be rated, though at the time possessed of no property. It would be sufficient if at the end of the third year they paid.up the amount du e . Viscount MinnoueN e defend e d the proviso. He thought it was quite sufficient if before the expiration of the three years the qualifying rate w as pa id . In supporting the clause as it stood, he had no wish to offer any factious oppo s ition to the bill of the noble a n d l earned lord. (Laughter.) Lord LYNDHunsT read the proviso at length, and contended that it 'ye a full answer to the observation of the noble vis dount. I'he clause was liable to very great objection, and might be made the instrument of fraud. "The noble viscount has called it my bill. I am sure it is not his bill for he does not ap pear to have read it. I move that the second proviso be struck out." After a few words from Lord Plunkett, Lord Melbourne, Lord Whatneliffe, and Lord Ellenborough, the second proviso was struck out, and the clause as amended was ordered to stand part of the bill. Clause 9 was agreed to without any observation. On clause 10 being propo.sed by the Chairman, Lord LYNDHURST IllOved,.thßt it be omitted, on the ,ground, that by the Clause as it steed a party might fraudulently absent himself from his occupancy, avoid the payment of. rates, and yet, on returning to a new occupancy, after tw,, years' absence, would be entitled to vote. Thus double votes would be created. The clause, after a short discussion, was struck out. Clause 11, atter a verbal amendment proposed by Lord Lyndhurst, and a short desultory conversation, was agreed to and orderedto stand part of the bill. Clause 12, reserving to burgesses the rights of, &c., and ex emption from tolls, was on the motion of Lord Lyndhurst struck out, on the ground that it was superseded by the clause intro duced by the noble and learned lord last night. Ou clause 13, empowering the town councils to purchase rights of common and exemption from tolls, being put, Lord LYNDHURST moved that it be omitted, on the same grounds as the previous clause had been struck out. Viscount MELBOURNE thought the v o l untary par t o f th e clause might be benefici a lly retained, the compuls o ry part being Lord ed. • BROUGHAM concurred, but thought, with a view to con sidering and refmmiug the clause, it had better be postponed for the present. Lord LYNDHURST objected to a postponement, as the clause could not by possibility be altered consistently with justice. Clause 14 was agreed to without any discussion. On clause 15, directing overseers to make out lists of persons entitled to become burgesses, being put, Lord LYNDHURST said that it was his intention to move an amendment upon this clause and the next three or four which succeeded it, and their lordships would scarcely understand the nature of those amendments unless he offered a few words in explanation of the object which he hatlin view in pro posing the amendments. He had already given his assent to the principle of the burgess qualification, and with respect to it he need not trouble their lordships. The house was aware that no qualification beyond that of being a burgess was required by the bill as it at present stood for a member of the town council. It appeared to him that the house would act unwisely e if it adopted the principle, that any person paying the lowest possi ble amount of rates might thus become a member of the council —of the governing body of the corporation, and thus disposing of the property, of the corporation, controlling their charges, and discharging all the important duties incident to that office. (Hear.) This proposition he could not think proper; but, on the contrary, he held that some qualification, at least to some extent, ought to be required in the persons upon whom these important trusts were to be conferred. A qualification was re quired by law for almost all the principal situations in which any individual might be placed. A man could not be a member of parliament without he possessed a certain qualification in es tate and fortune, with some certain exceptions; nefther could an individual be appointed a justice of the peace unless he pos sessed a certain properry qualification; and he contended that for these new offices created under this bill a pecuniary qualifi cation ought to be required. (Hear, hear.) It was ou this principle that he meant to propose these amendments to their lordships. He did not mean to say that,a pee.uniary qualifica tion would alone insure for these trusts andoffiCes men of intel rigence,nien of activity, and men of integrity;' but he maintained that it would have a tendency to afford a security for the proper discharge of the trust. Such security had ever heretofore been required, and it ought to form a part of the provisions of this bill. Then came the question as to the species of qualification. One species of qualification adopted in this country was the possession of a certain amount of real or personal property. This was, however, a qualification which was easily evaded. (Hear.) Every day's practice showed that it was a species of qualification which could not be relied on. (Hear.) Another species of qualification which had sometimes been resorted to was that which consisted of the occupancy of a house of a cer tain value. To this species there were, however, two objections : the first was the difficulty of ascertaining the value, and the second the variance in the value of similar houses situated in different towns, that was to say, the valiance betw een th e de- . scription of a £2O house in one town and a £2O house in another town. A third class of qualification which sometimes suggested itself was on the amount of rates paid; but to this system a dif ficuly presented itself from the circumstance, that in all places the rating was not upon the full value of the tenement, so that a qualification founded upon this basis would be of a very un certain character. Under these circumstances it had occurred to him, that the best mode of making the qualification applica ble to all places would lie a qualification founded on the amount of rate-paying with reference to each particular town or bo rough; that was to say, that the persons to be appointed upon• the town council should be selected from those who were the highest rate-payers in that town or borough. ' (Hear, hear.) The principle which he meant to recommend was, that the rate-payers of each borough should be divided into classes of sixths of the whole body, and that out of the sixth or highest class of rate-payers the selection of the members of the .council should be made. He thought that on consideration their lord ships would see that this would be the best mode in which the security of a qualification could be effected. With-this view he meant now to propose an amendment on the present clause for the purpose of practically carrying out tAeltrofilueet. The clause as it at present stood directed the ove*ers to Make out lists of persons entitled to •becoisre bureesse*, To make the bill con formable with the principles he had stated, it was necessary that ofi'persons qualified to become councillors should be made but alsts. ' Such would be the object of the amendment - 44 e should move on the present clause. (Hear.) Lord BROUGHAM opposed this amendment. Although pro perty qualifications were considered necessary in England and Ireland for a seat in parliament, they were not necessary in Scotland, and yet the 53 members for Scotlandhe would say there was not one of them who was not, taking the proportion they bore in numbers to the remainder of the 658, a richer man than the members for England and Ireland, though every one of the latter swore to being worth £6OO or £3OO a year. It did not follow that because a poor man might be' elected, that the municipal constituencies would select beggars to hold office in their boroughs. No one who knew anything of the privileges of the peopleof England could for a moment believe that this would be the case. The people of this country were, indeed, too apt to look to the contents of mess' 13urses when judging of their respectability, and never forgot that ingredient in their estimate of the character of a respectable man. • Lord MELBOURNE thought there were such strong objections to the plan proposed, ih the minds, as he believed, of almost all claws, that he had little difficulty in saying that nothing could be more odious than it was likely to prove. He wished, how ever, not to let a moment pass without declaring his warns and earnest anxiety that the bill should go nut of that house in such a form as to render it acceptable elsewhere; and he was there fore very desirous that tio•amendments should be adopted by their lordships calculated to produce a contrary result. Under the influence of such a feeling. as that, he could not then refrain from asking their lordships, had they well considered how the amendment, if adopted, would act ? He did declare that he be lieved in his conscience the adoption of the amendment would occasion the most serious discontents. Wh-at could be more aristocratic than the declaration that none' ut the very highest rated inhabitants should be eligible? Nothing could be more odious, nothing more oligarchical, nothing snore alien, nothing more hostile to the spirit of the British - constitution and the feeling . of the. British people, than an enactment which created an aristocracy of wealth, and which said, not that men should have such or such an amount of property as a security to the public, but that they should be the very richest in the place. For all these reasons, then, it was his duty to state that the amendment, if adopted, must prove fatal to the ultimate success of the measure. Lord LYNDHURST declared that he was extremely desirous of contributing to render the measure one of wholesome regula tion of corporate bodies, but he • deemed it essential to that wholesome regulation that somequalificationshould be required from persons filling important trusts, administering justice, and taxing their f e ll ow - c itizens. By th e bill introduced by his noble and learned friend two years ago, a qualification was required; that bill bore upon the face of it every mark of having been most carefully matured ; it was submitted to the consideration of a noble lord then in the other house, it obviously underwent many alterations, but nevertheless a high property qualification was required. He did not forget it had b een sa id that the prin ciple of qualification had never before been applied to corpo rations; he would maintain, on the contrary, that under the old form it was implied, and the direct qualification was there fore not required. But he would request noble lords to remem ber the bill for regulating municipal corporations in Scotland; there a £lO quaFfication was required, and by the poor law bill a property oualification was likewise demanded. If he were asked to assign a reason for fixing the qualification rather pro portionally than otherwise, he should say that he gave the pre ference to that mode, because a particular t amount of rate would not apply in an equal degree to different places; be accordingly adopted that mode as the most flexible. (Hear, hear.) It na• turally contracted or extended itselfaccording to circumstances. It should be recollected that the proportion he adopted was one-sixth ; had he taken one-fourth it wou ld h ave reac h e d the £lO householders throughout the entire kingdom; a qualifica tion going so near to the most extensive could not be consider ed very narrow. It was in his opinion a large and extensive qualification, and one which readily accommodated itself to the circumstances of various corporations. Cases had certainly been stated in which persons of respectability and character might possibly be excluded, but the arguments founded upon those cases applied with equal force to every species of property qualification, for there was none of them that did not bear hard. upon some clasi of persons. Before he sat down he wished to observe, that he only mentioned one-sixth from a necessity of fixing some amount, but it was perfectly competent to any noble lord, in lieu of that, to propose a qualification more de finite, say of £l,OOO. Finally, he begged to declare; that he felt fully as anxious as the noble viscount that the bill should be as successful when returned to the other house, and he hoped it would be received there, if not with absolute acceptance, at least that it should be favourably entertained; it was a con summation most deeply to be wished, end one that he was most anxious to obtain. . , . The..amembuctit proposed by. Lord Lknilliiirst trn fl a rnrrip a majority of 81, th e m emb ers b e i ng *Cu . its favour, and 39 against it. After a few words from Lord Brougham, the Earl of Devon, and Lord Lyndhurst , the clause a s amen d e d wa s th en agre ed to, together with several others (up to•the 21st, ).in which it be came necessary to introduce some consequential alterations. Clauses 22 and 23 were agreed to. On clause 2t . Lord WH ARN C L WI? rose to move an amendment, which he had no doubt would occupy their lordships fur three or four hours 'in discussion. Lord LYNDHURST said, as that was so, he thought the house had better resume. Although the committee upon this bill had occupied 15 nights in the other house of parliament, he could pledge himself that it would not occupy more than four in their lordships' house. Lord BROUGHAM asked if the noble and learned lord meant four nights including the two they had already been in commit tee, and that therefore they would get through the bill on Tues day night? Lord LYNDHURST said—Yes. Lord BROUGHAM agreed with the noble and learned lord, be. cause he thought they had alteady got over the most difficult parts of the bill, and under such c ircumstances be could have no objection that the house should resume. The Chairman then obtained leave to sit again, and the house resumed. Adjourned at half-past eleven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, FnInAT The Speaker took the chair at a quarter to four. Mr. Tapps took the oaths and his seat. DISCHARGE OF MR. KEITH. Thomas Moore Keith having been brought to the bar in the custody of the Sergeant -at-Arms, and having been reprimanded by the Speaker, was discharged. THE BUDGET. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER claimed the indulgence of the house while he brought forward the state of the finances of the country. He commenced by an enumeration of the taxes taken off since the peace, and the further reductions made in the committee of supply in the amounts of various estimates. After enumerating the expenses to be provided for by the trea sury, which other Chancellors of the Exchequer h at ) no t b een called upon to pay:—viz., the fire of the two houses of pal ha meat; the fire at the Dublin docks; the grant to the Poles; the revising barristers; the relief of the county rates; purchases of works of art ; Danish claims; education of slaves, and the hur ricane in Dominica—making in all £400,000. He calculated the Income at 43,550,000 Expenditure 44,715,000 Surplus revenue.. 835,000 But this surplus he expect e d wou ld crum bl e away b y t h e opera tion of the "West India ioan, which would leave a surplus of AUGUST IS, 1835 from 150 to £200,000 only. The right hon. gentleman detailed at great length the exports of various manufactures, the con sumption of oils, tobacco, spirits, and ether articles; the num ber of depositors and the amounts deposited in savings banks, and of bankrupts and insolvent debtors, for the last live years, to shew. the increasing prosperity of the country. " The house would not and ought not to expect him to propose any reduction of taxation which was inconsistent with the maintenance of public credit. If popularity was to be earned by pursuing that course, be would never earn it. Without, however, incurring the danger to which he had alluded, there were two or three items of taxation which might be reduced. At the early part of the session a great number of petitions were presented by the right hon. gentleman whom he saw opposite, praying for the reduction of the additional duty imposed last year on spirit licenses, and his hon. friend the member for Exeter had been induced at his request to postpone a notice which he had given upon the subject. The duty in question was proposed by Lord Althorp, and w as a pp rove d o f b y the whole house, an d he be lieved that it was the only instance of a tax haring been adopted • in the House of Commons without any opposition. Lord Al thorp was cheered when he announced the tax He (Mr. Rice) approved of the principle of the tax, and he proposed to make an alteration with respect to it only on account of the inequa lity of its operation. The committee should clearly understand that he proposed to deal only with the increased duty estab lished by .Lord Althorp, which amounted to fifty per cent. This increi6ed duty operated very oppressively upon those pub licans whose consumption of spirits was very small compared with their consumption of malt liquor. It was for the benefit of that class, and that only, that he was about to propose an alter ation in the duty. He could not flatter hon. members that the keepers of great inns and other establishments would partici pate in the relief about to be afforded to their less opulent bre thren. His proposition was, that persons might take out a - li cense which would authorize them to sell not more than fifty gallons of spirit, and for that license they would pay a reduced duty. (ileac.) The loss which the revenue would sustain from this alteratiou, he calculated at £40,000. This was exactly the same proposition whi c h h e wou ld have urged upon the right boo. baronet the member for. Tamworthif he had . continuatin office. ( Murmurs.) He proposed to make. another reduction in the duty imposed upon a branch of our manufactures which was capable of great extension—he meant` flint glass. (Hear.) The house must be aware how many motives existed to induce a minister to propose a reduction of the duty on that article. In the first place, it was well known that there was a very great smuggling trade carried on in glass. ThiiP was inevitable whilst the duty was fid. per lb., and the drawback to allow for waste was 7d. per lb., (so the right hon. gentleman said.) He believed that the great hulk of the glass exported, and for which a drawback of 7d. per lb. was received, paid no duty whatever. Thus the profits of the fair trader were carried off by the smuggler, and' besides the evil of smuggling in itself, it inevitably led to the corruption of the revenue offi cers. The tax also operated injuriously by prevent* the em ployment of workmen, because it applied more to the cutting of glass then any other branch of the manufactime, and manu— facturers did not like to run the risk of losing their capital. He believed that the duty prevented Many beautiful articles front being manufactured and exported. In this case he thought he might make a reduction of the duty without any loss being ulti- • matelv sustained by the revenue thereby, though there might be a lOss during the next year. He proposed to reduce the duty from 6d. to 2d., and he anticipated from that alteration a great increase of consumption, both in the home and foreign market. (Hear, hear.) The reduction in the drawback would be in tie same proportion as the reduction of the duty. The revenue at present derived from the duty was £233,317, and the amount paid 'for drawback was £85,225, leaving 4148,092 as the net amount of duty. The pr esen t l oss t o the revenu e, by the reduc tion of two-thirds of that sum, would be somewhat less than £100,000; but as he had no doubt that the consumption would immediately increase, he calculated the loss to the Exchequer durinw the next year a t no t more t h an between 1:60,000 and £70,000, which deficiency would be entirely supplied by in creased consumption in succeeding years. There was another point to which he wished to direct the attention of the house, a reduction which he had long been anxious to effect, affecting as it did a class of the community in Ireland who would be greatly benefited by its removal. The continuance of the tax impeded very much the course of justice in that country, and the reduc tion he meant to propose was, the removal of the stamp duty on awards for sums below a certain amount. It was most im portant to encourage in that country, the practice of settling disputes by awards and arbitrations. £5OO, as we understood, would be lost. to the revenue by this reduction, but that was not much. Perhaps this reduction might hereafter be extended to England, but the necessity of the case was much stronger in Ireland than it could be in England. _ There was also some dif ference between the condition of the lieu countries; however, he would direct his best attention to the subject. He had but a few more words to say. He wished to state that neither on this nor on any other occasion did he wish, while be stood up for the maintenance of the national faith, to suggest for a moment any faltering, any fidling back in the great workof economy. (Hear.) They might be enabled to go further afterwards, and he had shown how great a reduction had been made already. Even in the collection of the revenue no less a sum had been saved since the year 1820 than £626,362. This was a larger reduction than ,the hon. member for Middlesex himself contemplated as possible. Mind, he would not say that reduction could not be carried fur ther, but the hon. member, in his memorable spee c h ma d e in 1817 , stated , the possible amount that could be reduced below the reductiolrthat was actually made. He was sure, however, his hon. friend, The member for Middlesex, knew that be would carry reduction as far as it was possible. Witkrespect to the continuance of sinecures, upon which so many observations had been made, there would, besides those at present in eXistonte, soon be left no trace orshadow of a sinecure office in Eng land, or her dependencies, and even with subsisting sinecures a great diminution had taken place. There were, in 1810, sinecures to the amount of £191,000 unprovided for by abolition, and in 1834 they only amounted to £17,000. Then came pen sions, on which head, by natural and legitimate means, a sa.ving of £16,000, as we understood the right, hon. gentlem an , b a d been effected. He thanked the committee for the indulgence which it had shown him. (Hear, hear.) He thought the re sult of the whole would be satisfactory to the public, inspired as he was with the assurance that the general resources of the country, so far from being diminished, were in a very flourish ing condition. 'The good results that must follow on the main tenance of the national' honour had been most satisfactorily • established in the negotiation of .the last-loan, whieh exhibited a practical proof that thegredit of tbie coontry moseet on higher gronnds than that of any other. (Cheers.)' Let the terms on which we borrowed money be compared with those granted to any foreign country, and then judge, not of the economy of the finance minister, but of the resources of the country. (Hear. hear.) Mr. GOuLnunN was bound to state that he had listened vith the greatest attention to Theright hon. gentletrtan and he was bound to say that th e resu lt was satisfactory: always, when he had occasion to address himself to to the , house-on this subject, held a high tone as to the resources of the country.— He approved of the right hon. gentleman's not attempting any considerable reduction at the present moment, but he must say that the reductions which had taken plaie were more regulations for trade than actual reductions. The prosperity of the coun try, he agreed with the right hon. gentleman in thinking, was certainly general, but the agricultural interest was in a states of great depression, and he hoped that it would obtain a full shale of the attention of the right hon. gentleman. Mr. Roetitce said that the statement of the right hon. gen tleman was anything but satisfacbily, and the fact of his having carefully excluded from his speech all reference to the taxes - on . knowledge proved that he wished to continue those odious im posts, and thereby exClUde the people from the attainment of that information which they were so desirous to procure upon cheap and accessible terms. Mr. S. RICE observed that the taxes to which the hon. mem ber for Bath had alluded did not form any part of his financial statement, and therefore the hon. and learned gentleman need not be surprised at his having omitted any mention of them. There was at present on the orders a notice of Motion 13 bring the subject of the tax on newspaperS before the house, and he could only say that when that question was brought forward he should be quite ready to discuss it, and if any satisfactory ar rangement could be made, he for one would not throw any impediment in the way. The house would recollect, however. that when a propose] was made to reduce the duty on news papers, it was declared that unless the whole tax was taken 'off, any partial reduction would be worse than nothing. In short, it was, said that the tax not onl y upon newsp a pe r s, but upon paper and advertisements, must be immediately removed, as nothing short of that concession would give satiefiktion to the advocates of cheap knowledge. Now, he believed that these taxes put together would amount to about E 1,353,000, and sup posing that he had a surplus of £450,000, could any man sup pose that he would be justified in coming down to the house with such a proposal, and if he had, would the House of Com mons have sanctioned so large a reduction of taxation with so small a surplus of revenue to meet it? He hoped the house would at some future time be disposed to consider the whole question of the stamps on newspapers. but until that period should arrive he could not consider the question in any o ther light than 'attone which was open to the opinion of the house. (Hear.) He..begged to inform the hon. member for Cumber land, who had alluded to a revision of the duty on inferior bar ley, that the subject had 'not - escaped his observation, but et. present he feared it would not be practicable to carry the wish of the hon. member into effect. _ _ Mr. H. BULWAR approved generally of the statement made by the right hon. gentleman. The resolutions were then agreed to, and the house havillg resumed, the report was ordered to be brought up on Munday next.—Adjohrned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, SATURDAY The Speaker took the chalottwelvg _ oriatittzu tontus rrt THE ARMY. Lord JOHN Russatt begged to intimate that he had received his majesty's most gracious answer to the resolution of the house with respect to Orange Lodges in the army, which at th' request of the Speaker, he proceeded to read as follows: " 1' have received youedutiful address, submitting to me cer tain resolutions on the subject of Orange Lodges in the army. " My attention has been, and :shall continue to be, directed to practices contrary to the regulations and injurious to - the dis cipline of my troops. I owe it no less to the dignity of my crown than to the safety of the country and the welfare of my brave and loyal army, to discourage and prevent any attempts to introduce se cret societies into its ranks; and you may rely on my deter mination to adopt the most effectual means for that purpose." [Loud cheers from the ministerial members]. Lord JOHN liussar.t then moved that this answer. from his. majesty be entered on the journals of the house —Agreed to. F. B AN !NG brought up the ways and means report, and', the excise laws report, which were laid on the table. On the motian of the Lord Advocate the itnprisonrnent t for debt (Scotland) bill was read a third time and passed,. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT (ENGLAND)*IEL. The ATTORNEY-GnNER A L moved the third reading of this ' bill. After a short discussion the hill• was read a third time and passed. Some other bills were forwarded a stage, and the house adjourned at three o'clock. STATE OF TRADE. - TRADE AT LEEDS.—The cloth trade in this neighborhood continues very steady, and it is expected that a few days will de velope" the nature and extent of the demand for the autumn and winter trades, as the London buyers generally come dOwn iu considerable numbers about the beginning of September. BRADFORD MARKET.—There is little alteration to note in the transactions at this market. The demand for both mann factored goods and wool has been, if any thing, not quite s" brisk; but there is an average business doing in yarns of par ticular qualities. The stock of goods is very low, so that any follow the se ttl emen t o f th e strug gle between ilneffi°v th e e nt merchants whiehmay and the wool factors now going on w it' be immediately felt by tne manufacturers. HUDDERSFIELD.—The market on Tuesday was flat ;. prices continue the same as those lately noticed. BARNSLEY LINEN TRADE.—A correspondent in the Mercury of last week again asserts that from three to four hundred wea vers might find employment. , It is due to the readers otihat journal, and to the poor operatives who might he induced by it to travel a great number of miles iu the hopes of finding eMplor: ment, to state that a correspondent assures 114 there is no: truth in it. The fact is that better kind of goods are not so muds wart ted as they were a few weeks ago. Though goods of a !owe! de , scription are more inquired after.