The Northern Daily Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-06-16 00:00:00

c ri `Y e moderate and sensible view of the matter. The the ter es Etat s U nis, whose editor was in Washington at Not e ,of the dismissal of Mr. Crampton, is most b4,: u ssY and irat e on th e occas i on , an d talks in a stitth " ce se manner of th e consequences of the act. pr e , re i s a vast difference between the temperaments ma e 'WO nations w hi c h t h ese papers represen t, w hi c h _ may for the different views they take of the ato ` fi r i.„The British journal is decidedly - the safer indi e-,;`Pe two. There is an impression which prevalls itilill,,:sttderable extent, that the British government will re ~ali a el y tender Mr. Dallas his passports by way of tBt re _ u °n; but such a course would be absurd in the r , unless three of our consuls, say those of Liver krne °n den and Bristol, were dismissed at the Barelyme, as a retaliation for the dismissal of Messrs. 10Y, Rovveroft, and Mathew. For, as Mr. Dallas has tsfe,rTminer rendered himsalf unacceptable to H. B. M.'s ts oni i l!aent, why. should he be sent home unless there k t ',, alto" a disposition to suspend friendly relations with 'desi r get her? But our government has expressed bass 10n • for anything of the kind, but qu ite . a contrary ;raba ss 'n• The haste of Mr. Crainpten in closing the s , t4 'n ashington, and sending, as has been kit k , . all its archives to Canada, is regarded as an '"rabl BAl° ti e sYroptom. But the feeling of. Mr. Crampton, own p eyson a l ly implicated, and who will, of course, for lakenaa hi eh Justification, be desirous of making his dismissal, p u rely personal, a national insult, must not be ",ght '4lla dication of the feeling of his government. The esos„°nr government to dismiss any diplomatic agent t of 7 1 _"' ' w ho may be persoally objectionable, of course questioned • and as Mr. Crampton and the of‘4,e-fa'c't°l:4•l,3 ha b . een ' dismisse . d solely for such a reason, I Th meir having been the instruments of . a difficulty t4o4o'elr government which is now happily settled, tl 'a.ke the exercise of this right a cause of offence. sinissa.l of Mr. Dallas, who is not involved in the N 'i h sir'o w t , °u 'd put the British Government in a ridiculous 'stitzrorn which it could not very easily extricate nt ,, hout a humiliating confession of its error. th e - 7 ; en ce is made in the foregoing to an article ° Pin; no York Albion, as giving a reflex of the BUS°of Englishmen in America. We here ' l°ll l the article I,Tho presidentd of the United States has at length sent b er3i ns a P . t° n his passport, and withdrawn the Exequatur ei J e s' Y s Consuls in this city, at Philadelphia, and in i o li tS -Il i nati • The circumstances that have gradually 1 5 slal ‘ 3 Course are familiar to the world at large; and "Piifio; argument, under which the American government ' l 3' ".S action, was submitted to Congress on Thurs lo the form ' of a despatch from Mr. Marcy to be ",'`ns. From first to last, it makes the question at daisse.sonal one. The President most readily accepts , n iestk e tsinier of the British government of any o3ury 'or offence, and devolves upon bet s "°o tbe re ibilit of disturbing the relations 4 t* , ' 11; 1 th e two countries . spons . must be confessed that pats ar ,eY is sufficiently skilful in pressing home his 4ec ti „,, lt. may be remembered that one of the strong t o:1:1- appa'rus raised by ourselves and others,. against e ar e r ,ht injustice done to the British functionaries here, OeirV u nded on the belief that 111 r. Marcy was privy to gi s re.ile Operations. " Yes,' says Lord Clarendon, in of the 30th ult., " our intentions and arrange ttm-?re frankly stated by Mr. Crampton to Mr. Marcy, 04ersation on the 220 d of March, 1855.' . Were they " i l arevl t his another " serious misapprehension ?" Mr. Leis. o . ':',Triere denial might have left the point still ob n4t4,t.: but he cites Mr. Crampton's own words in the tihi b .s late explanatory statement to Lord Clarendon Ik tes t , t r` to the blue bOok. Mr. Crampton says: . It is as ke t , at - L , Y r ue that I did not enter into any details of , AlSrei'vwhich were to be adopted by H.M. Gove . rnment.. Paii'l,, tl ',?re is no great frankness here ; and with consi- K ~ Pi a usibilit the American Secretary suggests that I",! t\ h,',, r ampton felt assured that all was right, he would Vaedig 11 0 such hesitation—especially when strictly en- Itli - '7 his own government to practice no concealment L b ey d is k . He adds, that if the British Minister had l ese orders, all the misunderstanding would have ,h ay rcled. 007,: n ng and short of it is, that in the eyes of other and before our own parliament and people, the reet , '"ernteent will be justified, just as far as this ;ets ac t can b e separa t e d f rom a var i e ty of concurrent lobo t 1 10 ,11 t this separation is not readily made, by men 'l'etC.,, a ' r ," and write under the influence of passion. From ,bough',Pideavour to keep ourselves free, at the moment, ft t o ,,'L Were easy to reproduce from our own columns, 'llsh; e n afresh, all manner of reproaches against Mr. lif ew `r!E,', for his insolence, meanness, and unfairness ; not , 4i dis,'' s inuations touching the Russian promptings and q'tsto",that kept alive the recruiting prosecutions . ; proofs "as b'toserican sources that the whole difficulty ofd ,e nursed and brought forward and kept back is' a Yed upon for the electioneering purposes ;• President Pierce; and generally, such aggrava . t- Kor'enliniscenses as ought not just now to prevail. tss4!"ver it show. ha borne in mind that whereas—as we otihl(med last week—Great Britain, with a terrible war tip e l' - ,iere - ,,, (l ‘ arlds, could not morally afford to take a very Var i ,„":„LarY tone so the United States in the face of the min' sh ' - ', times, 'and after the late imposing display of Pth e iZroree at Spithead, could not morally afford to do ~esotp.lse than they have done. Sharing to the full he labhunt that is heaped from all quarters of this country epte - 1 ;,!, 11 ,e head of the executive and on certain of his *a;'"ers, we roust own that even they may have shrunk .1 1 1ai, e ° appearance of " backing down." Forgive the ' 1 4 - 4 e; it is'a vulgar one, but expressive. t,.tie eas e of the consuls, we cannot but think that thst adiaef the Washington cabinet has been harsh and s. 1,"e• The dismissal of the minister alone would ;, 1 1 1 a t e j, e _en more dignified, and more strictly just. Is Mr. tty fo r ' exed that in his allusion to Mr. Barclay, he was L t tile P e ef argument compelled to drop the silly Matter of "Ile ' 44 rY; nor does the Attorney-General yet wince at th lidirect hits he has received from hands, that with all rt e ,g a l cunning he assayed to tie ? cle e British legation at 'Washington will be forthwith lie , o kith ris so already. This is, we presume, in accordance . t di 1 4 14 tiP`ornatic etiquette. Otherwise, as there is no desire befi t •I'tte friendly relations between the two countries should Itlii ll „ t€ rropted, it were hard to assign any reason kee T ," Personal difficulty should be expanded into a national . tledlenience. Mr. Crampton, on his return home, will l kst a r,; t eself at the turn of his professional fortune. If eigCed, he will of course he promoted to an embassy of I :_act e e f t "lc• If nut sustained, he will fall a victim o to h a t .a h a , firmness and judgment on his own part.. He g Nie lt ,„ e Peremptorily refused to take part in the bungling u that : co ncocted for raising recruits here for her Majesty' ; , qat e ,„ - • It may be difficult to decline to obey orders ; bu tat e r illt is th e one t h a t tr i es men ' s me t a l. Diplomatic ar e th °ll ' s e suspended, and the Jagers' mutiny at Plymouth, d earl y e fruits that we now have to reap from seed so impru 1, Bown. 'beßret Ih it i sh community at New York will infinitely .r •oa, s ei Parting with their immediate representative, 1\1 3,1 . d one 43 1 ,', who has long and fait' fully and most honoura y A ~u's duty —and that a most onerous one—as her . ell ' i l e ,'"l's Consul at this port. He goes home, we believe, tr rEt ( L ilt e l Y. Whether he accept some new appointment, h ere, 1 - :p into private life, we are sure that he will carry "ere . biro the good wishes of a host of his countrymen I,,rhi k naliv.ale administration at home will now do is thought 44t?csidered. We should not have thought seriously Nal, but for the strange conduct of the President, in Mea t , t a Central America. He takes a strong course with 'es x britain, enforcing a penalty for non-observance of 'lRa' n : tl trality Laws; whilst recruiting for Nicaragua, as t f t{ l ; t rr e csta Rica, goes on unchecked by the legal officers °l t O em ',S.—Of the President's partial offer to arbitrate T h t al American affairs, we must speak next Saturday. fote,e allusion made in the last paragraph of the ti arge t t ri g article has reference to a special mes ovei,i transmitted to the Senate on the 29th ult., mat e V a letter from Mr. Marcy to Mr. Dallas, ° Pil l .:,'-tY 24, on the subject of the difference of tf till`4l between the British government and that . kid e,„,united States, regarding the construction liubi e ff e ct of the treaty of April 19, 1850, and the ,tat": t Of Central American affairs generally, and l'elit .° to Mr. Dallas the views which the Presi la ov el otertains of that question, as it now stands, !lie - I, (re r that he may communicate the same the I ) irlC at i• of Clarendon. After reviewing and ° f the discussion'"up to the present time, liN i referrin— g specially to the geographical qu.esh f3ter t t "ebing the Bay Islands, and the Britis it A li m ° arbitrate, Mr. Marcy concludes as follows : mtAt in`,".°se questions of political geography, regard in the ' • - t "lnee the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the inde t' st ates of Central America. Great Britain and the n ;itles have no pretentions thus to intervene, except ~,71 11 ',, -r ,Pose of defining their own mutual obligation!, I„ - ,.er i, " of engagements they may have contracted, in d - "ktep ri - ti assore how gar they concerned the neutrality an 4 COI :t enee of 'he American Isthmus. Regarded only l e l e tal considerations, affecting the construction . treatyin between the United States and Great I,(e:' t hey A are questions, which, if not determined ' ' ';tc l a s -ille nt between the two governments them b:uiti: t lie President would not desire to refer to tlietiea - 1 (3 1 1 ,_, _He + is aware of the existence of many Ocr ene ;ustaCip ,o the adjustmentj .. of any international ei r ,eat 13,: of this ra.t ire by arbitration, of which . difficulties elon f ' L ain and the United States had experience in the $ ib 'a settle, b such means, a pre ious controversy on eth e thl of the boundary between the Ignited States and v es o e u t i ,l ll _ n_torincesof North . America. The President i:celd ntObi that any one of the powers of Europe,. .which ~,- Re v ,, consent to undertake the task of such arbitration as easti,,,Pron std, would perform the duty with perfect im le .'l 3 • ‘, ask , ; but to apply to any power to do this would be lvti d„" 4 act of thewhich, if granted, would add to their ,"ernpircuitic duties the labours and burden of settling the )s:eativeated differences of other governments. He would ~Nk on Prefer that, in a controversy like the present, turn vlferr ( 1 13 „ ei nts of political geography, the matter should . be 1 '„ 4 _, 0 6 -" '2 some one or more of those eminent men of science, 1.7, 4 Who"nour to the intellect of Europe and America, "'es ti , with the previous consent of their respective . stieh _ rneeta, might well undertake the task of determining ltose4tclnestion to the acceptance as well of her Majesty's - Z r llet e l d lie rit as that of the United States. You are in t aj e , tb ; therefore, to enter into communication with her t elati ol f e Principal secretary for foreign affair . s, in Zrst ; DI Central America, in order to ascertain in the 'erota r , t re) whether the existing differences cannot be 4. Y t errainated by direct negociation, and if they U lu - fur z tl ty to_ THE NORTHERN TIMES.---LIVERPOOL, MONDAY. cannot, then to discuss the conditions of arbitration upon those points of difference, as to which alone this method of settlement seems requisite or applicable, it being assumed that other points of difference would yield, as a matter of course, to conferences between the Earl of Clarendon and yourself, conducted in the spirit of cordiality and frankness which belong to your personal relations, and which is dic tated by the true interests, both of the United States and Great Britain.—l am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, W. L. Dauer. Geo. M. Dallas, Esq., &c., London. The accounts from Cincinnati tend to show that the chances of President Peirce's re-election are very remote. In regard to the proceedings of the Democratic Convention, the New York Herald says : The Democratic National Convention assembled at Cin . cinnati at noon yesterday, amid the roar of the empire club's artillery. Colonel Medary, of Ohio, was selected as tem porary chairman. Committees on credentials, organiz scion and platform, were chosen, and the convention adjourned till ten o'clock this morning. Of course these preliminary proceedings were not concluded without the usual uproar. At one stage the Benton delegates from Missouri, who had been excluded from the hall, knocked down the doorkeepers ald forcibly gained admittance. Bowie knives and revolvers were drawn, to the infinite terror of a'l the peacefully disposed patriots present. No harm, however, resulted from the demonstration. General John E. Ward, of Georgia, has been chosen by the committee on organisation chairman of the convention. The trouble among the Missouri and New York delegations had not been adjusted up to a late hoar last night. The hards and softs are to argue their cases before the committee to-day. The Bentonites will probably be rejected. The . excitement at Cincinnati is intense. Late and important news had reached New York from Nicaragua. The Costa Rican retreat, in consequence of the great ravages of cholera, is confirmed, and, according to the accounts the evacuation of the Nicaraguan Territory was com pleted with hurried despatch. The transit route is again free, and the campaign being at an end, General Walker's position may be regarded as firmly established. The war, for some time at least, will not be renewed. The elections in Nicaragua were going on, and it was confidently expected that President Rivas would be re-elected. Among the deaths at Grenada is recorded that of Captain James Walker, brother of the General. The break-up in the Canadian Ministry seems, after all, to have been but the fulfilment of a design amongst its members to rid themselves of their head—the veteran Sir Allan Mac Nab. The Hon. Mr. Tache is his successor, and Mr. Vankoughnet and Mr. Terrill being the only two new members. The manner in which Sir Allan has been thrown overboard excites much indignation, and the new cabinet is not deemed a lasting one. The follow ing is a complete list of the new ministry :—Speaker of the Legislative Council and Premier, Hon. Mr. Tache ; Inspector-General, Mr. Cay ley ; Attorney- General West, and Leader of the Assembly, Mr J. A. M'Donald ; Commissioner of Crown Lands, Mr. Cauchon ; Commissioner of Public Works, Mr. Lemieux ; Postmaster- General, Mr. Spence : Receiver-General, Mr. J. C. Morrison; President of the Council, Mr. P. M. Vankoughnet ; Attorney- General East, Mr. Cartier; Provincial Secretary, Mr. Terrill ; Solicitor General West, Mr. H. Smith ; Solicitor-General East, Mr. Dunbar Ross. The steamer Indian, from Liverpool, arrived at Quebec on the 2nd instant, after a passage of eleven days and a-half. The New Brunswicker of the 29th says :—lt gives us great pleasure to state that arrangements have been made for the formation of a new government on a broad and satisfactory basis. No differences of opinion exist among those who have been called upon to assist in the construction of an entirely new administration, and the delay in swearing in the new executive solely arises from the necessity of waiting for gentlemen who have been summoned from a distance. The following is a list of the members of the new government :—Messrs. Chandler and Hazen, executive councillors without office ; Gray, Attorney-general ; McPhelin, Post master-general; Allen, Solicitor-general ; Wilmot, provincial secretary. The Boston Traveller publishes extracts from a letter having date, Aux Cays, gayti, May 10, which states that a formidable insurrection had broken out in that part of the island against the Emperor Solouque. The writer says—" A body of from two thousand to three thousand insurgents took pos session of a post between this place and Pingrey last night, with a view of attacking the town to day. The military- authorities were only aware of this at seven o'clock this morning. The alarm drums were immediately beaten, and every male adult in the town was ordered to join the troops. At ten a.m. the troops marched out, with the citi zens that had joined them, but being only five hundred strong, it is probable they will not make an attack on the insurgents, but will content them selves with defending the entry of the town till reinforced." The postscript to the letter, under date eleven a.m , adds—" The alarm drums are again beating, It is said that the troops sent out are repulsed, and the insurgents are pushing for ward. People are running distractedly through the streets, closing stores, &c." The Commercial News by the present arrival is not very important. The supply of money in New York was considerably in excess of the demand, and was offered in large sums at Seven per cent. on call. Foreign Exchange was quiet, and the rates rather tended downward. The quotation on London was 1091 On the 2nd the Stock market was very buoyant, and a large business was done at advanced rates. We subjoin details of the NEW YORK MARKETS. Included in the sales are 1,000 brie mess for Septem ber at 17 dole. The stock below shows but a slight increase for the month as we expected. Beef is unchanged ; the enquiry steady for the local trade. Our stock is reduced 8,200 brls since the last monthly report, which is more than many anticipated, and very largely consists of repacked Western mess. The sales are 300 brls at 7 duls to 8 dole for country prime, 8 dole to 9 dole 50c for country mess, and 8 dols .50c to 12 dols for repackel mess. Prime mess is quiet at 15 dole to 18 dole 50c. Beef hams are dull and heavy at 13 dole to 15 dole 50c. Bacon is scare() and wanted, at 91,c to 101 e. Cut meats continue scarce ; sales of 50 hhds and trcs at 7-le to 78e for shoulders, and 91c to 10c for hams. Laid is firm, at the advance noted in our last, but the transactions are limited ; sales of 300 has and trcs at 11c to 1 lic ; kegs are scarce at 121 c to 12ic. Butter is in good demand, at 19c to 22c for State, and 18.: to 20c for Ohio. Cheese is saleable at 6c to 9c Eggs are wanted at 13&c to 144 c. LATEST BY TELEGRAPH. NEW YORK, June 3, p.m. : Ashes unsettled pots 6 dole 12c to 6 dole 25c, pearls 7 dole. Cotton very firm, sales 1,000 bales. Flour 30c lower on low grades, sales 9,000 brls, corn to straight State 5 doles 25c to 5 dols 60c, Upper Lake 5 dole 60c to 5 dols 80c, corn to good Ohio 5 dole 90c to 6 dole 10c; Southern 25c lower, sales 1,200 brls, mixed to good 6 dole to 6 dole 50c, fancy and extra 6 dole 65c to 8 dole 80c ; Canadian lower, sales 900 brls, superfine 5 dole 75c to 6 dols 60c, extra 6 dole 70c to 8 dole. Wheat 3c to 4c lower ; Canadi. white fair 1 dol 57c. Corn irregular, sales 40,000 bus, mix d Western 50c to 53c, white 57c to 60c, yellow 56c to 581 e. round do 55c to 57c. Pork lower but closes firm, sates 1,000 hrls, mess 17 dole 50c to 17 dols 75c, prime 14 dole 59c to 14 dols 60c, Western prime mess 16 dole 25c to 16 dols 50. Beef firm, sales 1,000 brls, country mess 8 dole to 9 dole 50c, prime 7 dole to 8 dole, repacked Chicago 12 dole, prime mess 15 dole to 18 doh 50c. Lard heavy, kegs 121 c, brls lle to 11 c. Bacon scarce, ha-ns lower, sales at 9kc to 91c, shoulders ne to Tae. Butter firm, Ohio 18c to 20c State 19c to 22c. Whisky lower, 25c to 251 c. Leather dull and heavy. Fish lower and dull, 2000 qls dry cod 3 dole 87c to 4 dols; 500 brie mackarel at old rates. Coff. - ,e steady, sales 1000 bags, Rio, I lc, Java Laguayra 11c. St-gar firm, sales 1200 boxes, muscovado 61c to Tic, Havana 7ie. Molasses firm, PR 44e, muscovado 38c to 40c, Cuba clayed 35c: Oil— 6000 gals linseed 82ie to 83c; lard heavy at 87-ic to 90c. Spirits Turpentine firmer ; 3000 brie rosin I dol 60c to 1 65c, afloat and delivered. Iron heavy, Scotch pig 29c to 30c, 6ms. Tobacco firm, 40 hhds Ky 8c to 15c. Rice dull, 100 trcs 3, A -,c to 41c. Tallow-15,000 lbs 101-e. Gunny Cloth— Sa'es 150 bales 15®c, 6lns. Freights to Liverpool better. cotton 3-16 d to 7-32 d, flour 2s to 2s 3d, grain 6d to 7d. Stooks—Nicaragna 12, Cumberland 221, NY Central 92j, Erie 574, Reading 90, Panama 101, Michigan Southern 98, Galena and Chicago 112, Cleveland and Toledo 77, Milwaukee and Miss Harlem 18; for new DISMISSAL OF CRAMPTON. WASHINGTON, May 29, 1856 By adopting Lord Clarendon's construction of our neutrality laws, contained in his note of the 16th of November, which renders it tilmost nugatrry, and is contrary to that of this - the tribnnals not probebly found much embarrassment in meeting the charges with a general denial. But, giv;nte to the decla- I ration of Mr. Crampton awl the Consuls, all the consdera• den which can be fairly claimed for it, under the circum stances of the case, it cannot counterb lance the unimpeached and well sustained evidence which establishes - the charges against these officers, of having infringed the laws and sovereign rights of the United States. Lord Clarerdon's note of the 30th of April conveys the impression that the evidence by which the officers are im plicated, is derived from one or two witnesses, whose creda bility has been assailed. This, however, is not a correct view of the facts. By examination of my despatch of the 28th of December, it will be perceived that these witnesses w, re strongly confirmed, and that there are proofs wholly independent of their testimony abundantly sufficient to establish the complicity of Mr. Crampton and the Consuls in that infringement of the laws and soverei g n laws of the United States, I trust that it will not be ques tioned thet it belongs exclusively to this government and its jed:ci tribunals, to give a construction to its m erl i e ;p ,1 Jews, and to determine what acts done within its jerisdiction are an infringement of these, is a melte- which concerns its internal administration, and it • ettew the agents of any foreign power to controvert ,'nation, and justify their conduct by a different Interpret eion r.f our laves, which virtually renders them ineffective for the purposes intended. The Earl of C. informs you, in his note of April 30, that Mr. Crampton positively denies the charge of complicity in any of the acts of illegal enlistment in the United States, and that the three Consuls inculpated do the same, He assumes that the charge against them is sustained mainly by the evidence of two persons, Strobel and Hertz, whom he conceives to be unworthy of credit, and he appeals to the American government to accept as conclusive, declarations of the minis ter and consuls. I am instructed to say these considerations do not relieve the President's mind of the unfavourable impres sions produced by the conduct of those gentlemen in relation to foreign recruitment in the United States. It will be seen by,referring to my despatch of the 28th of Dec., in which the grounds of charge against Mr. Crampton were fully stated, that the testimony of Strobel and Hertz was quite a secondary and unimportant part of the evidence adduced, the charges being supported independently of their testimony by other witnesses, by original letters of Mr. Crampton and others, and by the undeniable acts of Mr. Crampton. As to Strobel and Hertz, however, it may be observed, the docu ments transmitted by Lord C. as provin g those persons unworthy of credit, are entitled to but little weight, consisting as they do, chiefly of ex parte affidavits detailing matters mostly of hearsay, and whatever may have been the character of these persons, it by no means followed that they did not testify to the truth. They were agents selected and trusted by Mr. Crampton hims lf, and to them he committed most important concerns. Such an endorsement should countervail the impeachment of their veracity founded on loose hearsay reports. Nor does it seem to be a thing of much moment in relation to the present question that Strobel, in consequence of imputed misconduct, was dismissed from employment by the lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia, and afterwards endeavoured to obtain money from Mr. Crampton. The fact remains that he held a commission in the British Foreign Legion, and that as it is clearly proved and not doubted, he maintained as recruiting officer, and for a considerable period of time associated personally or by correspondence, with Mr. Crampton. The employment of Strobel by Mr. Crampton, their long asso ciation in the joint work of recruiting in the United Sates for the foreign legion, the distinction of her Majesty's com mission of Captain in the corps conferred on Strobel, would seem, at least, to deprive Mr. Crampton of that right to deny his credibility as a witness. But there is a lam and more comprehensive class of considee to this particulp- hat con question. For a period of nearly five months; that is, from about the middle of March, 1855, to the sth of August, 1855, the peace and order of this country was disturbed, especially the cities of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati, by the unlawful acts of numerous persons engaged in raising recruits or in being recruited for the British ) foreign legion. They were supplied with ample funds by the British agents, and they obstinately resisted and set at nought all the efforts of the local authorities of the "United States to put a stop to their proceedings. Nor did they desist until they received orders to that effect from the British government in the month of August. The recruits thus unlawfully raised in the United States, during all that time, were agents to Halifax, and there enrolled in All these acts, as were their conveyed by _ the foreign legion - notorious. Before the trial of Hertz, in September, and of Wagner, in October. they must have been brought to the pariicul'ar notice of Mr. Crampton, the British Consul, and other agents, by the preliminary judicial enquir'es which took place at New York and Phila delphia. In consequence of steps to that effect, taken by me on the 22nd of March, the proper instructions were issued on the 23d, and prosecutions commenced in Philadelphia on the 30th of March, and in New York on the sth of April. As an ex-in - Tie of the character of these proceed ices, their notoriety, and their comprehensive legal effect, ru: it occurred in May, deserves particular notice. At. Dew 17_ , rk, on the 15th of May, a number of persons namely, Goof, Wachier, Wilhelm Schumacher, Mies P Oselr C , emy, and Andrew Lutz, were examined bef ire Comm _ Toner Betts, on charges of recruitment e of Great Britlin. Eminent counsel was employed by the accused ; that no offence had been committe.), because it did not appear that any valid contract of enlistment had been consummated ; but this ground of defence was overruled by the commissioner, who, though he discharged Wachier for defective evidence, committed Lutz, Schumacher, Creamy, and Parkus. At Philadelphia, on the 25th of May, three persons, Hertz, Perkins, and Bucknall, having been arrested on the charge of illegal recruiting, in the service of Great Britain, applied to the Circuit Court of the United States, by habeas corpus, to be discharged from custody. The presiding judge, the Hon. John R. Kane, on the examination of the evidence taken in the case before a commissioner, found the proofs were sufficient to bring the acts of Hertz and Perkins within the conditions of the law ; but not so to Bucknall. Accordingly the latter was discharged, and the two former were committed for trial. Thus, so early as May, it was judicially shown that what was doing in this respect was unlawful. Mr. Crampton was acquainted with these proceedings, and was thus sufficiently admonished that the acts of recruitment carried on under his authority did, in fact, whatever may have been his intentions, constitute a violation of the muni cipal law of the United States. This had been decided by the courts of the United States, was publicly and exten sively made known. It is not controverted, indeed, it is admitted, tID t he had the recruiting business in his charge and under his control ; yet he permitted it to be continue l, although judicially determined to be unlawful, through the months of May, June, July, and August. Now this long series of acts, unlawful and otherwise prejudicial to the good name and tranquility of this country were performed by persons who were liberally paid by the British officers, and many actually entered the military service of Great Britain ; that was incontestedly proved on the trial of Hertz and Wagner by evidence which has not been and cannot be impeached, although the evidence adduced on these trials does not need corroboration, still it may not be amiss to add that much other evidence to the same effect is in possession of this government, some of which is annexed to this despatch in the form of documents responsive to these accompanying the letter of the Earl of Clarendon. Who is to be held accountable for these unlawful acts ? Were they all performed by volunteer and irresponsible persons, as argued in the Earl of Clarendon's despatch of the 16th of July. That cannot be admitted for the conclusive rearm that they received pay from British officers, and, of course, were employed by some responsible agent of the British government. The Earl of Clarendon in behalf of her majesty's government disclaims all intention to violate the laws, compromise the neutrality, or disrespect the sovereignty of the United States, by the enlistment of troops within their territory. The President unreservedly accepts, and is fully satisfied with, this dis claimer. Of coarse the unlawful acts in question were not authorized by the British government, the fact is, neverthe less, well established that they were done in the name and at the expense of the British Government. Who, then, is responsible for these acts ? Were there no direct proof, though there is much of that character, the inference would be irrisistible that no being authorised by the British Government itself, they were the unauthorised act of the British agents in the United States. Such agents having acted in wilful disregard of their govern ment in thus infringing our laws, may have failed to inform their government that what they had undeitakan to do could not be done without infringing these laws, or by management, indiscretion, or over-zeal, they may have par ticipated in such infringements, well knowing it was contrary to the wishes and express orders of their government. However this may be, it is certain that agents existed, because their acts appear. 'Who were those agents? Of this we are not left in doubt. In the documents on the subject, recently laid berme parliament, it is distinctly stated that the enlistments in the United States did not stop till Mr. Crampton gave orders for their cessation, on the sth of August. He had the power to stop the acts of enlistment Those agents are proved by his own letters to have held direct intercourse with him, and at every stage of inquiry, in the numerous cases in yestigeted by the American government. There is reference by letter and oral declaration to the general superintendence of Mr. Cram/A°, His moral aid legal resposibility are thus demonstrated. With full information of the stringency of the laws of the Uni.ed States against forei g n recruiting, with a disti nc t p erce ption of its being all but impossible to raise recruits hire sv ithont infringing the laws, and, with a knowledge of the condemnatory judicial proceedings of April and May, at New York and Philadelphia, yet he persisted in carrying on the scheme until August, when its obstinate prosecution brought on a most unpleasant con troversy between the United States and Great Britain, and it is not the least of the causes of complaint against Mr. Crampton, that, by the acts of commission in this business, or in failing to advise bis govern ment "of the impracticability of the undertaking in which he was embarked, and the series of illegal acts which I t involved ~ and in neglecting to observe the general orders vernment, and stop its recruiting here the moment pronounced by the proper authorities of he was recklessly endangering the which, by the its illlegality th Red - St harmony and peace of two great nation., .._ character of the commercial relations, and by other comi derations, have the strongast possible inducements to culti vate the reciprocal amity. The foregoing considerations substantia ll y apply to the conduct of the British consuls at New York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati. Though of a subordinate official character, they are not less responsible thari Mr. Crampton. The continuous violation of law proceeded within their respective consulates month after month under their eyes, not only without any apparent effort on their part to stop it, but .with more or less of their active participation therein. The consulate of New York appears to have been the point at which the largest expenditures were made, and it is proved by documents herewith transmitted, that payments at that consular office to some of the recruiting agents, continued to be made by the secretary of the consul, in the consul's presence, from time to time, down to the b - ginning of January of the present year. The President, as has already been stated by me, cannot admit the force of the objection now urged of the alleged want of respectability on the part of some of the witnesses by whom those facts were proved, and as to whom a promi nent cause of such alleged want of respectability seems to be the fact that their evidence has inculpated their accom plices in the violation of the law. The testimony most directly inculpates the British Cons A at New York, as will be perceived by the inclo'ures herewith, is in the affidavits of the very persons relied on by her Majesty's government for proofs in this case, and whose depositions accompany Lord Clarendon's note to you of the 30th of April. The Earl of Clarendon perfectly well understands, that in Great Britain as well as in the United States, it would be impossible to administer penal justice without occasionally receiving the evidences of accomplices. In Great Britain, not only is evid—me of this received cantinually in State trials, as - but rewards and other specia well as ill id Mons o held out to such witnesses by not a fe of parliament. The competency of such persons in a give case, and their credibility are in both counfries questious upon which the court and jury, in their respective spheres Qf jurisdiction, ultimately pass. In the present case conclu sions have been established on documentary proof and other unimpeachable evidence, by proceedings before the proper tribunals of the tloitad States, by the verdicts of juries, and by the ruling of judges, which must b 3 held as final in the estimation of the President. The Earl of Clarendon suggests, as a consideration pertinent to this question that the minister and consuls had no means or oppo-tunity of rebutting the charges thus indirectly brought against them in the trial of the inferior recruiting agents. In regard to the consuls the Earl of Clarendon errs in supposing that they had not full means and opportunity, if they saw fit, to appear and to confront and contradict any accusing witnesses. They were not allowed to interfere in the trials by mere letters written for the occasion, which, indeed, they could not have done lawfully had there been no such prohibition ; but if conscious of their own inno cence, and that of the parties on trial; and that their own acts would bear examination, it was alike their duty and right to appear and say so on oath, and to contradict by their testimony whatever was alleged against British officers or agents if known to them to be untrue. Nor is it any just cause of complaint, that evidence was received upon these trials impugning the acts of Mr. Crampton. It was in due course of proceeding; required to be shown, as against the parties on trial, that the recruitments in which they were engaged were for the service of a foreign gov ernment. _ _ . . . Mr. Crampton was himself privileged from trial for a violation of our municipal law, but the persons whom he employed were not for that cause to go unpunished— nor was the administration of penal justice to be inaefinately suspended on account of his position and the diplomatic im munities which that conferred ; on the contrary, it was peculiarly proper that the facts by which he was implicated, but for which he could not be tried should be verified in due form of law, for the information of his own government as well as that of the United States. The Earl of Claren don remarked in his letter of 30th of April that " The intentions of the British Government, and the arrangements made to carry those intentions into execution, were not concealed from the government of the United States; these intentions and arrangements were frank ly stated by Mr. Crampton to Mr. Marcy in con versation on the 22nd of March, and the only observations which Mr. Marcy made in reply were, that the neutrality laws would rigidly be enforced, but that any number of persons who desired it might leave the United States, and get enlisted in any foreign service." It is incumbent on me to say, that in this respect the Earl of Clarendon labours under serious misapprehension, which, while it serves in part to explain how it happened that the enlistments went on for so many months, in a manner contrary to the intentions and express orders of the British government, also serves to increase the weight of Mr. Crampton's responsibility in this respect. I repeat now, with entire consciousness of its accuracy, what I stated in my letter of the 28th December last, that at that interview on the 22 , 1 March—the only one I ever had with Mr. Crampton, as he admits, in which the recruitment bu - iness was alluded to—he, Mr. Crampton, had satisfied me that his government had no connection with it, and was in no way responsible for what was doing in the United States to raise recruits for the British army. But lam quite certain that on no occasion has he intimated to me that the British government, or any of its officers, were or had b - en in any way concerned in sending agents into the United States to recruit therein, or to use any inducements for that purpose. Nor did he even notify me that be was taking, or intended to take any part in furthering such proceedings. Such a communication, timely made, would probably have arrested the mis chief at its commencement. It he bad, then, apprised me of the system of recruiting which had at that time been already arranged and put in operation within the United States, by British agents and under his superintending direction, he would have been promptly notified in the most positive terms that such acts were contrary to the municipal law, incompatible with the neutral policy of the country, a violation of its national sovereignty, and especially warned against the violation of our neutrality laws. But he blames me now for not then stating to him that my construction of that law differed from his own; but no such difference of opinion was then developed. Mr. Crampton on that occasion manifested a coincidence in opinion as to the provisions of that law which I then held, and have since fully disclosed. He called on me to show a letter which he had written on that day to the consul at New York, disapproving the proceedings of a Mr. Angus M'Donald, "because I (he) thought those proceedings would or might be taken to constitute a violation of the Act of Eighteen—the neutrality of the United States." What were the proceedings of Mr. M'Donald, which Mr. Cramp ton thought might constitute a violation of our neutrality ? The simple issuing of a handbill, specifying the terms on which recruits would be received at Halifax into the Queen's service. The opinion of Mr. Crampton ascribes as much stringency to our neutrality acts as has ever been claimed for them by the ?government or courts of the United States. I had then no suspicion, nor did Mr. Crampton give any cause to suspect that he was acting or intended to act upon an interpretation of that law which would justify the act of Mr. M'Donald, which he then con demned, and make that law little better than a dead letter. I c ould not but suppose he viewed it in the same light as Lord Clarendon did when he wrote his despatch to Mr. Crampton on the 12th of April thereafter, in which his lordship declared it to be " not only very just, but very stringent." To show that I was not mistaken in this respect, I quote a passage from a letter of Mr. Crampton, dated the 14th of March, to Sir G. Le Merchant :—" Any advance of money by her Maksty's agents, or others in the United States, would constitute an infraction of the neutrality law." The depositions which accompany this de.spatch are made by s one of the same persons who have furnished the British government with affidavits to impeach Strobel and Hertz, prove conclusively that Mr. Crampton did not disburse various sums of money to agents employed in recruiting within the United States. It was, indeed, apprehended by me at the time that vio lations of the law woald ensue. It could not tail to be seen that any organised scheme of a foreign government to draw recruits from the United States, though by mere invitation, would necessarily tend and result in violations of the muni cipal law. So decided was my belief in this respect, that measures had already been taken by me, in behalf of the government, as it happened, upon the very day of the inter view with Mr. Crampton , to institute proceedings against persons engaged in this business in New York and Philadel phia. I then notified Mr. Crampton of that fact, as he expressly admits in his report of that interview made to his government. An attempt is made to deduce an excuse for Mr. Crampton's course in the business of recruiting in this country from the alleged fact that he communicated to me on that occasion the arrangements which had been made for that purpose, and that I did not disprove of them other wise than by insisting upon the observance of the neutrality, law of the United States. This allegation is hardly con sistent with Mr. Crampton's own statement of what then passed. In the defence of his conduct, recently sentby inconsistent jto Lie government, he makes admissions nconsister!t, with the allegations that there was no concealment on his part, and that the recruiting arrangements were communi cated to me. He says : "It is perfectly true that I did not enter into any details of means which were to be adopted by her Majesty's govern ment to renter available the services of those who tendered them to us in such numbers. There seemed to he obvious reasons for abstaining from this; and even, if it had occurred to me, I should have been very unwilling to do anything which might have borne the appearance of engaging Mr. Marcy in any expression of favor or approbation of a plan favouring the interest of one of the parties in the present war. All I could desire on his part was neutrality and impartiality." His reasons for withholding from me the details of the OnTON During the past week the market here has been quiet, but firm. Holders have evinced entire indifference about offering their cotton, and the sales have generally been at ic advance on my last quotations, and this, notwithstanding the expectation that the next steamer will advise us of a rather severe decline in Liverpool. The stock in port is put down by the New York prices current at 60,000 bales. I think, at the outside, it cannot exceed 40,000. I esti mate the sales of the week at 5,000 hales, taken by our domestic spinners, the Continent, and Great Britain. The exports during the same time amount to 6,732 bales, viz. : to Liverpool, 3,185 ; Havre, 491 ; Antwerp, 232 ; Bremen, 905 ; Hamburg, 180; St. Petersburg, 1,689 ; Amsterdam, 106. _ _ _ New Orleans, May 31.—Receipts for the week, 10.500 bales; same week last year, 9,590 bales; middling , I.o t kc to 10Ic per lb. Freights : to Liverpool, id ; Havre, ie. Sales to day, 2,000 bales ; prices unchanged ; supply offering vary limited. Mobile, May 31.—Receipts for the week, 3,000 bales ; same week last year, 400. Middling, 10'- y e to 10Ie per lb ; market quiet. Freight to Liverpool, 5-16 d. The following is a statement of the movement in cotton since the Ist September last, as compared with the previous three years 1856. 1855 , 1854. 1853. .. 13,380,000 2.479,000 2 675,000 3,117.001 1,649,000 1,272.003 1,272,000 1,503,000 447,000 389,010 266.000 389,000 459,000 232,000 274,000 309 000 2,543000 1,89 : 3.000,1,812,030.2 2 . 06 000 350.000 202. , 00 49.'•,000' 372 000 Receipts at the Ports . Exports to Great Britain France other For. Ports Total Exports . Stock on hand. Of which during the past week. included in the ahoy Receipts at the Ports 30,000 45.000 35: 00 i 3 000 Exports to Great Britain 46,000 39,000 61,000 03,000 " France.. other For. Ports. 9,900 12 000 18:410 8,000 Tritftl Exnorts 59 000 63,00 " 81 090 51,000 Receipts: Increase at the ports over last year, 881,000 bales ; over 1853, 243,000, Exp jrts : increase to Great Britain, 368,000 bales ; compared with 1853, 132,000. increase to France, 58,000 ; compared with 1853, 58,000. Increase to other foreign ports, 227,000 ; compared with 1853, 150,000 bales. FREIGHTS : Engagements are making for Liverpool at 5-32 d to 3-16 d per lb. for cotton, and is to Havre. EXCHANGES are rather dull at 1091 to 109 a per cent. on London, and 5.161, for Paris. WILLIAM P. 'WRIGHT. COTTON STATEMNT. Exports to Total Exports to Receipts. Great Foreign Britain. Ports. 1855.6 3,358,352 1 1,614,073 I 2,552,173 1854.5 3,479,662 1,271,066 1,894,212 ----1 Incr.. k 878.690 373,007 I.—1 .— 657,961 ........ BREADSTUFFS. Stock and on Shipboard. 380,261 232,639 147,623 FLOUR remained firm until receipt of the Africa's ad vices on the morning of the 29th ult. Since when it has been easier to purchase, without however, any great change in prices, until yesterday, when the sales were at a decline of 12c to 25c per barrel. WHEAT has been dull. and is 5c to lOc per 60 lb. lower. INDIAN CORN : Increased supplies have depressed prices about 3c per 56 lbs. RYE: The vessels loading have nearly filled up, the de mand has fallen off, and prices have declined 3c per 56 lbs. CORN MEAL : 3 dols to 3 dols 25c oer barrel. Rye flour : 4 dols 25c to 5 dols 25c per barrel. WOWIERSICOON, KINGSFORD & CO. PROVISIONS : Our pork market is again lower and unsettled. Now that the contracts are settled, prices are likely rule more uniform. The sales are 1,260 brls at 18 dole for mess in small lots, 10 dole 50c for prime mess, and 14 dole 75c for MR• Smers.—A message was received from the President informing Congress that he had ceased to hold intercourse with the Minister of the British Government, and deems it proper to lay before them the considerations of public duty which have led to the adoption of a measure of so much importance. The following is Mr. Marcy's despatch to Mr. Dallas : MARCY TO DALLAS Department of State, Washington, May 27, 1856. Sir,—The President has carefully considered the note of the 30th ult., addressed to you by the Earl of Clarendon, Her Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, relative to the questions which have arisen between this government and that of Great Britain, on the subject of recruiting within the U❑ited States for the Brilish Army, and has directed me to present you his views thereon, for the purpose of having them made known to Her Majesty's government. He has been much gratified by the conciliatory spirit of that note, and by the desire manifested by the Earl of Clarendon to a4ljust the existing difficulties, and preserve and strengthen the friendly relations between the United States and Great Britain. The vast interests which the governments and people of both countries have in upholding and cherish ing such relations cannot be more solemnly impressed upon her Majesty's government than it is upon that of the United States. The unequivocal disclaimer, by her Majesty's government, of any intention either to infringe the law, or disregard the policy, or not respect the sovereign rights of the United States, and their expressions of regret, if contrary to their intentions and to their reiterated directions, there has been any infringement of the laws of the United States, are satisfactory to the President. The ground of complaint, so far as respects her Majesty 's government, is thus removed, but the President extremely regrets that he cannot concur in Lord Clarendon's favourable opinion of the conduct of some of her Majesty's officers, who were, as this govern. ment believed, and after due consideration of all which has been offered in their defence, still believes, implicated in proceedings which were so clearly an infringement of the laws and sovereign rights of this country. In respect to such of the officers and agents as have no connection with this government, it has nothing to ask from that of her Majesty's ; but the case is different in relation to Mr. Crampton, her Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to this government, and the consuls at New York, Philadelphia and Cincinnati. The President is gra tified to perceive that her Majesty's government would not have heeitatei to comply with the request to withdraw these officers from their official position, if it had entertained the views here taken of their conduct in regard to recruiting contrary to the laws and sovereign rights of the United States. I need scarcely say that, in making this request, no interruption of the diplomatic relations between this govern ment and that of Great Britain was anticipated; but, on the contrary, the President was, and is, sincerely desirous to keep them upon a most friendly footing. Mr. Crampton's withdrawal was agked for expressly upon the ground that his connection with the affair of raising recruits in this coun try for the British service, has rendered him an unacceptable representative of her Britannic Majesty near thisgovernment. For the same reason the withdrawal of the three British Consuls was also requested. These officers were, as this government confidently believes, deeply implicated in proceedings contrary to law and sovereign rights of the United States, and contrary, as it now appears, to the intentions and reiterated instructions of their own govern ment. It was their personal acts, not the less objectionable for having done contrary to the direction of her Majesty's minister, which rendered them, in their official characters and positions, unacceptable to this government, and induced the President, for that cause, to solicit their recall, believing that by this course, he was contributing to the common inte rest and harmony of the two governments. He has not, after mature deliberation, been able to change his view of their conduct, and cannot, therefore, change his purpose in rela tion to them, though their conduct related to, and, in fact, originated in a difficulty which disturbed the cordial harmony and good understanding between the two countries. It constituted a decided objection to them of a personal charac ter, which loses none of its force by the satisfactory adjustment of that difficulty. The only embarrassment which attends the case is the difference of opinion between the two governments. As to the complicity of these officers in illegal proceedings within the United States, in reviewing the subject the President was disposed to avail himself of any reasonable doubt which could be raised in his mind in order to bring his opinion in this respect into conformity with that of her Majesty's government ; but, after careful considera tion of the case, he has been unable to change the conclu sion to which hei bad previously arrived. The difference of opinion may, in some degree, be ascribed to the difference in views of the two governments. In respeat to the neutrality laws and sovereign rights of this country, it is not proposed, however, to continue the discussion upon that subject. The conclusion of the President, stated in my despatch of the 28th of December, to your predecessor, in regard to the construction of that law, and extent and character of these rights, remain unchanged, and he cannot forgo the duty of using all proper means to sustain and vindicate them. The main cause of this difference of opinion is the different application of the proofs by which the charges against, her Majesty's diplomatic representative and consuls are sustained. Lord Clarendon asks this government to regard the .bare declara tion of these officers as of sufficient weight to countervail evidence against them. Their denials are presented in his despatch of the 30th of April, and they have been communi cated to this government, but deemed to be special, and not to traverse all the allegations against them. They deny that they have infringed our neutrality by enlisting persons within the United States for British service, or hiring or retaining persons to leave the United States for the purpose of being enlisted in that service. Tho charges against them are much broader, and embrace the offence of violating the laws and sovereign rights of the United States, by abetting within our territory and con ducting an extensive system of recruiting, whicli was not and could not be carried into effect, without infrir,ging upon our laws and rights, by employing numerous :Tents to engage persons for pecuniary and other considerations to leave the United States for the express purpose of entering the British army, and by keeping these agents iu their employment after it was well known that they were con stantly infringing our laws. The denial of the implicated officers only covers a part of the delinquencies imputed, but conforming the exculpatory declaration to the simple charge of having violated the provisions of our neutrality act, it does not merit the consideration which Lord Clarendon ascribed to it. MC14.2+. , ...M 1,2 n1M1 sam,•.wmmtm., enlistment system—the most important part of it for this government—are not satisfactory. If Mr. Crampton believed that what he was doing, or intended to do in the way of recruiting was right, he could have had no reluctance to communicate it to me, for his instructions required h;m to make that disclosure. Acting in due frankness, and with a proper regard for the dictates of international r. Crampton should, it would seem, have disclosed d within the including comity to be pur United States by the ag fur raising a Larded by his no concealment-with the American If he had obeyed these orders two governments would , in execution of the act of pa foreign legion government to pra government on the subject 11 misanderstaoding between ti hive bf en prevented. Mr. Crampton was the more imperatively called upon to make full explanations on the subject, not only because he was commanded by his government to do so, but for the further reason that immediately after the breaking out of the war between Great Britain and France on the one hand, addressed on the other, he had by an of to me, invoked the efforts of this Bove upon the inhabitants of the country (citi necessity of observing the strictest neu bellicerent parties, and especially to en and Ru . vent to enforce is or others), the v towards the ulon them to a bstain from taking part In armaments for the service of Russia, or in any other measure opposed to the duties of a scrict neutrality. To this application the undersigned, by express direction of the President, replied, declaring that the United States, while claiming the full enjoyment of their rights as a neutral power, will observe the strictest neutra lity towards each and all of the belligereirs. Reference was made to the severe restrictions imposed by law not only upon citizens of a e United States, but upott all persons resident within its territory, prohibiting the enlistment of men therein for the purpose of taking a part in any foreign war. It was added that the president did not apprehend any attempt to violate the laws, but should his just expectations in this r(spect be disappointed, he wilt not fail is his duty to use all the power with which he is invested to enf ,rce obedience to them. In view of this cts I fort _ ato the American rance he received of its deter- nd solemn appeal by Mr. Cramp government, and of the ass urination to maintain a strict neutrality, it was not for a moment suspected that Mr. Crampton could misunderstand its purposes, or believe he cou'd be permitted to set on foot and execute for a period of five conseciti ive months, a systematic scheme to obtain military recruits for the British service in the United States. That Mr. Crampton did enter most deeply into this scheme is proved by evidence already submitted to her Majesty's government, but is still more conc!usively estab lished by the additional proofs which accompany this despatch. Whatever detraction from the value of the testi mony against Mr. Crampton may result from the attempt to d'scredit Strobel and Hertz, is much more than made up by the additional proofs now adduced. This body of strong cumulative evidence confirms the President's former conclu sion as to the complicity. of Mr. Crampton and the British consuls at New York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati, , in the 7 , illegal enterprise of recruiting soldiers tot the British army within the 'United States, and the President does not doubt that when this new evidence shall be brought under thd consideration of her Majesty's government, it will nut longet dissent from this conclusion: The gratification which the President feels at the settle- , ment of the recruiting question, in so far as respects the action of the British government itself, has induced him to examine the case again with the view to remove, if possible, from his mind, the rersonal objections aga ministers and consuls. The examir effect, but, on the contrary, has: that the interests of both goverr onviction persons should cease to hold their p tho "United States. He sincerely r icial positions in at her Majesty's government has not been able to tale the same view of the case, and to comply with his request for their recal, but it has not c ntea to do so If, in the earnest desire to at with all possible courtesy towards her Majesty's government, the President could have suspended his determination in the case in order to submit the new testimony which he is confident would have been found sufficient to induce compliance with his request for the recal of the British Minister, he is pre. , eluded from any such thought of delay by the exceptiona able character of the despatches of that gentleman, copies of which, having been recently laid before Parliament, have thus come to the knowledge of this government, and which are of a tenor to render further intercourse between the governments through that Minister alike unpleasant and detrimental to their good understanding. The Pre sident has, therefore, been constrained by considerations of the best interests of both countries, reluctantly to have recourse to the only remaining means of removing, without delay, these very unacceptably officers from the connection they now have with this government. ' This course has been deemed necessary on account of their unfitness for the positions they hold, arising from the very active part they have taken in getting up and carrying out a system of recruiting which has been attended with numerous infractions of our laws, which has disturbed our internal tranquility, and endangered our peaceful relations to a nation with which this govern ment is most anxious to maintain cordial friendship and intimate commercial and social intercourse. He has therefore determined to send to Mr. Crampton, her Majesty's diplomatic representative, his passports, and to revoke the exequators of Mr. Matthews, Mr. Barclay, and Mr. Rowecrott, British consuls at Philadelphia, New York, and Cincinnati. I am, Sir, respectfully your obedient servant, W. L. MARCY. I GEO. M. DALLAS, Esq., &c., London. THE COURIER'S " LOVER OF TRUTH'S" REPLY TO THE CHURCHWARDENS OF ST. CHRYSOSTOM'S CHURCH. TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN TIMES, Sir,—ln your impression of the 6th inst, there appeared a letter from the Churchwardens of St. Chrysostom's Church, Messrs. F. J. Eaton and W. Unwin, purporting to correct certain statements made by me, in the Liverpool Courier, of the 4th inst. They asserted (but happily asser tion is not proof) that Mr. Macnaught did not state that there was an infallible standard to appeal to in matters religious, and also, that he never fails to insist, in his sermons, on the great truth, that the Spirit of Jesus is always present, with every christian, striving against what is evil in man, and suggesting and supporting whatever is Now, as to the first statement, we will, for the sake of argument, admit, that the preacher ignored altogether the idea of infillibility in anything appertaining to man in his present state. What are the consequ , nces of such a belief ? In the first place, it charges God, to say the least, with unfairness towards man, for having created him a responsible and accountable being, and yet placing him in a world full of temptations and sins, to which he is by nature inclined to yield, without an unerring guide to lead him into the way of truth, in order to lay hold of eternal life ; and, in the second place, it leaves man, whose natural bent and constant desire is to gratify his own corrupt affections and carnal lusts, in a world filled with temptations and allure ments, that threaten to engross and bury his whole soul— he is driven hither and thither, like a tempest tossed ship without a pilot. Are Mr. Macnaught's opinions more commendible by this admission ? Certainly not; but useless as this concession may be to my opponents, I cannot part with it altogether. For what was he searching, on the occasion in question, but for a guise to lead him into truth, one upon which he could depend, else why did he not take the priest ? Was it not because they differed, and, it being idence could not be impossible for both to be true, depe Does nut this prove that the rev. gentle man was in search of a true guide, and if true, necessarily infallible, for what do we mean by infallible, if it is not laced in them ? that which is true ? They next asserted that Mr. Macnaught never fails to insist, in his sermons, on the great truth, that the Spirit of Jesus is always present with every Christian, striving against what is evil in man, and supporting and suggesting whatever is go_d. if such be the fact, I readily confess, I am most happy to hear there are still some redeeming qua lities remaining; but, at the same time, I cannot help remarking that it is strange they should not have been brought forward on that occasion, when the nature of the subject appeared to demand it. Did he do so ? Did he tell us to enter into our closets, with our bibles in our hand, and then pray, in all earnestness, with a deep sense of the meekness and fallAility of our intellect, that Jesus would enlighten our minds, and enable us to comprehend those things, hard to be understood, by pouring into our hearts his Holy Spirit ? No ! We were told to take our Bible, read it carefully, and that which, after deep and serious thought, commended itself to our judgment, must be true. If such were not the substance of the preacher's expres sions, I confess my inability to comprehend my mother tongue. With the first part of his discourse (" the sin of doing that which is right in our own eyes," which is dwelt upon very largely in the above named letter,) I have nothing whatever to do, for the simple reason, that it does not affect my first letter in the least. being simply a caution against judging hastily on religious matters, whereas I stated that if after matured consideration the mind put a particular interpreta tion on a passage of Scripture, that interpretation must be true.—l remain, sir, yours respectfully, 13th June, 1856. A LOVER OF TRUTH. P.S. This reply has been unavoidably detained. f t o 0 05 0 f t ~ t of oti,ei 1i O s tOe