Northern Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-02-05 00:00:00

'rim LATEST NEWS. PRINCESS FREDERICK WILLIAM, OF PRUSSIA. OFFICIAL BULLETIN. BERLIN, Friday, Feb. 4, 11.20 a.m. fa Th 11.,n princess Frederick Willi am i mproves da i ly Int Prince is doing well (Signed) • Dr. SCHOEIVELIN. Dr. WEGNER. Dr. MARTIN. ACCIDENT TO THE MAIL STEAM-SHIP AVON. A dispat, LISBON, Feb. 4. h boat has the A arrived with the news that 4 1g von has sustai ne d d amage... She was await- Krt ssist anee at the Berlanges 'lsland. Two the Av " in to ugues te amers will start immediately to take w. GALWAY ELECTION. Sir Thom GALWAY, Friday Afternoon.: - tnles s a as Redington has resigned ; . and,. very uni n i . k ot lier candidate ehould appear, which is — elY, 'gr. Lever will have a walk over. FRANCE At +l, PARIS, Feb.. , 12 18 p. m. ha re Bourse, before opening, the p am phl e t tile I in produced great uneasiness. Rentes co tenntee 67 50 , but f e ll i mme di atety nearly - 9 1 ,- per *, and are now 67 10. PriThardo Venetian 7 fritncs lower than yester s closing2lo• fiv e 1 7; 11 .—The ag it at i o n on the Bourse is exces ape an co nsiderable uneas in ess preva il s amongst fall °1 euattors. Rentes h ave exper i ence d a f urt h er is 6 68 111 0. 0 re than r t per cent, and the _present rice k 3.28 p .m. ni t ~--the Bourse elos B ed , rather firmer, and The u 0 for Money, and for Account. 9, for `coney,el"ing Prices Of the Four-and-Half Itente were 95 80 • Bank Stocks, 28 60. ITALY. the history and traditions of Italy, and which answers to all that is most imperative and most legitimate in _ the aspirations of the populations of the Peninsula, and in the very condition of the duration and consolidation of Governments. • Revolution would: this day be but a powerless and destructive party in Italy. Isolated in Europe, where the spirit of order happily predominates everywhere. Isolated even in Italy, where it would rou s e aga i ns t it conservative and religious interests, it would find support nowhere. It would be reduced to its own resources. Condemned by opinion, vanquished by force, its attempt would be merely an adventure ; it would retreat, it would succumb, it would once more saturate with blood the soil of Italy, and would only render the condition of that noble country still•more melancholy. The national element represents all that is most vital in Italy. It answers to the common hopes of the.popu lation and the Governments of the Peninsula; far from menacing thrones, it exalts them. , It opens to the Papacy an important 'and glorions part which seduced for a moment the noble heart of Pius IX., and in 1847 it even . combined in one common feeling of patrioiism the King of Sardinia and the King of Naples. Moreover, the national element finds in Europe certain sympathies, for it attaches itself to the principles of justice, which are henceforth the object of the policy of all the qovern ments. It finds in them the moral support of the Anglo- Trench alliance formed between two great States, precisely with the object of preventing European complications, of settling the diffieronces between nations, and,of supporting everywhere the cause of the law of nations, and of civilization. England, in fact, cannot abandon Italy, for it is she, her government, her statesmen, her tribune, her journals, that have constantly encouraged and supported her even before 1848. We remember the change effected in the policy of the last regime in consequenoe of the Spanish marriages. The government of King Louis Philippe had committed the fault of - sacrificing the Anglo-French Alliance to a family interest, Its isolation in Europe was the consequence of it, and as M. Thiers declared in a memorable debate "It was found at the instant even dependent on,Austria, and obliged to follow her inspi rations in Italy and Switzerland." At that moment what did England ? She took the part which belonged to France ; she took it even in exaggerating it. Lord Minto fulfilled ;the mission with which he bad been charged by Lord Palmerston with an ardour which went beyond the mark, by exciting impatience and illu sion, when it was above all necessary to inspire moderation and support firmness. The promise of that protectorate of the Cabinet of London, conveyed to the Peninsula at the very moment the. Cabinet of the Tuileries seemed to abdicate that which history and geography gave her, must necessarily have overthrown our influence on the other side of the Alps; but it should also have maintained the national impulsion which manifested itself after, the accession of Pius. IX., and which was so soon imperilled by the revolutionary spirit. Italy believed no longer in France, and it was to England, that the gave all her con fidence. Ile 0 TURIN, Feb. 4. th e pinione p u bli s h es a no t e o f . Count Cavour the A,!ll3.ject of a tariff granted to Modena by tt Austrian Government. The Opinione adds p ied Ils,.tria has replied in a way favourable to has wont, and that the Government of Modena Cotult 3 ° replied , in the same sense, to a note of Prob a bie,..kvour. The Minister of Finance will ChaThe vr B td 'emand authority, to-day, from the -- ‘'o negociate a loan. TURKEY, It must be admitted that that confidence was not deceived. England, as a maritime Power 7 could not take part in a continental struggle between Piedmont and Austria ; but when the revolution of the 24th of February caused to prevail in France a policy which ought to be supposed favourable to Italian independence England did not hesitate to declare herself against Austrian domination. The entire policy of England on this point was summed up in a document of high impor tance. On the 29th of October, 1848, Lard Palmerston addressed to Lord Ponsonby, ambassador of the Queen of Great Britain at Vienna, a despatch in which he declares that "therewas no chance that Austria could keep, in a useful and permanent manner, Upper Italy, the whole of whose inhabitants are profoundly imbued with an invin cible hatred to the Austrian army." He adds, that " it would certainly be more prudent on the part of the Austrian government, more useful to the real and proper force of that empire, to free the population from its domi nation, which they would ever consider as a yoke." Lord Palmerston thinks that that yoke cannot be maintained but by a great display of force, at consider able cost, and he foresees that foreign aid ought to be implored, and accorded. What would happen in such case ? Here the Cabinet of London does not leave to the Cabinet of Vienna any illusion as to the feeling of Europe and the conduct of England. We quote the words of the despatch : " Even though the war should become European by the participation of other Pbwers who might find them selves drawn into it, yet there is no reason to believe that the.final.result would leave Austria.in possession of any territory beyond the Alps. But Austria must con sider, moreover, that however disposed the Powers her' CONSTANTINOI'LE, Feb. k 2. plite i th n e expected ministerial changes had no t taken tt lt is reported that fighting is going on in Mon begro. rp_ k l .deputation from M o ld av i a i s expected here to ~ve the Investiture of A. Couza. c:_ l l;inerdus shipwrecks have occurred on the t e Zt o Out f Syria ; eleven vessels were wrecked at ", twenty at Jaffa, a n d fift een at Tripoli. S CHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN CAUSE. G re • 'HAmuRGH, Feb. 2. Di et i a , t linpre3sion has bean mal son the Hotstein tesidi some stirring addresses •of gentlemen Ponce at Bradford and Liverpool, in which the eau s , 3 are earnestly reques t e d t o espouse the SchiC wi f . g tlie oppre sse d G arman nationality in RUSSIA AND CIRCASSIA. et. TRIESTE, Feb. 4. shik‘ att e 4 i ec ° l4 ai to advi ces f rom th e C aucasus , an 13 ng the R uss i ans to take the town Gendel fail e d . " the Circassian coast, by surprise, had TRR N QUESTI ON o WAR• PLEDGES or FRANCE POV I Y . S F TRIA; EXPOSIT' lON or LORD DERBY'S IC Pr t . e (Prom the Morning Herald.) lari s ' influence of- England during the last few weeks ma n °e on brought to bear, in a legitimate and amicable ne lb Iritl, on France and Sardinia. Austria has given i ra t ti t e e sine has not the slightest desire to interfere _ eatialleoe internal .not of her neighbours, but will treat herself and Pay the strictest attention to her his „Y obligations. Lord Derby stated, in the course of lirACtZeell, tha so long as Austria remains in her own Neu Sardinia need not expect any assistance. If _those tv er (?: are maintained, the dangers of a conflict will . be il ikei l ii a nd a peaceful solution obtained for the Italia ,s exp o •7. Vehement applause greeted Lord Derby 841 °4 of policY• Il v (Prom the Morning Post.). Theiade:lnnlon consent the war question . took place in Are s& Y no.ht's debate, which has been infinitely more % e 14 °' a 3 • ye ll ? n important. It is certain her ..maJ Majesty's (lay , ornle.nt either do not grasp the great question of the antii n ,„ l " l , 11 not _give a free and frank utterance of their 'he s eb s' t t !'is and intentions It is clear they do not speak 0„,,,,43 ..tini e ,,,... 0 . 11 ' 4 t the House of Commons. Mr. Disraeli one 4-o situation as between France and Sardinia . on 1:14 t bee' and Ali Stria on the other, to be most cri_tica e l,_ lets. ,does not consider the maintenance of peace hope ill ill the linguathis certainly a loom view of the case,.andnio Pe t , eep ~ge of a man who is in a quandary, with _ ' r ged t-11 °f the way out of it. Ministers have strongly which that while oc cupation ation in Italy is endured, the evil. rd 'Ol l4 ~.are its excuse - shall be gradually removed. L t re i aties"°°,ll4 renlOve at once the foreign incubus as far as : 4 : 4 of i a t "W . Let Italy learn freedom, by the posses- Celts I . - , -Between these' two extremes Lord Palmerston 44terfer"° nave taken his stand, and to regard foreign a It4te oiell°cessary perhaps, for the present, but things only productive of evil. N. 411 trier if she was allies and friends may be to succour menaced in her own proper and legitimate existence in Germany, there exists on the El - abject of her pretensions to impose her yoke on the Italians a feeling so universal of their injustice that this feeling might well have for effect to leave her with very little aid in case of a war such as that I have spoken of." Is this clear ? Is it possible, we ask, to disinterest more precisely England, and to isolate more completely Austria, by raising between her and Europe the universal sentiments_of the injustice of her pretensions ? Lord Palmerston 'does not even admit that, in case of war, Austria could count upon Germany. "Is the Aus trian Government," he says, " quite certain that even the sympathy of Germany would follow it in its efforts to impose her yoke still more heavily on the Italian nation ?" This doubt is not expressed lightly, and the eminent statesman accounts for it at once by a reason so politic, so evident and just, that it may be cmsidered as decisive. The reason is, "The principle of nationalities, now the rallying cry of all Germany, would it not protest loudly against Austria in such a struggle ?" - The acts of England were - in accordance with her words. Her diplomacy so powerful had supported Italy in her pretensions, as it had encouraged her in her impulse. There was perhaps a moment of fortune for the Italian nationality. It was that moment, too rapid, when the Piedmontese, conquerors on the Adige, were masters of almost the whole of Lombardy; when Austria, dismayed at the general rising which' forced her to fall back, disquieted at her reverses, and not wishing to play to the end that terrible game with the despair and heroism of a people, fearing on one hand the revolution in Germany, offered the sacrifice of the final act of the Congress of Vienna as the price of victory, and a con cession to the re-establishment of peace. Austria pro posed the independence of Lombardy, and a separate government for Venetia, on the sole condition of her suzerainty. These proposals were carried directly to London,----they were only known in France. It was then believed in London that Italy might obtain better terms, and the English Cabinet did not use its great and legitimate authority to prevent the refusal which was made to these overtures at Milan. The discouragement of Austria did not last long. In the month of May, 1848, she was disposed to treat on the basis just stated. At the end of July, Piedmont was already exhausted in that unequal struggle, where her courage alone was inexhaustible. It then made an appeal to the intervention of France. The government of General Cavaignac replied by an offer of mediation in which England was to join. England and France, completely united in the Arne idea, assumed for their starting point of the new negotiations the basis which had been rejected at Milan, but Austria, victorious, declared peremptorily that she was no longer disposed to admit that which she had been reduced to_ propose. Nevertheless, it was decided that a congress should take place at Brussels, where France was to-be represented by M. de Tocqueville, and England by Sir Henry Ellis. Everybody knows what happened—the Congress in Brus sels was a mere plan—the Anglo-French mediation could not succeed in constituting itself—the voice of cannon was heard in place of that of diplomacy. It was the cannon of Novara. Charles Albert, impatient at the adjournments, irritated by the difficulties, confident in his cause, had risked all in that glorious temerity. Italy succumbed at least nobly, and the chivalrous monarch, who had dreamed its emancipation, retired, van quished, and not humiliated, leaving his crown and his cause to his son, who ascended the throne through this field of battle, after having received 16 bullets in, his coat. Since that period Italian nationality has only lived in the patriotism and policy of Piedmont, sustained by the moral support of the Anglo-French alliance. The flag of Novara was hoisted in the Crimea, where the Sardinian army had their share in the contest, the trials, and the victories of the French and English armies. In fine, at the Congreas of Paris the Plenipotentiaries of the Bing of Sardinia came to take their seats beside those of the first Powers in Europe, and to concur with them in the regulation of the greatest interests in the world. This rank, which Sardinia vanquished at Novara, in 1849, was able to conquer in 1856, in the midst of the great Powers, she owes no doubt to herself, but she owes it likewise to the moral and direct support of the Anglo-French alliance ; she owes it particularly —and nobody in the diplomatic regions will deny this fact—to theperseyering and marked tendency of England to aggrandise and constitute her importance. The English policy has consequent l y not varied since 1847 with respect to It a l y . I t even anticipated us ; wh i le the diplomacy of the King Louis, Philippe supported the Austrian policy, the diplomacy of Queen Victoria encouraged the Italian policy. The influence of England did not cease to be felt for a single day during these eleven years in the affairs of the Peninsula. It is to be found in the first burst of nationality which hailed the accession of Pius IX., as well . as in the efforts' of indepen dence which at a later period concent ra t e d themielNies under the Sardinian flag. Her hand is seen in the pre- OLEON 111. AND ITALY. p h. ‘-'ll. SEM I - OFFICIAL PAMF7HLET.. I lit ihe anxious, e PARIS, Thursday Night. the et t j - trai ~Y expected pamphlet, "Napoleon forthe 3r aft e r' w . . i appear to-morrow, or perhaps t With • Of this production, perhaps put I).‘ ev° lntin a v iew to conciliate the extreme Italian te i''' se,„--114,rY Party—with what effect remains let ter aln enabled to give, in my present te host iirnore than one-half, and that, I think, b h_ ekeitn4Portant portion of it. It will very proba bl y I vks Illaeh interest here from the belief that it h 111 ; , 5 t urnjnsed under the immiate inspiration ''' °;4l / 1 -. 1 - 1 - aZi . a r r d that much o f . it is actually from It opens thus .- 1 , V t i, forel-',, t he earn west I. of the public mind Of 1 " ? ever :lie' pre-occupations think wi with us that the question tA ks to I. fi ls one of those w hich it is as impossible to l u ll ' liratirLeeit_ 12.3 e most p rudent way, then, is to study it, ti 7 7 , 7 cairn. it by means of an . . impartial and B clai n tle -e examination in place of irritating it by eta v --) or k „ deBireioation w rin g iL apa' s r t t in obscurity by silence.. This ndertaken with the sincere kte atest l being useful ju to a u cause which comprises the halt, Political and religious interests of EuroPe.• gatioaePresents in histor something greater still than s PrivilekitY ; she represents civilisation. It is on t t hi llorioligseg soil that imperishable principles and he Ilaave t,telainples which have fOrmed me n . and soc i e ti es h,ti.o47l,bir.th. Italy is more tha n . a sister for oth e r ir f,tutit. she is • a mother. Her genius, her Powel iler e,liorls, her conquests, her masterpieces, and, later, . a baacie;fanlities, her ruin, her troubles—in a a word, all 174,48.-to.°l.riaja modern, times, her Consuls, her Tribunes, e na ner Emerors-her mar . tyrs, and her Popes, ikeeti.eract7,lltribil' ted to e ndo w . he r . with in some sort a sl at . v character. In policy, in war, in civil and penal ;ett o4 l , l, 9. the arts, in eloquence, in poetry, as . in T, e has been the common country of all eivilisea 11 4 e s. ...‘ Ixte . light crer Ybe said that her . influence over the world h , ee , ceased. After having subjugate d . it, she en 's_c)ral -e a' it. When her material domination fell, her `qs 1, "nlination menced. Such is what h e i tu st d o e ry . be ingra i as , r ot In Per Europ eoul to forget her would N t i 'MY to forget it e e ld be resignation. Can we ask ( tilt thlerii,fic,e_ of.t.hose wh o wu have ke pt of their past grandeur e irY ree0c...0.0 of having justified it an . cl ad th i e .f h l o r p e e o f on did ask „of l t ,, 'ring some remnant of it ? A `, Q cse ZY7 Would she not have a right to answer us with ~ We '4ollld'qds of Tacitus in the Life of Agricola, st ir ii eave lost memory itself with our voice if it wa s in Poker to forget as well as to be silent." Th i , 11. ,(11 Italy are two elements quite distinct in the question `'° s Y. The revolutionary element, which corresponds PatiOversive theories and violent passions, alike , . inc t n e m a t ,lie ). e „ with order in Enrope, the laws of civiliza it , .rsk "gio us interest and political independence . o f . the e Y• The national element, which has its origin 1 THE NORTHERN TIMES, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1859 tensions inspired by victory, as well as in the negotiations which followed defeats. In fine - when at the Congress at Paris Count Walewski thought it his duty to call to the interior state of Italy the solicitude and attention of the plenipotentiaries assembled to settle the conditions of peace, Lord Clarendon, with that authority acquired by his rank and his lofty experience, energetically supported the wishes expressed by the Minister of the Emperor of the French. It is true that since that period the direc tion of the English policy has changed hands, but the English feeling has not changed. England is a liberal nation, and her great aristocracy has maintained itself through all our 'socail crises and transformations only because it has always marched at the head of civilisation and progress. There is not a statesman —not a minister—not a parliament in Great Britain which could support any other cause in Italy than that of which the Queen's Government has been, for the last 11 years, the firm support. This cause responds to everything that England respects, to all that she has a -mission to propagate throughout the world. She cannot make default in it without belying her history and her nature: In a word, the Italian question cannot but be one of national interest for the English Government as for the French. It is an Italian question—it cannot be anything else. It could not- become French without ceasing to be European, but in remaining in its proper character, it is certain to find in England the sympathies of a liberal nation and of an enlightened Government. As for England, she responds to true principles, to which she is bound by one of • those alliances which have their foundation in the morals of a people, and their sanction in its conscience. • and Italian. Misfortunes surprised him before this object of European equilibrium could be accomplished ; and what is most remarkable is, that to drive him back from the other side of the Rhine and the Alps it was found necessary to excite against him the national sentiment which he understood, and which entered into his vast plan as an element of general pacification. It was by promis ing their independence to Italy and Germany that the coalition was able to rally them round its flag. The state of France with relation to Europe is at the present'day quite different. The French Revolution has done its work as to institutions, laws, and manners, and its influence is felt beyond our frontiers. The Empire, re established after more than . 30 years' struggle, has gained the alliance of some of the oldest monarchies, the friendship of others, the esteem of all,, There is consequently no reason to fear , that our generation shall see wars recom menced such as those which have cost so much blood, and gave so much glory to our fathers. If France who wishes peace, was forced to make war, Europe would, no doubt, be moved by it, but it ought not to be disquieted at it. It is not her independence which is in question. War, which fortunately is not probable, would have no other object the day when it should become necessary than to prevent revolutions by means of the legitimate satisfaction given to the require ments of populations, and the protection and guarantee of the recognised principles, and the authentic rights of their nationality. _ _ _ _ The&peror d igapoleon I. thought himself obliged, to conquer nationalities in order to free them. If ever his successor had to defend them it would be to free them without conquering them. Thus we might repeat to Italy what M. Thiers said on the lath January, 1848, from the tribuue, and with as much reason as justice— " When, 50 years ago, we wished to possess Italy, it was a wrong, but an excusable wrong, because to possess it was to save it, and the vast empire-which stretched from Rome to Hamburg was but the great reprisal for the celebrated Convention of Pilnitz. Those times are past. Italy must know that France wishes her to be indepen dent, free, and happy." __ We have demonstrated the policy of England with regard to Italy—now what is the interest of Germany in this question ? It is useless to speak of Austria, inter ested in maintaining a state of things favourable to her domination. There remains Germany, properly so called. Pope. Pius IX., addressing himself to the Emperor of Austria, at the time he was maintaining against the Lom bards and Venetians a contest doubly painful to the patriotism of the Italian Prince and the heart of the Pontiff, defined in these terms the duties and the mission of Germany : —" Wo feel confi dent that the German nation, so generously proud of her own nationality, will not commit her hondur in sanguinary attacks against the Italian nation, but that she will rather believe she is interested in nobly acknowledging 'her for a sister, both our daughters, both so dear to our hearts, consenting to dwell each in its own natural territory, where they will live an honourable life, blessed by the Lord." Thus spoke the, great soul and the elevated reason of Pius IX. The spirit of concord which inspired this appeal elevated him to- a political view worthy of a statesman. The Emperor Napoleon 1., in one of those glances which he sometimes cast upon the world from the top of his rock, had generalised the same idea by applying it to all nations. " One of my grandest idea,," said he, "was the agglomera tion, the concentration of the same geographical nations which had been divided and partitioned by revolution and politics. Thus there are in Europe, though scattered,rmore than 30,000,000 French, 15,000,000 Spaniard; 15,000,000 Italians, and 30,000,000 Germans. I wished to make of each of these peoples one single body of a nation. It is with such a cortege that it would have been grand to advance to posterity and the benediction of ages. I felt myself worthy of that g l ory ." Wh at nation is interested more than Germany in the respect of nationalities ? It is justly jealous of its own. Since 1815 it tends more and more to reconstitute its unity, - and we can see with what ardour it claims the Duchies of Holstein- Schleswig from Denmark. Well, German nationality bears in itself a cause of weakness, an alteration of its right and its principle ; it is the element which is foreign to it, which changes its nature by attach ing to the great Germanic body a shred of Italian nationality. Thus the Marquis d'Azeglio, one of the most eminent statesmen in Piedmont, was justified when some time since he expressed this reproach, "Germany is endeavouring to obtain her independence and to con stitute herself into a nation, and at the same time she is casting herself on Italy to dispute with her the rights she demands for herself. In that there would be an inconsistency. against which the good sense and patriotism of Germany would revolt." In 1848 and 1849 public opinion was not mistaken on the other side of the Rhine, and the immense majority of Germans formed vows for the triumph of the Italian cause —only the republican character of the revolution of 1848 justly alarmed the Diet of Frankfort, and rendered ,the right side of that Assembly particularly circumspect in its sympathy for Italian nationality. The Germanic Confederation believed that it was menaced in its independence ; in fine, some German officers asserted that the line of There are in France and in Europe men of good faith, who ask themselves if there is really an Italian question. It is true that this question has not been created in these recent times either by civil war or by foreign war. Must we conclude_that it does not exist? Such is not our opinion. The. Italian question is created by the disquietude which it causes to Europe, by the uneasiness it keeps up, and by the false situation in which.all the Governments of the peninsula are more or less > engaged under the influence of causes at once common and various. Let us rapidly analyse those causes, in order that the opinion of Europe shall be enabled to judge if it is possible to maintain the actual state of things in Italy, and if it be not more prudent and more politic to prevent great perturbations in it than to allow oneself _to be outstripped by events. At Rome the Pope is under the respectful and devoted guardianship of the arms of France. That military occupation is at once an abnormal and a necessary fact. If it ceased to-day we should see Austria or the Revolu tion take our place to-morrow. The noble qualities and generous intentions of Pius IX. seemed to reserve for him an exceptional part in the history of the Papacy. Italian patriotism is in him combined with every Chris tian virtue. .lle was worthy of regenerating Italy. It was the first inspiration of his accession ; the greatness of Rome seemed to revive for a moment under the figure of this Pope. Turin, Naples, Venice, Parma, and Milan thrilled with a new spirit at the signal of nationality given by the bell of the dome of St. Peter's. Unhappily, the revolution came on, which drew the population along, caused princes to draw back, leaving him no refuge but exile, and no safety.but the sword of France. It is not the failt of Pius IX. if the temporal autho rity which he desired to reform was again found in his hands such as he had received ito from his predecessor. Convinced of the necessity of that reform, he has had, doubtless, the regret of having failed in it ; but he never will have remorse before God for having attempted it. This day he bears with Christian resignation the weight of a situation which he has vainly tried to better, and the abuses of which his perfect goodness would have corrected if they could be so. This situation places the Pope in presence of three real difficulties, and which, we declare, expose seriously to danger, according to us, the political power of the Papacy--a power necessary for its independence, and the grandeur of its religion; mission. The first of these difficulties is found in the adminis trative Government of the Roman States, which is but the Catholic authority applied to the interests of a temporal order. The laws of the church aro not proper for discussion, and merit respect ; they must be consi dered as an emanation of the Divine wisdom ; but civil society claims its legislation as religious society exacts and preserves its own. The Canon Law, inflexible as dogma, immovable amid the movement of ages, is essentially distinct from legal law, variable as are the requirements and the interests of society. It could adapt itself to the early periods of Christian civilisation when Charlemagne introduced in his Capitularies the rules and precepts of theocracy; but the canon law can not suffice for the protection and development of modern society. the Mincio was, in a strategic point of view, necessary to Germany, and they had accredited this opinion, that in any case Austria ought to keep, as a necessary cover, the country comprised between that river and the Adriatic. Prussia had accepted this point of departure to propose to the Diet a species of compromise, which at least manifeSted its sympathy for the Italian cause, and at the same time its solicitude for German interests. According to this plan, prepared by M, Radowitz, Austria was to keep the line of the Mincio as a stragetic point, but - the country which remained within the limits of the Austrian Empire was to form part of an Italian Confederation. This plan was rejected by the Diet, over which Vienna influence prevailed. Iri Ger many, as in Italy, as everywhere, the revolutionary spirit prevailed over the national movement which had preceded or followed the burst of 1848. The Diet There is, nevertheless, an essential point which must never be lost sight of when the Pontificial government is in question, namely, the necessity of respecting its two fold character, and of reconciling the regime of the Church and the regime of the Roman nation, which are exercised by the same hand. They must be reconciled without being confounded. There is the problem —a difficult one, we admit, but on the solution of which depends, perhaps, the salvation of the temporal power of the Papacy. In fact, real abuses, independent of men, inherent in the nature of things, spring from this confusion. These abuses excite among the Roman population a spirit which would easily render them unjust and distrustful, and which is only kept in check by the presence of our soldiers. We become responsible for what we protect ; and our very occupation, from the fact of being prolonged in such con ditions, would be worn out, and would endanger the name and the influence of France. of Frankfort produced nothing. The Germanic Con federation obtained none of the guarantees of unity and liberty of action that it sought ; placed under the influence of two great Powers, it has, perhaps, no hope except in their necessary rivalry. Both of these Powers are condemned on their side to' that opposition, which is the condition of their importance. Prussia, which tends to become the head of the Germanic body, has an im mense interest in keeping Austria in check. By becoming her ally she would make herself the accomplice of her own humiliation, and she would thus disown the work of the great Frederick. In a word, the Italian question, reduced to a national interest, disengaged from the reyolutionary element, limited, and tempered in its pretensions by the moral protectorate - of Europe, could have nothing menacing for Germany. Far from it. Its solution, if it was possible, would be, a new force for German nationality, and a guarantee of security and equilibrium for all the States that compose it. IV. After having demonstrated that England was morally engaged and Germany politically interested in a national solution of the question of Italy, we must ex amine how this question should be characterised with respect to France. What, does France wish? Does she wish, as under ,the Republic and under the first Empire, to reconstitute Europe, to impose herself on her, to change her frontier, to displace the nationalities, to depose kings, to found dynasties ? or rather does she desire simply to consolidate, to strengthen the present order in Europe, by applying her power to resolve the difficulties which may menace and endanger it ? Thus, in a political point of view, the absolutely clerical character of the Government of the Roman States is a contre-sens, an active cause of discontent, and, consequently, an element of weakness for the Pope himself, and a permanent danger of revolution. The second difficulty for the Pope is that which result from the national question. In this point of view his situation is not more defined nor less dangerous. The irritation in the Roman States is still less owing to the absence of legal gnarantees and to the clerical administra tion, than to the antagonism necessarily established between the mission of the Head of the Church, and that of the Pope as an Italian Prince. The cause of the Revolution of 1848 was, above all, the explosion of the national idea. It is from the Vatican that the encour agement as well as the obstacle to the nationality of Italy had to come. The Pope supported, as sovereign, the cause of inde pendence ; as Head of the Church, he disapproved the war, and refused to break off with Austria. Placed between a double duty, he was reduced to sacrifice the one to the other. He necessarily sacrificed the political to the spiritual duty. This is the condemnation, not of Pius IX., but of the system ; not of the man, but of the situation, since the situation imposes on the man the ter rible alternative of immolating the Prince to the Pontiff, or the Pontiff to the Prince. We'believe the question to be thus precisely laid down. The first Empire, as the Revolution, had a general object in view, in presence of which the interests of nationality were merely secondary. Europe was leagued against principles which had just triumphed in Franc e , And under the influence of which an immense transfor mation was abont to be accomplished. We were con demned, for a long time perhaps, to struggle alone against all, in a double interest of territorial and political con servatism, and of moral expansion for the benefit of other peoples. We had then to create for ourselves every where —on the Rhine, the Scheldt, the Pyrenees, the Alps—fortresses or advanced posts, in order to support, according to circumstances, our policy alternately offen sive or defensive. When the Emperor Napoleon I. caused himself to be crowned King of Italy, and pro claimed Protector of the German Confederation, he desired to protect rather than aggrandize the French territory, which was great enough in its natural limits not to go beyond them. He thus constituted the inde dendence at the same time as the influence of new France, and his victorious eagles carried abroad with them, not servitude but civilisation Finally. A third difficnity, and this not the least serious, is created for the Pope by the absolute impos sibility he is in of forming, in actual circumstances, an Italian army. All the attempts made with this object have failed. Thus, in a word, in what concerns Rome, there are three considerable difficulties, which correspond to these urgent necessities, viz. :--- " 1. To reconcile the e rgirne of the Church with a legal, political, and regular regime in the Roman States. "2. To render tho Pope independent of questions of nationality, of war, of armaments, of internal and exter nal defence. 3. To constitute a native army, and to substitute for our occupation the protection of an efficacious and serious Italian, force. In what concerns Italy particularly the Emperor explained the motives of his domination over that country in one of the memorable conversations at St. Helena : This is a threefold necessity, which, under pain of certain and perhaps approaching disturbance, must be satisfied, in the interest of Italy, of reliion, and of all the Catholic States. (Triple exigence is laquelle, sous peine de perturbation certaine et peut-etre prochaine, it importe de satisfaire dans l'interet de l'ltalie, de la religion, et de tousles Etats Catholiques.) "As for the Italians," he said, " the agglomeration was already far advanced. It was only wanting to become old, and each day ripened with them the unity of principle and of legislation, that of thought and feeling, that cement secure and infallible of human agglomerations. The union of Piedmont with France, that of Parma, Tuscany, and Rome, had been only temporary in my thought, and had no other object than to watch, to guarantee, and to pro mote the national education of the Italians." And let it not be said that that generous thought was in the con science of the illustrious exile the excuse for his lost domi nation.. It was well and truly the inspiration of his political genius, and what proves it is the official answer which he made in 1808 to M. Melzi, who headed the doputation charged with offering him the crown of Italy. That reply is a ray of light in this historic question. Here i is : ' I have always had the intention of creating the Italian nationality free and independent. I accept the crown ; I will guard it ; but only for the time my inter ests shall require it." The campaigns of the Revolution, the conquests of the Empire, were then a violent means, an extreme resource of struggle and of propagandism, but they were not a system. The Emperor did not make Germany and Italy F Tench, but only to prepare them some day to be German Piedmont has grown greatly in importance and in glory. She has won a place in the affairs of Europe, and a part in the destinies of Italy. But, in order to establish her power, as yet new, and to guarantee her security at home and abroad, her Government is bound to give satisfaction to two interests which are in a state of suffering—national interest and religious interest: The Italian idea is, since 1847, the moving cause and the necessary reason of all the acts of Piedmontese policy. It is the passion of King Victor Emmanuel, as it is the flag of the Cabinet presided over by Count Cavour. Now, this idea has produced all that in actual circumstances it was enabled to produce with regard to military acts, preparations of armaments, systems of defence, and political manifestations against Austria ; in this respect it could go no further without encountering war. Nevertheless, Piedmont cannot remain without great peril at the point IA which it is ; it . cannqt hare -taken vainly the head of the Italian movement in order to draw back afterwards. It is absolutely necessary that means should be found of satisfying the hopes which it has excited under pain of losing all influence in Italy, and of being outstripped by the passions which its present popu larity keeps in check. The interests of religion suffer in Piedmont, .we have said, like the national uiterests. It is then urgent, for many reasons, that in a Catholic country should not be prolonged a dissension with the Church of Rome, which is an encouragement to revolutionary passions, a cause of grief and an embarrassment for the conscience, and a serious danger for the Government. The Piedmontese clergy have no hatred against repre sentative government: In . 1846 and 1847 they were nearly all in the liberal movement directed by Count Balbo and the Abbe -Glioberti. Their attitude Changed when the law on civil marriage and that on ecclesiastical festivities produced a dissension with Rome. It is no part of our business to discuss these laws ; we merely observe that all the enlightened Piedniontese deplore that state of things, and earnestly desire to see the end of them. • We have too much confidence in the high intelligence'Of the Prime Minister - of Sardinia not to be convinced that the obstacle to a reconciliation so degrable Would not be found in him: What proves it is his declaration-last session on the secularisation of the property of the clergy, which he energetically rejected for profound political reasons, as he said. fociis of light and of noble activity, then public opinicin may' judge, and perhaps impose itself as .a pacific justice of right. We have composed this work in order that public opinion may have the means of pronouncing its judgment. We have no hostility to Austria. The question of Italy is the only difficulty which can exist between her and France. We respect its situation in Germany, which has nothing to fear from us on the Rhine. The solution of the Italian questio n wou ld h ave f or resu l t to e ff ace between France and Austria all subject of dissension. These two Powers can approach _ each _ other by many common interests, and the union of all the great Governments of Europe is' not too much to prevent fattite Complications. It is in order to combine their view's and efforts in • a general interest, that we wet) ) remove all present . clifficulties = aua resolve one of the 1) it considerable questions of the But we must not delude ourselves ; that reconciliation is not easy. There are engagements contracted, amo;er propre excited, and an issue is difficult from this dilemma when the debate is carried on only under the protection of some great act which would be a. pledge given to the national interest and a means of reconciliation with the interests of religion. If, in place of that, the statu quo be prolonged in Piedmont, it is fated to end, as the political result in war, and as the religious result in schism. These are two great dangers, not only for Piedmont, but for all Italy and for Europe, and to which political wisdom counsels us not to shut our eyes. . Can the statu.quo, so difficult to maintain at Rome and Turin for the reasons we have just given, continue at Milan, Naples, Florence, Parma, and Lucca At Milan the Emperor of Austria sent of the Arch dukes him who had most sympathy for Italy. The good intentions of the Archduke Maximilian are known. Ile used his power with a moderation which we are happy to admit, but is the domination of Austria in Italy the more solid theiefOre ? The qualities of a Prince—time itself— can do nothin g . As Lord Palmerston said, in 1849, in the despatch we have already quoted, "There is no chance for Austria to keep in' a useful and permanent manner Upper Italy." Thus, on that side, insurrection put down, often vanquished, but never discouraged. A t Naples the Government is isolated, not only in Europe by her position with respect to France and England, but also in Italy, by her rupture with the only state there which is seriously 'organised. The Kin.. of Naples, also, and he more than ,a n y o ther, perhaps, weakened as lie is by this double isolation, has to deal with a national opinion which exists in the south as in the north of the Peninsula. Mention has recently been made of a document of great interest, and which ex plains the resistance of the King of Naples to the com liinPd dinlnmntir antinn of +lto A rin•ln_P,.ny,-.1, By the 3rd Article of the Convention of the 29th of April, 1815, the two. Governments of Austria and .the Two Sicilies engaged to conclude a treaty of alliance, having for object "to consider the state of peace and tranquillity, internal and external,, of the Two Sicilies and of Italy in general." That treaty, - con lluded in t' h of ne mont, .ollowing, stipulales, in a :secret article, " that his Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies shall not admit changes which cannot be reconciled either with monarchical institutions or with the principles adopted by his Imperial And Royal Majesty for the internal government of his Italian pro vinces." It is impossible to render more apparent the hand of Austria. Evidently under such a stipulation it may be said that it rules at Naples as at Milan. But will King Ferdinand, who in 1847 freed himself from that domination, always feel himself protected by it ? It is permitted to believe that he feels the humiliation as well as the embarrassment of it, and that he would be happy to lend the hand to an organisation which, without prejudicing the prerogatives of which he is so jealous, would permit him to be an Italian prince, and to win back the sympathies of the intelligent men from whom he cannot remain divorced the whole of his reign. At Florence, the Grand Duke Leopold has seen eclipsed the brilliant popularity which encircled him be fore 1848, and the fruits of which he gathered in his spontaneous restoration to the throne. Between him and his people 'stand the bayonets of Austria. Austrian domi nation presses on Tuscany as on Naples. There is also a nt and women To 2 the best manner of securing to outstrip *ornplications capable of producing contract which confirms it. A treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between the Emperor of Austria and the Grand Duke of Tuscany, delivers this part of Italy to the powerful hand which reaches over her in the north, as in the centre and the south. In order that this situation should cease, that Florence should again become Italian, as in the times of the Medici, and that her Princes should recover their popularity, a national government and an Italian army are as much needed in Tuscany as in the Roman States. At Parma the Grand Duchess has resisted better than elsewhere the influence of Austria, which she has not permitted up to the present, to have a garrison in her States. It is a good example ; and it is worthy of remark, that this inspiration of patriotism should ema nate from the heart of a woman. But the Duchess of Parma, like all the Sovereigns of Central Italy, is bound by treaties and by policy; she belongs to Austria, and until Italy recover new life, she cannot withdraw herself from that yoke. As for the Duke of Modena, he is the admitted Lieu tenant of Austria; he has the frankness of his situation. In 1847 he did not hesitate to call upon the Austrians to combat, not the revolution, which had not yet raised its head, but the national movement of which Pius IX. was the chief. " I have behind the Po," he wrote some time previous, " a reserve of 300,000 men." The 24th of December, 1847, he signed a treaty of alliance with the Cabinet of Vienna, and by the 11th article of that treaty he granted to the Emperor " the right of marching the Imperial troops on the ter ritory of Modena, of garrisoning his forts with them every time the interest of the common defence and military precautions should require it. This alliance did riot hinder him from quitting Modena on the 21st of March, 1848, after having instituted a regency, charged with granting reforms which might be judged useful, and giving to the Duchy a representative statute on the basis of that of Piedmont. Pt is thus that at Modena, as in all the States of Italy where it is established, Austrian domination keeps up the revolutionary element, which can only be dominated and annihilated by the national element. Such is the actual state of the Peninsula ; at Rome, antagonism between the Ecclesiastical Government and the interests of civil society, isolation of the Sovereign in the very midst of the respect which surrounds the Pontiff, French occupation indefinite ; at Turin, excite ment of the national feeling that may lead to war, and rupture with Rome that may lead.to schism ; at Milan, universal protest on the part of nationality, beaten down but still living, against the sovereignty of Austria ; at Naples, at Parma, at Florence, at Modena, in every place where Austria governs by her treaties, by her counsels, which are orders, and by her garrisons; revolt of the Italian feeling, capable of degenerating into revolution ; in a word, an Italy where the greatest recol lections of history are effaced or blasted by the greatest misfortunes, where the most essential interests of society, religion, order, independence of people, autho rity of princes, are endangered or lost, and where are raised as a reproach and. as a permanent danger for Europe and its civilization, sufferings to which humanity and policy cannot remain indifferent. Such is the picture presented to our view on the other side of the Alps. In producing it here, in its melancholy truth, we accuse no one ; we wish only that opinion shall decide, with a complete knowledge of affairs, not if such a situation is just; but if it is possible." Post hour compels me to stop at the 37th page of this curious production, which consists of 64. I pass over the intermediate pages, and prefer giving the concluding chapter, which is as follows : XIV. The treaties which bind Governments are the interna tional laws of peoples, and would be only invariable if the world was immovable. If the treaties which are to protect the security of Europe place it in danger, it is b e cause they no longer answer to t he necessities or to the wants which dictated them. Political prudence counsels to substitute something else for them. A power which would entrench itself behind treaties in order to resist modifications demanded by general feeling would have, no doubt, for her an acq uired ri g ht, but s he would have against her moral right and universal con science. If, then, it be demonstrated that the y of a uneasiness, s it ua ti o n of the Italian States is not only cause of suffering for the country , but even a cause and perhaps of revolution in Europe, the letter of treaties wou ld be involved in vain—it could , not hold against th e nec essity of politics and the interest of European order. What, therefore, is to be done? To When appeal to force? May P rov idence keep such an extremity it irom us ! We mus t ap peal to public opinion. the true situation of Italy shall be known throughout Europe, and that everybody shall be convinced that there is in th e m id s t of the most enlightened States on th e on that land from w hi c h civilisation sprung, a focus globe, on disorder, and profound.perturbation, which might so readily become a war. There on this side th in ,Italy we indicate them; s o.give to fundamental xuarark' which a. T here are caul this is of the num , nor exclusive. It tiOnality of a living people, Europe,. and perhaps of the cannot succumb in tbeo world because it is neitl: the taus, independent deferided. C►-od w -which France has always ld doubtless reserve a noble portion of human glory to those who Would support this struggle Glory does not tempt us ; we have had enough of it in the history of the past as in contemporaneous events, to have no need of it. We therefore ardently desire that diplomacy shall do on the eve of a struggle what it should do on the morrow of a victory. Let Europe energetically unite for this cause of justice and peace! It ought to be with us, because we shall be always with her to defend her honour, her equilibruim, and her security IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS--FRIDAY The report of the agreed to. Some formal business was transacted, and the House adjourned at 5.30 p.m. Address was brought up and HOUSE OF COMMONS-FRIDAY A new writ was moved for the Dublin University, in place of ➢ir. • J. D. Hamilton, appointed permanent Secretary to the Treasury. Lord Stanley gave notice that, on Monday, the 14th, he should call attentiotito the subject of Indian Finance. The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave notice that, on Monday, he should move for leave to introduce a bill for the regulation of the Civil Service Superannuation The Solicitor• Get estates nd for should 'mov 11 gave notice of the introduction of e Sale and Transfer of L an d e d establishment of a registry of such Trelavhiey gave, re for leave to bring Church Rates Notit )f a motion on th e that, on Taesgay, he a bill for the Repeal of yieet, for an early day Lord J. Russell gave notice that, on Tuesday the 15th, he should move for leave to bring in a bill for the amendment of the laws relating to bankruptcy and insolvency Mr. Whiteside gave notice of the introduction of various bills—for the recovery of small debts, proceedings in chancery, the transfer of land, registry of deeds, and the law of landlord and tenant, Lord Naas gave notice of the introduction of bills relating to lunatic asylums, markets, and other matters, in Ireland. The Attorney-General gave notice that, on that day fortnight, he should move for leave to bring in a bill to consolidate the criminal law in England and Ireland. Mr. \Valpole gave notice of the introduction of bills respecting the sale of poisons, the ecclesiastic...l com mission, and would call attention to the papers which had been laid on the table on the subject of church rates, and should submit a motion on the subject. Mr. Hardy gave notice of a motion for the regulation of beerhouses. In reply to Sir A. Agnew General Peel said, that no recent order had been issued, ordering the troops at Malta to present arms to the Host. The old regulations, and respecting which there had been no complaint, were still acted upon. In reply to. Colonel North, General Peel said, that any reduction in the militia would depend on the number of regiments that came ply to Lord Punkellin Pakington said, that a commission had b een appointed to examine into the capabilities of Gakray Harbour ; that commission had made a report which ere long wmild be laid upon the table. He would say that report would be greatly in favour of the capabilities of Galway, both as a harbour of refuge, and for the public service. In refe rence to this last, communications had been made to the Postmaster-General, but no definite answer had been received. The report of the Address having been brought up, Mr. Hadfield said, that the question of India interested our manufacturers at home, as able to furnish ample supplies of raw cotton. The capabilities of the country had been previously neglected, a neglect which he hoped would in future be repaired. Lord Stanley said, that the best"means of encouraging the growth of cotton in India would be to facilitate the means of transport. Notwithstanding the difficulties of Indian finance, it was not intended to diminish the Governmental expenditure on public works. An expen diture of two millions had been for many years expended . on public works. 3,000 miles of railway was in course of construction, and 500 miles were actually opened, which he believed would be a source of profit and of incalculable advantage to both England 'and India. There was no part of Indian business to which he attached so much importance, as that of pressing forward public works. Mr. Bright said, that it was not enough to create facilities of transport ; a better tenure of land, especially in the South, was • necessary to successful cultivation. Very impolitic steps had been taken in this matter by the Governments both of Madras and thnibas, which had caused an investigation.of a cruel and injurious character into the title of estates, and had there caused much mischief. He trusted that the new government of Madras would rectify the evil. The whole question ought to be examined by a commission, and that the result would be to give the people of India a fair chance. Colonel Sykes observed that the people of India could not be compelled to cultivate cotton if they preferred to cultivate the culture of sugar and indigo. Sir J. Elphinstone was sure that - cotton could be grown at a profit in India. Mr. Joseph Ewart recommended improved irrigation. The address was then agreed to. - On the motion of Mr. "Walpole, the House resolved itself into committee, for the purpose of considering the occasional forms of prayer for the 30th of January and other days. Mr. Walpole, after referring to the addresses of last year, moved for leave to bring in a bill for the purpose of discontinuing- those services Leave was given accordingly, and the bill read a first time. The House then adjourned at six o'clock THE POLITICAL PRISONERS IN PRUSSIA.—The Adver tiser has the following despatch from CArne :—" The hopes of an amnesty are disappointed. There remain T s h_u_rs da numerous captives in the Prussian fortresses. Even yln the Magdeburg alone there are ten or eleven in chains work ing as common labourers at th s o is ft NapoleonOs r O ti n fiC t a a t e i 0 r n e s: Emperor THE NAPOLEON PAMPHLET,--PARIS, nerationsof willin —a appear r pamphlet, entitled . lt in i lll. Ana Ital, Italy, and the mission of the than hinted at. It proposes, further, to effect it is more ration, and insists on a diminution er, an Italian confede of the Pope. of the temporal powers PARLIAMENTARY REPoRm.--The Morning Post, the fmacetstthsattremnuionusisteorsf tdheeelinanet ra inisterials, in noticing the at present to name a day for laying t heir bill upon the table, ask if it is because the end Is not far off? The 'Herald, on the other side, shows that Whig cabinets had promised reform, and had never kept their pledges ; b u t, when out of office, it is always a question that will not admit of the least possible delay. EXTRAORDINARY AND USEFUL INVENTION.--There Is nothing that housewives complain of with greater truth fulness, than the breaking of some favourite piece of glass, valuable china, or earthenware. In hundreds of cases such things cannot be matched, and of course cannot be mended. The latter want has been obviated by an extraordidary and effective invention, by Mr. Adshead, of Derby Pottery, near Derby It is a cement that may be said to heal, in a perfect manner, all cracks and breaks in the articles spoken of ; and cot only in these, but in mar ble, alabaster, &c. The benefit of this article need_nontbe dwelt on. We have seen some of its effects has sat Hall'k our neighbours, and the glass that beenm ca n be long without The article is very cheap, and n o house by looking in a t cemented by it is stronger in that p ar t than in any .other. in Liverpool, and it. Mr. Hall is the agent for its all interested can judge fortiiemse yes, Soldin bottles, s. each, or sent f ree South John-street. his establishment. Agent for Liverp oo l, E. T. Hall, 23, on_reoeipt of stesien postage stamps.