Northern Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-02-02 00:00:00

ling• abert boll CONFERENCE OF et tea P GE m• ineor ait P ie' ,larlf take' A L . al! o ke4 pat.? iditl' As s All ,r i t ° f -111° 1 ' ) the LANCASHIRE REFORMERS. [FROM OUR OWN REPORTER.] A Conference of Lancashire Reformers, favourable to the general principles embodied in the bill proposed by .. Mr. Bright, wa s h e ld i n t h e A ssem b y Room of the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, at three o'clock, yesterday. There was a very large attendance, the room being crowded to its full capacity. The following gentlemen Were invited to attend from the several towns named, and, We believe, nearly all the gentlemen invited attended at the conference : ACCR/NGTON.—Messrs. Lang Bridge, George Bury, Thomas %worth, James Barlow, R. Massey, E. Bowker, Swaine Rhodes, Bridge (Church), Robert Westall (Church), J. Tattersall Asirtinr.—Mr. Samuel Newton. ASLITON- e , DER-LYNE.—Mr. William Mil. . 13Lte rrntitx.—Jam es Pilkington, Esq., Mr • Pa ington and R R. Jackson - Messrs. W. H. Johnson, Adam T. B. ' g l a Bulloug h Westall Thomas Eccles, R. Shackleton, B Abbott, R. Webster, James ' Shaw, H. Cocks, F. Nichols. 130 Lro x•--Mr. Robert Heywood, Thomas Thomasson, P. R ri :w e anith, T. S a tt ert h wa i te, H enry A s h wor th (Th e O a k es ) . . AC ". — Charles S tewart, R i c h ar d S m i t h , R o b ert Sm i th, Johr arch. Aldermen Wm EaT ßally — Messrs. Thomas L. Openshaw, Thomas Pilkington, ho m as G rundy, James Kay, James Chattwood, Rich ar d W ar d , r,dward Bates, William Fairbrother, Thomas Crompton, Samuel 1 i ; _John W oo d , John Ratcliffe, James Livsey, John Horrox, L Tyson, Peter M. Cooper. _ CEIADD ERTON.—Mr. All en M e ll or. C_HontEr.—Messrs. William Lawrence, William Gillibrand. _ RASLI NGDEN.—Re T . G. W . Clapham. Ilttatsuoax.—Mr. Jam es Whit ta k er. li taxuAm.—Mr Richard Bowdler. G. JLANcAsrEs..—Mr. James Thomson 'Wray, and Mr. Alderman a ckson ; Messrs. George Cleminson, Verity, John Clark 111) Y, Tennant Kirkby, and W. Guiness, Bentham. 41LivExtroot. Mess rs R o b er t son Gl a d stone, J. R. Jeffery, b_ wre nce Reyworth, Charles Holland, J. T. Danson, It. W. n ald, Richard Shiel, David M'Clellan, R. Bennett, J. Steel, T °MaS Cope, and K. Liversedge. ~.;",_Ru•—Messrs George Atkins, Charles Andrew, John Holroyd, .1. Atherton. „.._/11131)1..Erox.—lielessrs. John Knox, Edward Howarth, John W°°lB toncroft, Thomas Mills. ICEW ctiuncu.—John Kershaw, Whittaker, 11. Law, Barcroft, George Hood. PR ESTON. —Messrs. Rolt, R. Charnley, J. Hankinson, J. Park, J ' J. Merryman, John Thompson, jun. ? I ' D nAm.—Mr. Councillor Dransfield, Messrs. Leonard Haslop, "°4ll Bromley, John Swailes, E. Ingham, Jos. Shaw, John Ashton, - ward Kirkby, John Bradley, Adam Bradley, John Beswick, 'Z h u Green, John Swires, Edward Rye, Richard Peat, Charles .. " 11 °r, J. Hulme Hill. It orrONT.—Messrs. James Stott, Thomas Chadwick, John Buck_ Jos. Harrop, Adam Whitworth, John Mellor, Miles Taylor. MOCIIDALE. —Mr. Alderman Healey and Mr. Alderman Livsey ; Messrs. Jacob Bright, John Petrie, George Ashworth, Robert Relsall, Kenn , King, James King, T. B. Willans, J. F. Pagan, William Shepherd, Abraham Greenwood, Samuel Asquith, John Clegg, Samuel Casson. SOUTHPORT.— Dr. Craven, Messrs. Wood, Henry Robinson, Robert Lloyd, John Jackson, Walter Smith, William Hodge, Boothroyd. STALYBRIDGE Mr. Wm. Bayley (mayor), Randall Ridgway, John Summers, George Smith, Hugh Marsland, Abraham Hil ton, Joseph Shawcross, Edward Shepley, Joseph Kenworthy, Vi r m. Bayley, jun. ST. HELENS.—Messrs. Samuel Gurney, Bernard, Dromgoole. ST OCKPORT.—Messrs. Aldermen Chapman, llampson, Walms ley ; Messrs. Forrester, Blackett (Stacksteads), Richard Ash- Worth, David Bowlas, James Longson, S. Maiden. TobxoßnEm.—Alessrs. Abraham Ormrod, Robert Fi e ld en , W m . irielden L. IL Suth ers , J o h n Fi e l den, Thomas Chambers, John Whitaker, James N u tt a ll, Ed war d Lord, Wm. Crabtree, Joseph Fi rth, William Haworth, J. Shepherd, Win. Greenwood, Ashton l han sfield, Joh n B ar k er, jun., George Hinsliffe, Jas. Schofield, d°llll Co ckcroft, James D awson , J o h n B roo k e, Win. Shackleton, As my Duckw or th , J. H. Wilson, Barker Crabtree, James h worth, John Veevers, L. Tapling. . „WARe rNorox.—Rev. R. A. M ou ld ; M essrs . P e t er R y l an d s, 'br ook Gaskell, C. H. Cartwright, Edward Robinson, John Bargees. Cow. - PR—Edward Ashworth. pa nt three o'clock, Mr. Bright entered the hall, accom bY Mr. George Wilson and other gentlemen, he was receiv e d with the most enthusiastic bursts of applause, Wll lieh agai n we re agai n and renewed. u tir. C. Dyer move d , that t h e c h a i r b e ta k en b y t h e old, h onest, a n d consistent, friend of Reform, Mr. e Zge Wilson. (Cheers.) The * Mayo r of Salford seconded the resolution, which Was carried by acclamation, and ?Sir. Wilson accordingly took the chair. The Chairman said, he exceedingly regretted that in t he inevitabl e a b sence of one of their most distinguished min a in that country, he had been, at a very few ~1 1111t es notice, requested to take the chair that day. 411 ' e should at once introduce, and in very brief terms, the obj " e„n alixi - o of the meet i ng. Inasmuch as they were all ,ead as that an opportunity should be afforded to the 1113 °n 4• tog reformers of La ncas hi re t o ex p ress th e i r o pi n i ons the trig... great measures proposed by his friend Mr. (ilru (cheers), it was thought necessary that that tunity should be afforded with the least possible delay Re had presided, in his time, over a great '4l3' Meetings, and he thought he had nothing to il e o al.ll in respect to such assemblies as that which he the s aw before him ; but he would maintain that from e na toes which had been sent in as delegates to that toeeting from the Reformers of Lancashire, there had Il ever b een seen in the palmiest days of the League, such ` es Pectabl e and influential selection. (Loud cheers.) .Rshitesataheat wa s a m ee ti ng of delegates, he hoped that no man would f or a moment refrain from expressing Ith ePuli°ll ) if he thought proper, upon any ea r. resolution atev er, Which s h ould b e placed before them. (Hear, gt) Inasmuch as he knew that it was at great rs"al inconvenie nce M r. B r i g h t was a t ten di ng th ere lio t t da %if they w ere t o h ave di scuss i ons upon t h e bill , Info wasthe time for that di scuss i on •, if they required to rolation With respect to the bi ll, now was the t i me apply themsel ves t o it, in order that after due and rmature co nsideration they might, if they agreed po 11 meas ures, combine together strongly, and with the et laisite d - R h o egree of f orce , in order that those necessaries uld have their due force in the Commons House of Parliament. (Cheers.) He thought there was one cir frill" 2nee which must be peculiarly gratifying to his measuresr Bright in refe r ence to the initiation of the ge di of reform w hi c h h e h a d now b roug ht f orwar d. giv d not speak of the general assent which had been thee,: t°him as the leader of the great reform parties in e c s o t n er n , ti i e n in s —at th e mee ti ngs i n Bi rm i ng ham, in Ma uch Roth e tdinburcrh, in Glasgow, in Bradford, and - eeause to some extent it might be inferred that the Personal influence of Mr. Bright himself, wi t : the influence of his eloquence, affected the parties tau :Were present upon th ose severa l occas i ons . .111sed 100 present over the newspapers he had been . I t r l T r l to find the N or th ern C oun ti es R e f ormers 41. 1 : 1° ' 1 , which went for manhood suffrage at all their eti age, and ref er , for m uc h more extens i ve measures o f 4 n o ° .' Loan Mr. B r i g ht h a d pro j ected i n his scheme, had I,is rIII IY agr ee d to accept and support out of parliament leadership, and to lend their assistance to his Reform till. that t (Rear, hear.) He, therefore, took it for granted, (IlheY were not likely to play the old game over again. e a'', hear.) The working classes, themselves, were 131.e Pared to accept the leadership of Mr. Bright, with ro e ,. the to the present Reform Bill, and he believed 'Y Would see a combination and an union throughout ne th e ~ ' - ' 3l lntry in f avour o f that R e f orm B i ll, such as was rver presented in favour of any Reform Bill upon any eevioUs occasion. Mr. Bright was not th e se lf- e l ected ader o f p (g(tie the people with reference to the R e f orm Bi ll. ea r hear.) The London Reform Associati on —th e ur st reform association of the country for the number an d talent s of its m em b ers—had selecte d hi m t o i n t ro d uce the m easure of reform. (Cheers.) The county of Lancashire truki received most unfair treatment at the han d s o f the t°lls e of Com mons. They asked for no exc l us i ve privi e th g e s, but on l y for fair play. (Hear, hear.) Why should e w 1. J b e content with anything less than a fair distribution Of the electoral power, in proportion to the numbers, the .„1/I.°Porty, and the intelligence of the county ? (Hear, Pe a , and che ers. ) He had no doubt that they would from that ingenious advocate of the landed interest, and probably at present its most able supporter in the House of Commons, Mr. Disraeli, a great outcry about the counties not having their fair share of represen tation in proportion to their population and to their voters, But, if they took his own county, Buckinghamshire, they would find that, for many years during the contests upon the Reform Bill, Mr. Disraeli sat still, knowing that that county, with its 8,000 voters, blroughs and county included, returned eleven members to parliament, its population being altogether 160,000, and its rateable value considerably under one million to the income-tax ; whilst, at the same time, Lancashire, with its population of upwards of two millions, with its voters upwards of 88,000, with its assessment to the property-tax of upwards of ten millions, only returned twenty-six members to parliament. If the county of Lancashire, during that time, had returned in proportion to the county of Buckinghamshire, it should have re turned 130 members to parliament. (Hear, hear.) There were nine counties in England, with something about 400,000 less population, and with an assessment under schedule A in the property tax, of £700,000 less than the assessment of Lancashire, which returned ninety-eight members to parliament, against twenty-six from Lanca shire. If they took into consideration the great increase of population since the Reform Bill, they would find that the increase in Lancashire alone during that time ex ceeded the entire population at the present day, of Dor setshire, Buckinghamshire, and Devonshire, which returned thirty-eight members to parliament. (Hear, hear.) If the men of Lancashire were prepared to sit still with that inequality, they deserved to be branded at all times as men who had no self respect, as men who were indisposed to take part in the great battle for their constitutional privileges. (Cheers.) It had been remarked lately in the Times, and he believed the remark to be true, that the only men in the Houses of Parliament who deserved the name of great debaters were Lord Derby, Mr. Gladstone, and Mr. Bright. (Cheers.) These three statesmen were all natives of Lancashire. (Loud cheer ing.) Was Lancashire then a place which should be content to remain without her full share of parliamentary representation ? (Cheers.) He urged upon the present meeting to bear its part in the struggle now about to go forward, and concluded by calling upon Mr. Henry Ash worth, of Bolton, to propose the first resolution. Mr. Ashworth, who was received with loud applause, addressed the meeting. He observed that he saw now before him, not alone representatives of the will-power of the country, but representatives of the territorial power, and of that description of power which lodged in the solid securities of the country, and which might be relied upon as not likely to be anxious for the carrying out of any objects which could be disastrous to the country's and their own welfare. (Hear, hear.) They were met together as a deliberative assembly, to consider whether there was in the constitution of the country— anything or nothing —which required to be improved or modified. As they had frequently heard the Bank of England described as an old lady, they might personify the constitution of the country as an old lady—(laughter) and they had met to consider whether there was any feebleness beginning to be evident in her constitution which required the application of restoratives, and whether they could suggest the restoratives to be applied. (Hear, hear.) He contended that, on the whole, Mr. Bright's bill, although like other human things, not perfect, was the best which could be brought for ward in the present position of affairs. He combatted the objections urged to it, and in especial alluded to the fact that Lord John Russell had prepared a bill to introduce a £5 suffrage. "Where, he asked, was the great distinction between a £5 suffrage and a rating suffrage ? (Hear, hear.) He contended that Mr. Bright's arguments, drawn from the United States, had not been refuted, and concluded by proposing the following resolution :—" That the measure of reform announced by Mr. Bright deserves to receive the support of this country ; that its recognition of the right of the population and the property of the country to a fair and substantial representation in the House of Commons, en titlesit to the earnest support of all classes oft he population of Lancashire ; that this conference hereby pledges itself, by the formation of associations, the presentation of petitions, and the holding of public meetings, to give it all the support in its power." The Mayor of Salford, Mr. W. Harvey, seconded the motion in a few words, in which he expressed his approval of the principles of the bill, and his perfect confidence in the disinterestedness, the sincerity, and the all-powerful mind of Mr. Bright. Mr. Barnes (ex M.P. for Bolton) supported the motion, but expressed some regret that Mr. Bright had not gone at once for manhood suffrage, on the ground that if they had demanded that their opponents might have been glad to let them off with a rating suffrage. (Hear, hear, cheers, and laughter.) They knew they would not get all they asked for—when had they ever got what they asked for ? A voice : The corn laws. Mr. Barnes : We did not get what we asked for even in the corn laws. We asked for perfect free-trade, and they left us with a shilling duty—(cheers) —and if it had not been for that awful calamity, the Irish famine, they would have put a little larger duty upon it. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think, if we had gone for manhood suffrage, we might induce them to say they would compromise, by giving us a rating suffrage. (Hear, hear, cheers, and laughter.) The Chairman : Does any gentleman from Liverpool desire to speak ? We have a very large deputation from Liverpool. lam afraid to mention their names, lest you should ask them all to speak, and keep them speaking all night. (Laughter.) We shall be very glad to hear any member of any deputation, but especially from the great town of Liverpool. Loud calls were made from all parts of the room for Mr. Robertson Gladstone ; and, when that gentleman rose, in obedience to the reiterated calls, he was received with enthusiastic cheers. Mr. Robertson Gladstone rose and said : Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, after the very pointed reference which has been made to Liverpool, although it was not my intention to obtrude myself upon your notice to-day, I cannot remain silent. No doubt, sir, it naturally would have occurred to your mind, and to the minds of many of those whom I see present, as strange, that in the long period which has elapsed sinco the question of reform was mooted in Liverpool, Liverpool should not have been found in the foreground, as Manchester has been. I appear here, sir, to-day, not deputed by any clique or any sect ; I come here, along with a few friends, in some measure by invitation, but in a much more important respect prompted by my own desire to lend, if possible, my feeble aid in forwarding the cause which the gentleman on your right has so nobly undertaken. (Great cheering.) I felt, Mr. Chairman, that it would have been a stigma upon the character of the town of Liverpool, if amidst the exertions which that gentleman has made to further the cause, which is the very noblest that can be conceived, our own community had re mainedsilent, whilst it was solarge a participator in the re sult. Therefore, whilst I venture to address you on the sub ject, you must not suppose that I appear here to speak for others ; I come for myself ; I come here to say that I feel the importance of the subject, that I am well aware that, in the event of success, the very grandest benefits are likely to accrue to the people of the country, and that I would not be charged, either at this time, or any futuro period, with neglecting to perform a duty which I believe to be incumbent upon all classes of society. (Cheers.) Now, sir, if any one circumstance is calculated to make me regret that such a change as is propounded, is necessary, it is that these gentlemen, including yourself, sir, who has so admirably addressed us on this subject of reform, should be a t this moment excluded from that arena where they are qualified to appear. Within a very short space of time, in comparatively few words, we have heard an admirable digest of the whole subject, and the cogent reasons which point to the absolute necessity of reform. And I would ask those who doubt and hesitate as to its being the right period to consider the question of reform, whether it is better to wait until the disease has attained such a magnitude, that it becomes in itself incurable, or whether at the very earliest possible stage we should apply the remedies which are calculated to extinguish the evil. (Cheers.) We have, sir, in this country, and we always shall have, so long as we remain situated as we are, enemies to progress—(hear, hear) —enemies to mankind, amongst those who tell you that they have been educated at our dis tinguished schools and colleges, whose whole life appears to be devoted to the one single end of magnifying and spread , ing their own importance, irrespective of the good of their fellow men. (Tremendous cheering.) I ask, is it not a cruel injustice, when we remember in the last few years the successes of those measures which in their origin have emanated from yourselves, measures which have passed into laws after every obstacle had been thrown in the way of their progress—is it not cruel that, in this age, we should again find that the very same party is about to array itself in opposition to those who are born to provide for themselves by means of their own intelligence and industry - I say, is it not a wretched consideration for us, as reasoning and reasonable men, that we should from the very same quarter have to fight the same battle over again? But, sir, let me say in reference to the community to which I belong, that, in regard to the measures propounded by Mr. Bright, a considerable difference of opinion exists. Of course from the Tory party we will have opposition, and we know from past experience how that opposition is to be dealt with, but if we are firm and resolute in our demand, neither the Times newspaper, with its briefless barristers, and its churchless ministers of religion in the background—who wield tho pen to the disadvantage of the great masses of the people of this country—who are not the advocates but are strangers and foreigners to the wants of the people—who are not the advocates of the rights and requirements of the people—l say that neither the Times nor any other newspaper can withstand or meet the arguments which point to the necessity of such a measure of reform as has been proposed by Mr. Bright. From the Tory party in Liverpool there will be a certain amount of opposition ; but, as I have stated, with all the support the Times can give to the views of that party (for the Times is nothing but a Tory paper in disgiise), they will not succeed in the end. We have also, a.inong ourselves, including what are nominally termed a Liberal party, some of whom I dare say are also to be found in Manchester, a considerable number who are known by the name of old Whigs. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) They are near relations, I have no doubt, to the old lady who has been so admirably described, and, in fact, are probably some of her numerous progeny. (Laughter.) Well, sir, neither for the Tories nor for the old Whigs do I presume to speak (hear, hear, and laughter), but I come here as one of a more considerable phalanx. There are those present who belong to it, and infinitely more entitled to merit than I am in anything that has been done (cries of " no, no ") ; but I say for those present, and I think I may utter as much for the refermers and advanced liberals, and those who really believe that progress is essential, and that we are not to consider ourselves as having arrived at an ultimatum, and that our advancement is there to stop —I say of those, that I have come here for myself, and believe others have done the same, to seek an opportunity of expressing, in the warmest manner, our most cordial and grateful thanks to the honourable gentleman who sits at your right, for whose character, talents, abilities of the highest order, disinterestedness, honesty of purpose, seeking nothing but the public good, we entertain for him and to him the largest measures of gratitude, and sincerely and con scientiously pray that the blessing of Heaven may favour him in his efforts, and prosper the results (great cheerin g ) —amid which Mr. Gladstone resumed his se a t. The Chairman : Is there any other gentleman who would wish to speak before the motion is put ? Mr. J. It. Jeffery then came forward, and was received with great cheering. The Chairman : Oar friend Mr. Jeffery, of Liverpool, wishes to address us, and I think after the last specimen we have heard from Liverpool, we ought to remove ou r head-quartcia there. (Laughter and cheers.) Mr. J. R. Jeffery then rose to address the meeting, and was greeted with a loud burst of cheering. He said : Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, when I accepted the invitation of your esteemed Chairman to attend here to-day, I had not the most distant idea of having to address such a large and intelligent assembly as the present. (Loud cheers). Indeed, I came here for the purpose of listening to the speeches and their reasonings, in the hope that at no very distant day Liverpool would be one of the places that would be enabled to participate in the advantages anticipated from that meeting. (Cheers). I do not, sir, appear before you as a mill-owner, nor as the represen tative of the mill interest exclusively. I appear here as the representative of no class exclusively, but I am one of that class, which, in former times, have been held up as a sort of " bug-bear," least they should have too much power in the country—l mean the " shopocracy." Sir, to the last reform bill I am indebted to the enjoyment of the exercise of my franchise. (Cheers.) I come here then in my own person to assist, for it is to that bill that I am privileged to speak on this occasion, in obtaining that privilege for others ; for it was that Reform Bill which gave me my franchise, and that franchise I am here to claim it in our own day, on behalf of all those who are vet beyond the pale of it. (Great cheering.) Sir, it is a maxim in this country that taxation and representation must go together, and I warn all those who say that it should not be so, against the consequences which arose on the other side of the Great Atlantic, by attempting to prevent it. (Cheers.) Then, if that be so, sir, you may as well take it as universal suffrage at once, because every living being who consumes one particle of food for his existence—because even between the table and the plate to the mouth, there is the authority in the shape of a tax gatherer, fresh to receive contributions for the Government, and the resistance to it must b 3 starvation. Now, I ask the ruling powers that be whether that is to be done, as it is done, in fact. Is taxation and representation to go together, and if so, how are they to withhold universal suffrage. (Cheers.) Let me not be misunderstood. Bear in mind, that in the present stage of the education of the people, I am not an advocate for universal suffrage. In the abstract principle there was no doubt but that it was right ; but I do not think that we are scarcely prepared for that measure in the present day. If we were to ask for it, as has been very justly said by the hon. member on ray left, we should be told that we could not get it. But, perhaps, if we were to go for it the result would be exactly what Mr. Barnes has stated. I, however, prefer, as Mr. Bright has told us, asking for what we really want, and demanding what we deem to be right, and what would be for the benefit of the country. (Cheers.) We are perfectly justified in asking, demanding, and insisting on having such a measure ; and, assisted by your aid, we shall be able to get it. (Great cheering.) I feel that this is a part of the day when, however great our desires to address such an assembly as this, time is of consequence, that every gentleman should condense his observations as much as possible. I ought to abstain from proceeding any further, but there is one point I wish to touch on before I resume my seat, simply because it has occurred to me during the time I was speaking. My friend, Mr. Bright, has been denounced by those who are opposed to him, because itis said he is desirous of putting down the power of the aristocracy of this country. Now, sir, Ido not understand that he in:- tends to do anything of the kind. (Loud cheers.) What he does intend, and what his anxious desire is —that the proper position of the " Old Lady " should be perfectly understood, and if she is debilitated, administer to her restoratives that will give her health and vigour to pur sue her course for the future. (Cheers.) Now sir, that is what I believe Mr. Bright wishes to do.—and that is all he wishes to do, and I am speaking within his hearing, therefore if I am wrong he will set me right, and thus through me, yourselves, and the country at large. What I understood Mr. Bright to say is this:—" We have no desire to govern or limit the power of the crown—we should have the power of the oligarchy nearly and fairly balanced ; if not, the aristo cracy would extinguish and abolish the power of the people. He wanted that the House of Commons should be the people's house, and that the House of Lords should be the lord's house if they pleased. But as it is, what has been the procedure for the last session or two ? The Crown has been opposed to the House. The House of Lords said to the Crown, you have no authority here— you shall not enter into it, as we are opposed to you, and if you attempt to do so, we will speedily show you that it willnot do. (Cheers.) We will not have in the House of Lords others than we like. But the House of Lords do not stop there. When the people said that they would have Baron Rothschild in the House of Commons, The THE NORTHERN TIMES, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1859 Lords said you shall not; we, the House of Lords, hold the key of that House, and if you persist, as we can keep the doors either shut or open, we will give the key another turn and keep him out of the house, and you have no means of redress. (Cheers.) Now what we mean to say to the House of Lords was this—we will let you alone in your House, but you must let us alone in our house. (Cheers.) That, sir, is what I believe Mr. Bright means. "What we want is to legis late in our own House, without let or hindrance. But seeing that the power first comes from the people, we choose to say to them that we will let them alone in their own house if they will let us alone in ours. (Cheers.) But, sir, with the present representatives of the people—with the present distribution of seats, the representatives of the landed population in the upper House, are able to override the people and extinguish their voices, and prevent any bill of theirs from passing. (Cheers.) This has been done more than once in the history of this country, and that too at no very distant period. When the probate and legacy duty . was first introduced into the House of Lords, it was intended that they should be equally levied on all property. (Cheers.) ; The Lords' that day, however, said to the Ministry, " that is impossible ; you may tax the people if you please, but before we can . support the bill it must be divided into two—it must be made into two bills—we will pass the one for the tax being put upon the people, but if you attempt to put the duty upon us, or on our freehold estates, we will reject the bill altogether." Ultimately two bills were brought in—one of them passed, but the other was rejected, and it was the brother of my esteemed friend, Mr. Gladstone, who has just addressed you, who introduced into the lower House the present measure, which was calculated to do a greater amount of justice. It was he who first brought it into the House, and ultimately passed it ; but if you have Mr. Bright's Reform Bill, you will have' to have an amended bill, for the present taxation does not correspond with what it did half a century ago. Mr. Jeffery then concluded by saying, that he most cordially supported the bill, and would do all in his power to forward its . success, and resumed his scat amid great plaudits. Mr. James Thompson, of Wray, near Lancaster, seconded the motion, which was put to the meeting and carried by acclamation. Mr. Bright rose and was received with enthusiastic cheering which was long continued. After the noise had subsided, he said, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen,—l can corroborate that which was said by our chairman, that looking back at all, or any of those meetin g s which were held under the name of conferences, and called in the middle of the day during the agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League, I do not remember any one so nu merous. I remember none more entirely united in opinion and enthusiasm as the influential meeting which I look upon at this moment. There are one or two points which have been referred to, to which I feel constrained to take something like an objection. It must be understood that, from the first, I have never puf myself forward with any view of becoming a great popular or parliamentary leader on this or any other question. You are aware, I presume, how it was that I undertook to prepare a bill, to be laid before parliament, at the conference which was held in London. Many influential men were there, who represented many more, as they believed, who were not present. They thought it would be de sirable that parliament should see a reform bill proposed by an earnest reformer, and they did me the great honour to ask tile if I would undertake, in conjunction with others, to prepare such a bill, with a view to its being laid before parliament. Well, I did not feel at liberty absolutely to refuse, but I explained clearly the ground upon which I intended to proceed. I stated that I should not be expected to produce a bill framed upon any programme or specifications produced by any other person, or any Reform Association. I said I would prepare one which should square with my own conviction, and I would take the advice of some gentlemen in whom I had great confidence on questions of this nature. I did not propose to prepare a bill which would be practically perfect. We are not landed from a colonisa tion ship in a new country about to arrange a constitution without reference to the past. I have no wish at all to be severed from the great past of this country ; but I proposed to take this course : to prepare a bill just such as in my conscience I believe it to be the duty now of any minister of the crown really and honestly to prepare and submit to parliament —not submit it to par liament for the sake of having a great field night, and making great speeches, and taking a vote, and then the ' thine. being laid aside and never heard of again, until the following session or some subsequent session— but a measure which should have carried as far as possible to all the interests .of the country —to all that exists in the country, whether of fact or of opinion, and happily, thereby, to combine in its favour so large amount of public opinion, that it should finally obtain the acceptance of the most influential of those statesmen whose influence, of course, must vanish, when they seat themselves permanently against the power of public opinion in this country. While now you will observe that, I said, even at that time, that anybody who is disposed to cavil may cavil at the propositions I bring forward. Anybody may cavil at the Reform Bill of 1832, but it was a great measure, notwithstanding, and it passed; and anybody who is not now honestly in favour of reform, or who has any personal dislike to the prominence I have taken in this question, can of course, if he likes, find fault with many of the arguments which I propose, but I do submitt to my countrymen these measures as well founded, upon broad and easily understood principles, recognising the great rights of this great people, stepping not to the right hand nor to the left to favour particular interests, or particular localities ; and I offer this measure to them as measures which, if they shall become law, are calculated, I believe, to give them fair and equal, and a complete control over the legislature and government of the country, which our constitution say we ought to possess, and which the experience of the past shows to be necessary for our welfare in the futire. With regard to the question of parliamentary suffrage, I do not include everybody ; I scarcely know any suffrage which could ; but I think I can fairly say that no class, and no man of any class,. can stand up and say, " Your bill is to exclude me whilst it is intended to include somebody else." Its exclusions are of that nature that they affect equally all, and its invitations to come within the pale of its constitution are broad and general to all classes of the people. (Cheers.) Well then, you ob serve, there is not very much discussion at this moment, as to the question of franchise ; the discussion now turns upon the mode in which I have endeavoured to arrange the distribution of members after having disfranchised a certain number of boroughs, and obtained certain numbers of seats. I am told, with great pertinacity, in some quarters, although with great feebleness of proof, that I have been greatly unfair to what is called the landed iuterest of the country. Now I suppose it is intended that the dis tinction between boroughs and counties is still to be kept up. I proceed upon au observance of a regard for the ancient custom and landmarks of our system. If anybody wishes to sweep them all away, and to arrange something else, let him try ; but I understand that the great body of the thinking people of this country prefer something built up as it were upon the ancient foundation, rather than that he should clear the ground of stone, of brick and mortar, and everything which existed heretofore, and begin a new building upon an entirely new theory. Now, it is essential that the public should be convinced, if they are to support the bill, that I have dealt fairly with the different classes of the country. (Hear, hear.) Observe that nobody has found fault with the figures. You have seen the list of the schedules. You know that somebody has spent days and nights, almost weeks, in arranging those schedules and those figures. Nobody has yet undertaken to show that there arc any serious errors of any kind in them, from which you may well be assured that great care has been taken in their arrange ment before they were submitted for public approval. But the charge is that we are lifting the great power which is now on the side of what is called the landed interest and placing it on the side of the commercial interest, and that whatever is the present disproportion and want of balance, if this bill passes we shall have an equal disproportion and want of balance with that which now exists, but upon the other side of the house, or upon the other interests of the country. I showed, upon a very late occasion, that, so far as the great towns are concerned, the purly agricultural counties, accepting . their whole population—although, bear in mind, their whole population is neither enfranchised now, nor is it intended wholly to enfranchise them—the purely agricultural populations have more members in propor tion to their numbers than the populations of the great towns to which I propose to give three, four, or six members each—that if there are any counties not suffi ciently represented they are those which have great manufacturing and mining populations, which are obviously insufficiently dealt with, and have far too few members—such counties as Lan cashire, the West Riding of Yorkshire, Middlesex, and Surrey. (Hear, hear.) But it is very difficult to get men to look at questions with anything like fairness. Some one sent me, yesterday, an extract from a paper of large circulation, published in the town of Liverpool. That paper goes upon this simple statement : If the population of the counties is so much, and I propose to leave to them so many members ; if the population of the boroughs is so much less than that of the counties, and I propose to leave to them so many members, much more than to the counties, then I would be treating the things counties w s injustice.grossly unjust,B t w a li c a c t i r s d i t o h g e s t t o a t t e h a o tf theory, must be the present position of the county repre sentation, because at this moment the population of the counties being in excess of the parliamentary boroughs ,the counties have now but 159 members. I am speaking now of England and Wales only, and I propose to give them 177, or 18 more; and the boroughs now have 337, which I propose to bring down to 301. But this learned scribe has never complained before. Why, if by giving the counties 18 more and the boroughs 36 less—because I take from England and give some to Scotland, and some to Ireland—if by giving the counties more and the boroughs less, I am committing a grievous injustice to the counties, I should like to know what is the way to do this gentleman justice? (Hear, hear, cheers, and laughter.) But if the gentleman who writes, and whose criticisms I am now criticising, could have carried his observation a little farther, he would have seen that there is a portion of the bordugh representation of England which is enormously over-represented. So far as the counties measure with the great boroughs there is no great disparity. It is not of the slightest consequence to us, as inhabitants of - the borough, whether- every member represents 1,000 more or 1,000 less than in the counties. It really matters nothing to the great boroughs ; the difference is altogether unessential; and if there be any difference, it is in favour of the counties. But if you go lower , in the boroughs—if you go to those which return, or which it is proposed shall return, one member or two members, then you will find that this class of representation appears to be greatly in excess. For whereas, if all the population were divided by all the members, each member would have about 37,500-; but in such boroughs of only one member, they would not average more than 11,000 or 12,000, and such boroughs would have a very much greater share of representation than the counties or the large boroughs. But this is absolutely inevitable if you intend to maintain the distinction between the boroughs and counties. But, supposing the system of equalisation I propose, b e adopted, I believe in my conscience that if this bill were to pass, it would then be utterly impossible for- any man, studying the figures and studying the facts, to hold the opinion that the county population and the landed inter ests are not sufficiently represented in the scheme I have laid befere the public. It will not take more than a moment or two to explain how that is. On looking over the schedule of the boroughs which are to have one member each—schedule B and schedule D —that is all boroughs of between 8,000 and 25,000 population, I believe there are at least fifty seats which may be set down to be almost entirely connected with the same influences which direct the representation of the counties, and therefore may be fairly added to the county represen tation of the country. But there is another schedule— that is of boroughs which have two members—and I should just like to read you over the names of a few, in order to show you exactly to what my argument - tends. If you ask who are the representatives of counties in almost every part of Great Britain, you will find, with the exception of half-a-dozen counties or divisions, that they are either great landed proprietors, or the sons or near relatives of noblemen, or great proprietors of the county. (Hear.) Traders are not admitted into agricultural country representation. You may return William Brown or John Cheetham for this county, but if you go to north and sonth Cheshire, and various other agricultural counties, you will find your merchants and manufacturers are not admitted there. But how is it in your boroughs ? Take the first list, to which I call schedule D boroughs, which I propose shall have two members. There are 19 seats out of those which cannot be said to have chosen manufacturing representatives of themselves, the first is Gateshead, Mr. Hutt, who represents Gateshead, has been largely connected with aristocratic families, and is also a large landed proprietor in the district. If you go to Carlisle you will find Sir James Graham, the owner of a magnificent estate some ten miles from Carlisle, repre senting that city. If you go to Northampton, you will find Mr. Vernon Smith, who is himself a man of great wealth, and possesses, I believe, great landed property, representing that town. If you go to the borough of Aylesbury, you will find that it is a small county in itself, for it has a very large landed district united to the town. If you go to Chester you find the son of the Marquis of Westminster, almost always representing that city. If you go to Oxford you will find an excellent gentlemen, Mr. Langston, himself a gentleman, possessing large landed property, sitting as its representative. If you go to Shoreham, in the county of Sussex, you will find that it is as much a county as any part of Nottinghamshire or Buckingham shire, because there is a large district added to the borough, and the votes of the district are added to the representa tion of the borough. If you go to Ipswich, you will find there a very excellent gentleman, Mr. Adair, a gentleman who is I believe the largest, or one of the largest landed proprietors of Suffolk, representing that town. If you go to Galway, in Ireland, another town in the same schedule, you will find Lord Dunkellin, son of the Xar quis of Clanricarde, representing that city. If you go to Cheltenham, you will find Colonel Berkeley, one of the family of the late Lord Fitzharding, representing the town of Cheltenham through the influence which the Berkeley family have in that part of the country. If you go to Coventry, yon will find a very excellent friend of mine, Mr. Ellice, representing the town of Coventry, having a large landed property in Scotland, a man of great wealth, and a man connected by marriage most intimately with some of the aristocratic families of the country. If you go to Macclesfield, in our own neighbourhood, you will find Mr. Egerton, who, I believe, is one of the largest landed proprietors in the county of Cheshire. If you go to York, you will find Mr. Smith, a very large landed proprietor, in the neighbourhood of Wakefield. If you go to East Retford, in Nottinghamshire, you will find that it is a large landed district, a county in itself, having no more to do with what we call the com mercial interests than any agricultural representation in the whole kingdom. If you will go through all these, and find that in this very schedule, that of two members of every borough there are not less than nineteen or twenty seats which are at this moment occupied by persons having no connection whatever with commerce or manufactures, but being themselves great landed proprietors, or else allied to the great landed proprietors of the neighbourhood, will I venture to say, that if it were fair, which I believe it is not, to take the population of counties and boroughs into consideration, the consideration of these facts would very much affect the question which is before us. I think it is quite possible, that even after such a bill as this had passed, the commercial classes of the country would still be able to speak, and speak with fairness, against the over-powerful and unbroken phalanx which the landed interest would offer in the House of Commons. Besides, the boroughs do not pretend to legislate for boroughs only. The members for Manchester are the members for Manchester at any time ever since the Reform Bill. They never gave their votes merely with refer ence to the results upon cotton mills or great warehouses. They have no game laws to fight for. They have never protested against any fair share of taxation being laid upon their constituents. They have ' taken simply the great principles of political economy. They want to have these principles carried out in legislation. They want economy ; but not economy for Manchester—as much for Suffolk as for Manchester. (Cheers.) I should be ashamed to go into the House of Commons to represent any section at all, or especial interests ; to be the organ of shipowners, or cotton manufacturers, or Birmingham manufacturers. (Cheers.) I would go partly or generally, and try, so far as my intelligence and power enabled me, to con sider all the subjects which came before the House with reference to the great interests of every portion or class of the population of this g reat empire. There is one other point only with regard to this scheme which I need refer to, it is this. If you look into your popula tion tables you will find that the population of the great boroughs is increasing. Perhaps three times as rapidly as the population of the counties. I ask you what will this place be ten years hence. The popu lation of this county is increased, I believe, about 700,000 since the passing of the Reform Bill act. This population is now about two millions, by the census of 1851, and next census after, which is just approaching that, the population will, in all probability - , approach three millions. Then make your calculations with regard to boroughs and your counties. You are not to legislate as if you were "hide bound." (Cheers.) In the gr eat bulk of your agricultural counties during the last five years, there has been no increase whatsoever in the county electors. What increase there has been has been in your great manufacturing and mining counties, and particularly in this district, and so it will go on, so long as coal and iron last, so long . as yonr capital is not absorbed and squandered in wars. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) So long as your intellects are clear, and your hearts honest and earnest—so long will the eminence of this country continue, and so long will the population of the great manufacturing counties, with all their vast interests, b e found making a greater progress than it is possible snake.siblefor agricultural population , however enterprising, to (Cheers, and greet cries of hear, hear.) Now I venture to say that very scheme of reform is a moderate one. (Cheers.) I do not think that any man, in favour of any reform at all, will say a word against it. I do not think lie can deliberately and consistently condemn the pro position I have laid before the public as an unjust scheme for the people, or likely to tend in any way to injure the institutions of this co un t ry. The House of Lords has been alluded to. I think that the 11 ° of Lords should be much o bli ge d to me for discussing e . ple Then this question with the peo our position is not particularly enviable with regard to it. (Laughter.) But we do now and then observe them coming out of social science meetings—in mechanic's institutes— i i little villages here and there—and, of course, doing not an easily appreciable amount of good— telling the people many things, which they knew as well before, and which any Sunday school teacher in England could have told them as well. (Cheers and laughter.) Coming on public platforms - descending as it were from their high altitude -to come among the common men. (Cheers.) But now, while a whole nation is dis Cussing the question—when every newspaper is filled with it, while the people, from one end of the country to the other, are expressing their opinions more or less on this measure —there is -not one of these 'gentlemen who will come on the platform, and will meet the public during the discussion of this, the greatest question which can possibly be discussed by these thinking people. (Cheers.) We have never had au opportunity of meeting with any member of the House of Lords. (Laughter.) Reference has been made to what has been done in past times, when the power of the Crown was limited—but was limited by Act of Parliament. We are only propos ing to commute the power of that Act by an Act of Parliament. We leave them as they are—with all their powers, with all their prestige, their laws, their . privileges ; but we say that there is another House as sacred—even to higher interest, than the bare interests of an aristocracy. The constitution has no more regard to the Crown, or the aristocracy, than it has for the people—as the people is the most durable part of the kingdom - privilege is ephemeral, but the people are mortal. (Great cheering.) What we ask then is this—we claim it by the con stitution—that the House of Commons shall be made not with reference to whatever should be convenient for the House of Lords, but that it shall be made a really undeniably, sensibly felt representation of the great body of the people of this kingdom. What is wanted to that end is this, that we shall all as much as possible understand the question. You observe nearly all of those who have come into the field to test it against us do not understand it at all. Great authorities, you have seen lately, have made great blunders with regard to it. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") What we should all endeavour to do is, thoroughly to understand what we want—to ask our own minds, whether the propositions I have made are on the whole such as we should adopt. I am not speaking, of course, of details. There may be portions which will have to be altered. Facts may be laid before the govern ment while this bill is passing through Parliament which would justify some alterations in some particular cases ; but we should make our minds up on this question—whether the measure, on the whole, is a great measure, recognising great principles, adequate to meet great wants, and worthy of the great and the irresistible resolution of this great people. (Cheers.) Mr. Barnes, I think, spoke of what this county . could do. Why, of course there is nothing that is right to be done that this county could not do. Two or three counties like this have gone far to make that marvellous change 'which we see in England to-day, as compared with what England was 100 years ago. Your ruli ng cl asses , w h en 9 • their Chancellor of the Exchequer stands at• the table, are delighted to hear that your fleets are on every sea, that your manufactures are flourishing, that the people are employed and tranquil, and that taxes pour in with constantly increasing volume. All •this they are delighted to hear, and they recognise the greatness of Lancashire and the West Riding of York shire. Yes, but come down here and see how much of toil, how much of brain, how much of capital, how much of hard work, and head work, of daily and nightly anxiety, was required to produce these grand results. Do not let us hear of these things only in the budget, but let us give to that population, so great, so powerful, so earnest, so irresistible when united, that representation for which they ask, and which is no more than what the ancient, the boasted, if you like, the glorious constitution of this country declares it is right that they should have. Mr. Bright then resumed his seat amid loud and long continued cheering. The Chairman addressed a few words to the meeting, urging the necessity of their supporting, by petition and otherwise, the objects which they had undertaken to forward. The proceedings closed with a vote of thanks to the chairman. DEAFNESS.—We understand that numerous cases of deafness were cured by the celebrated aurist, Madame Gardner, during her former visits to Liverpool ; it will, therefore, be scarcely necessary to remind those of our readers who may be suffering from this distressing afflic tion, that so favourable an opportunity as the present, of obtaining that lady's advice and assistance, should riot be lost sight of. Madame Gardner may be consulted at No. 100, Duke-street. Although it is the month of February, 1859, most people admit We are living in hard times, hence it shonH be the study of every one to ask themselves the question, "How can I save my money ?" We reply, without hesitation, buy your steel pens and other sta tionery, at E. T. Hall's wholesale steel pen warehouse, 23, South John-street. John Gillett's, Thomas Lowe's, G. IV. Hughes, and other maker's pens at is per gross. Good Pen Holders 2d per dozen. BEIIINGTON.---WC understand that a sale of fancy work will take place in the Assembly-rooms, Rock Ferry Hotel, on Thursday next, the 3rd instant, in aid of the funds for the erection of a new organ, in the parish church of Bebington. The sale commences at two o'clock, p.m., and is to be kept up till ten o'clock. Each adult is to pay one shilling for admission, children sixpence each.. There will be a band in attendance, and it is expected that it will be a very successful undertaking. The parishioners arc indebted to Miss Naylor, of High field Park, for this kind effort to replace the very old and worn out organ now in use. This lady's exertions having the sanction and approval of the rector of the parish. Another interesting Reform meeting has been held at Ipswich. It was convened by Mr. King, the editor of the Suffolk Chronicle, and the Radical candidate for the representation of that borough. No arrangements for speakers or chairman had been made, but Mr. King found no lack of sympathy or co-operation. A petition in favour of manhood suffrage and the vote by ballot was unanimously adopted. The mention of Mr. Bright and his bill excited great enthusiasm. At Halifax a meeting has been held in favour of a rating suffrage and the vote by ballot. Mr. Crossley, M.P., expressed his approval of Mr. Bright's bill. Sir Charles Wood gave great dissatisfaction by refusing to attend the meeting on the ground that he was not an inhabitant of the borough. This, too, although he is one of its repre- sentalives ! CHARGE OF HARBOURING A RUNA*AY FROM A REFORMATORY.—At the Berkeley petty sessions (Glou cestershire), last week, William Hazen, of Newport, Gloucestershire, lime haulier, was brought up, charged with harbourinc , a boy named Thomas Brocklehurst, knowing him to have absconded from the Kingswood Reformatory, near Bristol. The charge was clearly proved, and, as the act under which the conviction could take place was of so recent a date and not well-knoWn, coupled with the fact that this was the first prosecution in which the presiding Magistrates had been called upon to adjudicate, the defendant was fined in the mitigated penalty of lOs and costs (in all £1 4s 6d), or fourteen days' imprisonment, with the caution that should the Magistrates be called upon to legislate upon such a case in the future, they were prepared to enforce the full penalty of £5, or sixty days' imprisonment. The mon?y not being forthcoming, the prisoner was removed in custody. The Stafordshire Advertiser contains reports of two meetings, one at Stoke and the other at Burslem, the object of which was to adopt some plan of perpetuating the memory of Josiah Wedgwood. Some gentlemen of Burslem, it appears, wish to erect a memorial building in that town, to be called the " Wedgwood Institute ;" and at Stoke the proposition made was to erect a statue to the memory of the well-known earthenware manufac turer. The chairman of the meeting at Stoke was Mr, J. Ridgway, and a lonm discussion took place p ,b a u . t neither one project nor the other was decisively adote then proposed to work the two schemes together, but the number of votes was again equal. A cOmmittee wak; however, appointed. The Earl of Carlisle presided over the meeting at Burslem, and it was attended by a large number of influential gentlemen. Resolutions in favour of a memorial building were agreed to. It was stated that the workinc, classes were warmly in favour of the project. A subscription has been commenced, which already amounts to upwards of £BOO. THE CIVIL SERVICE.—War Office : There are vacancies in this office for junior clerks; commeneino. salary, £lOO per annum. Mr. John Roberts, a clerk of the first class, first se c ti on , o f t h e War Office, is about to reti re , a ft er upwards of 50 years' service. Audit Office : There is a vacancy in this office for a junior clerk ; commencing salary, £9O per annum. Customs : An inspectorship of gaugers is about to become vacant by the retirement on superannuation of Mr. Richard Z. Troughton, senior inspector. There are six vacancies in the Controller General's department, in consequence of the recent pro motions, &c. The 19th clerkship at the port of Glasgow is vacant. Mr. William Henry Hawkins has been appointed a landing waiter in London. Mr. Edmund Percy Barrow has ben appointed clerk and searcher at Douglas. Mr. Robert Morrison has been promoted from second to first class searcher at Greenock. Mr. John Cleland has been promoted from third to second class searcher at Greenock. Mr. William Scott Elliot has been promoted 'from fourth to third class searcher at Greenock. Mr. Hugh Smith Main has been pointed from fifth to fourth class searcher at Greenock. Mr. J o h n Russell has been promoted from sixth to fifth class searcher at Greenock.—avil Service Gazette.