The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-06-19 00:00:00

-E-mpct iat --Vattianunt. HOCSE OF, LORDS.—MoNnev. The consolidated fund bill was read in committee. The Earl of RADNOR. at the request of the Duke of Welling ton, postponed the second reading of the university bill until Thursday, the 25th instant. On the motion of Lord LYNDHURST, the marriages legalizing bill went through comnaitte with some amendments. NEW HOUSE OF LORDS. The Earl of llossLysi, after a few prefatory observations, moved, "'That their lordships do agree to the resolution which bad been agreed to by thi select committee appointed to consi der and report upon such plan as may be most fitting and con venient for the peinunent accommodation of the houses of parliament." The motion, on a division, was carried by a majority of 5, the numbers being 30 in favour of, and 25 against, the propo sition. The Earl of IIoOLYN moved an address to his Majesty, pray ing " that he would be graciously pleased to appoint five com missioners to examine and report to the two houses of parlia ment upon the different plans proffered by the competitors for 'the erection of the new houses," &c,—Agreed to. SPAIN. The Marquis of Losi DONDERRY expressed his regret that the -Duke of Wellington had withdrawn his motion for the produc tion of a copy of the order .in council suspending the foreign enlistment act. He wished to know whether the order in coun cil tad been issued in consequence of any . application from the Queen of Spain's government to the British government; or, secondly, in consequence of an application from the Spanish ambassador; or, thirdly, whether it was the unsuggested act of O.... British government alone. The noble duke who lately held .the seals of the foreign office had, as is well known, recently caused a negociation to be entered into to put a stop to the spilling of blood in Spain, and a more humane and enlightened measure never was adopted by any government. He wished to know whether the persons who were about to embark from this country would be included - hi the convention which was the re sult of the negociation lied referred to, or whether, as there had been no declaration of war between this country and Spain, they would not, when taken upon the Spanish soil, he liable to immediate execution. It was important that the country Should be informed with respect to the points to which he had directed the attention of the noble lord. As to the order in council it self, and the consequences which were likely to result front it, he hoped that they would become subjects of discussion at an early period. Lord MELBOURNE- said, that as he had come down prepared to discuss the question of which the noble duke had given notice, the noble marquis needed to offer no apology for pro posiog the questions which be had to put to him. The measure, which had been taken under the powem of Co act of parliament commonly called the foreign enlistment act, had been adopted in consequence of an application to the British government from the minister of the Queen of Spain. He agreed in all that the noble marquis had said respecting the propriety and huinani'y of the negociation recently carried on in Spain by Lord Eliot. That negoeiation was fuuuded on the justest prin ciples, undertaken..-with the best views, and carried into effect in the most satisfactory manner. (Hear, hear.) There was no eulogium which the noble lord could pass upon the whole of that proceeding in which he was not prepared fully to join. The negociation terminated in a convention which was ex tremely satisfactory in itseP, and had been most fortunate in its consequences—it had been the means of saving the lives of many hundreds of persons, who, since its ratification, had been taken prisoners in the unfoitunate war which was•being carried on in Spain. Ile apprehehded that any persons who, under existing circumstances, should embark from this country in the . service of the Queen of Spain, would of course be entitled to the benefit of that convention, which regulated the whole of the warfare in Spain. • The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said he understood the noble lord to say, that the order in council h a d be en issued at the in stance of the Spanish ambassador. Lord MELBOURNE assented. In answer to a question from Lord Roden, Lord DUNCANNON said he expected to be able to lay before the house the report of the c6mmissioners of public instruction (Ireland) on Thursday or Friday next.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY. The Speaker took the chair at three o'clock. A great number of petitions were presented to the house on a variety of subjects. Among them Mr. LOWTHER presented one from the printers of the city of York, praying that the whole of the duty on newspapers might not be taken off, as the petition ers were convinced that such a measure would not tend to the diffusion of useful knowledge, but that it Would destroy the pre sent high character of the newspaper press. Mr. Roxnucx embraced this opportunity of stating, that there never was a press so degraded; so thoroughly immoral as the newspaper press of this country, and that the persons connected with it exercised a despotism 91 the basest and most cowardly description. IRISH TITHES Sir ROBERT BATESON presented raa petition a i f ro m fm the l or d liasure eu. tenant and magistrates of Derry, pyin g th any the house might adopt with reference to Irish tithes it would take care to do justice to all classes. He regretted that he did not see any of his majesty's, ministers in their places, as they might be able to state what were the intentions of government on this subject. Ile,regretted that the honourable and learned member for Dublin was not 'present, as that learned person, being the most influential one out of the cabinet, (a laugh,) and the best informed, he (Sit It Bateson) should be likely to obtain from him, or some of his followers, some information as to the intended tithe bill. Mr. O'DwYEa rose to order. The hon. member talked of the "followers" of the hon. and learned member for Dublin. Ile had no right to use such language. What would be said, if be (Mr. O'Dwyer) talked of " Lord Roden and his squad?" Sir R. BATESON said he had meant no personal offence to the hon. member. The word "tail" had been often used with impu nity, and he thought therefore there was no harm in the word " followers." ( Hear.) He must again express his regret that none of the ministers were present. They did not seem to re gard Irish petitions, however important. IPSWICH BOROUGH ELECTION. The Sergeant-at-Arms informed the house that all the parties against whom warrants had been issued were in custody. Petitions were presented from John Bond, Arthur Bott Cooke, Robert B. Champ, Peter - Frederick O'Malley, Esq., John doves Sparrow, Sparrow, John .Bury Ilasent, and John Clipperton. A long discussion on the merits - of the case of each of these parties was entered into. Eventually they were all committed to New , gate. INVERNESSSHIEE ELECTION. On the motion of Mr. BANNERMAN, this petition was ordered to be taken into consideration on Thursday, the 2d of July. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the second reading of this bil - Mr. PRAED gave notice that in a future stage of the bill he should move a clause to the effect of preserviug the rights of freemen in boroughs and cities, and those possessing inchoate rights, in the same manner as they had been retained in the parliamentary reform act. In answer to a question from Lord SANDON, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that all recorders now holding that office, who were barristers of not less than five years ' standing, might under the provisions of this bill be reappointed by the several councils to be elected by the ratepayers in those boroughs, but that where the office was not held by barristers, or by barristers of less than five sears standing, these individuals could not be reappointed. . When any vacancy in respect to the office of recorder should ensue, on all future occasions the ap pointment to those offices would be vested in the crown. Lord SANDON had not theleast wish to oppose the motion DOW under discussion,, but hepust remind the house that great tare and caution ought to be used in providing that in all places which this measure went to affect, the administration of justice and the proper distribution oft public charities vested in corpo rate bodies should not be too lightly interfered with. He doubted whether some of the clauses of this bill might not effect this evil, and he had considerable donhs, further, whether such funds as were administered by the ._ orporation of Liverpool — funds amounting to upwards of 00,000 per annum—employed in large plans of improvementi and with a view to increase the commercial intercourse an connexion between that town and other parts of this and othqr empires, and dispersed in such a manner as nut to call for afie remotest blame from the commis sioners of corporate inquiev, could be properly conducted by a cotporation varying so to in its constitution a s in this bill was proposed by the nob lord the member for Stroud. Besides the large amount of annual revenue which he had mentioned, the corporation of Liverpool now held the administration of funds arising from the_ docks trust, amounting to f:.00,000 per annum. That trust was a most important one, and be much questioned whether its administration could be safely intrusted to hands holding office-under this bill only for three years. He did not intend to enter into details at present, but he wished to mention this much iyi order to show that many points of the bill would require very minute and scrupulous consideration. In acquiescing, on principle, in the great change contemplated byethis measure, he - tegged to add that he by no means acceded to any admission of the justice of any charges as against the corporate body with which he was connected. That body, al though self-elected, published year by year an account of its expenditure, &c., and he believed the investigation of 24 days' duration by the corporation commissioners had not discovered any error so bad as to call for any legislative cure. It was im possible seriously t 6 entertain a notion that even a self-elected bogy could desert their duties when it was remembered that an important change had taken place in the constitution of the commons' house of parliament. In conclusion, he begged to add, that he should avail himself of an opportunity of supporting the motion foe the preservation of the rights of freemen and of those possessing inchoate rights to the freedom of any borough, of which the hon. member for Yarmouth (Mr. Praed) had this evening given notice. Lord STANLEY expressed his approbation of the bill gene rally, but thought that the re-election of a third of the common councilmen annually would be attended with great disadvantage on account of the party spirit likely to be created by annual elections.' He should have preferred to have had town councils elected for six years instead of three, and to 'appoint one-half or one-third to go out triennially. By that means the people would obtain as complete controul over the councils as they ought.to have, and the towns would be relieved from the excite mentot incessant contests. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the - same motives which induced him to assent to the introduction of the bill would also induce him to assent to its second reading. When he heard of party interests, he had only to say that the party he had the honour to be connected witii had necessaiilv an Juiciest in seeing a system of good government established in our large towns. He could not see the state of our great towns at present—he could not contemplate the necessity that occurred of calling in the military to keep the peace, which in itself' was a great scandal — without lamenting that the people should not be habituated to look to the civil power for the maintenance of order and tran quillity. (i I ear, hear.) Any thing that tended to accomplish that most desirable object would be listened to by him with the greatest attention. ile believed that we could not maintain good government, and ensure a proper management of affairs in towns, and retain the existing curperatious ; and he confessed he thought it better to devolve the administration of towns on corporations properly modified and enforced than to permit a system of self-election to prevail, and deprive them of the govern ing power. There were three great and important points in the bill—first,t he qualification of the constituent body of municipal electors; next, the frequency of elections; and lastly, the manner of electing the governing body of places. There teas another im portant point not noticed in the bill, or clearly defined in the speech of the noble lord 'when introducing it—namely, the quali fication of the governing body. • But here he wished to observe with respect to the qualification of the constituent body, that having given the subject a good deal of consideration since it was introduced by the noble lord,-he thought it an advantage in establishing a qualification for municipal electors that the noble lord had taken'a diffesent qualrficat ion .from that afforded in the case ofparliamentary voters by the reform act. An hon. gentleman, in referring to the su bject of the Scotch municipal sygtem, omitted to stale that.t he,,qualification of votersin Scotch boroughs is the same as Sur parliamentary electors, the right being given in either case to the .£lO householders. Now it was a material consideration. Should we require the same qua lificatiou in t uunicipal voters as in electors of members of par liament? The advantage of rendering the qualification identi cal consisted in this, that we were thereby enabled to take the existing registratiuo, and apply it in both cases. But he felt that if we adopted this coarse we should run the risk of render ing the municipal a political body—that we should cause muni cipal ejections to be influenced by the saute views and feelings as prevai.ed in the election of members of parliament, and that every vacancy in the magistracy from death or otherwise, would occasion a party struggle. This would have a direct tendency to paralyze the exertions of the magistracy and shake the coati- dence of the town with respect to their discharge of their im portant functions. There certainly appeared to be an advan tage in taking a qualification different from that of parliamen tary electors. The question that arose was this—the right qualification that had been selected—this qualification of three years' continuous residence and rate-pay ing ? This was a ques tion that would require mature consideration. In a good many towns people were found living who had no settlement in the place, paupers resided there, who, belonging to other parishes, and having no settlement in the towns, lived, under the threat of the overseers that they were liable to be removed. In such a case, the parish pay the rates, the parties being paupers, and belonging to another parish, thougu they would be entitled to vote, they having been resident three years and paying rates continuously for three years, though in point of fact the parish paid them. Therefore, so tar from thinking the qualification ought to be rediscussed — he would not say merel y varied—the qualification ought to be tunafide adhered to; it was quite low enough. He did not agree that the rule ought to be that every inhabitant should be entitled to vote. That was not the princi ple of the reform bill. Other objects were looked to; not the individual interest of each class, and the general character of the governing body. With iespect to the frequency of etectons, he thought the proposition of the• noble lord an improvement. (Hear.) It avoided, above all, the frequent recurrence of con flicts which were calculated to disturb the harmony of the so cieties. (Hear.) This led him to - the consideration of the con stitution of the governing body. As to the qualiticati,pu of the governing body, he was of opinion that there ought to be some qualification. (Hear.) He had the sanction of a very high au thority, Lord Brougham, who iu his bill had proposed a £lO ,qua lification for every member of the governing body. It must be recollected that, under this bill, the mayor of the town was to he a county magistrate, and to have equal authority with with other county magistrates, for whom qualifications were required, and therefore a qnatitication should be required - in the mayor. (Hear, hear, hear.) In most of the local acts this had been enacted, with the concurrence of the inhabitants. These were the three main points of a political nature. , He should reserve his opinion as to those 'points, and should give notice of any amendments he should propose. He was not aware that there was any other political point, except the rig hts _of voters. He (Sir R. 'Peel) was now going to refer to a class of subjects in respect to which all bad a common interest that the details of the bill shoull be as perfect as possible. -( Hear.) Now, in the first place, the mayor was to be the returning offi cer of the borough. The mayor was necessarily a political per son; he had political functions to perform, and the power of deciding on the return of Municipal officers was great. His bill allowed the mayor to be actuated by political interests, and gave him the power of receiving the lists, and of promulgating the result of those lists at- elections. Now, the more political feelings were Suffered to influence the councils the better; the more political objects were separated from municipal, and the one were prevented from clashing with the other the better; and so far from affording scope for political feelings in elec tions, they ought to be separated from municipal tunctious; whereas the bill constituted the mayor the returning officer of elections, and almost an irresponsible person ; for the votes were to be returned to him, and he had the sole authority of de termining which party had the majority. If the house wished to prevent the operation of abuses, they would see the impolicy of vesting the sole authority in the chief officer; it would be much better to appoint a certain number of scrutineers, and not to rest the-return on the simple decision of one man. The bill made no provision for the application of any surplus. Many of the boroughs were extremely well provided for ; if the cor poration funds were directed to be applied to municipal pur poses, and the bill left it to the corporate body to decide what were municipal purposes, there might be a surplus. But the bill made no provision for the application of such surplus, but it did provide that the new corporate body should have all the powers which the existing corporate body had. Then, in case of there being a clear surplus, unless there was an express enact ment that the privy council or some other body should have the power of examination, the case might be similar in the new cor porations as in the old. There ought to be no uncertainty. It was to be borne in mind, that the council had the power of levying new rates, and that power ought to be limited to municipal purposes. He agreed that no person ought to have any indi vidual interest in a corporation, but there might be many cases in which the corporate property would not be sufficient to provide for municipal purposes, and the new governing body would in those cases have a right to levy a rate. There was another point to which he called the attention of country gen tlemen and of the noble lord. The provisions of the bill as to county-rates were important, and he thought it better to call the attention of the noble lord now to this part of the bill. In the operation of the county-rates,many districts were to be exempt; all those, for instance, having . separate quarter sessions were to be so; where the criminal jurisdiction in cases of capital punish ment was to be done away, and the cases were to be sent to the assizes, the county-rate was to be laid in a new proportion in the boron h, on a calculation made b y the treasurer of the county. This gave the treasurer of the county a very impor tant power. At present the rate was founded on an equal as sessment of property; but the treasurer of the county would have the power of alloting,• to each borough its proportion of rate. But there was another enactment of still greater im portance. The 97th clause provides that the treasurer of the county shall calculate the proportion of the county-rate which ought to fall on the new borough, and there was allowed an ap peal to the privy council. He (Sir R. Peel) feared that the privy council was not a convenient tribunal to decide such ap peals, and there was no test to determine the point in case of dispute. He feared that appeals would always be made, and that the expense of this would be heavy ; so that those who were interested in county-rates should watch the operation of this bill. Now, looking to the bill as it applied to local boroughs, the districts were not always conterminous with the parish; so that part of a parish might be in a new borough, and the other part in the county, and the part in the county would have to pay the county rate, and the part in the borough would have to contribute on a new principle. These were minor difficulties; but they ought to induce the house to see that provisions for the working of the bill were settled by taw. The noble lord had proposed that twenty of the large boroughs should be divided into wards, and these were to be determined by government on a report of commissioners. This was most important. Surely parliament ought to have some control over this. (Hear, hear, hear.) He thought that the wards should be ex tended beyond the limits proposed, and he reserved to himself the power of pressing an amendment to that effect. The bill proposed that twenty of the towns should be divided into wards; and not only had the crown (that is, the privy council) the right of naming the number of wards, but the number of representa tives each ward was to return. (Hear.) No authority short of parliament ought to have such a power, not only of fixing the number of wards but the number of representatives, appointing peihaps twenty to one ward, and two to another. The repre sentatives of wards might thus be made democratical or aristo cratical. Did the noble lord give the crown such power in respect to boundaries, without the revision of parliament, in the reform bill ? Objections were made to such a power being given to the crown, and parliament reserved to itself the power of judging whether or no the boundaries were settled on just and impartial principles: But the bill provided that in twenty large towns this power should be given to the crown alone. surely this was manifestly wrong. Supposing the crown did not exer cise the power, in the case of the first election, to divide the town into wards, then the right of the electors would be exercised by the electors indiscriminately. He submitted that there should be a distinct provision on this point, and that parliament ought to have the power of determining the divisions, and of allowing such a number of voters to each, as it thoughtfit. All these details were important, whilst there was a power of levy ing a rate in many of the towns, and no marimum of rate. The whole of this part of the bill required to be looked at by the different societies; though there might be no difference as to, the principle of the measure,. it. was not to be expected .that there could be unanimity without ample opportunity of iiramining the details, and his (Sir R. Peel's) earnest advice was, whilst he approved of the general principle of the bill, to give the fullest opportunity for the consideration of it, in order to insure the popularity of the measure. To leave any of the matters unsettled would be likely to produce great inconvenience. All matters should be settled by law before the bill passed. As to the operation of the bill in individual instances, he feared the bill would not produce the advantages expected from it. He had stated his opinion so far on the three great points,—the qualification of the constituency, the frequency of elections, and the question whether the governing body should have a qualification or not; and he should reserve his right to offer amendments, of which he would give notice. On other points not political, their common interests should induce the noble lord to give all parties who were interested—and there were many whose interests were involved in the question—the fullest opportunity of canvassing the details; and he was satisfied that, if that were done, at the second reading of the bill its principle would meet with, if not perfect unanimity, a prevalence of opinion in its favour, provided the noble lord would consent to afford an opportunity for the fullest consideration of the details of the bill. ' Lord Joins Russet:l. shortly addressed the house. He was gratified at the satisfaction expressed,by his noble friend Lord Stanley, and with the candid and fair observations of Sir Robert'. Peel tended to confirm him in the opinion he had ex , pressed on that subject. With respect to the frequency of the elections, be considered the bill as it stood at present pre ferable to the alterations that had been suggested. He believed that it would tend to the satisfaction of the inhabitants of the different towns, and give them a due controul over the govern ,ing bodies of the tfornughs. that they should hare the_power at intervals—and not long intervals—of re-electing those persons whose conduct they approved of, and of changing those with whose conduct they were not pleased. He really believed that the frequency of elections would lead to less change in the elected body than would be the case if the elections were made for a lougerperiod. ( Hear, hear.) The right lion. baronet opposite seemed disposed to propose sonic qualification. He would of course pay the greatest attention to any suggestion which the right hon. baronet might make ; but after giving the best consideration to the subject, he had not been able to find that any peculiar benefit would be obtained by requiring a qualification. ( Hear, hear.) With respect to the coher points touched upon—the power of the mayor in elections, the division of the larger boroughs into wards, and the clauses respecting county rates—these were matters which would be considered in committee, and which he did not think it necessary to notice at the present moment. In conclusion, the noble lord stated that he should move that the bill be committed 'on Monday next, and that the house should continue to sit in committee on the bill from day to day, until the consideration of its details should be completed. (Hear, hear.) He proposed this course, because he was anxious that no unnecessary delay should ini pedeahe progress of a measure which he believed to he of great importauce to the future welfare of the country. (Hear.) The bill was then read a second time without a division, and ordered to lie committed on Monday next. The Stafford Disfranchisement bill, and the offences against the person bill, were read a second time. Houses o! PARLIAMENT. • Lord G. SomEnsalr movettan address to the crown, praying his Majesty to carry into effect the resolutions of the committee on rebuilding the houses of parliament. After a few words from sonic hon. member, the address wap agreed to. IPSWICH ELECTION. Mr. Gisnoarta moved that the special report of the committee on the Ipswich borough election petition should be referred back to the committee, and that they should make such selec tions from the evidence as they might think necessary. The motion was agreed to without comment, and the house adjourned at one o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TuEsnstr. Petitions, praying, for further church accommodation in Scotland were presented from many parishes in that county by the Marquis of Bute and Lord kinnoul. 'The Eirl of Ito DEN presented n petition from Ballymene, in the county of Antrim, which was s►gned by the piesbyteiian minister, and anany of his congregation, aga►nst the appropria tion of any part of the revenues of the protestant church in Ire land to Roman Catholic purposes. It was scarcely necessary for him to say that he perfectly concurred in the sentiments of the petitioners. The report of the marriages' legalizing bill was brought up, THE LIVERPOOL aiuendment made,. bill ordered to be engrossed, and read a ;,nird tune. The consolidated fund bill was read a third time, and passed. —Adjourned. , ROUSE OF CONISIONS.—TUESDAY. • The Speaker took the chair shortly before four.o'clock. As, however, the ballots fur committees on the Tralee (borough) and Worcester (county) election petitions were fixed for this day, and as there was not a sufficient number of members (100) present at four o'clock, (only 45 appeared,) the house was im mediately adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS.—WEnNEsoar. ROYAL COMMISSION. The royal assent was given to-day by commission to the con solidated fund bill, the Newcastle and Carlisle railway bill, the Dublin oil gas bill, the Birmingham canal navigation bil4 the Exeter canal bid, the Ashburton roads bill, and several other private bills. The commissioners were the Earl of Shaftesbury, Lord Duticannon, and Lord Wharncliffe. A message Irmo the tiouse of Commons brought up several private bills, which were read a first time. The hills on the table were forwarded a stage, and the house adjourned till to morrow, at half-past three o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY. The Speaker took the chair at a quarter to four o'clock, but the gallery was not opened until a quarter past four. The bal lots fur the Worcester (county) and Tralee (borough) election committees were fixed for this day, and there was a very bilge number of members in attendance at the sitting of. the house, but, the parties not appearing in either case, the orders for tak ing. the petitions into consideration were di s char g ed. A message from the lords announced that their lordships bad a g reed to several private bills. Mr. Miles brought up the report of the committee on the Tunbridge Wells improvement bill. THE CHURCH. Mr. R. TREVOR presented a number of petitions from various places in England and Ireland against the appropriation clause in the Irish church bill. _ TIMBER DUTIES. Mr. A. TREVOR then presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce at Gateshead against any alteration in the timber duties. _ _ POOR LAWS. The same hon. member gave notice that on Friday night, in going into a committee of supply, he would call the attention of the house to the state of the poor in the parish of Grantley. WEST GRANT. Mr, F. BUXTON gave notice that on the same evening he would move to suspend the appropriation of tho grant of £20,000,000 to the West India pt.oprietors. CHANNEL. ISLANDS. Mr. LABOUCHERE moved that the report of the select com mittee upon the Channel Islands be printed.—Agreed.to. Mr. P. M. STEWART moved for leave to bring up the report of the select committee appointed to select such parts of the evi dence given before the Ips vich election committee as related to the special report made by that committee. The report was then brought up and read by the clerk. The committee re ported that they could not make a selection of such parts of their evidence as might bear upon their second report until it had been all printed; and, from the forward state in which it was, they_ hoped to have it all teady by W e dnesda y mornin g next. (Hear, hear.) ORANGE PROCESSIONS. colonel CoNou.v begged to know from the noble lord, the Secretary for Ireland, whether certain persons who were about to take their trial at the next assizes for the county Tyrone, for attending a procession in the north of Ireland, would obtain the benefit of the same interpretation which had been put upon the procession which accompanied the noble lord at the bead of his majesty's government in Ireland? Lord MORPETH said the hon. and gallant member wished to know whether his majesty's government intended to interfere iu the case of prisoners who were in custody or a breach of the law. He begged to inform him that his majesty's government had no such intention. • WOLVERHAMPTON RIOTS. Mr. THORN ELY wished to ask the noble lord, the Secretary for the Home Department, as it was known that government had caused an investigation to be made at Wolverhampton re specting certain disturbances that bad taken place, when the report would be laid before the house? Lord J. Russeu, could not say; he had been informed b 3 Sir F. Roe that the report could not be prepared in ten days le had no objection to lay the entire report before the house .Cheers.) UNIVERSITY OF LONIDON. Mr. TOOKE begged to know from the noble Secretary of State for the Home Department' in what state the proceedings were with respect to the granting of a charter to the University of London ? Sir JOHN CAMPBELL said he believed he could answer the ' qucs'ion as well as the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) The matter had been referred to him as Attorney-deneral—it was ofthe utmost importance, and he would be quite ready to receive the suggestions of the hon. member, or any other one. CORPORATION REFORM. Sir R. PEEL wished to know what course the noble lord op posite intended to pursue relative to the committee on the cor poration reform bill? He had understood that it was his inten tion to have gone on with it day after day ; but as that course had not been pursued, he wished to know whether he meant to go into committee on the bill pro forma, and discuss the bill on the bringing up of the report? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was not his intention to go into committee pro forma, as the alterations he intended to propose would be but few. It was his intention to begin on Monday next with the committee, and to proceed with it day after day. If gentlemen who had motions for that day persisted in bring ing them forward, he would not be enabled to do so, but he should press upon them the necessity of allowing so important a subject to take precedence. Left sitting. THE ALL-IMPORTANT REGISTRATION.-DIGEST OF THE REFORM BILL. We promised in our last that we should draw the immediate attention of our countrymen to the approaching registration; and this week we redeem our pledge. In order that every one in the empire may clearly understand the political privileges he possesses, we give a careful abstract from the reform bid of the qualification, &c., of voters for counties, cities, and boroughs. This to many may appear a work of supererogation; but we know, and sorry are we to record the fact, that a wilful igno rance in many, originating in hatred and contempt of the whig reform bill, has as much effect in .causing the nou-registration of votes, as a culpable negligence on the part of others who were aware of the tenure upon which they possessed the fran chise. This unworthy feeling, which existed during the first registration, has changed materially during the last; and it will be to the irremediable disgrace of every conservative in the empire who reads these remarks, if he suffers the hour to pass that panoplies him for the conflict at the hustings. The battle of the constitution, it has been well said, is to be fought in the books of the registration. May every conservative act upon the warning! VOTERS FOR CITIES AND BOROUGHS Fall under two heads. Those created by the reform bill :• - Occupation either as landlord or tenant of any building, either separately or jointly, with land within the limits of the city or borough, of the yearly value of £lO. 1. Provided premises that constitute the qualification are held of one and the same landlord. ' 2. And if there are more than one joint tenants, the whole value divided by the number of tenements must give at least £lO per annum to entitle him to vote. 3. These premises, or others of equal value in the same borough or city, must have been occupied for twelve calendar months next previous to the last day of July in the year of registration. 4. Occupier must have been rated for his premises for the relief of the poor. 5 He must have paid on or before the 20th qf July, all poor lates and assessed taxes become payable in respect of such pre mises before the 6th of April. • 6. He must have resided for six calendar months next pre vious to the last day of July in the year of registration, within the city or borough, or place sharing in the rights of the city or borough, or within seven statue miles thereof. Again, as for those entitled by reservation of their ancient rights, though somewhat limited. There are 1. Voters by reason of inhabitancy—as inhabitants generally, potwallopers, or those who can maintain themselves, inhabi tants householders, inhabitants paying scot and lot. 2. Voters by reason of interest—as freeholders, copyholders, leaseholders, burgage tenants, or holders of some particular tenement that is vested with the privilege. 3. Voters by reason of personal rights—as freemen, livery men, burgesses. To one or other of these different descriptions of voters the ancient constitutions of cities and boroughs gave the privilege of suffrage; and to them has that privilege been reserved, ac cording to the customs of the place by the Reform Act, with some limitatiobs, which may be briefly stated as follows: — The voter's residence must be shown in the place, or within seven statute miles of the place of polling, for six months next before the last day of July, in the year of registration. If a burgage or other tenant be the qualification, that must be proved as the custom of the city or borough may require. No man can be admitted a freeman after the Ist of March, 1831. except by birth or apprenticeship, so as to be entitled to vote as such. Lastly, all such claimants must be registered as the Act directs, in the same manlier as those whom the Reform Bill admitted to the rights of suffrage. And now having clearly pointed out the qualification, &c., of Totes for Cities and Boroughs, proceed we to the— - COUNTY VOTERS' QUALIFICATION. Freehold of Annual Value qf 40.-1. It it be an estate of in heritance.-2. If not that, it must have been in possession of owner before June 7, 183'2; and then mere life interest of that amount entitles.-3. if acquired since that day, provided elector is in actual occupation at the time of registration and voting.- 4. Or if acquired since that time by marriage, marriage settle ment, or will. Copyhotd.—lf the tenement is of £lO annual value, whether it be an estate for life or one of inheritance. Leasehold.-1. For any term, however short, if the rack rent amounts to £5O per annum.-2. Or if the lease be for sixty years, a rent of £lO is st!fficient.---3. If the rent be not a rack rent, a term of twenty years of £lO annual value will be a qualification. Our general observation applies to these tenures, which now include every county qualification ; and this is, the freehold and copyhold must have been in possession of the voter for six months previous to the lust day of July in the year in which he claims registration, and leasehold qualification must have been in his possession for twelve months prior to same date. All tendres of a nondesciipt kind known in this country are now merged in 'copyliold, and entitled to qualify accordingly. One more point is to be attended to—such tenements as will qualify as above, if situated -within the limits of a city or borough, will cease to - qualify fur a county vote,' but for the eity or borough may qualify. here is a faithful and appropriate abstract of the political privileges of Englishmen under the Reform Bill. No man can now plead ignorance. Once and for all most earnestly do we raise our voice, and call upon all who value their King and their country—who would obtain fur their children " happy homes and altars free," the blessing and birthright of their fathers— who would keep the King, the Law and the Altar from the grasp of the desolating revolutionists, to attend to the REGISTRATION OF 1835 !-Age. There are no ' less than 461 barrister attend and prcless to practise in the Court of King's Bench, exclusive of 25 King's counsel, who attend that court, and 18 sergeants-at-law. . LOVES OP THE FISHES.—The following anecdote is from the Sporting Magazine for June; it is narrated as from.the stock of the Rev. E. Waring, of lsleworth :—" Having caught, tired, and brought to the top of the water a fine salmon, and bring on the point of taking it into the punt, another large fish was ob served to be following. close after it, and apparentl2, attached to it, but so intent upon the pursuit of the hooked one was he that they procured a landing-hook, and without any resistance he, apparently unconsciously, allowed the hook to be inserted under his gill, and was thus securely taken. Upon examination it was found that the first was a female, and the second a male fish, and doubtless, as this happened durin the spawning season, was about to deposit her eggs, and the male fish was following in stinctively to ensure the propagation of their species." , STAN DAR' GRAND CONSERNATiVE DINNI , `.R. TO W. E GLADSTONE, ESQ., &LP. Thursday was a joyous day for our conservative friends at Newark, in consequene of the festival in huuour of -Mr. Gladstone, their talented and amiable representative in Parlia ment. The day was delightfully tine, the bells of the church rang merrily, and almost every face seemed to wear a smile on the occasion. About four o'clock, nearly 290 geutleinen, in chiding a numerous attendauce.of the clergy and many influen- tial gentry from the neighbourhood, sat down to a sumptuous dinner, served up in excellent style, in the Town-hall, b y Mrs. Lawton, of the Clinton Arms, and Mr. Gilstrap, of the Hotel. The spacious room was decorated with banners, flags, busts, evergreens, flowers, &c. Among the inscriptions on the ban ners we noticed, " Gladstone and the conservative cause." "The King beloved by his people," "The Queen, whose vir tues adorn her sex." "The good old cause," encircling a star, "Unity is strength," a splendid red flag presented by the ladies. Three elegant glass chandeliers were also suspended from the ceiling, and added much to the elegant appearatice of the hall. The chair was occupied by Thomas Spraggiu; Godfrey , Esq ., supported on his right by W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P., and on his left by Sir R. Howe Bromley, Bart., of Stoke Hall. W. E. Tallents, Esq.; presided at the lefthand table, supported by John Gladstone, Esq.; and the mayor of Newark (W. Thomp son, Esq:) presided at the right hand table, supported by Ro bertson Gladstone, Esq. Mr. R. Caparn officiated as principal vice-president; and the other vice-presidents' chairs were occu pied by Me. Brauston and Mr. Thus. Caparn. A brass band was in attendance. Glace was said by the Rev. H . J. Steven son; and after the cloth was drawn, "Non nobis domine" was sung by Messrs. Brooke, Knowles, Jones, and Ashton, the pro fessional singers engaged for the occasion. Just before the first toast was proposed ladies, were admitted into a gallery purp,isely erected for the occasion; and an elegant display of - beauty and fashioti soon gave additional interest to the festive scene. The first toast given from the chair was, " Our most gracious King, may God bless him, and make him ever mindful of that cause that placed his ancestors on the British throne." (Four times four.) Song,—" God save the King." The words— . " Confound their politics, Frustrate their knavish tricks," being loudly cheered. "The Queen." (Three times three.) Song,— Here's a health to our famed British Queen." "The Princess Victoria; and the rest of the Royal Family." (Three times three.) Glee,—" Hail Star of Brunswick." "The Navy and the Army." Sir R. Howe Bromley, Bart., as an officer in the naval service, acknowledged the toast in an energetic speech, during which lie'stated, that should the policy of the present govern ment unfortunately involve this nation in an unhappy war, he was confident - that both the army and navy would always be ready to attend the call of patriotism and duty ; at the same time he could not help thinking it a melancholy reflection, that although the most important and glorious victories had been achieved over our foreign fees, we had failed, owing to the pre valence of evil counsels, to secure happiness and peace at home; and were actually in danger of becoming victims to a confederacy of atheism, infidelity, and superstition. (Cheers.) The Chairman observed, that though. he was convinced the toast he was about to propose required no recommendation from him to cause it to be drunk with every possible degree of enthusiasm, he still conceived it his duty, as president of that meeting, to make a few remarks, which might nut be deemed altogether inapplicable. (Cheers.) They were aware that they were assembled to pay a tribute 'of personal respect to his ex cellent friend, Mr. Gladstone—(loud cheers) —and to celebrate his return to parliament, and also to endeavour to follow humbly, though he hoped not unprofitably, the bright example that had been set them by the citizens of London, in showing their at tachment to those principles and that lice of policy adopted and pursued by the government of Sir R. Peel—principles that are founded on the correction of every proved abuse—the redress of every grievance—at the same time maintaining, upholding, and improving our ancient and valuable institutions in church and state. (Chem s.) These principles, wherever they were known, had beets the means of shedding truth and justice over the laud, and giing glory and happiness to the nation. He then enlarged on the nature and tendency of conservative in fluence to improve and strengthen every institution, andto wipe away any blots and stains that the unsparing hand of time might stamp on our otherwise matchless constitution. They would re pair. but not destroy, Do not uproot the venerable oak that has for ages withstood the fury of the storm, because a few of its branches have been withered by the blast: let the pruning knife, but not the destructive axe, be applied; for we would still assert, the tree is soprut at the core. (Loud and continued cheers.) He believed that he now spoke the sentiments of the meeting, antlihe congratulated himself on being surrounded by so large a body, who were equally interested with himself in the success of the conservative cause, and with the same feelings did he also congratulate them on 'having twice triumphantly returned to Parliament M'r. Gladstone, who had not only honourably ful filled all his duties, and eloquently echoed their sentiments in the House of Commons, but had been associated in the govern ment, with the most illustrious statesman that England' can boast. May that connection long continue, and may the in timacy that Mr. G. had formed with the constituency of Newark, continue to gain strength, as years roll on, affording them many similar opportunities of testifying how much they esteemed him for his virtues, admired for his talents, and re spected for his spirit, honour, and integrity, their excellent re presentative. The chairman concluded by proposing long life, happiness, and prosperity to their worthy, talented, and ex emplary representative in parliament, W. E. Gladstone, Esq._ —Nine times nine. • Mr. W. E. GLA DSTONE, as soon as the applause which marked his rising to address the Company had subsided, said he felt that upon occasions such as the present, when so much deep and real feeling was involved, the simplest language was • the best, and he, therefore, should not attempt in any laboured phrase to convey to the minds of those whom he addressed the impressions of cordial delight which marked his own. He might be allowed to say, he differed with some parts of his hon. friend's speech, hut he accepted the compliments they had beets' pleased to pay him, not as he considered he deserved - them, but because he hailed them as one of the tokens of their attach ment to the cause in which they were happily associated. (Ap plause.) lle.would confess, it was with no common pride and satisfaction, that he had waited the arrival of that occasion— for, in the first-place, it is no common satisfaction to a person in his circumstances, to receive so marked a demonstration of approbation, so decisive a proof of regard as that they had that day offered. He was ready, at all`times, to maintain, that the. most free communication of sentiment should exist between the constituent body of this country and those they send to parlia ment, as that intercourse must materially contribute to the pre servation of the liberties of England; and if upon general prin ciples, and with reference to all circumstances. he held such an opinion, how much more strongly must he hold it in a cri sis like the present, when they were engaged in a struggle on the politital arena, whose results, however apparently remote, must operate powerfully upon_their individual as well as gene ral interests, and must reach their very hearts and homes. Amongst the allusions which the chairman had beeirpleased to make, he scarcely knew to which he should first recur : lie could not help, however, reflecting upon what had occurred since last they met at Newark. When he last came before them, they returned him as an official servant of his majesty, but now h; was before them in his private capacity. As he had not, then, feared the taunt of being a placetrian, or a hireling. because he felt the object of Sir Robert Peel's government was a noble and praiseworthy object—so, now, though they had been driven from the helm of affairs, and from the councils of his majesty, still upon the very same grounds he did appear with undiminished' confidence in the presence of his constituents, and did not believe that he had undergone any degree of discredit or disgrace. (Cheers.) If he had ever for one mo ment apprehended that their favour and good opinion were de pendent on external circumstances, instead of being based upon the everlasting rock of public principle, that which fie had heard and seen that day, would have snore than sufficed to have un deceived him ; he would, indeed, assure them, that he gloried in having been connected, as the chairman pleased to say, though it was subordinately, with Sir Robert Peel's govern ment, and he believed that if ever a government held office, having simply in their view the improvement and advancement of their country, and free from the slightest imputation, as to the sincerity of their principles and motives, it was that govern ment. (Applause.) He did not consider, that in so saying, he was arrogating praise to himself, for he did not aspire to the honour of being considered one of its members—he was merely a follower of that administration, and adverting to the purity of their motives, the loftiness of their objects, and the high and splendid character of the individual at their head, he could not help calling upon them to respond to the sentiments he then expressed, because he knew those sentiments would find a ready echo in the breasts of those whom be addressed. (Cheers.) He rejoiced, further, in that occasion, not merely because it gave him an opportunity of repeating his public professions in the presence of constituents, relatives, and friends—and parti cularly before one whom of all other men on earth he most re vered and loved—but because it also proved to him, most un equivocally, that the numerous and respectable company there assembled - were themselves deeply alive to the circumstances of the times, and aware of the altered position in which they stand. There was a period in the history of our country when every honest and respectable man, whether in the middle or lower classes, might, without impropriety, withdraw himself from political contentions and find an ample occupation in the management of his individual concerns in this life, and in pre paration for the next; but that peridd is past, and the true well wisher to his country is no longer at liberty so to retire from public functions. The exercise of political privileges is no longer a matter of choice, but a bounden duty. - Great changes have been introduced—new, rights have been vested in large, classes — of thraimmunity,'and each of them was called upon strenuously' to exercise that share of them with which he was entrusted, in order to prevent their abuse by others. Some, it was clear, who held them, were actuated by a reckless love of change, and that class would always be found active in the em ployment of their political powers. We must, therefore, look, under Providence, to those who are connected with the stable interests of the country for fin equally energetic exercise of their influence, in order to counterbalance the weight which had been thrown into the opposite scale. Mindful as he was of the glory they had earned by their strenuous and successful efforts in the town of Newark, and of the change they had ef fected in its representation, he would not., have them suppose that he made these remarks under the idea of assuming the of fice of a monitor, but rather with a view of showing them that he himself was not iudifferent to their situation, and in the full confidence that he was expressing sentiments in which they fully participated. (Great cheering, and cries of "Hear.") It had been his lot to witness many gentlemen in the House of Commons rise successively, and bestow no little praise upon themselves for being the representatives of large constituencies; but he must confess that, in looking at the peculiar character istics of many of these large ,constituencies, he did not feel rea son to be ashamed, or shrink from owning, that smaller, that intelligent constituency with which he had the honour to be connected. If; in proportion to numbers, the weight of respec tability and intelligence increased, then the large constituencies would bear the palm; but, notwithstanding they may have numbers, and he would add, clamour on their side, he was not aware that they brought, to difficult questions, a greater share of competency for deliberation than themselves. It had been his fate to hear the opposition to Sir Robert Peel, speak as though every thing was to be measured by numbers, and num bers alone, and they had pointed out Sir 11. Peel's position as humiliating, because he had somewhat less than a moiety of that house as his supporters; in this respect, perhaps his posi tion might be humiliating in the estimation of some, but in point of talent, principle, and motives of action, there nt , ver was a minister who held a prouder position than Sir 11. Peel. ( Loud applause.) But he has been driven from power, aud another ministry . has succeeded, which, instead of haying a smaller portion, is professedly supported by the larger. He would ask, is their position prouder, considering the elements of their support, manifold anti multifarious as they are? They hate been truly described by Sir „lames Graham as a Babel of politicians, with strife and confusion of tougues. ( Laueliter and applause.) There were now arrayed as the suppurters of goveroment—first, that burly of a hies of whom lie had nothing further to say than to lament that they Mien acted more under the influence of the old association of political party than with a liberal view for the good of their country, and a regard to its exist ing circutnstauces. The next portion is a patty of men who are, perhaps, summoned into It temporary popularity and fleet lug importance by the changes of the times, and who approach the consideration of all political questions with too much of a irecipitate root Incas ei innovate. Next to these we bad a body of noble lords and right hot. and hon. gentlemen, both in and lift of the cabinet, who had been the ready and convenient sup porters of uncompromising toryismn in the days of its prosperity, but whb now, believiug th it its popularity bad passed , could ;lye it, and without a - blush, their not less uncompromising pposition. Having grown old in the peaceful slumbers of quiet times, they were now attempting to attain a renovated youth in the adoption of new creeds and new principles of action. But there were others still more,fortnidabie, the last section of minis terial supporters, the class of decided and avowed revolutionists —men from whose lips had never dropped one single word in favour of the institutions of the country—men who, with zeal and industry, worthy of 'a better cause, are endeavouring to spread disaffection and to sap the foundations of social order: These are the men whom the presept government are aware made up the majority in favour of Lord John Russell's motion that removed Sir Robert Peel from office, and upon whom they must rest for support, by consulting the wishes of Mr. O'Connell and his party. (Applause.) He did not think it necessary or expe dient that he should there enter into a detail of the exploits, and character, and political opinions of that gentleman; he would rather say what ne tnought of him in his presence than in his absence, because he unfortunately could say nothing of him but what is bad (Applause.) If, therefore, the government has a numerical majority, it possesses that majority only by truckling to parties who are of violent revolutionary principles, and to a a class of reckless agitators. It is by the support of these alone that they can withstand the present opposition'; therefore he (Mr. G.) called upon them, as men who look deeper into the principles upon which their policy is founded than on the mere surfaces and show of things, to say, under the late change of circumstat.ces, who occupies the humiliating position , and he would boldly contend that. the present ministry and their- )lies were they who lived from day to day a degraded an & a disho nourable existence. (Applatase.) 'there are two subjects which at present monopolize public atteirtisso; - and those are corpora tions and church-reform. He could be well content here to close the remarks with which he had troubled them, and to leave their time and attention to other and more agreeable occupas tions than that of listening to him; yet he thought it was part of his duty at a period so interesting to communicate freely with them ou these matters, which are of the most direct and press• ing importance. In the intercourse he had had during the last few days he had spent amongst them, he had found unexam pled interest, especially upon the subject of municipal reform. there is a practice sometimes adopted in the House of ootn mons which he could not quite understand. After the proposer of a ministerial measure has delivered his address, however varied and complicated the detailand important its enactments,there are those of his obsequious myrmidons who will rise in their places on the instant, and declare that the plan from firstto last, in gross and in detail, is a production of finished and absolute wisdom. He would speak upon the subject generally, for he thought that the time which was elapsed since the bill was brought in was much too short to enable them to discuss it in detail. He must, however, confess he had yet to learn how it could be rendered expedient to throw the preponderating power in the choice of all municipal officers into the hands of the lowest class. He was surprised at the ill-compliment which ministers had thereby paid to the electors holding the ten-pound qualifications, and did not think it betokened much confidence in the favoured ob jects of their previous choice to overpower their influence by the introduction of another and a more numerous body. (Ap plause.) He did not understand upon what principle it can be wise, that the licensing of public houses should be in the hands of a common council, who is to be elected by * class of men who must necessarily be to a great degree under the influence of keepers of public-houses. Above all he did not know with what feelings the orderly, and stable, and respectable portion of the people of this country, will hail the provision which threatens them with the incessant turmoil and agitation of a contested election, throughout every borough in this country every year, without any hope of rest. (Applause.) However, he did at least feel it his duty to protest against that monstrous spirit of partiality which was evident iu the report of the commissioners ; in the first place, he complained of the conduct of those who could appoint such decided partisans for such au inquiry—and in the second place, the extraordinary audacity of the state ments they have oublished, in which, with a wanton recklessness of feeling, they have cast unfounded imputations upon the cha racters of men, who are at least as honourable as themselves. But there is much more in the plan than is perhaps generally understood, and that is, that while the proposed object is to re form the corporations, the real 'object is to keep the present government in office. (Applause.) There is no question that, ministers saw, as who could not see, that in many of the elec tions which have taken place, particularly those in January last, that a great change has taken place in the opinions of the peo ple, the feeling of the country is altered, and the agitation, and he might add, the delusion attending the promulgation of the reform bill, was passing away, and that some violent measures were necessary to call again into existence the elemen ts of cla mour, and to raise again on the part of the conservative members, if possible, such an opposition as would render Sir Robert Peel unpopular with the people. (Hear, hear.) He thought those who heard him would agree with him that this notable project had failed. Instead of meeting it as a party question, Sir Robert Peel met them with the observations, that the very ob ject they professed to have in view was his object, in common with all those who sought fur the wellfare, good governuieut, and interest of the community at larvae, and that he would dis cuss the bill in an amicable spirit, and introduce what improv ment he could. This course evidently gave great dissatisfac tion. The great hope of the ministry was, that a strong opposi tion would be excited, and that government would be benefitted by a popular clamour. They were all expectation on this point. It was really almost entertaining to see the disappointment de picted in their countenances. Their appearance seemed to say, why is he (Sir R. Peel) not more hostile?—why is he not in a passion ?—why does he not divide the house ? (Applause.) On ordinary occasions, it happens that government complain of the opposition they meet with; but in this case the whole matter is reversed, and the complaint of the friends of ministers is that they meet with no opposition. He did not, however think they had correctly estimated the case, when they supposed that the plan would meet with no opposition. He was confident the conservatives, in considering the 'abuses, to which self-election must always be liable, would - be glad to remedy every evil; but though the time is come for the revision of corporations, this is not the time for placing a preponderating power in the hands of the lower classes, and producing continued excitement amongst the people by a system of perpetual agitation. (Applause.) Mr. Spring Rice told the House of Commons that government had made up their minds to fight the'battle upon the question of corporation reform. But there is one other question of much more deep and vital importance than that of corporation reform —it is that of the church. That motion of Lord John Russell's contains the seeds of the whole controversy, whether we are to have a national religion, whether, as a nation, we are to ac knowledge, iu the operations of government, that God by whom kings reign and princes decree justice. That is the question o n which, in the course of this year, or within a limited period, we are to come to a solemn decision. This is the question on which Sir Robert Peel retired firms office, and a much prouder honour it was to retire from office upon that question, than to have assumed it upon any other. It is upon this question, ac cording to his feelings and opinions, and according to the ne cessary laws and conditions of things, the fate of the present government must be decided. (Hear.) The position the eon servatives take is to maintain the union of church and state. (Loud and long-continued cheering.) It is always attempted to confound with those who wish to maintain our institutions those who love its abuses. But no two classes ought to be so widely separated. As true conservatives we ought not merely to admit inquiry, but to desire it ; not merely to allow of the removal of blemishes and defects under the necessity and pressure of the times, but to seek that removal, and to seek it with an earnest ness proportioned to their love of the institutions of the coun try. In foot, of the two classes, the true conservatives were often more the foes of abuses than those who arrogate to them selves the name of reformers; die 'reason was this, the true conservative hates the abuse because it brings discredit and attack upon the institutions which he loves; while the professing reformer rather loves the abuse, because it enables hint to assail the institutions which he hates. (Applause) He would say, that with utter scorn he threw back the assertion, that the con servatives are dead to the existence of abuses, or are unwilling to see them removed. There is no question that the time is come, that they shall be removed—there is no doubt they are as truly removed as if the act was done. The question is, whether with the abuses; the institutions themselves shall be swept from the face of the land. What is the case as regards Ireland, with .reference to the church ? There is a very prevalent error upon this subject, a notion which exists even among our friends, that the government maintains the church establishment, in order to g i ve to a certain set of p e rsons superiority over their fellow countrymen. Now, (said Mr. G.) I maintain the government has no right to propose to itself such an ob j ect. It h as no other right, and it ought to have no other desire, than that of preserviug and propagating the truth. It is because truth is of all other good tne dearest and the most valuable to the soul of man, that a government is bound, according to its means, to secure this good for its subjects. IL supports the church esta blishment as that form of religion which teaches the truth; it refuses to support the Roman catholic faith, as believing it to be tainted with material and often perilous error. Upon this prin ciple we maintain the establishment, and call upon you, in the case of Ireland, to maintain the rule and practiceof your forefathers. (Applause.) Suppose the plan were adopted, and that every one worshipped according to his own creed, what would be the condition of Ireland ? Why, the revenue does not now amount ,to £270 elear to each beneficed clergyman. When they con sidered the expenses of a chemical education and- the condition th e c lergy of Ireland were placed in, in the centre of a ragged, miserable, catholic population—a population who pay with ex act rigour the rent of O'Connell, and at the same time are de pendent upon the charities of the protestant church, (applause,) anti were lie to detail the heart-rending sights which daily might there be witnessed of the protestant clergy, owing to the condi tion of that unhappy country, many of them - snflering extreme misery, not having the common necessaries of life to subsist upon, he would ask, when even the majesty of the law in their own persons is insulted, by combinations against the authority of the law, was this the dine to introduce a scheme for taking away from those exemplary clergy a portion of their scanty pit tance? (Loud cheers.) He then observed, that there was it twitter duty the legislature ought to perform ere they took such a step, and that is to put down these combinations against the law,—to vindicate legal right, and then to inquire into existing abuse, and to remove it. He would recommend this course ra ther than the desertion of their national faith, by which this country has been raised to its present greatness. He begged the meeting to remember why our forefathers had embraced the protestant faith, and we had followed in their steps;—it was for its purity and its truth that it was held good for us, and if it be good for us, it is also good for the population of Ireland. ( Long and continued chaers.) if we believed the Roman Catholic creed still contained the seeds of error and of danger, we ought to abstain from assisting in its propagation as we would abstain from recommendints that which was hurtful to the body. There iS another matter o iconsequence he would allude to, and that is the oath taken by Roman Catholic members entering into parliament. The member swears that he will not disturb or molest the protestant establishment in this country, and yet,. as the meeting was aware ; notwithstanding the oath, he jnstifies himself in voting for a measure that takes away from it its very support; but he well knew there were no measures proposed, upon which an argument could not be raised to put a fallacy in the place of fact. He would therefore suppose, that the pro perty on which a person depended for subsistence was placed in the care of an individual, or of a corporation. who should take an oath that they would not disturb it, (hear, hear.) and yet afterwards that individual or corporation should violate t h e p re p e ety on pretence that they were doing him good by taking away from his abundance would they not laugh to scorn that wretched sophistry? and would they not equally refuse to sanction what at least amounted to tampering with the strict tiers of the obligations of an oath, and would not only invade the possessions elthe church, but shake the foundations of pub. lie faith and of private confidence? And, if such be the nature of the act, what will be its consequences? In certain and fatal succession the 'destruction of the church of Ireland will entail, first, the repeal of the union, and then the dismemberment Gf the empire. Is it for this, then, that you are called to surren der the principle of a national faith, dear to the hearts of your forefathers and to your own ? or will you not rather join in the resolution by every effort under God to strengthen and perpe tuate that sacred principle? And this brings me to the toast with which lam to conclude. It is one which sums up and etnloailies my own dearest wishes and most deliberate convic thnis ; and if, in viewing nie as the organ of your sentiments, you received my name with warmth, and I may almost say with st teething of enthusiasm, I intreat you to welcome with a pro amitioauble zeal that for whose sake alone my uatne can be JUNE 19, 1835. vs.!uable to you. He concluded by commending to them tk• toast of" Church and State." [The speech was received throughout with the most rapturous applause, and was delivered in a style of i►npressive and grace ful oratory.] In the course of the evening the following, among other toasts, were given : By the Chairman.—" Sir Robert Peel and the members of the late administration," "The Duke of Weilington," " The Duke of Newcastle, God bless him!" " The Earl of Lincoln and the Conservatives of South Nottinghamshire." By W. E. Gladstone, Esq.—" The Chairman, T. S. God frey, Esq." Mr. Robert Caparu, in a few words, proposed the health of John Gladstone, Esq. Three tunes three. Mr. Gladstone (father of the M.P. for Newark) then rose to return thanks. He attributed the kind expression of their feelings towards himself to the partiality they entertained for his son. He felt it his duty to be present on that occasion, be cause his family, in the person of his son, had received from the inhabitants of Newark such decided proofs of their kindness and goodwill; and he, therefore, was anxious, as far as he could • by his presence among theru, to testify his grateful sense of their favours, and of the honour they had conferred on his sou, by placing him in the proud situation of their representative in parliament. After alluding to the pleasure which that day's proceedings had afforded him, Mr. G. in a tune of deep feeling expressed his gratitude to his God for having imbued the mind of his son with those principles which. he might be allowed to say, had always governed his conduct, and he hoped would abide pith him through life; for he might truly say that they' had indeed grown with his growth, and had ripened with his maturer years. (Cheers.) He had no doubt that these princi i pies would always animate his sou in the discharge of all his duties; and that he would esteem it a sufficient reward, if he `could secure their approbation. (Cheers.) • The party did not separate until a late hour. LIVERPOOL POLICE. YESTERDAY.--(Before Mr. Alderman ROBINSON.) FRAUD AND FORGERY.—James Davison, a designing fellow, whose countenance iu every feature bore the stamp of roguery, was placed at the bar charged with having attempted to de fraud Mr. Jones, corn and flour dealer, Park-lane, of a quan tity of goods, by means of a forged bill. Mr. Jones stated that on the previous morning, at 10 o'clock, the prisoner called at his warehouse, in Park-lane, and ordered flour and oatmeal to the amount of £4 7s. He called himself "Captain Smith," and said that he had been recommended to him (Mr. Jones) by a friend who had stated that he could serve him well. Com plainant said that he should be happy to do so, and the pri soner having desired that the goods should be sent to the ship Sarah, lying at the west side of the King's Dock, offered a bill or promissory note for £l9 4s. 6d., requesting the change. The bill purported to have been drawn by Mr. Charles Hors fall, accepted. by Barton, Irlam, and Co., and dated the 10th June, payable in a mouth. It also appeared to bear the sip; natures in red ink of Charles Lawrence, Arthur Heywood, and two other respectable gentlemen. Complainant having been brought up in a merchant's counting-house, felt convinced that Messrs. Barton, Irlam, and Co. would not accept to such an amount, and the prisoner being urgent in his request to obtain £5 on account, which he said he wanted to purchase ship biscuits with, he suspected the bill to be a forgery, and there fore told him to call again at two o'cicck, when the money would be ready for him. The prisoner appeared satisfied, and, in the meantime, complainant waited upon Barton, Irlam, and Co., and Mr. Lawrence, and discovered that the bill was what he suspected it to be—a forgery. He then called at the police office, and took a constable with him, in order to give the pri soner into custody when he called for the change. The pri soner did not call at the time, and supposing that it was not his intention to do so, the constable was sent away. About three o'clock, however, he called, and complainant told him to.wait awhile, and he should have the change. The prisoner on this seemed fidgetty, and wished to get away, and complainant went out with a friend for a constable, desiring his men not to let the prisoner escape. lu a short time he returned, leaving the con stable at the door. when the prisoner stated, that having been insulted by the men during his absence, he was resolved not t') purchase the goods. Complainant said, "Very well, but let me look at the bill." The prisoner said he hail no bill, upon which the constable was called in, and he was searched; but no bill was found upon him. Alderman . Robinson (to the complainant).—You saw the bill before you went out. Mr. Jones.—Oh yes, I bad it in my hands and observed the names. Alderman Robinson.—He contrived to select some respect able names. Mr. Jones.—Yes, and that convinced me that the bill must be a forgery. Aldermen, Robinson.—What do you think he did with the bill ? _ Mr. Jones.-1 think he must have swallowed it, for in my absence my boy saw him rolling some paper about in his mouth. Alderman Robinson (to. the prisoner).—What did you do with the bill? Prisoner.-1 had no bill at all. Alderman obinson.—What are you? Prisoner.—l am a tradesman. Alderman Robirisen.—Where do you come from? Prisoner.-1 am a cotton-spinner, and reside in Lombard street, Manchester. Mr. Parlour, the superintendent of police, here stated that the present was not the first time the prisoner had appeared be fore the Liverpool magistrates. He was committed some time ago for three months for swindling the public with a begging petition, attached to which were the forged names of Mr. Alder man Wright and several other gentlemen. Alderman Robinson was of opinion (in which he was borne out by the law-clerk, Mr. Shuttleworth,) that there was no case against the prisoner, in consequence of the bill not having been secured by the complainant. Mr. Parlour said that if the prisoner was remanded there might be other cases of a similar nature against him. At the last sessions a Seotchman, who was supposed to have accom plices, was transported for a like offence, and the prisoner answered the description of one of them. -The prisoner was accordingly remanded. Snot , ROBBERY.—A man named William Rathbone was placed at the bar charged with stealing a pair of stockings from the shop of Mr. Hewitt, draper, of Whitechapel. A constable stated that on the previous day the shoproan of Mr. Hewitt in funned him that he had been robbed of some articles a few minutes before by a man who had been looking at a pair of stockings at the door. Witness followed after the man and took him into custody, and found the stockings, which ,were• claimed by Mr. Hewitt, in his breast. There was another man with the prisoner, who was also secured, bu.l!e made his escape. Mr. Hewitt complained of the great number of robberies being committed upon shopkeepers in the neighbourhood in which he resided. The prisoner, in his defence, said that he was a nailmaker, in the employ of Mr. Hatton, and had met a man whom he knew, who put the stockings into his breast and ran away.—Remanded. RECEIVING GOODS BELONGING TO THE ARMY.—A man • named M'Cormick, who keeps a marine store shop, was charged with receiving a pair of boots belonging to a private in the 80th regiment. The owner of the boots not being present the pri soner was remanded, and a constable ordered to report the case to the commanding officer of the barracks. A woman named Jackson, who was represented as an old hand at handling other people's property , was charged by a n o ther woman, her half-sister, with entering her house and stealing a quantity of weating• apparel, which she had, for a consideration, transferred to the keeping of a pawnbroker. The complainant offered to forego the prosecution if the prisoner would give up the tickets of the articles, but as she persisted in ' knowing nothing of them, and the felony being proved, she was committed. VAGABONDS.—Three wretched-looking fellows were charged by . a watchman with being found at a late hour asleep upon the black-kilns in the neighbourhood of Vauxhall-road. It was stated that the brickmakers complained loudly of the iujury they sustained by disorderly people who slept on the brick-kilns damaging their property, and the watchman said that many robberies were committed by them: The prisoners were found asleep on the top of the kilns amongst the smoxe of the bricks, and had the wind changed during their mein the watchman stated that they must have been suffocated. The prisoners, in their defence, said they had no houses to go to, but on promising to find one for the future, they were discharged. STEALING LEAD.—The practice of stripping uninhabited hotises of lead spouts, pipes, &c., is very prevalent, and scarcely a day passes but coinolatnts of his description of thieving are made to the police-office. A few nights ago some lads were apprehended with lead piping, a ball, taps, &c., evidently be longing to a cistern.—The articles are at the Duncan-street - Brideweli to be identified. ATTEMPT AT ROBBERY.—An incorrigible young hi 4, named John May, not more than 14 years oid, who has suffered two two years' imprisonment in Lancaster Castle for felony, was charged with attempting to steal a roll of silk from the shop window of Mr. Clarke, linendraper, Adelaide-buildings, Dale street. It appeared from the evidence that the prisoner was caught in the act of hooking out the silk with a piece of cane from the window, the pane of which he had previously cut with a diamond. He was committed to the House of Correction for three months. STEALING WORKMEN'S Toots.—A journeyman plasterer of the name of William Houton was committed for stealing a .quantity of tools belonging to his fellow workmen, who were labouring at the Ohl Saau, near Liverpool : he contrived to commit the offence while they were at their meals. CAPTION TO THE OWNERS of Dons.—Richard Williams and Robert Ncttingliatn appeared ,to a summons for having suffered their dogs to roam at large in the streets after the pro hibition issued, by the. Mayor, whereby tha.y.liad..aacuraing_to act of parliAient, rendered themselves liable to a penalty not exceeding £5. Riley, the officer, proved that the dogs were straying about the streets, but could not positively state that the advertisement cautioning the owners of dogs to keep them tied Tip had appear ed iu all the newspapers, which was required by act of partia -1 meat. They were consequently acquitted. • LORD RADNOR'S BILL RESPECTING TILE THIRTY NINE ARTICLES. Whereas the subscription of particular articles of faith in the case of persons of tender years, and before they can have so ac curately and Minutely examined the same, and the grounds on which they rest, as to an entire and implicit assent to the doctrines therein .laid down, is unreasonable; and may tend to evil consequences; be it enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice' and consent of the lords spi ritual and temporal, and commons, iu this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That from and after the passing of this act, no person shall be required by any person or persons in authority in the universities of Oxford or Cambridge, or elsewhere, within the King's dominions, to sub scribe or declare his' assent to the 39 articles of religion agreed upon by the archbishops and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergy in the convocation holden in London in 1652, or the three articles contained in the 36th canon, at the time of ma triculation at either of the said universities, or of entrant e at any college or hall within the same, and until he shall have attained the age of 23 years, or, in case he shall take the degree of master of arts before he has attained the age of 23 years, until he shall have taken the said degree. Provided always, and be it further enacted, that nothing in this act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to ex empt any person from the obligation to subscribe such articles. or to make such declarations as by the custom an•r statutes of the said universities are. now required, •br;fore any person can tilt and vote in the convocation or senate of the said universities re spectively, or as way now by lay: be requii!Ni in order to qualify such person to take any ecclesiastical orders, or to -preside or sit as judge in any court spiritual or ecclesiastical, or to hold any ecclesiastical office or benefice whatsoever, or as under the special requisition of the founder of any endowment are now required to be subscribed or made to enable the members thereof to enjoy the benefits of the same. • TAvntiris.—We are informed by Sir Henry Spelman, that. " in the raigne of King Edward the Third wily three taverner were allowed in London ; one in Chepe„ one in Waihroke, and the other in Lombard-street. His Royal Highncss. Prince Leopold of the Two Sicilies ar rived at the Clarendon Hulel,Lieltlon, on S,Lturdav evening. His highoegs occupies the :State nl4rttuento vacate.! by Lis4 Marquis Wellesley.