The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-01-03 00:00:00

ctirrent year, caused a ruinous decifne in prices, in spite of which the complaints of want of demand were loud and ge neral. The demand, however, must have been small only when , compared with the magnitude of the stocks, for, ac s ording- to , " Burn's Commercial Glance," it appears that altbbugh - the export of twist was less for the first nine mcniais by about one-seventh, that of all descriptions of gootlx, with but a• few unimportant exceptions, was consider abl' grater than during the corresponding period in the year before, whilst the home-trade is considered to have been tolerably satisfacto r y, n o t w ithstandin g the high price of bread. But the pro s p ec t s have already b eg un to brighten ; the old stocks are cleared off ; the demand has become more regular and steadV, and what with the 'advance in yarn and r the fall in cotton, spinning is no IoW conducted at a loss. The -position' of fhe in-Tin- t e r -ha s pOt been . . less unfortunate. w ith oettoti of the earlier imports, f were . diSposed'Of befofe'tall took place, and X few entire import from the United arrivals if the new crop; the States has either been sold; Or is still held at a loss of pro :ably not less than froni to .t 5 a bal e . S uc h have been .V the baneful effects of g system of paper-money upon the mercantile and manufacturing industry of this country—hut the evil has worked - R 4 Own cure ; the decline of credit which has rendered a large class of American securities valueless as a medium of exchange, has wrested from the banks of the union the po wer of dictating the terms upon which the ma nufacturers -of Great Britain shall be supplied with an article of the first necessity. The dealings between the two coun tries must henceforth be carried on upon the sound commer cial: principle of mutual benefit. The time is auspicious for the change, for by the concurrent testimony of all parties the cropis inost abundant, being estimated by some as high as 1,750,000 .bales, and by none lower than 1,650,000 bales. Prices•have opened low on the other side, and it is greatly to be desired that they should rule proportionately low on this. A pirinanently cheap and plentiful supply of the raw mate riat,is the ore thing needful for infusing new life into every branch of the cotton manufacture; it will create new uses, discover new markets, and give an impulse to the extension of this, the most important of all the departments of na tional industry, to which no man can prescribe limits ; and, if one•of the conditions of these advantages should be a low rate of profit to the merchant and the manufacturer, they muit.look for a compensation in the increase of their busi ness,-::and, above all, in the exemption from risks which are inseparable from high prices and fluctuating markets. LIVER THEATRE, CHURCH-STREET. PAINTED CRIMSON AND GOLD CUR TALV, • Toca:TnEn WITH A HANDSOME DROP SCENE. Mrs. WAYLETT, fOr a limited number of nights. Mrs. RAYMOND. Mr. lIOSKINS, for a limited period. Mr. W. J. HAMMOND and Mr. RAYMOND. Mr. MARSHALL, (from the Tbeatra-Royal,,Drury-lane,) • - • Stage Manager. MademoiSelle CHEVALLIER, (from the. Theatre-Royal, Covent-garden.) • Misa THOMASSIN and Miss LIDIA, (from the Theatre- Drury-lane:) • ' i. Me.' F. GARDNER, for a limited period. Mr.l. L. HANTON, (from the St. James'a,Theatre,) for a limited period. Mr.TILBURY, (front the Theatre-Royal, Covent-garden.) Trig pre - sent FRIDAY, Jan. 3, 1840, and following even ing, the Eixtertainments will continence with a New Drama,. written expressly • for .. .Mrs. Waylett, by the late J. 11,.-_Dayley i 'Esti..,..called CORK LEGS. ; Mr. Tilbury. Eulalie Mrs. Waylett. To which will be added a new and popular Drama, called THE KING'S GARDENER; Olt, NIPPED IN TILE BUD. Mr. Hoskins. Nlrs Waylett. GAloehard Madame Gitlochard.. To conclude with a new version of the celebrated Historical Drama of 'JACK SHEPPARD; Oa, THE HOUSEBREAKER, OF 1703. Owen Wood.. Mr. Tilbury I Joe Blueskin.. Mr. J. L. Hatton Jack Sheppard.... Mrs. Barton. In the course of the EVeninß,.l!..!ariety of SINGING and DACING. •Boxes, 3s ; Pit, 2s ; Gallery, 61. Second Price at Half pact Eight. Boxes, 2e ; Pit, Is. No Second Price to the Gallery. Private B oxes, to contain Seven Persons, to be had nightly, price £1 is. Tickets and Places to be had of Mr. Basco, at the Box-oftice, from 11 till 3 o'clock. Doors open at Half-past Six; performance to commence at Seven precisely. The celebrated Drama of THE MAGIC VEIL ! or, The Fairy of the Lake, with selections from Auber, Herold, Boildeau, A. Lee, &c., as performed upwards of Fifty Nights last season, at the New Strand Theatre, and subsequently at the Theatre-Royal, Drury -lane, is in rehearsal, and will be speedily produced, with new and splendid scenery, decora t!ons, &c., under the direction of Mr. A. Lee. 1U I SS WH ITNA LL respectfully announces to her Friends V.l . and the Public, that she will give a CONCERT, at the TEMPLARS' HALL, TIIIA EVENING, the 3d instant, for which she has engaged Mr. TEMPLETON, the eminent Vocalist, from Drury-lane and Covent-garden Theatres ; also Mr. FELIX GATAYES, the celebrated Pianist. PRINCIPAL VOCALISTS : 316 s WHITNALL, Mr. TEMPLETON, Mr. BALLS, Mr. PEMBERTON Mr. E. BROW N, make his first appearance since his return from London. Conductor—Mr. GEORGE HOLDEN. Tickets, tin. the Body of the Hall, 6s. ; Gallery, 3s. each which, with Programmes, may be had at the Music Shops, and at Miss WIIITNA LL's, 33, Chester -street, Toxteth-park, The Doori will be opened at Half-past Seven o'clock ; Concert to commence at Eight precisely. TO PROPRIETORS OF NEWSPAPERS. A GENTLEMAN, .mversaut wiicil;LliWW ) ;nd Me rl ehauical Management of Newspapers, and who has had many years' experience in Editing or Reporting for some of the most ,respectable and influential journals in the United Kingdom,: is - . anxious , to form an Engagement with the Pro prietor of sonic Provincial Paper of sound Protestant and Conservative • principles, as 'EDITOR, or • ASSISTANT EDITOR and REPORTER.: • 7 .• • - Satisfactory references will be given, and all communica tions addressed, to \V., R.-13.• Standard Office, Liverpool, immediately attended .to,-,; Zillerpoot &"tanbarb. FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 3, 1840. . , We.,have entered upon another year since the date of our last publication . It now. becomes us to take a s ,;glance at , tne present position of our country and ualts future prospects. We have had several years of ,„,,Whig rule, and we have seen its ruinous effects upon Our social condition, our national institutions, and :..;; our trade and commerce. The leaven of reform has been a long time at work, and the result has been the bitterness of disappointment. Liberal principles .. have had their full sway for some time, and they ''''have issued in nothing but calamity. Have we any reason to hope for a salutary change in the affairs of this nation ? This is a momentous question, involv ing not only the interests of the present generation, but the happiness of unborn millions. Among the most encouraging signs of the times we reckon the growing unpopularity of the much-abused term " reform." Those who looked forwards to the ascendancy of liberalism in this country were wont .to delude themselves with the hope that " reform" 'l O would prove a panacea for all the evils to which so dv• Ciety has been so long subject, and that it would elevate Great Britain into a position of unexampled ,„''' l ptaSperity. These futile expectations have proved ;N -, as ‘` baseless as the fabric of a vision." The fond hopes and the brilliant anticipations engendered by the. mania of " reform" have vanished like a day ,,Are.ain;_and .now the term itself has become " a bye word, and a reproach." Reflecting men have disco • , xered. that " reform," in the mouths of liberal agi -01 !Addis, 'is .but another name for revolution. Such 41Vr.• • ~ , ;00,ilfter yielding fora time to the popular impulse, • 'have .felt•it necessary to make a stand in defence of OU'r:time4everend constitution, which they now per ceive is the grand object of radical assault. Hence have Spiting the numerous conversions to the ranks of the Conservatives, among the most recent and most conspicuous instances of which we have great pride in enumerating hose of the Marquis of Wellesley, Mr. Howard, and Sir George Cockburn. These, however, are far from being solitary instances. The progress of Conservative reaction is as universal as it is deep and permanent in its nature. In every • direction we see incontrovertible eyide.nce of t hi s re _ . Every fresh election which takes place affords additional and undeniable proofs of its ex istence. ,The town of Liverpool, at the last muni nicipal'election, has afforded one of the most tri- =pliant instances of this return to constitutional ~.opinions. A general election, whenever it may "'happen, will demonstrate, more s t rong ly than ever, (Li ~,ibepredominance of Conservative principles. Even "the Whig-Radicals themselves, through their lead !+ ing organs of the press, are constrained to acknow '''• ledge that another general election would prove a ....death-blow to all their hopes of future ascendancy, The matter is too self-evident to admit of a mo ment's doubt. In England the Conservatives would have an overwhelming inejority. In the counties, the prOspects of the liberals are utterly desperate; whilst • many of the close pocket-boroughs would be res- cued from the degradation of having their represen tatives nominated by their Whig patrons. In Scot land the change is no less apparent. Radicalism is there at a woful discount, and two-thirds, at least, of the representatives for that country, at the next election, will be Coniervatives. Wales is empliati :,Cally "all right," notwithstanding the recent Chartist : ,:outbreak in the south. Even in Ireland O'Connell and his tail are beginning tnquake. Their desperate exertions in. the courts of 'registry indicate the con '-ei.o.*u4s of ' anticipated defeat. As far as the with ( qiis'eoncerned, , we may confidently assert that the pear The Measure of - Whig-Radical iniquity has been filled. The reign of the faction is "' at an end: e.44.Mlttie pausos.of.the Cnnseryative reaction now 'u° . :trilirdit46l ll l- Thig is easily disposed of. 19. Tile -people of Great Britain have discovered that the Whip are hollow pretenders to political wisdom, and that 'all their measures are fraught with ruin to the best interests of the country. The insolent and ty rannical career of those turbulent agitators who have obtained a temporary ascendancy in our Town Coun cils has done much to open the eyes of the public to the real character of those who have so impudently arrogated to themselves the name of liberals. The reckless proceedings of the traitorous Chartists, which have afforded such a pregnant illustration of the Wilma ratio of "reform," have also caused the ranks of Conservatism to he crowded with converts. As far as the counties are 'concerned, the anti-corn-law agitators have decided the fate of every Whig-Radi cal candidate at the next eledion. In addition to these causes, we might enumerate the general de pression under which the trade and commerce of the country are labouring—tie misery and distress en dured by the working classes—the impunity' with which foreign encroachments on our trade are per mitted to escape—and the general decline of our colonial prosperity—all of which are attributable to the miserable, truckling, and ruinous policy of the present Government, and all of which contribute to increase their unpopularity and to hasten their downfall. is not, however, to be expected that the Whigs will quit office without a desperate 'struggle : but all their efforts to retain place and power will be in vain. may again prostitute the Queen's name as a party watchword : but the trick is too stale to ren der them any service. It has been tried once too often to succeed. The expedient is too transparently dishonest any longer to deceive the public. They may make common cause with the selfish agitators of the anti-Corn-law league, and endeavour to work upon the feelings of the masses by raising the cry of " cheap bread." This will do them no good. The people of England are too sensible not to per ceive that the cry of " cheap bred" is synonymous With " low wages." It is even possible that the Whig- Radicals, in their extremity, may identify themselves with the Chartists : but, we would ask, are they so mad as to suppose that the great mass of the electors are favourable to the revolutionary doctrines of Chartism ? An approximation to the Chartists would only still more irrevocably seal their fate. When we say that the people of this country are dis gusted with the very name of " reform," we do not wish to be understood that they are averse to such temperate changes in our institutions as are calcu lated to insure their stability and their permanency. The Conservatives are the only true reformers, as they are the only real liberals. They would wish to see removed from the glorious fabric of our consti tution those incrustations with which the lapse of time may have caused it to be disfigured. They would wish to see the splendid temple reared by the wisdom of our forefathers stand forth in all its pris tine grandeur : but this is a very different thing . - . i roni wishing to ran it to the very foundation, and to erect upon its foundation the flimsy fabric of a republic. The latter is tht, object contemplated by what is designated " radical reform." Such reform we are bound to denounce, and such reform the patriotism of Englishmen will never permit to be accomplished. It is our firm conviction that the advent of Sir Robert Peel to office would be the prelude to a succession of useful, practical reforms, such as we have indi cated under the general term " improvements." He has already signalised himself by the introduction of several reforms in our criminal code, and he has always evinced his readiness to co-operate in the removal of all proved grievances and abuses. But is Sir Robert Peel's speedy advent to power pro bable ? We unhesitatingly answer, Yes ! Owing to the defections from the Ministerial camp, we believe that Sir Robert Peel can command a nume rical majority even in the present House of Com mons—a majority which will be still further in creased by the nine elections which must shortly take place. This country now wants a strong administration—an administration strong in the personal character of its members—strong in talent and aptitude for pub lic business—strong in the sympathy, confidence, and support of the public—and firm in its resolution - to put 'down all disturbersof the,peaCe. - Chartiiim must be put down. Our cities and towns must no longer be the . suer midnight terror and ineen, diarism. Socialism must be put down. Our do mestic circles must no longer be invaded . bytboe " filthy dreamers." O'Connellism must, be 'put down. Thu loyal Protestants of Inland must no longer he left a prey to the brutal ferocity of the Popish priesthood and their ensanguined followers. Rebellion must be put down in our colonies. The insolent interference of foreign powers with our trade and commerce must be put down, and the national flag must either escape insult or invoke retributive vengeance. The elements of such a strong administration are to be found in the ranks of the Conservative party, and in their ranks alone. We believe that the year upon which we have just entered will not pass away with out the formation of a Conservative ministry. The vessel of the state has been long approaching the breakers of destruction. It must be wrested from the hands of the present incapable crew, or it will speedily become an unsightly and ignoble wreck. The crisis has arrived, and all eyes are directed to Sir Robert Peel, as the " pilot that can weather the storm." At the present crisis, when the commercial and ma. nufacturing interests of this country are labouring un der such a general depression, we cannot render a bet ter service to our country than by directing public at tention to the best means for avoiding, in future, the difficulties which are now so painfully experienced, and suggesting any plan which may have a tendency, not only to increase the trade and commerce of the coun try, but to place them on a firmer and a more enduring basis. Among the most prominent of the means by which, in our belief, this country may be preserved from those embarrassments to which it has, of late years, been pe riodically subject, we would unhesitatingly mention the increase of our colonial trade—a trade which Great Britain has entirely under her control, and which is not liable to those ruinous fluctuations which are so fre quently experienced from the monetary difficulties of foreign states. Under the firm conviction that the colo nial trade of Great Britain is the most valuable, be cause the most stable, which she possesses, and that this trade is capable of an almost indefinite extension, we earnestly invite the attention of our contemporaries to this important subject. It has not hitherto met with that degree of consideration which it so impera tively demands. We would, therefore, most strenu ously urge upon our contemporaries the absolute ne cessity of a consentaneous movement in favour of " Sun's, COLONIES, AND COMMERCE." While we thus invite the co-operation of our bre thren of the press in seeking to promote the prosperity of our colonial possessions, we trust that we shall be excused for giving a greater degree of prominence to, and bestowing more attention upon, those colonies with which we are best acquainted, and which we be lieve are most capable of improvement. While others may, either from a superior degree of information on the subject, or from personal predilections, give pre ference to the East Indies, to Australia, to New Zea land, to the Cape of Good Hope, or to Canada, as the most eligible of our colonies, and the most deserving of encouragement,—our own opinion is, that the West India islands and British Guiana present, at the pre sent moment, the most interesting field for the exercise of British enterprise, and most imperatively require the encouragement and protection of the Government. We are far, however, from wishing to confine the at tention of our readers to the West India colonies. England does not hold a single colony which is not, in a greater or less degree, deserving of encouragement. The resources of our colonies have not, in any instance that we are aware of, been fully developed : much less have they been, in any instance, exhausted. The co lonies in Southern Africa, which have already given rise to a profitable trade, are capable of great extension and improvement. The country adjacent to Port Na tal, in particular, offers a most eligible site for a new colony; and we hope that the time is not far distant when the attention of Government, as well as of British capitalists, will be directed to this rich and fertile country. If properly governed, Southern Africa will, we have no doubt, in another generation, contain a po- pulation of some millions, and give employment to a large proportion of our shipping. We make use of the terms if properly governed advisedly ; because, unfor tunately, our colonies have hitherto been atrociously misgoverned. We do not exempt Tory administrations from this charge ; but we confidently assert that the colonial policy of the Whigs has been infinitely more ruinous in its consequences. File Mauritius is also a highly important colonial lossession, the trade of which is capable of great ex- We are glad to perceive a considerable in crease in its exports during the last year. The em ployment of the Hill Coolies seemsto - bave• answered remarkably well in that colony. Their adaptation to the performance of field-work has been there tri umphantly proved. All the accounts received from the Mauritius represent the Coolies as perfectly satis fied with their treatment and condition; so much so, indeed, as to express a general wish to have all their friends and relations removed from India to the same ension. locality. The East Indies, again, present a boundless field for commercial enterprise. The teeming soil of this vast empire is capable of furnishing an amount of produce, many times over, equal in value to the whole of our manufactured exports. There is not a cotton or woollen factory in this country that might not be fully and most profitably occupied in producing ma nufactured fabrics for the East Indian market alone, if the resources of that magnificent appendage to the British Crown were adequately developed, and its af fairs prudently administered. Look, for instance, to the recent experiments in the growth of tea in Assam. Why should not this country be rendered independent of China in the supply of this article ? Nay, why should not England supply other countries with a pro duct of such general consumption ? Australia and New Zealand, again, are destined, under good government, to become populous and flou rishing colonies, and recipients of a very large propor tion of our exports. Already the shipping employed in the trade to our Australian possessions has attained an unexampled degree of prosperity ; and it is in creasing in a ratio which justifies us in asserting that it will, in a very few years, far exceed in tonnage the whole of our European trade. With the vast resources of the Canadas most of our readers are, we presume, acquainted. These colonies, if properly governed (for without this proviso our spe culations are without any foundation), might be ren dered of far greater value to this country than they are at present. We repeat our cordial wishes for the prosperity of all these colonies, and we shall hereafter embrace every opportunity we can to point out their resources, and to promote their interests. Our present object, how ever, is to bring before our readers the peculiar claims of the West India Islands an British Guiana upon the sympathies and protection of the people of this country. In our former articles on this subject, we have animadverted in strong terms on the inattention of the home Government to these colonies, and to the general mal-administration of their affairs. We are glad to find, from the tone of the Ministerial papers, that a more favourable impression has begun to ope rate upon the minds of those who have the direction of our colonial affairs. We trust the day is not far distant when justice to the Trest Indies will become a rallying cry throughout the country, and that this cry will meet with a ready echo from the Imperial Legis- lature. On the resources and capabilities of the West Indies and British Guiana it is not our intention to enlarge at present. It is sufficient for us to say that they are capable of furnishing this country with all the staple products of tropical regions required for the consump tion of the entire population of Great Britain. All that is now wanted, to increase in a tenfold degree the exports of Sugar, Coffee, Cotton, &c. front the West Indies and British Guiana, is an adequate supply of manual labour, combined with a proportionate additional outlay of British capital. Even without the latter, an increased supply of labourers would immediately pro duce a favourable re-action on our colonial trade. Owing to the want of these the planters are cramped in their operations—their capital is being frittered away — their estates are going to ruin—our shipping and our seamen are lying idle 7 -colonial produce is becoming dearer and dearer---and thousands of our,manufactur, iOg popnlation'are thrown out of employ merit. - These are-Rvils which loudly and imperatively call for a retnedp--a remedy at once prompt, adequate, and effective,: • • Where are fresh labourers for our West India colo nies to be found ? This question we have answered over anti over again. It is useless to calculate, at least for some time to come, upon the increased disposition of the emancipated Negroes to perform field-work. They must be allowed time to settle down to habits of industry. The intoxicating influence of their newly acquired freedom has not yet subsided. But, even supposing that the whole of the present Negro popu lation of the West Indies were as diligent as they were under their former system of coerced labour, there is still room for the employment of countless thousands in addition to their numbers ; and it is no exaggeration to say, that there are countless thousands who would be glad of having an opportunity of obtaining employ ment in the West Indies. Hindostan alone could spare a million of labourers, and would benefit by their removal. Africa, again, could spare its hundreds of thousands, to whom a removal to the West Indies would be a blessing. The extensive emigration of the African tribes to the West Indies, under the protection of the British flag, and under regulations strictly con sonant with the principles of British freedom, would strike a heavier blow at that foul traffic in human flesh, the Slave Trade, than it has ever yet experienced. For thirty years this country has been endeavouring to put an end to this abominable trade. This interference on behalf of the poor Africans has been dictated by the purest motives of humanity, but it has resulted in a system of cruelty, bondage, and torture, of which the people of this country have been, until very recently, utterly unconscious. We have already expended twenty millions of money and upwards in endeavour ing to put a stop to the slave trade ; the lives of hun dreds of our brave and hardy seamen have been sacri ficed in this philanthropic enterprise ; and it is true that we have rescued many thousands—yes, hundreds of thousands—from the numerous slavers that have been captured through the vigilance of our cruisers. But what has been the result of all this expenditure of life and money ? 'Where are the poor Africans that we have rescued from the crowded and pestilence creating holds of the slavers ? What has become of them ? Our readers will, no doubt, be astonished when we inform them that the greater proportion of these rescued Africans are now enduring all the horrors of SLAVERY in its most aggravated form ! They are now quailing under the lash in the Brazils, Cuba, &c., in a hopeless state of bondage. Is it possible ! This is a very natural exclamation. These were the words to which Dr. Lushington involuntarily gave utterance when the subject was mentioned to him a few days ago. We shall shortly lay before our readers some more explicit information on this topic. Before we conclude these remarks we beg to direct the attention of our readers to an extract from the Morning Chronicle, which appears in another column. In the language of the extract we fully coincide. May we not augur from it the prospect of a cordial union of all parties in prosecuting an object of such incalcu lable importance ? The merchants of this town, connected in trade with the river Plate, have just addressed a highly compli mentary letter to our worthy representative, Cresswell Cresswell, Esq., conveying a vote of thanks for the valuable assistance which he rendered to their deputa tion in their conference with the Right Honorable Vis count Palmerston, on the subject of the blockade of Buenos Ayres, and other subjects set forth'in their me morial, and also for the support which Mr. Cresswell subsequently gave to the further representations .made on the subject of obtaining permission 'to bring away their property from Buenos Ayres, as well as for the lively interest which he manifested on their behalf, and the zealous manner in which he has co-operated with the deputation. We mention this to show the manner in which the mercantile interests of the town appreci ate Mr. Cresswell's attention. The Morning Chronicle seems to be so thoroughly the servant of O'Connell as to act bully for him upon all *occa sions. It has lately furiously attacked the . Earl of Bute, for refusing to give part of his estate to build a popish chapel upon! THE WOOL TRADE-THE ANNUAL CIRCULAR OF MESSRS. DAWSON AND Atherton's Buildings, Dale•street, 31st Dec., 1839. Sin,—The demand for Foreign Wool during the past year was steady, and on the whole satisfactory, up to the month of October, when the pressure on the money market, during a long period of increasing severity, began to be more acutely felt in the Wool market, and the demand has continued to full off until the present time, when it may be said to be al together suspended. The lower qualities,. throughout the year, have been most in demand, IV ools under 2s. value being in general consump tion, and of ready sale, if clean and free from objections otherwise, at from 11d. to 2d. per lb. reduction on last year's prices : but the finest classes of Spanish, German, and Odessa have declined materially, both in demand and value, and we estimate the reduction at the present time 4d. to 6d. below last year's quotations. This remark applies also to the finer qualities of Australian Wools, though not to the same extent of depreciation. We do not anticipate any great deviation in the demand for middle and inferior qualities from the course of business in 1838 and 1839. in which years goods of coarser quality seem to have taken the lead, to the great exclusion of super fine articles, and therefore we see no prospect, for some time, of a material increase in the value of Wools above 2s. per lb. present prices. _ _ _ In East India, Turkey, and Low Italian there has been a reduction of Id. to 10. per lb.; but the indisposition of holders to make any further sacrifices on their stocks, has of late kept prices tolerably steady, and confined the demand entirely to buyers for immediate consumption, in very limit ed quantities ; and we do not look for any further decline in these Wools. Notwithstanding the great increase in the imports, as par ticularised at foot, the stocks of Foreign Wool are not large, nor in great variety; but the consumptive demand has mate rially diminished during the last three months, and we fear will continue languid for some time, unless the export de mand for goods and yarns improves considerably early in the Spring ; so that, under all circumstances, we cannot look forward to any material advance upon the present prices of Wool. DAWSON & HANCE. NIPORTS OF FOREIGN WOOL INTO THE PORT OF LIVERPOOL. 1837. 1838. 1839. Australian & Van Dieman's Land.. 7639 5039 4999 Spanish . Portugal. German (chiefly coastwise) Russian. Cape of Good Hope Mediterranean Ports 27792 390 1316 2088 2711 111 1 1610 229 . 4 3590 22 4 75 5818 5017 6640 East India - - 4119 4975 3361 Peruvian 17611 25887 34331 Danish • • 30 • • Dutch Buenos Ayres and Monte Video... 3897 1695 316 Other Ports. 43304 49178 59417 PARTICULARS OF THE STOCK OF COTTON IN THE PORT OF LIVERPOOL, 31ST DECEMBER, 1839, 1838, AND 1831. 1839. 1838. 1837. Sea Island Stained ditto Upland Alabama and Mobile ... New Orleans Pernambuco and Ceara Maranham Bahia and Maceio Egyptian Demerara and Berbice West India C arthagena Laguira, &c. Peruvian S►nyrna Surat . 3550 3220 ' 1460 800 1330 770 41210 68860 35290 33660 17640 5760 79140 98050 29970 6810 11720 11780 1160 9050 6180 1750 8330 8330 11590 5320 13350 400 640 710 610 230 590 1000 4640 4690 1060 250 6310 1160 840 810 700 270 19300 16510 39940 1890 400 2030 960 580 2100 30 480 Madras . Bengal.. Manilla. 206050 248310 170820 STOCKS IN THE PORTS OF LONDON AND GLASGOW, 30Th DECEMUEU, 1839. London. Glasgow. Atlantic States 1 1370 6914 New Orleans, &c I 9585 Pernambuco 3O .28 Bahia, &c. Maranham Smyrna. Egyptian 5O 1000 Demerara and Berbice ' 150 345 West India, &c. lOlO 533 Bourbon ll O.. Surat l3lOO 9387 Bengal 2BOO • • Madra. 316-10 MISS WIIITNALL'S CONCERT.—We have great pleasure in directing the attention of our readers to the advertisement announcing the concert of our faiitow nall, for this evening (Friday), in the Templar's Hall, Great George-street. The programme is very attractive, and great judgment has been observed in selecting the music for the various performers. The principal vocalists arc Miss Whitnall, Mr. Templeton, Mr.. Ball, and Mr. Pemberton. The- celebrated painist, Mr. Felix •Gatayes, and Mr. E. Brown, the flutist, will also appear, and, we doubt not, will amply-gratify the auditory with their skill. Mr. G. Holden will officiate as conductor—so that we may congratulate Miss Whitoall on having secured the services of so much musical talent. We will conclude with a hope that she may find a generous response to her appeal. CONSEIWATIVE DINNED. IN SCOTLAND perceive .from the , advertisement that the conservatives of Scotland Ward intend to celebrate the late glorious victory achieved In the 'return of Richard Houghton, Esq., by a dinner, •which is to take place on Thursday next, at Mrs. Musker's, Burlington-street. The conservative members for the ward and several of the leading gentlemen in the same interest are expected to attend. CALEDONIAN BALL.—The second annual meeting of the Sons of Scotia took place on the last night of the old year, at Mr. Paterson's, Glasgow Arms, 20, William-street, when a very happy meeting took place. Mr. Millar took the chair during supper, and added much to the hilarity of those assembled. The wines and other liquors were of the best description, and the dance was kept up to a late hour. In fact, nothing could be more gratifying than to see the spirit in which the arrangements of the evening were conducted ; and much praise is due to the worthy landlord of the esta blishment for his endeavours to please those who partook of his hospitality. CHURCH OF ENGLAND TOTAL ABSTINENCE SOCIETY.-- A public tea party composed of the members and friends of the Liverpool Church of England Total Abstinence Society, took place on Wednesday, in the school-room belonging to St. Luke's Church, Cropper-street. The room was crowded with visitors, and had the committee been able to obtain a larger building it would have been tilled. After tea and coffee had been served, the Rev H. S. Joseph took the chair, and delivered an interesting address in support of the principle of total abstinence from all intoxicating drinks. He strongly impressed upon the auditory the fact that total abstinence not only enabled men who practised it to enjoy sound health, but that it enabled them to perform their ordinary labours better, and to endure more fatigue, than those who were in the habit of observing mere temperance. The address of the rev. gen tleman was listened to with great attention, and elicited much applause. Mr. John Edwards next addressed the meeting; he was followed by Mr. Colbert, Mr. Charles Watson, Mr. George Noscoe, Mr. John Booth, Mr. Leatberbarrow, Mr. Ashton, Mr. Morris, and Mr. G. Warburton. In the course of the evening a Female Total Abstinence Society was formed, and upwards of fifty ladies unrolled themselves as members. The proceedings terminated at ten o'clock by singing the doxology. LIVERPOOL COURT OF PASSAGE.—Yesterday the Court of Passage for the trial of causes within the borough of Li verpool, was held in the Nisi Prius Court, before Charles Crompton, Esq., assessor. The cause-list contained three demurrers, 41 issues, and one writ of trial. There was rather a large attendance of gentlemen of the long robe. The only case worth notice tried yesterday, was the first of the issues. The plaintiff was Mr. Thomas Walker, pianoforte manufacturer, and the defendant, Mr. Richard Hoskins, the well known comedian, and the landlord of " Dick's Coffee House" in Murray-street, near the Theatre Royal. The action was brought to recover .£l7 Bs. Gd., the balance of an account of £42 Bs. Gd. for hire and tuning of pianofortes, and for a new pianoforte. The principal question was, whether the new pianoforte, which had been ordered to be made upon "the improved principle," and as good as could be made by a London maker for the money, was of the re quired quality. It appeared that the order had been given in March, the instrument was delivered on the 30th of April, and in October the defendant, finding that its qualities did not correspond with the order, intimated that he would give £lO to take it off his hands. Mr. Willan, Mr. Alexander Lee, Mr. William Dettmer, and Mr. James Edgar proved that the instrument was not worth more than from £2O to £23. The price charged was 36 guineas. The jury found a verdict for the defendant. Mr. Murphy appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr. James for the defendant. The court ad journed about four o'clock until this morning (Friday.) ODDFELLOWs ' BALL.—On Tuesday evening, the mem bers of the Independent Order of Oddfellows held their an imal ball in the Music Hall, when about one thousand of the members, with their partners, made their appearance, dressed in a style suited to the occasion. It is gratifying to state, when the charitable object is taken into consideration, that so handsome an attendance was made. The room was decorated with eight of the flags belonging to the order, as well as the small banners of the district, and those of the Widow and Orphan Fund. Mr. Sloan, D.G.M., had the dancing arrangements under his control, and, by the order displayed, showed that he had consulted the happiness and hilarity of those assembled. Mr. Phillips, of Christian street, was entrusted with the management of the orchestra, in which we noticed Mr. Tayleure, under whose soul.in spiring strains the company enjoyed themselves on tiptoe expectation that the proceeds of the evening would go far to Booth the distresses of those for whose sake the ball had been got up. The following lines were spoken as a commencement to the evening's proceedings : Let this night be to all one of pure joy, And let not factious jarring —peace destroy ; May mirth and happiness in every soul abound, And pleasure from each heart be thrown around ; That while we strive to please each other here, It may relieve the orphan of a tear. The widow, too, in silence as she mourns, • Will bless our meeting—while her fond heart burns With heartfelt gratitude. Yes, the pure tears Of widows helpless—orphans young in years— Have all been numbered and preserved by Hope, Nor from that mate' fount will one small drop Ere pass away, till in one jewel bright It chase from human misery its blackest night. From the number present, something like confusion migh have been expected, vet in this instance every one seemed as if he were endeavouring to make his neighbour comfortable and happy and the meeting terminated in the utmost good humour, although coats and hats were exchanged un knowingly. PRESENTATION OF A MrDaL TO MR. C. S. ROWLAND.— On Wednesday last a dinner was given at Mr. Charles Edwards', the John Bull, Lumber-street, at which a splendid medal was presented to Mr. Rowland, having the following inscription :—" Zeal in a good cause deserves applause. Presented to C. S. Rowland, by the members of the Liver pool Protestant Benevolent Society, as a token of their respect to him for his unremitting exertions as the president of that society for the last eighteen months." On the ob verse was engraved the holy Bible, surmounted by a crown, with the motto, " If God be for us ' who can be against us?" The medal was executed by Mr. Isaac, Castle-street, and reflects great credit upon him as a talented engraver. The dinner was excellent, and the proceedings of the evening passed off' with much harmony and good feeling. Among other toasts proposed were the patrons of the society, the .members for the borough. We are glad to find that this excellent society is prospering. It deserves the support of every operative protestant in town. THE NEWPORT INSURGENTS-SPECIAL COMMISSION. The judges returned to Monmouth on Monday, and on Tues. dip morning proceeded to the court, accompanied by the high sheriff of the county, and preceded by tNo of the 12th Lan cers, tw•,o metropolitan policemen of the A division, and the different officers of the court. The 12 prisoners whose names appear in the indictment, were brought from Monmouth Goal to the court-house in the prison van,under an escort of Lan cers, the gaoler of Monmouth being assisted by four con stables of the A division. The prisoners were chained together in two gangs, six and six, and excited considerable interest and some commiseration among the spectators. They were immeditlely conducted to the cell underneath the court-house, and remained in custody of ten picked men from the London police, Great Scotland-yard. The Lancers were then ordered off to scour the adjacent country in all directions, in pickets of four or five men, expresses having, we believe, been re ceived of projected movements in the hills, but the public tranquillity was not disturbed. Soon after 10 o'clock their lordships, Lord Chief Justice Tindal, Mr. Baron Parke, and Mr. Justice Williams entered the court, and silence having been proclaimed, the names of the justices of the county 'were called over, during which Feargus O'Connor, who had arrived in town early the same morning, came into the court, and took his seat at the barristers table, next to Mr. Thomas. The court was ►ouch crowded. The Attorney and Solicitor-general, Sergeants Ludlow and Talfourd, with Messrs. Wightman and Talbot, appeared for the crown ; and Sir F. Pollock, with Mr. Kelly and Mr. Thomas, for the prisoner Frost. The 12 prisoners, John Frost, Charles Waters, John Lo vell, Richard• Benfield, John Rees, George Turner, alias Coles, Zephaniah Williams, Edmund Edmonds, Jenkin Mor gan, Soloman Brittan, William Jones, and James Aust, were then placed at the bar, and the indictment read. Frost was dressed in black, and all the prisoners maintained a decent composure. Frost, particularly, although looking as serious as a person in such a situation should, yet was perfectly calm and composed. The prisoners were severally called upon as to whether they meant to sever in their challenges of the jury, and they all an swered that they did. The jury were then called over in the case of Frost, and the other prisoners were removed. Sir F. Pollock applied for his client to be accommodated with a chair, on the ground of illness. The Chief Justice intimated that, if at any time there should be the slightest inconvenience, or the prisoner should be tired, he might sit. Sir F. Pollock then applied for the names of the jurors to be taken from the alphabetical list by ballot. The Attorney-general said, from the time of the 7th Wil liam 111. down to the present time, he believed the form of proceeding now moved for had never been adopted. The course had always been to begin with the names at the top of the list. Proceedings of this nature had been conducted be fore great and constitutional judges, and the rule had now come down-to their lordships, and was such as he submitted they would follow. If, however, their lordships should think it would in the slightest degree promote not only the admi nistration of justice, but remove from it all suspicion, he would pray that there should be the departure from the usual course altogether. Chief Justice Tindal having consulted the other learned judges, stated that, it' this application bad been opposed, the court would not have conceded to the objection, because, so far from being injurious, it was an advantage to the prisoner. The sheriff in ordinary cases bad the right to take the list Wily and impartially, and put their names in what order he thought fit, and the usual course was for the names of the jury to be called as they appeared' in that list : therefore, there could not be any disadvantage. The sheriff had ar ranged them in a manner that the learned counsel could hardly say that any person had been selected for a particular purpose. Still, as no opposition was made by the attorney general, the court would allow the names to be called by ballot. The names of the jury-men were then called from the bal lotting-box. Ten names were challenged by the prisoner, and one on the part of the crown. Sir P. Pollock objected to peremptory challenge by the crown, and was followed by Mr. Kelly. After some discussion, the challenge was allowed. The day was taken up in hearing the challenges, and the trial was to commence on Wednesday morning. MONMOUTH, TUESDAY, DEC. 31. There now being 12 jurymen sworn in the box, their names were called over, and the following persons composed the jury : John Daniel, of Abergavenny, haberdasher. Thomas Davies, of Abergavenny, butcher. Richard Lewis, of Lanv air, Diseeed, fanner. Edward Brittle, of Mitchell Troy, farmer. James Hollings, of Monmouth, ironmonger. Thomas Jones, of Greathouse Nash, farmer. Edward Reece, of Lanmartain, farmer. Edward Smith, of Chepstow, coachmaker. Christopher John, of Redwick, farmer. William Williams, of - Langattock-nigh-Usk, farmer. John Richards, of Chepstow, baker. JOhn Chapel Smith, of Chepstow, grocer. MONMOUTH, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 1. This morning, pursuant to the adjournment of last night, the Court was open at seven o'clock. The Judges having taken their seats, 'and the Jury having been' brought into their box, Mr Bellamy directed John Frost to be placed at the bar. The names of the jury having been called over, and Mr. TAmiorhaving briefly stated the nature of the indict ment; Sir F. PoLtocic rose, and' objected that the prisoner hnd not had any list of witnesses delivered to him, pursuant to the statute, and therefore no witness could be called, but their lordships refused to interfere, as the Attorney-General was prepared to prove that a list of the witnesses had been delivered at the request of the prisoner, pursuant to tl►e statute. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL then proceeded to address the jury :—May it please your lordships, gentlemen of the jury : In the discharge of my official duty, I have the honour to attend you to conduct this important prosecution ; and I hope you will believe that my only object is that the facts of the case may be fairly laid before you ; that truth may be fuUy investigated ; that innocence may be vindicated, if in nocence exists ; and that yoU should only pronounce a verdict of guilty upon clear and convincing evidence. Gentlemen, it is highly important that parties accused should be zealously and ably defended ; but it is also of importance that the law should be vindicated, that the peace of society should be preserved, and that where crimes have been committed, the criminals should be brought to punishment. Gentlemen, I think no one will deny the necessity of the solemn inquiry in which we are engaged. There has recently been in this county an armed insurrection, the law has been set at defi ance, there has been an attempt to take possession of the town of Newport, there has been a conflict between the in surgents and the Queen's troops, there has been bloodshed, the loss of many lives. Gentlemen, the intelligence of these outrages has caused alarm and dismay throughout the king dom. Gentlemen, various persons charged with having been concerned in these outrages were committed on a charge of the highest crime known to our law, not only on account of the importance of the occasion, but from the forms of law, made it necessary that her Majesty's special commission should issue for the trial of the persons charged. Gentlemen, a bill of indictment for high treason has been found against many persons, and amongst others against the prisoner at the bar, and it is fit he should be put upon his trial; and, unless there is strong, clear, and convincing evidence to bring home the guilt imputed to him, it will be your 'duty to say he is not guilty. Gentlemen, I need hardly caution you to dismiss from your recollection all you may have read or heard upon this subject. You are to be guided only by the evidence, and you will pro ceed as if you had never heard of the case until the in dictment was read. Gentlemen, I would further use the liberty to say,—you are not to regard my statement dither as to the law or the facts ; the law you will receive from the venerable judges who preside here ; the facts you will hear from the witnesses, and you will be guided entirely by the evidence they give, and the :credit you think their evidence entitled to. Gentlemen, a most important charge is given to you to consider of the guilt or innocence of the prisoner. No man can have higher functions to dischar g e. The life and the reputation of the accused are in your ilands •, but I . would likewise remind you there are in your hands the pub lic safety and public justice of the country. Gentlemen, this indictment against John Frost; consists of four counts.— There are two for levying war against Her Majesty, in her realm ; the third is for compassing to depose the Queen from her Royal throne ; and the fourth is for compassing to levy war against the Queen with intent to compel her to change her measures. Gentlemen, I believe, according to the in- . structions 1 have received, that there will be evidence which will bring home the charge against the prisoner at the bar upon each of these four counts ; but it is probable that your attention may be chiefly directed to the two first counts of the indictment for levying war against the Queen in her realm. Gentlemen, where two counts are framed upon an ancient act of Parliament passed in the 25th Edward 111., a statute which has been considered the safeguard of the liberties of English men, another Magna Charla—a statute, which if properly enforced, is to be considered a safeguard of the public peace and of the tranquility of society; it is a statute neither to be strained nor evaded. Gentlemen, there had been in the reign of Edward 111. complaints that the law of freedom was vague and unknown, and to secure the country from that miserable servitude this statute was passed. It was entitled " A Declaration which offences shall be adjudged Treason," and it thus begins—" item, whereas divers opinions have been before this time, in what case treason shall be laid, and in what not. The King, at the request of the Lords, and of the Commons, bath made a declaration in the manner as herein after followed' ; that is to say" —now these things that follow are to be declared treason—" When a man cloth compass or imagine the death of our Lord the King, or if a man do levy war against our Lord the King in his realm, or be adherent to the King's enemies in his realm, giving to them aid and comfort in the realm, and thereof be probably attainted of open deed by the people of their condition." It is therefore hereby declared to be substantive treason to levy war against the King in his realm, and that is to be proved by acts that are done, and it must be proved clearly and satisfac torily. But then, gentlemen, it is not every breach of the public peace, even with an armed force, that makes out the crime of treason ; it must be by some public and premedi tated plan, and this is guarded by the statute itself, for the statute goes on with an enactment--" And if percase any man ride armed, covertly or secretly, with men of arms against any other, to slay him, or rob him, or take him, or retain him, till he hath made fine or ransom for to have his deliverance, it is not the mind of the King or his council that in such case it shall be judged treason, but shall be judged felony or tres pass, according to the laws of the land of old time used, and according as the case required)." Therefore, gentlemen, you have the line drawn by the statute itself, for ' it is not to be held treason to ride armed to slay a person, or to rob him, or to take him, or retain him till he bath made tine or ransom to have his deliverance." Whenever there is a private wrong only to be complained of, a private grievance to be redressed, or a private object to be attained, although force may be used, and although this is an offence against the law, it does not amount to the crime of treason ; but where you have an armed .force setting the law at defiance for a general object, gentlemen, that is an offence comprehended by that act of Parliament. Levying war against the King does not mean merely beading a force by a pretender to the crown, according to the ancient mars we had in the wars between the houses of York and Lancaster, or in 1745, but it is where there is an armed force seeking to supersede the law and to gain some public object. Gentle men, that of course is not to act upon any authority. Gen tlemen, I will state to you upon this subject the authority of one of the most eminent and most constitutional of judges that ever adorned the English bench—l mean Sir Michael Foster. Gentlemen, he has defined the offence that this statute comprehends, and after pointing out that it is not apply to private cases, he goes on thus. I will read ,,Ti h ie whole of the passage that it may b e f a irlYbefore you '— case of the Earls of Glocester and Hereford, andTignsoyno,tahne,ri cases cited by Hale, souse before the Statute of Treason, many of i th i e King or raisse of lg a private others after it. These assemblies, though ate gla a g P e P s a , r fo tt r u t s he ° y f s‘ t aern, were •ith oot bloodshed hotden t , o a h n ed treasonable lththeodrdinna assemblages, were not in construction of law I r ' to maintain_ a private claim his Royal Majesty, but . for purp o ses and within the personal nature. Upon the same r p i ; 1- i i nu n gl c as i equitya o n f d right or o t f o th d e es s t t i a o t y ute p , art enclosures, or to remove nuisances which affected, were thought for these p urposes, or to thought to aff ec t, i n point shein part i e s assembled or der to release particul ar persons, without of b r interest, p re ri s s t o , n t • any other acts, have not been holden t o b e a levying of war w i t hin the statute ; and upon the same principle, I think, it judges, that th e r i s i ng of was very rightly held by five of the the weavers about London did not amount to a levying war, although groat outrages were committed on th a t occasion, not only in London, but in the adjacent country, for these judges considered the whole affair merely as a private quarrel in order to prevent the use of a particular en gine. Five of the julges were of a different opinion, but the Attorney-General thought proper to proceed for a riot only." These are the instances m which he . says the statute does not apply ; but every insurrection intended against the person of the 'ing to dethrone him, or to compel him to alter his government, these cases amount to levying war within the statute, and every conspiracy to levy war in an overt act for these purposes cannot be effected by numbers without manifest danger. Then follows this passage :—" In order to throw down all institutions, to alter the established law or change the religion of the country, or open all prisons, all risings in order to effect these invasions of the public and ge neral concern by an armed force, are high treason within the clause of levying war; for though they are not levied at the person of the King, they are against the Royal Majesty, and have a direct tendency to dissolve all the bonds of society, and destroy all property and government by an armed force ; insurrection for redressing nationalgrievances, or for reform ing real or imaginary evils, risings of this kind are, by con struction of law, within the clause of levying war, for they arc levelled at the King's crown and royal dignity." Gen tlemen, it will not be said, I hope in this case, that we are resorting to constructive treason ; we seek to bring our ease within the specific offence defined by the act of Parliament, as that law as for ever been enforced. Gentlemen, if these avowed insurrections were not to be considered as treason, and to be punished with great severity, what safety would there be for society ? There are many temptations of re venge, of wrongheaded zeal, which may lead individuals to attempt to bring about a revolution in the government and change the existing state of affairs. Such attempts, if made by one may be made by many, and the consequence would be, a general dissolution of society, confusion, and disorder. - Gentlemen, there is another passage in Foster's Law, which follows soon after, in section 10 :—" Taking the King's forces upon a march is levying war against the King : if upon a sudden quarrel, from sonic afront given or taken, the neighbourhood should rise and drive the forces out of their quarters, that would be a great misdemeanor, and if death should ensue, it may be felony in the assailants, but it will not be treason, because there was no intention against the King's person or Government." Yon have it here again laid down that attacking the King's forces in op position to his authority, is levying war against the King. if it should be upon some sudden provocation, or without pre meditation, it would not he a levying of war • but where it is an attack upon the King's troops by premeditation and de sign, that is a substantive offence within the act of Parlia ment. . Gentlemen, by the 36th of George 111., chapter 7, the law of treason is clearly defined ; it is enacted " that if any person or persons whatever within the realm, or without, compass, imaffine, invent, devise, or intend death or destruc tion, or any todily harm tendin to death or destruction, maim or wounding, imprisonment or restraint of the person of our Sovereign Lord the King, his heirs and successors, or to deprive or depose him, or diem, from the style, honour, or kingly name of the Imperial Crown of this realm, or of any other part of his Majesty's dominions or countries, or to levy war against his Majesty, his heirs and successors within this realm, in order by force or constraint to compel him cr them to change his or their measures or counsels, or in order to put any force or constraint upon or to intimidate or over awe both houses or either house of Parliament, or to move or stir any foreigner or stranger with force to invade this realm or any other his Majesty's dominions, or countries under the obeisance of his Majesty, his heirs, and successors, and such compassings, imaginations, inventions, devices, or intentions, or any of ;hem shall express, utter, or declare, by publishing any printing or writing, or by any overt act or deed being legally convicted thereof, upon the oaths of two lawful and credible witnesses upon trial, or otherwise con victed or attainted by due course of law, then every such person and persons so as aforesaid offending, shall be deemed, declared, and adjudged to be a traitor or traitors." Gentlemen, the third count of this indictment charges the prisoner at the bar with compassing, or imagining to dethrone our Sovereign Lady the Queen, and to depose her from her Royal state and Kingly dignity ; and in order to prove. this it will be necessary to show you that certain overt acts were done, and it will appear that there was an armed insurrection of a public nature raised and made within the realm with the intention of superseding and destroying the authority of the Crown. This, then, gentlemen, being proved before you by the oaths of two credible witnesses, as I am instructed they will be, then these overt acts, being so proved, I will say, under the direction of my Lords who preside here, amount to the crime of high treason. Gentlemen, the last count of the indictment charges the prisoners with others, with en deavouring to compel Her Majesty, by force, to change her measures, and this charge also must be proved by overt acts, and if it be so proved, why, then, there is a clear levying of war within the meaning of the statute. Gentlemen, before I conclude these few and brief observations upon the law of treason, I will, with all humble submission to my Lords, beg to refer you to the latest authority upon the law of trea son. The authority of my Lord Tenterden, in the trial of Arthur Thistlewood and others, and from which it will be seen, that from the time of Sir Michael Foster down to the present, Sir M. Foster's views of the law of treason had been universally adopted. In the 33d volume of State Trials, page 684. the Lord Chief Justice Tenterden used these words—" Before the passing of the late statute, it had been settled by several cases actually adjudged, and by the opinions of the text writers upon this branch of the law, that all attempts to depose the King from his Royal state and title, to restrain his person"— The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE.—Who was it said this, Mr. Attorney ? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL.—My Lord Tenterden, my lords. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE.—Then Sir Charles Abbott. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL.—Iea, my lord. He was charging the grand inquest, and he says, " Before the pass ing of the late statute. it had been settled by several cases actually adjudged, and by the opinions of the text writers on this branch of the law, that all attempt s t o d e p ose th e Ki ng from his royal state andi title, to restrain his person, or to levy war against him, and all conspiracies, consultations, and agreements for the accomplishment of those objects were overt acts of compassing and imagining the death of the King. By this statute, the compassing or intending to com mit these acts—that is, to depose his Majesty, to restrain his person, or to levy war against him, for such purposes, is a substantive treason, and thereby the law is rendered more clear and plain, both to those who are bound to obey it, and those who are engaged in the administration of it. It may be proper for me to add, that it has been established in like manner that the pomp and circumstances of military array, such as usually attend regular warfare, are by no means ne cessary to constitute an actual levying of war within the true meaning of the ancient statute." And this, gentlemen, you will particularly observe to be the case, for the learned judge whom I have been quoting continues :—lnsurrections and risings, for the purpose of effecting by force and numbers —howeverill arranged, provided, or organized —any insur rection of a public nature, for redress of supposed public grievances, in which the parties had no special or par ticular interest or concern, have been deemed instances of the actual levying of war, and consequently to com pass or imagine such an insurrection, in order, by force, and numbers, to compel his Majesty to alter his mea sures or counsels, will be to compass or imagine the le vying of war against his Majesty for that purpose,' within the just meaning of the modern statute. Rebellion at its first commencement is rarely found in military discipline or array, although a little success may soon enable its actors to assume them." Thus then, gentlemen, you find the learned Judge who presided upon this not very distant occasion, bearing out fully the same view of the law of treason which had been taken by Sir M. Foster, and therefore all insurrec tions of a public nature, in which the parties have even no special or particular interest or concern, have been deemed treasons, and levyings of war, within the meaning of the statute. Bnt, gentlemen, I need not pursue this branch of the subject further, as I am not aware that any doubts will arise as to the nature, state, and meaning of the law. I will therefore, gentlemen, at once proceed to give you a short outline of the facts which arose from and during this insur rection and these disturbances of the public peace; and first, gentlemen, I would beg to draw your attention to the geo graphical character of the country in which this insurrection took place, Gentlemen, I will beg to describe to you what is called the Hill district, which may, perhaps, be well known to many of you. This district, gentlemen, is of a moun tainous character, and triangular form, having for its apex a place called Rises, which is about five miles from New port, its base being about 15 or 20 miles from it. Gentle men, it is bounded on the west by places which arc called Beaufort and Nant-y-Glo, and upon the east by Blanadon. This country, gentlemen, is intersected by deep glens, which are watered by the various mountain streams the principal of which proceed from Rhymney in the west, and from Sirrhowy in the east, after which comes the Ebbw, and they proceed down until they join, and then near Ponty pool there is the Avon. Gentlemen, that country, as you are aware, abounds in every part with mines of coal and of iron, which have been of late years worked to a very consi derable extent, so that in a district where, 50 years since, there were scarcely any inhabitants, save the scattered huts of a few shepherds and mountaineers, there is now a dense population amounting, according, I believe, to the ne ares t possible computation, to upward s of 40,000, almost all of whom are engaged in the mining and coal districts. Gen tlemen, I am afraid that this population ate not of the most peaceable description—l am afraid, gentlemen, that their ig norance prevails to a very great extent, and that the people, in consequence, are easily subject to be misled and practised upon by evil and designing men, who, gentlemen, I am afraid, have, by means of certain societies, organized the population into a considerable degree, and that the organization has been so carried ou that a command may be readily circulated among the population, and as speedily obeyed. This, gen tlemen, I believe, is an accurate view of the state of this po pulation, and I regret to find that it should be so. Gentle men, it appears that the prisoner, John Frost, h as b een , f or many years a linendr a p er , an d had obtained an influence upon the population which I have been describing to a very con siderable extent. Then, Gentlemen, the town of Newport, as you are aware, is the outport to which the commodities from the hills arrive,—a town of considerable importance,— the outport to Bristol, and the various parts of England and abroad,—the high road to Birmingham, and the manufacto ries to the north. Gentlemen, upon the week previous to the rising which> took place, and there were various consulta tions and meetings, at which the plans laid were discussed, at which meetings and discussions Mr. Frost was present. These meetings were chiefly held, it appears, at Blackwood, at a public-house there, at which the lodge was held. Gen tlemen, there was one of these meetings held at Blackwood, a most important one, upon the Friday preceding the day of the insurrection ; at which meeting various deputies attended, and a return of the numbers of the armed force which could be mustered was made, and there the plan was laid for the scheme which was after war d s t o b e carr i e d into effect. Gen tlemen, what was that scheme? It was arranged that they should assemble on the night of Sunday, the 4th of Nov. Mr. Serjeant Lmnow.---Sunda tlie.id of November _ ..- y, m y learned friend, Mr. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL.-Genttemen, I um very kindly and properly reminded by gentlemen, it Ser jeant Ludlow, that it was the 3d a November, for Monday, the day of the insurrection, was the 4th. Well, was there arranged that they should assemble on the night of Sunday, the 3d of November, in three Principal divisions. [The learned counsel then entered into the details of e late insurrection, specifying the part which the prisoner had taken in the proceeding's up to the p er i o d of his capture.As these details have alr ead y a ppeared in our columns not think it necessa r y to re peat them. He then we do _ proceeded] is —Gentlemen, peace an d t ranquility • as thus restored, and, gentlemen, can be it will be for you to say, if these facts are proved, whether there any reasonable doubt in your minds of the guilt of the prisoner. How are those facts, gentlemen, to lie proved. With regard to the mai n circumstance of the case, no doubt can possibl y e entertained. I s h a ll p rove th e facts by witnesses a b ove al b I exception, wholly unconnected witli these disturb ance restore tranquility., y disturbances, who are tryin g t o es t a bli s h p e ace an d si. W ith regard to particular declarations made by M r . F ro which for the pre s e n t I av oid detailing to you, these, evidence undoubtedly,of ' ersons who were con cerne d with him in that insurrection • Gentlemen, my learned friend will, no doubt , inbe make comments on their testimony,'fully Gen tlemen, jus tified in cluing, and he will them h as ac e cmn l' t.; p ices. en tlemen, whether they were there voluntarily or by compul sion, there can be no doubt that their evidence is to be re ceived with suspicion : it is to be weighed with caution ; but if you do sift their evidence, and if you do see no reason to question their veracity, then, gentlemen, you will not hesitate to believe the evidence they give. Such evidence, gentlemen, in such a case, must be laid before a jury. Gen tlemen, it is quite clear that treasonable consultation's never will be held in public. How, then, are they to be proved? It must be by the employment of spies and informers, whose evidence has always been condemned, and very often disbe lieved, or it must be by the evidence of those who were ac- tually in some degree connected with them. Gentlemen, hi this case I propose to call before you no spy nor informer, for none such were employed; but I d 6 propose trecall Le fore you several who were employed more or less in this insurrection, and who, I submit to you, may be safely trusted if their evidence shall be consistent if they shall be corroborated in the main facts to which they =Teak. Upon that evidence, as it humbly seems to me, no doubt at all can exist in your minds with regard to , the guilt of the prisoner. Gentlemen, it gives me the most sincere satisfaction to find that he is defended by counsel of the first eminence and the. first talents at the tsar of Eneland• everything that zeal, everything that learning, that eloquence can do will be accomplished in his c .that the result of this trial must be satiefactory to t lie justice of the country. Gentlemen, I own, it as me, my learned Mende, upon the proof of these face have a very difficult task to perform. I think tee hardly deny the law- of high treason MA it is laioi by Lard Coke, by Mr. , Luetiee Forster, and Lc terden, and that there was here, according to evidence , armed insurrection, very formid a bl e i n nutnuers, with a pub! Purpose ; and that there was actually a conflict witn Queen's troops, notacculeetal,not any sudd en a ff ray , le premeditation and nesigu. NN ill my learned trice , ' there are some private objects whice the prison attain? Gentlemen, what that was lam w h o ll y conjecture. I hear nothing or,private wrongs -_I hear n of any private grievance. Ims was not a m ee ti ng cussion ; it was not aerieeting for petitioning the Queen, o: either House of Paritament ; it was not a nmeting . arising Out of any dispute between masters and servants in the coal or iron trade ; it was not, gentlemen, ahy sudden outoreak font want of employment, orfor want or rood; for I believe, when the inquiry is made, it will turn cut that t' trade had seldom been more prespercue ; v and those who were engaged in this nisurre vate grievance which they wished to redrees. men, what is the conclusion to be drawn ? 'lessee whom 1 shall call before you • see .. fil: the true. there was thi s public object—by armed rorce to cheege and constitution of the country. Gentlemen, unless the of fence is clearly and satisfactorily inade out, no question I will be your duty to acquit the prisoner, anilyera will have satisfaction in doing so. But, gentlemen, if tile case should be clearly and satisfaceorily established, you will ant the manly part ; you will not shrink from your duty, whatever may be the consequences. Gentlemen, it imports us 'all, in what ever situation of life we may be—it imports us all that the law should be respected and obeyed, whether landed pro prietors or farmers, merchants or tradesmen, whatever our position, be our station its life ever so humble, it equally im ports us ail that such tumults should effectually be sup pressed; it equally imports us all, for the sake of the inno cent, that the punishment of the guilty should take place. Gentlemen, have giveu. you a short outline o f t ee f a cts that are to be l a id before you. I have omitted circum stances that you will find come out in evidence. I have avoided particular expreseions, which you will hear much better from witnesses whom I will now proceed to call before you. Gentlemen, an intimation hes been given on the pale Of,tte counsel fbr tte pi-le:mei., that tie proper forms of lay have not been obse rve d. If , gentlemen, that shouli - out to be the case, by all means let the prisoner benefit of the irregularity. Mit I believe it will turn cm that the forms of. law have been least strictly pursued that there has been every attempt to give the prisouer every advantage —that in every department by wtiicu thie tion has been conducted, a desire has been shown is who are accused should have the most meele opt , preparation, and for vindicating themselves noceut. Gentlemen, in cases of high ts cases of great importance to the accuse , ' particularly guarded those against enom the charge is brought. It has given ample opportunity to know what the nature of the charge is, who are the witnesses by whom the prisoner is to be tried. Gentlemen, it will turn out in this case that Mr. Frost. has had the most ample opportunity of knowing the nature of the charge, the names of the witnesses. to be adduced against him, and of the jury- by whom he is to be tried. I believe that no form has been omitted, and that no form will at all interpose to prevent the justice of the country from proceeding. Gentlemen, I have no doubt that the witnesses being called and exam - heel, and you having heard what they have to say, and having listened with all re spect which is due to the arguments and observations ". may be adduced on the part of the prisoner, your importan, duty will arise to give a verdict of guilty or not guilty, and do not doubt for one moment that that verdict will he • towards tee prisoner, and satisfa&tory to the publ: - of the country. , everything , eins to ord Tt. saa;!,•ht to t a ios3 to for d .he coal and iro rages were high at the wit- i turd ye Om prasecu bat those :unity f e in- , which are he lsiv' has mon that The SOLICITOR-GENERAL then called Simmonds to be sworn and examined as - a witikes.t, when lie Is as interrupted by Sir F..POLLOCK, who stated to the court that they had had no list of witnesses in which this naive appeared, deli vered in pursuance to the act of parliamcet. He therefore called upon his learned friend to chew that a list had been delivered in pursuance of the act, cantaioing the name of the witness now proposed to be examined. The Arronetve-GENErtah then Maule, the solicitor to the treasury, to prove the delivery to the prisoner of a list in which was contained the name of Samuel Simmonds. This point being established, Sir F. POLLOCK then objected to the descriptiot. witness as insutlictent. I3nt that was a subordinate It was now his duty to submit on behalf of the prism , one of the most important provisions of those statue constituted what his learned friend t ad most io termed " the charter of the subject" ut for high treason had not been duly present instance. He trusted their lc he had no other motive in interposhe prevent a statement from being made never could he proved, and which, if it s. he thought perhaps his learned friend, in th. discretion, would, for the sake of the crown . the prisoner, and other parties iitteres" hn to make. At the same time he dist' his learned friend was desieous of maaing his stet he had a perfect right to do so ; .and the objet (Sir F. Pollock) was now bringing would only a placing the witness in the box for the purpose of being sworn to prove the charge against the prisoner. The objection he must make at some length ' for it would be n e cessary t o pro duce every authority which bore on the point; and if in die . charge of his duty he should dulgence of the Court, he h say in. his own._ -laalf that he stood unctohen.h h , novel situation for him —one, he would not admit, of em barrassment, but one of deep and intense interest. The facts before.thcir lordships, he believed, were shortly these : —The commission under which they now sat was opened on the 10th of December. The bill was found on the Ilth ; and on the 12th of the same month capes cf the indictment and lists of the jury were delivered, not to Mr. Frost, but to every one of the prisoners then in custody ; among ethers, however, to Mr. Frost, whose case alone was now under consideration. On the following Tuesday, the 17th of December, and not till then, a list of the w it nesses was delivered, by whom the charge in the indictment, a copy of which had been delivered on the preceding Thursday, was to be sustained. He had hoped Mr. Manic would have been able to state some further particulars with respect to the delivery of the list of wit nesses. It was a matter of importa3ce to show that what had been done, never could be taken as an obedience to the statute. It scented to be thought satEcient if the list of witnesses were delivered ten clays before the trial, forgetting, as their Lordships would Lind, several of the text books for got that the delivery of the list of witnesses must not only be ten days before the trial, but at the same time and with the copy of the indictment and list of the jury.—[Sir Frede rick POLLOCK. then entered into an elaborate argument on the point, which he concluded by stating that he hoped their Lordships would rnle.that the witness who had been called could not be examined, and that the jury, under their di rection, must return a verdict of ''not guilty."] Mr. KELLY then addressed the Court in support of the objection taken by Sir F. Foltoek, going minutely through all the precedents cited by the learned gentleman, and con tending that it Wes manifested bath by the terms of t? - statute and the practice of the courts, treat the ' -- the lists of witnesses was imperfect and illegal After Mr. KELLY h a d c o uc lne e d • • The ATTORNISY-GENERAL prose first place Mr. Maule, the tolcit every reason to believe that LaVe he d upon Mr. Georg( which he n of the aer, th of trial . in the confid ,uld so turn on ';!exercise of h ictly stated, that if ion to as ,fight be pel idres in he se on the i mitted to delivery of ,' to argue that in the the Treasury, 311,7it0r Mr. Frost and ell the prisoners, ceedingly desirous that the cop% be served as soon as possible, a: laved until the list of the \NI , IIO:',TA compleee , Mr. Maule, to give the prisonera edditional benefit, servec the copy of the indictment on the 12tli of December, although the list of witnesses was net cemplete till the 17th; and the real complaint now was, that (he cepv of the indictment was served too soon, for if the service oe the copy of the indict ment had been deferred until the I;th of December, no ob jection could have been made,. The ATTOWNFT-G Lit Al. II: contended that all that was met that copies of each should its t days before the trial; but his k if the copies of each had only there could have been no objece cause the indictment was edit He would contend that the elc was that each of the document of the prisoner at least lb :ass .iy, there fore, if he had them 1 , 1 ne e :, befare, the prisoner could not say that he was pretoeieee. But they admit the if they had been re-served Cacil, on the •17th, w , they were served with the list of witncee have been good service. Note, in the. name 01 Lords, what object would lieye been obtained by tl service? If their Lordship,: g rented this objecti must be the rule hencelenth ? .tVey, that every t . be withheld from the prison;, e the list awl* Hie Is this mecey—is ~is humanity tote He has the indictment del::. ieet ;0 him soul , and look at the benefit sends it, no doubt, the next (.1y Then he is served with the list ei eit ju re arid was thus enabled durine flee eet r , seek out their characters; and no de availed themselves of it by the ue their challenges. The learned counsel wee per, half-past six o'clock, when Chief Judgesf Jus t ice there appears to us to Le suffi cient doubt to reserve the point for further consideration. I act not prepared to say the ol.;eetion made on the part of the upon which noprisdoinzt ancis islAi Cut it is a question ion Las taken place, and which calls for very serious consideration. It is the more important that the same ()rejections may epple to the several other ctaF , .!s i,a whira the indictments hal been found, and the prisoners arraigned. We- parpoce to take a course on the present occasion which will prevent the possibility of an over hasty !reision operating to thopre judice or di sa d vantage o f t h e pr i s oner, and front caustug a failure of public justice. We seed allow the trial to procee.l, and take the opinion of her Majesty's judges on the validity of the point, provided such proceedings should become ne cessary. Th-morrow morning we shall proceed with the evidence. The court then adjourned to to-morrow, at nine o'clock. be de- by the Legishlt ve:ed to t :t of Anne, rap', ii friend ad priso :erved 10 :cd, ; but t say that, I 1 eariier, that it was 'ow.) rs :tht Q of the Legislature be put into the bar e trial; s Tod, Ices! irney to seek: Out s to disc learned Irk ,ne in which they made a his ar Robert Ellison Harvey, Esq. of Liverpool, hes been pointed a county elngistrate by the Chancellor of the Du of Lancaster. Liveit TnEATIII Sheppard" has been prone. and judging from the state t sag it greatly to the fu principal incidents narrated in 1 , tively introduced,: and the general The managers are entitled to gi which they have " got up" this p, Tur. nucrow, who never is pa', simonious in the quaii y or al,(11::,i; (..1' the atnusements he provides, IS now performin., , ,. a spleu.lid pageant called " Charlemagoe," in which it is difficult which to admire most, the gorgeousness of the dresses and scenery, or the skill of the performers. At this festive period our friends should treat their younger branches with a sight of the magni • ficence of the amphitheatre, especially as we are persuaded they will be greatly pleat;ed wiih all the other departments. Sinc 0!.1' Jacl thould !s of tl [l's work ire eirec- e for tile ttyie in AWFULLY synnr.N DEAYtt.—Testcrday' on the Grand in in d a c afitiris. t: Junction Railway, there w a s a n aw ful exemplification of the truth of Scripture, '•that in tho,mi,t, i risen of : l!faev,e7ne r re A . middle-aged gentleman, ,h o class carriage of the tr:iin which arrives in Li- - erpool, from Birmingham, abOut half,;!:n_ , t three in the afternoon, appeared when at Crewe to be,in good health and spirits ; b u t ; w h en the train stopped at the next station, a few miles distant, the guard fonnd the unfortunate gentlemen a corpse ! The body is now waiting at the station, for an investigation before the coroner. We have not yet . boas able to learn the name of the deceased, or the place of his destination. Li questions plied with _ur. k_men was ( indietrn tllat it rhouti li a p. ~.3 '7lte I I I I