The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-11 00:00:00

rpt Eibtrpoi ittanbarZl. TUESDAY .MORNING, DECEMBER 11, 1832 •NVE ,, reter to the letter of our London Correspondent for the latest intelligence from the seat of war; we learn from private sources of information; that the fears which were entertained in Antiverp, of being bombailed by the Citadel are fast subsiding, , and that the belief is preva lent that that noble city will be spared. Every thing; indeed, indicates That the apprehensions of a general war are dying away, and that if the sole object of the French be, to eject the 'Outeh frOm the Citadel of Antwerp, th at ,object will soon be accomplished. ... It is obvious- , that our Ministry feel themselves very awkwardly situated in this untoward event. They can not shut their eyes and their ears to the fact, that a war, with Holland would be the most unpopular into which this.countiy was ever plunged, and that for them to go to a new Parliament for a loan to carry it on, would be the signal for their dismissal from office, an event for which we may be assured they are by no means anxious. How to extricate themselves from the false position into which theyhave, suffered themselves to be drawn by French diplomacy, is the difficulty, but .out of it they must get by some means or other; back out they must. WE congratulate the 'country at large on the auspicious commencement of the general election, by the success of the Conservative candidate for Cambridge, Mr. Manners Sutton. Mr. Lubbock, the Ministerial candidate having withdrawn from the contest. We trust we shall soon have cause for similar rejoicing, on the successful issue of a contest in which we have a more immediate interest. WE are glad to find that Sir Thomas D. Hesketh comes forward as a candidate for the representation of the Southern division of Lancashire. Of the return of a gentleman so deservedly held iri the highest estimation by the gentry of the County, and who is universally res pected by: the constituency at large,' we cannot enter tain a doubt and we hope the majority in his favour will be so decisive, as to put an end for ever to any future attempts of what are called oci:t and out Reformers, to represent this Loyal County in Parliament. THE 'radical new ers whioli, as a matter of course, espouitittigtlanse of . Thornely, as they would that of Mr. anybody dse w o -would consent to become their tool, continue that whining cant about the injustice of opposing tat gentleman's pretensions to a seat in the Reformed House of Commons, because of his religious opinions, and labourmostassichiously to persuade us, that nothing can be more unfair and illiberal, nor more incon sistent with the advanced intelligence of the age—than to "peritecute" a man—(that is the term now used)- - --on account of his religious profession. A writer in the Chro nicle, under the signature of "Retlavv "—who from his plain speaking, ought to be " Knight o' the shire and re present them all" thus gives us the Liberals' creed :—"lt is a duty the Electors owe to their character for intellect, ,in the present enlightened age, not to reject a patriot because he -is an Unitarian, and not to disgrace the nine tenth century, by withholding that respect which reason declares equally due to the virtuous professor of every re- e ligious creed." Now this is as it should be. We admir candour and plain-dealing, and respect the man who will thus speak out, much more than those, who, holding the same sentiments conceal them under the flimsy veil of Jesuitical sophistry. Here we have the return of the age 4)f reason, when men of all professions in matters of religion, be they "Jews, Turks, Infidels, or Heretics," are to be deemed equally eligible to represent a Christian community, and to assist in making laws for a people professing the Christian faith—the constitution of whose government is essentially Protestant, and whose King wears the crown in consequence of his having solemnly sworn to maintain the Protestant reformed religion in all its purity, and to preserve to the Bishops and Clergy of the Church as by law established, all the rights and privi leges which, by law, do or may appertain to them. If it, be of .no consequence in this country what sect a man be longs to, who holds a seat in Parliament, then we may as well -.declare at once, as was done - by a liberal President of the United States; .that it is of no conse quence to the community whether a legislature believes in one God, or in,twenty. Electors of Liverpool! Is it indeed come to thii? Has the 'cry of Reform already so clanged the. people- of England, that they are pre pared to vote religion a farce ? Are ye prepared to entrust your flocks. of Lanibs to the tender mercies of the gaunt and hungry Wolf ? Are . ye prepared to entrust the amendment of the constitution of tngland, to those who are its sworn enemies ? -If not, arise in your might, and let those who are its. foes see that you are prepared to defend that constitution in Church and State—that true and rational liberty, and those invalu luable, privileges for which your ancestors fought and bled, and to transmit them unimpaired to your children rs " Away with all idle .declamatiOnabout"pe ecution," ii. liberality," and so forth. The plain and Siniple question is: —.Ought a Christian people to choose Christian Legis lators, or should they select . thqse who deny. the truth of that Divinity which is their only warrant for assuming the name of Christian ?, We do not 'object t o M r . Thornely because of his belonging to this .or that deno • mination of Christians, but because he belongs to a sect,. who haVe no just claim to call themselves by that holy name ;—and the more conscientiously he holds the doctrines of that sect, the more strongly will he feel himself bound to do all that in him lies, to demolish the fabric of the British constitution. . The. Political princi ples avowed by Mr. Thornely are,-in our opinion, no-; thing less than revolutionary, and wcatld„ if carried into effect, plunge the country'into all . the horrors of anarchy and confusion; but when to this is added the conse-: quenees which would ensile from the destruCtion of the Church, whereby a very large proportion 'of the popula-, tion would be totally deprived of- any kind- of religious: instruction, and orthe _means of :publicly worshipping their Maker, we think, nothing more need be said to pre vail upon every reflecting mind to reject'the evil and to choose the good. - Amongst the Heathens of antiquity, nothing was held so sacred—.nothing resolntely :defended as their altars and their household Gods : and will Christiins show less zeal, less - courage in" defence of th e a lt ars o f their - Creator and Redeemer ? No, .we cannot think so meanly of our townsmen; we cannot think so meanly*of our tenon/countrymen ; and we confidently trust, that the result of the Elections, not only in Liverpool,' but Iltrolighout the Kingdom, will be such as to prove, that "the' creneendenti of those who achieved the glorious re siniutibn of 1688, have not yet degenerated. . . . • As Mr. Evart has not, thought fit, -either personally or 4 bi means of any of his adherents and admirers, to afford Se public an explanation of those: political .axioms whi c h, in his address he declared to be the • great objects of the Reform till, we are led to expect that when he shews himself on the hustings he will be 'prepared to enlighten us and others who, like ourselves, nave been endea l souring to find out their hidden meaning. In order therefore, .that the Candidate may come prepared 'for some questions upon which we are anxious to receive information, we shall note down a feW Of those which present themselves to us, reserving. -the right of putting any others w hi c h may afterwards suggest themselves. In the first place,_ tle" , with respect to " Free Trade" we should ike to know, what are the opinions of our THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. taught, though slowly, to act independently, and to think, if not always correctly, at least, systematically. It was by an established Church, Catholic at first, and Protestant afterwards, that those intellectual powers with which we are naturally endowed were roused into action, and instead of remaining, as they otherwise might have done,weak and confused, were developed and encouraged. Society proves itself ungrateful and unjust, when it ridi cules or stigmatises the agents, by virtue of which it sprang, as it were, out of second infancy into manhood, and emerged from darkness into light. If the same causes' do not now exist for the maintenance of a Church establishment which justified it in the beginning, reasons almost equally strong might be found to supply the place of the originahnotives, whilst its support is so bound up by time and by circumstances with the Constitution, that to sever Church from State would appear to many as tantamount to the overthrow of the State itself, and would be considered as the probable commencement of a system of general spoliation and licentiousness. One, but not the most important, of the many advantages of a Church establishment, similar to our own, is, that it provides the means of offering religious comfort, both to the highest and lowest members of the community, receiving for this purpose, within its arms, as ministers, men of all classes and degrees, and investing them, provided their conduct be irreproachable, with extensive influence and especial regard. Where the clergy are independent of their con gregations, they have no temptation to shield vice, nor to administer to any base passion of the heart. Their pe cuniary reward, on this account, ought not to be derived directly, from their flock, nor should its permanency be contingent upon unstable popular approbation. Let any candid mind compare the English Church with any other whatever, and particularly with the state of the church in France, where, - from the destruction of church property at the revolution, the salaries of the ministers of religion .are now voted with the estimates, and make a part of the Current expenditure of the year, but where so far from the church being a profession into which men of acquire ments, connection, or family are induced , to enter, its sa cred privileges are despised, and its ministration is looked upon as adapted only, to persons of-subordinate talent or inferior station • the sum annually doled out by a reluc tant Chamber being considered insufficient to enable an ecclesiastic to maintain a suitable appearance in the world. The lower grades of society may be' encouraged by the slight increased respectability which it confers upon them to embrace the priesthood; but the better classes, whether as distinguished from others by educa tion alone, or by a more artificial preeminence, refuse to attach themselves to a body debased in public estimation, and despoiled of that reverence and respect which ought to attach to its character. Religion, itself, soon becomes annihilated in a state, when its ministers are contemned, and the sacred duties it imposes are speedily disregarded, when the priest who serves, and the bulk of the people who worship, are hardly distin guished from one another by education, by rank, or by for tune. It has, hitherto, been the object of English legis lation to encourage the preaching of the gospel to the rich and to the poor, and this, by means of a clergy, itself possessing a mixed character. " The people of Eng land," says one of the most eloquent writers of the last century, " know how little influence the teachers of re ligion are likely to have with the wealthy and powerful of logg standing, and how much less with the newly for tunate, if they appear in a manner in no way assorted to those with whom they must associate, or over whom they must exerci se , i n some cases, something like an au thority. What must they think of that body of teachers, if they see in it no part above the establishment of their own domestic servants. Our provident constitution has taken care, that those who are to instruct presumptuous ignorance, —those wh o are to b e censors over insolent vice, should neither incur their contempt, nor live upon their alms. For these reasons, whilst we provide, first, for the poor with a parental solicitude, we have not rele gated religion like something we were ashamed to show to obscure municipalities, or rustic villages. No, we will have her mixed throughout the whole mass of life, and blended with all classes of society." We do not now stop to inquire into which is the best of the many plans of church reform hitherto submitted to the public, nor do we wish it to be supposed, that we in tend to object to so far changing the distribution of pub lic church property as would render it strictly more agree able to the objects for which it was originally appropri ated, or more analagous to the spirit and wants of the times in which we live. We should hail, as of inestima ble value, any alteration which, increasing the useful ness of pious foundations, should give to real and practi cal Christianity more efficacy, and to society, conse quent, a purer and less selfish character; but we wish here to observe, that arty system of reform having for its basis an equalization of the present livings, would, in our opinion, be neith er a d van t ageous to the church itself, nor conducive, on the .whole, to the permanent interests of religion. Clergymen are acted upon by the same feelings as other men, and it is on this account that we would retain undiminished and undisturbed, most, if not all of the richest benefices in the church, in order that, con sidered as prizes due to intellectual superiority and high moral worth, they might tend to awaken individual ener gy and tostimulate general exertion. It may suit the fac tious views of some, and the conscientious views of others, to lament over the inadequacy of the stipends of the work ing clergy, and we are aware that in many instances, they are disgracefully and painfully low. To see some means taken, by which such a blot upon our establishment might be effaced, without impairing its efficiency generally, would meet with our sincere concurrence; but we have no hesitation in declaring that we :conceive it to be de cidedly more for the, encouragement of piety and learn ing, that the present unequal system of remuner a ti on , with all its imperfe c ti ons , should be continued, than that such an equalization should take place in the payment of the clergy, as, leaving no one in comparative poverty, The part of Mr.' Thomas • Thornely's address, which should offer to none the hope and prospect of fortune or seems to be dwelt upon With the greatest exultation promotion. We see no objection to some modifica and confidence, by some of . his 'adherents,. is, that tion of the revenues of the Chapters, and we were, where he says, " I am one of that great body, the at one time, inclined to concur in the propriety of Disienters of Qreat Britain, Who build their own places their total abolition; but more mature reflection has of worship, and pay for them,—who elect their own mi- taught us that when pluralities are no longer per nisters, and support thein.". This, 'we fancy, is intended mitted, and when residence is enforced, both of which te`be an indirect attack. upon the .Church of England, objects we hope to see accomplished, a Stall from as at present csinstituted, and the idea, we suppose, which its not involving cure of souls, may be found to be it is wished to convey is, that an. esiablisfie& Church is the most eligible mode of conferring extraordinary re not only useless, but unjust. It would, perhaps;be out of ward upon the accomplished scholar or exemplary plaCe here, to do More, than fo allude to the debt which ci- divine. We trust, with respect to the Bishoprics, that vilization owes, essentially, to the clergy,• when, throUgh- an equalization of nearly all their incomes may be made, out the whole of that long period, generally termed the and, connected with this, future translations generally dark ages, learning and science were mainly preserved prohibited, and that within the different dioceses, from to mankind by the instrumentality of the religious orders. being constantly under the same diocesans, bound to It would be in vain? iii the present ,rage, for attributing reside thg greater part of the year within their sees, all that is slaviih :and *illiberal to an established priest- the most effective controul may be established and main_ hood, to revert• to th ose • severa l periods• of history when tamed. If ainorikst the great body of the clergy it is the ;Church opp ose d fo rm id a ble and Successful barriers.to not unadvisable to have motives of worldly ambition despostisro.--41. wou ld b e almost to expose ourselves to continually held up to view, we think the principle clan contempt, in these days:of insatiable thirst after change, gerous when applied to the mitred heads of the Estab notless exemplified in new systems of education than in lishment, who, abstracted from all such considerations a multitude of other fanciful ilmories,.to• applaud the an- as are purely secular, should concentrate the whole of e:erit learning and philosophy of the schools, though we their powers .in seeking to adorn the doctrines they pro know them to have been connected with the speculations fess, and in striving to secure and to extend the opera and' researches - of the wisest an d the greatest heathen tion throughout society, of the great and immutable prin moialists. But. it is, nevertheless,. true, however unpa- ciples of religious and moral law.---Fram a Correspond - latable tl e statement of the fact may be to the prejudiced ent. or ignorant, that it was .by the, comparatively superior * aliiireinents possessed by theclergy ; and by the strikin g I We have authority, from thu P u bli s h ers o f "Th e L IVERPOOL POLL exam' les which, they occasi o n a ll y d i Splayed of resistance totyrannic rule, together•vvith• th e means of instruction , BooK," to state, that it will be publish e d immediately a ft er the Elee _ afforded by tthem to the people, that man was first tion. So that the paragraph which a p peare d i n the .d/biun , of yester day, on the subject, is incorrect. worthy townsman on that subject, and wh e ther he con siders the result of the experiment which has been tried with France, sufficiently encouraging to extend the principle to other countries ? He probably may recollect that, upon a motion made by Mr. Ellice, in February, 1826, " For a Committee to inquire into and examine the statements contained in the various petitions from persons engaged in the Silk Manufacture, and to re port their. opinions and observations to the house :" Mr. Huskisson made a Icing and brilliant speech against it, endeatonring to shew (as hp also did on the Ship ping question) that those who were actually engaged in carrying on a. particular trade knew the least about it.-In that year, 1826, the official value of Imports from France was £1,247,426, and of Exports £1,082,944. During the four succeeding years the free trade sys tem was in full operation, and produced the following results : ..1827 .Imports £2,625,747 Exports £550.229 1823 :1829: 2,086,993. • • 1830 • 2,328,483 Thus our beautiful reciprocity system of free-trade more than doubled our imports on the average of four years, whilst our exports were reduced to about three-fifths of what they formerly were. We should be glad to know in what way we have benefited by this system, and what would be the consequences of our extending the principle to all other nations with whom we trade ? As commerce " free and universal" would appear to imply the abolishing of all restraints upon trade and navigation, does Mr. Ewart mean that Foreign vessels may not only trade from - Foreign countries on the same footing as British, but that their may carry on part of the Irish and Coasting trade ? In the second place, with regard to the abolition of slavery, does Mr. Ewart retain his first opinion : that emancipation should be accompanied by compensation ? and if so, does he still think that compensation may be made from the Colonies themselves, or. from what other source ? As the slaves live in houses, or huts belonging to their owners, to which they can have no claim after they are made free, how are they to be provided for till such time as they can procure em ployment, and places to dwell in ? Supposing many of the planters were to feel so ag grieved by the measure of compulsory emancipation, as to come to the, determination of abandoning, for a time, the culture of their estates ; what is .to be done with the negroes, formerly their slaves ? Is it intended to leave the slave at liberty to work or not at his own pleasure, and yet to compel the planters to employ such as may be willing to work, and to give him wages ciently high to maintain himself and family. In the third place, when the Corn Laws are altered, and the principles of free trade applied to that article, we should wish to be informed how the agricultural labourers, who would, of necessity, be thrown out of employment by the introduction of foreign Corn, are to be disposed of ? We need not inform the worthy gentle man that, in the great agricultural districts, wages are already so low, that many thousands are unable to main tain their families, without parochial aid. Now, suppos ing only the small quantity of five millions of quarters of wheat, flour included, were imported, what would be the effect upon the Poorßates ? The Somersetshire " Clod hopping Chaw-bacons,"as Cobbett facetiously calls them, could not readily be converted into Watchmakers, or Shoe-makers, or Tailors, supposing these trades were not already overdone like most others;. and they could not be left to perish in the fields. How are they to be supported ? Again, taking the above five millions of wheat at only 40s. tY quarter, freight included, it will not only deprive our farmers of a market for an equal quantity of British Corn, but will reduce the value of that which is produced by an amount at least equal thereto. Our Manufacturers will consequently lose customers for at least ten millions sterling 4Y annum, even 'upon the supposition that the foreigners from whom we gef'the Corn, will take our manufactures or pro duce in 'xchange, which every body knows they neither will nor can do I How is this loss of market to be made up to our manufacturers ? How many operatives would it throw out of employment ? And how much would it add to the Poor Rates ? If wages in every branch of industry were reduced, as reduced they must be, by the introduction of foreign Corn to an extent sufficient to lower, materially, the price of subsistence, how would the taxes affect the labourer ? How would the revenue be collected? and how long should we be able to keep off Cobbett's equitable adjustment ? What is Mr. .EWart's opinion of the policy of.making Great Britain dependent upon foreigners for such an amount of corn, as would, if withheld- by' a Combinati o n aga i ns t h er, similar to guoniparte's continental system, produce a famine in the land ?• Would not an importation annu ally, to the extent already inentioned, viz. five mil lions of quarters, place us in •this state of dependence? These are all questions hrisinfs but ' Of the very A B C of political economy and Free. Trade, . and we hope to hear them fully and satisfactorily answered. Nor have we any objection to the two reforming Candidates "club bing their wits" to elucidate the subject. We do not wish to press' more questions ,of a . commercial nature upon the learned gentleman, even if he should call to his aid the knowledge of the eminent merchant, who hopes to be his colleague. ShOuld we have these few satis factorily answered, we may, probably, propound some, on the spur of the moment, relative to law, justice, and reli gion. As he will feel himself at home upon these sub jects, no previous preparation. will be necessary. We will conclude with one q ues ti on , upon the. broad princi ple- of universal disenthralment. Will Mr. Ewart release alflhose who prothised to tote for him before Sir Howard Douglas made his appearance, and leave thernnow at li bAty to vote as they.please ? ' ' One of the weightiest objections to the Reform bill,lurig progress through the House of Commons, was, that its tende ° was too democratic for such it constitution as that of Greet taM, it being feared that the extension of the right o f votitig fot £lO occupiers in populous places would open a wide di: l ° l 4 brawling demag ogues , utte r ly unqua lifi e d to form part of vo deliberative assembly. The fears thus honestly e xpressed the Conservatives, were derided as childish or chimerical, the liberal press ; and nothing was heard but the cuckoo e t l oo " The Bill—the whole Bill, an d no thi ng but the Bill." t ' l .o r o, they have got the whole Bill; and, like a child with its first , 0 tie, they ar e " f r i g ht ene d at t h e sound themselves have made', In the Gl o b e o f S a t u id ay, t h ere is an article upon the o politan Elections, from which we make the following O till which we reco mmen d to the serious considerati on of Elec tOri of all shades of political opinion. The remarks are intended apply to the London elections, but change the name a nd th , e , ' are equally applicable to ourselves, or to any populous place • soi In the other distri c t s th e c h o i ce is no where between Tailor/ Reformers ; but in so me o f t h em the contest is b etween refo toet i and persons whom it is no t too much to call revolutionists —b' p 4 men who_wish to see the powers of a reformed Legislature aP; ty peacefully to practical am en d ments, and those who only 10k f u poll' change which h as been of in the re p resen t at i on as a step 1 0 changes in the constitution itself, and ulti ma t e l y to i ts complete '„Thie tion--between men whose p rev i ous conduct and character a pledges of their wish and ability to be useful to their countrNao those who can give no pledges but th ose w i th which they ilta' their placards. u itho ut Let the electors reflect that if they send to Parliament men - e d it or , weight or character of an y ki n d, wit h out political or any other tion--men who have no conceivable recommendation but the bike, their professions, and it may b e o f their opinions --these representa, d can effect no purpose in Parliament, but to discredit the ineasui r oi reform which has given members to the metropolis. They Cg a e duce no political effects unless it be by exciting the popu;;: s rle threaten and overawe Parliament. They must remain in ppea le times utterly powerless, as HUNT the Member for Preston Ctl u 'd the last Parliament, till, irritated by their own insignificance, a n y be' disgust they excite in th ose among whom they are placed, t h e :ori g come ready to join, like him, with any party for the sake of a sensation. We hail, with infinite satisfaction, this incipient retu r i the plainest di c t a t es o f common sense, on the pa r t of the ° ) ti t official organ of th e a d ministration; and we are not witbso/ sanguine expectations, that the daring attempts which are t l making, to introduce into Parliament men without weigh t influence, moral or political,—with out character and 'ti t i`v iile education,—having no conceivable recommendation *1)11.t violence of their professions,— an d th ose profeision'S exciting t o y f most justifiable fears'that nothing short of a total sui;versie l ' e , the constitution will sa ti s fy them,—will excite:iesectable of all pa r ti es , t o ma k e common cause in defence ii-f4lieletts'at have valuable and vene ra bl e i n o u r institutions, and to de rte o the pret ens i ons o f t h ose whose only object, .whether ft o r d weakness or wickedness,, is reiioltition and anarchy; If ifi ec t Sandon needed arik.. apology for the course which' he acleP t with respect t o th e M etropolitan districts, a better COtio t e not be made than the paragraph in the Globe, which we b$ above quoted. CHESTER COUNTY ELECTION. —NORTH CHESHIRE. Tlh(7 ; a ib dates are Admi ra l T o ll emache, Mr. ' E. J. Stanley, and Mr. "%""111, ham Egerton. Day of nomination, Monday, the 17th days °f P E u ing, 20th a n d 21 st : and of declaration , 24th Dec.-3017TH Cligs The Candidat es are M r. Wilbraham, Earl Grosvenor, and Sir 2,,511b g. de Malpas Egerton. The Day of Nomination is Saturday. tbe _: fi t be the polling t a k es p l ace on the 18th and 19th, a n d t h e result '4;,4e declared on th e 21 s t. The poll for the hund re d of Wirra ll Will place at Birkenhead. One of the most shallow and paltry tricks which we known practised at any election, was yesterday attempttd by t " friends of the radical party, Messrs. E wart and Thornely, be tween whom there is now an avowed coalition. The trick c°r : sists in th e mos t gr os s ly f a l se returns as to the strength 0f e respective candidates, making it appear that the numbers s'" e decidedly in favour of the a b ove-named individuals. Mr. Ewalt friends had the ef f rontery to take credit for more votes than there are electors in the const i tuency. The simple truth is, that -, utterly destitute is M r . Th ornely of the slightest hopes °f S" cess, that the expedie ncy o f w i thdrawing from the contest has been repeatedly debated by hi s committee, and, it is sa id , N O- Hid have been carried- but for the determined opposition of Ale ssi Coglan, Cearns, Falvey, &c., and Mr. Ewart finds too la te ' that his ample stock of demerit and unp o p u l ar i t y has been tg enhanced by an alliance with Mr. Th orne l y, t h at he hear" - tiv execrates the day he encouraged the pretensions of that Gen tleman. We have t he p rou d grat ifi cat i on to announce tou r Readers, on authority p er f ect l y aut h entic, that before our next publication, Lord Sandon and Sir Howard Douglas W ill b e the Representatives for this Borough. LONDON LATEST NEWS. (From our Correspondent.) SATURDAY EVENING, Half-past Seven o'clock. 4 , The French Fund s com i ng over t hi s even i ng 4 per cel l ': higher, has produced a correspon di ng a d vance i n our sec uritie!' and the quotation for the account closed at 83 to 84. The rise in our English Stock Market has produced a C ( T. responding i m p rovemen t i n our F ore i gn Bonds, as respe e .' those of the northern nations. Belgian Bonds have been, 1' very good request, and at the close of the market were at I Dutch were done at 41, and Danish at 67 . Russian liko c t e closed better, the final quot a ti on b e i ng 97 4 4- 98. Towards th e afternoon there was some speculation in Portuguese scot); which improved from 44 dis. to 31. The Bonds also a dvaq°' to 51, a rise of near 2 per cent. The chief cause of this I n '" provement is, we understand, the arrival of General.SoLig n t sent, it is rep or t e d, by M ars h a l S ou lt, or at l east at his rec,Vi s mendation, to take the command of Don Pedro's array. 1. .„ General was one o f th e cor p s o f, J uno t, w hi c h took pas6'-" of Lisbon during the Peninsular war. There has been some slight degree of speculation in SPaD ish Bonds, which ate 174. SUNDAY AFTERNOON. eral We stated in our corresp on d ence o f yester d ay , that Gen , la rsoa had arrived from P a ri s , sa id to b e se nt by 3 ; Solignac vi Soutt to take the command of Don Pedro's army. asserted that our government is now resolved to take a" a i t - e B d part against Don Mi gue l, an d t h at, accord i ng to "" w ' auiul French and Engli s h arm y, an d according to others, "n E n n ad lish force alone, is w ith ou t d e l ay to b e sent. To this, tion to the arrival of the French General may be ascribed the, b ad u v si a n n e c s e s y in este P r o d r a ttrese Bonds and Scrip' towards t he close of We are likewise informed that the Prussian Government ha: at length begnn to take an active part in negotiating for cessation of hostilities, that one envoy, General to been already sent to Paris, and that a second is to proceea the Hague upon the same errand. The health of King Leopold app ears to have seriou sl y suf fered by conflictinvents. He isdescribed as looking tremely thin., and g e seemed much affected, on e ntering the ° on' busy city of Antwerp, at observing the desolation around h""' TO CORRESPONDENTS. Our " SINCERE FRIEND AND WELL-WISHER," has (Mr be st thanks for his valuable Onnmunication—such help is Eliot ceptable. • W thank " FIRELts." for his letter, and shall be glad to hear from him again. Such " trifles" as those furnished by F. P.' , . we consider valuables." C. I. S. will see that we have expunged one paragraph fo r° his Address to th e El e ctors of Liverpool. Tire have strong grounds for believing it to be ,inaccurate, but if it wereYo ? * it would not d o t o p u bli s h it; unless we were furnished with: Proof of the fact. A • p C e r O s T o a f.) f aßr inversion —it , ioa — Se i c t o n o ld o d u r l e . s i s is e u ,• ki pt z t " o ts O prede ema predecessor, toa w r diam of unnecessarily wounding the feelings of individual ., however much we may dp, from them in political questions. • Ps Letter to Mr. Thomas Bolton is under consideration, upon the • grounds above stated. - • LIVERPOOG;--LPrinted in Union Court, Castle-street, and Published - at N0..7, High-Atreet, Exclrage, by SAMUEL FRANCRYS, Statio re ner' of No. 7, Auson,treet, Orderg and Advertisemonts alsJ e.eived in London by Messrs, NFwTow. & Co.. Warwick- 4, l" re Newgate -street 1 arid 'Mr. BARKER, 33, Fleet-street.