The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-06-05 00:00:00

Emperial Vartfament, HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY. Lord Hatherion (late Mr. Littleton) took his seat in the house. • ••' INVALID MARRIAGES. Lord Lv N ntiVR sT said he rose to introduce to their lordships a bill which related to a very serious and important subject. Its object was to alter and amend the law with reference to mar riages which were at present invalid, in consequence of parties intermarrying being too nearly related. By the law as it now stood the children born of such marriages were considered legi timate, unless a competent party brought the matter before the Ecclesiastical Court. Those children were invested with all the rights of legitimacy, unless such steps were taken in that court as would lead to a dissolution of the marriage between their pa rents; and, if either of the parties, the husband or the wife, died before the termination of. the snit, the legitimacy of the children remained perfect, since, in that case, no decree setting the marriage aside could be pronounced. There were very mauv important considerations connected with this subject into which he did not now mean to enter. The rule which prevailed with reference to some of the prohibited degrees deserved seri ous attention. . Marrying the sister of a former wife was not by our code of law allowed; such marriages were illegal. That was a matter well worthy the consideration of the legislature. Another point for consideration was the ease with which mar riages under such circumstances might be set aside. There were, with reference to those points, grounds for great and seri ous consideration as to whether the law might not be beneficially altered. It was, he conceived, necessary that the general law on this subject should be revised. At present, as he had before said, if a suit for annulling a marriage on the ground of consan gainity were not brought to a close-before the death of one of the parties, the legitimacy of the children of such disputed mar riage could not afterwards be called in question. Now by this bill he proposed to enact, that a marriage within the prohibited degrees, if it were not made the subject of a suit in the Eccle siastical Court within two years from the date of the marriage, or within six months from the passing of the bill, should be con dered inviolable, and no party after that period should be at liberty to call it in question. (Hear, hear.) As the hiw at present stood, a man might arrive at the age of twenty-five, might then marry, and have a family without the least idea of his being illegitimate; but, if the parents of that man were liv ing, and within the degree of affinity forbidden by law, it was in the power of a party, even from motives of envy or malice, to institute a suit against them, and, by causing the marriage to be annulled, to have him declared illegitimate. For the pur pose of obviating such an evil be introduced this bill. He did not think that any well-founded objection could be advanced against it. He should move that the bill be read a first time. On the second reading it would be competent for any of their lordships to state their objections, or to throw out suggestions for the modification of the measure. _ _ _ Lord BROUGHA M said he felt greatly obliged to his noble and learned friend for having turned his attention to so important a subject. The defect which his noble and learned friend wished to remove was, most glaring, and he only wished that his noble and learned friend had made his measure more comprehensive. He thought that it would be well, instead of leaving the matter to the ecclesiastical court, if the legislature declared that mar riages between parties of a certain degree of consanguinity or affinity should in future be invalid. On this point, when the bill catne formally before the house, he should state his views and opinions. He thought that his noble and learned - friend might, with advantage, re-consider one part of his measure. He alluded to that provision of the bill which was founded on some modern acts of limitation, and allowed six months after the passing of the bill for the commencement of suits. Now, the view taken by all the older statutes of limitation was differ ent. They declared, with respect to all contracts, the operation of the law should not be prospective. They set forth, that "if so many years have elapsed, and no suit has been already brought, no suit shall afterwards be brought," and they thus barred the remedy. But his noble and learned friend, adopting some modern examples, allowed six 'months after the passing of the act for the institution of suits. In his opinion the old plan of limitation was much better. If they looked to Lord Tenter,- den's Tithe Bill, it would be seen, that by allowingla certain time for bringing actions, a great number of suits were instituted which otherwise would never have been raised. He would advise, that the enactment should be, that all marriages within the pro hibited degrees, against the validity of which no objection had been made for two years, should be henceforth considered valid, and should not be disturbed. He would, if it were necessary, give a longer retrospective term. He would say, let all such marriages, from after the passing of this bill, or from and after the Ist of June, 1835, he considered valid, unless objected to previously; and here he was ready to allow a larger retrospec tive term. In former times, limitation laws were altogether retrospective. Such was the act of James, which extended re trospectively 12, 6, and 4 years, with reference to the matters connected with it. The Legislature very justly said, "If you choose to slumber over your rights, we will conclude you by adopting this retrospective operation." Lord Tenterden had done this in his bill when he applied the principle of the statute of frauds to the statute of limitations. Prior to the passing of that act, a verbal communication—a single word spoken before a witness—was sufficient to take a case out of the statute of limitations. But Lord Tenterden's bill provided, that the ac knowledgment should be in writing; and he recollected a case on the northern circuit, where, before the passing of Lord Ten terden's act, a plaintiff had filed his declaration, and delivered his brief to counsel, relying on the evidence of a witness who •could depose to a verbal communication; but Mr. Baron Hut lock said that Lord Tenterden's act having passed, the evidence of the witness was useless, as that act rendered a written agreement necessary; and a verdict was, in consequence, re turned for the defendant, Lord LYNDHURST said he was perfectly ready (if the bill were allowed to be read a first time, and if the lordships were of the same opinion as his noble and learned friend) to make the measure entirely retrospective. (Ilear, hear.) The Bishop of EXETER. suggested that some provision should be made with reference to marriages contracted abroad by per sons coming within the degrees of consanguinity contemplated by the bill. He knew of a wretched marriage of this kind which had taken place some time ago; and, inasmuch as the parties were married, and living out of the ,jurisdiction of the spiritual.court, proceedings could not be instituted with respect to them. _ _ Lord BROUGHAM said that provision would be made for per sons of unsound mind, or who were beyond the seas. The bill was read a first time, and ordered to be printed. Tha.•second reading of the Islington Market bill was postponed till to-itnrrow.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY The Speaker took the chair at two o'clock. The Right lion. George Byng took the oaths and his seat for Poole. _ SUNDAY TRAVELLING. Sir JAsms GRAHAM presented a petition, signed by 347 dis senting clergymen, praying that a clause might be introduced into the Newcastle and Carlisle railway hill, prohibiting any Sunday travelling on that projected road. SCOTCH CHURCH A great number of petitions in favour of a parliamentary grant to the church of Scotland were presented to the house, and some in opposition to that measure. • MR. CHILDS. Mr. Wit xs presented petitions from the deputies representing the three denominations of dissenters in and near London, pray ing the house,would adopt measures for abrogating the jur►sdic tion of the ecclesiastical courts in all such matters as the case of Mr. Childs, and that church-rates might be abolished. THE APPROPRIATION CLAUSE: THR ATTORNEI-GENERAL;esentedo:PeiTtion from Edin burgh, signed in a few hours by upwards of 13,000 persons, 546 of whom were females, in favour of the Irish church appropria tion clause. The postage of the petition (which was a very large roll) cost £43 15s. 4d. DISTURBANCES AT WOLVERHAMPTON. Mr. THORNELY brought this subject under the notice of the house. After expressing an opinion that the interference of the military was uncalled for, he suggested the propriety of sending confidential agents of government to examine into the matter, and concluded by asking the noble Secretary of State (Lord John Russell) whether it was his intention to do so? Lord Joists RUSSELL said that a statement of the facts of this case had been forwarded to him by Mr. Roaf, whereupon he immediately directed that the magistrate who called in the as sistance of the military should give a full account of the trans action. He had likewise communicated with the commander in chief in order that he might procure the fullest information as to what had taken place on the occasion. He disapproved of sending any government agent to make an inquiry, as that per son could only receive the voluntary depositions of such parties as might choose to come before him, and the evidence he would receive wbuid therefore be not of such a character as would warrant government in founding further proceedings. All that he (Lord Jobu) would say was, that every account of the me lancholy transaction which reached his office should be laid be fore the house. • A lengthened conversation ensued, in the course of which "Mr. FOSTER, the member for Walsall, read a copy of the follow ing document, addressed "TO THE RIGHT HON. THE SECRETARY OP STATE FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT. "My Lord,—ln compliance with — ti; request contained in your lordship's letter of yesterday's date, that the fullest infor mation may be supplied relative to the proceedings subsequent to the close of the poll in this town, we beg to state, that during the whole of the last day of the poll the conduct of the multitudes of people assembled in the streets was very violent; many re;- spectable persons were rolled in the mud, and assailed with mud and stones, and some seriously injured, and we received repeat ed applications to send for a military force, as of about forty or fifty special constables who had been sworn in, and were all that could be procured at the time, some did not act, and the rest were completely overpowered. The undersigned therefore sent for n troop of tfic Ist Dragoon Guards from Dudley, six miles off, requesting them to come within a mile or the town, and to halt there till, they heard froaeus again. At the close of the poll the number of people increased so rapidly that the soldiers were desired to advance immediately. Their appearance, at about five p.m., seemed to check the mob, and, at six, the un alersig,ned Mr. Hill informed Captain Manning, the officer in commend, that he thought they might be sent to their quarters, which was done, thouh the mob did not disperse; yet, as they did net proceed to act { of violence, it was thought they would be tranquillized, and Mr{{ weut home, about three miles off. At about seven o'clock.p rn., the mob began to assail the Swan Inn, where some of the successful candidate's friends stilt were. Several windows were 'Draken, and some persons attacked, and the undersigned Mr. Clare went, among them with some -special constables, and entreated them to desist; he was Spit 'upon, arid compelled, with the high and special constables, to retreat to the inn, and whets he appeared at the window he was assailed with stones, and struck while reading the riot act. The soldiers were then called out, and the mob commenced a furious attack upon them; a street near the market place was barricadoed with two carts and an iron chain; ,many of the soldiers were struck with stones, and one horse was stabbed in the side and fell down dead, while standing still, which is neces aary to be stated; because ithas been asserted that the horse fell while charging; the undersigned Mr. Clare saw him fall. The fact of the violence of the mob during the election and subse ainent to its close can be substantiated by affidavits, if neces sary.; and a declaration of approbration of the conduct of the magistrates and soldiers is, we believe, being signed. It was sot until after the death of the horse that the soldiers wire di rected to fire, and the mob still persisted in their attacks, at times retreating to a church-yard close to the maikei r eplace, to which the soldier; could not for some.time get access, and ad vancing again. Mr. Hill, who was sent fur, and 'arrived at about eleven, states, that nun'y discharges of fire arms were heard by himself and others in different parts of the town, when all the soldiors were assembled in the market-plice, but whe ther hall was fired by the mob he does nut know; neither is he aware of any of the soldiers having been fired at that night. At midnight another troop of horse arrived from Stourbrithre, ten miles off, and Mr. Hill took six or seven special constables and these mounted soldiers, and visited all the outskirts of the town, clearing such public-houses and beer-shops as were open ; but the soldiers took no part in this proceeding, only remaining in the street to protect the magistrates and constables, in case of any sudden attack. " At about two o'clock on Thursday morning the town was quiet, and rill the troops were sent to their quarters, except 16, who remained on duty all night. " Four persons have been ascertained to have received gun shot wounds, one of them in the knee, which rendered amputa tion necessary ; and we believe one man is also wounded, not severely, by a sword : none are yet dead, "We should be doing injustice to the officers and soldiers employed, if we did not express our admiration of their steadi ness and forbearance under circumstances of no ordinary .pro vocation : only one example occurred to the contrary, in a soldier who was found to be drunk, and placed in confinement early in the evening. Several swords were broken, from the soldiers striking with the flat side of them. " We bare not been able to ascertain how many shots were fired, but as the soldiers have a regular number of cartridges given out to them, the report of the officers to the Commander in-chief will doubtless furnish that particular. " A statement has appeared in the London papers, purport ing to be a declaration of certain persons before Mr. Roaf, a dissentin g minister here, which is very much at variance with the truth. Two of the parties—one a special •constable—have been heard to say before the mob, that they (the mob) must be taught to fire and mark their men. It is, we believe, ascertained that a bullet, stated to have been fired into a house in Queen street, has been found on examination to be too large for the soldiers' fire-aims. This requires no comment. " A report of the conduct of the mob, which rendered it ne cessary for Mr. Briscoe, another magistrate, to read the riot act on Thursday and Friday nights, happily without the soldiers being afterwards called upon to act, has doubtless been sub mitted to your lordship, and we are happy to add that this night has passed off without disturbance. (11 p. m.) " We have the honour to rethain • " Your Lordship's obedient servants, " J. CLARE, " Wolverhampton, May 30." " HENRY Hui, . . _ _ • Mr. Fosigit- p roceeded to say that he knew the gentlemen who had signed the foregoing statement to be persons of high and unimpeachable honour, and incapable of deviating from ve racity even in a case affecting their own character. (Hear, hear.) They had both been Magistrates for a long period, (Mr. Clare had been in the commission of the peace for more than forty years), and they had performed their magisterial duties with so much credit to themselves, and made themselves so po pular, that it had been matter of surprise that a charge like that which had been mentioned in the house should be made against them. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Foster) had that very day seen persons from Wolverhampton, who declared that the pre cautions of the magistrates and the forbearance of the military were beyond all praise. (Hear, hear.) He was not aware of the circumstances which ttended the last election, but he was acquainted with that particular part of the country. It con tained an immense population, which might easily be collected together, and in consequence of the peculiar character of the population, when once it was roused to acts of insubordination, scenes which would make the stoutest nerves shudder would en sue, unless that insubordination was met by promptitude and vi gour on the part of the magistrates. ( Hear, hear.) The hon. member, who spoke in a very rapid and indistinct manner, was here understood to refer to scenes which occurred at a former election. He described the ferocity of the population as being so great, that it became impossible for one of the candidates (who was a reformer) to proceed to the • place of nomination ; for if he had gone, his life would have been in danger. He mentioned this circumstance to.show that it was possible for even the liberal and reforming candidates to be the objects of popular hostility. (Hear.) It was the same description of per sons that set fire to the city of Bristol; anti had not the military been called into Wolverhampton, the scenes of Bristol would have been re-acted there. (Loud cries of " Hear.") In his opinion, the government ought not, on light grounds, to allow persons who devoted their care to the preservation of the peace of the country to be held up to censure, especially if by their vigour and promptitude they have prevented the repetition of scenes of bloodshed, which a more supine conduct might have produced. (Hear, hear.) N.*%, MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS. In answer to a question from Mr. Gottlburn, Lord JOHN RUSSELL announced his intention of bringing forward his mea sure on this subject on Friday. TITHES ( IRELAND • Mr. SHAW asked whether t h e noble Secretary for Ireland could fix a time for bringing forward the promised measure respecting tithes in Ireland. Lord MORPETH said he would introduce the measure on Monday, the 15th of June. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.-TILE CURRENCY Mr. CAYI:3; brought forward - the motion of which he had given notice. He concluded by moving for the appointment of " a select committee (based on the parliamentary declaration of agricultural distress) to inquire if there be not effectual means within the reach of parliament to afford substantial relief to the agriculture of the united kingdom, and especially to recommend to the attention of such committee the subject of a silver or con joined standard of silver and gold." Mr. WODEHOUSE seconded the motion. _ _ _ Mr. P. THOMSON said that before he addressed to the house the observations which he felt were called for by the speeches they had just heard, he should call upon the clerk to lead the resolution adopted by the house when this question was brought under their consideration in the session of 1833. The clerk then read as follows:—" That it is the opinion of this house that any alteration of the monetary system of the country, which would have the effect of lowering the standard of value, would be highly inexpedient." A very long debate ensued, much too long for our limits.— O►► a division, the numbers were Noes Ayes - 216 126 Majority against Mr. Capley's motion —9o STAFFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL. Mr. DIvETT obtained leave to briug in a bill to disfranchise the borough of Stafford, Captain Chetwynd stating that he would not resist the present. motion, but would offer every pos sible opposition to the second reading of the bill. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at two o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, TuESDAT. Petitions in favour of the Great Western Railway bill were presented by the Earl of Haddington, Lord Sefton, Lord Ellen borough, Lord Farnham, L or d H o ll an d, L or d Segrave, the Marquis of Downshire, the Marquis of Bute, the Earl of Den bigh, Earl Mauvers, and the Earl of Wilton. Petitions in favour of the Islington Market bill were presented b .i y Lord Sefton, Lord Se gr a ve , L or d Suffield, the Bishop of Exeter, Earl Howe, Lord Ashburton, and Earl Fitzwilliam. Petitions against the bill were presented from the butchers of the city of London, by Lord Kenvon • and from Melton Mow bray, irons the butchers of Soutliwa;k, the butchers of Fins bury-market. and the butchers of the Tower Hamlets, by. the Duke of Richitiond. On the motion of Lord Wharneliffe, the second reading of the Great Western Railway bill was postponed to the first day after the holsdays. A person irozit the Central Criminal Court presented (pursu ant to order) a return of the number of cases tried in that court since its establishment, distinguishing those that came on be fore the judges, and those that were tried before the recorder, common-serjeant, &c. The Duke of RUTLAND presented petitions from Leicester shire, and from the Scarborough Agricultural Association, com plaining of agricultural distress, and praying for relief. The Marqnis of LONDONDERRY inquired whether the noble viscount oppcsite was prepared to give an answer to the ques tion which he had proposed to the noble viscount on the preced ing evening? Viscount MELBOURNE answered that he was prepared. Cer tain ships had been fitted out here for the Spanish Government. The noble viscount stated the names of the vessels, and the costs of the'arms and ammunition supplied to each; but so rapidly and indistinctly, that we could not catch the statement. The cross expense was, however, £200,000. The noble duke opposite, when in office, had, he understood, informed Mr. Vil liers, that it was not intended to press the Spanish Government for immediate payment. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, if his noble friend had fol lowed the practice usually adopted on such occasions, and given notice of his intention to ask a question on the subject, he cer tainly should have conceived it to be his duty to attend in his place on a former evening and to have answered for such part or share as he might have had in this transaction. It was per fectly true, as the noble viscount had said, that he had stated on the part of the government, that it was not intended to press for the payment of the money expended on account of certain ships. The arms and ammunition which had been supplied were not yet paid for; and relying on the good faith of the Spanish government ultimately to make good the expense, it was not deemed necessary to press for immediate payment. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY regretted that he had not given notice of his intention, as his noble friend had required; but he was not aware that his noble friend bad anything to do with the transaction. TOR MARQUIS WELLESLEY'S RESIGNATION. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that he wished, seeing a noble marquis (Wellesley) in his place, and seeing also pre sent an illustrious duke (Cumberland), and the noble viscount at the head of his majesty's government, to avail himself of that oppoitunity . to offer a few words on a subject that had cre ated a very considerable degree of interest. He would have been satisfied to let this matter rest on the last conversation that bad occurred with reference to it, but he could not do so when he saw the conduct of an illustrious duke called into question—when he'saw it asserted in those respectablejournals, the Morning Chronicle and the Globe, which were said to be in the interest of the present governtnent—when he saw it there broadly set forth, that that illustrious duke had stated what was not founded in fact. That being the case, and having had a communication on the.subject, he conceived it to be impossible for him not to throw himself once more on the indulgence of the house while he again noticed it. He felt great satisfaction in stating that, in consequence of a correspondence that had taken place on the subject, and the letters connected with which he now possessed, an explanation had been given, which left him nothing to unsav of that which he had formerly said, (Hear, hear.) Ihe illustrious duke was, it appeared, fully borne out in what he bad stated. (Hear. hear.) The inane' being . placed in that position, he was perfectly ready to let it so remain. If their lordships so desired it, the documents should be laid before them; but, for" his own part, he felt no wish to press the.matter. further. He had thought it, however, indis pensable to bring the subject before the house, in order that he might free himself from the imputation of having made allusion to circumstances that n ere not founded on positive data. These were the reasons which induced him to leave the matter in their' lordships' hands. The correspondence to which he alluded was so entirely satisfactory, that he did not deem it necessary to say any thing more. If the noble viscount, who was acquainted with those papers, were not satisfied; it would be for hint to call for the documents, and their lordships might then proceed as they i thought fit. For his ow n p ar t, h e was perfe c tl y satisfied. Viscount MELBOURNE—I also am satisfied, and have no wish to call for these documents. (Laughter.) The Marquis WELLESLEY.—Neither have I. Here the subject was dropped. COUNTY DOWN PETITION. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, in presenting this petition , said that of the thousands who assembled to sanction this peti tion there were many among whom his earliest days were spent and who were connected with the estate he held in the north of Ireland. He was sorry to say that he was not able, in conse quence of the circumstances in which he had been placed, to reside so much in Ireland as, had he been differently situate, he would have done ; on this account he was the more gratified at having this petition placed in his hands. There was another remarkable point connected with his presenting this petition to their lordships, namely, that it was not placed in the hands of an Orangeman nor of a high churchman, but was entrusted to an individual who, from the time that he could first Turman opi nion on the subject, was a steady and consistent friend of the Romen catholics. At the meeting at which this petition was agreed to, there was a perfect exposition of the feelings of the protestant population, who claimed protection for the protestant church. The noble marquis (Downshire) on the cross-bench had heard all the eloquent speeches delivered on that occasion, particularly the remarkable speech of Dr. Cooke, and it would be idle in him to consume their lordship? time either by de scribing them or by quoting from. them. The language in which the petition was couched was so energetic and so just that he did not think he could do better than read to their lord ships the latter part of its prayer. The petitioners were not un friendly to the civil privileges granted to the Roman catholics, but they expressed the great alarm which they felt when they saw the Roman catholics placed under the domination of dan gerous and seditious leaders, who excited them to outrage and violence. The petitioners recommended that a general system of protestant education should be adopted, by which they con ceived that security would be given to life andproperty. 'There were some very remarkable circumstances connected with this meeting, to which be would call their lordships' attention. The .C.: N . ' THENLIVERPOOL STANDARD first signature to it was that of the noble marquis (Downshire) on the cross-bench. That noble marquis had constantly sup ported the claims of the Roman catholics, but when he found that the proceedings of that body were fraught with mischief to Ireland, when he found that they endangered the protestant re ligion, he stepped forward boldly and said " The existence of the protestant religion is at stake, and I will exert myself to pre vent the evil which threatens it from extending further." 'f he consequence of the conduct of the noble marquis was, that a letter was addressed by (we believe) Mr. Shell to the then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland (the Marquis Wellesley,) calling on him to dismiss the noble marquis from his office of Lord- Lieutenant of Downshire. The tone and manner in which that letter was written were violent in the extreme. The writer asked the lord-lieutenant " whether, by permitting Lord Downshire to retain an office of so much importance, you and your friends do not expose yourselves to the ill-feeling and opposition of the people, upon whom the reform bill has made you entirely de pendent? Recollect, you have left yourselves no choice but obedience. If you take any other course, you expose your selves to the inevitable consequences of that legislation, which it is not now in your power to alter." Happily, however, the lord-lieutenant did not remove the noble marquis frOm the situ ation for expressing his conscientious protestant opinions. yhe noble marquis was not removed; and what did the party then do to show their spleen and malice? Why, vengeance was in the next place hurled at the humble individual who then ad dressed their lordships. Through the course which was pur sued, he bad been mainly deprived of the situation to which he bad been appointed. He thought that he was called on to bow to the decision or feeling of the other house, and he resigned; but what was the charge made against hint? Why, truly, that he was the orator of the Orange party. Now, he should be glad to know how that assertion was proved? he next signature to the petition was that of Colonel Ford, an excellent man and a most estimable landlord. That fact he conceived pretty plainly showed what was the opinion of the reformers of Down shire upon thieSubject. A Very great sttempt had been made to run down the meeting at which the petition was agreed to. It was asserted that the landlords coerced their tenants, and drove them to the meeting like sheep. He would say, " Would to God that all Ireland could exhibit such a scene as was exhi bited in Down on the day of the meeting." There was no part of the world where a more complete agreement prevailed be- tween the landlord and tenant than in Downshire, and it would be a proud day for Ireland if the same thing could be said for every county in it. At ,that great meeting they had no banners, no mottoes, no party inscriptions, no colours; neither were any exciting tunes allowed to be played. He wished that he could say the same thing of a recent procession which hail been got up for the reception of the Lord-lieutenant of Ireland; and with refbrence to which he would observe, that the noble viscount opposite had not satisfied him as to whether the noble viscount considered the prOCession to be legal or illegal. Here he must say, that he did most conscientiously hope that his noble friend (the Earl of Roden) would use his well-known power and in fluence, on the approaching 12th of July, with the loyal pro testantsl of Ireland, to induce them to refrain from taking leaf out of the disgraceful book which was exhibited by a lord-lieutenant and a collected party. (Hear, hear, hear.) He had been taunted with having this petition for six months in his possession, and it was said that he had kept it back on ac count or certain motives. Now, he would tell the truth; he was too honest not to tell the truth; lie had a motive for keeping it back. That motive was, to show to Ireland and this country what he conceived to be a most unnatural coalition between the noble viscount and the faction on whom his government de pended. This petition was got up when the noble viscount was at the head of a former administration : but its object was, in a great measure, effected by the dethronement of the noble viscount, by his retreat from office. The ministers who suc ceeded him expressed a desire as far as possible to remove the Irievances and attend to the complaints of the protestants of reland. He; therefore, was not called upon to embarrass them by a discussion on this subject, when he placed confidence in their professions. If the noble viscount doubted him upon that point, he could prove it. [Viscount MELBOURNE.—" Oh, not in the least.") But what was the case now? The conduceof ministers, instead of being as bad as before, was infinitely worse. (Hear, hear.) When he looked to the persons who were nomi nated to fill the law appointments in Ireland—when he saw Mr. O'Connell speaking from his treasury bench, and saving, "We are going to do so and so"—when he marked these thins, had he not a right to conclude that the noble viscount and Mr. O'Connell were one and the same ? (Laughter.) Did not the noble viscount know that the stability of his administration rested and depended on Mr. O'Connell's no 4 ? Was not the noble viscount aware, that lie and his friends must resign if Mr. O'Connell and his party opposed them? With these facts full before him, could the noble viscount recollect the King's speech in 1834, and reconcile his conduct to consistency ? The noble marquis then read the passage from the King's speech in 1834 which was considered to contain a personal allu sion to Mr. O'Connell. He would ask the nobie viscount to answer him this question—whether this passage did not refer to Mr. O'Connell and his party—he would not say his tail, (laughter,) though he believed that he was proud of having a tail? (Laughter.) He did not mean in the slightest degree to offend by using that word, for Lord Stanley had a tail, (laugh ter,) and he believed that other parties had also tails. (Laugh ter.) Now did the noble viscount recollect what the opinion of Mr. O'Connell was with respect to him and his friends? He had chanced casually to cast his eyes, which he was not much in the habit of doing, over some extracts taken from letters writ ten by Mr. O'Connell, and there the noble viscount would see what that individual's sentiments were. With respect to him self, Mr. O'Connell said, "In truth, my lord, it is quite manifest that Lord Melbourne is wholly incompetent, and it is lamenta ble to think that the destinies of Ireland should depend on such a person." Again, Mr. O'Connell observed, " Lord Lans downe is decidedly hostile to Ireland. His hatred is the more rabid and persevering, because he is bound by every tie to act in another manner." Mr. O'Connell also mentioned Lord Brougham; but of that noble and learned lord, whose great abilities be fully admitted, but who, singularly enough, was not connected with the aoministration, he should not say a single word. He ought to be allowed, however, to observe, that the public would be much better satisfied, anti the business would be more properly done, if a chancellor were appointed, instead of that olla podricla sort of a woolsack absurdity to which minis ters had had recourse. (Laughter.) Mr. O'Connell also no ticed the noble lord at the head of the woods and forests. He said, " The people may despair of Lord Duncan non and the whigs ever doing any thing in accordance with common sense. Their whole career is marked by drivelling fatuity and disgraceful folly." The noble viscount, he was aware, came down. one- evening in the present session, and declared that he had no connexion or communication with Mr. O'Connell—that, in fact, he did not know whether Mr. O'Connell would support him or not. He (the Marquis of Londonderry) was bound to believe the state ment of the noble viscount. But what did their lordships discover? Why, that at the very moment when this decla ration was made in that house, new writs were moved fur in the other on account of the appointment of the Attorney and Solicitor-General for Ireland ; and it was well known, that though Mr. O'Connell himself took no office under the Go vernment, vet that he had couns e ll e d th es e appointments, and carried them in his pocket at the time that all connexion with him was disclaimed. This placed the matter clearly before their lordships. That all these law appointments had been agreed to under the dictation of Mr. O'Connell he had heard, and that it was true he firmly believed. (Hear, hear.) The noble viscount might cheer, hut such was the general impression, and he certainly had heard it front persons of high respectability. Now, in his opinion, the permitting Mr. O'Conn e ll, without any respon sibility, to direct measures behind the scenes, was likely to be infinitely more fatal to Ireland than if he had been made At torney-General. To show the apprehensions which were en tertained in consequence of these proceedings, lie would read a few lines from a letter written to him by a very acute ob server in Ireland. He said, " Since the change in the Govern ment I see no prospect of any improvement with respect to Ireland. I entertain greater fears of the destructive powers which O'Connell now possesses, and which he will assuredly exercise, than I do from any direct acts of the Legislature. Every office will hereafter be filled by the nominees of that in dividual. The justice-seat, and the constabulary force, will be filled from his ranks. This is not an exaggerated picture. Nay, the question of forfeited estates is already publicly discussed. Such is the alarming situation of the country." " The noble marquis then called the attention of their lordships to one of the resolutions on which the petition was founded. In that resolu tion a strong representation was made for such measures as would effectually remove the alarm of the protestant population. The noble marquis next adverted to the scurrilous abuse which had been cast by certain parties on himself and others. He would say that those who indulged in such language disgraced themselves and not the objects of their abuse. For his own part, he treated such attacks " like the idle wind, which he respected not," or as he would do the barking and yelping of a dog. In some of the speeches of Mr. O'Connell he had seen the English Roman catholics designated in language not fit to be repeated. They, like others, appeared to be brought under the wanton lash of that individual equally with all those who acted contrary to his wishes. The other day a most worthy and excellent man, Mr. Henry Alexander, who had been a member of the Irish Parliament, but who had long ceased to exist, was attacked by Mr. O'Connell, whose wrath was not confined to the living, but was extended to the dead. Such conduct was unworthy .of any man ; and, as Mr. O'Connell was so fond of using the magic word . " Reform," he would hint to him, that it. would be as well if he would set about reforming himself. (Hear.) The petition, which was from the protestants of the county of Down, and prayed for the protectio❑ of the protestant religion, was then read at length. Viscount MELBOURNE complained that this petition voted to their lordships so long ago as last 'October, had been kept back until the 2d June—the petition might have expressed the feelings of the meeting at that time, but it might not do so now. The noble lord said that he had kept the petition in his pocket because he had a motive for it. Kept it in his pocket! (Hear, hear.) Whose petition, he would ask, was it? (Hear, bear ) Was it the noble ,latirs, or that of the meeting front which it proceeded ? Was the noble lord" invested with discretion to retain it or present it as he pleased? (Hear, hear.) Was be not requested, he might even sat ordered, by the meeting to present it to the House of Lords? Who, then, gave the neble lord authority and control over it? (Hear, hear.) If the noble lord were the organ of the meeting, why had he not presented the petition according to its directions? (Hear, bear.) If he had exercised control over those directions, whence had he derived the power of exercising it ? (Cheers from the ministerial side.) When the meeting dispersed, it was fanctus occupation was gone, its . powers of delegation were at an end. The order which it had given the noble lord was to present the petition; and whatever private intimations might have been given to the noble lord, he had no right to withhold the petition. (Hear, hear.) The house did not know whether, under the altered circumstances, this petition contained the expression of the present opinion of the petitioners. (Ironical cheers from Lord Londonderry.) The house collected that it did so; the house presumed that it did so; but the house did not know that it contained the opinion of the petitioners now, (Hear.) He should have been better satisfied, if the noble lord had persevered iu the prudent course which be had followed for the last three mouths (a laugh), and had abstained from presenting it at all, for the noble lord bad now compelled him to go into the circum stances of that meeting. It was a meeting which had been viewed with great anxiety and solicitude by the government of the day. It had been convened by the Lord-Lieutenant of the county of Down, on a requisition signed by seine of the noble lords opposite, and by a number of magistrates charged with the preservation of the public peace, calling on his lordship to assemble an exclusive meeting of protestants. (Hear, hear.) He did not wish to use the language of bitterness and asperity ; but he put it to the noble lords op:osite whether they deemed this to be consistent with the duty of the noble marquis op posite (the Marquis of Downshire), considering the high public situation which he held in the county, as the representative of his Sovereign ; and above all, he put it to the noble earl on the hack bench (we believe the Earl of Wicklow was the nobleman alluded to), who brought it as a strong charge against the as semblage at Dublin, of which their lordships had recently heard so much, that it was an exclusive Roman Catholic assem bly, whether he deemed it wise and prudent in persons so si tuate as those requisitionists were to tall a meeting at that time, and in that county, of parties exclusively Protestant ? ( Hear, hear.) Let the house consider what the consequences would have been if this example had been followed and adopted by others. (Heaf, hear.) Let the house consider what they would have been if the Roman Catholics in those parts of the country where the Roman Catholic religion prevailed had also called exclusive meetings of persons belonging to their religious creed. (Hear, bear.) Let the house consider to shut discord .~ i 1 and animosity it must necessarily have led. (Hear, hear.) That example, he was happy to say, had not been followed by the Roman Catholics in any p a rt o f Ir e l an d (i ron i ca l cheering from the Marquis of Londonderry and the Earl of Roden,) and as it had net been followed, he would say nothing further ou the subject, except to express a strong opinion of the impru dence, he would not use a haisher teim, of the noble lords op posite on that occasion. The meeting was avowedly convened to oppose the Governmentof that day, and against a strong and decided opinion of its propriety given by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland—a nobleman who bad received a justnieed of praise and admiration from the noble earl opposite [The Marquis of LoNnoNDERRY.—" As far as it goes, as far as it goes."] Yes, a [need of praise and admiration which he had no doubt would have just weight with their lordships. (Hear, hear.) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY again repeated, "As far as it goes, as far as it goes." Viscount MELBOURNE proceeded. In all the praise which has been bestowed upon Inv noble friend the late Lord Lieu tenant of Ireland I joyfully and entirely concur. It is nothing more—nay, it is not so mach as he deserves. (Hear, hear.) I only object to the time which the noble earl selects for be stowing it. (Hear.) I wish that it had been bestowed when it might have been of some use and service to its object— when it would have supported my noble friend's govern ment, if his government needed the support of the noble earl—when it would have assisted his character, if his cha racter could receive any assistance from the noble earl. (A laugh.) Ido not approve of the practice of delaying the delivery of praise to pu,blic men to a period when it is of no service to them, and I think that a little support rendered to a public man in office is worth more than lOU speeches made in his praise when out of office. (Cheers and laughter.) The noble viscount then proceeded to observe, that the noble earl, in the end of his speech, had adverted to the present state of this government and of the government of Iceland, and had frequently mentioned the name of an hon. and learned gen tlenuen who had great weight in the other house of parliament. He (Lord Melbourne) well recollected the tune when the noble earl on the back bench said in that house, that by perpetually introducing the name of that hon. and learned gentleman into the debates of their lordships, they were giving him an influ ence in the country which he would not otherwise possess. (Hear.) He thought that there was considerable force in that observation, and he was only surprised that the noble earl and his friends near him hail forgotten the efficacy of it themselves. (Hear.) He denied all that the noble earl had said about his identity with the hon. and learned gentleman whose name he had mentioned; and as to the speeches and letters of that hon. and learned gentleman, from wnich the noble earl had quoted so many extracts against the members of the present government, he had only to say, that it was for that hurl. and learned gentle man, and not for him, to reconcile those speeche s an d those letters with his support of the presentgovernment. (Hear, hear.) That, however, was not a matter on which he was called upon to observe further. As to what the noble earl had said respect ing the law appointments under the Irish government, he had only to did once more what he had already done before, and that was to deny utterly that the hon. and learned gentleman refer red to had any part in making them. (Hear, hear.) With re gard to the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General, he was sure that the house would recollect that the present Solicitor- General for Ireland was appointed to his present office at the very time when the hon. and learned gentleman was writing the letters to which the noble earl adverted. The present Solicitor- General was Solicitor-General when he (Lord Melbourne) was last in power, and it was well known that he and his colleagues had at that time been desirous, if circumstances had permitted, to advance the present Attorney-General for Ireland to the office which he held at . present. Both those learned personages were designated to their present situation by the rank which they had obtained and the talent which they had displayed in their pro fession, and by the honest and conscientious support which they had given to his majesty's government. (Hear, hear.) He de nied that their appointments were th e appo i n t men t s of the hon. and learned gentleman so often mentioned by the noble lords opposite, as he denied all the other imputations cast upon the government by the noble earl. (Hear, hear.) The Marquis of DOWNSIIIRE did not regret the step he had taken in calling the meeting; at the time be did so, and now, he was ready to abide the consequences. He had supported eman cipation because he considered it necessary to the tranquillity of the country, but in 1831 he found all his expectations of benefit from that measure totally frustrated. He had in consequence' in August last attended a meeting at Dublin, where he had ex pressed the same sentiments. He considered that unless the protestant church establishment in Ifeland was supported with fairness, the continuance of the connexion of that country with 'England would be seriously endangered. (Cheers from the Duke of Cumberland.) As a proof of the great respectability of the meeting, he stated that though many of those who at tended it had to travel thirty miles front the place of their meet ing to their homes, there had not been a single breach of the peace brought before any of the magistrates of the county of Down arising out of the events of the day. (Hear, hear.) He thought it right to inform their lordships that those who differed from the petitioners in their religious creed had not offered to them any insult either as they went to or returned front the place of meeting. (Hear, hear.) They had attended without banners, and he mentioned it, to do honour to the Roman ca tholics of the county of Down, that there had been no insult offered by them to any protestants. The noble marquis also spoke of the mutual good feeling which prevailed between the landlords and' tenantry in the county of Down, and said that it had arisen from the good conduct of the landlords on the one side, and from the conviction which experience had stamped upon the minds of the tenantry that the landlords were most anxious to promote their happiness He made several other observations, but we regret to state that they did not reach the gallery. The debate continued for a considerable length of time, and was carried on with great animation by Lord Duncan non, the Duke of Wellington, Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Farnham, the Marquis of Westmeath, Lord Hatherton, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earls of Wicklow Roden, Haddington, an d Gosford. Th e p e titi on was then laid upon the table. The Islington Market bill was read a second time, and or dered to he committed on Thursday se'nnight. Adjourned at balf-past eight. HOUSE OF COMMONS. —TUESDAY. The ballot for the Monmouth borough election petition occu pied the house until four o'clock. SUNDAY TRAVELLING. Mr. P. HOWARD moved the third reading of the Newcastle and Carlisle railway hill. - • - --- Sir A. AGNEW p resented a petition f rom N ewcas tl e - upon - Tyne, praying the i nsertion of a clause iu the bill to prevent travelling on the railway ou Sundays. (Laughter, and cries of "Oh!") On the motion being put, Sir A. AGNEW rose to move the bringing up of a clause to prevent Sunday travelling. The SPEAK Ell, interrupting the hon. member, observed that the clause could not now be brought up. (Much cheering.) Sir A. AG NEW regretted that he was prevented by form from bringing it up. (A laugh.) The SPEAKER said that the practice of the house was that notice should be given of clauses to be proposed to be inserted on the third reading or passing of bills, and no notice had been given of the preienf clause. (Hear.) Sir A. AGNEW sat down amidst much laughter. He imme diately, however, rose, and moved as an amendment that the bill be read a third time that day six months. (Cries of "Oh!") On the question being put, the hon. baronet alone cried out "The Noes have it." (General cries of "Divide, divide.") The gallery was about being cleared for a division, but none took place, and the bill was read a third time and passed. Lord BRUDENELL presented two petitions from Northamp tonshire complaining of agricultural distress. EAST INDIA SUGARS. On Mr. C. Fergusson's name being called, Mr. S. Rick rose and said that he hoped his right hon. friend would postpone the _presentation of a petition from the East India Company praying for a reduction of the duties on sugar and other articles the produce and manufacture of the British possessions in India. As it would be his (Mr. Rice's) business in a few days to give notice of the annual resolutions on the sugar duties, if the subject were to be discussed now its discus sion would inevitably be renewed on that occasion, whilst any debate upon it to-night must necessarily lead to nothing. He therefore suggested to his hon. friend to postpone the petition until then, as the interests of the petitioners would be in no respect sacrificed by so doing. Mr. C. FERGUSSON said the subject was of very great im portance, and he felt extremely desirous to bring it before the house, but as the interests of the petitioners would not suffer, but on the contrary would be bettered, by his acceding to the suggestion of his hon. friend, he had no objection to postpone the petition to the period mentioned. Mr. A. TnEvoil presented a petition from Durham in layout of the Irish church establishment. Mr. PEASE, referting -to the petition presented by the hon. member on the same subject from Durham on a former night, said that he (Mr. Pease) would not continue to retain his seat a moment in that house if he held it in opposition to the feelings and opinions of the majority of his constituents. He was there fore naturally anxious to ascertain the nature and the circum stances under which that petition was got up, a petition which, to his astonishment, charged a body of men in that house with perjury, and absolutely declared that the majority of its mem bers had been guilty of high treason. ( Hear, hear.) With a view, therefore, to ascertain what were the feelings of his con stituents on the subject, he wrote a letter to them respecting it, and he would now read the reply to the house. The l e tt er stat ed that the petiti on was handed round from house to house for signature, and that many who signed it did not know the mean ing of the petition, having never read it, and in fact they would be now ready to sign a counter petition. It was added that the petition did not speak the sentiments of the majority of the in habitants of Durham, and to this statement he was willing to unite his own opinion, that the greater part of the people of that county were anxious to see the appropriation clause passed, in asmuch as they valued the peace of Ireland, and thought such a measure calculated to promote it. Mr. A. TREVOR had been given to understand that not one of the individuals who signed the petition was ignorant of its nature. He felt satisfied that thioughout the whole of the county of Durham there existed a strong feeling against the proposed interference with the Irish church. He had 10 other petitions of a similar nature to present, but would not bring them up till he saw some hon. member opposed to him in opi nion present. He took this course, because lie did not wish to do anything in an underhand way. YOUGHAL ELECTION. Mr. S. MACKENZIE. reported from the committee appointed to try the Youghal election petition, that John O'Connell, Esq., was duly elected for the borough of Y oug h a l , an d t h at ne i ther the petition against the sitting member, nor the opposition thereto, was frivolous or vexatious. Mr. W. ItoAct' presented a petition from the city of Lime rick, for a reduction of the duty on glass; and a- petition from spirit dealers of the same place, complaining of alterations made last year in the spirit duties. Mr. D. Roach and Mr. W. S. O'Brien supported the petition. Mr. S. RICE said that he could not bold out any hope of the remission of the duties in question. Mr. CLIVE presented a petition from Hereford, praying that landlords of houses of the value of £lO should be obliged to contribute to the poor-rates, instead of their tenants. Mr. PEASE presented a petition from a parish in the county of Durham, complaining of agricultural distress. • Colonel LYGON p resente d a petition from a parish in the county of Worcester against the alienation of the Irish church property from ecclesiastical uses. Mr. D. JACKSON presented several petitions from the county of Cork for the better observance of the Sabbath. vom By ns Petitions in favour of vote by ballot were presented by Mr. Hutt, from Kingston-on-Hull (signed by 3,000 persons); by Colonel Evans, from Rye; by an hon. Member, from Dart mouth; by Mr. Grote, from Honiton, Sidmouth, and Melcombe Regis; by Lord Ebriugton, from East Budleigh, and another place in Devonshire, complaining of undue influence at the late election for the Southern Division of that county, and pray ing for vote by ballot ; similar petitions by Mr. Divett, from Bewley, and by an hon. member, from Brigham, in the same county. The lion Member moved that the last named petition be•_re ferred to the Intimidation Committee Grum: then brought forward hismotion—" That it is the opinion of this house, that the votes at elections for members of parliament should be taken by way of secret ballot." (Cheers.) [The report of the debate which ensued on this motion occu pies fifteen columns of The Times newspaper; - we must, there- '``i A. -, fore, content ourselves with giving the names of the speakers : this we consider sufficient to enable our readers to form an esti mate of what was said on both sides of the question.] Sir WILLIAM MotEswourn seconded the motion ; the other speakers were Mr. Gisborne, Mr. Strutt, Mr. Williams, Mr. C. Russell, Mr. Ward, Lord Flowick, Mr. C. Buller, Mr. Gaskell, Mr. Richards, Lord John Russell, Lord Stanley, Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. O'Connell, and Sir Robert Peel. On a division, the numbers were For the motion LIG Against it Majority against the motion The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at two o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS.—WEDNESDAY. After some petitions had been presented, Lord Brougham brought in a bill to amend the law relative to patents, which was read a first time. The Leeds and Selby rail-road bill, awl several other bills, were brought up from the House of Commons, and read a first time. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDA Y. A great number of private bills were forwarded a stage, and several petitions were presented on various subjects —among the petitions Mr. EWART presented a petition from Liverpool praying for a repeal of the stamp duties ou receipts. Lord SANDON SOpk)Orted the prayer of the petition. The ATTORNEY-UENalt AL presented three petitions from Edinburgh on the same subject. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Mr. HUME called the attention of the house to a breach of privilege which occurred on Tuesday night, in which he was personally concerned. Towards the close of the debate on Mr. Grote's motion respecting the ballot the hon. member for Lud low (Mr. L. Charlton) persisted in addressing the house, al though contrary to what appeared to be the wish of the house. He (Mr. Hume) was conversing with an hon. friend (Mr. Roe buck), and with reference to what had fallen from the ,noble lord, the member for Lancashire, respecting the operation of the ballot in America, he (Mr. Hume) had said, in scarcely an audible voice, "Such a thing is not true." The hon. member for Ludlow, who was behind him speaking, stopped and undressed himself to him (Mr. Hume), saying " Hold your tongue, sir." He told him that he was not speaking to him, upon which he replied again—" Wont you hold your tongue, sir? then I'll make You." (Laughter.) H e con t inue d " Y ou are an imper tinent-fellow and we don't want re p u bli can i sm h ere. " (Laugh ter.) He (Mr. Hume) replied " You are an impertinent fellow," but refrained from using his hands out of respect to the house. After the debate had closed he (Mr. Hume) having some re turns to move for, remained in the house until he was called out by another hon. member, who handed hi m a no t e f rom t h e h on. member for Ludlow, which was as follows:—" Ilmise of Com mons, Tuesday evening —I heard you make use of the words impertinent fellow' while I was speaking. Believing that you meant to apply them to me, lam desirous to know immediately you did so or not?" He told the hon. member who conveyed the note that he did use the words, in answer to the gross attack made upon him, and that he thought it was the duty of that hon. gentleman to make an apology to him (Mr. Hume). This morning he received the following note, which had been published in the evening papers : " Sir,—f have just been informed by my friend, G. W. Forrester, that you refused to give any answer to my letter, or to enter into any explanation, or name a friend to whom he might refer. Under these circumstances, I regret that I am reduced to the necessity of publicly declaring that you have shown yourself wholly unworthy of the title of a gentleman. " L. CHARLTON." Thinking that he might possibly have made some mistake, and said something wrong, he wrote a letter to his friend, the hon. and learned member for Bath, who had heard_all that passed between them, determined, if he were satisfied that he had committed a mistake, that he should not hesitate in making reparation. (Loud cheers.) He received from his friend an answer fully corroborating the view he (Mr. Horne) had taken of the subject. (Hear.) Such being the facts, he put it to th e house in what situation a n h on . mem b er wou ld be placed, who was liable for such an interruption to be told by an honourable member, either in a passion, or for the purpose of notoriety, that he was to be called out, and liable either to have a ball sent through his own body, or to send it through the other's. (Hear, hear.) He considered he hada just ground of complaint against the hon. member who published the correspondence that ensued, and he thought it better, and it was the course he always pur sued, to settle disputes in the house that originated in the house. He said he had no intention of offending the hon. member. Mr. CHARLTON did not feel himself prepared to bring his case before the house in the same way as the hon. member. It wus sufficient for him to say upon the honour of a gentleman, and in the strongest language the rules of the house permitted, that what the hon. member had stated was not true. On the honour of a gentleman, he repeat e d, h e never use d th e ex p ress i on " im pertinent." The hon. member (Mr. Hume) did not deny that he employed the expression " impertinent." The least that can be expected from gentlemen in that house was that courtesy should be extended to them, and no interruption should at all events be given by those who would not be amenable for it. Before Heaven he (Mr. C.) swore that the only words he used to the hon. member (Mr. Hume) were—" Hold your tongue." This he was able to prove by some of his hon. friends whom he did not see then in their places. If that were the case ; he thought the house would agree with him that the hon. member (Mr. Hume) was the first aggressor. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. C.) admitted that he wrote the note in question. But as that was 41 private dispute, carried on without the walls of the house, he did not know what was the motion before it. That was the first time he had ever taken such a step, but he would tather lose his right hand than retract one word of what the note contained. The house was engaged in discussing the merits of this affair when the last report of its proceedings was closed. THE COURT, &c. Wirinsoa, TuEsm.—Yesterday their Majesties, with the whole of their royal suite, after spending the day at Kew palace, returned to the castle at half-past eleven o'clock. The King rode out in the park this morning, and again in the afternoon. The Queen rode to Virginia water this afternoon on horse back, attended by tadyClinton, Miss Hudson, Lord Frederick Fitzclarence, Colonel Taylor, (wild - arrived yesterday,) Sir Andrew Barnard, Colonel Sir Charles Thornton, Mr. Davies, and Mr. Shiffner. To-►norrow his Majesty goes to town to hold a levee, and will return in the evening_to dinner. Colonel, Mrs., and Miss Clitheroe paid a visit to their Majesties this morning, and left after luncheon. The Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch, Earl and Countess Cawdor, and several other distinguished visitors are expected to arrive at the castle to-morrow and on the following day. Their Majesties intend to honour with their presence the Eton regatta, which takes place on Thursday next. Prince George is also expected to arrive, and will accompany the young gentlemen to Surley-bill. TILE LATE ELOPEMENT.—We have authority to state, with refereice to that part of Sir ColquhOun Grant's l e tt er to Nord Seymour, of the 28th of May, in which Colonel and Miss Ann strong's names are mentioned as having been present at Lord Seymour's when Sir Robert M'Farlane arrived, that he (Sir Robert) did not find Colonel and Miss Armstrong there, he having accompanied them, in Colonel Armstrong's carriage, from Sir C. Grant's house in Grosvenor-square, where they had met, having been seat to by the servants there on the discovery of Miss Grant's elopement.—Morning Post. APPROACHING MARRIAGES IN HIGH LIFE.—The sister of the Duke de Bordeaux is said to be on the point of contracting a marriage with a Russian prince; and our correspondent at Constantinople informs us that M,ustapha, Pacha of Adrianople, is about to be united to the second daughter of the Sultan. A treaty of marriage has, we understand, been concluded between the Princess Clementina, third daughter of the King of the French, and the Prince of Syracuse.—Court Journal. MARRIAGE IN HIGH LlFE.—Preparations are now making at Knowsley Hall for the marriage of Lady Eleanor Stanley, daughter of the present Earl of Derby, with the Rev. Nfr. Hopwood, of Hopwood Hall, near Blanchester. The happy event is expected to take place the first week in June. Ihe present marrage will still further connect the noble families of Derby, Sefton, and Skelmersdale.—Preston Pilot. JUNE 5, 1835. THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL. The new Comic PANTOMIME having been received on eat* representation with the lo u d es t testimonies of approbation, will be repeated every evening until further notice. The last night but one of Mr. KEAN'S engagement, and his second appearance io the character of MACBETH. ril HIS present FRIDAY, the sth instant, will be per il. formed Shakspeare's Tragedy of THEATRE AT BALTIMORE (From Mrs. Butler's, late Fanny Kemble, new work.) "At half-past five, took coffee, and off to the theatre. The play was Romeo and Juliet; the house was extremely full : they are a delightful audience. My Romeo had gotten on a pair of trunk breeches, that looked as if he had borrowed them from some worthy Dutchman of a hundred years ago. Had he worn them in New York, I could have understood it as a compliment to the ancestry of that rood city; but here, to adopt such a cos tume in Romeo, was really perfectly unaccountable. They were of a most unhappy choice of colours, too—dull, heavy-looking blue cloth, and offensive crimson satin, all be-puckered, and be plaited, and be-puffed, till the young man lookel like a magical figure growing out of a monstrous, strange-coloured melon, beneath which. descended his unfortunate legs, thrust into a pair of red slippers, for all the world like Grimaldi's legs en costume for clown. The play went off pretty smoothly, except that they broke one man's collar-bone, and nearly dislocated a woman's shoulder by flinging the scenery about. My bed was not made in time, and when the scene drew, half a dozen carpenters in patched trowsers and tattered shirt-sleeves were discovered smoothing down my pillows, and adjusting my draperies. The last Scene is too good not to be given verbatim : ROMEO—.- • Rise, rise, my Juliet, And from this cave of death, this house of horror, Quick let me snatch thee to thy Romeo's arms. Here he pounced upon me, plucked me up in his arms like an uncomfortable bundle, and staggered down with me. JULIET (aside)—Oh, you've got me up horribly !—that'll never do; let me down, pray let me down. Rosso—There, breathe a vital spirit on thy lips, And call thee back my soul to life and love ! JULIET (aside) —Pray put me down; you'll certainly throw me down if you don't set me on the ground directly. In the midst of "cruel, cursed fate," his dagger tell out of his dress; I, embracing him tenderly, crammed it back again, be. cause I knew I should want it at the end. ROMEO—Tear not our heart strings thus! They crack! they break !—Juliet ! Juliet! (dies-) JULIET (to corpse)—Am 1 smothering you ? Cortess (to Juliet)—Not at all; could you be so kind, do you think, as to put my wig on again for me ?—it has fallen off. JULIET tto corpse)—l'm afraid I can't, but I'll throw my mus!in veil over it. You've broken the phial, haven't you ? (Corpse nodded.) JUI.IF.T (to corpse)—Where's your dagger ? CORPSE (to .J uliet)—'Pon my soul, I don't know." CITY ELECTION—Tun COMMISSION. —Notwithstanding all the petty objections raised by the counsel and agents for the sitting members, with the avowei object of protracting the proceedings, the petitioners have already disqualified two hun dred and sixty-sit voters, being forty-three over the majority obtained by Mr. O'Connell. This has been done upon the most distinct proof of non-payment of one tax alone, and the same parties thus convicted are also in arrear on the foot of the other municipal taxes. The clearest evidence will be produced against five hundred and sixty-nine persons, who positively had no right to vote at the late electi on; so that if the p rogress o f the case be " slow," it h as the certain merit of being also " sure." The opposite party begin to lose their temper • but the Commissione rs , th oug h they appear to treat them with' great forbearance, seem disposed also to act with becoming firmness; and have issued a declaration to the effect, that they will resist with severe and summary punishment all future attempts to im pugn their motives and produce disorder in th e c o ur t . I n d ee d the Commissio ners are bound, as well in justice to their pro fession as themselves, to make their authority respected.— (Dublin Evening Mail.) Official accounts have at length been received at the Admi ralty of the loss of the Firefly schooner. The Racer, which arrived at Bermuda on the lfith of April. reported to Sir George Cockburn that she was totally wrecked off Belize, and Lieuten ant Wllannell, with 22 of her crew, drowned. It has been supposed that she had passengers on board. but no mention is made of them. MACBETH Macbeth Mr. Kean. In which character he was greeted on Friday enthusiastic applause. Macduff M r . Stuart. Mrs. Lady Macbeth last with the most Stanley. To conclude with, for the seventeenth time, the new gra Comic Pantomime, called TIIE MAN IN THE MOO OR, HARLEQUIN LUNATIC AND THE V ING Harlequin Mr. J. Iti gwa. Pantaloon M r. Jonas. Clown Mr. T. Ridgway. Columbine Mademoiselle Marie. TO-MORROW, (Saturday,) the Tragedy of DAMON and PYTHIAS. Damon, Mr. Stuart. Pythias, Mr. Lacy. Her mione, Mrs. Stanley. Calanthe Mrs. Shaw.—,To conclude with the COMIC PANTOMIME . Mr. KEAN'S BENEFIT will take place on MONDAY next. Lower Boxes 45.; Upper Boxes 3s. 6d ; •Pit 2s. 6d.; Gallery 15. Places may be taken of M r . Parker, at the Box-office, trou t Ten till Three o'clock. •rbe Eiberpool ,Stanbarb. FRIDAY MORNING; JUNE 5, 1835. By the Lydia, Captain GIBE, which arrived here yes terday morning, we have Jamaica papers to the 15th April, but they do not appear to contain any news of the least interest. In our-last we ventured to express a suspicion that some of the names enrolled as members of the London " Reform Association" were pressed into the cause with out the knowledge or consent of their owners. At the very time we were committing these suspicions to paper Sir FRANCIS BURDETT was writing a letter to The Stan dard in confirmation of them, denying all knowledge of the association, and expressing his surprise that his name should have been used in so fraudulent a manner. To such shifts and such frauds are the liberals and reformers driven ! Let us endeavour to place the criminality of this trans action in an intelligible light. If a merchant, banker, or trader, in order to secure a larger share of public con fidence, and obtain a more extensive credit, were to Ins form the world by public advertisement that he had for his partner a well-known man of fortune, and that the said advertisement, upon inquiry, should prove to be un true, what would the public or his creditors think of him? If they had lost nothing by him, would they not congra tulate themselves upon their lucky escape ? If, however,- their case were otherwise, would they not prosecute him for fraud, and, in case of conviction, would he not be transported beyond seas for seven or fourteen years ? If a schoolmaster, in order to obtain pupils, were to announce, in his circulars, that be was a Master of Arts of Cambridge, had received his title, and was in holy orders, an ordained clergyman of the Church of Englapci, and, upon inquiry, it should turn out that our schoolmas ter had never been at an y o th er sc h oo l t h an t h e C o llege of Maynooth, that he was a jesuit in disguise, that his certificates were fictitious, his representations false, and his letters forgeries, what would the world and his dote* say of him g Why, that he was an impostor and a scoun drel, who deserved to be lashed at the cart's tail, placed in the pillory, pelted with rotten eggs, and banished to the " land of liberty" f or life. These are two ca s es in which the law would interfere to protect the public and punish the culprit. But, mo rally speaking, is there any greater culpability in a mer chant trading under false credit, or a schoolmaster thriv ing or cheating under borrowed plumes and forged certifi cates, than in a political party endeavouring to enlist partizans by pretending that certain gentlemen are mem bers of their society who do not belong to it, who never heard of its existence, and who repudiate its objects and principles ? Answer me that, Mr.. JOSEPH PARKES, of Birmingham, the supposed originator of the fraudulent scheme, Mr, COKE, its secretary, or Mr. GROTE, its treasurer_ Thirk‘ last person, we believe, is a London banker. What them would he say if a firm, such as PARKES and Company, were to open an account with him, assuringhim that they had for their partners a wealthy old country gentleman . of the name of BURDETT, a rich brewer of the name Of BUXTON, a sleeping partner called Lord AcnEsoN, and several others, all men of affluence ? GROTE, no doubt,. would be glad to have such responsible persons in his books. Believing the statement, PARKES, the bead of the concern, would be treated in the most liberal and courteous manner by GROTE, and, perhaps, invited to , dine with him at his superb villa on Clapham Common next Sunday. But what would friend GRIM say, after PARKES had done him the honour to overdraw his ac— count, if he were to discover that all the representations of PARKES were false, that BURDETT and the others dis owned him, and that all they knew of his name was that he, PARKES, had several times made application to them, by means of begging-letters, for a contribution in aid of a reduced, infirm, and destitute person, who had seen bet ter days ? There is a perfect analogy between the cases. We will appeal to Mr. Alderman HARMER, or Mr. WHITTLS HARVEY, or Mr. JOSEPH ADY, whether the attempt to raise money under false pretences, by assuming, without authority, the name of Sir FRANCIS BURDETT as a part ner in the " Reform Association" be not something very like swindling. For, let it be borne in mind, that there is money in the case. The subscription money is, if we re-. collect rightly, five pounds at entrance, and a small sunk annually. Let us also bear in mind that man is an imi tative animal, and that thousands act from no other mo tive than that which is superinduced by example. EBE NEZER SMITH aims at respectability by keeping a gig , just because ZEROBABEL BROWN does the same. Mrs- GUBBINS will go to a watering-place this autumn, be cause Mrs. TIPPET event last year. Mr. PETER 5m41.1. subscribes to a radical reading-room in order that he may have equal standing in the world with Mr. JERRY TWIST THUMBS, his next door neighbour. This force of example is every thing to our argument. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT'S name was dishonestly used to give, in a particular circle, an inducement to support the association. What the hon. baronet does is done by those who esteem him, and who almost invariably follow his example. He is the light bywhich many nien, no matter : how foolishly, steer. It is enough for them to know that' "Westminster's Pride and England's Glory" has become a member of the new " Reform Association." They aC cordingly aspire to he members of the same illustrious order. Now, if any gentleman, or any other person, whether he have or have not a claim to the title of a gentleman• (for it is a doubtful title in a modern whip, and it is more than a doubtful title in any member of the HtitaH and O'CONNELL party-but if it should be made to appear that any man has become a member of the association. and has paid his money, on the presumption that Sir FRANCIS BURDETT was a member, then we hesitate not to say, in the face of the world, that that man has been cheated out of five pounds under FALSE PRETENC EK That he could cdmpel JOSEPH PARKES, or Mr. GRoTE, to return him the money by an action at law, there cau be no doubt whatever. He acted under an impression that his patron or friend—the public man whom he most ad mired—the statesman who had gained his confidence by his sterling independence and his unflinching principles,. in the " worst of times," as the Liverpool Mercury and the literary dogs'-meat men call it; but finding that bis name had been used without his knowledge, and his► en rolment announced to every body but himself, and that Sir FRANCIS BURDETT had been insulted and aggrieved by such an enrolment, the subscriber had a clear right to say that he had been taken in, imposed upon, and de frauded of five pounds, the lawful money of the King• In all this we discern the despicable shifts to which the minieerial party are reduced. The Liverpool Times, in a desponding and almost heart-breaking article, written with salt tears instead of ink, - burning the paper instead., of staining it, told its readers that unless the most active and unexampled exertions were made, Liverpool would. be depriyed of a liberal, enlightened, and reform ineinbes .11 ii...., at the dreari with EWA Genii Songs tlecti quenl years meat bas n Bu Time chanc It ms T mo ip / bet repre. Liver lrienc hesitz to opi hativl FAVAF flatter Liver and ii ment No; this r It is t hones of the Small have 1 'night eurab And i conte we se " Ref( of ref We h from t crime —at t unhal beasts bring ought clulge! These coil of particl memb tempti lar na tlegrai the pe depen, limo ) are n( Upon 1 We dard letter scUre. the pai there is such e lion of any wa Or as h, to, that tion of And im addres any suc last, it sell Your ac tor hal One tf of the ktio wit been f 4 by the ltt ord, and he Worthy We le porary. 'W e 1 Francis What al the Kin the cou nate, at Dr. , I. Br 2. Di 3. S n 4. Ur Now, her e an' "therwi; the Kin without F rancis *fle e t of kinistei Noi otlecessi drive n We a pitrli I° eUtnei th e „ R 4, trge ‘ ll alik' 434 nar 44 ce um vsi ' • e prin would lees ii le has: Li te wh c'huinet I °l' ins r a pt an : 4 Such 1 -- -