Northern Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1857-06-24 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRANCE. PARIS, MONDAY EVENING. At half-past four o'clock this afternoon the voting terminated in Paris, as throughout France, and at the hour I write, the tellers are counting the tickets in all the Mairies. The result will, probably, not be known with certainty before to-morrow. What may be the case in the departments I cannot say, but so far as Paris is concerned, the elections have certainly excited a movement far greater than any one anticipated. It was, as I have already men tioned, but little felt yesterday ; but the whole of this day, and particularly the early part of it, the sovereign people was up and stirring. The right of taking out the voting tickets did not end with the commencement of the ballot; it continued yesterday and up to the last moment to-day, so that, between the crowds who flocked to take out their bulletins and those anxious to 'deposit them, the Mairies and the other voting places were crowded to the utmost. The recommendation that had been given to the working classes to proceed en masse to-day, rather than yesterday, was observed punctually. I proceed to give you the result of my observations during a hurried visit to the various polling booths up to two o'clock. In the first and second arrondissements the movement was very considerable. This is not to be wondered at, as the population of the one amounts to 112,000, and the other to 114,000 inhabitants. The third arrondissement comprises a population of at least 65,000 souls. It is the cen tre of commerce, the haut commerce, the extensive dealers in the fabrics of Mulhouse and Rouen, manufacturers of shawls, &c. It is also the head quarters of what may be termed the opposition bourgeoise, the class who have been at all times dis posed to give a "lesson'' to the Government, whe ther that Government be Republican, Royalist, or Imperialist, Liberal or illiberal, Constitutional or the reverse. The bourgeoise of this arrondissement are by temperament and taste frondeurs parexcellence. Though none have suffered more severely by revo lution, though none are less republican, neverthe less, from the symptoms which were apparent to-day, I should not at all be surprised if General Cavaignac obtained a majority of votes in this arrondissement. The fifth arrondissement con• tains a population of about 97,000 inhabitants, the greater part of whom are marrtfacturers of the ar ticles de Paris, copper and iron founders, looking glass-makers, cartwrights, harness makers, &e. In this arrondissement there was great activity. In the sixth arondissement, of about 70,000, the same continuous movement was visible. Nearly the whole population is composed of the working classes. The men were on foot from an early hour, and, with hardly an intermission. They crowded to the Mairies in their shirt sleeves, with bare arms, in sabots—in fact, in their working dress as they left the workshops—a neglige the most negligent. They exercised their sovereignty in the most unceremonious manner, and it was evident that they had not forgotten the sans facan habits of 1848. The eighth arrondissement contains a population of about 114,000. The Faubourg St. Antoine pre sented a most animated aspect, The workmen issued in groups from the wine-houses to the voting places the whole of the day, and many seemed to be all the better, or rather all the worse, for their libations. So far as personal appearance went, they were pretty much in the same state as their friends of the sixth arrondissement. It is in the eighth arrondissement that are found in greatest number the partisans of the Democratic and Socialist Republic—men after M. Louis Blanc's own heart. In the ninth arrondissement the movement was not remarkable up to twelve o'clock. The princi pal feature was the number of ecclesiastics proceeding to deposit their votes in the urn. In this quarter of Paris chiefly reside the manu facturers of sacerdotal vestments, sacred vessels and church ornaments. In the tenth arron dissement, which is one of the most extensive of the capital, the movement was less active relatively to the population, which is about 115,000. The twelfth is one of the most extensive and the poorest of the capital. It is the seat of the corporation of itinerant ragmen. It is there that the highly " doctored" eau-de-vie finds its most numerous and devoted consumers ; and from all that could be seen alcohol played a con siderable part in the electoral movement of the quarter this morning, as several of these worthy citizens exhibited so much eccentricity in their demeanour that they had to be ejected summarily from the voting room. In this quarter, also, a good number of ecclesiastics voted, In alluding to the eighth, I should observe that in many cases the difference of calling seems to influence their poli tical tendencies. For instance, the ornamental paper makers, cabinetmakers, metal foundrs, engine makers, will have most probably voted against the government candidate; the market gardeners rather in favour ; the coppersmiths (who are, I believe, principally from Auvergne) the same; the dealers in old iron wares rather divided ; but the journey men brewers generally favourable. On Saturday and yesterday additional carriages were put on to the trains, for the considerable numbers who are located in the country, in the neighbourhood o! Paris, and who were coming in to vote. The following circular was sent round last even ing from the Hotel de Ville to many of the electors who had not as yet taken out their tickets : Prefecture of the Department of the Seine, Paris, June 21. Sir,—The elections for deputies to the Legislative Corps commenced this day. Each person is at liberty to exercise or not the rights which the constitution confers on him. Now, as certain parties have systematically advocated abstention from the vote, many electors would, perhaps, regret being involuntarily associated with them, either through forgetfulness or in consequence of their occupations. I therefore take the liberty of reminding you that the voting will remain open to-morrow (Monday) from eight o'clock in the morning till four in the afternoon.—Receive, sir, &e., G. E. HAUSSMANN, Prefect of the Seine. The counting of the tickets in the 110 sec tions of Paris, which began at 4 o'clock, when the voting terminated, will not be completed till a late hour. I may add that, though the electoral movement has been greater than any one supposed, every thing, so far as I have been able to ascertain, was carried on tranquilly. The Emperor leaves on an early day for Plom bieres. He intends spending his time there in the most tranquil and retired manner. Tents and Marquees have already been sent there. M. Mocquart (private secretary), Prince de la Tour d'A.uvergne, and General Fleury, accompany him. A letter from Bologna of the 12th inst. contains the following : On the occasion of the Pope's visit to the Legation, pro ceedings were solicited against the murderer of poor Count Lovdtelli. This gentleman was greatly esteemed by His Holiness, both from his own character and from his alliance with the Princess Ghihi, a lady of whose family he had espoused. He had been governor at Ferrara, where he was greatly esteemed and regretted. His Holiness sees with much pleasure the probability of a marriage of a son of the Count with the daughter of Queen Maria Christina of Spai n . A letter from the Abruzzi, in the kingdom of Naples, dated the 13th of May, gives a gloomy description of the state of seclusion in which the inhabitants are kept by the Government. It says that foreign journals with difficulty reach them ; their geographical position deprives them of inter course with foreigners, and the only source of information permitted them is the official journal of the Two Sicilies: A too attentive perusal even of this paper gives umbrage to the police. It is sufficient to be seen two or three times in a coffee house reading the official journal to attract notice and to cause the unfortunate politician to be placed under a strict surveillance. The Neapolitan Government, in fact, considers all foreign news dangerous to the State, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (By British and Irish Magnetic Telegraph ) HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUZSDAY. The Howe met at fire o'clock. Lord Baououmic laid on the table a bill which was before the house last session, and the session before, for the pre vention of vexatious litigation: THE NORTHERN TIMES.---LIVERPOOL, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 24, 1857. CRNTRAL AUSTRALIA. The Duke of NEWCASTLE asked for information respect ing the results of the exploring expedition to Central Australia, under the direction of Mr. Gregory. Earl GRAWILLE said that, with the exception of the interior, the researches of the expedition hai been very successful. A gr, at deal of fertile land had been dis covered on the banks of the Victoria and in the vicinity of the Gulf of Carpentaria ; every information of which the government were possessed would be made public. The Joint Stock Companys' Bill was read a second time. DIVORCE BILL. On the motion for the third reading of the Divorce and Matrimonial Causes Bill, Lord BEDESDALE moved an amendment to the effect that the court created by the bill should not have power to grant divorces a vincula. He thought the country had been taken by surprise in regard to this matter, and that further time for the consideration of the bill should be allowed. The LORD CHANCELLOR denied that the public had been taken by surprise, and stated that the subject had been under consideration for the last five years. The Earl of NALMESBURY did not think that the difficul ties of the subject had been properly met by the bill. He supported the amendment. The Ear? of WicKLow reiterated the complaint that the public had been taken by surprise, though he admitted that the question had been for a long time under the considera tion of committees and commissioners. After same further discussion, the amendment was negatived by 91 to 34. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved an amendment, substitut leg fine for imprisontaent in the punishment of the guilty parties. The amendment was carried by a majority of 20 ; the numbers being —Contents, 49 ; Non -contents, 29. An amendment proposed by Earl NELSON, to make a re-marriage merely civil, to be celebratel in a registrar's office, was negatived by 19 votes to 49. Some further discussion having taken place, the bill was read a third time, the last clause having been omitted on the motion of the Lord Chancellor. The motion that the bill do pass was opposed by the Bishop of Oxford, but was carried, uppn a division, by 4G votes to 25, and the bill accordingly passed. The Smoke Nuisances Abatement (Scotland) Bill was read a third time and passed. The House rose at a quarter to ten o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-TUZSDAY. The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock. The Cork and Youghal Railway Bill ; the Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Railway Bill; and the Newry, Warrenpoint, aad Rosstrevor Railway Bill were read a third time and passed. The Election Committees, to inquire into the allegations contained in the Mayo, Cambridge, and Rochdale petitions, were nominated. FINSBURY PARK. A motion, authorising the making of a park at Finsbury, gave rise to a lengthened discussion, several members objecting to the proposed contribution of £50,000 out of the public purse ; the total cast being £300,000, for purely local purposes. The government supported the measure. A division was taken, upon a motion to adjourn the debate, on the understanding that the vote should be con sidered as upon the question—whether a government grant towards the park should be sanctioned, the supporters of the motion being the opponents of the grant. The House divided. The numbers were— For the motion .... Against it 214 123 Majority The debate was then adjourned till Thursday next. JOINT STOCK BANKS. Mr. READLAM gave notice, that on the motion for the second reading of the Joint Stock Banks' Bill, he should move a resolution•to the effect that the principle of limited liability should - be extended to Joint Stock Banks. INDIAN TROOPS. Mr. B. WILLIAMS asked whether it was the intention of the government to disband any of the native troops in India. Mr. V. Smrru said, in consequence of disaffection the 19th had been disbanded, but unless in similar cases, no other regiment would be disbanded. THE IRISH GRAND JURY SYSTEM. Sir D. NORREYS moved for leave to bringin a bill to pro vide for the management of the fiscal affairs of the counties in Ireland by electoral boards. After pointing out the defects in the present grand jury system, he urged the advantages of the proposition which he made by his bill, and added that in Belgium and Canada the system of electoral divi sions had been adopted, and had worked successfully. He had fixed no qualifications far memb ers of the council, leav ing all matters of detail to be decided hereafter ; and all he asked the house to do was to pass a vote of censure upon the grand jury system. Mr. M•IVIAuoN seconded the motion. Colonel Fromm observed that the grand jury system had been in operation for nearly a century. It was simple and economical, and gave general satisfaction. This it was that the hon. member proposed to do away with, and to provide in its stead a cumbrous and expensive machinery. Under the Irish system 43,000 miles of road were kept in order without debt, while in England 26,000 miles of road wort) bankrupt, and the hiet way rates amounted to a million a year. He contended that no system in any country had been so successful as the grand jury system in Ireland. By the bill it was pro posed to give the Lord Lieutenant power to appoint a president and vice-president of the council at large salaries, and an administrative council, and these councils had authority to appoint a great number of offi , :ers at high salar:e3. The total expense under the bill would be £140,000, independent of the travelling expenses of 230 members of the Executive Council, It was the most objectionable measure that had been proposed to the house in his ex l y rience, and he felt it his duty to oppose it at that stage. Mr. BAGWELL considered that the grand jury system was a grand anomaly, because the magistrates could at any time overrule the opinion of the ce3s powers, and the system was therefore taxation without representation. He felt compelled to vote against the bill, as he believed it would make a bad system ten thousand times worse. Mr. M‘MAnort objected to the grand jury system, and demanded that the Lando flers should pay half the cess, or that the right of levying the rates should be altered. He supported the bill in order to record his condemnation of the grand jury. Mr. COGAN thought that a representative system sh‘.uld be substituted for the grand jury system, and fur that reason supported the introduction of this measure. Mr. H. HERBRaT admitted that there were defects in the grand jury system, but did not think that there was anything to justify the description which had been given of it. He thought that the electoral system should be intro duced into the road cessions, but he was not prepared tl favour a sweeping measure which would have the effect of altering the whole fiscal management of the country. The grand jury had no power to originate taxation. The sbuses complained of had ceased tO exist with the act of 1836, and he felt it his duty to resist the introduction of the bill. Mr. MAGUIRE regretted that the Government had not promised a bill on the subject. He bore testimony to the fact that the grand jury system was most unpopular in Ireland. After some further discussion, the motion was with drawn. INPROVZHENTS IN INDIA. Mr. J. B. SMITH moved the following resolution—" That, in the opinion of this House, it is :expedient that Parlia ment shall direct its immediate attention to the best mode of removing the obstacles which impede the application of British capital and skill to the improvement of the pro ductive powers of India!' The great obstacle stated by him was the want of roads, and he, at some length, stated the advantages derived from the attention paid to this point in Ceylon, and some parts of India—the improve ment of land, the development of industry, and the prosperity of the people following. He also urged the necessity for an improvement in the tenure of laud, and for irrigation, to qualify India to compete with America in the cultivation of cotton. In his concluding remarks, the hon. member appealed to the house to put an end to the East India Company, and bring her Majesty's Indian subjects under her direct rule. _ _ Mr. J. A. TURNER seconded the motion, and drew at tention to the vast importance of the cultivation of cotton in India. The 'demand was overtaking the supply, and the only direction in which they had to look for an increase was to the East and West Indies, Mr. MANGLES vindicated the East India Company, and stated that the productive powers of India at present supplied more than England can pay for. There was no necessity for a reduction of transport expenses, and as regarded the growth of cotton it was to be considered, in calculating the quantity produced, that there was a large consumption in India itself. The reason that cotton could not be obtained from India was, that there was no demand except when the American crop failed, and India could not and would not grew under such circumstances. Lord STANLEY supported the motion, and Mr. D. SET MOUR opposed it. The debate was then adjourned till Tuesday next. Lord RAYNILAM obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the act for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. Mr. BLACK moved a resolution with the object of in creasing the silaries of Scotch inspectors and surveyors of taxes. Mr. WILSON opposed. Mr. G. Kinnaird, Mr. Crauford, and Colonel Sykes having offered some observations, the motion was negatived. Leave was given to Mr. GRIFFITHS to bring in a bill to alter and amend the act of 17 and 18 Vie , cap. 31, corn— monly call:d the Railway Traffic Act. To Mr. WARREN, a bill to empowr the House of Commons and its committees to take evidence upon oath. To Mr. MAssEv, a bill to amend the law relating to summary proceedings before jus- tices of peace, and to amend the law c , :mcerning Municipal Corporations in England. Some other bills were brought in. The Highways Bill was withdrawn by Mr. MASSEY. The Alehouse Licensing Bill was read a third time, and passed; as was the Insurance of Lives Abatement of In come Tax Biil. The House adjourned at hall past one. MERSEY CONSERVANCY AND DOCKS BILL. (PROM OUR OWN REPORTER.) HOUSE OF COMMONS, TUESDAY, JUNE 23, The Committee re-assembled this morning at twelve o'clock, Sir JAMES GRAHAM, in the Chair,—when Mr. HOPE SCOTT, Q.C., proceeded to address them. He said he appeared against the Mersey Conservancy and Docks Bill, —nominally on behalf of the Corporation of Liverpool, but substantially for the community of Liver pool, and for the interests of a population of four hundred thousand souls, or thereabouts, for whom the Corporation were trustees. The questions for consideration as they affected that population and that community were these; first, whether they were to be disfranchised and practically superseded in respect to the management of docks, which they, themselves had erected, and which now produced for them a revenue of £326,000 a-year ; and, secondly, whether they should forfeit, and that upon no crime proved, —but rather that they should forfeit, in accordance with a modern theory, than owing to any misconduct of their own — a property producing £130,030 a year, in the shape of anchorage, or town due property, which they had enjoyed as the lessees or owners for GOO years, and which they had repeatedly shown their readiness to defend in any court which acknowledged the first principles of the law of Eng land. In this great inquiry ha was quite aware that he represented what was considered the unpopular, and by some of his most sanguine opponents, the losing side, He was also aware that a royal commission had struck at them, and that the Board of Trade, as a department, had pursued them, and continued to pursue them with an eagerness amounting almost to personal hostility. He was further aware that the Government of the day had committed itself to their destruction by putting words into Her Majesty's Speech, and introducing a public bill in pursuance of that speech ; and that a member of the Government had uttered against them sentiments of sufficient range and scope, not only to take away their Town Dues and docks, but even to strip them of their enfranchisement and possessions. He was also aware that against his clients the jealousies—for it was more jealousy than cupidity—of a large manufacturing interest were bonded together, that against them also, a powerful railway company, foiled in its attempt to obtain a mono poly, at a spot which it reached only on the principle of competition was arrayed, and that against them of all men the most miserable, Miss Harriet Mortineau had written a book. (Laughter.) He could understand a French journalist giving an account of all that was said and done against Liverpool, and predicting its fall, in accordance with the will of a great and powerful Monarch, but at home we knew how easy it was to got up an agitation—how, in point of fact, a single active man—such a man as Mr Heron—could raise an agitation. How a pressure upon the government at a particular moment could affect their conduct, and induce them to give their sanction to that which it was their first duty to resist. We knew also how excitements of this nature subsided, and how after a certain amount of fuss, and noise, and violence, the people recovered their senses, and the strife was all put an end to. The truth was that ebulitions of this kind were very much to the spirit of the British Constitution —whit a wake was to an Irishman—whiskey and shillelahs, revolutionary principles and a few broken heads one day, and on the next every body went to bed as usual, and forgot all the noise and excitement that had first surrounded them. The Liverpool Corporation now at length found themselves before a Committee of the House of Commons composed of gentlemen whom he was bound to believe were selected because they were utterly without prejudice, and free from any of those mercantile theories that had led to this attack upon property, and who composed a tribunal who were required to hear patiently, weigh carefully, and decide justly, not upon what had been said elsewhere, or reported against the Corporation generally by their antagonists, but upon the arguments brought before them, in proof or disproof of the preamble of the present bill. In addition to the confidence which he possessed in the Committee, he entertained a deep sense of the injustice both of the object and of the manner of the attack upon his clients ; and, secondly, he owned to an appreciation of a keen kind, almost amounting to an intellectual enjoyment of the absurdities, contradictions, mis-statements, and alternations between meanness and extravagance, which marked the conduct of the case sought to be made out against the Corporation. But this much he would venture to say at the outset, that if he failed to make the committee perceive that the attack upon the com munity of Liverpool was not only unjust and unreasonable, but that, in point Of §Pipment, it was ! I .l(VcrOus, it would be his fault, and not the fault of his subject. He would now proceed to give a history of the attack which ushered in this bill, and in doing s) he would separate the Dock Trust question from the Town Dues as a matter of argu ment, though as a matter of narrative they must be blended together. It had been the object of the opponents of the Corporation to confuse them, and then found claims favourable to the principle which they advocated. The first stage in which the question of Town Dues occurred was in the Municipal Corporation Inquiry of 1834. At that time the Commissioners reported very fully upon the question, but it was not until 1853, that the first serious movement took place on the part of the Gov ernment in the reports issued by the Board of Trade. He admitted that that Board had rendered great service to the country, but if it was to continue to do so, it must in future act within its proper sphere, and not go beyond it, as un fortunately for itself it had in more cases than one—not the least unfortunate being its collision with the Great Western Company in 1845. He thought it was greatly to be regretted that the Board had ever been brought into direct contact with parliamentary committees on private bills. Certainly it was the act of a great man—Sir Robt. Peel—but it was a great mistake : for instead of that which was generally known as a Board, but which had no existence here, we had a Board bectur,auocracy, which was most foreign to the habits and feelings of the English peoples. The reports of the Board of Trade had been op posed by none more strongly than the Great Western Company, and day by day the iufiuence of the Board went down, until at length the Ministry refused to support them, and they had become mere cyphers instead of being what they had attempted—dictators to Parliament. The same principle had been tried iu other departments, but with an equal want of success. The first inquiry which affected the Town Dues of Liverpool, was made by virtue of a royal commission, and was a step which he did not object to, because it was a step taken by a public a u th or ity, i n accord ance with the wishes of the crown, acting openly with a view to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion as to matters of fact. He could not admit, however, that the terms of the commission were quite so free from objection as the issue of the commission itself; as, after declaring that her Majesty had deemed it expedient that a commission should forthwith issue for inquiring into the local charges upon shipping, it went on to direct not only an inquiry into the local charges upon shipping, but into the goods carried and shipped ; and further, to authorise an inquiry into the title and authority under which the dues were levied, and also, as to how far they had been applied to the benefit of the persons who paid them. He regretted that the royal com missioners had not published in the appendix to their re port the written replies which they had received to certain questions which they had considered it their duty to put but had contented themselves will simply publishing a summary of them. The commissioners presented their report in July, 1854, and he could understand the diffi culty which the government must have experienced in acting upon that report, inasmuch as it expressly set forth the right and title of Liverpool to the Town Dues, without any trust or obligation attaching to them. Accordingly the government, in 1855, made no movement, but the department was on the look out, and presented a report in which, leaving the govern ment far behind, the first step was taken in this great aggression upon Liverpool property. In that year there were before parliament a number of bills relating to Birkenhead and Liverpool, and the report of the Board of Trade, after having called attention to the report of the Royal Commissioners, make an uncalled-for remark, that town dues ought not to be sanctioned, except they were applied exclusively for the benefit of the trade of the port. The bills upon which the Board of Trade reported were six in number. One of them was for the purpose of carrying into effect the powers of the shipping commissioners ; another was promoted by the Liverpool Dock Trustees, who applied for powers to raise a sum of £3,500,000 on mortgage of their rates ; and the other four had reference to Birkenhead. They were all referred to one committee, and at first it appeared that they would be vigourously contested, but means were found to settle all differences, and the committee expressed a strong opinion that there was little hope of the success of the Birkenhead scheme so long as it was treated as antagonistic to Liverpool. Indeed, from the chairman himself came the first• sug gestion, that Birkenhead should be acquired by Liverpool. The Board of Trade made great lamentations about the state of things at Liverpool, expressing among other things their great surprise that the Dock Trust of Liverpool, who were going to raise £3 500,000, for the purpose of imme diate expenditure upon a profitable cbject, should be unable to undertake to raise money for the purchase of an unprofitable property like that at Birkenhead. The Board then proceeded to urge that this unprofitable work should be purchased by and made profitable at the expense of the Corporation of Liverpool. They proposed that Liver pool Corporation binds should be issued, but recommended that Parliament should declare, specifically, that neither the act for the purchase of the Birkenhead Docks, nor the bonds issued under its authority should prevent Parliament dealing with the Town Dees. Now they knew that in Railway Bills there was a clause inserted to the effect that the act should not prevent the companies being subjected to the provisions of any general act that might thereafter be passed. But, what the de partment of the Government wanted, and almost carried, was a clause to prejudice the question of the Town Dues, and to obtain a parliamentary declara tion that the Town Dues was a kind of property in a different sense to that in which they were really held, and that parliament might deal with that property as a public question. That clause was not simply a saving clause, but a declaration of the right of parliament to deal with the Town Dues and the Borough Fund. It was pursued with the utmost possible eagerness in the com mittee, and it required the utmost possible amount of vigilance on the part of the Corporation to prevent its being inserted in the bill. In point of fact, it was at one time inserted ; for, notwithstanding that the chairman of the committee declared that the clause could not be, to prejudice the Local Dues question, it was inserted, on the pressure of the Beard of . .Trade being brought to bear. But, subsequently, the_ committee reconsidered, and with drew that clause and inserted another, to the effect that nothing contained in, or to be done under the act, should be held directly or indirectly to confirm, alter, or prejudice the right of the Corporation of Liverpool to the Town Dues, or the position of the Corporation, or any other person in respect thereto, and that the same should be Judged of as if this act had not been passed. That was a plain, honest clause, but it did not suit the Board of Trade, who proposed a clause to prejudice the whole question, while, at the same time, they professed to be keeping it open. A second proposal of the Board of Trade was, the re-constitution of the Dock Trust, so that all parties interested in the payment of Dues should be represented at the Board. In this case, again, the Board of Trade set up its lamentations in behalf of—it almost cried again because of the absence of—Manchester. They said when Birkenhead was disposed of to Liverpool the committee decided that the Corporation of Manchester had no locus standi, and that theref we Liverpool was the only interest represented in that committee. He could scarcely believe that such a ridiculous assertion could emanate from the public department. These were positive extortions of facts made to serve particular occasions. Mr. Sergeant Wrangham had said that he quoted the Board of Trade whenever he could, because they were an unprejudiced board. Why, they had misled the parties who had framed this bill; they would have misled the committee of 1855 if they could; and they would now mislead this committee, if their statements were not subject to a scrutiny, which, to say the least, proved their inaccuracy. Then, the Board of Trade found fault with the Corporation of Liverpool for not already coming to parliament for a bill to tra n sfer the docks at Birkenhead, and said that the consequence was, if the docks failed, the Corporation would threw the burthen on the Dock Trust; but if, on the contrary—which was most likely to be the am—the docks were a profitable specula tion, then the Corporation would pocket all the profits and keep the docks in their own hands. Such state ments were really preposterous. It was lament able that a public department should be so ignorant of facts Such ignorance was really unpardon able, for the bill of 1855 provided that when the Dock Trustees were in a position to take the Birkenhead Dock Estate, the Liverpool Corporation should transfer the property. Again, the Board of Trade in their report set forth that—" It seas said when docks were first suggested at Birkenhead, the Liverpool Corporation speculated largely in land, sold it on lease at a high price, and then petitioned against the construction of the works." Let him ask, was it the business of the Board of Trade to collect all the gossip in the country and bring it valeat quantum before a committee of the House of Commons to influence their minds. "It was said " Gossip, in accurate in particulars, raked up in order to paint as black a picture as possible, and to do an injustice to a great com mercial community, whose energy, enterprise and experience had added so materially to the general wealth of this country. Now, he had said, that the Board of Trade pursued them with an eagerness amounting almost to personal hostility. In 1855, he felt bound to say, the Board of Trade acted more like a solicitor's office than a department of the government ; and he could say also, that such reports as that body had been in the habit of making lately, fully which, supp in nd his t he charactermind, they whichwould neverhe h a bed given a blo t o th s e h m a , ko a o n ff d so long as they acted in the anomalous position which he had shown they had acted in, and were now acting in. He now turned to the Board in its proper character, and in doing so, he had very great pleasure, for after all this underground work, it was refreshing to come to the sur face, and to the light, and to be able to know the whole of what was peeeing aNtlnd? T. 4 the onion of 1856, we were informed in a speech, from the throne, that the system under which ships paid passing tolls had been the source of great complaint, and that a measure would be introduced into Parliament for affording relief. Ha made no complaint whatever of this step, for it was- an acknowledgment of the greatness of the subject ; it was a confession, and the public bill subsequently brought in was a coroboration of the fact that is was not a subject for the Board of Trade, acting in commttee-rooms of the House of Commons, but it was purely a subject of minis terial interference, and one to be dealt with fully and fairly on the floor of the House of Commons. On the 4th of February, leave was asked to bring in a bill affecting the right to levy and manage the dues derived from the shipping at all the ports mentioned in the report of the Royal Commissioners. He did not find fault with the introduction of the bill, but what he complained of was, that the government of this country should have allowed a year to pass by and a " department'' to deal, not in a very respectable or reput able manner with this question. He was free to confess that the subject was brought before the House in a bold, manly manner—it was intrcduced on a broad principle— there was no petty carping—no attempt to attack one part only ; in fact, as regards the Bill itself and the manner and occasion of it, the measure was worthy of a government who desired to deal with a question which they thought was prejudicial to the public interests. There had promised to be a flue clay of sport unequalled since— Earl Percy, of Northumberland, a vow to God did make, His pleasure in the Scottish wood; three summer days to take. But, unfortunately, many disaste7s occurred on this famous sporting day, the principal of which was, that in which the House of Commons declared that further information was necessary, and in which Mr. Labouchere, a member of the Government, declared that the sons of Zeruiah had been too strong for him. Ultimately a select committee was appointed, who were directed to inquire into, and report to this house upon the several matters referred to the Com missioners appointed by her Majesty to inquire into the local charges upon shipping in the ports of the United Kingdom. And there was a second resolution, re'erring the report cf the commissioners, which had been presented to bath Houses of Parliament, by command of her Majesty, to the Select Committee. At the present moment, there was no authoritative declaration from any public body, apart from the report of the Board of Tr.. de, upon the prin ciple of this or any other similar bill; for the Select Com mittee inquired only into one case—the case of Liverpool, and broke up with this simple report—" that the evidence taken up to the present time be reported to the House, without any Expression of opinion ;" and the report of the Royal Commissioners was in suspense. It was known, however, that a report was proposed to the Select Committee ; that it was rejected by cne vote only —the vote of the Vice-President of the Board of Trade ; and that it was strongly in favour of the claims of Liverpool, and directly adverse to the report of the Royal Commissioners. The learned counsel here read the report proposed to the select committee, and asked why if it was of such great importance, that the views of the Board of Trade and the Royal Commis sioners should be carried out, the select committee he d not been re-appointed. Parliament had re-assembled, and no movement had been made with the view of accomplishing that object, and let we were told that we had at present a p:ime minister with one of the strongest Parliamentary majorities which had been known for some time. Not withstanding that the ministry had committed themselves in 1856, and then retreated trom their original position, in order that Parliament should be supplied with better information; no attempt was made in 1857 to revive the inquiry, and obtain the information which the p:ime minister declared to be necessary in 1856. What ren dered this circumstance the more remarkable was the fact, that in the last session of the last Parliament a bill intro duced upon passing tolls, a charge which was wholly different in origin and nature from town dues, wa t made the handle for something more. It appeated that the town of Ramsgate had been empowered by Act of Parliament to levy rates upon coals for town improvements, and that this fact had presented to the fruitful mind of eome agent of the Board of Trade an opportunity for stealing a march. They accordingly reported upon the biil that all tolls in the nature of Town Dues should in future be abolished, and, in so doing, they absolutely invented Town Dues solely for the purpose of abolishing them. But what had been the opinion of a parliamentery committee only this session, upon the recommendation of the Board of Trade ? In a bill promoted in another room, for the redaction of certain tolls upon the river Weaver, the com mittee, entirely rejecting the report of the Board of Trade, had unanimously rejected the bill. He felt called upon to object, in the strongest terms, to the manner in which the present bill came before parliament. If the committee were to sanction the bill, what assurance had they that the select committee of last year would not be re appointed, and come to a conclusion .upon the whole question, exactly opposite to the decision of the private committee. It had been admitted to be a subject for general, public, and ministerial inquiry, and it was there fore neither just nor proper that the Corporation should be handed over to a private committee, to be worried and carped at for such selfish objects as those by which the promoters of the present bill were actuated. It would be well that the committee should consider for a moment who were the parties who were now set at Corporation by the Board of Trade. They had been fortunate enough to find in another quarter the assistance which they lost at Birkenhead, having induced two railway companies, and two voluntary associations in Man chester, to come for ward and promote the measure ; and the names of Joseph Heron and Charles Saunders were to be immortalised in history, as having accomplished that which a Palmerston, a Cardwell, a Labouchere, and a Lowe had been unable, in the face of parliament, to accomplish. Mr. Heron, the permanent agitator upon the subject, and the spirit of the opposition to town dues in 1855, when none of the railway companies took the matter up, but when, on the contrary, the Great Western Company gave their support in parliament in opposition to Mr. Miner Gibson, who advocated Mr. Heron's views, now stated that he had been addressed in the first instance by the railway interest. The Chairman of the Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Railway having called upon him at the end of October, and the Great Western Company having followed shortly afterwards, to induce him to take part in the promotion of a bill. Ultimately it appeared to have been agreed that Mr. Heron should take charge of the case, and employ what he was pleased to call leis occasional parliamentary agents. Accordingly Mr. Heron, having at his command the representatives of the Manchester interest, patched 1.113 a union between them and the railway companies, and hence arose the bill. Now, strangely for Manchester, the two commercial associations—the Manchester Chamber of Commerce and the Manchester Com mercial Association, two voluntary associations—were not to contribute any thing towards the promotion of the scheme. Mr. Bazley, the Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester, who might be taken as the true exponent of the views of Manchester, told the Com mittee that the Town Dues were a grievance, because they were a charge upon shipping, but he denied that the Customs Duties, levied on the same goods, were a charge upon shipping. Indeed, he went so far as to say that it would be better that the South Carolina planter should put the 2d into his pocket than that it should be received by Liverpool, and applied to a great extent in improving the port and providing the most adeouate accommodation for the shipping. Finally, Mr. Bazley assured the Committee that such was the loyalty of the people of Manchester that they would cheerfully submit to anything which parliament might sanction, provided that it was in accordance with the views of the Commercial Associations of Manchester. In point of fact, the bill was a bill of the Great Western and Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Railway Companies, promoted and paid for by them, and simply ornamented by Mr. Bazley and Mr. Turner, as the representatives of the Manchester Commercial Associa tions. The learned counsel then adverted to the rival schemes proposed by Liverpool and Birkenhead. He pointed out that from the evidence of Mr. Rode, and of the witnesses of the Great Western Company, Mr. Abernethy's plans were preferable to those by Mr. Rendel, which to some extent were impracticable, and drew the attention of the committee to the fact, that the p.ans of Mr. Hartley now promoted by the Corporation, were not near so revolutionary in their character as those by Mr. Abernethy. He also quotes the evidence of Mr. Robertson, who, as one of the Great Western engineers, had expressed an opinion that the half tide basin of Mr. Abernethy, would give the Railway Company much Mr. som e ße o n f de th h e These e the amalgamation mf g ra state ments sethen at chwould s e ae t h mn a ab n bl loe w ! e t r hL e e on them to eobdetest contract was entered into, the Great Western Railway Company were served with a notice that the alleged lease of land on the south reserve by the Dock Trust to them, was illegal and void. The preamble set forth that the amalga mation was made and expenditure incurred by the Groat Western Company on the faith. among other things, that the Birkenhead docks would be completed substantially according to the plans then before parliament ; secondly, that in those plans the corporation intended to destroy the South Reserve, on which the Great Western were to be accommodated. Now, if that were true, Mr. Boyle was not speaking truth. But he had spoken truly, for they had it in evidence that the Great Western Company were made acquainted with the position of things de die in diem ; and even Mr. Saunders admitted that notice of the inva lidity of the lease was received long before the agreement to support the Liverpool Corporation was made. The learned counsel next proceeded to analyse tke evi dence of Mr. Saunders, and had not concluded a dd ress whop ti mmittee rose, at four o'clock. THE NIAGARA. FRIGATE Yesterday, in common with many others of our fellow townsmen, we had the pleasure of visiting this noble vessel, which now lies moored, in all her graceful majesty and beauty, in the Sloyne, not far above the Rock Ferry slip She is incomparably the finest vessel that has ever yet graced the Mersey ; and though, in an ordinary case , this might he deemed sufficient praise, yet in the instance of the Niagara frigate it falls shed of truth and justice. From an inspection alone can her superiority be judged; and emboldened by our own experience to indulge for once in prophecy, we promise those who may visit her, a courtesy and attention ou the part of her officers which will live long in their memory. In our impressi n of yesterday we published a few facts in heralding the arrival of this great " Messenger of Peace,' descriptive of her size and power. From the Ti2nes's description it would appear that she is rigged with " tall and somewhat heavy spars." The reverse is the case. She is under-mated and sparred, and we have been informed that she has never yet had wind enough to bring her down to reef-topsails. Iu fact, her foremast ought to be as large as her pre• sent main -mast, and her mizen-mast as large as her formast. Her extreme length orer all is 373 feet, and her tonnage is about 6,090 tons, being nearly 1,500 tons greater than the Royal Sover-igu of our navy, though her spars are smaller than those of that magnificent vessel. She his 1,200 h - Tre-power, but 6he . can work up to 2,000. The greatest speed which she has yet attained under steam has been eleven and a quarter knots with forty-seven revolutions; under sail and steam she has attained fourteen and a-half knots, with thirty revolutions, but her officers consider that she is capable of making from seventeen to eighteen knots. The Times is wrong in stating that her guns, when equipped with her proper armament, will throw a ball of 270 lbs. a distance of 7,000 yards : it should be 170 lbs , and a distance of 6,000 yards. She at present carries only 4 32-pounders, bat it is but necessary to glance along her noble deck to realise the bristling air of defiance which she would present if completely dressed out in the arma ment her builder designed for her. Long may it bo before the shrill trumpet of war calls for her to put on that armament, and still longer may it be before her destructive guns are turned in anger upon any vessel upon which may float the " Union Jack !" Her entrance is beautifully fine, but yet so gracefully does she taper that the eye can-, not in a moment realise her stupendous proportions. It is only by contrasting the magnificent c'dppere wi h which our river is thronged, and tho still nobler Cunard boats with her that her magnitude can be fully comprehended. Her upper deck is the finest we have ever seen—flush all through, with a slight incline fore and aft, and spacious in the extreme. We cannot attempt to describe all her peculiarities, but there are some points about her, or rather in connection with her management, which are suggestive, and deserving of imitation. We shall mention a few. Along her bulwarks, at either side, runs a small tube, through which the officer can convey his orders, and which insures greater certainty and less labour, (the speaking trumpet being altogether dispensed with) in a gale of wind. Again, there is a small bell attached to the foretop of each mast, and through this the men aloft can be at once signalled. The same with the engineers. There is a dial on deck- with "stand-by," "slow," " fast," &c., marked on it, and there being another corresponding dial in the engine-room, the officer, by turning the handle, can unerringly intimate his wishes to those below. There are many other suggestive Peculiarities about the Niagara, which, no doubt, will no t be lost on the builders at our royal dockyards, whore she has but just undergone many alterations to prepare her for the reception of the Atlantic telegraph cable. Her main deck has been fearfully cut up for this purpose, and so also with her lower deck. For our part, we were particularly struck with this sacrifice; for we cannot look upon the mutilation, though temporary, of such a noble ship in any other light—and we consider it one of the greatest proofs which the American government could give of their desire to promote the most wonderful undertaking which the world has yet seen. Her present crew consists 02540 hands all told. As we have already observed, we in company with many others had the gratification :through the kind ness of Messrs. Hetherington of the Rock Ferry, of inspecting her yesterday. Conscious of the genera' desire to see so noble a specimen of American naval architecture, they, witlia liberality which reflects the greaten credit on them, not only invited a numerous company to the use of their steamer Bee for the visit, but they provided their guests with a repast, the excellence of which was proved in the ample justice done to it. The officers of the Niagara also gracefully accepted the invitation of the Messrs. Hetherington, and by their social qualities rosy still higher in the estimation of the visitors, to whom in showing the ship, they with the most frank and courteous manner imparted every information sought at their hands. Among the visitors on board we notieed air. H. Littledale, Captain Schonberg, Mr. T. C. Tetley, Mr. C. Woodward, Captain Campbell (of the Cunard steamers), Mr. Grinnell, jun., Mr. H. Clever Chapman, Mr. E. Bright (secretary of the Magnetic Telegraph. C 0.,) Mr. Harrison (one of the directors of the Atlantic C 0.,) Mr. John Hastings, Mr. G. S. Sanderson, Mr. H. Broom, Mr. Alderman Watkins, Manchester ; Mr. Rigby, Man chester; Mr. T. Walmsley, Mr, Gibbs Hansard, Notting hamshire, &c. After dinner, the Bee sailed up to Eastham , and during the trip the healths of " The Qneen," the "President of the United States," and the "Officers of .he Niagara," were drunk with all the enthusiasm which such toasts were calculated to evoke. Mr, Purser Eldridge, with whom were Lieut. Cannon, Mr. J. W. Moore, assistant engineer, and other officers, responded in appropriate. terms to the toast of the president. The party landed.at Eastham, and though Mr. Hilliar whs. made aware of the nature of the visit, &c., he claimed and was paid the usual. tollage on each person who passed through the gate. After spending some time at Easthatn, the party re-embarked; and then the Bee, calling on the, way at the Niage,r 4 , steamed down as far as Egrem.ont, and came upon. the other side along the line of clerics, landing her compfirly, in the best possible spirits, at the Lnding-stage. The Niagara will be open. to the inspection of tif .e public for a few days, and we would advise those who take delight in the sight of a fine ship, not to miss. her-, We believe that steamers will be allowed to -go alongside of her. When she has taken in the eablr3, she will, be joined here by the American paddle. steamer 'Susquehannah, who will accompany her on her mission s and wait on her during the operation of laying the caKe. MURDEROUS AFFRAY Witt' THE POLICE. Late on Monday night a number of `.roughs" had assembled in Harrow-street, Mint-street, Southwark, L - indon, for the purpose of gambling which, as usual, ended in a fight. The interference o! several constables compelled them to retreat, and they.proceeded to Kent street, where the fle.ht was renewed, and now became a general one. The police on duty andeavaured to restore quiet, but were attacked by the, belligerents, who made common cause against the ofEcers, of whom [ here were only two. These were beater, in so brutal a manner that one is in a very precarious condition, and it is believed the other will lose the sight of wee eye. The gamblers had all their Own way, when a strong:teedy of police arrived from the station at Stones End, 'and notwithstanding that the roughs" were reinforce,d by many of their own stamp, and fought with all V . , n d s of weapons, bludgeons, bricks, stones, &c., ' the tab%es were turned, and the police were victors. One l` lad , who was struck on the head with a staff, was taken '.eto the George public-house, and attended by two sur geons, who directed his removal to the hospital, where he remains in a doubtful state, and five of the ringleaders were with great difficulty, captured, and four were taken to the hospital. The police also suffered severely. It WaS mtcl night befQrQ order was restored,