The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-03-31 00:00:00

THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL. Miss ELLEN TREE, of theTheatre-Royal, Covent-garden, who is engaged for a limited number of nights, will make her seventh appearance here this Evening, when will be repeated the highly successful Play, written by James Sheridan Knowles, Esq., called LOVE, which has been nightly received with the most rapt ur ous applause. On WEDNESDAY, will be produced the last new Play, written by Leigh Hunt, Esq., called A LEGEND. OF FLORENCE, in which Miss Ellen Tree will perform her original character of Genevra. On THURSDAY, Miss Ellen Tree will perform lie cha racter of Rosalind, in AS YOU LIKE IT. On FRIDAY, a favourite PLAY, in which s Ellen Tree will appear. rpm present TUESDAY EVEN , the 31st instant, will be performed, for the seventh time here, with New Scenery, Dresses, and Decorations, the highly successful - Play, wr itt en b y James Sheridan Knowles, Esq., called LOVE. The Countess of Eppenstein.... Miss Ellen Tree, as originally performed by her, this season, at the Theatre- Royal, Covent-garden. Huon Mr. Stuart. The Empress.. Miss Cleaver. I Catherine Mrs. Tellet. • After which, the laughable Interlude of MR. AND MRS. PRINGLE. Mr. Peter Pringle, Mr. Baker • Mrs. Pringle, Mrs. Clarke. To conclude with the new Farce of MAKE YOUR WILLS. Septimus Plotter, Mr. W. Howard ; Joseph Brag, Mr. Baker. Lower Boxes, 4s. ; Upper Boxes, 3s. 6d. ; Pit, 2s. lid. ; Gallery, Is. Doors to be opened at Half-past Six, and the Performance to commence at Seven. The Box-office will be opened daily, when Places in the Lower Boxes may be taken of Mr. MINSTER, from Ten Until Three o'Clock. A hmited number of Subscription Tickets for the Season, not transferable, nor admissible at Benefits, to be Sold. Ap plication to be made at the Box-office. TO -MORROW (Wednesday), will be produced, for the first time here, the last new Play, written by Leigh Hunt, Esq., and performed this season, with the greatest success, at the Theatre-Royal, Covent-garden, called A LEGEND OF FLORENCE. Genevra, Miss Ellen Tree, as origin ally p er f orme d b y h er in London ; Agolanti, Mr. Stuart ; Rondinelli, Mr. W. Howard ; Da Riva, Mr. Chaplin ; Co lonna, Mr. W. H. Bland; Giulio, Mrs. Tellet; Olimpia, Miss Cleaver ; Diana, Mrs. Baker.—To conclude with the new Comedy. written -by J. B. Buckstone, Esq., called SINGLE LIFE. Niggle, Mr. Webster ; Damper, Mr. Baker ; Pitikey. Mr. Slaiter ; Boss, Mr. W. Howard ; Chester, • Mr. W. H. Bland ; Miss Macaw, Mrs. Clarke ; Miss Coy, Mrs. Edwards; Miss Skylark, Miss Grant; Miss Snare, Miss Cleaver ; Miss Meadows, Mrs. W. H. Bland. LIVER THEATRE, CHURCH-STREET. For the BEArEZIT of . Mr. BREZE, Boa,' Book-keeper. Mr. J. L. HATTON'S last appearance this Season. Mr. and Mrs. RAYMOND , an d M r . W. J. HAMMOND. TO - MORROW, (Wednesday,) the Ist April, the perform ances will commence with a new Drama, called the DREAM AT SEA. Alley Croaker.. Mr. Tilbury. Biddy Nuts.. Mrs. Raymond. Mr. F. Gardner will Sing " Then let the toast be dear woman ;" and Mr. J. L. Hatton "The Jolly Nose," in the • character of Joe Blueskin, from Jack Shepp d. To which will be adde TEN MILES FROM LO ON ; OR, AN INCONVENIENT DISTANCE. Patrick Rooney.. Mr. Raymond. Mr. Leger.. Mr. Tilbury. The Chorus of "Nix my Dolly, Palls fake away." To he followed by HERCULES, KING OF CLUBS. Tin.. Mr. W. J. Hammond, in which character he will sing " Times past and present." Mr. Christopher Granite Mr. Tilbury. To conclude with the FREEBOOTERS ; OR, THE ROYAL CAPTIVE. • • Tickets to be had of Mr. WHITEMAN, Brunswick Hotel, Hanover -street; Mr. HIME, Music Warehouse, Church street ; and of Mr. BREZE, at the Box-office, from Eleven till Three. LIVER THEATRE, CHURCH-STREET. For the BENEFIT of M. TV. J. HAMMOND, AND HIS LAST APPEARANCE. ON FRIDAY EVENING next, the 3d of April, will be revived the Drama of THE BILL STICKER ; /- OR, " AN OLD HOUSE IN THE CITY." Bin Buzzbottle (his original character) Mr. W. . Hammond, in which he will Sing the Comic Son L-A-W. DANCING . 7 by Misses Thomassin and Lidia and Madlle. Chevalier. To be followed by THE IRISH LION'. Tom Moors Mr. Raymond. Mrs. Aurelia Fivrig . Mr. W. J. Hammond will Sing a New Comic Song called A Batch of Ballads, in the character of Jenny Nightingale, as originally sung by him, three times each night, in Mon crieff's Opera of the. Ballad Singer. To conclude with a New Burlesque Burletta, entitled BEHIND THE SCENES ; Or, Actors by Lamplight: Jeremiah Hopkins (a Stage-struck Hero) Mr.W.J. Hammond. In the course of the Burlesque, A BLANK VgusE TRA GEDY, and a Grand Basketical Equestrian Spectacle, entitled THE TOURNAMENT; OR, AMATEURS OF WAPPING. Tickets may be had of Mr. W. J. HAMMOND, No. 56, Seel-street, or of Mr. BuEzE, at the Box-office. ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. MR. BATTY begs, through this medium, to observe, in reply to a censure conveyed by Mr. Ducitow, t "Ough the columns of the Liverpool Mercury, indicatin ome in dignant feeling at the manner of our opening an nnounce 'tient, that innate confidence in his own reso ces in every material, &c., independent of his Perfort e so universally known and highly appreciated, that th nouncernent of their names, individually and collective) , as the bills testify, guarantee and indicate th e Proprietorship, (thereby disclaim ing any dishonest intention,) and responding to the acclama tion awarded to them of being second to none in the king dom. Indeed, the supporters of the Amphitheatre, who are • nightly increasing, declare this to be the opportunity of'wit nessing a display of true manly Equestrianism in all its rand , fications, exciting, as they do, both wonder and astonishment. Mr. BATTY'S present engagement commenced a full week after Mr. Ducrow lied entirely closed, which was, as is usual, specified in the bills, being in the same common sea. son, would " REOPEN" for a stated time, clearly demon strating the assertion, as Mr. D.'s letter has it, of " CON , 'uINUE OPEN" to be utterly untrue, and, therefore, exone 'rating Mr. Batty from any sinister intention or breach of that etiquette which should be the standard influence of ac tion between all rival candidates for public approbation. THE LAST WEEK HUT ONE OF THE NATIONAL OLYMPIC ARENA OF ARTS ! Last Appearance of Mous. MASSOTA, the Flyina Equestrian! The splendid Rotation of Entertainments prepared expressly for MONDAY, March 30th, and two following Evenings. GRAND SPECTACLE. SCENES OF THE CIRCLE, AND OLD ENGLISH PAGEANT ! executed by the extensive Company of Male & Female Artistes, 100 NEW AND BEAUTIFUL COSTUMES, Superb Troop of Spotted Barbs and Stud of Fairy Ponies will be brought into action in the course of the production, including THU FRENCH, GERMAN, AND BRITISH COMPANY, so advantageously known in Paris, Berlin, and the Metropo. litan Theatres, with THE PROTEAN HORSEMEN, WITH THEIR TRAINED STEEDS AND INFANT ACTORS! - . . embracing a Treble Chain ofAmusements, uniting Talent, Magnificence, and Grandeur. Front Boxes, 2s. 6d. ; Side BoxeS, h. 6d. ; it, Is.; Gallery, 6d. Second Price, at a Quarter before ' e, to the Boxes only. LIVERPOOL PHILHARMONIC CIETY. ►rHE Members are hereby informed, la the OPEN 1- REHEARSALS, during the press QUARTER, Will take place on THURSDAY next, the 2d April, on THURS DAY, the 30th, and on THURSDAY, tli Bth of May. Doors will be opened at Half-past Six, and closed punc tually at Half-past Seven o'clock. The SECOND QUARTERLY CONCERT is fixed for THURSDAY. the 4th of June. WM. SUDLOW, Secretary. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We had prepared the promised estimate of Knowles's recent play of " Love," but in consequence of the pressure of assize intelligence, the postponement of it until Friday is unavoidable.—Several other articles are postponed for the same reason. It ;4 , 4. 41,1'1 "~~~t`~' -.- ---_- Ztherpoot ,tg u TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 31, 1840. The triumph of Thursday night may be regarded as the most important parliamentary event which has oc curred since the passing of the reform bill ; and if followed up, as we trust it will he, with vigour and success, will be sufficient to repair much of the evil which the mistaken policy of the last ten years has brought clown upon us. The emancipation bill—that ill-starred concession to the demands of treason—first introduced to the House of Commons a priest-led pha lanx, alien in interests and in- feeling to the great body of the English people ; and the reform bill, which gave to the rabble of our large towns, which is so largely admixed with the fettered slaves of the Irish priest hood, the privilege of returning representatives of the property and intelligence of Englishmen, contributed to feed the power and to swell the arrogance of the sworn enemies of our liberties and our religion. By the united agency of these two measures the govern ment of the country has been virtually placed in the hands of one man, the hired agent of a faction which thirsts for the opportunity of riding, saddle-deep, in the blood of our Protestant countrymen; the power of that hranch of the legislature to which is specially committed the guardianship of the church and the reli gion of Protestant England has been wielded by a Po pish majority returned by the influence and guided by the counsels of the Vatican, whilst the declared will of the representatives of British constituences, expressed again and again, has been unheeded and despised. That the registration bill of Lord Stanley will pull down this Juggernaut which crushes the energies of our countrymen we trust and hope, for we cannot think so ill of Ireland as tubelieve that the mercenary crew who work in the chains and cower beneath the lash of her mendicant dictator are the representatives of the property, feelings, and wishes of that unfortunate and distracted country. We cannot think so ill of Ireland as to suppose, even for an hour, that, debased, igno- . rant, and steeped as she is to the very lips in supersti- N, 4 . 6;1::;,-,Ainn and priestly tyranny, her merchants, her trades ,iiimeri; and her yeomanry are ,so abject and vile as to be- LL wretch utterly despicable a s ti con tiwpere tools of a g * h. s ,, h , tiobiu•i s Daniel. O'Connell. We believe that the virtual re qi 9dl o 1 .4( • present4tion of Ireland is in the power of a profligate low priesthood, who hold in their hands the .out ambit' '''conscienceland - absolve the perjuries of the drunken ruffians whom they lead like beasts to the polling booth to record the oath which sends a beggar and a slave to the British House of Commons. And can it be otherwise ? Can it be that after the expiration of eight years—the duration of the present Irish registry—the same men, or half, or a quarter of them, live and still retain the same holdings for which they originally qualified ? We know that under the English system of annual registration one-fourth of the constituency of any borough is deprived, from re moval or loss of qualification, of the right of voting; and are the Irish constituencies exempt from the com mon lot of humanity We know that such is not the case. The people of Liverpool at least are aware that the wretched yeomanry of Ireland, galled by the ty ranny and impoverished by the exactions of their Po pish tormentors, are daily seeking in exile a refuge and a rest for the weary foot and the excoriated heart; and when we learn that the same men who are now toiling in the swamps of America are still registered voters for Irish boroughs and counties, and that the same names have been recorded as having voted for a nominee of O'Connell, are we to suppose otherwise than that, un der the present system of registration, every election carried on in Ireland is fought at the expense of reli gion and truth, and that every joint of the serpent which has wound his scaly form around the vitals of the British Constitution is cemented with perjury and blackened with the ruin of immortal souls ? The bill of Lord Stanley proposes to assimilate the system of registration in England and in Ireland, and to give in disputed cases an appeal from the court of the revising barrister to the judges of assize. That a measure thus calculated to produce a real constituency, to diminish the temptation to perjury in the persona tion of absent, dead, or disqualified voters, is resisted by the whig-radical and Popish party, and by the mi nistry which exists upon their sufference, and that it is attacked and misrepresented by• their hired press, will not he matter of wonder. It is called an attempt to limit the franchise in Ireland. It is so. It will restrict the franchise in Ireland to those upon whom alone the law intended to confer it. It will restrict the franchise to bona-fide holders and owners of the soil, who alone ought to possess it. It will restrict the franchise to the living, and not allow the ashes of the dead to be pol luted in their graves. It will withdraw the bonus which is held out for perjury, and confiscate the stock in-trade of the Popish ruffians who hold under the fear of their anathema two-thirds of the constituencies of Ireland. Lord Stanley's bill will do this, and the prayers of the great majority of the empire will be offered up for its success. But the mendicant dictator who pulls the wires of the puppets who inhabit Downing-street threatens that if this bill is carried he will once more agitate for a re- peal of the union. Let him. Let the monster who, in his brutal rage, could assert that a nobleman like Lord Stanley would experience a pleasure in standing by the bedside of a dying parent,—let such a wretch do this or any other thing. We trust that in despite of him, or of the imbecile crew who feed upon and are supported by the venom that drops from his slan derous lips, Lord Stanley and the conservative mem bers of the House of Commons will persevere, firmly and watchfully, in carrying out the bill through every detail. Let O'Connell agitate for repeal if he likes. The Protestant people of England will no longer be governed by Popish Ireland. Let him raise his 500,000 fighting men, and every hill and valley of our country will ring with the cry Of—ENGLAND, TO THE RES 7 CUE The Liberals of Liverpool are in a most awkward dilemma. They are still unable to come to any agree ment as to the gentleman to be proposed as a candidate for the representation of Liverpool, on the Reform interest. It is true, as the Albion of yesterday remarks, 'that " a very numerous and' a very influential body of Reformers have made a significant demonstration in favour" of Joshua Walmsley, Esq. This influential body is known to consist of the plebeian ranks among the Liberals, with a sprinkling from those classes of the shopocracy which are one or two degrees removed from the " great unwashed." But it is equally true that " another very influential party among the Reformers are less favourable towards Mr. Walinsley's claims." That is to say, the reforming "gentlemen on 'Change" —the broadcloth of the party—wish to " rule the roast." They wish to have the selection of a candidate entrusted into their own hands ; and they conceive that the " fustian jackets" are guilty of intolerable im pudence in presuming to interfere with so important a matter. From'these premises it is quite clear that, unless the aristocrats give way, Mr. Wahusley will not consent to he put in nomination. At all events, the Conservatives have no reason to fear any very formidable opposition from any quarter. If united, the Liberals may be beaten any day; but if disunited, as they are at present, there will be still less trouble in achieving the victory. Our opponents content them selves with .talking about bringing forward one can didate only. The most sanguine among them never dream of starting two. This betrays a consciousness of weakness. But our Conservative friends must not be too confident in their own strength and resources. They must not " lay the flattering unction to their souls" that the representation of the town will be re signed into their hands without a struggle. The most energetic preparations must be made for a contest. Above all, the registry must be carefullyllooked after. The agents of the Popish " Protector Society" are diligently at work, and ought to be met by counter exertions on the part of the Conservatives. We have no reason for indulging in fear ; hut it is well to be cautious and ready. This evening the grand attack upon the agricultural interests, or in other words upon the pros i perity of the country, is to commence in the House of Commons, unless Mr. Villiers should fail in screwing up his courage to the sticking point. Of the fate of Mr. Villiers' motion there can be no doubt; but we fear.that the majority will not be so large as on former occasions. There is reason to apprehend that the Ministry, and a great body of their non-descript supporters, will sacrifice their consistency, and give the lie to' their oft repeated declarations, by voting for the repeal of the corn-laws. This they will do in the hope that they may secure some degree of popularity among the middle classes in the large towns. To a certain extent they may succeed in obtaining this object; but it will be at the expense of every honourable feeling, if such a feeling can be supposed, for one moment, to animate the breast or to influence the conduct of a Whig- Radical. We confess that we cannot contemplate the prospect of a diminished majority on the subject of the repeal of the corn-laws without some degree of apprehension. It will afford encouragement to renewed agitation on the part of the manufacturing interest. On this ac count, we should heartily rejoice to find that our fears are groundless, and to congratulate the agricu!tural interest upon such a majority as would at once quench the hopes of the anti-corn law agitators. There is much practical dishonesty in this anti-corn law agitation. This dishonesty will, no doubt, meet with a full and searching exposure in the course of the approaching debate in the House of Commons. In the mean time, it may not be amiss to put our readers once more on their guard against the trickery to which we have alluded. The anti-corn law agitators have acted with con summate dishonesty in their appeals to the working c l ass es. They have endeavoured to persuade the latter that the present system of protection causes bread to be dear, and that a repeal of the corn-laws would cause bread to be cheap. A greater fallacy was never uttered. The terms " cheap" and " dear," as applied to any of the necessaries of life, are of a purely relative character. Bread, for instance, may he, and has been, as dear when wheat was selling at one shilling per bushel, as it is now when the price is eight shillings a bushel. What can it signify to the labouring man, or, indeed, to any one else, whether the weeks' supply of bread for his family cost one shilling or eight shillings, if there is, in one case, as much difficulty in obtaining one, as there is in earning eight shillings, in the other ? It is, there fore, utterly false to say that the corn-laws raise the price of the poor man's loaf. The poor man's earnings constitute his means of livelihood; and these earnings are governed by the state of the market. The manufacturers do not like, for- obvious reasons, -to grapple with the question of wages, and its connection with the corn-laws. They find it to be their interest to avoid the discussion of this part of the subject. The cry of the manufacturers to the Legislature has ages re been " We cannot afford to pay the high w quired by the present price of corn. The price of the loaf is raised, not upon the poor man whom we em ploy, but on us, who must pay him wages proportioned to the price of the loaf. Bring down the markets for agricultural produce, and then we can compete with the foreign manufacturer, by lowering our workmen's wages." This is the constant plea of the manufac turers, when their case is brought before the House of Commons : but they tell the operative a different story. They tell him that his loaf would be cheaper, concealing from him, as far as possible, that his wages would also be lower. On this subject we quote the following apposite remarks from our excellent contemporary the Dublin Evening Mail :—" There would be no advantage to the manufacturer in. repealing the corn-laws, if the effect of that repeal were to make the loaf really a penny cheaper to the artisan. The advantage he expects is the opportunity of lowering his artisans' wages, which is no cheapening of a loaf lowered in the same propor tion. He cannot now, he says, compete with the foreign manufacturer, because the price of provisions is so high that he cannot employ men to do his work under a ruinously high rate of remuneration. Say, then, that we had brought down the price of provisions —that we had cheapened the loaf to half its present value—that we had made every shilling worth eighteen pence—what good will that do to the manufacturer, if he must still pay his workmen at the rate he pays them now ? None in the world. And if the manufacturer Iowa: his workmen's wages in proportion to the in creased value of money, what good we beg to ask, will that lowering of the markets do his workmen ? None under heaven. The food will really be no cheaper; the wages will really go no farther." These arguments cannot be set aside by all the sophistry in the world. They strike at the very root of the case got up by the manufacturers. We rejoice to find, from a report of the interview betweeen the anti-corn-law delegates and Lord Mel bourne, which appears in the Morning Herald of ,yeSterday, that the premier is determined to resist the repeal of the corn-laws. He said that their repeal " would create great disturbance in the state of the country, and would violently change our present con ditiOn"—Ahat, even with a free trade in corn, " prices would fluctuate"—that the manufacturers would "never get into the markets of the Continent,• whether the corn-laws were repealed or not"—that " Governments there would never relax their prohibitory enactments in favour of this country"—and that " the general opinions of the world are against free trade, 'and particularly so on the Continent." TRADESMEN'S CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION MR. CRESSWELL, M.P., & MR. SHERIFF EVANS. A special general meeting of the members of the Trades men's Conservative Association was held on Friday evening, for the purpose of meeting the hon. and learned representa tive of the borough—Mr. Cresswell. It was also announced that Mr. Evans, the sheriff of London and Middlesex, whose arbitrary incarceration by the House of Commons continues to be the theme of general discussion, would be present, he having received an invitation to that effect. The meeting was held in the large room in Tarleton-street attached to the York Hotel, and the place was completely crowded by a loyal and respectable auditory. Shortly after eight o'clock Mr. Samuel Hohne, president of the association, entered the room, accompanied by Mr. Robertson Gladstone and several other influential conserva tive gentlemen. Mr. HOLME, on taking the chair, stated that Mr. Cress well was dining with the Judges and the Mayor, but that he would arrive by nine o'clock, or earlier if possible, accom panied by several gentlemen influential friends of the con servative cause. (Cheers.) He was sorry to have to inform them that he had received a letter from Mr. Sheriff Evans explanatory of the reasons of his absence, which he would take the liberty to read. They were aware he had been liberated by the House of Commons only for a short time in consequence of the state of his health ; and as he would have to go again into the custody of the sergeant-at-arms on the Gth of next month, he (Mr. Sheriff Evans) had conceived it right not to attend any political meeting for the present, for obvious reasons. With these remarks he would read the letter, which was as follows : " Adelphi Hotel, Liverpool, March 26, 1840. "MY DEAR SIR,—I feel particularly flattered by the ho nour of having my name connected with that of your highly esteemed member, Mr. Cresswell, to meet the gentlemen of the Conservative Association to-morrow evening, and which under the circumstances would have afforded me the highest gratification. I have not, however, since my liberation, en tered upon any public duty, considering myself on my parole, and virtually in the custody of the Sergeant-at-arms. You will therefore, I trust, allow me respectfully to decline the honour of being present on the occasion ; and to assure the gentlemen of the Liverpool Conservative Association, how sensible I am of the compliment intended me, and that I shall duly appreciate the sympathy they have been pleased to express towards me in my late incarceration. " I have the honour to remain, " My dear Sir, " Yours most faithfully, " J. H. W. EVANS, " Sheriff of London and Middlesex. "To Samuel Holum, Esq. " &c. &c. &e." The meeting would agree with him that under the peculiar circumstances in which that noble minded man had been placed by a vote of the HouSe of Commons, the wisest thing he could do would be to abstain, for the present, from attending political meetings. (Cheers.) But it it had not been for those peculiar circumstances nothing would have kept him from making his appearance there that night. (Loud cheers.) Without entering upon the general question of the Sheriffs, he would take the liberty of observing that if the peculiar circumstances of the case had excited any feeling at all it was a feeling of satisfaction that we lived in a country which possessed an independent and an hereditary branch of legislature—he meant the House of Lords—(cheers) —by which the democratic branch of the legislature was kept in check. He, for one, indeed, had yet to learn that the will of the House of Commons was the law of the land ; (cheers)—he had yet to learn that it was paramount to our courts of judicature. (Cheers.) For if it were permitted to interfere with the verdict of a jury, to make void the decrees of our judges, and to incarcerate those officers who were sworn to execute the Queen's warrants, he thought we had every reason to fear that the liberties of this country were attacked. (Hear, hear.) He was quite of opinion that it was really laying the axe to the root of the tree of British liberty, and he considered that the kingdom at large was deeply indebted to the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex for the noble stand they had made in defence of the liberties of the people—for it was a question involving the liberties of the people as well as the privileges of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) We were deeply indebted to them, he said, for standing so bravely the sharp firing of the House of Commons—for throwing themselves into the breach, as it were. (Cheers.) It was, too, a happy circumstance for this country that the bench of justice was not disgraced by a second Jeffries—(hear, hear) — but that there should have been found a judge of the firmness of Lord Denman refusing to acknowledge the mandate of the House of Commons when the privileges of the House of Commons came in contact with the law of the land and the liberty of the subject. (Cheers,) So far as he had been able 'to read the laws of his country, he understood that they were, or paramount to, a single vote of the House of Cam .mons, because the laws of England had been framed by the United consent of the three branches of the legislature, queen, lords and commons. (Cheers.) The House of Commons, therefore, had no right to set itself above the law. (Loud Cheers.) If the laws of England were bad let them be al tered, but so long as they remained let them be obeyed ; and he hesitated not to say that law makers should in no case be law breakers. (Cheers.) If there was such a thing as the law of the land the House of Commons were bonnet.) obey is as much as the humblest individual in that room. (Cheers.) This case of the sheriffs had however shown us, that the upper branch of the legislature was at present the popular branch ;—(cheers)—they had at present the support of the country, altho' strange to say, they were not elected by the voice of the people. (Cheers.) And he believed if the House of Commons were to carry out their principles, that the fu ture historian, in giving an account of the decline and fall of British liberty, would be obliged to say, and posterity would respond to it, that the incipient cause of that decline and fall was the attack made by one branch of the legislature, not only against the liberty and independence of the judicial bench, but against tbe liberty of the subject, (Cheers.) He did not think we should hear for some time to come of another crusade against the existence of the 1 - louse of Peers ;—(Hear, hear) —and a man must have more courage or rather more effrontery, were that possible, than O'Connell himself, before he would venture to make another tour throughout Britain, attempting to gull Englishmen and Scotchmen by such an absurd cry. (Hear.) He would dismiss this subject, and turn to another much pleasanter. The ministry by which this country was—he could not say governed, but he might venture to say misgoverned, had again suffered a defeat in the Commons' House of Parliament. (Three cheers were here given for the majority on the second reading of the Irish Registration Bill, and for Lord Stanley.) Having read some editorial comments from one of the morning papers, on the debate and on the subject of it, Mr. Holme proceeded to allude to the disgraceful allusion made by O'Connell to Lord Stanley's impending bereavement. " The noble lord," said O'Connell, " is here to-night, when his presence elsewhere would be pleasanter to him than it ought to be !" (Groans.) Did not all in that meeting know that Lady Skelmersdale was at the present moment lying upon the bed of death ; and Lord Stanley, with the natural anxiety of a son-in-law, was anxious to be present before she departed. (Hear, hear.) His lord ship had arrived in Liverpool that evening (hear, hear) ; and in all probability the effect of O'Connell's shameful appeal to op be to beaten,the very neck tbe y w e i were e so accustomed disgrace ; they were so accustomed were was his defeat by a majority of 250 to 234. (Cheers.) But ministers susunk k to take kicks and cuffs, that he began to think that dis dis- grace itself would fail to dislodge them. (Hear, hear.) They could only be dislodged by the loud; united, and in dignant voice of the people of England • and he trusted the per iod was not far distant when that loud, indignant, and united voice would be heard throughout the length and breadth of the land, and a conservative majority would be sent to the Commons' house, to protect our commerce and manufac tures, and to give us such a government as we enjoyed when England took the lead amidst the nations of the world (Cheers.) But there were circumstances which affected us nearer home. He would direct the attention of the meeting to the dock bill, which the town council, by a small majority, were seeking to force through Parliament. What were the provisions of that bill? (Hear.) A few of them were these —notwithstanding half the warehouses of Liverpool were empty, they were seeking power to borrow £950,000 for the purpose of erecting new warehouses, and for what purpose? To have control over merchandise, to have the em ployment of all the coopers, carters, and porters; in point of fact, to establish a complete system of patronage from be ginning to end. (Cheers.) They were seeking n o t only to get- the laying out of this enormous sum of money, but to bring every carter and cooper and porter within their grasp (hear) ; and judging of them from their past actions,_ it re quired but little sagacity to see that no man would be em ployed at those warehouses, or upon the dock quays, unless his political opinions squared with the opinions of those who were endeavouring to obtain this power. (Hear, hear.) He sincerely trusted, therefore , that the bill would be defeated; and although_ by the aid of the. Irish tail it might pass the House of Commons, he felt assured when it arrived in that house whose legislation was a credit to the country—the House of Lords—(cheers) —they would never suffer such an iniquitous measure to pass. The chairman then resumed his seat amidst loud cheers. Mr. JOHN FORMBY next addressed the meeting upon the state and prospects of conservatism, and he was loudly cheered. Mr. JOHN SHEPPARD having been lolidly called for, rose amidst much cheering, and spoke as follows :—After having alluded to the manner in which the Mercury had spoken of his having, at the Irish municipal reform meeting, introduced the testimony of an Irish Roman Catholic gentleman on the subject of municipal reform, he stated that he had introduced that testimony because the witness was one well entitled, from his knowledge, to be heard; and that, although he had been prevented from reading the document at length, he had read.it in part, and oii that account, as well as from its im portance, the STANDARD and Mail papers had both inserted it, for doing which they had been sneered at by the Mercury. A sneer from so l ow an d d u ll a source , h owe V er , cou ld never rise sufficiently high to reach the persons against whOm it was directed. For the amusement of the meeting, 'and the edification of the Mercury, he would quote the character whiCh had been given of the Whigs by the Pilot—O'Connell's own paper---cu the occasion when the editor was about to be prosecuted, in May, 1833, for publishing Mr. O'Connell's first letter :—" We repeat, the real attack is upon the press, and should reflection, and policy, and sober thought not inter vene between the first proceeding and its coming finally be fore a jury, we shall not, on our own behalf, object to any juror, merely - because he is a corporator, conservative, or or orangenain. In every, relation of life, whether as friend, acquaintance, senator, minister, or juror, give us a tory in preference to a whig." Another part :—" Ay, let us have, in every relation of life, tories in preference to rascally whigs —who add hypocrisy to despotism." What did the meeting think of that? (Laughter.) Surely that might afford fugleing for the Mercury editor for the next week at least. If not, he would add the character which the same paper gave of the Melbourne ministry in 1838:—" We need scarcely remind our readers, amongst whom are the chief members of the Mel bourne ministry, that we have all along, since their accession to power (to which we contributed, if we and the Irish peo ple did not mainly effect), supported them. In parliament and out of parliament the voice of the brave Irish people sustained them. And for this, what have the Irish people got? They have got a lame and impotent tithe-bill; they have got a powerful, an expensive poor law bill ; they have got a report on railway making, as high sounding, as empty, and as expensive as reports generally are, and more need not be said. But we ask again, what have the Irish people got for all their efforts and sacrifices for this ministry? We ask this question collaterally with another which we have already r.peatedly put without Petting any reply from ministers or their orgai.—namely, for what or for whom shall we agitate in future ?' During the period when political difficulty beset these ministers, we restrained the " ignorant impatience" of the multitude—we placed the drag on the popular train. We still think too, at the juncture, this was bad, as shall be seen by the use we shall make of that forbearance hereafter ; but the session which has just closed has altered our opi nions. We now look on the difficulties and impediments which we'were told beset ministers as unreal; and we can not perceive anything in their acts, as regards Ireland, at least, to shield them from the bitter taunts poured so plen tifully on them by Lord Bissugharn in the following :—'Three years have elapsed, and nothing, absolutely nothing, has been done.' Did the government, which had been painted as looking much more honest than Lord Grey's, and being so much more bold in reform, now use its power to carry great measures of improvement? On the contrary, they lost not an hour in casting off all fellowship with reform, and began a course of arbitrary government in some of our colonies, passive acquiescence in the slavery of others, and absolute inaction at home. These bitter truths cannot be denied by ministers and their organs, and so they must be swallowed in silence." As a further illustration of the high esteem in which the whig government is held, Mr. Sheppard quoted the following:—" At a meeting of the National Trades' Union, held at the Adelphi Theatre, in Dublin, on the evening of the 24th instant, Mr. Reynolds said he would make a few remarks relating to the whig government, who were kept in power by the respectable tradesmen of Dublin and of Ireland. It was a bad requital for such toil, that men who devoted their time to support the minis try met with a requital that was unjust and iniquitous. Men who now sat on the bench were not ashamed, after the Grey administration had resigned, to call on the tradesmen of Dublin, and on himself also, to go to the Coburg gardens, and assist in bringing them back ; and it was a bad return to bring Englishmen and Scotchmen here ' and place them in power and situations. Men who signed the Leinster decla ration were treated with contempt, and nothing but the resto ration of Ireland's domestic parliament could do them justice. When a place was vacant, the first question was—" What is it worth ? who'll get it ? is it English or Irish money ?" This was the manner in which the place-hunters acted. He then alluded to the vacant mastership in chancery, and said that Mr. Pigott was the man who, although returned by the ho nest people of Clontnel, voted for an act to send the unfortu nate creature across the Atlantic for asking a bit of bread. Mr. Reynolds also alluded to the bill for tithes supported by Mr. Pigott, and continued to say that after the blood-stained plains of Newtonbarry, no such thing as tithes should ever be heard of in Ireland. Men who are now looking for places came out and said—" No one can return Daniel O'Connell . but me." (A voice—" Name, name.) I state it as a fact, and that is sufficient. But who returned him? Why, the honest tradesmen of Dublin. There were six or eight per sons now looking for the situation of clerk of the peace for the ,city, under the new corporation bill, and they would cut each other's throats about the place. These were the persons who boasted of the power to return such men as O'Connell. But who supported the government but the honest trades men ? It was the duty of government to patronise merit, and not confer place on those paltry, sneaking, hungry hounds after office. Look at the base and dastardly conduct of the patriots of the present day compared with the days of Grattan, Charlemont, and Flood." Such were the sentiments that were heard with shouts of approhationby the tradesmen of Dublin. Mr. Sheppard then alluded to the conduct of the whig majority in the Irish House of Commons, in 1723, with regard to the cruel proposition towards the Roman Catholic and which he avowed was most disgraceful to the then Irish House of Commons, He referred to the Metropolitan Magazine for March, 1810, and Barlow's History Vire/and, for a corroboration of this statement. Mr. Sheppard, after eulogising the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel for their statesmanlike conduct sat down amidst loud cheers. At this moment, Mr. Cresswell, Mr. Shand, Mr. Carson, Mr. Aspinall, Mr. Garnett, of Salford, and a number of other gentlemen, entered the room. The cheering with which they were greeted was tremendous. Mr. ASPINALI, stepping forward, said tlist before the business of the evening was proceeded with, he begged to be allowed to propose a particular friend of his—a friend to the constitution, and one who had fought the battles of the country —as a member of ,this association ; he meant Mr. Wm. Garnett, of Salford. '(Loud cheers.) The motion having been seconded, The CHAIRMAN said it seemed scarcely 'necessary to put the motion. The country was deeply indebted to Mr. Gar nett for rescuing the important borough of Salford from the grasp of the whips. and he had been defeated only by the casting vote of Mr. Cinderella Brotherton himself. (Cheers.) The motion was then agreed to by acclamation. Mr. WM. GARNETT replied to the compliment in these terms :—I cannot allow an honour of the sort which you have now conferred upon me to be conferred without offering to you some few observations upon the occasion. First, will say that I feel it a very high compliment indeed to be associated with a body of gentlemen who have been distin guished, not only in this town, but through the whole king dom, for their loyalty, for their attachment to the throne, and for their sound conservative principles. (Cheers.) In speaking of that association, I must connect with it the re sults of the proceedings of the members ; and when I advert to the election of the year 1837, which terminated in the return of my Lord Sandon and of my hon. and learned friend Mr. Cresswell, if he will allow me to call him so, (cheers,) — I say that in their return you shewed what might be accom plished by unanimity and exertion, and by attachment to those conservative principles which, I trust in God, will eventually save our country from destruction. (Cheers.) Sir, it was that election which stimulated and which encou raged the loyal and conservative party of the great borough of Manchester in their exertions ; and it was upon the occa sion of Sir George Murray coming down, though unknown among us, that we were enabled at the last election to bring him within 124 of the number polled for his opponent. (Cheers.) But I have the greatest satisfaction in telling you, that since Sir George Murray has become known in that borough, and since the conservatives have discovered what may be accomplished by unanimity and organisation, I have the utmost confidence that at any future election he will be returned. (Great cheering.) It would hardly be come me to speak of the borough of Salford. This I will only say, that you may, one and all, rely upon it that you have stout hearts, good friends, and loyal good conservative companions in thathorough ; and whenever the day of elec tion may arrive, I am prepared to stand forward in that bo rough as I have done before (cheers), and I shall do so with increased confidence in the result. (Continued cheering.) once more thank you for the honour you have done me, and I shall always rejoice in y our prosperity and welfare.. (Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN proposed that Mr. Sheriff Evans be elected a member of the association. (Great cheering.) Mr. WRIGHT had g rea t pl easure i n seconding the nomina tion, because he knew, from his own lips, that Mr. Sheriff Evans was a thorough good conservative. Mr. Sheriff Evans said, " Had I been a radical, I should have been incarcerated only a few days, which is the s ma ll est pun i shment I ever gave to the vilest vagabond ever brought before me as a magis trate." (Hear.) 'We knew that when any man rested in the hearts of the people, there were a certain set of persons, calling themselves lib era ls, b u t w h o, he was sorry to say, he had always found the greatest tyrants that could be. (Hear.) These very men, wh en th e y f oun d such gentlemen as Mr. Sheriff Evans in their possession, or under their thumb, put upon them what Lord Howick called " the pressure, to make them know the sense of thei r situation. (Hear, hear.) He assured them that Mr. Sheriff Evan s was not 'made of the materials of the present administration, which one of their own party had described to be " squeezable" materials. Mr. Sheriff Evans was a sturdy Briton (cheers), and a sound con servative, and he declared if they were to incarcerate him for years, he would bear it, knowing he should be upholding the liberty of the subject. " I," said he, " would willingly bear it all, and say to them,_ Thank you, gentlemen. for making me the scapegoat of England." (Loud cheers.) He (Mr. 'Wright) had therefore very great pleasure in seconding the nomination. The motion was carried amidst loud cheers. Mr. ASPINALL had a resolution to propose, which he was sure would meet with the approbation of every conservative present. They knew he was not a public speaker, but he was a hard worker ; he was not a man of words, but he would work (cheers) ; and he IMped they would give him credit for sincerity when he said he was born a conservative, that he had lived a conservative, and that he trusted he should die a conservative. (Cheers.) There were many eloquent men to address them that night ; but he would not yield to any of these gentlemen for sincerity of heart in promoting the conservative cause in the borough of Liverpool. (Cheers.) Within the last three days we had assumed a new situation ; we were threatened with a most formidable opponent. (Laughter.) Nay, they should not laugh. Even Mr. Ewart himself was a cypher compared to the opponent with which we were now threatened. (Hear and laughter.) He (Mr. Aspinall) had no disrespect towards the Mayor of Liverpool. • That man was a man of honour—he was a man of integrity — he was a man that all must call a man of the greatest charity. But Mr. Joshua Walmsley, with all his excellent qualifica tions, whilst there was a conservative heart among us, would never represent the town of Li v e r p oo l. (Hear, hear.) Of course lie spoke of M. Walinsley as a private individual : as a political character, he could not consent to hear him mentioned in connection with our two representatives. (Loud cheers.) Perhaps he had gone rather too far (" No, no"), as his resolution did not at all attach to Mr. Walmsley ; but his feelings got the better of him sometimes. Mr. Aspinall con cluded by moving the following resolution :—" That this meeting has'great pleasure in admitting Mr. Sheriff Evans as a member of this association ; and, abstaining from entering upon the question as to the rights or privileges of the House of Commons, respecting which, many eminent statesmen of high worth and talent differ in opinion, takes this opportunity of expressing to him its high appro bation of the consciousness discharged by himself and his colleague of the duties of their arduous office, and especially of their conduct during their trying exam i nat i on before the House of Commons. That this meeting sincerely regrets that the discharge of such duties, rendered incumbent upon them by the obligation of an oath, should have subjected them to the inconvenience of a long and painful imprison ment." Mr. CARSON said it would ill become him to make a long address, when they must all naturally be anxious to hear their distinguished member, but, as he had been requested, he had great pleasure in seconding the resolution. There might be differences of opinion, as the meeting knew there had been, between the most distinguished statesmen, respecting the conduct of the sheriffs, respecting the extent of the duties and obligations imposed upon them, and the manner which they had discharged them. It was natural that these diffe rences should arise upon questions of so much doubt ; but he believed there could be no difference of opinion as to the firmness, the magnanimity, the disinterestedness:, and the sacrifice of personal feeling which the sheriffs hajl evinced. If they had chosen to succumb, as the ruling party in the House of Commons wished them, they might have saved themselves from incarceration; but they saw that in the course of conduct which they pursued was involved a great eonstitutioal question, therefore they determined to suffer for the sake of the constitution, for the vindication of the laws, and to maintain the rights of Englishmen instead of those of the House of Commons alone. (Cheers.) They had en dured their punishment firmly, magnanimously, and honestly; the voice of the country was in their favour, and their names would be recorded in the pages of history in the manner they deserved. (Cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. Mr. WRIGHT was extremely sorry that the resolution just placed in his hands had not been confided to others more capable of doing justice to it. However, he could only say this, that although he had not the talent which others could boast in describing what we ought to feel, and what we did feel, towards the members for the borough for their attention to its interests, yet he had a heart as open to that feeling as any man who had the greatest powers of eloquence. He thanked the members most heartily for what they had done. (Hear.) He knew their political feelings—that they were true conser vatives—(cheers)—and as true conservatives themselves he hoped the meeting would vote for them again. (Cheers.) The times were very odd. (Hear, hear.) Many great men had told us that they were very strange times. If they were very odd and very strange times, the men who stood up for us and for our interests, at the expense of many strong and leading motives that might take them another way, and if they forgot all their own interests for the sake of ours, were we not to feel obliged to them ? Ought we not to be obliged to them greatly. (Hear, hear.) He said, therefore, there were no two men that better deserved our gratitude than the present members for Liverpool, and he was quite sure that meeting would be ready to state that they were eminently entitled to it. Look at the position in which we were now placed. He was one of those who thought that we should never seek to raise ourselves by abusing our opponents. (hear, hear.) He would never impute to any party of men wrong motives, but he claimed the right to judge them by their actions. (Hear, hear.) He asked that meeting to judge himself by the same rule, and surely he was not unjust if he said to them, "Doto me that which I would do to others." That was his principle. Now let us see what the opposite party had done to us, and chat they were about to do to the town of Liverpool. We had always called ourselves an independent set of men, but we had been told that we could he bought and sold. He knew men who had called him by way of re proach, an old freeman, and he prided himself in being one of that most corrupt set. (Three cheers were here given for the freemen.) Even in the House of Commons were they knew he could' not answer, but if they had done it out of doors, he would have answered in a different manner, had theSe men had had the dastardly feeling to reproach him. (Hear.) These very men, who called themselves liberals— aye, liberals !—had now a bill in the House of Commons to endeavour to make this borough a close borough. (Hear, hear.) But surely there were heads and hearts and hands enough to say, " we will not allow this, we will support the independence of Liverpool." (Hear, hear.) He would tell the meeting what these liberals intended to do; it would not however be his explanation or his assertion, but it was " in black and white," which they could not erase from the bond. (Hear.) They were now applying to the legislature for power to raise another rnilliGn of money to extend on certain pur poses ; they were now applying to the legislature for power to make he knew not how many offices to be filled up with their own creatures ; and when so filled up, judging from what had taken place, for what had been once might be again, they might go and whistle for the independent members by whom the town was now so ably represented. (Hear, hear.) Then what was the duty of the conservatives ? To oppose such things as these, certainly. (Hear.) After a few re marks, Mr. Wright concluded by moving the following re solution :—" That this association take the opportunity of the presence of their _respected representative, Cresswell Cress well, Esq., to express to him and his noble colleague their thanks for the great attention which they at all times have paid to the interests of their constituents, and to assure them of the undiminished confidence of this association." Mr. WILLIAM SHAND said, the worthy mover of the reso lution had commenced by stating his inability to enforce the resolution with those sentiments which he felt himself im pressed with ; but as he advanced he had proved that he could . produce powerful arguments, and use them with strength and effect. He (Mr. Shand) scarcely knew how to use terms sufficiently eulogistic of the present members for Liverpool ; indeed any expressions of his, however well intended, would fall short of the merits of both those gentlemen. (Hear.) Undoubtedly the noble lord had more time upon his hands than the lion. and learned gentleman, and in that respect might be said to have more power ; but the hon. and learned member had, upon may occasions, stood forward the power ful advocate of their interests, and whenever his powers were again wanted, he would still show that he was able to lay his views before the house, and to enforce them by legal argu went. (Hear.) He (Mr. Shand) begged to assure the meeting that on every occasion lie had found the utmost at tention to the interests of Liverpool paid by the present members ; and it was therefore a particularly pleasing duty to him to second a resolution expressive of their merits. (Cheers.) In conclusion, he trusted that whenever the. occasion might arise,: we could show that we could again return them, even with a greater majority than before. (Loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN put the resolution, and it was carried with loud cheers. alter Mr. CRESSWELL then stepped forward, and was received with many rounds of triumphant cheers. Silence having been obtained, the hon. and learned gentleman proceeded to address the meeting nearly a 4 follows.:—Gentlemen—having upon many occasions, since I had the honour of being intro duced to you three years ago, received a welcome as warm and as cheering as that with which you have honoured me to-night, I. will not affect to be overpowered by the feelings which that greeting has excited. I have become accustomed to it, and I trust 1 can return you thanks for it without feel ing overpowered, as I might have been had I been a mere novice as to the meetings of Liverpool. (Hear, hear.) But when I reflect that you have coupled nay name in the honour you have been pleased to bestoW upon my Lord Sandon, I cannot but feel, as compared with him, I am most unworthy of your approbation, because our position in life is very dif ferent. Ile, born a member of the aristocracy, from his earliest years has devoted his mind, and has been at liberty to devote his time, to the interests of the public. (Hear, hear.) My position has been very different. I, the younger ' son of a large family, had to fight my own way in life, and it was by my own honest industry and exertions that I suc ceeded in attracting your approbation. But, gentlemen, when you did me the honour to elect me, one of your repre sentatives, I pledged myself, as far as my health would go, when my professional duties allowed me to be in London, that I would unreservedly devote my talents, and my health if need be, to your service. (Hear.) And I am happy now to receive the testimony of those around me, that when they have found me in London, I have ever been ready to give them all the poor assistance that lay within my power ; but so judging of my own position, I.cannot but know that where I have deserved your thanks once, they are due to my Lord Sandon a thousand times. (Hear, hear.) I trust the time will never arrive when it will be necessary for you to select between your representatives; but, whenever the sad chance should come that you should be reduced to the alternative of choosing between one of two conservatives instead of re turning both, rather than any man should hesitate between nay noble colleague and myself, I would instantly abandon all pretensions to the honour I now enjoy. (Hear, hear.) I mention this at the outset of my address to you to-night, in consequence of the allusions that have been made to some most important measures that are now before Parliament, as affecting the interests of this town. I am happy to be in formed that all the material enquiry into those matters has been postponed until after Easter, when I shall be at liberty, having discharged my duty to my clients here, to resume my position in London, and then I will devote myself to the en quiry before the House of Commons. (Hear.) But let me not be mistaken. I must repeat now candidly that which I stated upon the hustings, when I was first a candidate for your favour and votes, that in all matters of local interest I am no party politician. (Cheers.) In matters of state, in matters of general policy, I am a party man, and if I find I could no longer vote with that party to which I have allied myself, I would quit my post. But,' in local matters, I must judge for the welfare of the whole of the inhabitants of Liverpool, and when I have applied my best talents to understand the ques tion, I must then vote according to my private conscience. (Hear, and cheers.) In political matters I profess to sur render my own judgement on party politics to the leaders of my party. I should never thins - , in any party matter, of set ting up my own judgement against that of the leaders of the party when it was a question of party politics. If I could not deem their judgement better than my own upon questions of party politics, I would surrender my seat and not vote at all ; but where local interests are concerned, I consider that 1 ant the representative of all, and I must judge, to the best of my ability, for the interests of all. (Loud cheers.) I state this in candour, and in so stating it I think I shew my confidence in your honesty and integrity ; and I trust you will agree with me that I am right in thus acting and in thus judging, and that all you would ask of me as an honest and independent man with regard to local matters is to exercise judgment, and give an honest and unprejudiced vote. (Cheers.) Having touched upon party politics, they bring to my mind the case of a very worthy man who has been elected a mem ber of your association to-night; and those unhappy discus sions which have taken place during the greater part of the present session upon the subject of parliamentary privileges. On that subject it is notorious that I had the misfortune to differ in opinion w•th some of those whom I highly honour, to whose party I have attached myself, and whose opinions upon party-political questions I should undoubtedly prefer to my own. But that, gentlemen, was no party question. (Cheers.) The question of parliamentary privilege was no party question. (Renewed cheers.) It was not so treated in the House of Commons. Every man professed to judge for himself independently of his political party, and so to deal with it as he thought best for the interests of the country. (Hear.) Those who supported what I certainly considered extravagant and dangerous notions of privilege, professed to support them as the privileges of the people ; but I never could understand how it'could be, the privilege - of the people to be deprived of their right of appeal to the laws of the country, and to be imprisoned if they ventured to make such appeal. (Cheers.) Undoudedly, gentlemen, I had the mis fortune to differ, with some others of my pantry, upon another part of the question. I had no fear about the consequences of publishing to the world all the proceedings in parliament, for it did seem to me fair and reasonable to communicate to our constituents that which we, their repnsentatives, were doing in parliament, and that, although matter might be pub lished occasionally affecting the characters of individuals, it never could be for a moment supposed that the house of Commons would publish maliciously. (Hear, hear.) You never could presume that—but in every question of libel or no libel, the question of malice was an ingredient, therefore it appeared to me, and I ventured to state my opinion to the house, that upon this question they were all running wild, that it was no question of privilege, but of the common law of the land, that that was no libel which was without malice, that we ought to let our constituents know what we were doing, to see if they would suffer us to do it, and to ascertain whether we, who had been made the guar dians of their property, their liberty, and their lives, could be permitted to shew the greatest contempt of them. (Hear, hear.) Therefore I did, and I should regret the part taken by some conservative members of the House of Commons if the question had not now been about to be settled by an act of parliament, (hear, hear) because I can foresee no danger in giving this as that ower to the House of Commons by an act of parliament. Hear.) The danger is in this—that there was no law for the - louse of Cominona to say " this is our power and that is our power, and if any man question it, we will commit him to Newgate." (Hear, hear.) Settle the power by act of parliament, admit they are not to be the judges of it, let them have powers by the law of the land, and then I care not,, because still we shall be living under law and governed by it, and not by the arbi trary vote of any man in any house. (Loud cheers.) Hay disposed of this part of our occupations during the present session, let us inquire what is the political aspect of affairs at this moment by what has been done by the ministry ; what are their prospects; what are the prospects of the country, and what are ours as conservative members of this great country. (Hear, hear.) Well, in the first place the ministry tell us that their prospects are good—that no clouds overshadow them—that the conservatives are destroyed by internal dissensions. They ) t , i o v u es h v a o v t e e d comeon e against i the rec othert quarrel—you l Y a , r ai r ‘ p e ‘ l oin V y i t ' o h y i this sas neverprivilege To u c c a o n a n n s a e a t r g t v r i e , again ; and the ministerial party—l do not know whether they call themselves whigs or radicals, or what therefore I will call them the ministerial party (laughter), for truly I do not know how to define them—they say " we shall thrive :because you conservatives are quarrelling." (Hear, hear.) They can little understand the principles by which conserva tives are bound together when they think that in consequence of differences among us upon this question of privilege. which I repeat is no party question, we should be so blind to ' - ke best interests of our country as therefore to forsake. each (Hear, hear.) What do they think of the conser iative members of the House of Commons? I may regret that any member of that house, whom I. highly respect, and whom 1 am in the habit of following upon party and general politics, should entertain different opinions from myself; but to say that I should therefore vote against him, or refuse to vote with him, and support him upon questions of general politics, to say I am one of the meanest and most contempt ible partisans that ever had the honour to sit in that house, and that ever had the meanness to disgrace it. (Loud cheers.) If I know anything of the feeling of those three hundred independent conservative members who, night by night, sit by and support Sir Robert Peel (cheers) in his general course of policy, he knew that not one of them would fail to sup port him as the leader of that party upon party or political questions, whatever they may have done upon those which were in the nature of private or individual questions.(Cheers.) What else, then, had the ministerial party to boast of during the present session ? (Hear.) Well,. what they say is this —" you, the conservatives, brought forward, at the outset of the session, a motion for a vote of want of confidence in us, and a majority of twenty were in that house refused to vote it. Now mind ; there is a great difference between voting confidence and voting want of confidence : I should like to see them appealing to a resolution brougnt forward by them selves of a vote of confidence. But they say—"you failed upon that motion ; we had a majority of twenty, and as that ma jority negatived the vote of want of confidence, it proves that the people, through their representatives, have confidence in us the ministry ; and; by a majority of twenty out of 658, we prove that we have the confidence of the country !" (Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, that is not the only test that can be applied to their position, for they have had two or three applied to them since —(cheers)—and as I connot now be discharging my duties as one of your representatives in par liament, I may tell you what has been happening whilst I was there. (Hear.) The first of these tests was a practical test as to our confidence.in their economy. When we were about to make provision for the Prince who has the honour to be the husband of our most gracious Queen, a proposal was made by ministers to settle £50,000 a-year upon him. If it had been an affair of loyalty, it had been necessary to vote that sum of money, to prove our loyalty to the Queen and our earnest anxiety for her happiness, no Conservative should have hesitatated for one moment to pass the vote. (Hear.) But we knew no such Question was involved ; we knew it was a mere question between ministers and ourselves ; we knew it was a .question of reasonable economy towards the country. (Hear, hear.) What was the result ? :Why, they were beat by a majority of one hundred and four ! (Cheers.) So much for confidence ! This, now, was a question as to whether the House of Commons, or the country which had returned that House of Commons, had confidence in their economy. (Hear.) Mark the next. Mr. Berries, that able tinancia . l man, brought forward a question directly im peaching their financial character, and their talent for con ducting the financial affairs of this country. (Hear, hear.) , He showed, that, in a time , of peace we had been contracting a debt year after year; he showed that our revenue was not adequate to our expenditure, and that there was likely to be a still greater diminution this year, and therefore he called upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer to give a statement of his anticipated revenue and expenditure—directly impeaching the talent and capacity. of ministers for conducting the finan cial concerns of this country. (Rear.) This motion was resisted. It was said it would be extremely inconvenient to the ministry—that it would be most perplexing and embar rassing—(laughter)—and they appealed to the house to show their confidence in them by rejecting the motion ; but it was carried. (Loud cheers.) What was that but a practical vote of want of confidence in their talent and capacity ? (Hear.) A third test we had before I left London. And after this it would have seerued that nothing more was requisite in order to establish a want of the confidence of the representatives of the people, and therefore of the people in the ministry, upon all grounds that are of importance to the country. That was a motion respecting what is commonly called " the Monteagie job"—the sort of hocus pocus arrangement re specting the controllership of the Exchequer, by which the late Chancellor of the Exchequer was very comforablv pro vided for, his predecessor retiring upon a pension. That was resisted also. Now, when a motion was brought forward upon such grounds—and when they themselves did not wish the resolution to be drawn into a precedent—l cannot but look upon that as an attack upon their political integrity. They resisted it upon the ground that it was such an attack, but the attack succeeded—the motion was carried. I call that a iractical vote of want of confidence In their political in tegrity. (Cheers.) Thus then we have a majority of 20 re using to vote want of confidence, but we have large majo ... rities voting first a want of confidence in their economy, second, want of confidence in their capacity, and third, want of confidence in their political integrity. (Loud cheers.) I think, gentlemen, the Conservatives have not then been altogether idle, and that the ministers have no very triumph ant account to give of the proceedings of this session. (Continued cheers.) But since I came into this room, I have . , had the happiness to hear 'of another practical proof of the confidence of the country. For some time it has been ascer tained by the division lists, that on most of these questions there has been a large majority of English members voting with the Conservatives; but that the Irish members brought a majority, so that upon the whole the ministry were saved. -The registers for Ireland were examined, and my Lord Stan ley has lately brought forward a bilLfor amending the system of registration in Ireland. I believe that a more candid plain-dealing measure has never been presented to the House of Commons; but the-ministry, under whose orders you may guess, (hear, hear) opposed that bill. (Cheers.) if the House of Commons had any confidence in, them practically, with regard to the internal government :of Ireland in the most important branch of it, namely, the:elective franchise, they would have acted on the suggestions of the ministry that opposed the bill, and have thrown it out ; but last night (Thursday) that bill was carried on the second reading by a majority of the Conservatives. ('Loud and continued cheers.) In what, then, can those who support the, ministry say they confide? They do not confid e i n their economy; they do not confide in their capacity ; they do not confide in their political integrity. (Great cheering.) Do they co;itide in their strength? (A general shout of "No.") No, you are right there, they confide in their weal:filiss. (Cheers.) Do they confide in their firmness? No, the'y confide in - the fact, that they are, as described by themember for Finsbury, com posed of squeezable materials. (Immense 'applause.) Is it their internal policy they confide in ? Do they confide in thein because at every. assize town in- England we have Chartism brought up for trial ? Do they confide in them be cause the reptile sect of socialism abounds all over the coun- try? (Enthusiastic cheers.) Do they confide in them be cause the influence of the Protestant Church is extending? Do they confide in them because they are giving religious education to the people? (Hear, hear.) Are these the causes of confidence in the present ministry, gentlemen, or . are they confided in because they sanction the reverse of all these? (Cheers.) Is it not then in their weakness rather than their strength that their supporters have confidence; (Cheers.) Do they confide in them because of their happy style of managing our internal relations? Do they confide in them because they will oppose the ballot, or because they will support the ballot? (Hear.) That is rather an embarrass ing question, because upon it ministers - avow that they have no opinion —(hear, hear)—it is too difficult a question for them to deal with, therefore they throw it overboard. True, they say it is one of vital importance to the country ; true, it is to produce either a great good or a great evil, but we are too ignorant -of the proceedings of government to make up our minds upon it; therefore we trust some of you upon it who cannot confide in each section of us, but who can confide in us as a whole. (Hear, hear.) And so• I might say of the other branches of our internal regulations. (Hear.) But do they confide in their foreign policy? (Hear, hear.) Do you confide in their foreign policy ? (Loud cries of " No, no.") Let. me ask of those who trade to • the Brazils : let me ask of those who trade to Monte Video—do they confide in the ministry? (Hear, hear.) Let me ask of those who trade to the coast of Africa, and who are again assailed by the French, do they confide in the ministry ? (" No, no.") Do those who are interested in the China trade confide in the ministry ? (Hear.) Do they who are interested in the state of Turkey; - do they.who are interested in the state of our relations with India, as affected by Russia, confide in the ministry ? No ! (Cheers.) Then what is the ground of confidence in them, unless they are supposed to hold all our institutions as a sort of stock in trade, to put them.up to sale piecemeal, and surrender them from time to time to those who are the greatest enemies of them ? (Cheers.) I cannot believe that they who rest upon confidence bestowed upon such principles as these can long wield the powers of the state, although they are mean enough to submit to degrada tion after degradation, and to defeat after defeat, rather than surrender their office. (Cheers.) I trust we conservatives shall find better grounds of confidence, because we advocate the principles that hitherto have raised our country to the highest pitch of glory, that have preserved its freedom and happiness for ages, and which, we may reasonably hope, un der the blessing of Providence, will preserve them still. (Cheers.) I hope that we conservatives have confidence in our attachment to the religious establishments of the coun try. (Hear.) We believe we hold a pure faith, established by the law ; we believe we shall benefit the people by incul cating that faith, by extending religious knowledge, and by improving their general education, making their religious knowledge and that pure faith the basis of their _education. We honour and reverence the Queen ; we. are attached to the monarchical government of the country. Under that government it has flourished for ages. May we not therefore hope it will flourish for ages still, unless the monarchy be overthrown by that spirit of false liberality which would take away all the stays and bulwarks that protect it. (Loud cheers.) We admire the restrictive, yet free, powers of those constitutional institutions which have formed the bul warks against t \ he innovations of popular freedom from age to age; and we trust, by supporting them now, we shall still preserve those powers, without Which the throne . cannot stand for a single year. (Cheers.) But there are practical considerations which we must, bear in mind. How are we to shew our love for those institutions? Why, by acting in a course which will best enabl e us t o support an d protect them. That course was well pointed out some time ago by the great leader of the conservative party. (Cheers.) Take care of the registration of those in whom lies the elective franchise, in order to have men returned to parliament pre pared to support, by their votes and their voices, all those institutions which we love and value. (Immense cheers.).'' Having taken care of that register, the next step is thiss-let us all, by such means as Providence has placed in our power, promote the welfare of those institutions ; let us assist in extending the influence of the church; let us enable it, by our subscriptions and our support, to extend its operations ; let us, by all means, give Christian educ a tio n t o th e people ; let them be brought up in moral and religious knowledge; and teach them to love, honour, and reverence the laws. (Cheers.) Depend upon it that these are the great securi ties for this state. (Cheers.) These, gentlemen, are the securities which the conservative party present to the state; and, under the blessing of Providence, we, by forwarding these measures, by our examples and by our assistance, shall prove ourselves true conservatives, and we shall, after all, preserve the state of this country. (The hon. and learned gentleman then resumed his seat amidst loud and long-con- tinued cheering.) The CHAIRMAN said that now they had heard their excel lent representative, he trusted they would not allow his sen timents to be speedily forgotten. (Cheers.) He moored a vote of thanks to Mr. Cresswell. (Cheers.) Mr. WRIGHT had had the honour of moving a resolution of confidence in the hon. and learned gentleman ; and had he not that night proved that he deserved it. (Cheers.) He seconded the suggestion of the worthy chai r m an . A vote of thanks was then carried by acclamation to Mr. Cresswell. Mr. CRESSWNLL having thanked the meeting, said, he was sure it would be a great failing of duty on his part, and he should be deprived of a great pleasure, if be did not give the meeting the opportunity of expresing their admiration of the conduct of their excellent chairman. (Hear, hear.) The town of Liverpool, and the country at large, had reason to lie proud of that gentleman, who stands forth in a time of peril, when the conservative party Was—he would not say cowed—but when it was almost overthrown by reiterated triumphs taking place from the passing of the municipal re form bill, brought into existence this great association which was the admiration of all England. In proportion as he (Mr. Cresswell) had respect for and admiration of them as mem ber of the association, he had respect for and admiration of him as the head, the origin and soul of the association. (Hear.) He begged to ropose the thanks of the meeting to their worthy chairman, Ir. Samuel Tiolme. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Wm. GARNETT rietlV eulogised the conduct of Mr. Holme, and said he had much pleasure in seconding the mo tion. The motion was carried with cheers. Mr. HoLstu rose to return thanks. I beg, he proceeded, to return you my cordial and heartfelt thanks for the kindness with which you have received the motion of Mr. ,Cresswell, seconded by Mr. Gat nett. I asanre yen that in my public conduct, I have only one object in view, and that is the pre servation of the liberties of my country ; and that I only de sire to see all those institutions which we have received from qur forefathers, strengthened and protected by us, in order that we may hand the blessings of them down to our poste rity. (Applause.) Sprung, gentlemen, from among your selves—not hesitating to avow that it is delightful for me to reflect that I sprung from a tradesman—it is to me the source of great pleasure if any services of mine have been considered worthy of your acceptance. (Cheers.) We have all duties to perform. We have all our private, or relative, or social duties. but I conceive that in this period of excitement, so pregnant with danger to our country, that we have other duties besides these. (Hear, hear.) We have duties as citizens of the land, we have duties as Englishmen to perform, and my sole desire in attempting to organise this essociation—and in which, by your kindness, and zeal, and independence, I have in some degree succeeded—has been that I mi g ht he of some service in my day and generation, to preserve our glorious privileges as a nation, and to do something towards perpetuating the liberties of the land. (Loud cheers.) I again thank you, and I only regret that 1 have not the power of language to thank you as I ought, but I feel your kindness ;—(hear, hear,)—and I think that on. the day of election—which is not very distant —when we shall have to choose between the mayor of Liver pool and the eloquent gentleman who has just addressed ns, it will not be very difficult to say uponehom your voices will fall. (Loud and general cheering.) The proceedings then terminated, having given the greatest satisfaction to the crowded auditory. FORMATION OF A SHIPMASTER'S ASSOCIATION. On Saturday a very numerous public meeting of ship masters, merchants, and others of the port of Liverpool, was held in the Clarendon-rooms, South John-street, for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of "esta blishing a captain's reading and coffee rooms, on the most economical arrangement, for the purpose of giving masters of vessels an opportunity of communicating with the various commanders in different trades, and collecting such informa tion as will tend to benefit the merchant service generally— to consider also the propriety of forming an association to endeavour to correct various abuses—first, that of the pre sent system practised at the shipping offices ; to take steps fir the better appropriation of the two shillings per month paid by captains supposed to be for the b e nefit of their widows and orphans, and for the consideration of other objects." Lieutenant ENCLEDUE, R.N., commander of the Steam ship LiYerpool, having been unanimously called to the chair, said the object of the meeting was to take into consideration the necessity of having a captain's reading-room. No such place existed in Liverpool, and the consequence was that many captains, very respectable men, were obliged to resort to other places to read the newspapers. It would also faci litate communications between merchants and masters. At present we might see merchants cruizing about the dock quays looking out for masters of vessels, not knowing where to find them ; but if a reading room were established, slates Would be kept there where each captain would register his name, and where he might be found. The effect of this practice would be to oblige brokers and merchants to sub scribe to the room for the sake of procuring information of this, as well as other kinds. It was true many owners might urge that captains ought to be down at their ships from day light to dark ; but surely they must be allowed an hour for their dinner, during which they might go to the room and put themselves in possession of the information of the day. If it was important to improve the mercantile and professional character of the captains, or to extend their literary know ledge, that could not be done if they_were always to be at their ships. He considered, therefore, that a room of this land would materially conduce to the respectability of the captains. (Hear.) In connection with this reading-room there would be a coffee-room, where the captains who had not families here, and did not wish to go to hotels, could get a chop or 'a steak at the lowest possible expense. (Hear.) This reading 7 room or association there was no intention of making a profit by ; it was not in the nature of - a joint stock company, but to be established for the benefit of the commu nity of shipmasters and those connected with them, in order that they might obtain information from all parts of the world at the least expense. The next object of the meeting was to amend the present system of shipping inert from the shipping-offices. The present system was certainly very convenient to many owners, who sent out their ships utterly unseaworthy, and on board which no man in his senses would consent to go, but which were manned by men brought down from these hipping-offices- beastly drunk. This system, too, was unjust towards the commanders, for they generally found that the men thus shipped were of the least service when they ought to be most available. (Hear. hear.) It was proposed to have advertisement-boards outside the coffee and reading-rooms, so that a captain would know where to find men, and the men a ship, and the system of robbery upon Poor Jack by the . shipping-agents would be entirely done away with. He had taken some pains to ascertain the probable amount of the robberies committed through the shipping offices. A mate, if he wanted a ship, applied to one of the offices, and he had lOs - . to pay, a second mate 55., and poor Jack 2s. 6d. He got on board the ship at the last moment of sailing, and then he found either that he did not like the captain, or the captain did not like hint. The ship was then at sea, and what could be done. The man could not be turned off, and so the captain was obliged to submit for six, nine, or twelve months to a parcel of vaga bonds, who were neither fit for tinkers, tailors, nor sailors. (Hear, hear.) This system also tended to facilitate the pre sent abuse of rigging. Every sailor ought to know how to rig his ship. (Hear, hear.) They were, however, brought down to the ship qnite drunk, you were towed out by steam, and when you got outside the Rock, you found that there was not a man on board, except the captain and the mate, who knew to where particular ropes led, that could rig, or, indeed, that knew any thing of their husiness : consequently, when their services would be of the most use, they were the most wanting. (Hear.) Owners little thought what cap tains bad to put up with from men put on board through this system—that they risked not only the lives of all on board, but the - property of the ship—and. there were many instances of the loss of all from this very port. (Hear, bear.) Now, as to the system of rigging. There were a number of young men loitering about the dock-gates, following this sort of trade, who ought to go to sea; and these men insisted upon being employed to rig every ship before she sailed. About a month ago, he himself saw a man about to go on hoard his, ship, when two riggers came up to him,, and asked him where he was going? '" To my ship," he an swered : whereupon they threatened to knock out his brains because, they said, he was thereby going to deprive them of a day's work. (Hear.) Now these, were abuses which ought to be remedied. There were, however, he was most happy to say, ship-owners and ship-masters who would, if they had the power, most willingly put an end to this sys tem, who could have their ships rigged by their own men, who would have no men on board who could not do their duty as seamen, and indeed send their ships out to sea in every way as British ships. (Cheers.) In the reading-room books of reference might be kept for every station in the world. The room would be divided into sections, to each of which captains might go for information. The master of the room would note down in the book of the station all the in telligence which had last arrived ; he would say " have you any information respecting the freights, &c. of the port where you have come front," because many captains knew that a few dollars would sometimes do a great deal. All this might be known, The captain who was able to sail for a strange port would say, " let me look at your book for so and so ;" he would take a note of all that appeared important to him, so that when he arrived there he could be in all respects prepared to cope with the fellows he might meet. Who could deny that these things would benetit shipmasters generally : (Hear.) In the next place the Merchants' Seamans' Fund was very little known, or how the income derived front it was appropriated. lie was ignorant until the other day, when he called upon Mr. Potter, of these matters himself, and that gentleman gave him information which was per fectly satisfactory. He (Mr. Potter) had also put hint (Lieut. Engledue) in possession of information respecting a very excellent fund called the Marine Society Fund, to which every captain ought to subscribe. For a very trifling subscription they could ensure their wives and children after their decease some £l2 or £l5 a year. This was a matter which ought to be taken up by every shipmaster, as a matter of economy, and for the great benefit to be derived from it hereafter.. (Hear.) Mr. Potter would now address the meeting. Mr. PorrEn. said that when the chairman called upon him to request his attendance at this meeting—being - from duty and inclination much disposed to do every thing in his power to promote and improve the comforts of all classes of seamen, masters as well as men—he could not for a moment hesitate to do so. He was not then in possession of some of that in formation which be believed would be given to the meeting, He would, however, make some statements which would al lay any apprehension of mismanagement with regard to the funds of the Seaman's Hospital, and also of the Marine So ciety. He had satisfied himself of this by an examination of the books, and the statements of last year's accounts. But since he had entered that room, he found that his friend, Mr. Murray Gladstone, the president of the society, would be glad to have an opportunity to explain. He (Mr. Potter) would not enter upon the question of the shipping offices, further than to' say that if the proposed association, whan formed, should be able so to reform the character of the sailor, as to bring about his rigging his own ship, and even dis charging his ship, and doing all connected with her, it would be a most valuable boon to society., and particularly to the seamen themselves. (Hear.) With .regard to the seaman's hospital, it seemed to be supposed that the extra payment made b 7 shipmasters was not so disposed of as to be of ad vantage to them. The act under which the collections were now made pas S-ed five years ago ; by it the Collections from masters were doubled, and now they had 2s a month instead of Is. He had the accounts of the last.five,years, by which it appeared that the receipts amounted to £21,427, and the pensionslto :07,852, leaving a surplus of . 4 - 7 30cHl on the account of those live years. (Hear, hear.) There• Was an accumu lated fund from former years of about 415,000, the interest of which went to . the general fund. - Now the only apprehension he (Mr. Porter) had was that the pensions at present granted were rather larger than the funds would allow; because, it should be borne in mind, that the trade of the port had greatly increased for several years, and that along with it the reecipts had increased, but there had, ocourse grown up an ,increased numb:'r of claimants. of course, althoughl the funds might be rich ritAY, in some ten or a dozen years hence, there might be more' pensioners upon it than there were when it was in .a flourishing state. There were now 179 pensioners upon that estate. Indeed, " pen sion" was not the proper term, because it was in reality a Benefit Society, and it was their own right, so the term pensioner was not the correct one, but it was the best that had occurred at the time. Mr. Potter here detailed the ages and amounts of the pensions paid to the several widows and members, addingthat there were 345 children who received Is. fid. per week. There' were 28 widows and 58 children of coasting seamen, who received a lower rate,because formerly they paid less. However, since the act came into operation, doubling the captains' payments, 5 years ago, the fund had ac cumulated ; and at the last annual meeting, on the 7th January last, it was resolved that those who had paid above a certain number of years should have their pensions increased, widows from 2s. Gd. to 3s. a week, and each child in proportion to the payments had been made. Mr. Potter explained the ratio of this increase, and proceeded to say that he knew of no fund administered at less expense in proportion to its amount than this. There was a very excellent clerk, who received £l5O a year, being less than he deserved, for he had to pay all the pensioners every week, except those who chose to receive their money quarterly or monthly; he had correspondence with those who lived at a distance, many of whom lived in all parts of the kingdom. (Hear.) With re gard to . the Marine Society, he should not occupy their time, as Mr. Gladstone would, speak to it ; but there was one point :elating to it,-to which he would eall'the attention of ship masters. This was the fact, that there was some inten tion to alter the 15th rule, by which the payment of pensions upon this fond was limited to widows who were not in the possession of an income of £lOO. a rear. That was, if wi dows were in possession of that income from an yother source, they did not derive any claim to a pension under this rule. As this was chiefly a Benefit Society, he himself considered that pensions ought to be granted upon it to all who were entitled to them without reference to their circumstances. (Cheers.) Mr. Potter added a few other remarks upon the advantages of ship-masters joining this society. Mr. T. M. GLADSTONE said he had attended the meeting from having seen an advertisement calling it, and-without any expectation of being called upon to speak. It had been a matter of surprise to him, as well as a matter of congratu lation to :pally gentlemen present, to see.such a number of toasters of vessels; because be had hitherto observed great laxity on their part in attending to their immediate interests, and the interests of their families, which he believed the Ma rine Society was calculated to promote. Although the Liver - pool Marine Society had been established upwards of fifty year's, it at this moment numbers only In marine tnembero, Ism S one far 0 1 ,t led es 9r c bsr ,f tb i4 of; -. of; bi tY ion if a i o ti t Coo( G Of 0. re s ° ;or o 5 0 1 , 6 o ti sec'