The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-09-18 00:00:00

.1 .1,11,1 ICA l'.lP RESIGNATION OF LORD SLIGO A rumour has been abroad stating it to be the intention of his Excellency the Marquis of Sligo to resign the administra tion of the government of this colony, so soon as the ensuing session of assembly shall have terminated. Whether this be the fact or not, we cannot positively assert. We arc of opi nion, however, that should the marquis resign, the government of Jamaica will he admiuistere4 by Sir Amos Norcott. We believe it is thn intention of the home government to have a military man at the head of affairs in this colony, and not again appoint a eit•iliarl thereto should the marquis deem it proper to resign.—Royal Gazette. HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.—TUESDAY, AUGUST 4, 1835. The Speaker took the chair at three precisely, and having .acquainted the ht , 4 , e that they had met according to the go vernor's proclamation, appointed Messrs. King and Guy a com lathes+ to acquaint his Excellency therewith. Shortly after the provost m a r s hal general appeared at the bar, and in his Majesty's name summoned the house to appear 'at the council chamber. The Speaker, preceded by the mace, and followed by the members, proceeded over to the council -chamber, when his excellency was pleased to deliver the follow ing speech. Gentlemen of the Council, " Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Assembly, " Being aware of the personal inconvenience to which many of vuu might be subject, by being called together at a period of the year usually devoted to private business, I postponed to 'the present time your meeting, in the hope that the termination of the crop in most parts of the island might obviate, in a great measure, any injurious results in consequence of your absence from your homes;—the necessity, however, for the re-enact ment of certain expiring laws, and the consideration of some new measures of much importance, render further delay im possible. " The bill establishing a permanent police and the first act in aid of the abolition law expiring on the last day of the present year, it is advisable that you should reconsider them. It is with pleasure that I feel myself enabled to state, front the reports which I have received, that the police has attained a degree of efficiency not to have been expected in so short a time, and without the assistance of inferior officers acquainted with military discipline, or with the habits which are usual to similar bodies `other countries. Had provision been made for the suppoit of that force for a longer period, I could have procured . either non-commissioned officers from the regiments of the line in this colony, or other persons front England, duly qualified to organize it. I have used every exertion in vain to obtain such assistance, but I am -bound to state that notwithstanding this disadvantage, the police has been of such great public utility as to render its continuance absolutely essential to the preserva tion of tranquillity, and 'he maintenance of proper discipline on estates. The law having taken away front the master the coer cive posirer be formerly possessed, it is necessary to replace it by one more suited to the new condition of the working classes, That this body has acted efficiently in the suppression of those monetary ebullitions which have occurred, and which are inse parable from so great a change in the frame of its society, as that which is now going on in this island, you will see by the papers which I will cause to be laid before you. "The only new measures I would at present propose to you are an act for the legislative union of the Caymanas with Ja maica, aud an act for the encouragement of immigration. The recent change in the relative positions towards each other of the two classes of his Majesty's subjects, resident at the Caymanas, and the absence of any legally constituted government, renders it expedient that those lands, hitherto considered as dependen cies of the colony should be admitted to a share in its repre sentative privileges and be governed by its laws. An act relating to immigration appears to be absolutely ne cessary. The frigbtful mortality and other circumstances at tendant on the *e!fforts which have been made for the introduction of immigrants, are ton well known to You individually to need any enumeration front me. A provision for their reception, protestion, and the due enforcement on both sides of the ar rangements made between them and their employers, will, I imagine, be deemed by . you to be requisite. " I trust that the legislature will feel the necessity of coming to some determination on the subject of my right of access to the correspondence between the commissioners here, and the island agent in England. You will feel, I am confident, that the strong opinion which you will find in a future message, to have been expressed by his Majesty's ministers, under, as is to be supposed, the highest legal authority of the right of the go vernor of Jamaica, to order all such correspondence to be sub mitted to him, being at complete variance with the decision of the commissioners, is entitled to tour most serious considera tion. " Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Assembly, " The principal point to which I must direct your attention, as guardians of the public purse, is a grant for the continuance of the permanent police. I am aware that the vote for this pur pose weighs heavily on the finances of this island; but it has become a most advantageous arrangement in a pecuniary poiut of view, it being only in consequence of the provision made for the support of that force in its present efficient form, that I have hitherto been enabled to postpone calling on you for the fulfil ment of the solemn engagement of this .colony to provide sub sistence fot his majesty's troops forming its garrison ;_ and you will be pleased to learn that th e sum I h ave hitherto drawn for is considerably below the amount of your estimate. " Gentlemen of the Council, " Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Assembly. " I sin happy at finding myself enabled to state, that this Island remains in the most undisturbed tranquillity. Wherever rumours of any discontented feeling have reached me, I have taken prompt measures, and, where necessary, by the timely ex hibition of force, shown that l was prepared fur any einergeucy. It affords me much pleasure to assure you, that the effect of the precantionary steps of different sorts have proved in every in stance to be most satisfactory. " The crop of this year has been got off in avouch more fa vour oble manner than could have been anticipated, consideriug the extraordinary change which has taken place in the social ss stein of this colony; that it has fallen somewhat short is undoubtedly true, as I fetid by referring to the Custoruhouse returns (one of which, from A,nnotto Bay, I have not yet rec e i ve d) th at up to the Ist of July 1835, 68.001 hogsheads of sugar have been shipped, showing a diminution of 4,444. or about one-sixteenth in comparison with the previous year ; but as I have not heard of a single instance of any canes remaining uncut, this diusinu• lion is to be attributed more to the failure of the produce of the canes, in consequence of the weather, than to any want of sutil cieut labour to take them off. "With regard to the approaching crop on the coffee pro perties, it appears likely to be most luxuriant, but the prepara tions for next year on sugar estates are not generally as for ward as usual. From the inquiries, however, which 1 have made, though many are certainly rather backward, the average condition is far better than I anticipated, having always consi dered the success of the next crop to he much less certain than that of succeeding years. I still, however, hope that the desire for gain on the part of the apprenti ces , w hi c h must promote a spirit of industry, will enable the managers to make up between the present time and the commencement of crop for the defici ency which now exists. I am happy to be enabled to inform you that so general is the habit of working fur wages, and so very few the instances where it has been roused, that the idea once generally entertained of the apprentices being likely to decline labouring at all in their own time must be abandoned. " That a considerable change in the mode of beneficially ma naging properties has taken place is most certain—that a much greater change will be found by experience to oe aecessary I have no doulit, and it is my duty to impress" it on you. The ob servations I have made of adjoining estates producing such dif ferent results, convince me that the success or failure of the ' new system must in a great measure depend upon the mode of administration which is adopted ; a plan of management which was perfectly suitable while the slave law was in force, must from the diminished number of legal hours of labour, and the absence of coersive power in the acting managers, be relin quished, and one more suitabl i to the present time substituted. It affords me the greatest satisfaction to be able to state that this chance hay been adopted in a great number, I trust I may say in a majority of estates, and that evident signs of mutual good feeling and mutual confidence have lately appeared where that system has prevailed. I trust that this precious germ will be carefully nuitured, as its benefits begin to he experienced, and that in the end I shall not find myself disappointed in the favourable anticipations I still maintain, and which 1 have been so happy as to feel myself on several occasions completely war ranted in communicating to you." Copy of the speech of his Excellency the Governor, presented by the Speaker, and on being read by the clerk, a great sensa tion was produced in the house—mauy passages created laugh ter, and drew forth loud cries of" hear, hear," the whole being in direct variance with the knowledge of the house. Dr. Whittaker moved after some preliminary observations, that the speech be referred to a committee of the whole house. The (louse having gone in committee, the subject of his Excellency's speech was freely canvassed. Many members proposed that the only answer to bis excellency should be, that the house sate nothing in his excellency's speech of such importance, buts.what might have been brought forward at the usual session. Mr. Speaker hoped the house would pardon him for interfering in the debates of the committee, but perceiving that they were about to depart from the usual course of proceeding, he felt it his duty, after having been called upon so to do, to offer his opinion as regards the manner in which the house should pro ceed.- Honourable members had thought it necessary before a committee was appointed to draw up an address in answer to his excellency's speeehe that the house should go in committee on the subject, bet if that unusual course was obliged to be adopted by the house, on account of the very extraordinary character of his excellency's speech, yet it was necessary that they ehonld not depart any further from the established customs of ihr house. - There—was a-especial k.uowledge in the other branches of the legislature, of the customs and rules of this house, from which we were not suddenly to deviate. On the topics embraced in the opening speech of his excellency, he would have no opportunity of giving his opinien in the house ; he therefore felt happy in doing so now. Exclusive of the question whether the manner proposed was constitutional or not, he saw no cause why au explicit ceii s are to all t he items in his excellency's speech shenlil lie othdpenell. As regards the propriety of his excellen cy's calling the house together at this unusual time, he had his own opinion spots that; there wag undoubtedly nothing in his excellency's speech which justified his resorting to such an unusual measure ; it would be therefore necessary that the house should freely express their opinion on that subject. If this is to he taken es a precedent for calling the house together in July or August, without a clear case being made out of the necessity that existed for doing so. well may honourable mem bers expect to be dragged from their homes at the mere will soil pleasure sod the caprice of the executive; he therefore re commended that in some shape or other they would express the regret they felt et the inconvenience themselves and the country had been , put to lay the unusual calling of the house. There ought to have been a clear case made out by his excel lency, of the emergency which required the house to be called together et this period of the year. In this case, where no pre cedent could be shoe n for the unusual deviation from establish ed Limoges, it was the duty of bis excellency to show that there was some particular emergency or cause which made it neces sary fur him tit depart out of the usual course • but was that the case? Was there one single thing which justified it? No. Ile hesitated not to say, and lie thought he was borne out in opinion by . almost every member, that his excellency's case bad completely fallen down. Unless, there fore, the house expressed their free opinions on this im portant subject, it would be a pretext in future for the goveruor, if he be so disposed, to appeal to this case for the exercise of his prerogative. Ile hoped the house would agree to answer the speech clause by clause in the usual man lier. When he considered the pretext on which the house was celled ,together, lie was fully justified in his observations. It did not requite much reflection to perceive that the speech was ' not intended to produce any effect in this country; it was in tended to abuse the minds ot the people of Eneland. This was the proper time, in order to have the desired effect of deceiving . the people at home, that the promulgation of such assertions as were contained in his Excellency's speech should go forth, as it was fur the promulgation of those assertions in the most official shape that the house was how called together. Every . hon. member of this house, and every man connected with the working of the syStem, was capable of flatly contradicting every assertion contained in that speech.—Far be it from him to impute any imprster motive to. his Excellency. Far be it (torn him to offer tiny observations %shish might be thought dis respectful to the executive. He did not mean to accuse his esseellepcy of .wilfully endeavouring to impsse" upon this house, or to deceive the people of England ; but he would unhesitatingly assert, that his excellency has been entirely mis iuforuied ; he hid not the least dhulit that his excellency had been governed by information which he received from his crea tures, and which be had embodied in the address, now the sub ject of debate. In referring to that part of the speech in which his excellency stated that the system was working so well, and that the island was in a most tranquil state, his honour imagined that there was not a man who did not look upon the last year of the apprenticeship, but as upon the last year of the existence of the country. There was a very important subject contained in the speech, and that was the recommendation of some sufficient measure for the importation of emigrants. However desirable it might be for the house, and advantageous to the colony, that men capable of keeping up its cultivation should be imported, yet he saw nothing in that measure that could not just as well be brought forward at the usual time. He did not see one single subject of consideration that might not have been delayed for three months longer—then when the house would have been called together fur the purpose of raising the supplies of the country, honourable members would have been prepared with double information on every subject pro posed. Under these circumstances he considered it dangerous to leave this speech unanswered. Were the house even to lose sight of the principle of their meeting in their unnacustouied time, it would be necessary that the people in England should know the true state of the country in the same official form by which it had been misrepresented. Every enquiry should be instituted into-the allegations made by his excellency, and com mittees appointed to conduct those enquiries. He did not mean that the house should wait fur the reports of those committees, but it was necessary that investigation should he proceeded with. It was certainly not desirable that the committee, which will be appointed to frame the address, should deviate from the usual manner of wording similar addresses; but if it pleased his excel lency to step out of the usual form, it became the house to state the inconveniences which they suffered, and the difference of opinion which they entertained on every topic embraced in his excellency's speech. He did not think a necessary to address the house at any further length, but he would merely observe, that, should the address be longer than usual, it must be impu ted to the circumstance of his excellency's speech embracing subjects which are not usually to be found in the opening speech es of governors generally; added to which was the fact of the unusual course which his excellency had pursued.—He hoped that the committee would be appointed, and that they would proceed to frame the address dispassionately. The chair having resumed, the report was read, recommend ing the house to appoint a committee to prepare an answer to his excellency's speech. The following gentlemen were then appointed a committee, .viz.-111essrs.Whitfaker, Hyslop, Cox, ltslais, Bravo, Barclay, Berry, Penton, and Leslie. LORD BROUGHAM, EX-CHANCELLOR. 7'o THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST✓IND.IIWD, Sic,--1 have read a paragraph in the last Liverpool Mercury in praise of Lord Brougham, showing that none of his decisions have been reversed, the celerity with which he despatched the business of his court during the time he presided in it, and con veying a reflection upon some of his learned predecessors who have sat in that court touchiog the " immense" mass of cases which have been disposed of. It is quite early enough for his lordship's decisions to be revised by a superior tribunal, if any of them are of sufficient importance to justify the expense; and I think I shall he able to prove that his celerity in deciding has neither redounded to his lordship's credit, nor been satisfactory to those who are best qualified to form a judgment on the sub ject, and that his lordship is not entitled to any merit on the score of having decided an " immense" number of cases. 1 will commence with,Messrs. Deacon anti Chittv's reports of cases decided since the Bankruptcy Court act, (a bantling of his lordship's, and the first in order is "Ex-parte Lowe re Aaron, Westmi r Hall, 20th January, 1832." The question in this case w bather since the Ist and 2d William IV., c. 56, an original petition in bankruptcy was to be heard before his lord ship, or before the judges of the Court of Review, and his lord ship spoke as follows : • Loru Brougham.—" 1 have no doubt whatever upon the question. The authority of the new judges is exclusive. * I have come to this conclusion, not without due deliberation, nor without competent advice. The new judges have the authority out and out. * * I shall make, however, no order upon the subject. All that I shall state decisively is, that I have no juris diction in the inciter now submitted to me."— Vol. 1, page 31. The•sanie point as to the jurisdiction was shortly after this decision argued more fully before Lord Brougham and the Vice-Chancellor, by Sir Edward Sugden and Mr. Montague, in " Ex-parte Langston re Hardy," and two other cases, in Lincoln's Inn Hall, on the 18th February, 1832, when an order was made directly the reverse of the opinion above expressed.- 1 Deacon and Chitty, nt supra. In this volume of reports there are 146 cases reported, of which Lord 13roughain has decided only six, and the Court of Review the remainder. Two cases out of the six were of great importance to the mercantile world, and yet his lordship gave no reason for his judgments. In the second volume of the same reports there arc 138 cases reported, of which Lord Brougham has decided only two, and the Court of Review the remainder. In one of these the report ers say, " This part of his lordship's judgment which relates to the return of the dividends appears to be rather ambiguous. * * There is no express determination by his lordship of the second question proposed by the special case. * * It is really very difficult to discover upon what principle this part of bis lordship's judgment is founded. Conciseness proves sometimes as perplexing as diffuseness. The reader cannot fail to remark in the report of this case a striking contrast in those qualities between the judgment and the argument. This, it must be ac knowledged, is somewhat a reversal of the order of things, according to the former system of bankri!ptcy reporting, where the argument is given so briefly, and the judgment so much at length. In the present instance. however, the authors must plead not guilty to any wilful departure from the ancient prac tice." In the other of these two cases his lordship made an order, that the parties should forthwith proceed to a trial at law upon certain issues, and his lordship _Himself set out the issues to be tried. On the 15th August, 1833, Lord Brougham gave judg ment and said—" The frame of the issue which I directed in this case appeal: not to 'have been distinctly understood by the learned judge who tried it;" upon which the reporters remark, that " It may be permitted to observe, nevertheless, that the terms'of the issue are, to say the least of them, wrapped up in somewhat of an ambiguous phraseology;" and they proceed to show that the learned judge who .tried the cause told the jury, " that the terms of the issue did not covrey the seal facts and cir cumstances which the Lord Chancellor wished to lie tried." In the third volume of the same reports there are 158 cases reposed. out of which Lord Brougham has derided only five, and the Court of Review the remainder. In one out of the five the report occupies . barteen pages, and the judgment five liars. It is in these . words : "Lord Brougharn C.—l think there is more in this case than there appeared to be to the judges of the Court of Review. But it is more a question of fact than of law; and. upon the whole, I agree with them, and dismiss the appeal, but without costs." The reporters of this case then state, that they are indebted to Messrs. Itlonta- , ue and Birth for this summary account of the judgment. " But they cannot help suspecting (to use the lan guage of the Lord Chancellor) that there must have been more in the judgment than appears in this rep.rt. If his lordship thought that this appeal involved 'more a question of fact than of lao',' it seems rather extraordinary that the appeal should nut, on this ground alone, have been dismissed with costs,—a decision which would have been more consistent with the third section of the Bankruptcy Court act, which limits the appeal from the Court of Review to matters of law and equity, or the refusal or admission of evidence only."-3 Deacon and Chitty, Wt. Here in these three volumes are 412 cases in bankruptcy, of which Lord Brougham has decided 13, being exactly 1-34thpart of the whole. It is, therefore, manifest that the bankruptcy business is literally transferred to the Court of Review, and decided there, whereby an "immense" mass of labour is taken from his lordship's court. I have taken a volume of" Buck's Reports in Bankruptcy" decided during the time of Lord Eldon. It contains 193 cases, out of which Lord Eldon decided 84, besides being frequently consu:ted by the Vice-Chancellor, as appears from several of the cases in which his honour gave judgment. 1 have also taken the second volume of " Glyn and Jameson's Bankruptcy Reports," in which are 119 cases, of which Lord Eldon and his successor, Lord Lyndhurst, decided 52. Note the difference. One-half (within a fraction) of the bankruptcy cases has been decided by Lord Eldon and his suc cessor, and one thirty-fourth part by Lord Brougham. These are facts, and, as I have given the data, those who feel inclined may examine them. After Lord Brougham's ungentlemanly attack on Sir Edward Sugden, it is well known that be left his lordship's court, and practised nearly altogether in the Vice- Chancellor's, whither all the heavy and important business fol lowed him. These causes, therefore, co-operated to leave Lord Brougham little or nothing to do, and account fur his jfirdahiE'lS boast that he had not one case waiting for his decision. .13n munch for the non-reversal of his lordship's judgment; so much f or hi s lordship's celerity in despatching business; and s o m uc h for the "immense" number of cases dec ided by his lordship. Liverpool, Sept. 16, 1835, G. POLLING AT ELECTIONS.—A bill has passed both houses to limit the time of taking the poll at contested elections of mem bers to serve in parliament to one day." This bill authorizes the privy council, on requisition from five justices of the peace, or from the high sheriff, to appoint additional polling places, for any county or division of a county, and authorizes the jus tices of the peace, at the Michaelmas quarter sessions, to divide such county or division into districts, and to assign one to each polling place, so as to provide for additional polling places. In cities atrit . tmrotrgheritre-peritiug be-vet:mese. ea eight o'clock in the forenoon of the day next following the day of nomination, (unless such following day be Sunday, and then on the Mon day following) and the polling to continue during such one day only, and not to be kept open later than four in the after noon. On the requisition of any candidate, or his proposer or seconder, the puffing booths to be so arranged, that trot more than four hundred electors shall be allotted to each booth. The oaths of allegiance, abjuration, and supremacy, not to be re quired of any elector. In case of obstruction to the poll by any riot or open violence, the poll shall be adjourned at the polling place where the disturbance takes place, to the next day, and, if necessary, shall be further adjourned until the disturbance shall have ceased. AN INSTANCE op LORD EXMOUTH'S EXTRAORDINARY BOLD NZSS.—On the 1 I th of October the enemy were discovered, drawn up in a strong line across the passage between Valicour, one of the numerous islands On Lake Lehamplain], and the Western land; and so well concealed by the island that the squadron had nearly passed without observing them. They had fifteen vessels, carrying ninety-six guns, fourteen of which were eighteen-pound ers (eight of them traversing), and twenty-threetwelves. Gene ral Arnold commanded. The Carleton, being nearest to the enemy, attacked at once, without waiting for the rest of the squadron, though her force was only twelve six-pounders: Un fortunately, owing to the state of the wind, no other vessel could come to her assistance, and she was obliged to engage the whole force of the enemy single-handed. Sir Guy Carleton saw her desperate position with extreme anxiety, but it was found impos sible to bring up the squadron, and he could only 'end in the artillery-boats to support her. Meantime she was siiffering most severely. Very early in the action Mr. Brown lost an aim; and soon after Lieutenant Dacres fell, severely wounded and senseless. lie would have been thrown overboard as dead, but for the interference of Mr. Pellew, who now succeeded to the command. lie maintained the unequal contest till Capt. Prin gle, baffled in all his efforts to bring up the squadron, made the signal of recall; which the Carleton, with two feet water in her hold, and half her crew killed and wounded, was not in a con dition to obey. In attempting to go about, being at the time near the shore, which was covered with the enemy's marksmen, she hung in stays, and Mr. Fellow, not regarding the danger of snaking himself so conspicuous, sprang out on the bowsprit to push the jib over. The artillery-boats now took her in tow, - while the enemy maintained a very heavy fire, being enabled to bear their guns upon her with more effect, as she increased her distance. A shot cut the tow-rope, •and Mr. Fellow ordered soma one to go and secure it; but seeing all hesitate, for indeed it appeared a death-service, he ran forward and did it himself. 'I he Carleton was then towed out of gun-shot, haviug, with the assistance of the artillery-boats, sunk the Boston, a gondola, carrying an eighteen-pounder and two twelves; and burnt the Roy.ll Savage, of twelve guns, the largest of the enemy's schooti ers:----From Osier's Life of Lora Exrnuatls. i . FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 18, 1835. Our Demerara files reach to the 28th July. The co• luny is quiet, but crime continues to increase. We have also received Jamaica papers to the late date of the 9th of August. The House of Assembly met on the 4th, when the session was Opened by a speech from the governor, Lord SLTGO, which created an extraordinary sensation in all who heard it. Several members openly declared that it contained misrepresen tations of a very serious nature, calculated to mislead the government at home and the people of the mother country. We cannot make room for all the proceedings, but we have given at full length, under the Jamaica head, the speech of the speaker of the House of Assem bly. It will be read with considerable interest. A very interesting work has just issued from the press It is entitled a The Life of Admiral Viscount EXMOUTH, by RICHARD °sum, Esq." The character of the gallant officer, who rose from the humblest to the highest station in the service, is one of the noblest and most enviable we ever studied. A high sense of honour, a keen per ception of right and wrong, a vigorous regard for truth and justice, and a strong love of country, were almost instinctive qualities in the mind of Lord EXMOUTH. He was at the same time mild, generous, benevolent. He had no patron in elevated places—no peer to push him forward—no friendly commissioner to help him on. He was too proud to seek favours; too much imbued with conscious rectitude, and too confident in the integrity of his intentions and the power of his resources, to doubt for a single moment that his country would acknowledge whatever merit he might possess, and do him justice for whatever braYe and noble actions he might perform. Lord ExmoUTH therefore depended entirely upon him-, self. He drew his sword in the cause of his king and country, and fought his way to renown. He captdred the first and finest French frigate in the revolutionary war, and he had the singular good fortune of recapturing the first Pritish frigate taken by the French. He was ac tively engaged during the whole of that stupendous con test, and gloriously signalized himself in the last naval victory of his country at Algiers. We call that the last, for the affair at Navarino, in which that empty headed person Sir EDWARD CODRINOTON is said to have distin guished himself, in conjunction with a French fleet, can hardly be called a victory. 'Certainly it was not a glori ous one—it was not even an honourable one—it was more an act of cruelty, piracy, and injustice, than a vic tory—for it was gained over the force of a friendly ally who had never injured or insulted England, and it gave to Russia the conquest of Turkey, and the sovereign command of the passage to the Euxine. In short we have seldom read a more delightful or in structive book. It is impossible to mark the early career of the hero and follow it to its final close, without feeling proud that Lord Exmounr was an Englishman. He possessed all the sterling qualities of a British sailor. He loved his king—he was ardently attached to all the institutions of his country. But it is not only as an able officer that we admire Admiral Lord EXMOUTH : he was, besides, a consummate statesman. His views of foreign policy were uniformly acknowledged, by the government he served, to be'sound. He was frequently consulted, and his advice was in numerous instances adopted. His sentiments on domestic affairs were equally well consi dered. At the time when the French threatened to in vade Ireland, and make that island the means of hum bling the pride and power of England, many men, but men of superficial minds, as events have proved, pro posed to avert the consequences of invasion by conciliat ing the Roman Catholics of Ireland. In other words, they imagined that by granting concessions to popish re bels in correspondence with the French Directory—by yielding to the DOILES, MURRAYS, and O'CONNELLS of those days—England would be spared the trouble of c hastising the insolent republicans on the western waters of the 41,teF island. Lord EXMOUTH thoroughly de spised these narrow, -4410, ;Ind ignorant views of policy. We call them ignorant, because they were mere shifts, evincing a total disiegarcl of historical facts, of the un compromising principles of popery, and the infarnOirs designs of that pestilent and popish party in Ireland. The biographer gives us Lord EXMOUTH'S opinions on concessions in these remarkable words:— " Lord Exmouth held a very decided opinion on this point, and foresaw that strong coercive measures would become ne eessary iu co.useaLenee.„Re _welt 10.e.w. how:aeble JED* I € 9. the restraint imposed by any conditions contemplated by the ad vocates of change; and, in allusion to the remark of a noble man of the highest rank, who had expressed a belief that he would think diffirently when he saw the securities which would accompany the concessions—' Securities!' he said, it is all nonsense! I never yet could see them, and 1 never shall!" While the question was in progress he wrote—' The times are' awful when the choice of two evils is left, a threatened rebellion or the surrender of our constitution by the admission of catholics into parliament and all offices. 1 think even this will net satisfy Ireland. Ascendancy is their object. You may postpone, and, by loss of character, parry the evil for a short space, but not long, depend upon it. You and I may not see it, but our children will, and be obliged to meet the struggle man to man, which we may now sithk. By God alone can we be saved from such consequences : may He shed his power and grace upon us as a nation !' " Were truer or more prophetic words ever uttered by mortal man ? At this very moment, not much more than six years since these concessions were granted to an in solent faction encouraged by the whigs, the people of England are already engaged in a desperate struggle with popery. The struggle of "man to man," which Lord EXMOUTII spoke of, has not yet begun ; but who can tell whether it may not commence before the expira tion of the next twelvemonths ? For many years the most lawless agitation has prevailed in Ireland. It is the work of the priests and their hireling desperado, DANIEL O'CONNELL. It has, we grievously lament to say, been tolerated by one section of the government and encouraged by another. One minister has looked si lently upon it, and another has favoured it with smiles and cheers of approbation. One administration have resorted to the law-in.order to suppress it; but when the guilty and infamous incendiary, the ruling fiend and the principal murderer, has been within their grasp and at their Mercy, they have changed their minds, allowed the law to expire, and the criminal to escape. The criminal TUE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. should have expired in %indication of the law, not the NW for his protection. However, in these few years we have lost.man of the -safeguard s o f our i nst i tut i ons. Th e ministers- of the Church of England —the teachers of our pure faith—ttfe expounders .of the word of Goo—the meek distributors of charity, in imitation of the good Samaritan, to those who are weak and those who mourn—have been assailed, in that part of the empire where their duties are most onerous and their ministrations most requisite, in the most ruthless and savage manner. In their homes they have no security ; at the altar they are not safe; on the highway, in open day, when the blessed sun shone upon their gray halts as if it came from the gates of heaven, they have been murdered—foully murdered— by incarnate fiends, th e aux ili ar i es o f t h e Ch urc h o f R ome . Oh GOD! that such revolting deeds of blood should happen in our day, and no arm raised, no sword unsheathed, no red hand uplifted to avenge the crime! But this is Ireland near the middle of the nineteenth century. The dirndl is bespuiled before our eyes, and we remain passive spec tators. Popery rides triumphant on the whirlwind, and for innocent blood there is no avenger. The poor curate is robbed of his pittance; the rector and the vicar dare not collect their tithes. The law is laughed to scorn ;an unprincipled demagogue rolls in affluence upon the spoils of crime, and drives amid the fair fields of England with his chariot wheels oiled with the blood of protestant vic tims. He is not content with divided power—he is not satisfied with a reasonable or equal participation in the rights and privileges of Englishmen. He demands uni versal power —supreme power in Ireland—more power than the King of England—and because this is refused bYthe nobles and aristocracy and the people of England, he pursues a course of malignant persecution against the destitute and defenceless protestant clergy of the sister island. They groan under the terrible visitations of his malice, and we feel for them and sorrow over their mis fortunes from the bottom of our hearts; but an awful re sponsibility attaches to the people of England. O'CoN NELL and the priests are the vile instruments—the people of England are the consenting parties, answerable for all the wickedness. They have the power to punish the guilty men ; it is their duty to arrest the progress of crime, and do battle for the slain; but, alas, they stand aloof and look on In stolid apathy, like men whom some overwhelming judgment has totally bereft of under standing. To show that the ministers of the protestant religion in Ireland have suffered and continue to suffer from the unhallowed and merciless persecuticn of the popish priests and their mercenaries, we borrow an extract from the eloquent speech of the Rev. Mr. O'SuLuvAN, deli vered at Hereford only a few days ago:— " Shall we look at one of the pictures on which these friends of the human race may be supposed to dwell with so dignified a resignation and composure ? It is the home of a persecuted minister of the church in Ireland, one whom evil days have overtaken and found, inaemporal matters, unprovided, because he had never hoarded, except as he may have thought in the morning as of those who tasted his bounty, whatever of income strict economy had set apart as a surplus. He has been now for some time under sore affliction. The external appearance of the house shows you that it had once had little embellish ments of taste, which are now going to decay. We pass into .the chamber where the sufferer has withdrawn to solitary prayer and meditation. The shelves and presses, and a few books still remaining, show you that this had been a library. There is an open letter lying on that table; it tells that the last day has come on which payment of an assurance can be legally tendered. It is a sore calamity that he cannot meet this de mand. Ile had adopted every practicable retrenclimen..—he had recalled his sons from literary studies—given up for a time the effort to continue their instruction, and availed himself of their assistance to till the ground, and procure by the labour of their hands some scanty sustenance, by which life could be painfully protracted. Until this distressing day, by much self denial and strenuous exertion, he had been enabled to lay up that provision which was to relieve his widow and children from the most appalling evils of orphanage and destitution. As a last resource, he has been walking even to the houses of his merciless debtors, soliciting that as charity they will succour him. He has felt that the ban is in force against him—that the anathema is its operation—looks of stern defiance, averted eyes, brief or contemptuous refusals have told him that here there is hope. He has communed in the solitude of his chamber vith.hia heart, and is now still. He is on his knees, and the prayer of the meek sufferer is silent resignation—he feels and looks the prayer—' thy will be done.' (Loud cheers.) We will look to another part of the picture—another stage in the po litical experiment. The wife and daughter of this sufferer are scared from the air and light of day—if they presume to go forth, brows scowling menace, words of disgusting import drive them.back affrighted to the sad shelter of their home. The shelter is now a prison. Look in upon those female forms— fears and privations have marred and wasted them; but the contumely from which they have hurried to escape has sent a flush over each faded countenance. The suffering father scarcely can retain composure as ho struggles to console them— his words of hope and encouragement, the counsel to be of good cheer, the assurance that England will not much longer permit afflictions like this to continue, fall tremulously from his lips, and have lost the power to call up in answer looks of even counterfeited expectation. Shall we not congratulate the sub lime philosophy of the man who can tranquilly meditate on hundieds of cases like this? (Much cheering.) I will not ask you to go with me through all the chambers of affliction; but we must proceed to another stage in the experiment. The ve nerable minister of the gospel has been permitted to suffer as much preliminary affliction as cruelty in Ireland or pious spe culations here hold necessary. He is now to be dismissed to his rest—not with the stern mercy in which justice gives a de. linquent to death—not with the sudden destruction in which the passion of revenge pours out the storm of its fury—he is not shot— he is not with one fierce stroke smitten and cloven down —no; there is a malignity which thirsts for more prolonged enjoyment ; life must be drained from the victim by drops. It is the broad day —passengers are on the way side—husbandmen busy in the field—the venerable minister is walking slowly, for he is feeble, and he has been visiting in the abode of sickness, and is pon. dering thoughts which are congenial to such ministrations; his abode is in sight, but his murderers are arosind him ; there is no rage in their looks, but there is the cruelty which knows no re mission. I will not dwell on the picture, nor show you the mangled form in which life lingered, nor speak of the anguish and agony in which the martyr was mourned. liut another stage must be noticed, because it teaches the result in which the costly experiment may be expected to issue. (Hear, hear.) Now, it might be presumed, the tormentors are satisfied, ven geance has been slaked, and the great truth that the blood of martyrs is the seed of the church shall be confirmed in the con version of those who persecuted him to the death. The broken hearted widows, the desolate orphans are assailed with bowlings and menace. Philosophers may come to witness a new pheno menon. A family of helpless females whom murder had reft of their best earthly protection, whom literal, and, so far as religi ous distinctions are concerned, undiscriminating charities had made poor, dared not go to seek an humble asylum in a less barbarous land, without an armed escort; and could not pro ceed,wheu this strong guard kept sanguinary violence from their persons, without having their ears shocked and their h t e it ifs To - riit - y Cala and conturiliiiioui ferllitigi. This i s tieio -helpless females, known in happier days more by their readi ness to do deeds of mercy than by outward trappings of wealth and place—thus persecuted in their affliction. (Hear, hear.) But all must be endured to promote the great experiment. do not think converts are ever to be made to protestautism merely by tormenting its professors. It is very difficult to be lieve that those who command the resources of the government can entertain any such expectation, or that while they sec na tures so changed by acrimonious bigotry as to retain no pill . , they can hope by indulging their malignity with spectacles of distress, they can appease and win them. (Cheers.) Nor bad they to look abroad for manifestations of this mournful and humbling perversion of the human heart. They were brought home to them here, to their doors, exhibited among the ale gancies of their literary enjoyments. If you were familiar with representations of the state of society in Ireland, I might with much boldness appeal to you whether I have, in the slightest degree, exaggerated the sufferings to which many faithful minis ters are exposed, or added a single incident to the story of their . afflictions." Is there a human being who has any sense of justice, or any feeling of pride, or any love of country, or who has sipped a single drop at the sacred fount of christia nity, who can look upon this picture of misery andcrime without shrinking from its agonies —without feeling his blood boiling within him ? If there be such a man we have no pity for him. He can be no christian. lie is a monster, who--• "- Doubly dying, shall go down To the vile earth from whence be sprung, Unwept, unhonoured, and unsung." Now return we to the Whig missionary O'CONNELL. We have shown what this wretch has done in Ireland. He has lived up• n the plunder of his poor deluded and enslaved countrymen for many years. Under the fright ful denunciations of a fearful religion, the mite - of the widow and the last farthing of the dying pauper have been wrung from them to enable O'CONNELL and his fa roily to live: in splendour and enjoy .all the- luxuries of the Britisii metropoliw. He Ireland a land of po verty, and he has made it a land of crime. He has in creased to alleinotis extent the demoralization of a peo ple whom he professes to adore, and fleeces ►►nder the pretext of securing to them rights which they can neither understand nor enj ry. He calls himself the advocate of the poorer classes, but let facts bear witness. He de clared that the forty shilling freeholders of Ireland were a corrupt body, who abused their franchise and could not be trusted ; and he consented to disfranchise them on `condition that the scoundrel who libelled them should ob tain a seat in the British Parliament. There, owners of cabins and a few acres in Ireland, this is your champion!! Here is a man who calls himself your friend! Go back a few leaves in his blotted book, fit emblem of his cha racter, and strive to remember what he has said and done, and compare these with what he has the insolence and the impertince to say now. But mind this. He has, by the assistance of the priests, robbed you of your last. penny. You that are poor he has disfranchised. He has set you in array against your landlords, and you are starving. He has imposed upon your good nature and your credu lity, taking 'immense pains to arouse your passions and your prejudices in order that he might.plunder vim more effectually, and leave you his dupes when he had extorted all that you could or were inclined to spare. He has not left you an ounce of salt to flavour your potato - 6. In some districts you are suffering all the pangs of famine; but DANIEL, take our word for it, would not regorge a single doit to save you from perishing from htinger. In short the Irish rent has begun to decline, and he has turned to the richer pastures of England in, the hope he rna,i , levy a tax commensurate to the .defalcation on the Irish catholics located in this country. Roman Catholics of England, therefore, take care of your pockets ! For every vulgar and brutal oration which he delivers here, you may depend upon it you will be called 'upon to pay. You have more spare money than your brethren in Ireland, and he calculates upon a cor responding alacrity on your parts to replenish his family bag—the bag of JUDAS filled to betray. It is more than probable that O'Connell's present travelling expenses are paid out of the secret service money ; but he will not be contented with this. The sedition and the treason he labours to inculcate must yield a more profitable re turn, otherwise he will spurn you as base-born, polluted, and heartless Irishmen, contaminated by Saxon society. With respect to O'CONNELL himself, and his English and Scotch mission, we take leave to treat it on higher grounds: The pretext that he is invited to dine at cer tain places is simply a falsehood. The invitation is part of. the.plot originating with himself. The priests mar shal the way; the people he addresses are unknown to him ; he is merely the wild beast of a caravan which the mob flock to gaze at ; and when they come before him he deluges them with ruffian invectives against the higher orders—against the peers whom he hates-- against the protestant gentry whom he fears —against Protestants of all classes whom he derides and calumni ates. He is, wherever he goes, unattended by a single person of the slightest pretension to respectability. All his supporters right and left are unknown men. The keeper of a gin-shop is called an Esquire--a fellow who retails poisonous beer is called an Esquire !—acontractor for coffins and shrouds with the poor-law commissioners is called an Esquire !—the stoker of a steam-mill passes for a gentleman, a blackleg for a patriot, and a pig driver, fresh from the shambles, plays the part of JEREMIAH 11/MILLIGAN, late M.P. for Waterford !• Who is Mr. CATON of Liverpool ? Who ever heard of C. J. S. WAL , RER, Esq. ? What is he ?—where does he live ? He may have indeed a local habitation and a name; but of the two hundred other persons, said to have been present, we defy the friends of O'CONNELL to point out one who belongs to any other than the lowest class of people in Manchester. To go below this is impossible. The mendacious mendicant professes to instruct the people who constitute his audience. Whether any of them can read it would be bold to affirm, but that not a score of them are conversant with the co►nmonest events of history is made manifest by the vulgar liberties which O'CONNELL was permitted to take with facts without being kicked out of the room. He is represented as hav ing addressed the following remarks to the meeting : " When the royal power was too strong for the people, and exercised itself in attacks upon the subjects at large, the lords then made common cause with the people, because :here was, to a great extent, a community of grievance and suffering. The kingly tyrant was put down ; but another equally great was set up. Cromwell, a special humbug—a sort of Peel in his way— he assumed supreme power, and set up as great a tyranny as that which had been abolished. The restoration came next, and James, the son of him whom the people had beheaded, after wards mounted the throne, and was guilty of the most abominable treachery. But the people did not behead him; they had be come better instructed, and they IA his foolish head upon his shoulders, allowing him to wander about Eur4e, a specimen of the folly of trying to make the people slaves. (Hear.) Aud will not people take a lesson from this ?" • DANIEL forgot to tell the persons who listened to him that JAMES the SECOND was a bigoted, sullen and treache rous papist, and that it was the attempt on his part, aided by a popish faction, to restore popery to these realms, that led to his expulsion from the British throne. Had O'CaNNELL confessed the whole truth he would have caused some astonishment in the room, and perhaps a few of his hearers would have exclaimed, " NV hy, you yourself and your priests are doing the same thing that JAMES did and failed : and failing saved his head but lost his crown." The interruption would have been pertinent and salutary ; for what is the sole object of the agitator and his -agita tions but to extirpate the protestant religion in Ireland, revive the mysteries of Roxanism, and give to the popish priests unlimited power in that country. But as DANIEL was not so interrupted we are warranted in concluding that none of his audience were conversant with the subject he had alluded to. How much better he will fare in the north a few days will tell. We have at length been favoured with a copy of the act of parliament for the Regulation of Afuniczpal Cor porations in England and Wales. Tile short time it has been in our hands has only enabled us to glance cur sorily at its numerous and important provisions. Of course its application will be different in different bo roughs, for powers and privileges are reserved in some places , which either did not prevail or are abolished . in others. We have consequently confined our attention to the principal enactments which have reference to the inhabitants of Liverpool. By a clause in the bill the 'Privy•Couneil are — em Powered to' fix certain day in'the present year, other than those specified in the bill, for carrying some of its provisions into effect, • particularly the elections. of the new municipal authorities, and this power, as probably most of our readers know, has al ready been acted upon. For instance, the clay of elect ing councillors has been postponed from the Ist Novem ber to the 26th December, 1835, the election of alder men from the 9th November to the 31st December, 1835, and the election of mayor from the 9th November, 1835, to the Ist January, 1836. This, then, is tolerably plbin. In future years the first mentioned dates will be the days of the several elec tions. Having cleared away the rubbish which clogs the bill at the very outset, we shall now endeavour to give our readers a short outline of the new municipal consti tution of the corporation of Liverpool. Ist.—The boundaries of the borough are those which were fixed by the commissioners under the reform bill; and, on or before six weeks after the passing of the present bill, the borough is to be divided into sixteen wards, each ward returning three common councilmen. This gives for Liverpool fort-eight councillors. 2d.—These councillors are to be elected annuallq by the burgesses in their respective wards. A burgess must be a per son of full age, not an alien or pauper, who has been rated to the poor of the parliamentary borough for three years, and he must be either an inhabitant householder within the parliamen tary borough or within seven miles of the same. The old free men or burgesses have no elective rights under this bill, They can only vote, as new burgesses, by virtue of residence and being rated to the poor as above described. 3d.—The councillors so elected are to remain in office for one year. At the expiration of the first year, one-third of their whole number, or one councillor for each ward, must retire from office, and new councillors are to be elected in their stead. Those who retire at the end of the first year are to be those who shall have had the " smalle4 number of rotes in the present year." Those who retire at the end of the second year are those who SEPTEMBER 18, 18:35, stialtlia7;e bad. " the next smallest numbers of vote's ; and those who retire at end of the third year are those who shall have been " for the limyest time in office without re-electicm.' t _Where any two or three or 'tore councillors have the same number of votes, the whole council are to decide who are to retire and who remain. 4th.—There are to be sixteen aldermen—one for each ward. These are to,he el4.4`ted by the councillors, not by the burgeises, and they are to remain in office for six years, with this differ ence, that the council is to decide who shall or shall not re tire at the end of three years. The councillors can vote a moiety of the aldermen out of office at the expiration of three years; the other moiety remaining for six years. if the council do not expel them at these stated periods, they will be alder men for life. The councillors can elect the alderinen, as above restricted, either limn their own bodS., or from the burgesses eligible to be councillors; but we have been unable to find any clause which provides fur a new election of councillors, sup posing the council should elect the aldermen from their own body. The bill is consequenily defective in this respect. sth.—The Mayor is to be elected annually by the aldermen and councillors, and be must Le either an alderman or council lor. The mayor will be ex officio a justice of the peace and returning officer for members of parliament; but the aldermen are not invested with any judicial functions. Existing mayors and councillors are to go out of office on the election of the coun cillors under this act. The council are to appoint the town clerk, treastire'r, and coroner, but they are not to be members of .the council. The recorder is to be appointed by the crown. The King is to have the appointment of all justices of the peace for the borough; but those who are at present justices for bo roughs are allowed to exercise all the powers which they had at the time of passing of this act, and to continue to do so until the Ist day of May next, but no longer. Gth.—Reservation is made in favour of the old freemen of all rights of property, rights of commons, and beneficial exemp tions, to be continued to their wives and children, provided the children were horn on or before the sth of June last. The old freemen, too, are--to enjoy the privitegd of voting for members of ptirliament the same as if this bill had not passed. 7th.—Any burgess under this act who may have house, ware house, counting-house, or shop in the borough, and stands rated to the poor for three years, must vote in the ward where his rated property is ; ' but, no matter what is the amount of his pro perty, he is only allowed one vote. Bth.—On the Ist day of March, 1836, and in every succeeding year, the burgesses of every borough are to elect from the per sons qualified to be councillors two burgesses who are'to be called auditors of the borough, and two more burgesses to be called assessors of the borough, who are to continue in office un til the Ist of March succeeding. Besides these auditors and assessors for the borough, thus popularly elected, there are to be additional assessors for every ward! It is enacted, that on the Ist of March in every year the electors of each ward shall sepa rately elect two assessors for the ward, and the alderman and his two assessors are to have the same power in his ward as the mayor and his assessors will have in towns where there are no wards. 9th.—The qualification for mayor, alderman, and councillor in Liverpool is possession of real or personal estate of the value of one thousand pounds, or being rated at £3O annual value. It is, however, enacted " that if any person holding the office of mayor, alderman, or councillor for any borough shall be de clat ed bankrupt, or shall apply to take the benefit of any act for the relief of insolvent debtors, or shall compound by deed with his creditors, such person shall thereupon immediately become disqualified, and shall cease to hold the office of mayor, alder man, or councillor as aforesaid, and the council thereupon shall declare the said office to be void; but every person so becoming disqualified, and ceasing to hold such office on account of his becoming bankrupt, or of his applying to take the benefit of any act for the relief of insolvent debtors, or having compounded with his creditors as aforesaid, shall on obtaining his certificate, or on payment of his debts in full, be capable (if otherwise qualified) of being re-elected to such office. 10th.—The council are empowered to take under their manage ment the watching, lighting, paving, cleaning, the sewerage, and fire-establishment of the borough, the several local acts apper taining thereto being repealed. The present board- will, of course, be abolished. 11th.—The mode of granting and continuing leases is to remain as at present. 12th.--The expenses of all elections, the salaries of stipendiary magistrates, recorders and coroners, and other subordinate offi cers, the expenses of prosecutions at the assizes, and a portion of the expenses of county prosecutions, are to be defrayed out of the corporation funds; and should these not be adequate the council are empowered to impose a rate lima the burgesses. 13tb.—Burgesses are qualified and liable toserve on grand ju ries in the borough, and also upon juries for the trial of all is sues joined in any court of quarter sessions of the peace, and in any Court of Record for the trial of civil actions triable within the'borough. All chartered exemptions from serving upun ju ries arc abolished. 14th.—In cages in which corporations possess tilvowsens, or the right of presentation to any benefice or ecclesiastical pre ferment, every such advowsou, and every such right of present ation shall be sold at such time, and in snch manner, as the ec clesiastical commissioners appointed by his Majesty may di rect; provided always that any case of vacancy arising before any such sale shall have taken place and been completed, such vacancy shall be supplied by the presentation or nomination of the Bishop or Ordinary of the diocese in which such preferment is situated. These, as far as we have had leisure. to examine the bill, are its most important provisions. Property gives no qualification, et'en though the person holding it be the highest rate payer in the town, unless he be an." in habitant householder" within the borough, or within seven 'biles of the borough. It consequently excludes from the council the present mayor, several gentlemen of great respectability, and not a few wealthy patriots who were great advocates for the measure, who lifted their sweet voices in its favour in Clayton-square, but who never dreamt' that Lord .TorrN, its parent, would treat them in so invidious a manner. There are some provi sions relative to charitable bequests, and trustee-ships of considerable importance, which we have passed over altogether, not being able to render them intelligible to the general reader. We have seen enough of it, how ever, to convince us that it will lead to much confusion if not to endless litigation. In this respect it is a wind fall to the lawyers—perhaps it was framed on purpose. We shall return to the subject. LONDON LA7'EST NEWS. City, Wednesddy Evening, Half-past Seven ()Work. The reported defeat of Don Carlos (for after all it is only one version) has had but slight effect on the Spanish securities, for the bonds, after being at 4O f t , left off at 398, and the scrip, after being 201 discount, closed at 201 discount. Our English stocks remain remarkably passive; but money is scarce for commercial purposes, which -causes a degree of heaviness in foreign bills, 16 to 18 being the premium. Con sols for account left off at 901 g, and omnium at 31 pin. Portuguese bonds are, for the 5 per cents., at 85i, and the 3 per cents. are 56. All the republican bonds are steady, but with little doing. Chilian bonds are 39, Colombian bonds are 31, and Mexican 36 to 37.- The advices from Mexico are very favourable. The various northern bonds are steady at 101-1 for Belgian. 1.022 A is the quotation for Dutch 5 per cents., and 54i that of the 2A per cents. • Other securities remain within a fraction of the quotations at our last communication. Immercial intenie,P,ace frotuatio..JaDeiro states. thalthere had been much activity in coffee in that market. The accounts from Europe were considered unfavourable, and the business done hid been chiefly confined to the markets of the United States. There appears to have been exported this year to the United States, up to the 30th June last, 100,201 hags against 41,67(1 during the same period last year; and to Europe 154,826 bags against 'L3.3,503 bags in the same period last 'year. The export of sugar to the 30th June this 'ear was 5,611 cases, and to the same period of 1834, 9875 cases. The export of hides to the same date was 10'2,215, and last year 100,323. At Rio Grande hides were scarce. The following is a comparative ex port of coffee during the crop ending 30th June, 1834, and 30th June, 1835: To the United States. To Europe. Total. 1834 180,533 170 600 . 651,133 hags. 1835 227,268 310,866 538,131 ~ About 15,000,000 pounds less will have been received in Europe from Brazil, and 7,000,(XX) more in the United States in the first six months of this year than during the correspond= ing period Of the last. The supply of flour was adequate to double the consumption until October, when the new crop may be expected. The importation of — the article during the first six months of this year was 77,610 barrels against 57,866 of the same period last year, being an increase this year of 25,744 barrels. AItITHMETIC.-A workman, belonging to the Milanese terri tory, has just invented a machine with a cylinder, which exe cutes the three first rules of arithmetic. The Academy of Sciences at Milan has consequently voted him a gold medal. SW I MN! I G.-Eight of the best swimmers of the Austrian gar rison of Btegenz engaged, for a wager, to swim across Lake Constance, from that town in the Tyrol to Lindau, a distance of six miles. They started at ten o'clock, and at three minutes before three o'clock, a private soldier named Tutaja, reached the bridge at Lindau. In thirty-two minutes afterwards be was followed by Lieut. Cepharowitsch. The six others only went about half the distance, and then were taken into the boats that attended them. The wind was blowing from the west, and the temperature of the water was 17 degrees of Reaumur, or 7U. of Fahrenheit. This is, perhaps, the greatest distance ever tra versed by swimming in fresh water. The two men who com pleted their task were perfectly blue when they landed, their pulse was scarcely perceptible, and several hours elt peed before their bodies tesumed their natural heat.—Paris .4drertiser. sl. I :•S'QM 'ay a wo :Your in j bein g 0 ; straugel. tatholio suou gCi Your he( Pick 500 Ind soul Would p tune." a Praise Portion Co lon ; P!santry Piece o f tin dere *quit t Parson 4 ea . Pon I ' 6ll nev they Pensitie I Ceed I nhaled 'ould -I"gue Pres urn Yo u V oont 3 W ho h y„, dolu Ili, xi t . r, tt hut o uir It ow l fi tts, matte 1 ~ , ,,,,4 k`'t 11; Yo L I I,W) ANOTHER "INFERNAL MACHINE." On Sunday night, between ten and eleven o'clock, the in, habitants of Manchester-square were thrown in a state of the. greatest alarm and consternation in consequence of a loud re port, similar to that produced by the firing of an immense piece of ordnance. It appears that at the lime in question, as an elder ly female, trained -Mary Wilson, residing- in Marylebone.lane, was proceeding through the square towards home, she observed on the railing in front of the French Ambassador's (Count Se bastiani's) residence, a faint glimmering light, which she at the time took no particular notice of, imagining it to be nothing more than the reflection of a candle in the area, or part of a lighted cigar, which she concluded might have been thrown down by some gentleman in his progress along; she, however, had not got many yards before she heard a tremendous report, and before she had time to ascertain, by looking round from whence the sound proceeded, she was struck on the back part of the neck with a stone, or some other misslie, which inflicted on her a wound from which blood flo wed in a stream; at this moment a horse attached to a cab, alarmed by the sound, started off at full speed and galloped at a fearful rate through several streets, but was at length stopped in Oxford-street, after knocking down and severely injuring a journeyman carpenter, named Evans, who sprang forward at the risk of his life and seized the animal by the head. Be this time an immense number of persons had congregated iu Niaiichester-square, in consequence of a report which was freely circulat e d th an an i n f erna l mac hine bad been fired off with the intention of inflicting personal injury on the Ambassador. Police constable Powell, 109 D, was the first con stable on the spot, and on examination of the premises he dis covered a large hand grenade tied to the railing of Count Sebas tiani's residence. It had evidently been recently fired off, and part of the combustible material was walking along the square with a lantern, soon after ten o'clock, and that one of them lighted a small piece of candle, which he put into his hat, re marking to his companion, "It's all right now," when they both proceeded on. The affair following, as it has done, so closely upon the heels of the diabolical attempt of Fieschi, has created no inconsiderable sensation, and the police are using their best endeavours to trace out the perpetrators of the deed. TO CORRESPONDENTS. In answer to a 130wEss, we have to state that the liberal re formers have objected to upwards of two thousand E . ' eemeti, and that it is the duty of all to be at their post, to answer fiir themselves, as soon as the revising barristers for the borough open their court. AN OLD INHABITANT will perceive by the municipal bill that the whole system to which 'he alludes is to undergo a change. The correspondent who signs R. E. G. E. J. must be very soft. fifTbe Eiberpool ,Stan garb.