The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-02-27 00:00:00

. supported him at the present moment; and, were it net far his full conficteuce on that point, ho was certain that he coed not execute. the difficult task which he had undertaken, a Hear, hear.) He never remembered to have heard a speech from the throne which was likely to be so satisfactory to all classes o f people as that which he had now heard read. Whether, on the one hand, they looked to the statement which had been made -as to the friendly situation in which this country was placed with respect to all foreign . powers—whether they looked to . the statement that had been given relative to the financial condition of the empire—whether they looked to whet had been said with respect to the state of the commerae-e-or whether, on the other hand, they directed their attention to the anxious wishes which 'had been expressed for the happiness and prosperity of the country, or to the strong desire which had been manifested to improve our ancient institutions, and, at the same time, the emphatic determination not to take any step by which those institutions might be endangered or broken down—whether they looked to the right side or tio the left, he felt satisfied that the British people would receive with grateful feelings the speech trona the throne, coatainiag, as it did, a declaration of the deep anxiety which his majesty felt to promote their welfare and prosperity. The speech itself entered into so many topics, that it would be (tut of all reason for him to express his sentiments on them at length, knowing, as lie did, that every one of them would be brought before their lordships in the course of the present session. The noble lord after adverting at some length to the topics which the speech embraced, concluded by moving a dutiful address to his majesty, in answer to his most gracious speech from the throne. Lord -GAGE, in seconding the address, congratulated their 'lordships on the prosperous state of the financial and commer cial concerns of the country. But when he said this he could not but feel that the prosperity could only be secured by a line of conduct which recent events led him to conciude would not be everywhere followed. Much would depend on their lord ships' reception of the present adaress. He conceived it must • be evident that the tithe question could' only be treated in the moderate way . which was recommended in the speech from the throne; and, in his opinion, every man who would really tight the battle of loyalty against anarchy and revolution would per. sue that moderate course. That was the single plank between the country and ruin; and it' they did not, by firmness, keep the constitution in its present frame, they must sink to rise no more. They must sink iu the vortex of revolution. Had they looked to the consequences of rash and precipitate measures with respect to the church? list they reflected opt mat they might encounter in search of what might almost be called tree -sortable experiments? There were mew amongst them, he hoped and belie Yee, who were not anxious for the support of that esta . •blishment, whose ministers had educated themselves and their children, who had acted as au engine of civilization, and whose virtues had sustained the church. (Hear, hear.) But, if there were such amongst them, let those cold reasoners look at the ruin, the misery, and the suffering which the success of their plans would necessarily produce; let them consider the weakness and instability whicn they would introduce amongst a divided people. The speech which they had heard that day spoke to • them of the prole, essive,arnendinent of abuses, but it also called on them to rally round the monarch far the purpose of prevent ing that edifice from being overturned which wise and good men had. always viewed with 'reverence. Could they, then, refuse a corresponding address in answer to such a speech,—a speech acquatuting the house, in deeds, he would say, as weli as in words, with his Majesty's %fidelity and attachment to that con ' stitution which they were bound to support? His v7ish, then, was, that they should adopt the answer of his noble friend. He knew not how they could return any other answer. The King's speech spoke of reform with reference to its fair and proper ex tent, but it also expressed a becoming jealousy tor the preserve tien of those institutions which constituted the honour us well as the safeguard of the country. His lordship ceucluded by saying , their lordships had to take their choice only between the govern- meat of the right hon. baronet (Sir ft. Peel), and that of that revolutionary personage Mr. Cobbett. (Hear, bear.) There was no alternative but the one or the other; but he would advise their lordships to consider well before they made their choice. The welfare and happiness of the country depended on the choice they might make. Lord Metasouttee, after alluding to the character of the speech from the throne which, he said, would lead a stranger to suppose that nu change had taken place in the administration, proceeded to say, that it was extremely disagreeable to him, circumstanced as he wa s , t o h e t h e fi rst to call the attention of their lordships to certain recent events; but, from the import _ ance of those events, and the manner in which they had oc curred, he trusted he should be acquitted of egotism if he briefly adverted to them. As to the change of the government, it was one which was approved of by his Majesty in the undoubted exercise of his prerogative, but as one which was sanctioned and approved of by the noble duke opposite, he was as much re sponsible for it as if he had advised it. (Hear, hear.) Whe ether the change was a prudent one or not, it was not for hint ore his late colleagues to determine ;—that they would leave to their lordships and to the other house of parliament to decide; but wheu be considered the position in which noble lords opposite • had placed themselves and the country—when he considered the present prospects of the countty, he owned that he could . not approve of that policy by which the recent change had been wholly passed over in the speech from the throne. Immediately after the late change in the g overnment , the noble duke oppe- I site held the appoirdinent of Chief Commissioner of the 'I rea sury, and at the saute time held the seals of the three great departments of the state. He was aware that the noble duke held those appointments ad interim, but the noble duke knew as well as he aid, if be possessed those offices with the view of exercising their functions, such exercise by one individual was incompatible with the principle: of our constitution; the offices were incompatible with each other when held by one and the same person. In one hand they would place all the great pow ers of the state—all its pecuniary resources between the indivi dual holding them and the sovereign —without any check or control. He would not say that the noble duke had taken those offices with such intention, it would be a high misdemeanour; but admitting that it was done front necessity and from the ur gency . of the ease, it would be for the noble duke to show that . necessity and urgency. Oir the arrival of the premier in En gland the ministry was formed as it now existed, and then it was that that extraordinary step was taken—the dissolution of ' the late parliament; and that, too, be it remembered, at a time when the country was in a state of admitted profound calm anti .quiet—while it was in a state of no little prosperity, as must be Inferred from the speech from the throne, and in the speeches of the noble lords who bad proposed and seconded the address. The noble lord then proceeded to quote some passages from Sir Robert Peel's speech at the Mansion-house, to show that he hail promoted, while be deprecated agitation. What (continued the noble lord) could produce is more effectually than a general election ? (Hear, hear.) What could take private men from their business, or public men from their ordinary duties, more completely than a general election? What was it that caused the " pressuic from without" inure effectually than an election? W a s it not bringing the influence of the people immediately to hear on those who were their recognised and constitutional or gans, ; All these, then, were reasons why a dissolution should not have been resorted to ; and vet, in the teeth of them, that measure was advised by the government, the head of which hail stated those reasons ! They had had one dissolution, and they mO.naced another. (A noble lord ou the Ministerial side-- " When, and where?" and some cries of "No.") Then they did nut contemplate another dissolution ? (Cheers from the opposition.) Why, it was no later than a few days ag o that be had read the spee c h o f a no bl e l or d connec t e d withßucking hanashire, and the relation of a noble peer then present, who pretty broadly intimated such a measure. That noble lord was one of the supporters of government, and though his statement could not be taken as official, it would still produce very con eiderable anxiety in the public mind. lie was aware that there were precedents for such uissolutions in 1811, 1807, and 1831. These, he admitted, were bold and dangerous measures, but they were cool, prudent, and cautious, compared with the disso lutions which noble lords opposite would advise. What had been the defence of those dissolutions to whirls be had referred. —the success with which they were attended ? Weil, the go vernment had met with inure success than they hail expected ; but yet they had not so much as they required. He would tell the noble lord who had seconded the address, that if any such dangers as he had anticipated should arise, it was to the mea sures of government, to the dissolution of parliament. that their imminence should be est:riled. It mild not be sail of it, as of the parliament of 1831, that it was called into existence at a time of great public excitement—at a period when the very name of reform was at stake.. The late parliament was not elected under such circumstances. The great majority of the members were returned with professions of reform on their lips, and the inf'rence to be drawn was that such was the general feeling of the country. If, then, the speech from the throne was one as it was described to be, and credit was claimed for it in that respect, why might it not have been submitted to the late parliament as weil as to a new one? As reforming mea -tures were to be submitted, why was it necessary to turn out a reforming parliament ? In former dissolutions, such as those to which he had alluded, there had been the justification, such as it was, of an entire change of policy. It was, in fact, a change of men only, and not of measures. Under these cir cumstances, he looked upon the late dissolution es a mere wan• ton exercise of power, and he knew of no other cause for it, except it was far the purpose of introducing some tory members to the House of Commons, in order to drag them through the mire after the abandonment of their principles. He' could not guess at any other cause, except it was that by frequent dissolutions noble lords opposite wished to fulfil their own oft-repealed predictions—that it was impossible to conduct the government under a reform dispensation. (Hear ; bear.) The noble lord concluded by saying e —With the feelings which he had thus briefly expressed to their lordships, and fur the pur pose of putting those feelings, in which many other noble lords concurred, on record, be would venture to move an amendment, though be confessed with, no chance that it would be successful. He was the more anxious to press it, because he felt that what he should move would be more in maison with the feelings of the country than those portions of the speech which referred to the seine subjects, and because he thought it rieht to offer to supply what he considered an important oinission in that speech. Ile was anxious that some subjects should be more tally stated than they were in the speech from the throne; and he was also anxious to induce their lordships, as a change had taken place in the government, to declare that they still adhered to that system which h a d b een f o ll o wed by the they government. He was likewise anxious that their lordships should state somewhat snore clearly and fully what was rehuired with respect to the re fuel' in municipal corporations. The noble viscount concluded by moving an amendment to be added to the original address, for which see conclusion of Lord Morpeth's speech in the commons. 'l'he amendment having been read from the woolsack, The Duke otal r eetitsoloe said, that as the noble viscount had said that the dissotutiou of parliament was not necessary, and that he (the duke) was responsible fur the dissolution of the late government, he must deny that he was responsible for those measures which caused the dissolution of the late government, and led to the formation of the present. That which led to the sliesolution of the late government was the absolute impossibility that it could go on longer without a noble lord who had ceased to be a member of the House of Ceie mons, by his removal froiu that to be a member of their lordships' house; He would beg to call to the recollection of their lordships what had been stated by a noble earl, wart had for nearly four years been at the head of the government, when the noble lord (Alth,,rp) had resigned his office of Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House of Commons. The noble earl stated that he could not, under such circumstances, continue at the head of the govern ment, for by the resignation of his noble friend he bad lost his right hand, and it would be impossible to carry on the govern ment with advantage from the time that that noble lord bad quitted power. But that was not all. The noble viscount - ( Melbourne) had himself stated to their lordships, as one of the grounds on which he had been induced to tak e o ffi ce, that he had been assured that his noble friend (Lord Altliorp) was wil ling to go in office with him, and therefore that with his assist ance he would consent to undertake to carry on the govern ment. But even that was not all, for he (the noble duke) bap pened to know that when the noble viscount felt that he was likely to lose the aid of the noble lord, (Althore) h e declared that he should feel himself placed in great difficulty, for that the noble lord was the very foundation on which the goyernineut stood, and when that was removed it was impossible to g o on. When, then, the question of the government Caine before hi s Majesty, he found it fairly put to him whether he would seek for other counse's, and whether he would consent to other er rangements for the formation of a government, or whether he would be content to abide by l is t p a rticular admi n i s t rat i on which at that moment existed. ( hear, hear.) Let their lord ships only observe the situation in which the King was . placed, .and ask themselves what be was to think in the new position in • 'which ho found himself. The noble earl had been under the necessity of resigning when the noble lord, then Chancellor of the Excheqner, was rased to that house. The. noble viscount, too, had declared that he cmisideaed the noble lord's assistance essentia►ly necessary to him. lint when his Majesty was left by the noble earl, and when Lord Althorp was removed from the other house, his Majesty, forsooth, was not to be permitted to consider whether his position was not materially altered by these events, and whether it would not be expedient for him to make some other arrangements for the carrying on of nis ser vice (Hear, hear.) Everybody, indeed, but his Majesty was to be allowed to consider the alterations which had taken place by the loss of Lord Althorp in the House of Commons! Their lordships, however, he was convinced, would not acquiesce in this exclusion. (Hear, hear.) They would see and declare that the Sovereign was fully entitled to ►..ke into consideration his own peculiar position, and the state of public affairs, and to de liberate whether• it would be advisable for him to make other arrangements with respect to the existing administration, or if not, whether it would not be better for him to form a new go vernment altogether. (Hear, hear.) Under the circumstances in which his Majesty was placed, he had thought proper to send to him, (the Duke of Wellington,) and he was happy to find that all those histories and stories which were propagated re, specting court intrigues— • Lord MELBOURNE.—Not by me. - - The Duke of WaoutecToN.-1 am quite certain of it. But all those idle stories' stories were now entirely laid aside. It was new fully admitted on all hands that dime never was any such thing. For his own part, he had had no communication of any description with the court for two—ay, he might say for three months previou s t o th e commun i ca tion from his Majesty. When his Majesty sent for him, he might have accepted the offer his Majesty was graciously pleased toake him. He might have come d own t o th e i r l or d s hip s in a higher situation, (hear, hear,) but he did not recommend that course to his ma jesty which would have been accessory to the gratification of his own ambition. (Cheers. He did not act as one who had a personal object to serve. (Cheers.) He recommended to his majesty that line of proceeding which he conceived would be must advisable for hi s s erv i ce , "and that was that he should send for the right hon. gentleman then in the other house of Parlia ment as the individual in the present times most fit and capa ble of discharging the duties of the King's first minister. (Cheers.) That right hon. gentleman was theu in another part of the world, at a considerable distance from this ; and it appeared advisable to his 'majesty, and to him (the dike,) to take possession of the government for Sir Robert Peel; and ab solutely necessary, at the same lime, that whoever might carry on the government until his arrival, should exercise no patron age, or take no step whatever which should in the least tend to diminish th e full and free authority of the right hun. gentleman when he might come to act. (Cheers.) His advice to his ma jestyaccordingly had been to put him provisionally at the head of affairs as Secretary for the Home Department and First Lord of the Treasury. (Hear, hear.) But the noble viscount (Melbourne) accused him of holding the seals of the three prin cipal secretaryship!! ,qf state at the same time. But this, al though gravely til ? was 'not a very serious charge after all. Having been appointed to' any one Of the three offices, a man was competent to held the-seals of the other two, in the absence of those to whom they had been .confided. It was true, then, that he had, as Secretary for the Home Department, held the !' seals of the three secretaryship; but he had exercised no more authority than if he had been one of the three principal secre taries, and his colleagues were absent. (Hear, hear.) - And was there, he would ask, no precedent for such a proceeding ? Why, Mr. Canning, while he was yet Secretary fur the Foreign Department, was, on the 12th of April, appointed First Lord of the Treasury, and he did not resign the seals of the foreign department until the 30th of the same month; conse quently, during the whole of the intervening time he was both Secretary for 14i-reign Affairs and First Lorry of the Treasury. Next, the noble viscount (Melbourne) blamed him highly for having attended his majesty, and facilitated his arrangements for the formation of a new administration ; and yet, strange to tell,- the uohle viscount himself it was, if he (the duke) were not mistaken, that brought to town the order in consequence of which the event had oecuried. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) If there were any thing criminal in his (the duke's) attending his sovereign, and assisting him in carrying into execution the plan for the formation of a new administration, what should he said of that minister who brought a letter to town the object of which was to secure that attendance and co-operation, he (Lord Melbourne) well knowing at the time what were the contents of that letter? (Cheers and laughter.) Was the noble viscount, I hen, the man to bring him forward as a criminal for having at tended to the wishes of his sovereign, when he himself was the bearer of those commands which had led him (the duke) into the presence of his majesty, and to the perform a n ce o f th ose services which he (Lord Melbourne) now repudiated? (Cheers and laughter.) If he were disposed so to argue, he 'night con tend that the fact of the noble viscount being the bearer of this letter showed the animus with which he (Lord Melbourne) had waited upon his majesty, and the animas of the transactions be tween them, and also the animus of the communications be tween himself (the duke) and his majesty. The next charge to which he had to advert was, that they fad dissolved the late parliament. With respect to this, it was true that whatever ministry advised the dissolution of a parliament was liable to be called on for some reason which might have induced them to do so ; but he had seldom heard of such a course of proceeding as that ministers should be called upon on the first day of the as sembling of parliament, and told "(live me some reason why you thought ht to dissolve; and justify your dissolution of par liament, by showing the effort you have made has been a suc cessful one." (Hear, hear.) But the noble viscount, after heaping his censure upon them for dissolving, added, that in all cases where parliament was dissolved it was success which jus tified the measure. If, then, they had made an experiment which was to depend upon so peremptory a criterion, surely he ought at least to allow them a short time to wait and see fairly what had been the result. (Cheers.) The noble lord and his friends had dismissed in June a parliament which was chosen in November. Their experiment he acknowledged was pet fectly successful. (Cheers.) At all events, it would be but fair to give them some little time for the prescribell justification, and not to assail them on the first day of the session. (Cheers.) And now, as to this success, he wanted to know, after all, how great was the measure of success which the late ministry enjoyed in the late pat liament, when it . appeared to rest solely and exclu sively on the shoulders of a single individual, from which, too, there was no mantle hi fall for a successor? He was not aware that there were any other topics on which it was necessary for him to speak. He had ab4ady, he' should think, said enough to show there was no `reason•why their lordships should see it expedient to adopt. the amendment "of the noble viscount. (Cheers.) He ought, perhaps, to say, as to the municipal cor porations, that it was not their intention in any way to thwart the commissioners, and that, feeling this, they were unwilling to pledge themselves to any peculiar system of legislation with out knowing what the report wa s; an d in this feeling their lord ships ought to be the more disposed to participate, when his majesty informed them that the report would be laid before them in a short time. Lord 13itouGnatif contended that the Duke of Wellington was responsible for the dissolution of the late administration. The reason was simply this—the King could do no wrong; he must, however, have some adviser, and therefore some respon sible adviser. Now, the noble duke stood in this position; be waspeculiarly, he was emphatically responsible for the change of his Majesty's advisers; for who could he responsible but be who came into the space which the change had made vacant? If the King thought proper to take the seals from one man to give them to another,lhe man who took the seals became re sponsible for the change ;. he was responsible in point of fact as well as in point of law. The noble and learned lord then spoke at great length on the s;;,:eCli then before the house, and cited passages from it .to prpve that the country had been well go verned by the late administration. When his lordship alluded to the election of the Speaker, the Duke of Wellington hitt mated that that vote was not of so much importance as had been supposed. Then, Lord 8.. replied, the noble duke would like to - have an amendment upon the address carried by a majority which would be four times as good. In conclusion Lord V. said, of one thing he was morally certain, that if any desperate attempt should be made to overawe the people of this country by mere force and power,. or to wear them out by repeated ap peals to their sense, as it was called, but which won id become appeals of a very different nature it persisted in —(hear, hear) —if any attempt should be made to set at naught the sense of ' the country, after the appeal had been made of a highly unne cessary, unconstitutional —aye, the noble and learned loid would say, of an impeachable kind (hear, hear), in 'the circum stances in which that appeal was made; and instead of carrying on the government as the wisest and the ablest, and the most honest—aye, and the most firm-minded of former statesmen were always contented to carry it on—he meant in deference to the sense of the people, and in compliance with that sense, as declared legally, regularly, and constitutionally by their repre sentatives in parliament assembled; then woe be unto them, whomsoever they might be, who should attempt to govern against and in spite of the House of Commons, and to set up the House of Lords as governing the nation, for it would come, to that (hear, bear), thereby to present to the people of Eng land the government of au aristocracy, which it then would purely be, and which of all forms of government that ever cursed mankind, as uniformly admitted, would be the one most to be execrated; without being the most respectable. The noble and learned lord felt bound, to state his apprehensions as to this. He believed the intention to he that of insisting upon neglect ing, if nut of running counter to the sense of the people.-- Things were regarded .as frivolous, indications were act at naught, merely because they came from the other house of par liament. They were told that majorities in the House of Lords were to be considered as well as majorities in the House of Commons; and the want of confidence of one of the houses, the distrust of the Hotrie of Commons, the sense of the dissolu tion of . the noose of Aommons, were all to be set aside, utterly disregarded, hecaitaift the lords -there-ve t s overwt:olniitig„ an overpowering majority in favour of his Majesty's proceed ing. That was not a wise decision—not a judicious course. If anything could .make the House of Lords more bated than another, it would be, which he hoped and trusted for the sake of the country would not take place, that of retreating back on the sense of the Honse , of Lords, and despising the approbation of the House of Commons, (Cheers.) The Loan CHANC,EL toit said that he rose, not for the purpose of answering all the details which the noble and learned lord had entered into, and still less of taking notice of the threats which he. had so plentifully dealt. in. (Hear, hear.) But, as he had made a charge against him (the Lord Chancellor) which was utterly without foundation, he rose for the purpose of meet ing that charge, and for the purpose of defying the noble and learned l o rd t o a proo f o f h i s statement. H e (the Lord Chan cellor) asserted most positively that the noble and learned lord had maligned him in the statement he had made. (Cheers.) It was true that he Lad on a former occasion opposed the Hu man Catholic bill; it was true that at a subsequent period he supported that, measure to the utmost of his power, The grounds upon which he had adopted those different courses he had upon former occasions stated: they were matters e - if his tory, and he would not now enter into them. But the noble lord (continued the Lord Chancellor) his dared to say, that I pur sued the course I took for the purpose of retaining my posses sion of office. I deny peremptorily the statement of the noble and learned lord. (treat cheering.) I say, if I may make use of the expression, he has uttered an untruth in so expressing himself. (Loud cries of " H ear, hear, " " O rder, or d er, " an d much confusion.) My colleagnes at that time, some of whom are now in the house, know that we were, at the time when that measure was brought in, firm in our possession of the govern ment. My friends who are present know the accuracy of my statement, which is this:—That we were satisfied the tranquil lity of Ireland could not be preserved unless we adopted that measure and changed our policy ; and, so f ar f rom th a t me a s ure having been brought forwaid and supp orted by u s with a view to preserve our places , it must be wel l known that we hazarded our places by pin suing that course, and that we actually resigned our offices in consequence of the course that was then taken. (Cheers.) What right, then, has the noble and learned lord. in his fluent, and I may say flippant manner, to attack m e as he has done? (Hear, hear, arid much cheering.) But I pass this subject over. The noble and learned lord has misrepre sented, as I understood, the noble duke. The noble duke said he did consider himself responsible for the dismissal of the late ministers; and the particular statement into which the noble duke entered was for the purpose of sati fying your lordships, and for the purpose of satisfying the country, that he knew nothing of the fact of the dismissal until after it had taken place, (hear, hear;) hut that, having acted afterwards in the way in which he did , b y t h e l aw and the constitution of the country be consi deredhituselfresponsible for the ze t. (Cheers.) That was a taisrepresentaticu of the noble and learned lord. His quickness and his sagacity must have caused him to understand the noble duke; and I can ascribe what he stated only to an intention to pervert the noble duke's statement. (Hear, hear, order, order, and great confusion.) Lord BIILII.:GHAM rose and said, as soon as silence was oh taiued,•--4 will just use the same language to the noble and learned lord that he uses to me, if he chooses to make tins an arena of indecency. When he says that I perverted what the noble duke said, can only say that he has misstated every word that I have used from beginning to end, and that he has no right to say I intended to pervert. The LORD CHANCELLOR said,—Perhaps I had no right in strictness to say that the noble and learued lord intended to pervert ; but I have stated my reasons fur the conclusion to which I came: those grounds were satisfactory to my mind, and the noble lord has not denied the correctness of my statement. 'Ube noble and learned lord, in defending the course which had been adopted with reference to thedismissal of the late ministry, said that if he had been called upon to advise his Majesty, tie should have been ashamed of himself if he had not advised hitn to dismiss them; not as a manner of-reproach but because un der the circumstances, and after the repeated breaches that had taken place iu the government, there could be nu good ground for supposing it would be permanent if made up again, but rather fur believing that it would break up at a time when it would produce the greatest incon yen it ace. (Cheers.) The no ble and learned lord had talkeil a great deal of the government having had the confidence of the House of Commons•and of the country. Where had the noble and learned lord been? Where was he when parliament was dissolved ? He (the Lord Chancellor) thought he could say from his o . u knowledge there never had been a measure adopted by the crown that gave more entire satisfaction. One circumstance in proof of it occurred in Manchester, one of the most powerful and influential towns in England, at a me e tin g to address the crown in favour of the late ministers; and what took place ? An amendment was moved at the meeting, consisting of ten thousand pelsons, to address the crown thanking his Alajesty for what he had done. (Hear, hear.) Several such instances had taken plaee. He asked them upon what ground was It that noble lords took upon tbemselves to say that the late government had the coufidence of the House of Commons and of the country? (Cheers.) They had been charged with misconduct in recommending a dissolution of parliament; yet it was impossible, a.:f the noble and learned lord had said, to ci.rry on the new government with that Ilouse of Commons. He admitted that there was a neces sity for a change,' and therefore a dissolution look place. ( Hear.) That was the natural consequcetce after all. Indeed, was it anything very novel that his Majesty should take the sense of the people? If so, it was the first time he had ever heard of it. flie people were appealed to, and what was the re sult? A great nuniberof gentlemen were ejected by theirformer constituents, and many sent to their sects aho held opinions consonant with the new government, so that the consequence justified the appeal. (Hear.) So much for those two points; but there was another charge-brought against his Majesty's government, or rather against the noble duke, who, in conse quence of the absence of the right bon. baronet, (the Chan cel:or of the Exchequer), took upon him the office of First Lord'a the Treasury. Now, either the late ministry must have remained in power till the return of the right hon. baronet, or a new government formed provisionally, as had been done. Would it have been wise or expedient to suffer the guvern.nent to remain in the hands of the late ministers ? It would not, because it would have endangered the present government. Had the late ministers remained in office, what use would they have made of it? Their lordships very well knew that no per son holding the great seal had ever been in the habit of putting the names of persons into the commission of the peace without consulting , the lord-tieutenants of the respective counties. He had never done so, nor did he believe that his noble predecessor had. But what was done be the noble and learned lord himself? He sent for the commissions of six counties, and made out the flats for.tbe insertion of the names of persons after he was out of office. (Cheers.) The names were actually inserted not only without application to the lord-lieutenants of the counties, but in direct opposition to their known wishes. (Hear.) He did nut, however, say that this was illegal, but merely would ask, ought such is power to remain in the hands of any minis ter, or be exercised by him after he had been virtually removed? (Hear.) With respect to church patronage, it would certainly have been competent for ministers to dispose of it as they pleased; but was it not right that, under the circumstances, the government should be taken up by some person? and who more tit for the task than the noble duke? (Cheers.) His Majesty offered him (the Lord Chancellor) the greal seal while he occu pied another office; but was there anything improper in that or a plurality of offices? There were repeated instances of the same thing. Lord Liverpool,was both first lord of the treasury and secretary of state at the same time. Were the offices iu compatible? If so, they ought not to be held by the same per son; but the law had provided for it. When the chancellorship of the exchequer was vacant, who was to bold the seals? The lord chief justice of the Court of King's Bench, who also held another high office. He did not consider that he bad acted contrary to the law or his duty, and the noble and learned lord should not say that he had no authority fur it, for be told him to do it, and had declared that it was the best course he could take. (Laughter.) But how did those who were called to office conduct themselves? There was a pledge, a mutual pledge given, that no office should be disposed of, and no promise made, and that nothing should be done that was not strictly necessary for carrying on the immediate business of the country. In reply to the charge of inconsistency brought against him by , Lord 8., the lord chancellor said that there was nothing incon sistent in the reforms contemplated by the present government with his former conduct. Speaking cif the dissenters he said, it was true the subject of marriage only was alluded to in his Ma jesty's speech, and the noble lord sneered at the manner in which the government was about to relieve the dissenters; but when the bill came before the house he would have an oppor tunity of judging and arguing upon it. It was, he thought, a little too premature in the learned and, noble lord to sneer at it before he saw it and knevi what it was. (Cheers.) He was authorised to state, and he would state, that the proposed mea sure of relief for the dissenters would comprehend•the registra tion of births and burials, as well as marriage. There was nothing recommended in the royal speech, or now contemplated by the government, that any member of that government had on any former occasion opposed, and persons who made such charges ought first to be sure that they rested upon a solid foun dation. (Cheers.) He was quite sure that their lordships,,and he hoped the other house also, would wait to see what were really the measures the government intended to bring forward, and not come to a hasty conclusion upon their estimate of the principles of others. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the result of that night's debate, be relied upon the judgment of the House of Commons, and the good sense of the people of England, iiilluetaing and directing the judgment of that house, because be was sure it would be found, when their principles and measures were more fully developed, that they were pur suing a course that was worthy the sanction of the country. cCheers.) He was sure that the House of Commons would follow a course consonant with the liberal feeling of the country, and those principles which were found .d in justice. (Cheers.) Lord BROUGHAM and the Lord CHANCELLOR mutually ex plained Lord MI:I-GRAVE then addressed the house, and was followed by the Earl of Hi ma, who expressed his intenteau of voting for the address. The Duke of RICHMOND would al so vo t e for the address, upon the principle of giving the mini s try asl u ir trial. The amendment was negatived without a division, and the original address agreed to.—The house their adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY, FEB. 24. The SPEAKER, attired in his state rubes, eutercd the house shortly after one o'clock, when there were present upwards of 100 members. The proceeding of administering the oaths to members who bad not yet been sworn was resumed, and con tinued until the appearance of the gentleman usher of the black rod at the door of the house. Up to the tirue of adjourn ment yesterday, we understood upwards of 530 members had taken and subscribed the oaths, and in the course of this morn ing between 50 and 60 members were sworn. Precisely at ten minutes past two o'clock Sir A. Clifford, the gentleman usher of the, black rod, presented himself at the table, and addressing the Speaker said—" The King commands the immediate attendance 'of sthis Hon. House iu the Hope of Peers." The Speaker, attended by a numerQus body of reembers,then proceeded to the house orlords to hear his majesty's speech from the throne. After an absence of about twenty minutes, the right hon. gentleman returned and resumed the chair, but as no member presented himself at the table to be sworn, he vacated the chair and withdrew. At a quarter to four o'clock the Speaker again entered the hoUse, which was then crowded in every part. Several mem bers took and subscribed the oaths. The usual standing orders regulating the period for present ing petitions complaining of undue elections and returns of members to serve in parliament within 14 days after the meet ing of parliament were read and agreed to. rile other sessional orders were then read by the Speaker. The order referring to the admission of strangers having been read, Mr. WARBURTON said it was idle, session after session, to persist in making this order, which was never complied with. His hon. friend the member for Middlesex, whom he did not see in his place, he knew meant to object to its renewal; but, in his absence, he (Mr. Warburton) should adopt the course which bud been pursued last session, by moving that tre order be defered until next meeting of parliament. The order was postponed, and the other orders were then agreed to. A great number of notices of intended motions were given by several members. Among them were the folio Aug : Mr. Cobbett—the repeal of the poor law bill. • The Marquis of Chandos-the repeal of the malt duties. Sir Robert Musgrave—a bill for the relief of the poor in Ireland. Sir John Ciimpbell—a . bill to-abolish imprisonmentforilebt. Mr. Jervis—a bill to regulate the execution of criminals in the county of Chester. •, : THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. THE ADDRESS, The Speaker then read his Majesty's speech from the throne (for' which see Lords' report.) Lord SA Ntitorg then rose to move the address. The noble lord said, that if on ordinary occasions he never rose to address the house without the deepest feeling of his own inadequacy to attain the object he had in view—namely, to get its attention and to influence its decision—if on any - common occasion he felt this impression, how much more deeply did be feel the weight of the duty he had undertaken (a duty- which almost pressed him to the ground) when he rose on the present occasion to endeavour to induce the house to agree to an address in accordance with the speech this day delivered by his Majesty, and which had just been read. He felt that the present was no ordinary occa sion either as respected the circumstances of the country or of the house itself, and it was this feeling which induced hint to ask for more than an usual share of attention whilst he at tempted to fulfil the task which he had undertaken. However painful and onerous that ta,k night be—however filen to and inconsistent with his previous parliamentary habits—habits which had never led him to trespass at length upon the atten tion of the house, or to take a prominent part in its discussions —vet when the question was put to him as to whether he would undertake the task, he did not hesitate one moment as to the answer. He had felt that it was his duty to show, that having on all occasions supported the extension of religious liberty in every shape, and to every class of his fellow subjects, he was vet not prepared to identify himself with those who were the avowed and open enemies of the church—he was anxious to show, that having supported in ail its main stages the reform bill, he,was not inclined to put•upon that great act the construction which lately it had been the fashion to force upon it—namely, that it . was not so much intended to give to public opinion an useful control over the ministers of the countty as to decide who should be those ministers. ( Hear, hear.) This doctrine was moat convenient to certain parties, hut was not convenient to the public service, and he for one could not join in the construction put upon the reform act, - to whom this doctrine owed its birth. (Hear, hear.) In undertaking the duty he was about now to discharge, he was anxious to support the claim which Ow right hon. baronet at the head of his Majesty's government had made upon.his country—namely, that at least it should give hint a fair trial and an impartial hearing. (Cheers.) He had also felt that the prerogative or the crown was involved—a prerogative which► he held to be as essential to the liberties of the people as it was to the dignity of the crown, and which by the domination of a faction would be extinguished, if without a cause that fair trial was not given, and that impartial hearing afforded. (Hear.) He had never professed, neither had he ever entertained, any confidence in the Melbourne administration, and he, therefore, was nut curious to iuquirtZiutu the causes by which that govern- went was dismissed, and the adininis'•ation which now ruled was put into its place. That iuquiry would doubtless, however, be made by ether hon. gentlemen. (Cheers from the opposition.) It was right such an inquiry should be made, for the exercise of so high a prerogative could never be matter of indifference; he, however, had not made it, seeing that the change omits very face could not be attributed to intrigue. (Hear, hear.) It, then, on these general grounds, he was induced to take upuu himself his present task, painful as it personally was, the terms of the speech from the throne confirmed him in the propriety of the course which he followed. As one who, for a tune at least, had been connected with the government of Earl Grey,. and as one who felt conscious that he never deserted the principles which had led to that junction, he had looked to his majesty'sl speech to see whether those principles weie endangered by the professions of the present administration. The great principles of the government of Earl Grey were peace, economy, and re form. (Hear, hear.) With regard to peace, so far from its being endangered by the present government, it was apparent that toil country was now on an equally friendly fooling with some states as when Earl Grey was in power, whilst it was on a more friendly footing with other states, (" Hear,' hear," from the oppos . e ion benches ; ) and whilst the connexion of this country had been ripened and strengthened with the free go vernments of Europe, other powerful states, not baying the blessings of a free government, manifested such confidence in the maintenance of peace that no less than two of them were now disarming. (Cheers from the opposition.) He understood the cheers opposite to mean that it was nothing for this country to possess the confidence of the powerful states of Europe. This was a new doctrine—certainly not the doctrineoif the Whigs of old —not the doctrine of Mr. Fox, who expressly repudiated it, as unworthy the consideration of a British minister, and held that the interests of Britain should alone be consulted. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the principle of economy, perhaips the 1 1 name of the Duke of Wellington and his connexion wlth the present government might be a sufficient guarantee for its bein g folly carried into effect, especially as his exertions in the cause Hof economical reform had been the subject of many eulogies upon-him by his successors isr o officea but the fact 'announced in .the speech from the throneobat the estimates for the present year would be mu ch l o wer Iran in any recent year, led to uo hypothesis, but declared a fact which he trusted would be most satisfactory, even to the hon. member for Middlesex. .He (Lord Sandon) hoped, with this state of the public revenue, and after the charge which the great act of national humanity, the aboli tion ef.negro slavery incurred, had been defrayed, to see the' country relieved front sonic of the burdens which still pressed Anion its industry; and, although connected with a commercial rather than an agricultural constituency, he should hope to wit ness Some relief afforded to the latter interest, with the prosperity of whit h all other interests in the country were deeply involved. The third great principle for which be had looked in the speech from the throne was, perhaps, nay, no doubt, the greatest and most important of' all—he meant reform. (Hear, hear.) . Earl grey, in parliamentary reform, bad made larger concessions then he himself had ever contemplated, Or than any reformer atititipat ed. He had gone thus tar avowedly for the purpose of ;soil* no further; his government had asserted the same prin ciples) and he (Lord Sandon) must do them the creditof saying that they had resisted the numerous attempts at further change in the system of representation which from time, to trine had been pressed upon th em by hon. gentlemen now sittingnn the other side of the house. Therefore it was that he (Lord San don) might appeal to those who ha.' supported Earl Grey's ad ministration whether or not any further change was to be ex pected from the present administration, in respect to parlia mentary reform, and whether the reform bill which Earl Grey carried into effect was in any way endangered by the govern ment now in power. (Hear, hear.) He presutued that cheer as acquiescing in that view. (Cries of No, no," from the opposition benches.) He did not expect that in an assemblage professing the principle of common sense, (laughter,) it would be asserted that the measure of reform would be endangered by the present administration; he had thought that hon. gentle men would have left such sentiments behind them in their elec tion taverns, and on the hustings, for in that place the assertion, if ventured, would be repudiated. (" Hear," and laughter.) He knew that it had been said that if the present administra tion did not, now that they were restored to power, attempt t o repeal a measu re w hi c h out o f power th e y h a d opposed as fatal to the interests of the country, they would tamper with and-sa crifice their principles. In that house, however, he did not think that this doctrine would be attempted to be maintained. He had never, after the passing of the measure of catholic emancipation—a measure of vast importance, altering in 'some degree the constitution itself—l. yard it asserted that a man was traitor tq his principles because in office he had not attempted to repeal a bill which out of office he had opposed. If, then, in the way of parliamentary reform no difference could be dis covered between the present government, and that of Earl Grey (laughter from the opposition benches)—for, practically, Earl Grey would give no more, and the present government would take none away,—the fruits of that measure still remained to be gathered, mid it would be seen it was not intended to be left a mere idle statute. ;Perhaps one of the subjects which had most attracted the public attention was that of a reform in the muuicipal corporations of the country. (Hear, hear.) :There was ou doubt but that in these corporations much amendment was required, and many abuses called fin- correction, and espe cially with reference to the management of their funds; but the subject was one upon which Earl Grey thought it necessary to institute the fullest and most ample inquiries, and a commis sion was issued for the purpose. It the report of the commis sioners had been delayed too long, it. was the fault of the COM. misioners, and not of the government, and it could not be expected of the present administration that they should propose a scheme of municipal reform befOre that report was made known. When it was furnished, he had the fullest confidence that the present government would not be slow in giving it the fullest consideration, and in carrying it into complete eact. With reference to the grievances of the dissenters, perhaps the question second in importance in the amount of public atten tion attracted to it, he did not conceive that much difference existed as to practical grievances between the present adminis tration and that of Earl Grey. The three leading grounds of complaint were with reference to the celebration of their mar riages, a registration of births, and the liability to chinch -rates; and though Earl Grey's government did introduce a measure referring to these subjects, it was not. opposed by the present administration ; or,' if opposed at all, it was so 'merely on points of detail.. On the subject of church rates he (Lord Sandon) found from the language addressed by, the right hon. baronet now at the head of the government to his constituents, and from the course pursued by hinr last session, when in oppoaition, that the only difficulty was in thedetails ofthe plan propounded. The church-rate was one.of those burdens which pressetrupon the land, and as the removal of local burdens was pointedly alluded to in the speech f ro m th e th rone ,it m i g ht b e th at church rates were included amongst them. As to the non-admission of dissenters to the universities, it was not complained of as a real grievance, but, in fact, many of the objects for which the re striction had been sought t,") he removed had already been at tained and others he hoped to see effected. It also appeared. froth his Maj es t y ' s speec h th a t th e course o f amendment in the legal institutions of the country which the right hon. baronet had himself begun, and which had elicited for him such high eulogiums from the other side of the house, were to be continued in respect to civil jurisprudence and in the ecclesiastical courts. The important question of Irish tithes, which had occupied the attention of every government for a long period, had not escaped the consideration of his Majesty's present ministers, who had declared their intention to produce some scheme for the final and satisfactory settlement and termination of that subject. When in opposition, the present government bad warmly co operated with that of Earl Grey in the measures propounded with that object by the noble earl's government, and be (Lord Sandon) did not doubt they would carry out to the fullest ex tent that object. II ear.) If he remembered right the measure which had been introduced by his noble friend (Lord Stan ley) when secretary for Ireland, had received the support of the right hon. uaropet at the head of the government; but undolibtedly he had opposed the bill as alter e d by th e honourati/e'andlearned member for Dublin, which gave such an iuordinate advantage to the landlords. On the subject of tithes he was aware a great difference of opinion existed. Into it he should not now enter; but he must observe, that the sub ject was not fairly treated, because, after the feelings of the 'house were shockd by the recital of the miserable calamities; which arose from the present system of collecting tithes, the de mand was ma d e f or t h e i r total abo l ition as th only remedy. The house and the country Ware also told that another great evil was the present system of the Irish church establishment, The late government disclaimed the intention of giving one shilling of the church revenues to the catholic clergy, but insisted that, having once stripped the tithe system of all its odium.'and sub stituted a rent charge or land-tax for tithes, thereby preventing collision with the people, the scheme was to get rid of a 'certain number of protestant clergymen from the catholic districts. He was aware that this could not be done without a great shock to public feeling, and without affording a triumph to one party in Ireland, and being a cause of irritation to the other, and this, too, without the positive advantage of relieving the poor pea santry of their ecclesiastical burdens, or making the priesthood independent. The speech from the throne announced it to be in the contemplation of the government to submit a measure for the corrimutation of tithes,—a question of vast importance to the agriculturists in this country; but the reform which the go verninent propounded as the most important, extensive, bene cial, and dearest to the hearts of every maxi, was the reform in the English church. He could not think this measure came ill from the present government, who had distributed an increase of £300,00U anuually amongst the working clergy. lie most heartily concurred in the object they had in view in this respect: it was in accordance With his own feelings, and one upon wind' he entertained th e grea t es t anx i ety. H e was glad to find that his majesty had given directions dolt proper provision should be made for the better-accommodation of the poorer classes in the churches of the establishment both in England and Scotland. He was also glad that they had not forgotten the acconsmodation of the poorer classes in the chuyches of the sister country; for thc i y suffered there mull more than they did i n E ng l an d f rom want' f accommodation. Ile felt that tlns was the proper plaice in which to make provision for such accommodation. He felt that it was the common cause of all classes of the community, that the principle should he laid down in that house to be dis cussed, Whether it was or was not the duty of the state to pro vide for the religious instruction of the people. (Cheers from the ministerial echoed back from the opposition benches.) He found that the feeling against a church establishment was directed its much against the poor, and unassuming, and eqiially distributed church of ScOtland, as against the wealthy and un equally distributed church of England. (Hear, hear.) Ile knew that these were reforms which were not of a nature ty touch the feelings generally. lie knew that they would not secure the support or the hon, and learned member for Dublin and his friends. lie was afraid that there were also some mem bers of our own country whose feelings would not be affected by them: but he was confident that these were reforms which did touch the feelings of the great majority of the people of London. (Great cheering from the ministerial, and some laughter from th e oppositiiin benches.) "It 18 not in vain," continued the noble lord, " that we arc come here fresh from the elections. (' Hear,' and, a lau g h.) It is not in vain that we are come here fr es h frum large classes of our constituents (hear, hear), fer it gives us an opportunity of knowing the real feelings or the people. (Immense cheering from the opposi tion.) Yes, it gives us an opportunity of knowing the real feelings of the people. (Cheeps from the ministerial echoed hack from the opposition benches.) The return of one who, like myself, represents one of the largest and wealthiest con stituencies in time country, and whose bald and open avowal of attachment to the church, and to friendly reforms in the church, has been his passport to the hearts of his constituents, con vinces me that these reforms will secure to the' church the cordial support awl affection of the country." (Cheers.) The noble lord then piticeed e d to Observe that he had now touched on all the leading subjects connected with the address which the house had just heard from the throne. He thought that he had touched upon all those topics which at present occupied public, attention, and they were all fully noticed in the speech, with the exception of the Irish church ouestion. on which the present government would go on with wholesome, temperate, constitutional, but not speculati se reforms; he found with plea. sure that the speech from the throne fully confirmed him in that assurance. Ile found that the reforms which ministers pro pesed a , ire such as would procure them the support not only of their friends, but also of every honest and impartial man in the country. He could not for his own part see how those gentlemen who formed part of the administration of Earl Grey, or how those gentlemen who supported it, could object to give to the present government a fair trial. (Loud laughter from the opposition.) He was not now speaking of Lord Mel bourne's administration, but of Earl Grey's, to which he be lieved the people were attached. To Lord Melbourne's ad ministration they were not . attached. (Cheers and laughter.)- • To those gentlemen who supported Earl Grey's administration he fearlessly appealed. He asked them whether the reforms announced in his majesty's most gracious speech were not such iks that noble earl would. have supported? He could not help appealin g t o t h em w h e th er th e y f e l t com f or t a bl e i n their present situation ? (Laughter.) Did they feel very com fortable ? (Loud laughter from the opposition.) He alluded not to the personal character, but. to the political principles, of hon, gentlemen opposite • but he would ask the supporters of Earl Grey, wh e th e r they felt comfortable in the society in which they then were ? (Roars of laughter from the oppositium) He had heard the word apostacy " branded upon.those who were engaged in these reforms; but would there beam danger of apostacy in those who, having long . opposed all .changes in lour parliamentary system, were now joining heart and !mod with those who were prepared to carry change after change in it? (Cheers.) What was the great public principle which in duced them to form a confederacy founded upon a principle of confusion ? Could those, he would ask, who supported the prin ciples of Earl Grey, unite with those who supported triennial parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot ? (Cheers from the ministerial benches.) Could those who had always stood up for leaving the privileges of the peers as they now were, unite with those who would convert the House of Peers into an inisembly subordinate to reeir own? (Ministerial. cheers.) Could those who admitted the importance of an established church unite with those who denounced the established church as a curse, and who declared that they would not rest until it was aholished ? (Ministerial cheers.) Could they who were so determined to maintain the integrity of the empire, unite in safety with those who only suspended the agitation of the re peal 'question, or, in other words the dismemberment of the em pire, becaese they thought that the suspension of it for a moment would.ultimatelv advance the great object which they wished to accomplish? (Ministerial cheers.) He was curious to know what, was the common principle, what was the great overwhelm ing • principle, which could have induced so many of the hon. gentlemen opposite—for he would not say all—to sink all minor consideratinusof , difference in one common confederacy against his Majesq's, government ? (Cheers and laughter.) rhe pre sent was not the time fur party struggles; party connexions at certain periods were useful and beneficial; but the present was a period at which everyman was hound to think for himself, to look around him, and to consider the responsibility which rested upon his head. He entertained strong and sanguine hopes that a great pr ,portiou of the respectable gentlemen who supported Earl Grey's administration would not unite against the present administratiou. (Cheers and laughter.) .It would not be con sistent, with either their character, or their respectability, or their interest, to form such an union. (Hear, hear.) He would not intrude further on the patience of the house. If, itt the course aids address, he had addressed himself too slionglY or too im patiently, it was more fr o m d e f ec t o f h a bit, in maressing the house rather than defect of feeling. He had mixed largely with men of all p ar ti es in th a t h ouse , an d h e h a d a friendly feet, ing towards them all; but a sense of public duty would not let him conceal his sentiments upon the present state of public affairs. The noble lord concluded a speech which was but im perfectly heard in the gallery, by moving an address to his Majesty, which, as usual, was but the echo of the speech from the throne. Mr. Btu INSTON, one of the members for the Southern division, seconded the Address. Lord Mosteuiti then addressed the House at considerable length, and concluded by Moving an amendment to the Address proposed by Lord Sandon, The noble lord said, it was not his wish to omit any portion of the Address which had been moved by his noble friend, inasmuch as he believed it pledged them to nothing to which they could conscientiously object.. —(A laugh from the opposition.) But as he thought that they 'wished for some more marked demonstration of opinion, he was desirous to move that after the words "To promote the con cord and happiness of my subjects," in the last paragraph but two, these words should be inserted ; "To assure his majesty that his majesty's faithful commons acknowledge, with grateful recollection, that the acts for amending the representation of the people were submitted to parliament with his majesty's sanc tion, and carried into a law with his majesty's assent ; that, COTI.- fidentlY expecting to derive further advantages from those wise and necessary measures, we trust that his majesty's councils will be directed in a spirit of well-considered and effective re form; and that the liberal and comprehensive policy which re stored to the people the right of choosing their own representa tives, and which provided for the emancipation of all.persons held in slavery in his majesty's colonies and possessions abroad, will, with the same enlarged views, place, without delay s . our municipal corporations under vigilant popular control, remove all those undoubted grievances of the protestant dissenters, and correct - those abuses in the church which impair its efficiency in England, disturb the peace of society in Ireland, and lower the character of the establishment in both countries. To represent to hid majesty that his majesty's faithful commons beg leave submissively to add, that they cannot but lament that the pro gress of these and other reforms has been interrupted and en dangered by the unnecessary dissolution of a parliament ear nestly intent upon the vigorous prosecution of measures to which the wishes of the people were most anxiously and justly directed." At the conclusion of the reading of the amendment by the noble lord there were loud cheers from the opposition.: Mr. BArcEltMvm seconded the amendment. The address and the amendment having been put, the M lowing gentlemen successively addressed the chair. Mr. Pemberton in support of the Address. Mr. Wm. Ewart in favour of the amendment. This 'gentle man, alluding to the state of popular feeling in Liverpool, said that, although at the last election his noble colleague bad a majority of votes in his favour, he could not command a ma- . jority of voices. Mr. Richards supported the address.—Mr. Grote the amend ment. Mr. GLADSTONE, the member for Leicester, wishc •o know what, if the amendment should be carried, and stilt adonger resolutions adopted, expressive of want of confidence go vernment, it would all lead to ? Was it to lead to the N um to office of the late administration ? If so, by, whom wou►.i t h at administration be supported ? Not by the gentlemen sitti„ g his (the ministerial) side of the house, and by but a small pto portion of the gentlemen sitting on the other side of the q,„ —unless that administration should include men whom the hen _ ple of England were most assuredly nut prepared to receive r or ministers (livid cheers)—unless it should give its sanction projects which his noble friend (the member for Yorkshire) at least deemed incompatible with the existence of the monarchy. (Cheers.) They had that night been repeatedly told that the, late administration was dismissed without receiving that fair trial which the right hon. baronet (Sir It. Peel) demanded for himself. In his humble opinion this was not a correct state ment. The late administration was not dismissed without 'trial. They Lad that trial on the Irish tithe bill, on the Irish coercion bill, and the issue of the church commission; and the very cir cumstance of its having been so tried accounted very satisfac torily, in the opinion of a large proportion of the people of this • country, for its dismissal. The country did not ferget that this very administration, for which a fair trial was demanded, had been pronounced by boo. gentlemen opposite totally undeerv ing of confidence. (Hear, hear.) The people of England re membered that this impression was so strong ou the mind of a distinguished member of the opposition, (the hon. member for • Southwark,) that he declared to the house if any difference of opinion should arise among the members of the government, to serious as to cause their retirement from office, the country might'derive consolation from the same source as the master tailors had done during the general strike of the journeymen— namely, from the certainty of being able to find old women to conduct the business of the nation as ably as the then goiern ment. (Cheers and laughter.) The late administration had only two courses to follow—either to pursue the manly course which the right hon, members for Lancashire hail.adopted, or to lean for support on that party which advocated the ballot, the recurrence to short parliaments, and the extension of the suffrage; and to swallow the bitter pill of virtual coalition. (Cheers.) He should vote against the proposetLamemitnent ; in.the first place, he thought it unjust and most unusual to in terfere with the ordinary course of the administration befor e any evidence of abuse was afforded; because, in the second place, he would never consent to impair the just pierogatives of the King, and fetter him in the free choice of his confidential ad visers; and because, thirdly, he was piepared to mark the selec tion of the present ministers with his deliberative and unqualified approbation.. (Cheers.) Mr. Pout.ree spoke in favour of the amendment. • ' Mr. VeEvog and Colonel SIBTHORP spoke in favour of the address. _ Mr. CLAY, (Tower Hamlets,) although he had kept , aloof, generally, from party trammels, would, on the present occasion, vote with the opposition. Mr. C. PEL H A SI said he should vote against the amendment. Sir SAmuut. W H A LLEY . 7O9Id sate in its favour. Lord CASTLEREAGH said that he IQiie.Zitent to the house by as large a constituency as that of the hon. member for the ower Hamlets. who had testified their satisfaction at the change of ministers. When hon. members spoke orminigters not find ing their way, he thought they would find it much easier than was anticipated. He had not meant to say one word; but, as an Irish member, representing a large constituency, should he allow himself to be borne down by the metropolitan constitu encies, he should have been guilty of a dereliction of his duty to those he represented, who wished that his Majesty's ministers should have a fair and impartial trial. Mr. BARRON was in favour of the amendment. Mr. KEA itst.Ey (Wigan) said that an hon. member opposite had that night introduced to their notice a certain' personage, "an angel from below." ("Hear," and laughter.) All he' had to. say was (as we understood the hon..roember,) - thift he did not care if Lord John Russell, and all his rag-lag and bob-tail, were to take their supper with that personage to-night. (Much laughter.) Dr. Bowl:111c supported the amendment : at the close of the learned doctor's speech the cries of "diVide" became loud and general. . Sir Raassivs Past tisit.addeassed the.house. 1141 Commenced by saying that, standing in the situation in which he than stood, it would argue a disrespect towards that house totally alien to his feelings if he were to allow tbat debate to close and the di vision to be taken without availing himself of the opportunity which was presented of giving the house those etplanations whieb had been required during the preceding discussion. Ile should, in the first place, refer to the circumstances under which the present government was constituted ; he should 'defend the, course which be thought it his duty to advise the King to pur sue, and give accurate delineations of the measures which it was the intention of his Majesty's government to introduce ; those explanations the house had a right to require, and he should shrink from that duty which was imposed upon him if he did not avow a disposition to afford them. (Loud cheers.) Ile stood there as the minister of the crown—placed in that situa tion by no act of his own (cheers)—from no combination with those to•whose principles he had been uniformly opposed, and with whom he sought a temporary alliance for the purpose of embarrassing any former government. (Loud and vehement cheering from the ministerial benches.) Ile stood there in ful filment of a public duty, shrinking from no responsibility, and though not with any arrogant pretensions of defying or diste guiding the opinions of the niajarity of that house, resolved to persevere to the last (loud and long-continued cheers from the ministerial side), so far as was consistent with the honour of a public man, in maintaining' the prerogative of the crown, and in fulfilling those duties which he owed to his King and to his country. (Continued cheers from the ministerial benches.) In vindication of the course which he had pursued, it was neces sary that he should refer to the circumstances which preceded the dissolution of the last government. Ile had. been 'asked whether he would impose on the crown the responsibility of the dismissal of that government? In answer to this question, he could only say that he,laimed all the responsibility which pro perly belonged to him as a public man ; he was responsible f or the assumption of th e d u ty w hi c h h e bad undertaken, and, if they pleased, he was, by his acceptance ofliffice responsible for the removal of the l a t e gov e rnmen t. (L ou d cheers from the ministerial, and counter cheers from the opposition benches.) God forbid that he should endeavour to transfer any responsi bility which devolved upon him to that high authority whom the constitution of this country recognised as incapable by reason of his acting under the advice of responsible advisers; but 'whilst he disclaimed all intention of shrinking from that responsibility ehich one situated as he was must necessarily incur, he could at the same time unhesitatingly. ssert, what was perfectly consistent with th e truth, an d hat was due to respect for his own character,—naniely, that under no circumstances would he hate been a party to counselling or instigating the removal of any government. (Loud and continued cheering.) The right hon. baronet then entered into'a detail of the down-- fall.of the Grey and Melbourne cabinets, and coackided by ; asking whether it was at nll surprising that his Majesty should' FERtlvAity 27, 1835.4.. . . . doubt the propriety o f l eav i ng p ower i n th e b an d s o f men so en - cumstanced as they had been, by the defalcation of strength which these noble lords had experienced. He then addressed the rouse on what had been said respecting the assumption of potter ay the Duke of Wellington, and showed that this had frequently ocen done by the whigs themselves. Although, however, he 'tad not taken any p ar t i u procur i ng th e di smissal o f t h e late aoverninent—although he could not from circumstances hold communicution with any.of those with whom he had now the honour to act, much less with the highest authority in the state, as to the propriety or policy of that dismissal, still, by the as sumption of office, he did conceive that the responsibility of the change which had taken place was transferred from the Crown to its advisers; and .he was ready—be the majority against hint what it might —to take all the responsibility which properly be- • longed to him, and to submit to any consequences to which the assumption of that responsibility might expose, him. . (Loud cheers.) lie did not, then, hesitate W express it as his opinion that the act by which the last governm e nt w a s remove d was justifiable. (Hear, hear.) He would, for the purpose of prov ing that proposition, t a k e a rev i ew o f t h e c i rcumstances o f the country t'or some years past, looking back to the me e ting of the i reformed parliament u,18:33. It would be seen that that go vernment which was formed under the auspices of Lord Grey. and which had carried the reform bill, continued in a successful course fora certain period. Was he one of those who offered any opposition to the great change which had be e n effeced? Was he not the fi rs t t o avow, i n 1 833 , tha t the tactics of party were nu longer applicable to the government of the country, and that he would give his support to th e g ov ernmen t o f L o rd “reyas long as that government attempted to act-upon the principle of maintai n i ng th e i n sti tut i ons o f the country, not ex cluding the improvement of them ? Did he seek for opportu nities of embarrassing that goyernment? How many opportu nities had there not been of which he might have availed him self if he had been solicitous to obtain power—how many oppor tunities presented themselves by taking advantage of which he might have obstructed the course of the government of Lord Grey? (Hear, hear.) When the House of Commons deter , min ed by a vote of. one night to repeal the malt -tax, and he heard that vote inust necessarily be followed by the removal of Lord Althorp from his place in the government, by his imme diate resignation, in consequence of his declared inability to concede on this point the demand of a majority of the house, consistently with the m a i n t enance of public credit—did he (Sir R. Peel) seek any plausible pretext.(loud cheering) of joining those who were upon that queotion opposed to the government. and thereby increase its embarrassment? (Hear, hear.) Did he not tender the advice that the house should reconsider that vote, and did he not share the unpopularity of rescinding the resolution for the removal of the tax in question? (Hear, hear.) He would also draw the attention of the arouse to what his con duct had been when the noble lord (Stanley) then secretary for the colonies brought forward the measure for the settle ment of the great question of slavery. It mould be recollected that the noble lord had at first proposed a loan of £15,000,(0h and that afterwards, to the surprise of a large .number of that house, as well as the' public generally, found it necessary to change his proposition into a grant of L 20.000,000. Theoeh he (Sir ft. Peel) differed front the noble lord as to that measure in some matters of detail, - still . he.had noltiaiitated to suaaport the noble lord in his' proposition for the grant, or to do all in his power to persuade the House of Commons to sanction that vote of compensation to the planters—a vote essential to the success of the measure and deeply involving the public honour. Ileasoning upon the historical facts to which he had referred on this subject, Sir Robert said, could any man believe that this was pardoned in the good whip times ? or could any man believe that any dangers could wise from the precedent made by the Duke of Wellington's taking temporarily the offices he had necessa r ily fi ll e d i n or d er to wait t h e arrival of another iu dividual whom he thought fit fot the office of prime minister of ' England? (Hear.) l'he noble duke stated in his letter to . him (Sir Robert Peel) that he had advised the Kink to send for him as his majesty's prime minister, and that he had determin ed to assume these offices himself, because he thought nothing would be so unfair as to ask him (Sir IL Peel) to take upon himself the management of an administration, the whole of Which had not been left to hislormation, and further that if he appointed other individuals to exercise the high duties of those offices, he (Sir H. Peel) might probably he under the embar rassment of advising the Kin g to remove them. It was to re move and obviate such an emoarrassnient and difficulty, and to leave the appointments to him, that the Duke of Wellington stated in his letter that he thought it better to the crown itself, and fairer to him (Sir R. Peel,) to make an arrangement in its nature and character temporary. (Cheers.) So much fur that question. He now came to the subject of the dissolution of the late parliament. He had been asked whether lie took. upon himself the responsibility of that proceeding, and, without a, mo ; ment's hesitation, he w ou ld say that lie did take upon him self the responsibility of that dissolution. (Cheers.) *. The mo ment be returned to this country to undertake the arduous duties now imposed upon him, he did determine.that he would leave no constitutional effort untried to enable him satisfactorily to discharge the trust reposed in him, and be did fear that if he had met the late parliament, which had so often declared its un bounded confidence in the late government, he should not find the same disposition to place unbounded confidence in the ad ministration over which he had been called upon to preside, and therefore it was that he had made his appeal to higher au thorities than those who had declared and who had boasted that his government could not call to a division more than 120 mem bers, and who were determined to withhold from them a fair trial and to extinguish them•without a hearing. (Loud cheers.) Notwithstanding the specious reasons which had been urged. he believed it would be found that whenever there had occurred an extensive change of government, for some reason or other a dissolution of the parliament generally followed. He had been told, and indeed it had been implied in the course .of this de bate, that although he might have been no party to the *dismis sal of the late Ministry, and although he was utterly ignorant of such a course, yet that he ought to have advised the throne to recall the'governrnent of Lord Melbourne, and that he should hay considered himself disqualified from undeitaking the go vernment of the country. The whole ground of objection to his possession of power was, that in consequence of the revolu tion in power which had taken place, and of the necessity to net in the spirit and on the principles of the reform bill, he was unfit for power, and therefore ought to have declined it. (Hear hear, from the opposition-benches.) He had never considered the reform bill to be a machine s the secret of which was only knOwn to those by whom i. had beet; constructed. or that its effect was to be the exclusieh of any poation of the King's subjects from their Minaret. , s service. (Cheers.) No sacrifice of prinZiple was requited from him by the King; on the contrary, he was &fa re d pi, form an administration such as seemed to him to be best for the public service, to adopt ouch measures as he'con ceived most likely to advance the public interests; arid' he would therefore ask any man outside the walls of parliament, and free from the contagion of party, whether he wouldtiot en tertain a mean opinion of him (Sir R. Peel) had he, under such circumstances ; said to the King —" I decline your service; I never can pi•opose measures that will satisfy the present House ,of Commons, and I would therefore advise you to resort to some other quarter for assistance." (Cheers.) It had also been urged against him that he and those with whom he had acted in theCommons' House of Parliament were at constant variance with the reform governments of Earl Grey and of Lord Mel bourne, and that they had contended against those administra tions which were supported by the unanimous voice of all re formers. Upon this head there had been much declamation. Declamation was certainly more captivating than facts, but he would just refer to facts on record, which, for themselves, would determine whether or not he had acted as was alleged in con stant opposition to the reform ,auvernments, and in continued hostility to the reformers. Was it an attack of hostility upon the. reform parliament when he said he would support the re form governments so long as their principles were couserva tive of the institutions of the country. But lie would take a few domestic questions which had been raised since 18.33, as affording the beet answer to these attacks. But first he must observe that the question of reform once settled, .all Englishmen could have butoue common object in view, whatever might be the principle and spirit of the reform bill, and he was not aware that any'dis tinction could now be drawn between the supporters and the opponents of that measure, or that the latter were to be held. as aliens to the country, strangers to her common interests, desi rous of perpetuating fur ever their rule and dorninationa a It would seem from this argument that the House of CoManons was divided into two parties—the advocates and the Opponents of the reforming government. A reference to facts would show that such was not the case, but, on the contrary, than _he, an anti-reformer, had been the supporter of the government, and that it was the reformers themselves who had opposed them. (I - lear, hear.) In 1833; on the ineetink of the reformed parlia ment, an amendment was rnovetl.ou the address—the " blood* and brutal address." (Hear, hear.) The 'government `resisted that - amendment; he (Sir R. reel) supported them, and was one of a very large majority. On the first reading of the dis turbauces (frelaud)-hill, the government were opposed though he supported them. Next came Mr. Attwood's motion on the subject of the general distress; there he supported the govern ment. _So also on Mr. Harvey's motion relative to the publica tion of the lists of divisions ' • on Mr. Grote's moti on u p on th e vote by ballot ; and on Mr . Itippon's motion for the exclusion of the bishops from the House of Lords. The government op posed also the repeal of the malt tax, and he had then lent them his assistance. On the motion for the alteration of the corn laws, and for a substitution of a property tax in lieu of the du ties on malt; on the grant of money relief to the Irish clergy; on Mr. Tennyson's motion for the repeal of the septennial act ; On Mr. Harvey's motion upon the pension list; on Sir William Ingilby's resolution for the reduction of the malt duties Mr. Buckingham's proposition relative t o th e im pr essm ent; on Mr. Hume's motion on the corn laws; on Lord Althorp's proposition with respect to the church rates; on Mr. O'Con nell's motion for the repeal of the union—on every one of these occasions he had found himself id the closest connection with the government, and lending them his most earnest and zealous assistance and support. (Hear, hear, hear.) On questions in which he had opposed the lute government, he intended still to maintain the Itianalpleir lattleft actallertbat -opposition ; that ass to say, that he did not meaty to vote fora compulsory obligation on the universities to admit dissent:era within their walls, hut would leave that question to be deter mined by the universities themselves, (Hear, hear.) He also intended to maintain the same principles on which he had acted with reference to the church temporalities' bill; and he would not consent to the diversion of ecclesiastical property to other - than ecclesiastical purposes. (Load cheers.) If be differed from the majority of the house, he regretted it; but upon two questions noticed in the speech he entertained deliberate opi nions, and he was not inclined to sacrifice those opinions even to facilitate the adoption of his own policy; but on the other ques tion noticed in that speech he would act freely on his oscu principle, which had never led him to oppose salutary reforms. He was no apostate ; he was not deviating from any principles which lie had ever professed, when he now avowed that it was his intention to pursue in office the course which he had already briefly pointed out. Ile hoped that the house would alioia him to take a view of the measures indicated by the King's speech as those hereafter-to be proposed by the government, and Wat ford the house the explanation respecting them which had already been required of him. The first point noticed in the King's speech was our relations with foreign pi inaaes'and states. The government declared its earnest desire to cultivate the re lations of amity with them. The government stated, that they entertained confident expectations of being able to 'maintain the blessings of peace. they said that they already sow a ten dency to increased confidence in the British minion's; on the part of some of the great powers of Europe, and' that •Thit confidence had been manifested by the reduction of the mili tary establishMents of two of them. I Hear, hear, 'bear.) He alluded to the fact. that Austria and Prussia had both began to reduce their military force; the one in her Italian, the other in her Rhenish provinces. It had been argued On the other side, (mit it were a bad thing that the military governments of the continent should. have any confidence in the ministry of England. Now, ministers had contracted no engagements with those governments which could bind them to depart from their principles, and from their disinclination to interfere with the internal affairs of other countries. ( Hear.) But nothing he must say wss more unfortunate than the course occasionally pursued in that house of loading with personal obloquy and the severest vituperationahuse who possess authority in those coun tries, whose cordiality it was our interest to cultivate, even though they were governed byalcspotic institutions. What ins. consistency was there iu maintaining the principles of a fire representative government, and vet, disregarding the difference of ou r institutions, in cultivating friendship with despotic powers? It would be well if those gentlemen who profess liberal prinei /dee would imitate the example of a country with: institutions more liberal even than our own—he meant the United States, which saw no. inconsistency and no dereliction of principle in courting the most frieudly relations with despotic powers. The