The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1846-02-03 00:00:00

imprrial Varltament. HOUSE OF LORDS.-MONDAY Lord CAJ4;;EI.7. brought in a bill to establish a general registry of deeds respecting land. The Duke of RICHMOND, in presenting petitions in fa vour of the corn laws, expressed his hope that parliament would not make any alteration with respect to those laws without an appeal being made to the people. He was convinced their lordships would not be intimidated by the hired emissaries of the Anti-Corn-law League. The noble duke then, in pusuance of notice, asked the Duke of Wellington the causes teat bad led to the late resignations in the ministry, and their reasons for accepting office again, pledged to carry out the same measures which had cause their resignations ? The Dike of WELLINGTON said that he had received her Majesty's permission to state what had occurred. He wished, however, to know whether the noble fluke had any further question to ask ? _ The Duke of RICHMOND was anxious to know the grounds which had led to the late resignations. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, in consequence of the accounts received from Ireland, and different parts of Great Britain, in the course of the autumn, his ri ;ht hon friend at the head of the government deemed it necessary to call the government together, and to submit the reports which had reached him to their consideration, and to pro pose the adoption of certain measures. One of the measures suggested was an order in Councilto suspend theoperation of the existing corn laws, so as to open the ports for the ad missio❑ of corn duty free. lie (the Duke of Wellington) did not think the measure was at that time absolutely ne cessary. At the same time measures were taken to afford employment for the people and to procure them food. It was said that the suspension of the corn-law might ren der the rtnewal of it difficult, and that an essential altera- tion might be necessary. Every one admitted that some alteration was necessary. ( Hear, hear.) He (the Duke of Wellington) was opposed to the adoption of any essential alteration in the corn-laws, but considered una nimity in the Cabinet to be essential to the safety of the government itself; and having served the Crown for 50 veers in high public stations. he did everything in his power to reconcile the differences of opinion which existed among his colleagues, and to preserve a government which en joyed the confidence of the Sovereign, the people, and both houses of parliament. He, however, failed in so doing. The question was then discussed whether his right hon. friend should call parliament together to propose the alteration which he thought necessary, having a divided Cabinet, or whether he should resign the situation which he held. The latter course was determined upon. Lord John Russell having failed in forming a Cabinet, his right hon. friend was again sent for, and determined if he stood alone, he would enable her Majesty, as a minister, to meet parliament. He (the Duke of Wellington) ap plauded the determination of his right hon. friend, and was resolved to stand by him. He was delighted with the course taken by his right hon. friend, and would have ta ken the same course under the same circumstances. He was well aware at the time of the situation in which his right hon. friend stood with respect to the corn-laws. How could his right hon. friend go into parliament and defend the corn-law when it was known that his opinion was in favour of an alteration. In supporting hisri;ht hon. friend he knew that he must be a party to a material altt ratio❑ of the corn-law. Although the purport involved a material al teration of the corn•laws. he believed it would be satis factory to the country, and give such advantages to the landed interest, as they had a right to expect on the gene ral arrangement of the affairs of the country. (Hear, hear.) But whatever the measure might be, he (the Duke of Wellington) could not refuse to aid his Sovereign in meeting Parliament in such an emergency. Hear, hear.) The Duke of BUCKINGHAM did not believe the measure would be satisfactory, and would therefore join his noble friend (the Duke of Richmond) in endeavouring to defeat every attempt that might be made by the Government. (A laugh.) The noble duke thought their lordships ought to know why those who had been called upon to form a free-trade government had failed in their taski The Marquis of LANSDOWNE replied, that the matters connected with the late changes had been so fully stated, that he did not think it necessary to go into any further detail. When it was impracticable to bring a fixed duty before the consideration of parliament with any chance of success, he felt that a repeal of the corn-laws was abso lutely necessary, with a determination to alleviate, as far as was consistent with the principle of justice, every bur den upon the landed interest, and upon the occupiers of land in this country. (Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON said that upon being asked whether he would form a government upon the principle of maintaining the corn-laws as they at present existed, he declined doing so, believing it impossible. He trusted the House would wait till they had heard what the measures of his right hon. friend were, and not attempt to conjec ture them. After some further observations from several noble peers, the subject dropped, and the house adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MONDAY. The SPEAKER communicated her Majesty's answer to the Address, which was presented on Saturday. Sir It. PEEL called the attention of the house to the number of railway plans likely to be brought before the house, which required the adoption of some mode of dealing with the vast amount of business of this descrip tion likely to be brought under consideration. There was no less than 815 railway plans deposited with the Board of Trade, proposing to construct 20,687 new miles of railway, at a proposed expenditure of capi tal to the extent of £330,000,000 sterling. This was an amount of capital, that they might well doubt the pru dence of its being at once applied to one description of speculation. Even for the benefit of railway enterprise itself, he thought it right that some principle should be laid down for the government of their construction. The right hon. bart. concluded by moving for a select com mittee to consider the mode in which the house shall deal with railway bills proposed to be submitted to the house during the present session. Mr. GISBORNE said, before giving their sanction to such a motion, they ought to have a more comprehensive statement before them than the very meagre one which they had just heard from the right hon. gentleman. He wished to know if the proceedings before the Standing Orders Committee were to be suspended during the dis cussions of the committee ? Sir R PEEL replied in the negative. He had purposely been less explicit in his statement than if he had to propose his plan to the house itself. Sir G. GREY thought it would be better to enable par ties to save the expense of going before the Standing Orders Committee, if they were to be liable, notwith standing having incurred such expenses, to be defeated by the report of the Select Committee. He was of opinion it would be better to transfer a portion of the jurisdiction of the house in these matters to a competent tribunal in which both Houses of Parliament might be disposed to place confidence. Sir R. INGLIS said it was physically impossible for the House to attend properly to this branch of business, and suggested a sort of ambulatory commission as likely to be more satisfactory, and to save the parties three-fourths of the expense. Mr. C. BULLER also thought it would be better to refer the taking of evidence, &c., to a commission com posed of competent persons out of that house. Mr. HUDSON thought that the house ought to know in the first instance how many of these railways had obtain ed the requisite deposits, and whether they were likely to pass the Standing Orders' Committee, for he was con vinced a great number would fail in these particulars. He was not alarmed by the amount of money required for these schemes. The money was nt,t going out of the country. One-fifth of it would go to the landlords, a large portion would go to the iron merchants, and a still greater portion to the labourer. Nothing could tend more to the relief of the distress in Ireland, than encouraging this kind of enterprise. He could not conceive in what way they would limit the amount of money to be spent in rail ways, and had no doubt but enough of means could be found for all useful objects, unless, indeed, the money was sent out of the country in loans to South American states, or to buy foreign corn to import into this country. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the right hon. baronet should, on the responsibility of the Government, have proposed his plan to the House, and then moved its refer ence to a select committee. After some discussion, The EARL of LINCOLN said the two questions for the consideration of the committee were—First, whether it was dot desirable that some limitation of capital should be adopted ; and, secondly, whether the promoters of rail ways should go on before the Standing Orders' Commit tee. These points had been carefully considered by the Government, and would not be thrown loose upon the committee. A lengthened discussion followed, which terminated in the adoption of the resolution proposed by Sir R. Peel, and the committee was forthwith qpuointed, leave to bring in a•bill to amend the Drainage Acts in Ireland, the object of which was to carry to a still further extent the provisions of the bill of last session. HOUSE OF LORDS.-TUESDAY . The Earl of MINTO presented several petitions, praying for a repeal of the corn-laws. The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions praying that the protection of agriculture might be maintained. He would take that opportunity of stating that a gentle man, named Feargus O'Connor, had stated at some pub lic meeting, that a proposal had been made to him by him (the noble duke), to induce him to desert his present principles, for the purpose of advocating protection. He could assure their lordships that he had never bad any t communication, direct or indirect, with that gentleman; nor had he ever made any attempt to induce any one to desert his principles, because he thought that any man who would take money fur such a purpose was not to be trusted. Lord CLANCARTY gave notice that on Thursday, the sth of February, he would move for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the operation of the laws giving relief to the poor of Ireland. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY. Sir R. PEEL, said, that in pursuance of the recommen dation of the speech from the throne, he was about to call upon the house to review the duties which applied to se veral articles the produce and manufacture of other coun tries. He should proceed on the assumption contained in her Majesty's speech, that the repeal of prohibitory and the relaxation of protective duties was in itself a wise po licy—that protective duties abstractedly and in principle werelopen to objection—and that, though the policy of them might in some cases be defended, it must always be on some special grounds of national interest, or of justice towards individuals. He was also about to act on the pre sumption, that during the last three years there had been increased productiveness in the revenue, notwithstanding a large remission of taxation ; that there had been an in creased demand for labour; that there had also been in creased competence, comfort, contentment, and peace, among the population. In advising the continued appli cation of those principles, which had produced such salu tary results, and which had already been sanctioned by the house, he was not inclined to disregard the necessity of maintaining public credit unimpaired, and he was, there fore prepared to act with forbearance, in order that he might not prejudice in any respect the permanent interests of the country. It was possible that, owing to the numer ous and various interests which his present proposition would affect, an impression might arise that his scheme was a rash one, and to be discouraged. If such be the opi nion of the partisans of protection, nothing would be more easy for them than to meet him on an early night with a resolution that protection to domestic industry was in it self a good, and that the principle of it ought to be sanc tioned by the house. It might, on the other hand, be the conclusion of the house, considering all the difficulties of this question, and the nature of the contest which had long existed, and would long continue to exist if there were not a satisfactory adjustment of it—that his proposi tion, extensive as it was, ought to be accepted as a whole, though there might be objections in details to parts of it. If that should be the conclusion of the house, he should have confidence in his ultimate success ; but if not, the sooner its disapprobation was expressed, the better for all parties. The great principle of the relaxation of protec tive duties he was not going to apply to any one particular interest : on the contrary, he asked all the interests of the country, manufacturing, commercial, and agricultural, to make the sacrifice, if it were one, of their protection, to the common good. Of late years the whole tariff had been submitted to the review of the house. In 1842 he had proposed, and in 1845 he had carried out to a very large extent, a plan for remitti ng the duty on the r a w materials constituting the elements of manufacture. There was at this moment scarcely a duty on the raw material imported from foreign countries which we had not abandoried. He had, therefore, a right to call on the manufacturer to re linquish the protection of which he was now in posses sion. The onl; two articles of raw material now subject to duty were tallow and timber. He intended to reduce the duty on tallow from 3s. 2d. to ls. 6d. per cwt., and to make a gradual reduction on timber till it reached a point at which it would remain fixed, and which he would defi nitely describe on a future day. Having given the manu facturers free access to every raw material of manufacture, he called upon scch of them as were engaged in making the three articles, wool, linen, and cotton, which formed the clothing of the country, to give a proof of the sincerity of their convictions by relinquishing the protection which was now given to the articles of their manufacture. He made this call upon them the more confidently, because it was the manufacturing, and not the agricultural interest, which first called on the government for protecting duties. He then stated that he intended to relinquish all duties upon the importation of the coarser articles of manufac tures in wool, linen, and cotton, and to reduce the duties on linen and woollen goods of a finer quality from 20 to 10 per cent. At present there was a duty on silk, which was called 30 per cent., but which was often higher. He proposed to adopt a new principle in the levying of that duty, which was now an encouragement to the smuggler, and not to the British manufacturer, and to impose a duty of 15 qer cent.,instead of 30, for every £lOO value of silk. The right hon. baronet then described at great length the reduction of duties which he intended to make upon the importation of paper hangings, manufactured metals, dressed hides, boots, shoes, hats, straw plat, carriages, candles, soap, brandy, geneva, sugar, and various other articles—for which we must refer our readers to our ta bles ; and then proceeded to review the articles connected with agriculture on which import duties were levied. He proposed to reduce the duty on all seeds to ss. per cwt. Indian corn or maize, which was of such importance in the fattening of cattle, he proposed in future to introduce duty free. In removing that duty he was not depriving agriculture of any protection, but absolutely conferring a benefit upon it. He also proposed that buck wheat, and maize, and buckwheat flour, should be admitted duty free. If any gentleman would ascertain the price which had been recently paid by farmers for linseed cake and rapecake, they would agree with him that the removal of the duty on maize was not a disservice to the agricultural interest. The right hon. baronet then described the re duction of duty which he intended to propose on the im portation of foreign butter, cheese, hops, and cured fish, stating that in each case the duty would be reduced to half its present amount. On all articles of agricultural produce which constituted meat as distinct from corn he proposed an immediate repeal of duty. Every kind of ve getable and animal food would be admitted at once free of duty. All animals from foreign countries would also be introduced on the same terms. He then proceeded to de scribe the nature of his proposal with respect to the im portation of foreign corn. He had already stated that he intended to exempt some articles now included in the corn-laws, as maize, from duty altogether. It might, therefore, be as well for him to inform the house at once, that though he did not intend to propose the immediate repeal of the corn-laws, yet, in the hope of making a final adjustment of :the question, and for the sake of giving time for adjustment to the agricultural interest, he did in tend to propose that their continuance should only be temporary. The bill which he should therefore introduce on this subject would contain an enactment that after a certain date grain of all kinds should come in duty free. He proposed, however, that a considerable reduction should be made at once in the existing amount of duty, and that the duty so reduced should be limited to the con tinuance of three years. His bill would contain a provi sion that at a period, when the change would be least felt —namely, on the Ist of February, 1849 —oats, barley, rye, and wheat, should be only liable to that mere nominal duty w'aich he intended to apply to maize, for the purpose of procuring statistical returns of the quantity imported. The main question, then, for the house to consider wa this—what is to be the intermediate state of the law ? He proposed that there should be an enactment for three years, to this effect,—that till the Ist of February, 1849, the following duties should be levied on all wheat im ported into this country from foreign ports. Whenever the average price of wheat should be under 48s. a quarter in this country, the duty should be 10s. a quarter; that above 48s, and under 495. it should be 9s. a quarter; that above , 19s. and under 50s , it should be Bs. a quarter, and so on till the price reached 545. a quarter, when he in tended to impose an invariable duty of 4s. a quarter. The enactments which he proposed for all other descriptions of grain would follow the scale of duties upon wheat ; but he referred the house for the details of them to certain pa pers, which he would have printed next day. There would, therefore, be levied on wheat at its present price a duty of 4s. instead of the present duty of 16s. a quarter, and every other grain taken out of bond for home con sumption in the home market would be liable to little mote than a nominal duty. Such was the arrangement for the adjustment of this great question which her Majesty's government now offered to the house. He intended to accompany that arrangement with other provisions, cal culated, he would not say to give compensation to, but to advance the interest of that portion of the community which would be called upon to relinquish protection, with which he was himself more particularly connected, and in the welfare of which the prosperity of England was deeply involved. He then reviewed some of the burdens which fell on the land, and which he thought capable of allevia tion by useful reforms, and not by transferring them to other parties. First among these burdens he placed the highway rates. They were administered by 16,000 local authorities distributed throughout the country. Nothing could be more defective than that a highway which united several distinct parishes should not be under the control of every distinct parish through which it ran. In each pa rish there was a different surveyor of the high roads. The system led of necessity to a lax expenditure, and to a very bad reparation of the roads. He proposed to compel pa rishes to unite themselves into districts for the repair of the roads. Those districts would be generally the same with the Poor-law Unions ; and thus the high roads would be under the control of 600 instead of 16,000 different au thorities. Another of the burdens grievously, and he thought justly, complained of by the agricultural interest arose out of the law of settlement. Under that law, du ring manufacturing prosperity, the rural population was encouraged to migrate to the manufacturing towns. The peasant thus migrating consumed the prime of his life, and gave all the advantage of his strength to the manufac turers. A revulsion took place in trade, and manufactures ceased to prosper. The individual was then sent back to the rural district, and is thus transferred to a new home, where he is not able to obtain a livelihood, from being unused to rural employments. For the purpose of not merely relieving the land from a burden, but of also pro tecting an indigent man from injustice, government in tended to propose that the power of removability should be taken away in the case of every labouring man who had had a five years' industrial residence in any manufac turing town. He likewise proposed that the children of any person, or the children of his wife, legitimate or ille gitimate, under 16, residing with the father or mother, and the wife of any person, should not be removed where the removal of the person himself was prohibited. Further he proposed that no widow residing with her husband at I the time of his death should be removable for 12 months' after his death from the parish in which he resided at the time ; and, lastly, that no order of removal should be ta ken out on the ground of chargeability shown to have been occasioned by accident or sickness, unless the removing magistrates should be satisfied that the effects of the acci dent or sickness are such as to be permanent and incura ble. Here, again, by alteration of the law 'a great social advantage would be obtained, and the agricultural interest would be relieved from a great burden. He then ap proached another matter, in which he advised, without any loss to any other interest, a great advantage to the agricultural interest. There was a natural dread in that interest of a very formidable competition on the cessation of its present protection. It was impossible to deny that agricultural science was yet in its infancy; and he therefore, proposed that the state should give facilities to the improvement of agricultural skill and industry. The Duke of Richmond had collected a mass of interesting evidence to show the great capability of improvement which was inherent to all kinds of land. Much benefit might be effected by increased drainage. Mr. Pusey had proposed several schemes for the improvement of land ; but great difficulties occurred, especially among the ow ners of entailed estates, in raising the funds to carry them into execution. Government proposed that the credit of the state should be employed in enabling those improve ments to be made. An advance of Exchequer-bills should be made by way of loan for the purpose of agricul tural improvement, security being of course taken to pro tect the country against loss. The right hon. baronet, after describing at some length the mode in which these advances were to be made and repaid, concluded by stat ing that that was another plan by which be hoped to ena ble the agricultural interest to meet competition with the foreign grower. With respect to the local burdens press ing on the agriculturist, he must declare at once that he could not advise any alteration in the mode of the assess ment of the poor-rates. It had been said that they were a charge upon the land, and that there should be an alter atilm in the mode of the levy. In point of fact they were not a charge upon the land. The opposition was between real and personal property. It was real property upon which the poor-rate was levied, as on mines, houses,lands, and ma nufactories. If the poor-rates were a charge for general objects, it would be just to make personal property contri bute ; but they were a local charge, and personal property could not be called on for contribution without establishing an inquisition into every man's affairs, which, for the minute objects of a poor-rate raised to relieve local distress, would not be tolerated. The rate on personal property had been abandoned because it could not be levied, and therefore he was not prepared to propose any alteration in the mode of assessment. He would, however, relieve the-agricul tural interest of the charge of maintaining the prisoners in the county gaols, and would provide for that charge by an annual vote of that house. He also proposed that that portion of the charge for prosecuting felons which was now defrayed in England and Wales out of local rates imposed upon the land, should likewise be transferred to the state. The relief in point of money would not be large ; but if it enabled you to exercise an increased con trol over prosecutions, it would be a great social advan tage. In Ireland the relief would amount to £17,000, and in England to £lOO,OOO a-year. He then proceeded to contend that if there was any part of the United King dom likely to suffer from the withdrawal of protection, it was Ireland ; for Ireland had not, as England had, the means of finding employment for her agricultural popula tion in her manufacturing districts. Here, again, he would propose no relief from local burdens which was not accompanied by social advantages. In Ireland the police was paid partly by the land and partly by the Treasury. He believed that it would be for the general advantage to place the police entirely under the Treasury, and to vest the control of it in the executive government. Such was the recommendation of Lord Devon's commis sion ; and he, therefore, proposed that all the charge for the rural police in Ireland should hereafter be borne by the public Treasury. Sir Robert then adverted to the subject of the medical relief of the poor in this country. He believed that there was no part of the poor-law which had given greater or more just dissatisfaction. He pro posed to relieve the unions of half of the charge on this score by taking it upon the Government. He estimated that the total amount of charge in that case would be £lOO,OOO for England and £15,000 for Scotland. The subject of medical relief in Ireland was under a different system, and would shortly occupy the attention of the other House of Parliament. He next proceeded to intimate his belief, that in the parish work houses of England the provision for purposes of education was very inadequate. He did not propose in any way to, interfere with the right now vested in the board of guar dians to appoint a schoolmaster or schoolmistress to su perintend the education of the pauper children ; that right of appointment would remain where it now was ; but Government, in undertaking to provide £30,000 a year for the salaries of schoolmasters and schoolmistresses for the children of the destitute, would reserve to itself power to inquire into the qualifications of those instruc tors, and a power of inspecting, and to a certain extent controlling, the schools. Then, again, as to the auditors of the unions, he proposed that their salaries, like those of the commissioners and sub-commissioners, should be defrayed at the public expense. He called upon the house to recollect that in every compensation which he had proposed for the land, he had also proposed to give to the community great social relief. He, therefore, hoped that, before this law was rejected, both parties, if their immediate views were not accomplished by it, would recollect that it proposed great benefits for society at large. ‘'N hether those benefits would be sufficient to induce both parties to give their assent to his proposi tion, he could not as yet tell ; but he wished them to con sider it calmly and temperately, and to reflect upon the consequences which might accrue from its rejection. He concluded with two observations—one connected with our foreign and our commercial policy, and another connected with our domestic policy. In making these great reduc tions on the importation of articles the produce or manu facture of foreign countries, he could give the house no guarantee that foreign countries would follow our exam ple. He had resolved to consult our own interests alone, and not to punish other countries and ourselves by conti nuing high duties, and the necessary concomitant of high duties, smuggling. He could not promise them that fo reign countries would exhibit any gratitude for what we were now doing. On the contrary he might be told that many countries which had benefitted by the relaxation of our duties on their commodities bad applied a higher rate of duties to our goods. He relied on that fact as an en couragement to proceed in our past course. What had been the result of those increased duties on our export trade ? Why, that it had flourished in spite of them, be cause the smuggler of foreign countries had been called in by the inhabitants to our aid. He was convinced that our example would ultimately be followed by foreign coun tries, and that reason and the common interest of the peo ple and the government in those countries would induce a relaxation of hostile tariffs. He instanced this by re ference to recent publications in the United States, Na ples, Norway, Sweden, Austria, and Hanover. With re spect to our domestic policy, he had been asked why he had determined to disturb the prosperity which had now lasted for nearly three years. " It had co-existed with the corn-law of 1842—what reason was there to disturb it?" His answer was, that up to October last all those indications of prosperity did exist; ut since that time there had been indications of sympathy in the manufactu ring districts between employment and the price of provi sions. What had occurred since October, 1845, was one of the grounds on which he had determined to bring for ward his present proposition. Such were the proposals he had to offer for the ultimate adjustment of this great question. He believed that there was at present between the master manufacturers and the operatives a sympathy which did not prevail in 1842, and which led both of them to the conclusion that these laws ought to be altered. But although that was the case, there was nothing but general content, loyalty, and confidence on their part in the wis dom of the legislature. But because there was calm and no coercion, he entreated the hon. members to bear no mind that the aspect of affairs might be chzcnged. They might have worse harvests, and therefore they ought to avail themselves of an adjustment on this question which must ultimately be made, and which could not be long de layed without endangering the peace and security of the empire. He recommended his proposition to the calm consideration of the house, in the hope that it would, in the language of her Majesty's speech, promote friendly feelings between different classes, provide additional secu rity for the continuance of peace, and maintain content ment and happiness at home by increasing the comforts and bettering the condition of the great body of the peo ple. Sir R. Peel concluded his address at five minutes past eight o'clock, amid loud cheers. Sir R. PEEL rose again to suggest that the discussion on this resolution should be taken on that day week. His measure involved a great remission of taxation, and, there fore, a defalcation of the revenue. Besides, it incurred an annual charge amounting at least to £600,000. The debate on the Premier's propositions was adjourned to Monday, Mr. Liddell and Lord Ingestre having stated that though they had stood firmly by Sir Robert Peel hi therto they could do so no longer. In answer to some questions respecting the means by which he proposed to replenish the revenue after his pro posed reductions, Sir IL Peel stated that he did not anti cipate any great reduction of revenue from the reduced duties ; and certai n ly th a t h e h a d no pro p os al to make forincreasing the Income Tax. Mr. WAKLEY decried any " agitation" out of doors during the period given for consideration of the measure. Mr. NEWDEGATE said he could not pass over the ob servations of the right hon. member for Finsbury with out addressing a few words to the house. For the first time had that hon. member deprecated an appeal to his countrymen. Why, did he fear agitation? Else why did he make that long and powerful appeal to the feelings of his countrymen against the danger of inflaming the pas sions of the working classes ? Had he known the gentle men on that (the ministerial) side of the house to excite angry feelings ? Had he forgotten 1842? (Cheers from the agricultural members.) Had he forgotten that it was the gentlemen and yeomanry of England who mainly con tributed to restore and preserve the peace which had been disturbed by the agitation of a party in connection with the Anti. Corn Law League ? Had he forgotten that he (Mr. Newdegate) was attacked in this house for making the statement, and that he produced evidence which showed that the Anti Corn Law League was liable to the imputation of exciting the people at that time? Did the hon. member forget the fact that it was the agriculturists who then saved the country from the consequences of such excitement ? Whilst he (Mr. Newdegate) was upon his legs, and this question was mooted, he would call to the recollection of her Majesty's government, that, per chance with the best intentions, but with no distinct view as the right hon. baronet had admitted, of the consequen ces, of the proposed measure, as it might affect the pro perty of the agricultural interest hereafter, they might not meet with that cordial support when danger threatened them which they had hitherto received, and that, per chance, those men who now furnished themselves for the defence of the country might not be able to do so again. When they considered the present measure they could not forget that it had been mainly promoted by agitation,. They could not forget that the right hon. baronet said he had carefully prepared the mind of the country for the in troduction of the measure of 1842 ; but who had prepared the mind of the country for the introduction of the mea sure of 1845 ? Was the agitation to be employed against the agriculturists alone? They might be told that they did not understand the interests they defended ; but were they really so dense that they could not read the volumes produced for the information of the h ouse ? W ere t h ey so utterly incompetent that they could not form an indepen dent judgment of their own ? He contended that the mea sure had been introduced suddenly, and that the secrecy with which it had been concocted gave the agriculturists good reason to say " We will have a full consideration of it before it passes." The demand which the hon. mem ber for Somersetshire made for time was a most reasona ble and fair one. He was certain the right hon. gentle man at the head of the government could not have refused it. He remembered that the right hon. baronet's previ ous financial measures were never allowed less than a month for consideration ; and if the proposed measure was in accordance with the feelings of the country why was it not to have time to consider it? He was surprised to hear the hon. member for Finsbury and the right hon. member for Montrose pressing this great measure, which involved so many interests, through the house, as though , they feared the country would express an opinion against it. His own experience was, that when a Minister had cast aside the experience of a long life, and was prepared to act on a four years' experience, during which, as he himself stated, the policy he advocated had not been acted upon, then that minister would better consult the inter- ests of the country, his own character, and the character of this house, as well as serve his sovereign better, if he allowed the full expression of public opinion upon the question. The noble lord opposite, by producing letters instalment of the house in evidence, had paid the first of the gratitude which he felt towards his sovereign by at once vindicating her position in the eyes of the country and the house. The imputation of the hon. member for Finsbury, that the gentlemen with whom lie (Mr. Newde gate) acted were about to stir the passions of the people, did not come with a good grace from that hon. gentleman —and he now told the hon. member, as he had before stated in this house, that if the people were exposed to any severe pressure, as the result of foreign competition, and the heavy burdens which pressed upon the country, he would seriously consider the propriety of extending the suffrage wider than it was at present. That opinion he had before expressed, and he was not now prepared to re tract it. The house, after some further discussion, adjourned HOUSE OF COMMONS.-WEDNESDAY Mr. GISBORN proposed certain resolutions for the pur pose of giving the committee on the petitions for railway bills power to report not only whether the standing or ders had been complied with, but also whether in any particular case they ought to be suspended and the parties allowed to go on with their bill ; but they were opposed by Lord G. SOMERSET and Mr. STRUTT, and negatived after a short conversation without a division. On the motion of Sir T. FREEMANTLE, the Public Works (Ireland) Bill was read a second time after a short discussion on the adequacy of the grant, in which Mr. Hume, Mr. O'Connell, Sir R. Ferguson, Sir H. Barron, Mr. M. Milnes, and Mr. F. French joined. The only feature of importance in it was Mr. O'Connell's empha tic declaration, that they were within three or four weeks of an actual famine in Ireland. The bill was then ordered to be committed to-morrow. .o- HOUSE OF LORDS.-THURSDAY The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions in favour of protection, and reiterated his attacks on the ministerial scheme, which he conjured their lordships to reject, and thus force the government to appeal to the country, the great body of which bad been proof against the bribes of the league. Lord KINNA lAD defended the League against the charge of bribery, and when the Duke of Richmond de clared his readiness to be responsible for all that was said or done at protection meetings, wished to know whether the noble Duke was willing to be responsible for burning The Times, or for comparing a member of the other house to Satan? Earl GREY expressed his satisfaction at the proposed measure, but regretted that it had not gone further. It seemed to him that delay would only keep agitation alive, and that the country required the abolition of all protec tive duties, which were, in his opinion, from first to last a mistake. Lord ASHBURTON agreed that a free trade, if it could be established, was consistent with common sense, but could not see how it was to be introduced in a country like England, burdened with debt, and in which so many complicated interests were at work. Free trade was a fallacy, for there were certain duties, such as those on tea, which must be retained for the purposes of revenue. In his opinion, it would be impossible for the British far mer to compete with the foreign corn•grower. With re spect to the conduct of the Anti-corn-Law League, though not illegal, it was fatal to the constitution, and the government would neglect their duty if they permitted such a system to continue. Lord MONTEAGLE could not see that the maintenance of duties for the sake of revenue on such articles as tea and tobacco had anything to do with the abolition of pro tection to native industry. Though he objected to the three years' limitation in favour of the agriculturists, he was prepared 'to look upon the proposed measure as a whole, and to consider it as the greatest step yet made to wards improved legislation on the subject. After some further observations from the Duke of Richmond, the matter dropped. The Earl of DALHOUSI E then brought forward the sub ject of railway legislation, and having called the attention of the house to the vast amount of railway business to be transacted during the session, as well as to the immense amount of capital involved in the projected lines, and the consequent difficulty in dealing with them, proposed the appointment of a committee of the same nature as that appointed in the lower house on the motion of Sir Robert Peel. After some discussion, in which Earl Grey, Lords Brougham, Kinnaird, Aionteagle, and Ashburton took part, a numerous committee was appointed, and their lordships adjourned till Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY. Petitions were presented for various railway bills, Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that, on MoLday, he would move the re-appointment of the Committee on the Game Laws. Sir R. PEEL, in answer to a question from Lord Jobn Russell, said he had no objection to lay on the table the papers with respect to the hostilities in Rio de la Plata, as far as they bad reference to the grounds on which France and England had united on this question, but the papers relating to the atrocities committed he must at pre sent decline producing. Loz d JOHN RUSSELL, in answer to a question from Mr. Escott, stated that he had not yet determined whe ther he should, during the present session, again bring in the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill. Mr. HASTIE, on the part of the bankers of London, complained of their being compelled by the standing orders to pay the money they received for railway deposit into the Bank of England in the name of the Accountant- General of the Court of Chancery. He thought there ought to be some relaxation of the standing orders in this respect, as the greatest confusion would prevail. He be lieved that all purposes would be answered by paying the money into the Bank of England, and sufficient protec tion afforded to all bond fide railways. He would make a motion on the subject on a future day. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the deposits, when paid in to the name of the Accountant- General, were as available for the purpose of trade as if paid into the Bank in any other way. All that was re quired to get it out was the order of the Court of Chan cery. _ _ Sir R. PEEL trusted the house would not interfere in this matter, as he felt convinced that the spirit of impro per speculation would never be put an end to unless the public sustained some inconvenience. _ After a few observations from Mr. F. BARING, the subject dropped. Sir C. NAPIER moved for a committee to inquire into the manner in which the poor-law commissioners have exercised the powers for the establishment of district asylums for houseless poor in the metropolis, confided to them by the statute of the 7th and Bth Vic., c. 101. Also, to inquire into the effects of any asylums supported by voluntary subscriptions, which may have been formed for the same purpose.-- Agreed to. Lord ASHLEY, in moving for leave to bring in a bill to reduce the hours of working of young persons in factories to 10 in the day, observed that he was about to revive a discussion which had often been proposed and often re linquished in that house. He was the more encouraged to do this by the recollection that the last decision on this important question was not the decision of the house, but the decision of ministers. The house twice asserted his proposition ; and it was only after the greatest exertions that the minister at last succeeded in reversing it. Dur ing the discussion on that occasion 33 out of 42 represen tatives of towns in the manufacturing districts had voted for a Ten Hours Bill through all the divisions, and he ex pected that they would pursue the same course during the discussion to which he was now inviting the legislature. He believed that the same desire for a Ten Hours Bill i which then prevailed among the operatives still existed unmitigated among them, and that, instead of having abated, it had gathered strength and increase from the lapse of time. Two years had now passed since his last proposition on this subject bad been rejected. In that time events in our own country had demonstrated the truth and safety of the principles which he advocated, and accounts had been received from foreign countries corro borating in every material respect the conclusions to be drawn from the events in Great Britain to which he al luded. The question might be reduced within this nar row compass—" Can a Ten Hours Bill be adopted with outinjury to the interests of the trade, and without de preciation of the wages of labour ?" He then gave the house a history of a series of experiments which had re cently been made in the manufacturing districts on the ef fect of reducing the hours of labour. Mr. Gardner, of Manchester, had reduced the hours of labour in his fac tory to 11 hours. Messrs. Harrocks and Jackson, of Preston, had made a similar reduction. So had several other eminent manufacturers. The result in every case demonstrated that the produce of the reduced hours of la bour was both greater and better—that the hands were in better health—that their children were better educated— and that the feeling between the employers and the em ployed was much ameliorated. Such, also, had been the effect of a decree issued in Prussia limiting the hours of labour to 10 hours a-day in the case of all children under 16 years. Accounts had been transmitted to him from Elberfeldt, in which the most satisfactory description was given of the results of that law on the moral and physical condition of the operatives. Passing from these indivi dual details, he proceeded to show that the effects of the limitation of the hours of labour on the moral, physical, and financial condition of our population engaged in ma nufactures formed a constant contradiction to all the pre dictions uttered by the antagonists of the Ten Hours Bill when it was last under discussion. Their first prediction was, that the cotton trade would be destroyed by any such limitation as he proposed ; their second was, that the wa ges of the protected parties would be diminished; their third was, that the wages of their children would be re duced to a mere nothing; and their fourth was, that the children would be dismissed, and tha t great physical suf fering would be the result in their respective families. The history of the cotton trade during the last year was the best refutation of the first part of these predictions : the fact that there were now 30,000 children under 13 years of age working six hours and receiving instruction three hours a-day, when there were very few receiving education in 1833, and the report of the operative spin ners themselves,—who formerly opposed the enactment limiting the labour of children to half time,--stating that the pbysical and moral condition of their children had been so much improved that they did not appear to be the same race of human beings, were the best refutation of the latter part of them. He implored the house to consider that the greater part of the children employed during the present long hours of labour were females. Was there not something cruel and monstrous to take young girls of 13, the very day on which they reached that age, and to demand from them the same extent of labour which was demanded from the most vigorous adult men ? How could they learn on their return home any of those domestic arts which were so necessary to the comforts of the labouring man when he returned jaded and weary to his humble cottage? There was evidence enough to prove, though he would not quote it, that the degraded condition of the female population was one of the chief causes of distress and crime in our manufactur ing towns. He contrasted with the degraded condition of the female population in our manufacturing districts the great improvement which had taken place in the intellec tual, moral, and physical condition of the female opera tives at Lowell, in the United States, since the labour had been limited to 12 hours a-day. The fact was, that our women were unsexed in nature and habits by being ab stracted from their domestic duties so long by their pro tracted industry in heated factories. Society suffered by it—individuals suffered by it ; and the operative popula tion would suffer by it, until legislation gave them, what Madame Campman told Napoleon was the best gift he could give to France, " a generation of mothers." He impressed on the house the consideratio❑ that it would be well both for the masters and the operatives to have this question finally settled. Nothing could be easier than to repeal his bill, if its effects should be found to be pre judicial ; for the operatives would be the first to cry out against them ; but if its effects were likely to prove be neficial, then they had a right to expect that the house would assent to their just and reasonable requests. He implored the house, therefore, not to throw out this mea sure ; for if they did, they would destroy all hope of se cular improvement among the younger part of the manu facturing population ; they would aggravate the fend which so long existed between the house of want and the house of plenty; they would render poverty discontented, wealth and property odious, and would impede the social moral and religious improvement of all classes of the community. Sir J. GRAHAM did not intend to offer any opposition to the introduction of the present bill. After compli menting Lord Ashley on the sacrifices which he had made in this cause—sacrifices which were greater than fell to the lot of most men to make—he proceeded to con tend that everything which had occurred in the manufac turing districts since the passing of the act of 1844, in stead of encouraging further legislation on the subject, showed that we ought not toisclisturb the existing ar rangements. If it were true that higher wages had been gained by the operatives in consequence of a reduction in their hours of labour, he was glad to hear it; but he thought that it was a reason for not interfering further by legislation between the employer and the employed. After pointing out the advantages which had been gained for the labouring manufacturing population by Lord Ashley since 1833, in the prohibition of all infant labour under a certain age, in the limitation of labour to six hours among children under thirteen years of age, in the prohibition of all night labour, and in restricting the labour of all young persons between the ages of thirteen and eighteen to twelve hours a day, he proceeded to con tend that any further interference by Parliament with manufacturing labour would be an interference with ca pital and machinery, which would be highly dangerous in a commercial country like our own. It might be asked, why, if such were his opinions, he allowed this bill to be introduced. His answer was, that on former occasions Lord Ashley had endeavoured to engraft his opinions as amendments on measures proposed by the Government, but that on the present occasion he had in troduced, on his own responsibility, a substantive mea sure, which it would be discourteous to reject without examination. He begged to remind the house that this question was connected with the relaxation of the re strictions on our commercial code and on the supply of food, which had recently been submitted to the considera tion of the house. He therefore thought that the deci sion of the house on his lordship's bill should be post poned until the house had come to a decision on the pro position of government as to the laws affecting the im portation of corn. So far as he was personally concerned, no decision on those laws, be it favourable or unfavour ble to the government, could shake " his unalterable opinion" as to the inexpediency of interference with . adult labour. No arguments which Lord Ashley had used, or would use, were likely to obtain his support to the second reading of his bill ; nevertheless, for the rea sons which he had stated, he would not object to its in troduction. Lord J. MANNERS would give his cordial support to the bill of his noble friend. After some observations from Mr. Bright against the bill, Mr. FIELDEN said his experience of factories was more extensive than that of Mr. Bright, and he was surprised that Government should oppose a ten-hours' bill, for it might be adopted with great benefit to all parties. As to the argument that the bill was an invasion of property, it was precisely the same argument that was used in favour of the continuance of slavery. To protect labour, it was necessary to preserve the labourer from being compelled to work as long as a steam-engine. Mr. WAKLEY thought Mr. Fielden's opinion was de serving of more weight on this subject than that of any man in the kingdom, and he hoped it would have its full influence upon the mind of Sir James Graham. Lord ASHLEY replied, and leave was given to bring in the bill. Mr. ESCOTT asked Lord John Russell whether it was his intention to renew a bill introduced by him in the last session for re-organising the ecclesiastical courts. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, before answering the question, wished to take two or three days to consider the subject. Leave was given to Lord J. MANNERS to alter and amend the laws relating to pious and charitable purposes. Adjourned to Monday—not so much to observe the fast on the anniversary of the death of King Charles as in con sequence of the state of public business ! So, at least, it was made to appear by Sir Robert Peel. FOREIGN AND COLOIVIAG. THE RIVER PLATE DESTRUCTION AND CAPTURE OF THE BATTERIES OF ROSAS IN THE PARANA, BY THE COMBINED BRITISH AND FRENCH FORCES The efforts of Britain and France to put a stop, by ne gociation or mere armed demonstration, to the devastat ing war waged by Rosas against Monte Video, and to secure, at the same time, the opening of the River Plate and its tributaries to the commerce of all nations, have at length brought about an appeal to force. By the Cyclops steamer, which left Rio on the 23d December, we learn that, on the 20th November, the positions of Rosas, on the Parana, were attacked by the united forces, and, after an obstinate action, which lasted from 10 o'clock, a.m., until 7 p.m., were carried triumphantly, the enemy leav ing 400 dead in the forts (all blacks!), besides having been all day seen carrying out their dead and wounded in carts. The loss on the side of the combined forces is re ported to be, British, 10 dead and 25 wounded. Among the former are two officers, Lieut. Brickdale, of the Fire brand; Andrews, Dolphin. The French lost 18 dead and 70 wounded. This disparity is in part accounted for by one of their vessels, the St. Martin, being recognised by the enemy as one of the Buenos Ayrean squadron captured off Monte Video, and attracting an unusual amount of his fire, and her being, besides, unable to take up her in tended position. This vessel had 44 disabled at an early period of the engagement, and was riddled with shot. To give our readers an idea of the strength of the enemy, we give the following from the Brazil Courier, of December 13 : On the 18th of November, the combined forces moored about three miles from Point Obligado. " In the evening, the captain of the Fulton, and Capt. Sullivan, of the Philomel, British, and Capt. Trehouart, French senior in command, went in a boat to reconnoitre the position of the enemy's forces. They found four bat teries established on the right bank of the river. These batteries mounted about 24 pieces of artillery, mostly of heavy calibre, besides several detached field-pieces. The river itself was barred by a stockade formed with 24 ves seles bound together by three strong iron chains. This stockade was placed between the third and fourth batte ries. At one of the extremities, on the right bank, were 10 fire-ships ready to be let go; at the other extremity, on the left bank, was moored the Republicano (Rosas's brig), armed with many pieces of heavy calibre, and de signed to take in enfilade the opposing ships. Two of these batteries were nearly on a level with the river, and two others on peaks more or less elevated. Lastly, about 4,000 men, infantry and cavalry, were posted so as to pro tect the shores, and oppose any landing. The works were very strong, and evidently under the direction of Euro pean engineers, well acquainted with the rules of art ; and the tenacity of resistance is to be attributed to the fact that the batteries were served by foreign deserters." The attack was excellently arranged. The little fleet, consisting of two steamers (the Gorgon and Firebrand), a corvette, two brigs, and a brigantine, British ; and one steamer (the Fulton), a corvette, two brigs, and a brigan tine, French—advanced in three divisions, led respec tively by Captains Trehouart, Sullivan, and Hotham, British senior in command. The St. Martin, Capt. Tre houart, got into difficulty, but was generously assisted by the British brig Dolphin taking up a position near her, and drawing upon herself a portion of the enemy's fire. In this position, a bomb-shell from the Dolphin set fire to Rosas's brig, the Republicano (he wasn't in it), which took fire, and shortly after blew-up. The fire ships were loosed, but the current floated them in the wrong direc tion to do harm. In the midst of the fire, Capt. Hope, of the Firebrand, went in his boat to break the chains which united the stockade. His intrepidity was crowned with the most complete success. When once the chains were broken, the strong current opened the line of vessels forming the stockade, and the Fulton immediately took advantage to pass through, and place herself in a position higher up, so as to cross her fire with that of the first division. It was at this period that Captain Trehouart, quitting the St. Martin, which was totally disabled for further service, went on board the Gorgon to concert with his colleague, Captain Hotham. Thence he passed to the Expeditive, and made the signal of union to the Pandour and the Procida : he then ordered his three ships to run aground at pistol-shot distance from the batteries, at which they threw a shower of grape. The corvette Comus came up quickly to sustain this intrepid manoeuvre. At the same time Captain Hotham disembarked, with much skill and vigour, 325 English soldiers. This determined conduct on the part of the two commanders, executed with equal bravery and success, overcame the last resist ance of the enemy, and decided the day. The first English detachment, under the command of Captain Sullivan, bad been received on landing by a heavy fire of musketry from the enemy in ambush in an adjoin ing wood, but the arrival of the rest of the troops, under the orders of Lieutenant Hindle, quickly put the enemy to flight, notwithstanding the efforts of their cavalry, which were charging and ruthlessly slaughtering the English infantry. . . . Captain Trehimart having likewise landed with his men, shortly after joined the English, and took possession of the batteries, on which the enemy discontinued further resistance. On the morning of the 21st, additional forces landed, and completed the destruction of the batteries. The gun carriages were destroyed, and the guns broken or cast into the river. Ten bronzed cannon only were preserved, and shipped on board the combined squadron. All this day the allied forces remained ashore without being in the least disturbed. It was during the hottest part of this remarkable en gagement that Captain Ilotharn wrote to his colleague, Captain Trhouart, the words underneath quoted—words equally honourable to the writer and to the party ad dressed—" If the title of brave' has ever been deserved, it is by you and your crews." "Si le titre de brave a jamais 6t6 meritd, c'est par vous et vos equipages." The engagement with the batteries brgan at 10 a.m., and lasted till 5 p.m., during which time there was an in cessant tiring. From sto 7 p.m. the landing and the des truction of the works took place. Feb. 3, 1846. Too much credit cannot be given to all parties engag! in this gallant affair ; and it is particularly gratifyine, notice the perfect cordiality and mutual admiration ev" ing between the leaders and forces of the two nations• AMERICA. We have received New York advices to the 13th 4, 1, nuary inclusive, together with late accounts from Cant; and Mexico, by the arrival of the packet-ship SLOP''' . Whitney, Captain Popham. These advices are of considerable importance. ate proceedings in Congress with regard to the O r egon gar" rs still continued to partake of the same warlike charact but no decisive vote had yet been taken in either of the houses. In the Senate, on the Bth ultimo, Mr. Allen re: port ed_back from the Committee on Foreign Affairs til l e joint resolutions advising the President to notify to the British Government the desire of the United States t ° terminate the joint occupancy of the Oregon territori t now in force with an amendment directing the reesicle4 l ,l to adopt that step. In introducing this Mr. Allen sa l " he was instructed to move an early day for its considers' tion ; but, as a senator bad intimated to him that he„ifi to nded to start a preliminary question on Monday, January, he should on that day move the Senate to 0,1 day to take up the joint resolution. The proceedings the Senate present no other feature of interest. As _ i r e. gards those of the House of Representatives, the disc sion upon the Oregon notice question had not terminated' The great demand upon our space precludes, however' the possibility of giving any lengthened details of the p. ceedings ; and we must content ourselves with stall' 6 that no new views had been elicited during the debate. The contemplated movement against the existing tart had at length opened. A bill to repeal the law bad bee° introduced into the House of Representatives. All parties, speculators and buyers in the flour and cot' ton markets, were eagerly looking ont for Europeal news ; and, as the latest dates received from Englaa were of the 4th December, it was expected that late sa: counts would shortly be received by the sailing packets' The arrival out of the celebrated Corn-laws announce' ment of The Times might be daily expected. Our Canadian advices still hint at the existence of dia . sension in the Cabinet; but nothing definite had trap' spired. The journals comment warmly upon the OW tering proceeding of the American Congress. Mexican accounts to the 14th December contradict the report that General Paredes had made a revolutionori movement against the existing Government. The journals received publish a despatch from Genera l Paredes to the Secretary of War, dated San Louis F. 1 3: v als tosi, November 26, stating that Colonel B arragon ba circulated reports of his intention to pronounce for a dit; tatorship, he had ordered Barragon to be arrested sal proceedings taken against him. The Mexica n Diaro de' Gaberne confirms this. There would, therefore, be Do obstacle in the way of Mr. Slidell, the American mints' ter; and we may probably receive within a short period accounts of the settlement of the Texan and California ° questions. The congregation of Ignatius Loyola have inaugurated/ in their church at Rome, a Triduum for the conversion the people of England. ANNEXATION OF IRELAND.—In the American Hough of Representatives the other day, the clerk gravely read proposal, made by a member, to annex Ireland to the United States. On the 12th ult., the anniversary of the birth of tb! King of Naples, the Queen was safely delivered of a prince: His Majesty, therefore, was felicitated on both e v ents ab the same time. Another misfortune occurred last month to the Unite(' States steam-frigate Princeton, while in the harbour at Boston. The furnaces of her engines set ber on fire, so she was much damaged in the after part before the flame could be extinguished. Her powder ma , razines wer e flooded with water. SANDWICH ISLANDS.—Of fifty-eight independent so' vereigns in Europe, eighteen have less population that i this kingdom, and thirty have less square miles. Th e kingdom of Saxony app roac h es neares t t o it i n amou nt of, territory, having 5,705 square m il es , an d a p opu l a ti o n of 1,680,000. This country is capable.of sustaining an ego' number, besides having the great advantage of being fa vourably situated for a commercial marine. Paris journals state that the campaign against Abd.el . Kader was for a moment at an end. The splendid cavald corps of Youssouf had been so cut up and harassed in OP' pursuit of the Ernir, that it been found necessary to die solve it. About Abd-el-Kaier nothing certain was known', Besides the weather disasters of the desolating corps n: General Levasseur, the Arabs hung upon his r e t rea t, en' off by scores the stray soldiers, and captured immense quantities of arms and baggage. The Akhbar of Algiers has a letter of the 6th instant from Djidjili, stating that at about six o'clock in the even' ing of the preceding day lightning fell upon the Vale blockhouse, and caused four cases of ammunition to e%; plode. The place and every article in it was destroye°,r and the ten men who were o n d u ty a t it were a ll dread' fully burnt or mutilated by the splinters. One gunne r died the same night, and five more were expected to shal l the same fate. PROTESTANT CONFERENCE.—The result of the Evan' gelical Conference, at Berlin, has not officially transpired? but their discussions have turned upon the four followint points :—the junction of all the Evangelical congregation s in Germany ; the organisation of a general church govern' ment, arrangement in the mode of worship, an d the congregational confession of faith. It appears that the/ . have unanimously voted in favour of establishing eccles l " astical conferences at regular periods, the delegates to be chosen by the various districts and by the universities' With regard to the form of church government, it is to' but certain that Prussia, Wirtemberg, Saxony, and Baden ; are favourable to a synod and to Presbyterian institutions', 1 PREMATURE INTERMENT.-The Paris eonstitutione states that the cases of premature interment prevented bl fortuituous circumstances amount in France, since the year 1833, to ninety-four. Of those, thirty-five persolle. awoke of themselves from thei r l e th arg y a t th e mo met' the funeral cei emony was about to commence ; thirteen recovered in consequence of the affecti ona t e care of tbe.ir families • seven in consequence of the fall of th e co ffins n i diey were inclosed ; nine owed their recovery t ° wounds inflicted by the needle in sewin g th e i r w i n ding a sheet; five to the sensation of suffocation they experienced in their coffins; nineteen to their interment having bee° delayed by fortuitous circumstances ; and six to their in . ment having been delayed in consequence of doubts her, ing been entertained of their death. It is awf u l t o reflen' how many persons in the absence of such " fortuito d circumstances," have been and may daily be buried alive' No supposed corpse should be interred until it exhibits O . equivocal symptoms of decomposition. RUSSIA.—The last news from the Caucasus up t o do" 20th December, informs us that the forts on the left vvieg, of the Russian line were surprised b y th e mountainee rs' the Russian garrison consisting of from 800 to 1200 me n ; has been cut to pieces, or ma d e p r i soners ; t h e loss of 0" mountaineers was also very considerable. A large WW I : tity of arms and ammunition fed into the hands of the 0 6 : tors. Prince Woronzow has given orders for preparation' that are really extraordinary at this season of the yes, (l , The preceding intelligence was commun i ca t e d b y a trave`,, ler who left Teflis on the 20th D ecem b er . Th ey appe ar tv have been known in other parts of Russia, for a corm~ spondent writes from St. Petersburgh, the Bth Januaell that the last despatches from the Caucasus had produce: a great sensation i n all c ir c le s . Th e E mperor Ni c hol r o reached St. Petersburgh on the 11th of J anuary , o n b' t return from his tour. After some hours' repose, he wen to the cathedr a l c h urc h o f C asan , an d was presen t a t tb o mass. The populace received him with every mark of S r , tisfaction. From church, the Emperor went to the 1 1 0 ter palace after having reviewed the guard on duty• the evening there were illuminations. SITUATION OF THE CANTON OF BERN E.—The deco of the Great Council of Berne, relative to the revision s % the Constitution being appointed to be submitted to ti; ) approval of the Primary Assemblies on the Ist of Fe ruary, parties are beginning again with all energy to 1 4,1 tate, in order to bring together th e el eme nt s o f a v ictorl_ v i i which both sides make sure. The eyes of all Switzer are directed towards Berne, for on the attitude it o%f depends in a great measure the fortune of the liberal O r o of the Confederation. If the Government triumphs , ~5 t may be assured that there will b e a p ause , or a t l e ast v o t modifications in the federal policy; and if the banishni e b e of the Jesuits is obstinately demanded, there will not o again that displ a y o f h o t zea l w hi c h a year ago exc ited ,4. deputation of this c a n t on . O n th e ot h er h an d , if the "" I t dical party obtain the upper hand, it may occur thin 4 .will bring into a ll th a t a pp er t a i ns t o th e f edera l po lio' ardour the more fierce in proportion to tle deep rese P ag, ments it has to satiate. All, however, greatly depl o o which party soever may triumph, in keeping M. Newf at the head of affairs. This Magistrate, whilst, wit" 0 01 extensive influence, he has supp or t e d a G o vernra ft e which, but for him, could not have lasted a month 9 0 the defeat of the corps francs, has by no means loot I d ascendancy over the best-informed Radic a ls. The for% diplomacy regards very attentively the march of eveP, lf f being quite aware of the co nsequence th a t m ay to( throughout Switzerland from th e p o li t i ca l or g anizatie: t he the canton of Berne ; for it mus t no t be forgotten the; fr o canton of Berne will take the l ea d i n federal affairs i f the Ist of January, 1847. n MARITIME DISASTERS AT THE BLACK 016 several weeks past dreadf u l wea th er h as preva il e d on f of Black Sea. Storms and h urr i canes o f incredible drove the waves in every di rec ti on , an d w i t h su ch 5 10 that the shipping in the harbour are not in safety'. 4:0 hear from all quarters of fr es h s hip wrec k s . More. 20 vessels, laden with wheat hav e b e e n l os t o n the "V sian coast comi ng f rom T aganrog an d K er t s ch. I greater number of these ships were Turkish or Ril s and were bound for the coast of Anatolia, where the 0 0C' tress of the population is increasing daily in eonserl l l o or of the late bad harve s t. A rea l f am i ne rages i n the ' rior, particularly in the districts of Upper Armeni a t ie great number of Greek, B r iti s h, an d A us t r ian , 11 which were coming from the ports o f S ou th e rn b est: and of which a part were likewise laden with i ° 0 0; perished near the entranc e o f th e B osp h orus , on the t _DO of the western coast of th e Bl ac k S ea . Th e s teanl os which trades between Kerts c h an d R e d u t-R a l e h li danger of being cast by a whi r l w i n d on t h e roc ks het c,lo# o get f :, Gelendschik and:Anapa. It s mac hi nery b ecame dera and the boat continued it s route with its s ails• e tbf mountaineers of that part o f th e C aucasus crowd s st ir rocks on the coast in the h o p es o f p ill ag i ng the i'i o rtd‘ and some Circassian ball s reac h e d h er d ec k. 0 1 0 / nately for the Russian seamen, the weather became Tb' and they were enabled to reach the port of AnaP ti _.,* OS; navigation of the sea. of Azoff is concl u d e d for this ' l . l , The ports of Taganro g , Ni a i co p o l, an d PortjanskrbBer ready covered with ic e . O n th e 10 t h of Dece it ' it last merchant vessel passed the strait of Kertsch• a Greek, freight e d f or M arse ill es . Th e grea ter n . fro, of the merchant s hi ps w hi c h en t ere d th e Bl a ck Se; liP t g the month of Septe m be r t o th e m on th o f November, p Ol Greeks, and ca me t o p urc h ase w h ea t t o th e s outher_ k icle . of Russia, notwith s ta n di ng th e hi g h p r i ce o f that 0" THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. On tftj 11:11 eit f oi a u , till