The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-01-06 00:00:00

JA.NUARY 6, 1836. LIVERPOOL ELECTION. The real business of the Liverpool Election, upon which depends the momentQus question whether this great commer cial port shall be represented by men of high personal character and Mental attainments, or the nominees of the rabble led on by a few destructivee, commenced yesterday morning. At half past nine the Mayor, attended by the Recorder, Bailiffs, Town clerk, Sword and Mace Bearers, appeared on the hustings. The Town -clerk immediately proceeded to read the precept autho rising and commanding the return of two burgesses to serve in the ensuing parliament as members for the borough of Liver pool. The first candidate who approached the hustings was Mr. William Ewart, one of the late members for the borough. The friends of this gentleman met him at the Adelphi Hotel, where his procession was marshalled. A few minutes after Mr. Ewart made his appearance, Lord Sandon advanced towards the hustings, accompanied by Mr. Alderman Lawrence, Mr. John Moss, Mr. Alderman Sandbach, Mr. Alderman Horsfall, Mr. C. S. Parker, Sir John Tobin, Mr. Saudars, Mr. George Green, Mr. J. D. Bold, Mr. T. Bold, Mr. Irving, and a large belly of most influential merchants. This party was attended by a large body of electors preceded by a capital baud of music— the banners carried on the occasion by his lordship's supporters bore appropriate inscriptions. His lordship', reception was loud and enthusiastic. Lord &linden's party was followed by that of Sir Howard Douglas. The gallant general was seated in a barouche drawn by four horses. Sir Howard was accompanied by Mr. Alderman Wright, Mr. Alderman Leyland, Mr. Duncan Gibb, Sir Thos. Brancker, Mr. Alderman Peter Bourne, Mr. Alderman Rubinson, Mr. Faulkner, Mr. Riteon, Mr. R. 11. Frank, Mr. Thomas Moss, Mr. Robert Horsfall, Mr. T. B. Horsfall, 111 r. John Shand, Mr. Adam Lodge, Mr. George Grant, Mr. Henry Moss, Mr. Thos. Shaw, Mr. Lowe, and a great number of other gentlemen. Sir Howard was preceded by a baud of music, headed by a banner bearing his shield or arms and motto, " Lock sicker, — Be Firm." Other banners were also carried in the procession ; these were greater in number and variety than was ever exhi bited on any similar occasion. From some of them we collected the following inscriptions:--" From country and King my sup port never wandered ;" " Merry England for ever, our King and our laws,—hark forward, true blues, our country to save!" "Fiat et fit.—Fortiter et adeliter ;" " Yeo! pull together to the end, and elect Sir H. Douglas, our 'church and king-friend :" "}lima for the King, constitution, and church,—may all plotting contrivers be left iu the lurch!" As soon as Lord Sandon and Sir Howard Douglas appeared en the huctings, " Three cheers" and " One cheer more" were called for and given for each with a heartiness and good-will that bespoke the general feeling of the multitude which by this time filled the entire of Castle-street and all the open space_ i❑ the neighbourhood of the Town-hall from which a glimpse of the hustings could be caught. About five minutes before ten o'clock, Mr. Morris also ascended the hustings. This gentleman's " troops of friends" were principally composed of the " great unknown," if we except Mr. Win. Earle, jun., and Mr. Lawrence Heywortb, for they were the only men of any note or likelihood that we could recognise. The appearance of this gentleman did not appear to excite any very great attention, except from a rabble that immediately followed him. On the hustings he was so little known that the question " Which is Morris ?" was very generally asked, and as generally answered with " I don't know." The hustings were fitted up in the manner usual on the days of nomination ; with this difference, however, that two boxes were exclusively set apart, ou either side of the Mayor's seat, for the accommodation of " the gentlemen of the press." For this act of liberalism we, on the part of our own reporters and those of our contemporaries tender his worship our best thanks. By the time the candidates had reached the hustings, the whole of Castle-street, and the open spaces on both sides of its end opposite the Town-ball, presented a dense mass of men, through whwn it appeared impossible to pass or repass. Those immediately in front of the hustings waved to and fro occasion ally, as if, like poor Lord Grey, they were unable to resist the pressure from without. Noise, almost ceaseless, was the order of the day; but, with very few exceptions, we saw no attempts at violence, although, as will be seen in the sequel, not a few provocatives were liberally administered by the liberal candidates and their liberal supporters. A strong posse of special consta Isles were stationed in front of the hustings to preserve some thing like order. Two or three fellows were seized and dragged _ . out of the crowd with great intrepidity by the police, for being inclined to be as active with their hands as with their throats. One for throwing dirt (we believe at Lord Bandon.) But, on Use whole, as the crowd was only noisy, it was one of which we save nothing more to say than that the greater part of the per. sons who composed it were not electors of Liverpool. Never theless it will most likely be praised by some of our contempo raries as the most respectable and most sensible crowd that ever was assembled in Liverpool, because the liberal portion of it was indisposed to hear more than one side of a question. There appeared to have been some understanding, or rather misunderstanding, as to a division of the . ..hustings:between the Liberal and tory candidates. The former claimed, by the mouth of their spokesman, Mr. Wm. Earle, the exclusive possession of the eastern division i_ but the Mayor, as we understood, re plied that he had nu power to interfere in any way, and there foie could not direct either party as to the exact spot where they should or should not stand. Mr. JAUES Briarecasa then advanced to the front of the hustings for the purpose of nominating his friend Mr. William Swart. This privilege was not objected to by the tories, who endeavoured to procure, and with some difficulty obtained, for him something like a hearing. Mr. Braucker commenced his address by saying that be stood before them (the electors) by the right of conquest!—his fellow-townsmen having three timer within a few short years placed the gentleman he should have the honour of proposing at the head of the poll. The spoilt of victory were before them. (A laugh.) He once more, there fore, claimed the right to staud forward first on the present oc •esion. As the proceedings of the day must necessarily be somewhat long, and as his worship the Mayor was anxious that those proceedings should terminate by one o'clock, to allow the workmen time to erect the booths for polling, he should not de tain the court long, as, besides comViance with his worship's request, he end the other gentlemen present were anxious to proceed to the business snore immediately conducive to the greet contest ia which they were about to embark. The occa sion which had brought the meeting together was one of great singularity.—(A laugh.) Parliament had been dissolved by a sort of a kind of legerdemain process—(No, no !—Three cheers for the King were here called for and given)—by a hocus-pocus trick. They had all seen, all read—they had all heard that tissue of falsehood and absurdity, the proclamation of Sir Robert Peel.—(" We have." Three more cheers for Sir Robert Peel were instantly given. Cries of " Propose, propose !" Amid the confusion Mr. R. Sheil made an attempt to address the meeting, but was silenced by the Mayor, who requested both parties to be quiet and hear etch other.) Mr. Brancker having obtained a partial hearing, said, that he should not waste their time by attempting to defend Mr. Ewart's votes in Parliament. (Cheers, and cries of " No, DO I Hear him out; the more he speaks, the better the people will be convinced of his folly.") As soon as we could hear the worthy gentleman, he said,—Mr. Mayor, I have exhausted my voice. Gentlemen, I always find that the losing body is the first to lose temper—the most apt to he angry ;—(a loud laugh)—l shill, therefore, conclude by pro posing William Ewart, Esq., as a fit and proper person to repre tont the borough of Liverpool in the ensuing Parliament. Mr. W. W. CURRIE seconded Mr. Ewart's nomination. Twice before it had fallen to his lot to share in the nomination tit tint gentleman; nor di 1 he feel the least disposition to shrink from doing so on the present occasion. There were certain votes which Mr. near: had given of which he did nut approve, and in Iskiilt he could not go along with him. While he felt that, in every vets which Mr. Ewart had given, he could not agree, he was free to admit that the party opposed to Mr. Ewart might disagree still mete with that gentleman's public conduct. He could not, how ever, account for the feeling which prevailed in certain quarters against that gentleman., (Cheers.) Mr. Evart was pursued with an intense malignity—with a never-dying rancour, kept alive like a vestal's fire, which, in his opinion, far exceeds the fair and legitimate bounds of political opposition with respect to Mr. Ewart's public couduct. Opposition was, however, directed against his public character; against his private cha racter calumny had not dared to say a word. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Currie concluded by seconding the nomination of Mr. Swart. Mr Alderman LAWRENCE then, in a strain highly compli mentary to the electors at large, and commendatory of the po litical conduct and consistency of Lord Sandon, proposed that nobleman as a fit and proper person to represent the "good old borough" in parliament. Mr. Lawrence concluded amid the most enthusiastic cheers. JOHN Moss, Esq. said that he had great pleasure in seconding tit. nomination of Lord Sandon, because he was quite sure his lordship had dono his duty in the two last sessions of parliament. (Cheers.) lle would not detain the court longer, but would eonclude by saying, that, without any mental reservation, he approved of all Lord Sandon's votes. (Cheers.) Mr. Alderman WR tour said,—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen— The time has now arcived when the freemen and electors of this borough are called upon to exercise one of their most sacred duties; a duty, sir, which 1 feel assured they will best perform by returning as their representatives in the succeeding parlia ment such gentletnea as they are convinced will be faithful to their King and country—flathfut to the end in preserving to us the benefits of that constitution and those institutions which have raised those kingdoms to their present preeminent station among the nations of Europe; and, whilst they endeavour zealously to forward and support the general interests of the empire, shall watch over and guard those belonging to this great ec,maniunity in a more especial manner ; gentlemen who, whilst they are found ever ready to uphold the rights of the country, will not forget to stand tip manfully in their placer in parlia meat. and defend with their greatest ability the rights and fran chises of their constituents Whoa they are attached. Such, my fellow-electors and brother-freemen, arc the gentlemen you should return, and it gives me great gratification in being able to propose to you one who, I am perfectly convinced, will, if sent to parliament, fulfil every word I have uttered—a gentle man the greater part of whose life has been zealously devoted to the service of his King and country in various situations— a gentleman ever forward to support those iustitutious under which we have the happiness to live; and one who has during the past year effectually aided and assisted- the great exertions of our late noble and most faithful representative, Lord Seniors, in repelling the shameful attack which was made on your fran chises—need I say, my brother-freemen, I mean Sir Howard Douglas, who I have now the honour of nominating as a fit and proper person to represent this ancient borough iu the ensuing parliament. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Alderman LEYLAND agreed in every word which had fallen from his friend Mr. Wright. Ile considered Sir Howard Douglas a fit and proper person to represent Liverpool i❑ parliament, and he had the highest pleasure iu seconding the gallant baronet's nomination. Mr. WILLI.tra Ennis, jun., then stood forward, with his speech in one hand and his hat in the other. After making one of his best bows to the Mayor, and after smiling complacently upou the multitude outside the hustings, he said that he had great pleasure in appearing before the meeting to propose a fourth candidate; a man whom he considered well qualified, indeed better qualified than either of the othercandidates (hear, hear, and Mr. " Ewart's a candidate!") who had been already proposed. (A good laugh.) He would not detain the court very long, lest he should deprive the meeting of the opportunity of listening to the eloquence which would shortly flow in copious streams from the opposite side. The gentleman whom he had the honour of bringing forward had not the advantage of an acquired er hereditary character. (Loud cries of Hear, hear.) He had heard it said that representatives who possessed these accidental helps had freer access to the public offices than the plain gentleman. (. laugh.) Now for his part he had no idea of such a thing, it was all nonsense—the representative of the town of Liverpool needed none of these auxiliaries. He (Mr. Earle) did not mean to underrate their yalue, but he be longed to the levellers—(here all parties poured in a universal hiss)—he belonged to what a gentleman opposite (Mr. Joseph Sanders) once called the low party. (Loud laughing.) lie knew what respect was due to that title; he was proud to pay true honour—(Cries of nominate, nominate your man, when will you hav'e 'done ?) 'l\To, sir, exclaimed Mr.' Earle, first looking at the Mayor and then at his notes,' I have not done yet. Mr. Morris is a merchant, one of the profession to which lie (Mr. Earle) belonged. (Cries of he's a Cockney, nobody knows him here.) Mr. Morris resides in London, but he has connexions in Liverpool. If that gentleman were returned to parliament, there would not be any occasion to send deputations to London, there would not be the least occasion to cram their representatives before the business could be understood and the remedy sought. There would not be any occasion to keep up the office, called the Liverpool Office, which was of great ser vice to men who did not understand business. Who is thereon these hustings that dare declare that Mr. Morrison, (laughter,) he meant that Mr. Morris is not admirably qualified to repre sent Liverpool in parliament ? (He's a bank director, endplay be of great use to decayed houses.) Mr. Morris's political opinions were those of a staunch reformer. He knew there were persons within the walls of that magnificent building (the Town-hall) through which he had passed to that hovel of a hustings, to whom reform was as odious as—(what we could not hear.) He said so because he had a seat in the Common Council of Liverpool, which, however, he did not consider an honour. (Why don't you resign - ?) He had been admitted into the Council-room not from any merit of his own. (Loud laughter precluded the possibility of catching the remainder of the sentence.) He hoped, however, that being there he might be able to do some good. He took care at least to let the public know what was going on in that room ! (Hear, hear, and question.) Mr. Morris was a friend to reform, and, above all, to corporate reform. (Cheers.) Could they expect as much from the noble lord or the honourable general? (Cries of " Yes 1 yes !") He admired the gallant general : he comes forward like an honest, straightforward man. Ile tells us what he is. (Cheers.) But what does the noble lord say ? If he (Mr. E.) understood the English language, his lordship had come among them as a reformer. (Yes he is.) To him (Mr. Earle) it appeared that his lordship bad taken fright. But it was the duty of the electors to prevent his lordship being placed in a situation where his fears might prompt hint to injure us, and by injuring us, injure the country. (Cheers and laughter.) He (Mr. E.) had been invited to resign his seat in the Common Council. He would not do so. (Cheers.) There were only five of the members of that body who—(lnterruption, which prevented us from hearing the remainder of the sentence.) Mr. Earle concluded by expressing a hope that the householders and the burgesses of Liverpool would return Mr. Morris as one of their representatives to parliament. (Cheers and hisses.) Mr. L. HEYWORTII seconded the nomination. lie hoped common civility would be shown to every man who presented himself here. He would state the reasons which had induced him and multitudes of his fellow-townsmen to come forward in favour of Mr. Morris. life was an intelligent merchant. He knew what was most conducive to the interests of a mercan tile community and of the country at large. ("His interests are not ours!") - Very few had even given due weight to the' classes connected with the commercial and mercantile pursuits of the country. Ile had said and he would say again, that there was not a poor man—a labourer, receiving £.15 a-year, which was little more than lss. a-week, (" Oh, oh !") if calcu lated at three per cent., that would be equal to a capital of £l5OO. (Hisses.) He would state nothing but facts; if right' let them have their proper impression: if wrong, let him be de nounced. On this principle, and this only, he would supp'ort Mr. Morris. Every man who brought his talents and muscular power to market realized a net capital of £l5OO. There were 5,000,000 persons above twenty years of age. He would take them at 5,000,000; and, by multiplying that by £l5OO, (hides and cries of '• No figures !") by multiplying 5,000,000 by £l5OO they would have a capital of £7,500,000. (Cheers and groans.) All belonging to the immense mass of the population. Should this be put aside ? (Cheers.) Should they be squabbling about a few livings in Ireland, and neglecting this immense ocean of property, from which all of them sprung? (Cries of "Ques tion!") This was the question. It was no more true that every bubbling fountain and every little rill (laughter) to the great stream upon which their amazing commerce floated, all owed their origin to toe great ocean itself, than that every other kind of capital was derived from that great ocean of capital of which he bad spoken_ Mr. Morris came forward as a mer chant who understood what was beat for the community and the prosperity of the productive classes. (Cheers from with out.) Fur this reason, and for others qualifying him for the situation, he had much pleasure iu seconding the nomination of Mr. Morris. Mr. EwART came forward, and was received with great cheering. He commenced by thanking his worship, the Mayor, for the advantage of an open stage, and be hoped they should be indebted to their adversaries for no favour. (Cheers.) lie stood there as the advocate of every party. (Shouts of " No, no!") He claimed a fair hearing for every party. (Some disturbance.) He was sorry any disturbance should be shown to any one who advocated all parties. He cordially concurred with Mr. Hey worth in advocating the cause of the artisan and labouring population. (Loud cheers.) They must have a fair consideration of the character of the present administration. Every party must have the freedom to censure or panegyrise them. lie asked them if they were not public men on a public stage, and were they not the spectators? Two years ago, three of the candidates now present had au opportunity, from that place, of addressing those whose votes they solicited. Those two years had been two years of vital importance to the country. They would be most memorable in its future history. The opening of those two years had been remarkable for the com mencement of improvements. The close was equally ternark able for its sudden interruption. Why the recent dissolution of the ministry bad taken place—why the late parliament had been sent to its account before the country—was at present a mystery. (Here the tumult and disturbance which took place outside became so violent that Mr. James Brancker was in duced to turn to the crowd and beg a hearing for Mr. Ewart, as he was addressing the court on the subject of their rights and privileges.) Great was the astonishment of the country when the late government was dissolved. (Renewed interruption.) Mr. Ewart continued :--Great was the amazement of the peo ple, when they saw not only the old hands brought back, but an additional number of recruits taken into the tory ranks who had never before figured in the Wellington battalion. (Cheers, and a shout of " Three cheers for the Duke of Wellington," which were given with astounding vehemence, and repeated again and again.) At this moment the confusion outside be came so outrageous that to proceed was impossible. Mr. Ewart made several attempts to get a hearing, but was unable. Mr. Brancker said it was a tory plot to prevent Mr. Ewart being heard. This was stoutly contradicted on the other side, who urged Mr. Ewart to go on. They Mayor put it to Mr. Ewart whether he had not better proceed and address the court, as Iris turning to them outside seemed to cause much noise. Mr. Ewart was understood to say, that he was perfectly in. forum. He was addressing the court. Mr. RUSHTON.--Mr. Mayor, I have had some experience in these hustings, and it does appear to me that there is a deter mination to prevent the candidate speaking. (Cries of " No, no!—Chair, chair! Go on !" and much disturbance.) The MATOR.—Gentlemen, if you wish to retain that charac ter which you have always had for patience and good humour, you will allow Mr. Ewart to proceed without interruption.-- -(Beer, hear, and cheers.) Mr. EWART resumed.—When he saw the old battalion brought back, he did confess it reminded him of the muster-roll of Sir John Falstaft--( Laughter.) He by no means wished to disparage their military talents ; but it did appear to him that they had been sebncted by the Duke of Wellington much upon the same plan as Sir John Falstaff had adopted, namely, as food for powder.—(Laughter and cheers.) He did think they were more adapted for figuring in the camp than in debate, And as Sir Joka said to Shallow, whin ha staked the reason 1 why he did not select better men, the reason was that they presented no mark to the enemy. They might as well take aim at the edge of a penknife.—(Laughter.) The great principle upon which the Duke of Wellington appeared to have selected his men consisted, in two words, of silence and obedience.— (Applause.) He (lid not think Mr. Peel's valour would so touch have outrun that which was generally supposed to be the better part of valour, as to have induced him to ,take the lieu• tenancy in that remarkable cohort.—(Laughter.) He said the lieutenancy, for who would suppose that Sir Robert Peel Was to be the captain? He was, indeed, to be spokesman,lint he would never be the captain, and only the spokesman, as far as Ancient Pistol was the spokesman to Sir John Falstaff. He had alluded to the manifesto of Sir Robert Peel. It was some what unintelligible from its perplexities, but it was character. ized by two plain features. It pronounced no opinion, and it preserved every thing for future consideration. Sir Robert's speech, which was a kind of postscript to that manifesto, made nothing clearer.—(llear.) He began by telling them all was tranquil and quiet ; but he erroneously attributed that tranquil lity and that quiesence to the interposition of the Duke of Wel lington, as if they had not been quiet before, as if this great nation was to be frightened from its propriety, and to unsettle the calm repose of its diguity, because the Duke of 'Wellington was premier. No ; the country was determined to resist, by constitutional means, the great military commander, not, as Sir Robert I'eel would have them believe, because the Duke of Wellington had exclaimed, in military phraseology, " Stand at ease !"—(Laughter and a cry of " Attention !") Who had been guilty of disturbing the tranquillity ? He could lay his hand on his heart and say, in the faith of an honest man, that those who had advised that ill-advised dissolution—those who had aided and abetted it--were the real agitators. Posterity and history would point to them as the cause of any future disturbance which might be brought about, and which he ventured to hope that their rashness would not cause. In that celebrated after dinner speech, they were told, in opposition to the authority of the Times, which veered round with every change, that they would look not to measures but to men. Sir Robert had told them to look only to the personal character of the ministers. But it was not to the personal honour, but to the public charac ter of men, that they ought to look.—(Loud cheers.) Ilad they forgotten that these were the men who expelled Hus kisson from office ? (Cries of " You have forgot!") Did they forget that these were - the very men who—he spoke severely, but he spblee with truth—to whom the finger of history would point as having joined with a portion of the aristocracy to hunt to the death the over-wearied and expiring genius of Canning? (Cries of " Lord Althorp and the ballot." " The disfranchise ment bill.") Such were the men who had separated between the King and the people. (Three cheers for the King were called for and heartily given.) Another appeal had been made to the feelings and reason of the people. There had been a vain attempt to say that property was in danger. (here Mr. Ewart was unable to proceed from the disapprobation which prevailed. Mr. Brancker said, " You may depend upon it t)iat unless you hear Mr. Ewart the other parties shall not be heard.") Their opponents had vainly attempted to say that the security of property was inconsistent with the progress of reform. It was true, indeed, that the progress of reform was not in accord ance with the preservation of abuses, but in his opinion it would tend greatly to increase the security of property. Mr. Burke had said, and to his opinion he presumed the geutletnen on his left would pay some attention—Mr. Burke had said, that that the security of property was iuconsisteut with injury and injustice. (Cheers.) Now he asked them whether those who advocated the principles of reform had or had not s hown the existence of justice. He mould throw the whole question on this issue—had they, or had they nut, proved the existence of injustice ? In the first place, had they proved the existence of religious injustice and injury? Did the dissenters not pay for a church which was not their own ? (" Oh, oh !" and uproar.) Now, if he were asked what was the remedy, he would say op pose to the utmost the present ministry, and let the watch-word be " Turu them out!" (Three cheers were given for church and king.) He would ask whether the present municipal sys tern was not a system of injustice? (Cries of " No, it is not!") He asked was it not unjust that those who were declared qua li fled to vote for a parliamentary representative should be pre cluded voting for a common councillor? He trusted the day was approaching when, without reference to party politics,- the man who was most eligible would be the most successful candi date for corporation offices. " I hope," continued Mr. Ewart, " the day will come when we shall see you, sir, borne aloft on the shoulders of your fellow-townsmen." (Great laughter, fol lowed by three cheers for the Mayor.) He hoped to see the day when the chief magistrate would be elected by a court of aldermen, thethselves elected by the people. Now, what was his remedy for the existing system of corporation abuses? He replied, oppose the present ministry, and let the word be " Turn them out." (Hisses.) And again, he asked if the corn laws were not a fruitful source of injustice? They were not only opposed to every principle of equity, but they were opposed to the first principles of English common law, and every lawyer from Sir Edward Coke downwards had maintained this opinion. His remedy for the corn laws was to turn out the ministry. (Great disapprobation.) He now came to another subject, ecclesiastical reform. (" Oh, oh.") He demanded an ecclesiastical reform in the name of justice. He had always been a humble and faithful adherent of the' ChurCh of England, and the first duty he owed to his fellow-a:en was universal charity. (Hear, hear.) Never would he im pute unfounded motives to any of his fellow-men, especially on the sacred question of their religion. (Hear.) Another great paramount duty of religion was the virtue of humility, and as an Englishman he complained that this virtue was not suffi ciently an object in the arrangements ofthe Church of England. (Oh, oh.) He had always been opposed to that struggle for pre-eminence among clergymen which was evinced when they neglected the service of their Lord for the grosser ambition of a seat on the bench or a chairmanship of sessions. He won dered that they could so far forget the loftiest ambition which any man could indulge, to promote the future and eternalavel fare of their fellow men, for a pragmatic seat or a pragmatic voice at sessions or at gaol deliveries. (Hear, hear, hear.) What was his specific for this evil? He would repeat, with reference to the present ministry, " Turn them out." (Cries of " We'll turn you out first.") lie sincerely hoped and - believed' that there would be a voice resounding from the Land's-Endlo the Cheviots, from the-Cheviots to the Orkneys, and echoed back from Ireland of " Turn them out I" (Cries of "You'll be mistaken," "'Three cheers for hig Majesty's ministers," which were heartily given.) Mr. Ewart resumed. After that small parenthesis of opposition, be would again repeat, " Turn them out," not only because they were opposed to the principles he had already laid down, but because they were opposed to the general principles of reform. Because they opposed reform on principle, he would wish to see them abdicate office. It was no' improbable that they would do so,—(oh, oh! and laughter,) and he wondered they had not adopted the expedient already. Ile had ventured to state that the reform of abuses in the church was no violation of religion ; that the spirit of a sound reform was in strict accordance with the security of property. On other points his opinions were recorded by his votes in par liament. There might be a difference of opinion respecting the question of triennial or septennial parliaments, and the vote by ballot. He had taken his stand upon these principles, which be believed to be right. His opinions on these subjects were recorded, and, therefore, he need not trouble them with any repetition of them. (" Thankye.") His friend, Mr. Currie, had stated what he was sorry to hear, that he had in curred the obnoxious observation of Some of his fellow-towns men. Some friends had told him that the remarks of• his opponents extended to culumny, or, at all events, to unjust animadversion. If so, he felt more pity for them than pain for himself. having come forward originally as a candidate for this town, not from any Ipw object of ambition, or any un worthy motive, he presumed again to solicit the favour of their suffrages; and, having maintained those principles which he held to be favourable to popular freedom, favourable to exist- iug institutions, favourable to property ; and favourable to good order, he would now call on them to : say whether, on those principles, they would support him. (Cheers.) On these prin ciples he had come before them, and he trusted that, on these principles, he would not again appeal to them in vain.— ( App liaise.) Lord SANDON then came forward, but his entrance was the signal for a loud burst of hisses and groans, answered by louder cheers from his lordship's friends, so that it was with the ut most difficulty that a word of his speech could be heard in the court. Mr. William Earle and Mr. James Brancker cessively endeavoured to obtain a hearing for the noble lord, but without avail. His lordship observed, that this was an il lustration of what they had to hope from those who called them selves " liberal; " those who assumed to themselves the exclu- sive title. (Ilear, hear.) Ile had known them; he had been much amongst them; and he was solemnly persuaded, that the term liberality was only another name fur bigotry and in tolerance. (Loud cheering.) A cry had been raised about military dictation. Let them remember that the little finger of the dictation of the multitude was heavier than the wrist of the Duke of Wellington. The little finger of Lord Durham and Mr. O'Connell would be found heavier than the loins of the present government. Gentlemen, having expressed myself so recently and so fully in my late address, and seeing that the time is already fur advanced, I shall now only touch upon such points as sworn to be thought to stand in need of further explanation. I find that I am thought by some to have ex pressed myself with an appearance of hostility to the dis senters, with too decided an attachment to the established church, and too uncompromisingly in favour of the present government. lam at a loss to know upon what grounds this charge of hostility to my dissenting brethren rests; I have at no time resisted and never shall resist any measure for the re lief of any real grievance, or for the removal of any civil dis ability on the ground of religious opinion. It can b e su r e ly no . . _ offence or hostility to them that I resist the endeavours have been lately made to deprive my own church of those reve nues which the policy of the nation has so long secured to the national faith. It can ba no hostility or offonce to them that I THE it STANDARD. refuse to join in this new interpretation of religious liberty which makes the maintenance of a national establishment for the reli gious instruction of the people a grievance and au oppression to all who are of a different faith. This is, indeed, a new light upon religious liberty —ono which was not revealed to the dis senters themselves two years ag.) ; of which their great prede cessors were iu total ignorance, for nearly every denomination successively, in former times, struggled to obtain possession of the revenues of the national church. Why, what is an esta blished church but a missionary institution for establishing instructors through every corner of the laud I—and surely you, who send out missionaries to every quarter of the globe, would not reject the aid of such means fur the permanent support of your establishments in any of those countries. In my mind every clergyman of the Church of England is a missionary, charged with the office of converting souls, and surely there are nut many of the dissenters, who differ from us most in discip line, who will not think that the souls of these cannot be saved by a church so supported and professing the doctrines which we believe. (Loud cheers.) To the principle of every measure of relief that was proposed by the late administration I gave my willing support, save only to that for the admission of dis senters into the universities. That this wasdone with no hostile feeling the connection which I did for some time hold with the direction of the London University is, I think, sufficient evi dence. But in the management of that institution I learnt one fact, which, indeed, has been avowed by the founders of that school themselves, that, having to educate together young men of different religious persuasion it was necessary to exclude all religious instruction whatsoever ; and although, on account of the difficulty of having separate institutions for every different persuasion, and a less complete charge which that school takes of its pupils, I was willing to support that establishment in spite of its grievous disadvantage, yet I was not prepared to intro duce that evil into our ancient universities, which possess the inestimable advantage oPreligious discipline and instruction; at the expense too of introducing an unpleasant discord where it ought most to be excluded, and to the invasion of ancient rights. I looked at that proposition with an earnest desire to be able to acquiesce in it, but on the fullest consideration I have found that I could come to no other conclusion than that I must give it a reluctant but decided oppo sition. (Cheers.) I may be told, perhaps, that I raise unne cessarily the cry of danger to the church; that I am attributing intentions to destroy where they do not exist. lam willing to believe, nay _ I am sure, that such . destructiie and intolerant opinions —such, for instance, as were avowed by the dissenting delegates last year, and such as have been newly put forth by the dissenting delegates of Birmingham, are not shared by a great portion of that respectable and religious body; but such opin ions are avowed by their acknowledged organs, are not publicly disavowed by any considerable proportion of the body, and thus all the danger to the established church, which the united hosti lity of that powerful body can create, is, in fact, threatening to overwhelm our ecclesiastical institutions. [Here a cry of t• What will you do with the Irish tithes?] I thank the gentle man ter the question. I have supported Lord Stanley in every measure for the adjustment of that unfortunate question, and will support every other measure brought forward in the same spirit and for the same objects; I will not do what Lord Stan ley refused to do; I will not join in that " destructive step," as he himself has termed it; above all, I will never take Mr. O'Connell for my guide through the intricate mazes of that complicated and embarrassed question. Until I find that you yourselves, in the adjustment of your private affairs, take into consultation your bitterest enemies. I feel assured that I shall stand excused, as a warm lover of a protestant church, if I re fused to take him as my guide and counsellor in the settlement of the affairs of the Irish church. (Loud cheers, and continued interruption from the outside of the hustings. After a pause, occasioned by this interruption, he continued.) I feel that Ido not deserve these interruptions; I feel that I who havo stood by the rights of the hard-fisted mechanic, while I maintained the right of the wealthier householder to his franchise, deserve better at the hands of those who are now preventing me from obtaining a hearing. (Loud cheers.) I have never deluded them with promises which I have not performed; I have never received the suffrage of any man without being prepared to de fend the franchise which enabled him to give it. But, while I have defended their rights, I have never deceived them by in stilling into them delusive and dangerous notions. I have never talked to them of "levelling" those distinctions of order •and society upon which the regular employment of their in dustry depends; I have never taught them to set up the rights of industry as distinct from, or in opposition to, the rights of property. (Cheers.) But what, gentlemen, do I say to the present administration ? As I have said in my address, if they act fully anti fairly up to their professions, 1 shall give them my independent support. (Loud cheers.) What is the alter native? Lord Durham and O'Connell! (Cries of "We have nothing to do with Mr. O'Connell.") Aye, gentlemen, but you have! You may flatter yourselves as you may; but if you reject at once, without a hearing, the present administration, to Lord Durham and Mr. O'Connell you must come. Is it for the restoration of the late administration in its former state that the radicals in England and the repealers in Ireland are raising the anti-tory cry, and for which, indeed, Mr. O'Connell is content to suspend, as he tells us, the vital question of repeal and to confine his energies for the present-to the collection of in anti-tory rent? Why, the late administration was as un popular, was as much the object of the invectives of both these parties as the present government of Sir Robert Peel. That "pressure from without," of which Lord Grey so heavily com plained, as impeding all his efforts for good government, first forced Mr. Stanley out of the administration, forced out Sir James Graham, the Duke of Richmond, and Lord Ripon, and never ceased its operation. until Lord Grey himself was intrigued out of office and thrown aside as no longer fit for the purposes of the faction which is now clamouring so loudly against the present administration. Even when thus divested of the talent and the character which principally gave to that cabinet its hold upon the affections of the country, it was still the object of invective to the same party. Why, then, are those parties clamouring for his return ? Why, but be cause they hope to receive some price for their assistance; to purify it still further of whatever conservative character that Party still retained, and to make it serve, per force, the pur poses of revolution and destruction to our established institu tions. The late government, as it was, intrigued with Mr. O'Connell to obtain his support, what would it be if that go vernment were restored by his assistance? [Mr. Thos. Bolton said that was only a little arrangement.] Ido not know what that gentleman calls an arrangement, but it ended in cutting and carving those measures which the government thought ne cessary for the peace of Ireland according to the diction of the great-disturber of its peace, and with resigning to his discretion, of the avowed enemy of the Irish church, the terms upon which the tithes of that church should be adjusted. (Cheers.) lam told, also, that I have never been a tine reformer, and that, in fact, lam a complete tory in disguise. I will not dispute with you about names, but I know this, that I was a reformer of the reform bill, and am not a reformer according to the new lights which have since sprung up. (Cheers and laughter.) Gentle men, you cried loud enough for the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill, and listened to no one who would not take that text. But I find now that you are for the bill, the whole bill, and very much more than the bill ; and that every one who will not go along with you in fresh changes is no better than an ultra-tory. I supported that bill as a very great con cession ; it was proposed as a very great concession—as an amount of change far beyond the original intentions of those who proposed it—beyond the original expectations of all reform ers. We were told that we were only to go so far for the pur pose of making an end of changes in our parliamentary system, and for the purpose of finding a better ground to stand on. That was the principle on which I made so large a sacrifice of ancient feelings—feeling in which I had long shared with many members of the late government itself. During the discussion of that measure those who opposed it as too great a shock to our ancient institutions, told us that, instead of satisfying the appetite for change, it would be merely a stimulant to the de sire of further changes ; that it would serve merely as a step ping -stone to those who were then looked upon with apprehen sion by men of property, all over the country, as radical reform ers. I confess I hoped, and still hope, better things of the good sense of the middle classes among my fellow-countrymen. Lord Melbourne himself had told them, upon a late occasion, that the reform bill was a very great experiment, and that it remained yet for the moderation and good sense of the people to show whether that experiment would he successful. With him I yet hope and trust it may. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") Beware lest by insisting upon household suffrage, vote by ballot, and annual parliaments, they should realise the prophecies of those who opposed the reform bill. (A voice from the crowd "Not annual.") Ah I said his lordship, you say so now, but believe me if you get trionnal parliaments this year, and induce us to go along - with you so far, the next year the cry will be an nual parliaments, and those who resist them will then be stig- matised, like those who now oppose triennial parliaments, as mere tories in disguise. Perhaps we shall then be told, as we are now, that we are throwing off the mask at last. Aye, and in like manner universal suffrage will follow household suffrage, and those who resist it will be but tories in disguise too. (Loud cheers, and cries of " No, no.") They might say no, no, but the whole course of history proved it. We have not to go far back or to a distant country to discover in what manner those who hare given the first impulse iu great changes were treated, like Lord Grey, when they refused to go the length of the most re- volutionary or what is now termed the most liberal measures. (Mr. L. Heyworth here exclaimed, " We must have reform, if it had not been for reform we should all have been savages." hear, hcar.) Take care lest by too inueh reform, like the people of a neighbouring country, they should return to the fe rocity of savages. (Cheers.) Again, gentlemen, let me warn you against the real quarter from which dangers impend over our country. It is idle to talk of danger from the domination of the ultra-tories; against such a danger, reform in parliament has fully secured us. Look again, I say, to the great active adical body all over the country and to the active co-operation which is lent to it by Mr. VCoutiell and his friends. Talk of the tyranny of a military government! Let them look to the tyranny of that ferocious and mercenary dictator in Ireland. Let them look at the threats held out to every person who shall vote in favour of the excellent and liberal knight of Kerry, that he should have a death's-head and cross bones fixed over his doors. This was the dictatorship which men of sense, of property, should look to. (Cheers, and cries of "Is it true ?" Mr. Shepherd answered, "It is—l have seen the placards." Another voice, "Corporate reform.") Gentlemen, I feel myself so much exhausted in endeavouring to make myself heard above the clamour which has been constantly accom panying my address, that I cannot enter into much further discussion. You will find in me, as you have always done, a friend to the remedy of every abuse, but not one who, under the guise of reform, would secretly have in his view the ad vancement of revolution. These are no idle words ; we are told that we have appealed to cries for protection, that we have raised a clamour about the church being in danger, and the King being in danger; they wore, however, not mere cries, they were too true. Do we not hoar an elective aristocracy proposed, and made a popular topic by some who professed to be the popular organs of public opinion in this town ?—and if that were once the case might we not soon expect to hear of an elective monarchy. (Great applause.) I know these things shock you at present, but men were found to do many things which at first they were shocked at. This notion may not find much favour from those I see around me, but I know that it is widely spreading among those who have influence without. (Loud cheers, and a second cry of "Corporation reform.") With regard to that subject, until I see more of the evidence as to the state of the corporations of England, I must defer giving judgment upon the case. I will not advocate such a ref o rm as. would degrade the corporation of Liverpool to the level of somo of the corporations in Scotland. (Loud cheering.) When I see the whole case before me, I will apply my mind to remove in a liberal spirit every abuse that I may find, but until then I give no pledges.—[Mr. L. Heyworth here exclaimed— " Look around you, my lord. Why, if we are not free, we must be slaves." This interruption was received with a laugh.]— Were the public buildings and other works erected, or in pro gress, in this town evidences of a rottenness in the state ? Is this great community, flourishing as it is, and the magnificent funds solely apportioned to public purposes—do these testify to the existence of abuses which can only be cured by eradication? —(Laud cheers.) Your time is now pretty nearly spent, and my strength is nearly exhausted. I only wish that none of you may have to undergo the labour I have endured to' collect and give utterance to my thoughts in something like a consecutive manner under the expression of feeling exhibited by a liberal and tolerant portion of this community which I now see sur rounding the hustings.—(At the close of his address, the noble lord was greeted with the must enthusiastic applause.) Sir Ho warm DOUGLAS was labouring severely under the effects of the injury he received last week, so as to be able scarcely to stand, yet the worthy baronet refused a seat which was offered to him, and stood supported by his friends. When he came forward he was received with three times three most hearty cheers from his friends, echoed back by the crowd outside the hustings the moment they learned Sir Howard was about to address the electors. Sir Howard said he was very thankful for the kind consideration of those whom he had the honour to address, in requesting that he would be seated, but he felt it to be his duty to adopt a posture, even at personal incon venience, suitable to the present importance of the occasion, and he could not remain standing while addressing those by whose aid he hoped to succeed in the great cause of which he was the strenuous and undaunted advocate. (Cheers.) With every feeling of his heart and every faculty absorbed in the in tense interest which he took in the proceedings of this day—a day which, both here and elsewhere, was big with the fate of the monarchy, the church, and the constitution of England, (loud cheers, he had not a thought to bestow on the personal dis l i - abilities under which by accident he at present laboured; on the contrary, he felt only painful apprehension lest these disabili ties might interfere with the great and important struggle in which they were all engaged. (Renewed cheers.) But, thanks to public sympathy, the characteristic of a free people, he was relieved from apprehension and took comfort in knowing that his personal misfortune would bring no injury to the common cause. He should never again be happy, if under any circum stance he should fail in exertions, either mental or bodily, to promote the interest of the common cause. (Hear, hear.) lle had to thank the constituency of this great town for the kind reception which the beloved individual whom be had appointed his representative, had met with during his canvass. and he was especially grateful to them for the expressions of good feeling which had been conveyed to himself. Ile was sure it was unnecessary that, on the present occasion, he should enter again into a repetition of his political principles—they had been explicitly declared here and heretofore, and he trusted that his friends and foes would both believe that, at the end of a life de voted to honourable and useful pursuits, he would practically comply with, and carry into effect, all the professions which he had so repeatedly made, (cheering) and that he would, if elec ted, prove himself to be an useful, industrious, and assiduous servant both to his constituents and to the state. (Loud cheers.) But he felt he must say something of principles at the present moment, and he would remind the Electors of one of the clos ing sentences of his last address on the occasion at which- Ire had first appeared before the Electors of Liverpool. He had used that expression in order to show that he was firm in his principles, by being there willing and ready to reform any real abuses, and to redress any real grievances. The figurative language he bad applied in that sentence was, he thought, most appropriate as addressed to a shipping community. He had then stated, that "he was fixed in principle, but he had not anchored by so short a cable as not to allow himself free motion without the risk of losing his anchorage." In short, that ho was not one of those who was not able to yield to those coming events which he foresaw were forthcoming. (Cheers.) The application he now made of this sentence was that when any thing purporting to be an abuse, or alleged to be a griev- ance, was brought before him, his first question would be, was this or not a real grievance, wes that a real abuse, or was there in the matter submitted to him any cause of dissatisfaction which ought to be removed. His next inquiry would be, whether this abuse might be usefully remedied,—that grievance beneficially redressed, or the supposed cause of dissatisfaction removed, with the maintenance of his principles and the preser vation of the fixed institutions of the country,—if, in short, he could say for himself that all this might be done with safety to the monarchy, the church, and the constitution, then he would say that this abuse should be corrected, that grievance ought to be redressed, that cause of dissatisfaction must be removed. (Loud cheers.) In the course of this day's proceeding allusion had been made to the recent change in the ministry of this country, a change which, it had been said, was effected by leger demain. (Hear, hear.) If the late ministry had been over thrown by any indiscreet act from without, or bad been overset by any party for factious purposes, then the alleged cause of the cung' might stand ; if the late ministry bad been crumbled from power from any other cause but their own imbecility, then the King could not have come forward with the grace, the dig nity, the justice, the moral force which he had exhibited in the exercise as an honest man of his high and undoubted preroga tive in the free choice of his ministers, and in the spirit of the British constitution to release, from further attendance, a por tion of the legislative body of the country, and appeal afresh to his people. (Loud cheers.) Still less could the present minis ters, either or any of them, if they had been parties to any in discreet attempt for party purposes to overtnrow their predeces sors,—still less in such a case could they have come forward with grace, dignity, and justice, or with the confidence, they did, to obey the call, unsought and unsolicited, of their King, and throw themselves upon the country for support. (Great applause.) Ile did not speak this in any spirit that could pledge him to be a thick and thin supporter of the newly-formed Government. lie had not permitted his friends and supporters to mad any pledge from him, and no man, nor any set of men, should obtains pledge from him. Ile pledged his religious principles to the national church, into which be had been re ceived as a member of a Christian family. lie pledged his loyalty to the mild and moderate monarchy under which he had been born and bred—to the reigning and constitutional King; and he pledged his devotion to the coiistitutiou of the country, both in church and state: he meant the altered constitution in state, as related to the formation of Parliament, now the law of the laud. That law he would cause tube observed, and through it endeavour to obtain good government, to promote the happi ness of the people, and to ensure their true liberties. By the letter of that law be considered it to be the final constitution of Parliament, hut not as a means to exact ends other than those which its very letter expressed.—(Hear, hear.) If the present Government should act honestly in principle, on principle he would support them; if they deviated from that course, and did not fulfil tne just expectations of the country—if they truckled to agitators—(cheers)—if they compromised with radicals— (cheers)—ha would give them his firm and decided opposition. (Loud cheers.) In answering the call made upon them by the Monarch, by the recent exercise of his great prerogative, let the constituency take care that by their choice the Ministry selected should have a fair trial. He did not hesitate to say, (if a fair trial was afforded to the present advisers of the crown,) that the monarchy was saved—(cheers)—that the church was preserved. and that the constitution was maintained. (Immense cheering.) For it was impossible that men, possessing the characters of those composing the present ministry, could deviate from the principles which it had ever been their glory and their boast to advocate. He should hope, however, they would not be pre judged, for at least it was impossible now to say whether or not they would go far in the reform of abuses where abuses may exist—his only apprehensions were that they might go too far; that there might be some little trimming to the radicals, or some yielding to clamour front without. This, however, ought not to prejudge their acts. The parliament now to he chosen by the people was the jury by whom his Majesty's ministers were to be tried—the Sovereign was the ju►lge, and there was also a Judge above to whom all must answer. If the jury,—the grand inquest,—was packed with members disinclined to give minis- tens a fair teial, and that thus they should be ovorthrown,—tlien would the monarchy be lost, and the liberties of this country ruined.—(Loud cheers.) He repeated, that if by a packed jury the ministry should be beaten on the address, then he would say that the first act of the second reformed parliament would be a sentence of death upon the constitution of England,-,or, at least, there would stand nothing in its stead but anarchy and confusion. He turned with dismay from the contemplation of the cloud which such an event would raise,--a cloud under which the British sun of glory would rapidly sink never to rise again. (Cheers.) H e could not but remind them that the day had arrived, when, by their reunited efforts they had resuscitated that bright gleam of conservative spirit which from this great town showed itself over England on the occasion when he last ap peared before them,—(hear,)—and which had caused them to look forward to brighter prospects. On the present occasion the prospect was blighter than he could have anticipated. Tho former occasion was but, as it were, the marshalling of the forces for a great field day. He had then held the reins and felt the power of his friends and supporters. The time of action had now arrived, and it was really of combined importance. Thus early in the field, all England looked to the electors of Liver pool to realize a victory, and he assured them that victory was at their door. (Cheers.) Something had been said today, and spoken, too, on levelling principles (laughter) about titles. That could refer only to the noble lord, whose colleague he hoped to be, (cheers,) and to himself. (Applause.) If ever a title was conferred on an individual as a title of honour of which ha was well deserving►, it was his noble friend. (Loud cheers.) With respect to his own humble honour, it had been earned by his father in the naval service of his country. It had retained in him the holiest influences, that of filial obligation to emulate his father's example, and in all situations of his life it had serv ed to swell Isis patriot bosom to exertions for the benefit of his country, and he could assure the meeting that that bosom now heaved with ardent patriotism—with lovel and reverence to his gracious and good king, and devotion to his country. (Cheers.) In his military capacity, he felt himself called upon to rebut the insinuations and reproaches which had been cast upon the present government. Much had been said of rank and file, of a military government, of the Duke of Wellington's dictator- ship ; indeed, he was surprised that Sir Howard Douglas had not been described as the dictator of Liverpool. (Laughter.) If he had learned in his profession anything, it was the subser viency of the military to the civil power. He had followed in the train of the Duke of Wellington, and had seen that illus. trious man liberating, from military despots, thousands of hinnan beings in various parts of the world. Constitutional freedom followed in the train of his victories, and supplied the place of military despotism, absolute monarchy, and demo cratic tyranny. (Renewed cheering.) He (Sir H. Douglas) had in his own person seen much of revolution in three or fear countries, and, in common with his fellow-soldiers, had devoutly prayed that such a visitation might never befall England. He had iu some countries witnessed the grossest tyranny under ab• solute monarchy, and he bad returned with veneration to the mild and moderate monarchy of the nation which gave him birth. In other countries he had seen the people groan under the tyranny of the privileged orders, and, with gratitude is Providence, he had turned to his own land, and there found the aristocracy, instead of being tyrants, were the guardians of the British constitution. He had seen a furious democracy tyran nising with unmitigated power over the people. From those countries he turned round and regarded with admiration the manner in which democratic power was so intermixed and mingled with the other two branches of the state, preserving the body politic confided to the whole. (Loud cheers.) He had seen, also, a country under a state of military despotism, only to rejoice that, in his own land, military power was subjected by the constitution to civil control. (Loud cheers.) In remote countries, under both foreign and British government, he had seen the manner in which the blessings of civilization, the cul tivation of learning, the progress of religion, and the advance ment of the arts and sciences had been aided and assisted by means dispensed from these isles. These blessings had bee* bestowed under the British constitution to generations that are now no more, and he trusted would be continued to millions yet unborn. He bad hoped, witnessing these things, to return in the evening of his days to the happy land from which these blessings flowed, and to have found that eoua- try thankful to the Disposer of all Good for the happiness which they themselves enjoyed, and were enabled to extend to others. (Hear.) He had, however, found a reckless spi rit of thanklessness amongst the people for the blessings of their constitution, and an ill-considered desire for what they called reform,—desires, which, if gratified, must ultimately shake, to their very basis, the institutions of this country. (Cheers and dissent.) Against that spirit he now set himself opposed, even at the advanced period of life to which he had arrives, and he had acquiesced in the requisition which he had received from the " good old town," because he thought that not only the commerce of the land, but the constitution under which that commerce flourished, was in danger. He had been told, that he was not a commercial man, end, therefore, was unfit to re-- present the interests of this commercial town. He might, per haps, have no difficulty in allowing how groundless was this argument; but he was satisfied, in order to refute the insinua tion, to refer to the evidence adduced of his fitness from the fact that the requisition he had received bore the signaturse of semi of the first merchants in the world. (Cheers.) They bare their own interests, and were competent to judge of his (Sir Howard Douglas's) fitness, or otherwise, to represent this great commercial community. Those influential gentleness had thrown the shield of protection over him, and he hoped, by the suffrages of the electors generally, that he should be @it abled in return to throw the shield of protection over these. (Cries of" You will.") Considering there was another candi date to address the meeting, and many personal reasons warnedt him to conclude, he, therefore, did voluntarily conclude, be cause, perhaps, it might be necessary to reserve himself in en der to reply to such questions as it might suit the pleasure et' other gentlemen to put to him. After a short pause, Sir Howse D Douot A I observed that as no one seemed disposed to ask him any questions, he should re sume his seat, which he did amidst long and loud cheering. Mr. Mona is next addressed the electors; but was received with such disapprobation that he could scarcely be heard. We understood him to say that he stood upon conduct and princi ple. When first invited to come down and offer himself as a caniidate for the representation of this great town, it was upon an express understanding at starting that, in the event of a con tested election, no undue influence should be used, no species of bribery resorted to, to promote his election. * He was assured by his kind friends that no undue influence should be resorts.ll to, that no act of bribery should take place for any such pur pose. (Cheers.) On this understanding he consented, and he begged to state that although the representation of Liverpool was to him an object of ambition—although it was an objec t dearest to his heart—he would rather loose his election than resort—or that his friends should resort to any improper moans . . to obtain it. (Cheers.) He would trespass a little time en their patience while he stated the principle en which he soli- cited the honour of their suffrages. From education and prin ciple he was attached to the church of England. and it was lee- cause he was attached to the church that he was desirous to have it reformed. (Applause and disapprobation.) He was sure that every friend to the establishment would wish to see a better and mire equable distribution of its revenues. Wks would not wish to see the labouring clergymen better paid t (Cheers.) He knew gentlemen who had profited by all the ad vantages of an University education doing duty on the small .. . and insufficient stipends of £5O, £6O, and LSO per ennam, and he was sure that no one would object to see these neglected men better remunerated. (Cheers.) Being a friend to civil and religious liberty, he would throw open the gates of the Universities to all without reference to their religions principles _ . or feelings. (Disapprobation.) With respect to the Irish church he would say, that those who opposed the measures of last session are guilty of all the consequences that have, or may ensue. (Loud and continued marks of disapprobation.) Asa British merchant, he was naturally a firm friend to free trade. To the subject he had given considerable attention, he considered the principles of commercial policy correct which allowed the importation of the raw material at the lowest pos- sible rate. Its o'bjert ought to be to exchange those commodities which can bo produced in one country fir the coninioditios which can ba produced cheapest in another (applause) and not for individual benefit, but the:great benefit of the world: (Applause.) lie was an advocate of corporation reform. (Cheers and hisses.) Ile did not allude to the corporation of Liverpool, (Ho, ho!) for he had not been long enough here to form a correct opinion, but he would say, that their revenue Appeared to be judiciously and honourably distributed for the benefit of the town. (Loud cheers.) Ile spoke of corpora tions in general, and he wished to see them thrown open to the whole of the new constituency. He was oppose& to long par liaments, and was In favour of triennial parliaments. Had the late parliament been favourable to a tory administration, would it have been dissolved? It was dissolved because minis- tern knew it would not suit them—because it would advocate the rights of the people. (Oh! and disapprobation.) It it had been subservient to the views of tho Cabinet, its members would not have beau sent back to their constituents, (Oh!) so that a good parliament will always be sent about its business by an unpopular ministry and a bad parliament retained. (Disap probation.) He thought it quite right that every member of parliament should return once in every three years to his eon- stituents to see whether they will elect him or send up a more efficient member. He was an enemy to taxation. (Mat? How far ?) lie tueant to excessive taxation. (Cheers) His situ ation of Bank Director would show that he could not be op posed to necessary taxation—to provide for national expense, and for national faith. (Cheers.) What he meant by exces sive taxation, was taxatipu which provided for sinecures. He was an advocate for the repeal of taxes on knowledge.. The no— ble lord who preceded him had alluded to the London Univer- sity. lle held shares in that University—his brothers held shares in it—all his family held shares in it—because they believed that great benefit would result from the diffu- sion of uaeful knowledge. (To be sure I) Mr. Evart had an advantage over him. (Laughter.) Me could refer to past conduct, but be (Mr. Mortis) could not. MY. Bwati bad