Northern Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-05-02 00:00:00

AMERICA. ARRIVAL OF THE CANADA. 11 e Royal Mail steam-ship Canada arrived here —.Morning at an early hour, bringing advices from s t o ° nto the 20th ult., and Halifax to the 21st. She ri ngs 87 passengers, but no specie. On the voyage home the Canada, on the 21st, at 1.3° twenty miles west of Seal Island, pa sse d the Royal Mail steamer Arabia, bound west ; on Mae 24th o ult., lat. 44.17 N., lon. 48.45 W., sa4- „ Q ' 3 ° P.m., passed the barque Thames, from 1 "fax bound for Liverpool; on the 25th ult., tat ' 45.20, long. 42.57, at 3.30 p.m., passed 41i P Delhi, of St. John's, N. 8., bound west; 27th iltilt,erilat. 48.50, long. 30.23, at 5 p.m., passed pliedcall ship Minesota, bound west ; 30th April, 61.15, long. 12.12, at 7.20 a.m., spoke and sup '. l ed with p rovis ions the barque Marys, of Liver 1, from -• I st °nil Mauritius, bound for Cork, out 125 days ; M ay, 10 miles west of Minehead, passed the S. Per s i a , b oun d wes t ; at 1.30 p.m., 22 miles f o - i • t l, 4of Tusk ar , passe d a l arge ship, supposed 1, 1 , e the Cha m pi on o f t h e S eas, b ound i n. t r i al ' e news is o f an i n t eres ti ng c h aracter. toh — °f Sickles, for the m ur d er o f K ey , at Washing e had not terminat e d, nor was i t expected to °ile k l ud_e befo re the end of another week. se" Cass -Yrissari Treaty, as amended by th e p rn ' ti te of Nicaragua, has not yet received the ap p of the President. S ecre t ar y C ass h as ex t:ssed to th e Ni caraguan Mi n i ster h i s willingness to th e eePta n ae uiesce i n th e mo difi ca ti ons, b ut referred him President, in wh om was ves t e d t h e power of Caret , ce or rejection. Mr. Buchanan, after a etiltri-n:111 e xamination of what is known as the " ad of - f i" 1 „ 114 , 1 " article, which relates to the suppression api o ; 4 , n ustering expeditions, declined giving it his th6" .°u ation, preferring to suspend judgment until ill of Minister Lamar. 7th h e i h ave details of news from Vera Cruz to the by t Z t • The recognition of the Suarez government /C e American minister, took place on the 6th. ar„, esolutions, intended to be embodied in an Ad eft;sB,to the Queen, have been introduced into the ClC:' j ah Parliament, asking such a change in the 9111 s Regulations as will permit the entry into n glish Att ie ,. Ports of colonial produce, shipped from an dir est 'an port, on the same terms as if shipped from a colonial port. O ur 1 COTTON. arrived last circular was dated 13th April. The Europa of cot e s .," ° llly yesterday with dates to 2nd April. The sales bal e - ""n for the week in Liverpool amounted to 63,000 11% 3 ,,, a t Prices showing a partial advance of 1-16 d to idper Tiot e ' i t id dling New Orleans, Mobiles, and Uplands were tact 47, respectively 7,1 d, 70 per lb. From the mann 0w,,,41g ttistricts the accounts were in all respects the same. Question the defeat of Ministers in England on the Reform at th e , the Liverpool market was somewhat less buoyant accountsclose, and was not influenced, as was expected, by the , hence per the Bremen, of 19th March. liiniteEpe cotton during the past week the business has been and prices somewhat easier. Holders do not press, obtPara.e '"ere sales are made the full ra t es of last week are not We do not alte r our quo t at i ons, as the few go Ller ts ,sold o ug ht not to b e taken as a criterion of the, att,i )3 4( market. Th e d u ll ness and inactivity must be 4 0 , 4 . ;ted t o t h e non-arrival of the Europa, and perhaps in p ort : negree t o sympathy with the markets of the Atlantic owe r a nd interior to wns , w hi c h are a l so d ull and somewhat , The sales for the week have amounted to 5,000 ti4; s i etkiefly for export to Liverpool, France, and the Con -44 domestic spinners are not doing much at the Ta o , ur . th e tit , having a fair supply on hand. Th e c l earances for (g 3 week have been —to Liverpool, 2,941 ; Guttenberg. th:Antwerp, 228; Hamburgh, 136. Total, 3,388 bales.. ° rToN IN TRANISTU has been also less active, owing to i,. r e delay in the arrival of the Europa. Prices are slightly f ro e iNar and sales have been made at a trifling reduction ket n t las t ' Week. Holders refrain from offering, and the mar ea the s b een characterised by an indisposition to operate b set do _Part of buyer and seller. The quotations . may e basis owril,,as follows :---New Orleans and Mobiles, on the . Ming, 1 2 4 0 6 (1 freight, strict middling, 12-I,c ; average mid good orcvte barley middling, 12c ; low middling, ; • oullimarY,llic ; ordinary 10Ic to 11*. fore been Ellll4l licrrs: In the Atlantic States a slight decline suomitted to, owing to an absence of demand for accolL,aceannt and the cessation of buying on Amer i can . th e ee ,,,_ movement of the stock from the interior to tei eg : r ard causes cotton to be more freely offered. . By f i nd Mobile and New Orleans up to 16th inst., L avati ce . l 'Caat prices were maintained in the . former and 123 • In the latter the quotations for middling being fr leYMolyi • n , e, and 12 in I\Tew Orleans, with pretty larp i i ce a i t ih ttl t i l j e "ueed no doubt, to some extent, by a decline in the low rate of id per lb. It is understood here o ; r i e are now only four - ships detained by the bar in X tvf 4 eans. 16 ' 70 0 °l ' L Ltxs, April 16th.---Receipts for the wee k, kth e w bales net; same week last year, 32,000. Sales for , 6 7,000 b ales. Market firm at 12. ac per lb. for bal es; n ° Exports for the week---to Great Britain, 27,000 w hich , li avre, 3,000. St oc k on h an d, 322,000 b a l es , o f ear lh . 4 Y 75,000 are unsold. Freight to Liverpool, id. M. ---S a l es t o -d a y, 4,000 b a l es ; p r i ces fi rm. IN qtro;Va'B new to-clav 4,000 bales. Prices stiffer under the e 3 / 4 ; April 16th. ---Receipts for the week, 8,000 bales ; I :,, l es. lte ll e k last year, 9,00). Sales for the week, 12,000 l," ee k idd lin' 122 to 12 4 c per lb. Export for the -4 1e 1 t° %.eat IVita c 7 400 bales. Stock on band, D 4,000 t` t,t l: y, r .eight to Liverpool, 1 per lb. P. M. Sales, 1 :'°00 bales, Middling, 12-i c per lb. T s etS tOk:fi''l4.ll, April 18th : There is an improved demand ; ga - ttee e ;:y 1,000 bales. w - rs, for the week 50 000 bales, against 66,000 bales C I , last year. Totat excess as compared with last 0 ger re , 'teed, and now stands at 783,000.. Next week a (41etion will be shown, as the falling off at New ‘`` ▪ 114 1r2, 1 ' reported by telegraph, is considerable, and a gra 17.1erRylleti°u of receipts at this point is now looked for as •,:e n ks " fli. e : ertain. The process of depleting the interior 1- ' lle 7 - "nes ; hence the larger receipts, comparatively, txpanr-eston ▪ t and Savannah. ". !or - 0 11 ;r: for the week, 104,000 bales, of which 99,000 p or ts Britain, 2,000 for F rance, and 3,000 for other Greatw l' ort s. Next k the promise to be more moderate, i learn by telegraph tha t 27,000 bales were shipped for k ° bile " 4.t a10 from New Orleans, and 7,400 bales from rk et. : B thTililere is more buying for France in the southern T tin elit of n for some time past, and the business for the to r , h e fouJuro . pe continues. I ) P l n n g is the statement of the movement in cot - r-Y 'ons ee f o ," l ge Ist September last as compared with the r Years :--- -‘• X•tc, i)t3 p r , 1859. 1858. 1857. 1856. 1855. j",rit a v' i tw .3,370,000 2,534,000 2,707,000 3,007,000 2,145000 tip ether Fr a ,'"• ce • 1,373,000 1,183,000 1,109,000 1,348,000 1,048 ,000 t ° 4 c 4l n tlp' 3 41 3 4 ,0 0 0 0 0 0 2 9 3 7 5 '0 0 0 0 0 0 E 2.5,200 387,000/37 Nng 0r k ,.. -4 114 .2,159,000 1,715,000 1,766,000 2,122,000 1,520,000 11, e4 71114 •• 707,000 690,000 441,000 587,000 359,000 tk, t i :ec4g l4 ring past the week, included in the above : ~ 1 3 - " t f?rts ... 50,000 66,000 29,000 69,000 64,000 „„ _ 99,000 96,000 46,000 69,000 29,000 ot 4 C h lb er 'gee 2,000 19,000 2,000 12,000 14,000 s t 4, 11)4 P. 3,000 11,000 14,000 10,000 6,000 P3 4 kij r • • 101,000 126,000 62,000 91,000 49,000 44 P s ) bili e * Receipts Increase at the ports comared with 1856, tti ,t 0001::, Exports : Increase to Great Britain compared with 54 00 0. 'tes• decrease to France 39,000, increase to other foreign Total increase in exports 37,000. WILLIAM P. WRIGHT & CO. irl ki lEl7. ll4t ltS per R. M. S. C ana d a , f rom B os t on an d E. and Mrs. C. C. Littl e , M r . R. D. W oo d s , '• S chaeffer, Mr. and Mrs. Thompson, Mr. and G o 1 , „ 4 1(1, It • Cunningham, Mr. Chadbourne, Mr. Warren ti n k er, ij,j• J. B. and Mrs. Stratton, Mr. and Mrs. L. k r :Q. and Mrs. J. H. Ranson, Mr. R. H. King, k""eo tli b l ames Young, Mr. Richard Hobson, Mr. C. W. 1 ) ' •Seligman, Mr. C. L. Hill, Captain C. Hale, L'thlare°roas Elder, Mr. J. C. Humphreys, Mr. C. H. iC 4 ' ll )ri c (' Mr. T- A. Henderson, Mrs. Colonel ock e , Mr. Edward Wman, Mr. S. L. Pit ' ,.; ) , 1 11 ., Mr. W. Ropes , Mr. J. C. Ropes, k r icuam, Mr. Bradley, r. H. W. Dommett, kE, • Tucker, Miss Lizzie Maynard, Mr. and Mrs. R. k r ' 4, L i ' five children, and three servants, Mr. James, s . 0 . Hall, Mr. T. B. Meninger, Rev Baron Stowe, / r 8 Co k' er rY, Mr• J. Bullard, Mr. W. Smally, Mr. and 114:401,1011,,,d infant., Mr. and Mrs. F. D. Jenkin, Mr. S ; Zill -- a „,'dward Horn, Mr. A. Staack, Mr. John Berr, Act r u - ,' rer i m :' Clarke, Mr. T. T. Froom. From Halifax : t ..4 C 4 Phr ~'n ; , five children and servant, Dr. and Mrs. 4 0 1 411 d e ' l Infant, and servant, Miss Cokeley, three child ktsesrvant, Mr. Wright, Mr. Babington, Dr. Bell and Ilar ris, Mr, H. Brown. th ,- veala,„ for the week -Li tif . ..,,,1, ROTAL INFIRMARY,—Return 33 ; out PeW4.4-pril 3 0th, 1859. Admitted : in-patients, cured, 1 7 • : 5 04 ; surgical casualties, 17. Discharged: - 1 ' regular'begeved and at own request, 12 ; made 166 ! i liclC 4 Gibbon ; For eusni' 1 ; dead, 1; remain in the hous, Itlld 1,8 ng week. Visit • Messrs. C. B. Robinson' _ _ out patients 110 ersteth •Physician, Visitors Turnbull ; A U kie irn ' hom e surgeon, Mr. T. S. Walker; . ditl . -mrg eo Garrod, Abe nMr. J. Allen ; chaplain, Rev. H. J. surgeon iun N io r r . t liatehison, treasurer. THE ELECTIONS. NOMINATIONS. DUBLIN.—Sir John Kingston James, Bart., proposed, and Mr. Doyle seconded, Sir E. Grogan, Bart., conserva tive. Sir E. Borough, Bart., proposed, and Mr. Woods Mieusell seconded, John Vance, Esq., conservative. Mr. Alderman John Reynolds proposed, and Mr. Coffey, bar rister, seconded, F. W. Brady, Esq., liberal. Mr. Alder man Campbell proposed, and Mr. Darcey seconded, Alex ander 3Marty, Esq., liberal, late member for Cork County. Show of hands in favour of M'Carthy and Brady. Poll demanded on behalf of Sir E. Grogan and Mr. Vance. ST. IVES.—Paull and Giesler nominated. Poll de manded. THE POLLING, AYLESBURY.—HaIf-past ten: Wentworth, 227; Bernard, 150 ; Smith, 147. ANDOVER.-- Quarter to eleven: Fortescue;l6s ; Cala, 107 ; Johnson, 77. • BANnuity,---Qnarter to eleven : Douglas, 462 ; Samuel son, 113. BATA.---Quarter to eleven : Tite, 612; Phinn, 656 ; 508. BERWICK.— Quarter to eleven: Gordon, 240 : Earle, 225; Marjoribanks, 150 ; Stapleton, 118. BRADFORD.—Four o'clock : Salt, 1,729 ; Wickham, 2,060; Harris, 1,223: a booth to come in. BRIGHTON. Quarter to eleven : Pechell, 1,014 ; Coning ham, 856 ; Macnab, 705. BURY ST. EDMUND'S. Quarter to eleven : Hervey, 271 ; Hardcastle, 196 ; Buxton, 179. BOSTON. Quarter to eleven : Ingram, 330 ; Staniland, 317 ; Holloway, 216. ' CHATHAM.—Quarter to eleven : Smith, 412 ; Otway, 346. CHELTENHAM.—Quarter to eleven : Schreiber, 687; Berkeley, 573. CHICHESTER,—EIeven : Lennox, 98 ; Freeland, 95 ; Smith, 83. CIRENCESTER.—Quarter to Eleven : Bathurst, 205 ; Follett, 143 ; Ponsonby, 142. COLCHESTER.—Quarter to Eleven : Miller, 462; Papillon, 435 ; Rebow, 371. COVENTRY.—Qaarter to Eleven : Ellice, 1,622 ; Paxton, 1,245; Treherne, 1,075. DARTMOUTH.—Quarter to Eleven: Shenley, 87; Her bert, 68. DERBY.—Bass, 759; Beale, 509; James, 399 ; Itaikes, 323. Dovßn.—Quarter to Eleven : Leeke, 510 ; Nicol, 503 ; Russell, 397 ; Osborne, 389. DEVIZES. —Quarter to Eleven : Taylor, 90; Griffiths, 84 ; Gladstone, 51. EVESHAM.—Quarter to Eleven: Willoughby, 56 ; Hol land, 56 ; Chadwick, 9. Gr,oucEsma.---Quarter past eleven : Price, 482 ; Monk, 464 ; Carden, 312. GiumsnY.—Quarter to eleven : Worsley, 278 ; Parker, 10. HASTINGS.—Quarter to eleven : North, 131, Vane, 107, Robertson, 103; Shadwell, 73. HULL. —Quarter to eleven : Clay, 1,038 ; Hoare, 1,007 Lewis, 888. KIRKCALDY BURaHS.•—HaIf-past ten : Harcourt, 241 ; Ferguson, 247. KIDDERMINSTER.—Quarter to eleven : Bristow, 180 ; Huddleston, 169. LEWIS. —giarter to eleven : Brand, 253 ; Fitzroy, 280 ; Amphlett, 173 ; Blunt, 165. LEICESTER.—Quarter to eleven 993 ; Harris, 993 ; Heygate, 930. MAIDS roNg. Q - .tarter to eleven : Lee, 549 ; Buxtun, 548, Harcourt 467 ; Wardlaw, 467. INlEnums TYDVlL.—Quarter to eleven : Bruce, 311 ; Elderton, 63. Briggs, 1,114 ; Noble, No ItTHILLERTON, Wrightson, 109. —Quarter to eleven : Mills, 107 ; gill/ARlL—Eleven : Hodgkinson, 291 ; Handly, 263 ; Lincoln, 254. NORWlCH.—Quarter to eleven : Bury, 1,581 ; Schneider, 1,570 ; Bignold, 1,486 ; Lushington, 1,455. PEreanououGH.---Quarter to eleven : Whalley, 166 ; Hankey, 161; Wingfield, 121 ; Wilde, 113. READING.---Quarter to eleven : Pigott, 562 ; Keating, 503 ; Benson, 400. REIGA.TB.---Quarter to eleven son, 52. ROCHESTER.—Quarter to eleven: Martin, 518; Kinglake, 518 ; Money 388 ; Mitchell, 382. rarroao.---Eleven : Wise, 66 ; Salt, 435 ; lison, 135. STOKE-UPON-TRENT.- Copeland, 419 ; P Monson, 137 ; Wilkin- Sidney, 312 ; --Quarter to eleven : Ricardo, 514; )pe, 254 Marsh, 208 ; SALISBURY. —Half-past ten : Buckley, 227; Chapman, 147. SCARBOROUCiII —Quarter to eleven : Johnstone, 178 , Denison, 157; Denton, 143; Cayley, 40. SOUTRAMP roN.—Qaarter to eleven : Willcox, 439 ; Weguelin, 384 ; Seymour, 375. One : Willcox, 793 ; Seymour `Teguelin, 694. -Quarter to eleven : Ingham, 378 ; , 756 , SOUTH SHIELDs.-- Wawn, 254. SUNDERLAND —Half-past ten: Fonwiek, 876; Lindsay, 719 ; Hudson, 436. TAYLWORTH. Eleven : Peel, 203; Raynham, 164 ; Daniel, 57. _ _ _ TAnN rox.--Quarter to eleven : Labouchere, 109 ; Mills, 95 ; &ntinck, 79; Beadon, 75. WALSALL. Forster, 416; Bagnall, 356. WlGAN.—Quarter to eleven: Woods, 99; Lindsay, 84; Powell, 47. WnveuEsTEu.---Quarter to eleven: East, 189 ; Fleming, 166; Carter, 139; Lefevre, 105. Youx.---d tarter to eleven : Westhead, 1,038 ; Layard, 1,001; Smyth, 824. CLOSE OF THE POLLS. BARNSTAPLE.---Davie, 348 ; Potts, 266 ; Stuckley, 210 ; Fraser, 199. BURY.-- Peel, 631 ; Barnes, 474. BRIDGEWATER. -- Trite, 290; Kinglake, 279 ; Padwick, 230 ; Westrop, 208. BuotiNcquat.---Verney, 198; Hubbard, 196; Barrington 147. BLACKBURN.—IIornby, 834 ; Pilkington, 744 ; Munough, 665. CHESTER. Grosvenor, 1.453 ; Humberston, 1,104 ; Salis bury, 704. Majority for Humberston, 400. CARNARVON BuaaHs.---Wynne, 378; Hughes, 326. DavoNpora.---Wilson, 1,216; Perry, 1,198; Ferrand, 1,075 ; Peel, 1,039. FINSBURY.--Duncombe, &,492; Peto, 8,161; Cox, 4,513. GREENWICH.—AIderman Salomous, 3,779 ; Angerstein, 3,479 ; Chambers, 1,675; Maxwell, 991. - Leatham, 779 ; Adavi, 864; Selwyn, 842; , • HUDDERSFIELD. ---F urther return Akroyd, 760. IpswicH.---Cobbold, 918 ; King, 388. KXAnEsnao'.---Wood, 173 ; Collins, 140; Thompson, 127. LANCASTER.---Garnett, 660 ; Gregson, 641 ; Saunders, 509 ; Fernwiek, 459. LtEns.---Beeeroft, 2,278 ; Baines, 2,323 ; Forster, 2,256. LINcoLN.---Sibthorp, 740 ; Heneage, 658 ; Palmer, 629 MANCHESTER.---Bazley, 7,519 ; Turner, 7,251 ; Heywood, 5,499 ; Denman, 6,235. MA.Lnox.---Peacock, 503 ; Western, 431 ; Meyrick, 427. NEWCASTLE.-Headlam, 2,688 ; Ridley, 2,679 ; Taylor, 462. NEWCASTLE-os-TYNE.---Headlam, 2,687 ; Ridley, 2,680 ; Taylor, 463. OLDHA.M.---Fox, 1,041 ; Corbett, 966 ; Hibbert, 956. PLYmouni.---Valletort, 1,153; Collier, 1,086 ; White, 964. PooLE.---Franklyn, 208 ; Seymour, 193 ; Haly, 143. PRESTON.---Cross, 1,542; Grenfell, 1,258; Clifton, 1,168. PENRYN AND FALMOUTH.---Baring, 386 ; Gurney, 372 ; Gwyn, 320; Foster, 199. RIPON.---Greenwood, 223 ; Warre, 205 ; Richards, 31. STOCKPORT.—Kershaw, 767 ; Smith, 646 ; Gibb, 593. SALFORD.—Massey, 1,913 ; Ashworth, 1,762. SOUTHWARK. Napier, 4,449 ; Locke ; 4,245 ; Pellatt, 2,855. STOCKPORT.---Kershaw, 769 ; Smith, 641; Gibb, 594. TRURo.---M. Smith, 303 ; A. Smith, 225 ; Vivian, 213. TomEss.---Gifford, 180 ; Mills, 152 ; Dunn, 135. WEYmouTH.---Wilton, 342 ; Brooks, 341 ; Freestun, 312 ; Campbell, 297. WAKEFIELD.---Charles worth, 460 ; Leathern, 402. MEMBERS RETURNED. ANDOVEL—Second Conservative defeated by majority of 6 AYLESEURY.—A double return—Wentworth and Smith, each polling 535. BATH.—Phinn defeated. BANBURY.—Mr. Samuelson has lost his scat. BRADFORD.—Wickham and Salt returned. BRIGHTON.—M‘Nab defeated. CHIPPING WYCOMBE.—Dashwood and Smith. CHELTENHAM.—BerkeIey returned by majority of 12. COVENTRY.—EIIice and Paxton returned, DUBLIN (UNIVERSITY).---Anthony Lefroy, Esq., and the Attorney-General. Duorrwicn.---Pakington. DERBY.—Bass and Beale returned by a large majority. DOVER.—Mr. B. Osborne and Sir W. Russell have lost their seats. GLOUCESTER.—Carden has lost his seat. HUDDERSFIELD.— Ackroyd lost his seat. HULL.— Clay and Hoare returned. KILMARNOCK (BURGHS).---Bouverie. KIDDERMINSTER.—HgddIestone defeated by nine votes. LEICESTER.— Conservative lost by only 3 votes. LEICESTER.—Briggs and Noble returned. MAlDSTONB.—Conservative defeated by majority of 4. NnwAus.—Lord Lincoln has lost his seat. NORWICH.—Old members returned; Conservative candi dates defeated. Rocuzsrun.—Old members returned, defeating two Con servatives. READING.— Old members returned ; Conservatives de feated. SALFORD Massey returned, SUNDERLAND.-1111dBOU out; Lindsay returned. SOUTHAMPTON. -- Weglielill lost his seat. TAUNTON.—MiIIs and Labouchere returned. Youx.---Mr. Layard defeated. ELECTION SPEECHES. RIGHT HON. LORD PALMERSTON AT TIVERTON LORD STANLEY AT KING'S-LYNN, RIGHT HON. E. CARDWELL AT OXFORD MR. ROEBUCK AT SHEFFIELD, TIVERTON Viscount Palmerston said : Gentlemen, allow me to express to you the cordial gratitude which I feel in being permitted to enjoy the high distinction of being one of your representatives in Parliament. What brings me here on this occasion to solicict a renewal of your confidence ? Parliament has been dissolved and why ? It is difficult to assign a sufficient reason for that dissolution. But we are told that we are sent to our constituents in order that the nation might express its opinion upon the state of public affairs. Now, I say there was- no adequate reason why the Government should have resorted to a dissolution of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The Government stated that two successive Administrations had in the course of a twelvemonth failed to retain the confidence of the House of Commons. On one occasion the party now in power was the cause of the late Ad ministration not retaining the confidence of the House of Commons, and the representatives of the people were sent to the right-about in order to punish . them for an act of which they themselves were the prime movers. (Hear, hear.) In regard to the second instance, the late vote upon the resolution on the Reform Bill. I deny it was a vote implying want of confidence in the Government ; it was a vote condemning the measure which the Govern ment had proposed —a measure which none of their own supporters out of office ventured to approve altogether. But when they say that they failed to retain the confidence of the House of Commons, that assertion implied that they had possessed the confidence of the House of Commons. They could not retain that which they never possessed ; and when I say that they did not possess the confidence, I mean to say the confidence arliamentary acceptation of the hown by the possession of a They came into office .n the p s that confidence i majority in the Ho last year, avowing that their supporters were not a majority of the House of Commons. They had not, therefore, the possession of the confidence of the House, in the plain and ordinary acceptation of the word, and were not justified in saying they could not retain that which they . never had in their possession. lam not disposed to do injustice to that Government. They contain in their ranks many men of eminent and distinguished talents, of great political ex perience; and some men not only distinguished by talent, but highly respectable. They were supported out of doors by a large party in the country, by a number of men of rank and station and wealth, of property and consideration in the country; and therefore they are a party fairly entitled to aspire to the Government of the country, provided only that they were supported by a parliamentary majority. But when they took office there were two points in which they were wanting. First of all, their opinions upon many great points of national interest were not in accordance with the feelings and opinions of the day. Iri the next place they had not a majority in the House of Commons. Their friends and sup porters out of doors told them, however, not to be uneasy with regard to the first point. It was true that many of the opinions which they avowed were not in accordance with the opinions of the country; but, said they, "Remember the great difference on the questions of free trade and pro tection ; remember that not many years ago, before they came into office, they had always battled for protection, and against free trade ; and yet, when they came into office, and were clothed with responsibility and power, they changed their opinions, and fairly adopted the principles of free trade." People said, "Do not be uneasy about these two great questions of the day, the transfer of the Government of India from the Company to the Crown, and the Bill for the Representation of the People in Parliament---be not uneasy, for whatever opinions they may have bad, or whatever prejudices they may have held hitherto, these opinions will be modified, and these preju dices will melt away when they find themselves seated on the Treasumbench. Then it was said, with regard to the second point—it was true they had not a majority in the House of Commons, but they will shape their opinions so as to adapt them to the opinions of the majority; and there fore they will have a majority, not of their own opinions, but the opinions of their opponents, which they will adopt and put forward as their own. (Hear.) They have been very unfortunate in their attempts at legis!ation. They brought in an Indian bill which they had to withdraw amid the langhter of all mankind. They withdrew it properly and handsomely, and brought in another framed upon the model we had previousiy proposed to Parliament, like Gipsies who steal other people's children, and disfigure them to make them pass for their own, and thou g h acting upon that principle, they disfigured our bill, yet in all its leading feat gyres it was our bill, and that bill they passed. Then came the reform question, and they produced a bill to carry into effect an alteration in the representation of the people in parliament. Well, they were not much more lucky upon that bill than upon the India Bill. When the bill was brought before the house everybody condemned it, and after it had been laid upon the table and printed, it was clear it could never pass into law. A resolution was moved by Lord John Russell, condemning the two worst features of that bill, which was carried by a considerable majority---a majority so considerable, that the whole house was present except twenty-eight members. There was a majority of thirty-nine against the government ; but supposing these twenty-eight members were present (the majority of whom would have voted for the resolution), and that the whole House of Commons was polled, they would still be put in a minority upon that resolution. (Hear, and cheers.) The natural coarse for the government to have pursued was the same which they had pursued the year before about the India Bill. Feeling that their measure was not in accordance with public opinion, or in accordance with the opinion of the House of Commons, they should have withdrawn their measure, and brought in another more in accordance with the sentiments of the public and par liament. But, gentlemen, they gave a strange reason for not doing so. They said, No, we have done that last year upon India, and it is imposible for men to repeat twice the same course of proceeding. Why, they did repeat the same course of proceeding ; but it was in making blunders. The course of proceeding they would not adopt w[.s in correcting these blunders, and I think it was an un satisfactory reason to give to the people of England. Well, this being the case, they determined to consider the carrying of that resolution as a vote of censure, upon the Govern ment, which they were told was no vote of censure upon the government, but upon their measure. Are we come to the time when any government who propose a measure that does not meet with the approbation of the House of Com mons is to consider it a vote of censure, requiring resignation or dissolution ? Why, this might be a good doctrine in former times, before the Reform Bill ; but it is a doctrine which cannot be acted upon now, when we have a Reform and when the votes of the constituencies control the discussions of the House of Commons. They were wrong, they were not justified, and they were not borne out in saying that it was a censure upon the government and not a disap proval of their measures. Well, then, I contend that, with regard to themselves, they were not borne out in stat ing in the speech from the throne (it was their own speech, and therefore I can deal with it freely) that Parliament withdrew a confidence which it had never bestowed upon them. ilis lordship having alluded at great length to the Orsini attempt, and to the failure of the Conspiracy Bill which followed it, defended that measure with much ear nestness, proceeded to comment upon the recent measure of reform brought in by the Conservative Government. Then, said his lordship, they brought in a Reform Bill, which pleased nobody, and which contained provisions, some of them highly unjust, such as the disqualification of county freeholders, who happened to have their free holds within the limits of boroughs represented by Par liament ; and others very unsatisfactory, inasmuch as the bill contained no reduction in the borough franchise, and, therefore, made no provision for admitting to electoral privileges the highest of the class of experienced and intelligent workmen (Hear, hear.) I am not going to give you a Reform Bill, I don't think it is well upon the hustings to go into details of the measures which indi viduals propose. I do not think it fitting for a candi date upon the hustings to state the details of any Reform Bill which he may have to propose. It is the duty of the responsible Government of the country to propose such measures as they think fit for the public interests ; it is the duties of members of Parliament not in office to criti cise those measures---to improve them if wrong, to approve them if right, and act upon them according to the best opinions they can bring to bear upon them. Although I am not going to give you my plan of reform, yet I will re peat what I stated in the House of Commons---that there ought to be a lowering of the county franchise and a lowering of the borough franchise, and that there ought to be a transfer of seats from small places to large ; but the degree in which this is to be carried into operation, requires ther consideration of statistical facts, and without these facts being before you, it is impossible to judge • properly of them. But this I will say, gentlemen--not meaning, offence to any man, and I hope that no one will take it in that light--that I should not be prepared to extend the borough franchise so low at to swamp by numbers of men not possessed of property and intelligence those upon whom the franchise is now conferred, and who exercise that franchise with honour to themselves and adiantage to the country. There is another point of public affairs to which the minds of all men are directed with anxiety the most intense---I mean the war. The eyes and the minds of all Europe are now fixed upon that great event which has either taken place or is about to take place. (Hear, hear.) We were told yesterday that the war had actually begun, but I am told to-day that this is denied, and that it has not jet happened ; but I fear, whether it happened three days ago or not, that it will soon take place, and that Europe will again be exposed to the calamity and devastation of war between vast armies and great and powerful states. (Hear. hear.) It will remain for the Government to show, when Parliament meets, in what degree and by what means they had used their endeavours to put a stop to these great calamities, and preserve to Europe the blessings of peace. (Hear, hear.) I believe they honestly meant to do so, and that it was in some degree owing to want of capacity that their efforts had failed. They began to mediate without being officially accepted as mediators by France and Austria. The proposal for a Congress was made subse quently by Russia and France ; that Congress was declined by Austria, unless upon conditions that were absurd to ask. Austria, as we are informed, required as a preliminary to going into the Congress that all parties concerned should disarm. Why, to disarm was the result of a successful Congress, and not the beginning of antecedents of it ; that was putting the cart before the horse. (Hear, hear.) Why did men arm but to attain some object ? and a Congress was made use of in order to ascertain whether the object might not be attained without force ; but they were not to disarm until they knew whether that object could be obtained; for in their own minds they felt that if they could not, by negotiation, obtain the object for which they had taken up arms, these arms would be required to carry by force what they failed to get by negotiation. (Cheers.) There fore, the demand of Austria that disarming should precede negotiation, was to signify civilly that she declined the Congress altogether. But if that were absurd with regard to France, it was most ungenerous with regard to Sar dinia. Austria proposed that Sardinia should deprive herself of the adequate means of resistance ; and if they should withdraw their • troops 'to other stations, and should the negotiations fail, it might fall out that Austria, in withdrawin g from the Con grees, would be at liberty to attack Sardinia with an accumulated strength, who would be still weaker than she naturally would be otherwise, The main question is one I believe, which Austria ought to settle peaceably, ami cably, and freely. Nobody, that I am aware, meant to wrest from Austria the possessions she holds in Venice and Lombardy by the treaty of 1815. These possessions are hers by right. The judgment of Europe affirms that she has a right to keep them. Ido not say she has its sympa thy ; for her government of these provinces has been such that no one could deny the discontent of the people of these provinces was justified by the mal-administration of Austria since she became possessed of them by the treaty of 1315. (Hear, hear.) Aiter the great war in Europ.e was settled men looked about to see how they would check the over whelming power of France, and it was in order that a barrier might be opposed to the power of France in Italy that the bestowal of these provinces on Austria was acquiesced in, although her possession of those provinces has been the source of infinite misery to the people of that peninsnla ; for Austria, not content to rule her own provin ces in her own way—and, Heaven knows, that was a way which no well-minded Government would have persevered in—entered into negotiations and exacted treaties from all the states of Italy, from the Po to the Mediterranean, and by which these countries were subjected to a system of government which produced discontent among their sub jects ; but if the people made any efforts to liberate them selves, Austria was at all times ready with her overwhelming military force to reduce them to obedience and snpport the mal-administration of her government. Th a t which Austria should concede, if conceded would have pre vented the outbreak of war. If Austria were to confine herself within her own rightful limits, and should avoid interfering in the internal affairs of any state of Italy south of the river Po—l believe, if that were done, there was so much intelligence among the people of these different states, there was so much education, and so much enlightened political knowledge, that you may leave the people to dis cuss with their governments all the amendments which they urgently required. If Austria had agreed to that, I believe Europe for a time would remain at peace. There are those who say Austria was afraid to go into the congress lest a bill of indictment should be preferred against her. What might be her reason for not accepting the congress it is not for me to say, but it seemed she had chosen war; and when she drew the sword she must have thrown away the scabbard. (Hear, hear.) It was said on her behalf that there was a combination between France and Russia to eject her from her own dominions. But, however these things may be, Austria has put herself in the wrong by her military movements. She might be successful at first, but reverses would follow, and they who, like me, think it an object of importance, that a considerable power, like Austria, should present a barrier between the east and the west, to maintain the independence of Europe, may lament this change in the condition of Austria ; but so it is. If the war is confined to Italy, and if the consequences of the aggressions of Austria be that she is driven north of the Alps, and that Italy is left free to the Italians, however much we may lament the disastrous calamities by which such a result is to be obtained, yet every generons mind, feeling that out of evil good may sometimes flow, rejoice if such result is obtained, however he lament the accompanying calamities. Gentlemen, government seems to be exceedingly ill-informed as to . the course of events. Last Monday week they covered Austria with praise. They spoke of the digni fied conciliation of Austria, and they called the conduct of Sardinia ambiguous, and I know not what ; but they declared themselves not only the partisans of Austria, but that her conduct was one of dignified conciliation. Why, on that day the insulting message was sent to Sardinia, asking her to disarm within three days, and telling her that war would be the result of a refusal or evasive answer. The govern ment did not know what was going on ; they must have been ignorant that Austria was on the point of entering the Sardinian territory. A week afterwrds, on Monday evening, at the Lord Mayor's dinner, they went from one extreme to the other - they talked no longer of the dignified conciliation of Austria, bat of the criminal conduct of Why, the dignified conciliators in a short week were turned i nto public offenders and criminals. It was the anger of schoolboys ; it was the anger of men who were deceived by want of foresight, want of intelligence, want of knowing what things were going on in the world ; and that matters were in a different position from that in which they thought them to be. (Great cheering.) THE NORTHERN TIMES, MONDAY, MAY 2 1859 KING'S LYNN Lord Stanley, on rising to return thanks, was received with loud cheers. The noble Lord, after a few remarks of purely local interest, said---Gentlemen, turning from our local and private affairs to those which concerns the interest of the empire at large, I will ask you to consider what is the occasion of our meeting here to-day. The late Parlia ment has been dissolved after an existence of only two years. There aro many persons to whom a dissolution of Parliament is disagreeable and inconvenient. Not all are qnite as ready and quite as willing to face their constituents as my friend and colleague and myself; and, no doubt, among those to whom a dissolution is a sort of annoyance, there are many who are not inclined to find fault with the policy of the Government by whom that dissolution was advised. There is no doubt that a general election is an interruption to parliamentary business, that it causes a certain amount of delay in useful legislation ; and that it is a source of expense and inconvenience to many private persons ; therefore I quite concur with those who think that, unless a fair reason can be brought forward for advising a dissolution of Parliament, and unless there be some definite object to be gained by such a step, and a fair and reasonable prospect of attaining that object, it is a step which no Minister is justified in taking. But I contend that, under circumstances of the present time, the Government had sufficient reason and justification for the course which they adopted. (Hear, hear) In the Parliament which has just expired, the state of parties was very peculiar, and was such that, in my belief, no government, from whatever side of the House, and from whatever shade of political opinions it was constituted, could have hoped for many months to have commanded support. To say nothing of various small sections of men acting under their own leaders, or acting individually without any leaders at all, there were three main political parties into which the late parlia ment was divided. There were the Liberals under the leadership of Lord John Russell ; there was the portion of the Whig party supporting Lord Palmerston ; and there was the Conservative party, of which Lord Derby is the recognised head. This last party outnumbered each of the other sections separately, but did not constitute_ a majority of the entire House of Commons. Now, let us consider what is the position of these three parties respec tively. Lord John Russell commands the confidence of the great Liberal party in this country : and I will add, what ever differences of opinion there may be between us, that he enjoys and deserves to enjoy as much public respect as any public man of this day ; but a Government formed by Lord John Russell in the late Parliament , whether it had been formed last year upon the fall of the Administration of Lord Palmerston, or whether it had been formed the other day after the division upon the Reform Bill, would have had to encounter not merely the o pposition of the Conservative party, but the avowed and open opposition of those whose views differ from those of Lord John Russell. It would also, I believe, hare had to ctcom cr the distrust and hostility of a large number of members sitting upon the Liberal aide, who are no very warm partisans of parlia mentary reform ; who probably, many of them in their hearts, regard it as little better than a delusion; and whose hostility to a Government formed upon the princi ples of an extensive reform would have been not the less decided and not the less effective because it would, to a considerable extent, have been disguised under the semblance of friendship. Lord Palmerston, on the last occasion when we met here alter the general election in March, 1857, enjoyed a degree of popularity and influ ence such as had not been possessed by any Minister since the days of Sir Robert Peel. That influence, in the few short months which elapsed between March, 1857, and February, 1858, he continied to lose more rapidly and more signally than any public man in our time. It is not necessary that I should now go into the causes of this loss of power. The state of our relations with the French Government had not, I think, much to with the matter. There were appointments made by the late Ministry which started and scandalised public opinion; there was au undisguised indiffence, not to call it aversion, to many of those views and f ee li ngs w hi c h th e Liberal party supporting the late Government had deeply at heart ; and there was also a somewhat too obviously displayed con sciousness of power, as if a Minister with a great ma jority at his back was entitled to treat all hostile argu ment as mere faction and cavil. Be the causes what they may, the fact remains, that while, in March, 1857, Lord Palmerston was carried, as it we re , i n t o power upon the shoulders of the people, the same Administration fell, February, 1858, with scarcely a voice raised ill its defence. It is not, therefore, in the Parliament which, only fifteen months ago, condemned the Administration of Lord Pal merston, that another Government could have been formed under the same leader. The Conservative party possesses many qualifications at the present time which are not found in an equal degree in any other. It is united, powerful, and compact ; it has a unity of purpose, an instinct of discip line, and confidence in the leaders which it has chos these great qualities of the party have never been time more signally displayed than in the last two sessions. But the Conservative party, however powerful, does not constitute a majority of the House of Commons. The other two political sections to which I have adverted, however incapable they may be of permanently uniting for purposes of action, are quite able and quite willing to unite for pur poses of opposition. lam not going to complain of that, or to raise a cry of "faction." It is, I suppose, a law of nature, that, where there are several parties, those parties will from time to time have trials of strength ; and no Government, be its principles what they may, can carry on administrative business for any length of time without giving fair occasions of controversy and dispute ; but the result of that state of things is, that in the late Parliament no Ministry, under whatever leader, could have long escaped difficulties and defeats. It is difficult to say to how many defeats and how much humiliation, in a cal sense, a Minister is bound to submit before 11 the extreme step of interrupting public business either by resignation or a dissolution of Parliament. This is a ques tion which will always be, in a great degree, settled by men's temperament and feeling as well as by their abstract opinions. The noble lord, having proceeded at conside rable length to quote precedents t o vindicate the Govern ment in their appeal to-the country at the present moment, continued : One result has sometimes been predicted from this dissolution, which I think is not likely to follow. You sometimes hear it said that the next Parliament will be divided into two great parties---all on one side pledged against reform, and all on the other pledged strongly in its favour. Ido not think- this is likely to be the cise, and I am not sure that it is desirable ; because if the House of Commons is worth anything, it oug.ht faith fully and accurately to represent the general feeling of the country. (Cheers.) I believe that upon reform, as upon all other subjects, there aro quite as many shades and gra dations of opinion among the public at large as within the walls of the House of Commons; but I believe the next Parliament will be returned with more definite and decided ideas upon the subject, and that it will not he a Par liament packed upon a party-cry like that of the China war. (Hear, hear.) In constituences where Liberal opi nions prevail, pledges given by members will be more closely looked to; and in other constituencies, where the predominant opinion is really Conservative, but where from apathy that opinion has been overborne, I believe both parties will exert themselves to have an honest expression of their opinion, and that it will be kn )wn. In the late parliament the strength of the Conservative party was 275 members, and I believe in the next parliament it will ex ceed, perhaps, considerably, 300. Whether that is a suffi cient number to give an effective support ment now in power, is a matter of comparatively moment ; but it is a matter of much more importance that to the govern- a body so numerous and united will necessarily exercise upon public opinion, the course of .tblic affairs, Lind fatur legislation, a very pOwerful influence and contrld Wit' giving you minuie:or detailed pledges upon reform, I will briefly staze what are my views on the subject. I have always thought that the county franchise was fixed too high, and I cordially concurred in the proposition of the govern ment to reduce it to £lO. On a former occasion I felt it my duty to vote against' Mr. Locke King's motion to that effect, and you may remember that I told you that Inv only reason for resisting the change then proposed was that I thought the question of a £lO franchise could not be considered separately from the general question of reform cerity of that assertion has been proved, so far as I am The sin- concerned, by the insertion of a £lO county franchise in the Government measure. You have heard, no doubt, a great deal criticism on that part of the Government scheme; by which it was proposed to assimilate the borough ai,d county franchise. I have listened to the arguments against that proposal, and weighed them in my own mind as carefully as I could; but they are objections to which I entertain very little weight. I still think that, as long as you have an unequal franchise in boroughs and countries, you will have a dissatisfied class that to give one man a vote becouse he lives within an arbitrary line separating a borough from a county, and to take away a vote from another man because he lives beyond that line, is not to be defended upon any principal of reason or justice. (Hear, hear.) By an assimilation of the two franchises you go a great way to solve the difficulty which will present itself to all future parliaments which undertake to deal with reform—the perplexing question of disfranchisement. It is idle to suppose that you can avoid it. But lam bound to say that the proposal in question did not appear to be received with favour by parliament ; and in a matter not involving any great principle, but simply a question of the fairest and most convenient ar rangement which can be made, it is, of course, impossible to overlook the general expression of public opinion. With regard to the borough franchise, I think that that franchise ought to be extended, but that we are far too much in the habit of looking to the extension in one particular direction —from £lO to £6, or to any other figure. OXFORD (CITY) Mr. Cardwell, who was received with much cheering, thanked the electors for having re-elected him for the third time. He felt proud in being re-elected, not by a majority after a contest, but by the unanimous voice of the constitu ency. He adverted to the present critical period, and then passed on to say that immediately it was agreed to dissolve parliament, be received an assurance from Mr. Neate that he had his support and confidence. He then alluded to the fact that some candidate from the Carlton had made his appearance. but as quickly departed, having received no encouragement from those who differed from him (Mr. Cardwell) on certain points. With respect to the measures in the late session, upon which there had been such difference of opinion, the first measure he would allude to was the Conspiracy Bill which was first introduced by Lord Derby ; the government which succeeded his brought it forward again, and then the Derbyites and others voted against it and threw out the Ministry. Next was the Reform Bill, which he, in common with others, had assisted in throwing out. In 1854 a bill was introduced by Lord Aberdeen which would have disfranchised four times as many boroughs as the late bill. One chief objection to that latter bill was that it retained too much power in the bands of the landed interest. He desired a fair extension of the county and borough franchise, and Mr. Walpole and Mr. Henley were in favour of a £2O franchise in the county, and of an £8 franchise in boroughs. Such were the suggestions, not of two liberals, but of two members of the Cabinet, and had they been adopted, he (Mr. Cardwell) believed that the second reading would have been carried, and other matters would have been adjusted in committee. Mr. Locke King had carried a motion for extending the franchise in counties, but the £lO clause was so contrived in the new bill, by voting papers, as to give the landlords increased power and influence over their tenants, and finding that such w a s the tenor of the bill the Liberal ' party laid down what should be its leading prin ciples before any other steps were taken. At the time the present Government brought forward their Indian Bill, Lord John Russell came forward and saved them ; but because he adopted the same course on this occasion, Par lsament was condemned. With respect to secret and open voting, if it were a question of freedom or the reverse, h e would support the ballot; bnt he was desirous of seeing a agreed t great principle of our institutio ns, publicity maintained, voluntary ballot would be ineffective ; it must be compul sory, if at all, but he looked on the exercise of power in the he would recommond the extension of the franchise to face of the people as a security for liberty age a di n to m d i d freedom, t a d Par liament, andnd e b e e e y r o c n io d a. the At li t m he its tim o e f th e co ea rr i u n p o t r i i o ty n, they were either aware or i gnorant of ie what was about to occur with respect to a war. If they were igno rant, they had not been careful watchers ; or if they were aware,. titheu t t a hey Leg n i e s f a l t e u ct r e e d at th eu ei e r h d e u t ty . in leaving this country what had taken place at Devon port, Referring to other places, to secure the return representatives Dover, Plymouth, and government interest, made at the Board ofAairalt yinseytehne :roost myeiannistrayg.o, vir wo i u t l h d re h s a v v e e ct b to ee p n ea a ce war , n n o i o n n g e t w o as anj or a e ng e rry for it tha n himself, if it could he secured without compro mising the honour and interests of this country. The safety and greatness of a people were best secured by concediag . to them what wa s calculated to advance them in the semi, moral, physical, and political state. He was no alarmist, but had reliance in the loyalty, the patriotic feeling, and the r' c3ura're of Engla n d, and that they would at all times do their best to advance its interests. He trusted that the measures of reform which would be carried in the next par liament would have the effect of meeting their wishes, and, at the time time, of strengthening the constitution. (Cheer,...) SHEFFIELD Mr. Roebuck came forward and was received wi cheering. After a few preliminary remarks, he se have before us two great matters. one relating to our internal concerns, the other relating to the peace and happines s of the world at larxe. TT- upon toe sut)ject, sir ce, viz., the Reform Bill, I k you all know - ray opinions, and opium VVe are here because we would ion to a sham. But, notwithstl ling we all saw the anrer which t Lor tration dissolved the England without a goverr sir ? Why, ii 4at does is clear to e y man who 1 thing of :pond, s that, when last De would know t S at urd y were f edieted the cording to th would be tae it Why, upon that very le ultim Ausiria went to S the telegraph are n has happened, and with blend Mined, for his own perboi the world. It is he who h the in Austria has no EFFIr break the 1 put her armed heel ias been the resul war she is not an h I thi )or Italian-- tyrant of France. Of that man I have spoken before; and I recollect, when I spoke upon the Conspiracy Bill, my friends came to me, and said, " You're mad, Roebuck." And what did one of those very men say to me two days ago? "I thought you mad upon that occasion see you were the only man that was right." T ;eves no man liberty. He who has cloven dowr )d in the „ liberate others I call you—l g sent of Friends of mice s own country have said to )re, my 1; don't arm Y ds of peaef )od sense o: i in negoci Lye faith in the )re - nare for ny answer has do, but I've not that good faith in their good sense." now has the result proved at the very present time ? Why, with England, and with all Europe pretty nearly, desirous 1-,ve been unable by negotiations to put the They' - and A peace, v curb upon the tyrants' rule. what has England now to do? to be the arbitres If the world 'around her sh fringement of t of peace, lye gone to w if England let her '1")e prepared f lowed by an instantaneou. I say Enzlaud will be d know flint the least ir and shall )10 retribution, tb t if it should ever h Channel a French happen that in thi Russian fleet should ride triumphant ce, here would t where would 1 your safety where wou! Enp,-,- power, where the civilisation of mankmo. that fleet should not ride triumphant in the Channel will be one of my first considerations. There is nothing that I would not do—there is no vote that I would not pass to main tain a triumphant fleet for England in the Channel. N. more than I can deprecate the horror, the folly, the ~,. .rvthing that I can do in your name terrors of wa shall be done to keep the people of En and Ou: If we terrible stru;gle the., be wise, I say, we can keep out of it you send men to Parliament who will misreprmnit you, then let me tell you that you will not keep oat of it. It's all very we!i to say, " Oh, you have an election now that turns upon the £lO or £2O franchise far counties." Not so, my friends; you have au tion now which rests upon the peace of mankim who are they who will maintain the peace of this c Do you think it is the persons who represent the ii trious, the hard-working, and the honest peop England, or who represent the clique who wish to neer over you ? Who was it that rushed into tl French war ? Why, uuder the dominion of the "HE born, Minister," ,the Tories rushed into it. And no did they rush into that war, but they tried to break down the liberty of England. And if you elect a Parliament that shall fairly represent the old Tory leaven, they'll do the same thing by you. And then your debt. instead of being eight hundred millions, will be sixteen hundred millions. We shall have attempts to put down the Parliament of England, the liberty- of England, th e t ree P ress o f E ng l rh d . Now,' then, in the hands of the people of England is their own destiny. When I say the people of England I speak of the electors of England; and though they may be a small fraction of the whole great body of England, still for as sent purpose they may be considered the peopl ;land. Well, now, then, sir, what have we to do whel _ We shall have first to determine who ntry; and my belief is tha shall govern th will not have passe ment t That w iy after the next meeting of ParEa- ire you will have a change of admit', be - the question we shall have to decide. :cide what power shall be conferred. es of this country; then we shall Then w upon the woe have to den; _ a .eat, that terrible question, What shall England do to maintain herself free from The turmoil of -safe amidst a contending world ? That we shall have For the consideration of that great quesUors, then, will be required the greatest possible prue 4 - - the greatest possible calmness and long-sigh ness. There must be no consideration of self, no paltry, petty consideration of party. We shall have confided to us England's safety, England's glory_ and if at that great moment we allow any base personal consideration to influence our mind and our determination, we shall be unworthy of our position, we shall he unworthy of you. The interests of the people of England will be confided to our coming Parliament, and to the House of Commons of the spring of 1859 the world's regards will be fixed for centuries to come. At this time we are called upon to make a Government. We have before us the happiness of England in our domestic concerns. We before us the happiness of the world in 11upon the electoral body of P _ now depends the fortunes of . and I entreat them, I trust to them, to forgit all'personal considerations. Let them not be won by.arti flees,. let them not be studious of personal considerations; let them think only of their own duty to Englan d t a a t n s d ha t n es mankind so doing they classes confer power upon the great body of the . working Parliament who will maintain peace. They will send a two great objects These are the we soon shall have to pro -- will send a Parliamen h mote; and in your name I promise you that, so far as lay power goes, power shall be confided to you, and peace, under Providence, shall be maintained. Mr. Roebuck, who had been most enthusiastically ap plauded during the delivery of the a b ove s p eec h, resume d his scat amidst - loud cheering. that z to decid peace or war fand mankind THE COURT, WINDSOR CASTLE Friday. —Her Majesty's dinner party yesterday, included her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, her Royal Highness Princess Alice, his Royal nigh— ness the Duke of Oporto, his Royal Highness the Duke of Saxe Lo fa vsr Coburg,aadxico Coburg,L a Lady r R: s o ta y hn a e I . 1.4. Highnesselvi Portuguesele thec3ollColonel Princess Minister e (CountA .Trugas‘ Charles Phipps, Sir George Couper, Miss Victoria worth Lieutenant-General Vicomte de Campanha, Captain % Segio. Le Baron de Meyern, Le Capitaine d e Reuter, A.D.C. r , Col.. Francis Seymour, the Lady-in-Waiting to the Princeau Augustus of Saxe Coburg, and the Earl of Derby, wits arrived on a visit in the afternoon. The band of the Ist Life Guards played during dinner. Her Majesty's private band afterwards attended in the drawing-room. The Queen and Prince Consort, accompanied by the Duke of Oporto, walked in the Home Park this morning. Princess Alice rode in the riding-house. Princess Helena, Princess Louise, and Prince Leopold took a carriage -drive. The Princess Augustus of Saxe Coburg took leave of the Queen and returned to Claremont, attended by her Lady in - Waiting MS Royal Highness the Duke of Saxe Coburg went to the Crystal Palace, attended by Le Baron de Merlyn. Capitaine de Reuter, A.D.C., and Colonel Francis Sof' mour. ---• His Royal Highness the Duke of Oporto took leave of her Majesty, and left Windsor for Southampton. In Ft•lea -- dance were Count de Lavradio (the Portuguese Minster), Lieutenant-General "Vicomte de Campanha, and Captain Sergio. The Earl of Derby quitted the Castle for London ST. ANNE'S , DISPENSARY AND ETE AND EAR Issyrrizo- TION, 13, Rose Hill.—New patients entered on the books last week, viz :—Relieved at the institution, 196 ; relieved at their own dwellings., 61 ; total, .267. Visitors—Meßgra, E. 'Watts, and G. Jordan. Hon. secretary and treasurer, Joseph Kitchen, Esq. three , the 'near they o l eo. '' us to who 3" of lines) ut ,kioß ,zritl ,' P bat, bea an r i 3 rOof the 10 the . 0 L ) 1,90L 1 ere(' Ch t° jc Pr°-