The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-11 00:00:00

Vottrn. TO A FRIEND IN AFFLICTION. Grieve' not, my friend—why so distre&s'd ? Though thou halt lost a c hild , The little innocent's at rest, Its pureness undefiled : Its heritage , of sinful clay, Wash'd at the sacred fount away. Thy Selfish hopes no more regret, Think on a fathers fearS ; How know'st thou but its sun had set In darkness and in tears ? And now thou haat a cherub, where Thou do'st prefer thy• daily pidyer. WRITTEN IR ADDITION TO THE LINES, BY HERRICK, ADDRESSED TO ' BLossonil.”. krievous, and how hard, to see The blossoms soil'd by rain, • .' . And the winds' dusty stain, To watch the creeping canker worm The pretty leaves.deform, Gives the heart pain. The vermeil bads of InTanek, That seek an early grave, And that we pine to save-- Do elsewhere, safely, brightly, blow, Where is nor rain, nor snow, Nor tempests rave: ' The ripeii'd fruits, we often see Their early promise fail ; , Rather for suchbewaii,.• . Than these, which in our memory Still live, and do defy Alrchinge, or ail ! SONG. (From Heath's Book of Beauty.) Our early years—our early years, Recal them not again ; The memory of fornier joy, The pang of former pain. Where is our childhood? Where are they The playmates of the heart, Whose first sweet lesson was to love, Whose second was to part ! The dead are with the past ; for them How fruitless our despair ; Unkindness, auger, foudness, grief Alike are buried there. Alas ! such thoughts can only weep The hearts' most bitter pain : Our early years—our early years, Weal them not again. SONNET. Sleep, silence, child, sweet father of soft reest, Prince whose approach peace to all mortals brings, Indifferent host to shepherds and to kings, Sole comforter of minds which are ,opprest. Lo ! by thycharrning,rod all breathi ng thi ngs Lie "slumbering, with forgetfulness possest, And yet o'er Me to spread thy drowsy wings Thou spar'st, alas, who cannot be thy guest. Since I am thine, 0 come, but with that face Tn inward light Which thou art wont to show, With feigneu solace ease a true-felt woe ; Or if, deaf god, thou do deny.that grace, Come as thou Wilt, 'and what thou wilt bequeath, I long to kiss the image of my death. DitIIII3IONO of ILIWTHORNDEN. cori.ams.PONDENCE. INTIMIDATION. TO JOHN SHAND, ESQ. Sin,---I feel myself publicly called upon, in consequence of Mr. Penlington's last letter addressed to you, to state that he did, in my presence, and in the presence of another person with whom I am not acquainted, fully acknowledge you had not Used intimidating language towards him, for the purp ose o f gaining his vote in the electioh now pending, and that such an assertion was entirely without his concurrence.--Yours, &c. Lathom, Dec. 10th, 1832. RICH. BATTERSBY. ON CONDITIONAL PROMISES. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST.FIND✓IRD. - Sta,--The Saturday's Advertiser of last week contains a letter signed Justus, on the subject of promises; an order to give greater force to his argument, the writer takes the trouble to transcribe the sentiments of the distinguished Dr. Paley. Though I eannot but admire the strictest integrity in keeping promises, as well as the ingenuity by whi c h th e y are somet i mes inculcated, yet, in the present instance, Justus appears to have misunderstood his argumentative author, or at least has omitted to compare two parallel passages ; for surely there is little or no difference between saying, " It is my present intention," or " I intend at present to vote for a certain candidate," especially as Dr. Paley admits that the latter expression allows a change of sentiment. As to the cases in which promises are not binding, it would be irrelevant to my present purpose to treat thereon : suffice it then to say, that very few of the conditional votes promised to Mr. Ewart, will, I trust, be withheld from Sir Howard Douglas, on the supposition that such a transference is not accordant with Paley's reasoning, or does not suit the present predilec tions of his conscientious commentator, Justus.—X9urs, JUSTiTIA. MR. EWART AND OUR TOO-ARISTOCRATICAL INSTITUTIONS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST.INDARD. Si K,—Emboldened by the readiness with which you admitted a former communication of mine, I will venture to iisk 'for 'bom in your paper for a few remarks upon another part of Mr. Ewart's address to the electors of Liverpool : I coUld, howeVer, have wished that the subject had been discossedby an abler pen,: and at an earlier-period.. have already disposed of his views on religion—that it stands in need of purification and disenthraltnent. 1 Will noirt advert to his declaration, that the other institutions of the country are too aristocratical ; an expression of vague generality, by which, if Mr. Ewart means any thing, beyond the mere, high-sounding turn of a sentence, be must mean the unsettling of that form 0 government, administered by a King, Lords, and Commons, each estate with powers well-defined, which has hitherto been . the pride of. Britons and the envy of the world. For here I must again try Mr. Ewart by the well-known opi .nionspf the individual, with whose interests in the. present tleCticiti 'ifriiggles; Mr. Ewart's friends, if hot himself, bare chosen to identify his. Mr. Thornely is said to ;have declated; that if he were a member of the House 'of Coirnrions, ancl'a motion should be made for the abolition Of th6Peerage, it Would hare his cordial and active support. If gr. Thornely has Co Used these;wOrds, he is too manly to deny that they are legiti-. 'mately drmin from his avowed' democratical sentiments. Arid ,these.are the a•pient statesmen who aspire to' i'epreSe'nt an'en-1 ligliterked community in parliament ! I had hoped better thingi iirMr..Ewart. He is a Man of edudation,, and his friends claim 'for him the'reiiutation of ability : he might to have been above the use of so - vulgar an Openi to mob-prejudices. He is also a member of a learned profession, to qualify himself for which he must have studied the British constitution, 'which in its 'pre sent state the soundest lawyers hare - united to applaud and uphold. An acquaintance with our history, at least as I read it; .should have taught him, that the periods when public Commo tion has disturbed or, overthrown the balance of the different estates of the realm, have not been the most favourable to rational fredcitn, and that political convulsions invariably tend - to the stern quietude of 'despotism. I would also appeal to Mr. 'Ewart's classical recollections, and ask, whether be would'exchange the too aristocratical institutions of Britain fol' •the turbulent dembcracies of Greece and Rome ; and under which form of government property; and liberty, nay life itself . is most secure ? _ - I ; ;ICW2M : Other word to Mr. Ewart himself. Knows he of a .country, wherein an individual, coming into a large commercial town, a mere youth, without fortune, and without friends; was enabled, by persevering industry and by directing the entire energies of a slirewd mind to one darling 'ptirsnit, to amass princely wealth, and to leave the - undisturbed enjoyment of it .to his family ; during his lifetime to educate his sons, on terms of perfect equality among the nobles of the land, and to open 'to .two.of 'them, (and to all if he had so pleased,) all the prospectS of those liberal professions, which have conducted the children "even' of:ptasants to a seata`mong the'Howiirds,. the Percies, the Talbots, and the Stanleys ? If Mr. 'Ewart knows of such a country, can he revile, without a blush, its institutions as too ,aristocratical? Or, is his mind so contracted, that he cannot appeal, except to the baser passions of human nature • as before'to the love of gain , so now to the low appetite which seeks to reduce to its Own le,vel every thing that is good ann great ? I air, Sir, tour's, &C. December 8, 1832. C. THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD, ELECTIONEERING MA.NCEUVRES- TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. Siu,--LMuch virtuous indignation has been expressed, by tame of your fellow-journalists, a t an alleged atte m pt to pre vent, by intimidation, one or more shopkeepers in Bold-street from exercising their elective franchise freely and independ ently. Truly we live in an age of cant. I wilt, however, men tion another Bold-street anecdote, and leave every honest mind to decide between the respective merits of open intimidation and knavish trickery. One day in the last week a lady went into the shop of a re spectable tradesman in Bold-street, who is a hearer of Dr Raffia; after she had been there a short time, .she requested. permission.of the tradesman's wife to retire into her back par lour, as Sir Howard Douglas and some of his party were com ingllown the street canvassing, and would in all probability visit that shop. Who lady stated that her object in avoiding , the party, was, that she had been already in several shops, ,aeciden tally no doubt, whets this party came in, and she feared, should it so happen again, that she might be recognised, and consi dered as a. spy on their prtkeedings. The request Was granted; and after she had been for a considerable time tete a tete, and had along conversation with the wife, she produced from her 'poeket, again accidentally, a tract strongly urging upon Dissent ers the.duty of supporting Mr. Thornely.—Ymrs, &c. Q. INTIMIDATION. ,TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST.IIND4RD. Sin,—You have placed the " intimidation" question in the right point of view. We Conservatives have a good right to employ our friends in preference to our enemies: the Destruc tives do not employ our tradesmen ; why should 'we employ theirs? • Besides, it is too ridiculous to hear that sweet-tempered politician who manifested his Christian feeling and gentleman like manners by spitting at Gen. Gascoyne, and said it was necessary to frighten the Lords into passing the Reform Bill; to hear this Great Intimidator whining and bullying about " in timidation." Who began it? Who spit at Gen e r a l Ga sc oy ne ? Who intimidated th e Lords - by political unions ? Who intimi dated the King by talking of sending him to H anover ? Wh o intimidated an amiable and unoffending Queen, by pelting her in the . streets? Who attempted to murd er th e D u k e of el lington? They did not intimidate him, because they could not: but they attempted to murder him. Who, but the mob of Ra dicals, hounded on to the work by the great intimidating de mon of the press, from his temple of sedition in Printinghouse square ? _ 'The Destructives have volunteered a war of extermination against the Conservatives. The Conservatives have got the wealth, and they must use it if they mean to keep it. They must only employ tradesmen of known and consistent Con servative principles. Their existence depends upon an adhe rence to this rule; and if they adhere to it steadily the pitiful ' cloke of the ballot will be of no avail. There is no injustice in this : no want of charity. They did not begin the contest. They were willing to submit to the degradation of Mr. Ewart, though pledged to " disenthral" the church and emancipate the ne groes, leasing the planters to compensate themselves. They did not disturb the peace of the town. But the Radicals, not content with a disenthialling member, who is a nominal church man, must join to him a Destructive member, who is an avowed Unitarian ; and if the result is envy, hatred, malice, and un charitableness; if master is excited against servant, employer against tradesman, brother against brother, and friend against friend; to what is the unholy work and its disastrous conse quences to be ascribed ? To what but the "vaulting ambition" of a mischievous faction, which never will be satisfied till it has planted the blood-stained tricolour ; the standard 'of false doc trine, heresy, and schism; the herald of battle and murder, se dition and rebellion ;—till it has planted this " abomination of desolation" upon the ruins of the temple, that from that emi nence it may be able with augmented power to assault and overturn the throne. Let us hope its "vaulting► ambition" will have " overleaped itself," and if we are true to our cause it will.—Yours, &c. CONSERVATOR. RELIGION AND POLITICS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. Six,—Not a few individuals seem anxious, very anxious, to convince the public that a man's religious opinions should not intermeddle with his politics. Surely such can have examined only one side of the question. Are they not contending for what Britain has n ever y e t beheld ? A n d h as not religious opinion been the corypheus in•most of the important political changes of our country? Unquestionably. They seem to for get, also, that religious opinion is interwoven with every rami fication of our unequalled constitution. And let it be remem bered, also, that the whole of the Liverpool candidates make religious opinion a prominent feature in their addresses to the electors. Mr. Ewart was first in the field? what does he say of it? Amongst other benefits which he anticipates, is, "religion dis enthralled." What he means by this seems to me totally a mystery. I know what it would be to disenthral a slave. If I had been let out of a prison, I should know, also, that I was " disenthralled." I will give a quotation, however, which was suggested by " religion disenthralled." " Men and women assembled at a signal agreed on, and formed themselves into a sort of mock procession, and fol lowed by a little detached troop, each bearing in his hand a chalice, or some other vase of the church. One of these sacri legious wretches led an ass, covered with a priest's vestment, and with a mitre on his head. He was loaded with crucifixes and other symbols of the Christian religion, and had the Old, and New Testaments suspended to his tail. Arrived at the square called the Terreaux, they then threw the two Testaments, the crucifixes, &c. into a fire prepared for the purpose ; made the ass drink out of the sacramental cup, and were proceeding," &c. &c.. I do not say that Mr. Ewart meant such outrage on Chris tianity, but this is the natural construction of "religion dis enthralled." These transactions took place, too, (hear it Mr. Ewart,) 6n a Sunday! The poor wretches had much better been amusing themselves on such a day!! How naturally a man's religious principles lead his views of politics. When he talks of "religion disenthralled," Mr. k]wart naturally follows it up with a too aristocratical system of government. Who so well able to govern as the aris lecracy ? Who so well understand the multifarious interests of our country? Who so wise? Who have so much to lose ? And who so cautious in politics? Under the guidance of the ;aristocracy, our country has been elevated to the highest point in the scale of nations. Under the aristocracy, our agriculture and commerce have flourished for centuries, and the improve -limit in, both has been gradual and substantial; and woe! woe! to Britain'when a government less aristocratical shall ensue. •Britons behold a democracy in France. Behold the subver sion ethe aristocracy there, and you will not find much reason to be very dissatisfied with a too aristocratical government. After the capture of Lyons by the conventional party, a demo cratic club was organised, of which Javogues, the deputy from the convention, became president. You who are tired of aris tocracy, and wish its suppression, hear the speech of this pre, sident, which is couched in nearly these words:— "Think," said he, "of the slavery into which you are plunged; by being the servants and workmen of others; the narks the priests, th e p ro p r i etors , t h e r i c h o f every descrip. tion, have long been in a combination to rob the demo ',mats: the real sans Culotte republicans, of their birthright. ;Go, citizens, take what belongs to you, and what you should 'have enjoyed long ago. Nor must you stop here; while there .remains an aristocracy in the buildings, half remains undone. Down with those edifices, raised for the profit or pleasure of the rich; down with them all; commerce and arts are useless to a warlike people, and the destruction of that sublime equality which France is determined to spread over the whole globe. Vise la liberte." What is Mr. Thornely in his religious creed ? A Unitarian- What Unitarianism is it need not scarcely be added,—semi Pelagianism and semi-Socinianism amalgamated. Added to it Dr. Priestley's doctrine, which makes the soul the body and the body the soul; or it is, more simply, Deism. The doctrines and precepts of Christianity are substantially rejected; and it is hoped that the' inhabitants of Liverpool will reject Mr. Thornely. Mr. T. 'B. - liorsfall spoke admirably when he put " radicalism and infidelity" into the same class. Mr. Thornely will have, how ever, the advantage of affinity to Thomas Paine on 'this point. Unitarianism is %%oily opposed to the British constitution ; its 'ascendancy must put , drown monarchial government. Mr. Thornely does not surely expect that any Unitarian will vote for any of the'othor candidates; and it may be safely asserted, that no Catholic, Protestant, Presbyterian, Baptist, Meth o di st, Indepentlent, , orQua.ker, can, compatibly with the principles of *Christianity, vote for him. They cannot support such a man ivithoUt implicating their views of religion. Mr. Thornely knew that, if.lifs'teligioUs sentiments were fully understood, it, wtaild near his cause;. therefore, he " belongs to the great body of Dissenters . ." • The 'Whole body of Dissenters differ with him' most completely in the vital principles of Christianity. In fact, it may Weil he questioned whether the Unitarians have any claim to 'the nanie of 'Christian. On what grounds have they ? Sir Howard , Douglas and Lord Sandon possess powerful Claims to - support. They are perfectly orthodox in their religi gious creed; uncOmpromising advocates of freedom; sincerely attached to the constitution and institutions of our country ; and much'better Understand - polities than either of the other two, mid would hate' Much more influence in Parliament. Dec. 5, 1832. ANTI-HETERODOX. MECHANICS' INSTITUTION. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STAND.4I?D. SIR,—I have to beg that you will be so obliging as to insert the annexed communication, with which I have been honoured this morning by Sir Howard Douglas, Bart. It is scarcely necessary for me to add, that the directors of the Mechanics' Institution feel grateful for the assistance thus liberally afforded towards the attainment of an object which will render the re presentation of Liverpool a still higher honour, and a more sa cred duty than it is at present.---Yours, &c. Hanover-street, Dec. 7, 18:.Q. JOHN LEYLAND. (COPY.) . " Liverpool, December 6, 1832. " have to acknowledge receipt of your letter of yes terday, enclosing some documents relative .to the Mechanics' Institution, and requesting my aid towards its support. " You may naturally suppose that I am so occupied at this time as to be übable to give due attention to your communica tion; but as I understand the main object of the institution is the promotion of science, an object which I have ever consi dered of the highest importance, I beg to enclose twenty-five pounds in aid of the funds.---I am, Sir, your very obedient ser vant, " HOWARD DOUGLAS." John Leyland, Esq. Secretary Liverpool Mechanics' Institution, Liverpool. THE MAGAZINES. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST✓INDARD. SIR,--I was over in Cheshire the other day, and walked down to the Magazine, where the late fire of Mr. Norcliff's Hotel had taken place. You and the public at large may judge of my great surprise, when I was told there were not fewer than ten thousand barrels of gunpowder stored within one hundred yards of the hotel. This quantity of gunpowder is placed in sheds with large doors, and only covered over with slates. Had the wind been from the fire to the direction of these depots, a single spark might have blown the country up for miles, de stroyed all the vessels in the river, and perhaps shook half of Liverpool down. Surely such a place as this should not be permitted so near so many houses, and so open and unprotected as it is. --Yours, &c. A CONSTANT READER. THE FRIENDS OF THE PEOPLE ! TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST./INDARD. SlR,—Will you permit me to refer the respectable Shop keepers of Liverpool, to Mr. Canning's story of the "needy knife grinder" in the Anti-Jacobin. "A friend of the people (say Mr. Thornely or his chairman) meets a knife-grinder with a great hole in his breeches. Feel ing, indignant at such an emblem of poverty under a represent ative government, he asks him to relate his pitiful story, and tell by what acts of regal tyranny and aristocratic oppression his clothes were so unworthy of a free Briton. The knife-grinder replies in Sapphic metre,— " Story God bless you! I have none to tell you : But last night a drinking at the checquers This old hat and breeches as you see, were Torn in a scuffle. And then concludes as follows : " I should be glad to drink your honour's health in A pot of beer if you would give me sixpence, But for my part I never love to meddle with Politics Sir." The result is, that the "friend of the people " abuses the "knife-grinder," calls him a " spiritless outcast," kicks over his wheel, and makes his exit in a transport of philanthropy. The moral, however,. is contained in the grinder's concluding lines : " But for my- part I never love to meddle with Polities Sir." I am Sir, &c. ATTICUS. THE "JOURNAL? AND THE , WHIG MINISTRY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST4NDARD. SlR,—Have you read the leading article, as it is called, of the Journal of last Saturday ? If not, do so :.it is interesting. You will perceive that the writer, although he may have a more immediate party to serve, that would prefei• the union of its own church to the state, in preference to the existing establishment, is a champion of and one of a party, the views of some of the members of which are so ill defined, that neither he nor they know what they would be at, whil e the implied and admitted object of others, is the destruction of the best institutions of this country, begins to fear that the present ministry suspect them, and are wishful to frustr a t e th eir intentions. Suspicion gene rally begets suspicion, and the members of this party of the people begin to suspect that the ministers are not such fools and knaves as they took them to be; they find that the minis ters are not prepared to go quite so far as they would wish ; that they are not prepared to separate the church from the state; that they are not yet prepared to do unholy deeds; not yet prepared to vote as useless the second branch of the legisla ture, nor to annihilate the monarchy. As it was to have been expected of this party, these ministers who were chosen by his Majesty to preside over the destinies of this country, in an evil hour, because they will no longer lend themselves to its doings, are to be mistrusted by it, although they have achieved that " popular measure" of reform. "We are," says the writer, "sometimes inclined to suppose, that the reform, after all, was but a happy accident. The whigs, to retain power, were obliged to patronize it, and that very extension for which it has been praised was, in a great measure, necessary to the security in office of its framers." What that honest ministry accused by implication,—and that, too, by its partisans,—of patronizing reform for the sole purpose of retaining power and office ! that they were obliged to patronize it!—in other 4vords, that sooner than forego the sweets of office, from which the good sense of the nation had so long withheld them, they didpatronize, frame, and carry' so extensive a measure of reform! Yes, Mr. Journal, and let me add, that that measure was managed throughout and, at last, carried in such a way, that the impartial historian of a future day may stigmatize the managers of it in no very agreeable terms. Those ministers who were borne on the shoul ders of their party to their seats again, are likely to meet with popular reward, and will have occasion to say to this same party, " You are no surer, no, Than is the coal of fire upon the ice, Or hailstone in the sun." • • Who deserves greatness Deserves your hate : and your affections are A sick man's appetite, who desires most that Which would increase his evil. He that depends Upon your favours, swims with fins of lead, And hews down oaks with rushes. Hang ye ! Trust ye! With every minute you do change a mind ; And call him noble, that was now your hate, Him vile, that was your garland. What's the matter, That in the several places of the city You cry against the noble senate, who, Under the gods, keep you in awe, which else Would feed on one another ?" T o proceed. " The public will hesitate to think harshly of men, whatever was their object, who have given them the reform." Ah ! Mr. Journal, where is your political honesty ? " Little in cidents occur now and then, nearer home, to indicate that many of our patriots counted on the people,"—faction you mean,— " when the people were useful to them," to enable them to re tain power and place. Very pretty, truly ! "It is safer to distrust than confide implicitly in public men,"—" The people must urge them on, if they are i nc li ne d to stand still;" and, verily, Mr. Journal, I believe they are very much inclined to stanu still; for the people, as you call them, appear inclined to urge them past their speed; and, "although they are promise crammed," by faction, they do not wish themselves and the na tion to be urged to destruction; "they, the people, can do so effectually," only "by sending men of known char ac t er an d li beral principles." A very significant sentence indeed. Men of "known character"—i. e. agreeable to your standard, Mr. Journal, I suppose, Men who will pledge themselves, through thick and thin, to do you and your party's bidding,—levellers to an extent sufficient to admit the men of various creeds room for their own particular experiments, and, therefore, acquire for themselves, in these days of popular virtue, the appellation of liberals. "These, if properly selected, will soon compel govern ment to free public offices from the incumbrance of tory crea tures, and, most certainly, will constrain them to give the new principles fair play. Ministers should have done this .before, but they act differently." Th e reason i s ver y o b vious, Mr. Journal, why they do act differently; because, as a government, they are placed to govern ; not as the tools of and by the com pulsion of a faction, but as the servants of their King, with cer tain powers and under certain restrictions. But it; 'for the sole purpose of retaining office or power," they sacrifice the interests of their country to popular clamour, they become trai tors both to their King and country. They are not selected by their King to introduce the visionary theory of any set of men, or to act by popular volition on new and untried principles; they are placed, as a government, to govern in conformity with the constitution as by law laid down, to see that the laws are justly administered, and to protect the country from foreign ag gression and internal discord. When they act discreetly, Mr. Journal, we claim them as the leaders of our party—" the conser vatives" of the country. 1 verily believe, Mr. Journal, that, if you could suc c e e d (which, God b e p ra i sed, is not likely ) i° Sending up men of what you call "known character" his Ma' jesty would h ave some difficulty i n se l ect i ng his ministers frou` the House of Commons, and if, knowing the incapacity of the On Commons to su pply su it a bl e men t o govern, h e was comirlie to look and sel ec t f rom the H ouse of L or d s, your new print'' pies would, doubtless, be brought into full play, the constitufiq of England would be absorbed by a democracy, with its sangui nary train o f ev il s , no t b ecause of the selection made by bli Majesty, of men o f i n t egr ity an d ability, but because that spit' which a part of the press does infuse into the public mind nog!';' operate o n suc h a H ouse o f C ommons,—that spirit which, , fact, teaches man that he has no superiors, and that talent, 1f ~ united to wealth a nd rank, i s d a n gerous ; b ut such is no t tb`, spirit of th e p eop l e o f E ng l an d : i t i s the spirit of a diseas ed part, which wou ld, if it were poss ibl e, innoculate the w i ho' Mr. Editor, I am aware I am trespassing on your space. ll claim your indulgence; but these times have urged me to c% your attention to what I conce i ve an d h ope i s a dying note 9I black swan. J. Is" Liverpool, sth Dec., 1832. FREE TRADE EXPERIMENTS, TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STAND4RD• SIR,-The appearance of the late Governor of New. Brunt' wick amongst us, brings to my mind events which took Pla ce some twenty odd years ago, which, being of importance to tlr; nation at large, and to Liverp oo l i n particu l ar, I th i n k s hou be placed to the view and to the understanding of every r eason' able and thinking individual in it. Thirty years ago, not more than about sixty vessels from th e United Kingdom arrived at Quebec and Montreal ; an d the number at Nova Scotia an d N ew B runsw i c k probably in P. portion. This country ca me t o b e a t war w i t h F rance , uncle Buonaparte, and consequently at waralso with all his a dherent"? of whom none were more devoted to him th an Th omas Jeffer son, the President of the United States of America, a nd h l f democratical or radical party, then forming the Government that country. Mr. Jefferson, a man, in some respects, of eo n : siderable talents, both natural and acquired, had strong liklag and strong dislikings, which mad e hi m a pt t o b e gu ll e d, as ap peared on three prominent occasions. The statements of opPe; sition in th e British Parliament, and the cir c ul ar s of som e Englishmen of anti-national principles and feelings, as well as of weak understandi ng , led him to believe th a t t h e lestructi ep, of our finances, and th e starvation of Great Britain and her cr lonies, were at his dispo sa l : a state of ruin which all EuroP e, and America to boot; could not effect. Nor can any nation eoni; earth effect it, unless by acts of bas e su i c id e we tarnish our Ili.; character and credit, and effect it ourselves. -- --- The demagogues of Mr. Jefferson, who were to be found a t the tables of most of the principal hotels of the United State!: all repeated that Mr. Jefferson had said,—That Buonapar`i; was about to adopt measures against Great Britain, after whit she could not exist three months as a nation. Mr. Jefferso n undoubtedly knew the nature of Buonaparte's Berlin and Milo?' decrees, for months before they were issued, so that there , 13 „, good reason to believe the project of them was even sent tu Buonaparte by Mr. Jefferson, and some one or more of his icol leagues. Be that as it might, Buonaparte might capture, .bn r 4 ; and destroy, without a murmur; but when Great Britain, 'd her own defence, which the law of nature made her duty, adopt e re the decisive measures which she had in her power, which 0 , 4 of no injury to the people of the United States; for so long - the trade, produced by the superiority of the British na, v ,,,Jd'' could pay the p rem i ums to t h e insurance offices, which enau`i i t, them to pay f or th e s hi ps captured, so much more emplq w „ c e or was given t o a ll c l asses connected with the building 0' -er, ships, &c. The Radical majority of the legislature, 1100; e - could not, or rat h er affected not to see that; and, in e'ljiar quence, the republic of the United States displayed the sing a spectacle of--the wisdom of a gr ea t and enlightened cou n t being hid und er th e b us h e l o f t h e i gnorant. Though Olei c 3 f a conside ra bl e num b er of enl i ghtened, and a greater number°,. what we ca ll c l ever men, i n t h e U n i ted States, they iverea-ielil jetted and placed on the shelf by innovative democrats, the though these men on the shelf foresaw the consequences 0f t i t s embargo, they had no more power to prevent them than e t , man in the m oon . By th e by e , w h a t we ca l l clever, the!' a press by the word smart; and their meaning of clever is, a good-natured fool, who gives his property away for nothing'd meaning which applies exactly to our political economists an free trad ers o f th e presen t day. Smart Americans highly 3 prove of the free trade principles of other countries : but n res: they take care not to put those principles in ractice theinse_ s te d The Radical Party-Government and Legislature o f the U1",, c 1 States, on receiving a communication from Buonaparte, P as tbe the embargo law, and, (much depending on a name,) in h ips name of free trade and sailors' rights, in one day (had their s o d all been at home) p u t one million of tonnage of shipping , „ uP forty thousand sea men , out o f employ. They thereby gasci'tbe the carrying trad e . Th ey gave up the West In di a an of lumber trade, those great sources of the industry and weal 7 . ,,, the eastern states, inh a bit e d b y a peop l e the mos t en terprt " and the most c a p a bl e , per h aps, o f any in the world. All tb e is , the philosopher Jeffers on called the full tide of successful e s; riment. And so it was t o C ana d a , an d ot h er B r iti s h provinc4 for instead of abont sixty vessels arriving annually in the :0g Lawrence, ever si nce th e em b argo a b out s i x h un d re d veb'o have arri v ed, em pl oy i ng pro b a bl y ten thousand seame n ; a the arrivals at Nova Scotia and New Brunswick must have be r creased in proportion ; for they a t once t oo k up the lunflore, business, left in abey ance b y t h e Y an k ees, and it being lce seen that on the r emova l o f th e em b argo a glut would ta ke Pa I in our lumber market, a protecting duty on foreign lurnb.,e';'ec suppose, was asked, an d a d u t y was put on it, not only pr od tive, but also restrictive. t did Thus we see that a R a di ca l an d i nnovat i ng Governmen for not hesitate to try an ex p er i ment t h at t h rew out of emPlotan4 sixteen months, on e m ill ion tons o f s hi pp i ng and forty to leo t seamen, losing, in freights alone, (then very high,) at ii,;(' from twelve to fifteen million pounds sterling, merely be e tr y: it was ignorantly b e li eve d i t wou ld starve and ruin this Nun c ;,,1 and yet, wonderful a s it i s , th ere are men i n thisNischoiniteu `gate_sri town, who,. either from igno rance or se lfi s h ness , v ploy American agricult ur i s t s to improve a soil whic h , belong to us, _and t o employ foreign shipping to bring corn, whilst our own agricultural labourers aie in want of en'P sex ment, and the cultivation of our soil scarcely pays the exP isi i o il We had lately a cotton bubble. If our American Nun n gri agenti want a corn bubble, they have only to induce our, wi tl culturists to accommodate them, by reducing the extent oi,,J co o sown with corn one-third. That will reduce the amount 01_.,„, ( 13 usually raised, by, at present prices, some fifty million 1701 sterling. That amount, perhaps doubled by high prices , obo make a noble bubbl e f or th em . It woul d a l so Teac h tliose d t ho talk about corn • laws to know something about them, a n d for community at large wh e th er it wou ld be better to dePe'ove the necessaries of lif e on our own so il, capa bl e , by nat e r de' ment, to feed double the number of inhabitants, or t` ) pendent on foreign countries. lc We have seen that the American embargo gave the have and the West India trade to the British provinces. N Y e u datiel seen a British legislature secure that trade by adequat e. ta sted t on and regulations; and should a future legislature be so in _ a t e s and anti-national as to give up advantages and em ployol, oo such immense importance, they will parallel the infatna" o ver the American embargo, which, as it never has had, I hop` will again have, a parallel. a re. u We want no weak theorist i n P ar li ament. Weak —e tioli - more dangerous than rascals. I w ou ld not g i ve a frac pall' the truly English spirit of an Oli ver C romwe ll , f or all the . It tical economists and free t ra d e a d vocates i n t h e kine t, was a correct statement o f Si r H owar d Douglas in en" and our navigation code o f l aws h a d ma d e t h e nation stron,g;col:: the relaxing of them would, in the s ame ra ti o , makethat Party men will elect party men, but national weal rectn_"r e s wi n OP; we prefer men, neither lory, Whig, nor Radical, who t coin e d ply their minds to the investigation of every subject tha m bere . . before them, and decide agreeably to the result, unenc a 0 0 ' by any bias, and influenced neither by Government, Pa i r :t individual. The nation expects of us th a t we should ei ct e ti e of intelligent and expanded minds; men who can reV e vetY, rights of foreign nations; who can respect the rights ", class in the British dominion s; w h o can not only res P e at t ble also guard our national r i g ht s . P ar t y men are incaP these qualifications. • ySB LF. Belonging to no party, I am, & c . m 4 prO . THE WHIG PRESS.—The ministerial paper, the T l in es 'A; c 3 s ceeds in its two-h an d e d war f are —in one l ine calling the R 9,;: it' thing that i s i n f am ous, and in the next exprossi,.ll"feiv contempt tor "th e wre t c hed Tory creatures." Tbe. 6 k ue t tp; lows in the same track;—but while the ministerial prc. s it , vents its enmity aga i ns t its two sets of antagonists, .i„e4 always ready and i n d ee d a nxious to av a il it se lf of the ser s L i g li of the one party against the other. Thus, at the las: , i " .: Alic it recommended th e Radi ca l s t o use phy s i ca l force .. ,,, 4 11 ° Tories, and now it calls on the Tories to use, in the saose,, it el ner, moral force against the Radicals. Earl Grey's is to be supported by every means, f a i r o r Th e iiis; vincial Whig papers do not go so far as those in the inetrpP ° o - they confine their abuse, as yet, exclusively to the Tor,;e,., parently afraid of coming into close grips with the . 1 3, 4aP;i3fl Some of them, however, are merging fast into Radicd-PrN i gir we suspect these will run abetter chance of success half-7+.u4-half brethren. , —Glasgow Herald.