The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1832-12-07 00:00:00

Vo2ir n. A ROVER AM I SONG AND CHORUS. Prom Me neto Opera of " The Nunnery, or St. Mary's isle.") KIND HAROLD, PRINCE ROSTIG, AND NORWEGIAN ROVERS. KING ll&noi.n. A rover am d, a rover bold and free, — A rover on shore, a rover on the sea ; The gallant rover, a bark when he espies, Soon, sodas he hails her, his concjuest and his prize. Then, should the clouds lower with cold, unfriendly skies, Aloft his sail, I3efore the gale, Away, away he flies. cuonos. Rovers on the shore, and rovers on the sea, Jolly rovers all—all rovers bold and free. PRINCE Roma. A rover au I, a rover bold and free, — A rover on shore. a rover on the sea ; The gallant rover, when beauty he espies. Soon, soon she hails hint; her conquest and her prize ; But should hdr brow lower vith cold, unfriendly eyes. Aloft his sail, Befpre the kale, Away, away he flies. cuontis. Rovers on the shore, and rovers on the sea, roiera all--all rovers hold mud free. NOVEMBER. (PROM FRAZRR'S MAGAZINE,) FAIT fall the leaves, zttutsoon shall none Rennin to quiver through the air ; But all my hopes have, ono by one, This heart left lone andhare. At the dead crowds that - rustle by I.stsrt, as at some spectre's feet ; cvcr3 leaf my boding eye Sees my owu winding-street. The Haft that waves the pines on high, In hollow murmurs moaning loud, iugs :iad my dirge ; this lowering sky lteiniuds ine of my shroud. . • Life's Winter, Death, then spread o'er me The slumber of the gra - ve ; my- Pall, Sh;111 thu . s t test erablem be 01 the year's funeral. CORRESPONDk."INCE., TO THE L'LECTOBS OP LIYERPOOL, ESPECIALLY THE DISSENTERS. Sias,—You have been invited to support Mr. Thornely as a fit and .proper person to represent you in Parliament. You have been told that you ought not to object to him on the ground 6f his riEtauloos SENTIMENTS; and you have been warned that men, who have no regard for Religion themselves, will use this objection to Work upon "the minds of the weak and the ignorant" among you. s Although I cannot boast that ‘cl would give place to no man upon earth in zeal against the Religious Sentiments of Mr. Thornely," yet 'I trust I may say, with truth, that I have some regard for Religion. I reverence its authority, and my first de sire is to drink of the cup of its consolation. Yet I. oppose Mr. Thorneiy on the ground of his Religious Opinions. And I rejoice to believe that I address many who, on the same ground, join most cordially in the same opposition,- and who, notwith gtanding, are neither the weak nor the ignorant among you. oppose Mr. Thornely because he is a SOClNlAN—because he denies the Deity and the Atonement of Christ, and rejects the scriptural truth, that all power is committed to Him in Heaven and on Earth. It is my dearest hope—it is my greatest glory—that Jesus my Saviour is God over all and blessed for ever. It is my steadfast belief that He is King of Kings and Lord of Lords—that by Him kings reign—that government is leis ordinance—that all power ought to be held in his name, and administered for his glory. On thess points, which are not only the foundation of all Christian hope, but the foundation also of all Christian government, Mr. Thornely and I hold no sentiments in common ; and I affirm that all other questions, secular or sacred, touching his fitness to legislate for a Christian p'eeide, shrink into insignificance in comparison of these. But you are told that "it is properly no part of the duty of Totir. Representative to legislative for you in matters of Reli ion!' 'So then the Nation is to have no laws against the vio lation of the Sabbath; and those Members of our Legislature may do Well who oppose all inquiry into the desecration of that sacred day. A law may be framed in reference to a visitation of Divine Providence—such, for instance, as the late desolating pestilence--and our Representatives may do right when they blot out the name of God; and refuse to acknowledge his hand, in the preamble of their enactment. The Poor of Ireland may require Parliamentary aid, to enable them to obtain the blessing of Education, and our Representatives may grant the boon, but may think it no crime to banish God's Holy Bible from the Schools, in order to' conciliate a party whose principles that Bible rebukes and condemns. Mr. Thornely declares him- self favOurable to a System of National Education; but does any Christian Parent consider hire competent to legislate on such a subject. 'But it is urged upon you again, that "to object to a Candi didate on the score of Religion, is, as far it goes, an attempt to unite Christianity with the State." And is this a crime? is it taken for granted, that Christianity is so vile a thing that its presence ought not to be tolerated in the State, lest it mar its 'beauty ; or impair its usefulness, or transform it into an instru ment of tyranny and wrong ? Was it Christianity that held 'the rod of the oppressor in the days of the Stuarts ? Is it ngainst her influence in the Councils of the Nation that the Youth of Liverpool are addressed in words of solemn warning? Alas ! such words savour little of ardent zeal against the prin ciples of Socianism. They libel Christianity. They wound her in the house of her friends. But some one may say, the controversy is not with Christi anity, it is with the union of Church and State. But I reply that this is not*the controversy. We are speaking of the Reli gion of a Statesman, not of the support of the Church. Sup ' pose the point of an Established Church were yielded to its op ponents, the Religious Sentiments of our Representatives would be as much our concern as before. The question now at issue is this,—Whether a Christian ought to return as his Re- Cresentative to Parliament, a man who openly denies Jesus hrist as the Lord, and consults to cast him down from his ex cellency ? And in pressing this question, may I not adopt these words, With what consistency, oye DiSsenters, can ye ob ject to Mr. THORNELY, because of his Religion," - if, while you feel that 'Christianity is the most precious thing that ever 'entered into your own hearts, or into your own families, you believe, at the same time, it is the thing 'of all others which you ought to exclude from the State ? I have alluded to the union of the Church and State. This, as I have said, is a separate question. Ido not identify Chris tianity with the Church of li:nglatid. Christianity is all glori oils, and its spirit 'cannot be too much infused into our Institu tions and our Laws. But there' is much to lament—much to condeinn—inuch to be corrected in the Church of England. And what then ?—Aivay With its abuses; 'they belong not to Christianity'. Woe be to them by whom they are practised : Avoo.be to them by whom they are defended. Bert because there are evils in the Church, is that any good reason why we should hartish Religion from the State ?—I .speak as unto Wise men ; jiidge ye what I say. Yon havebeen told, indeed, " you mis take the nature of Christianity, if you think it needs the 'sup port of the State," And this is true. But it is not less true that yon iniStake the duty of the State, if you think it ought not to support Christianity, Religion needs neither your sup . Dot-C.l'm mune ; but it issour duty and our privilege to support I 'hate no feelingtdWards Mr. THORNELY personally, 'on -. .ae'f*oartitt - of this Religious Opinions, save only that of es:impas sion: for if the Bible be true, and if Jesus of Nazareth =be in_ deed' God mauifest iu the flesh, he, and those who think like him, are in a fearlid state. Ent I haVe a strong feeling against his being iny Representative in Parliament. Were'i there anVself I should see it my duty to-do all things hi the mime of the Lord Jesus, from whout all power comes, and for whose glory all power is to he exercised; and sandy, If I send mie_to represent me there whose knee refuses.to how to Him, and whose tongue contbss that Ile is Lord, I ant in this • thing a Ina toniv SaYtotie and my Goo. A CITRISTIAN ELECTOR. " , See a tract adaressed ss the above,-and signed ANNOTATOR. ELECTION PLACARDS. 7.17 THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST4INDARD. Siw,-I.have taken the trouble to peruse a few of those mise rable elfusious of the enenwwith which our walls are placarded, a wl I should infer from the contents that their cause is not a very prosperous one; for they are already obliged to have re _ course to falsities, and tho . se most wretchedly fashioned into -settiethinglike sense or meaning ) indeed, as literary morceaux . they aro . xuvaliiable. I shall not dwell on their literary merits, :bat haaard a few,reatiarlcs on.the contents of one whieh.has.been brought forth 'to-day to the admiring gaze of the-gifted few. It appears to be the object of Messrs. Swart and Thornely (I may safely join them together as they make .no secret of their coalition) to persuade us that there are two great parties in this town whose interests are distinct and separate, namely, the merchants and the shopkeepers; the former, of course, corn prising all the colonial and shipping interests. H av ing now drawn an imaginary line (the offspring of their own brain, by the bye,) between these parties, without attempting to prove that there is such a line, they go on to show. that Mr. Evart, is the champion of the shopkeepers, and that the merchants have brought their two Conservative candidates into the field in de cided-hostility to that body, to protect their own private interests to the prejudice of all other. Now I would ask of these Wise men in what _particular the interest of the merchant and ,tite shopkeeper differ? They cannot tell me; for their interests are one and the same; so that their distinction is a palpable ab surdity, and must be acknowledged as such by every Juan -who has the gift of common sense, and a moment's thought will prove it to be merely "a weak invention of the enemy." I would now ask, to whom is Liverpool indebted for her pros perity ? what are the sources of her wealth? how happens it that the village of a century ago is now the second port in the kingdom? I had almost said, and perhaps may say ere long, the second port in the world. She owes it t o th e enterprising and manly spirit of her merchants, and to the upright and loyal character of her inhabitants. The moment she is deprived of her commerce, that moment her riches will go from her, and then what becomes of the honest and hard-working tradesman, who has fought his way into a house of his own; a laouse which he has perhaps bought at an enormous price, in consideration of its being favourably placed in our greatest street? His shop is empty, his property valueless, and his ruin is soon effected. Ruin our colonies, so deeply involved with us ; ruin our ship ping, atready borne down by the weight of the opposition from the other side of the Atlantic, you have then ruined your mer chants; the sources of our riches are dried up; for our com merce is gone. And whom do we drag with us in our fall?—all those that depend upon us for support. And yet Messrs. Evart and Co. will tell us that our interests are different, and that the representative of the merchant is not the representative of the people. Let that respectable body, the shopkeepers, consider how closely both interests are linked together, and they will soon see through the shallow artifice that has been employed to separate us. They will soon see the motive, and believe, as I firmly do myself, that the cause is bad in aid of which falsehood is called instead of argument, and in which it is necessary to bedaub our walls with false assertions and miserable sophistry. I have written this hurriedly, and scarcely know whether it is worthy of insertion : it can at least claim the merit of truth, which is not considered worthy of the notice of our witty and clever composers of trash in, pink and blue (borrowed plinries, en passa nt).—Yours, &c. Satarday, Dec. 1. VERITAS. THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. CANVASSING THREATS TO THE EDITOR OF ME LIVERPOOL ST2ND,IRD. SIR,—As threats have been held out against those shopkeepers and Master-tradesmen who vote for Conservative candidates, I propose that the Conservatives should make up, by their: sup port of such voters, for the loss of Radical custom occasioned thereby. It is fair and right that they should not lose because they are not disposed to vote for Radical candidates. The con duct generally adopted must be encouragement. Intimidation may be left to the brickbat and bludgeon gentlemen. Yours, &c. A CONSERVATIVE. MR. THORNELY. TO THE EDITOR OP THE LIVERPOOL ST.4ND4RD. SlR,—Can any man who has his "country-.'s weal" aiheart for a moment conceive Mr. Thos. Thornely to be a fit and pro_ per person to represent in Parliament the humblest borough in ri tain, much less the extensive and important commercial popilla ion of Liverpool, when he is informed that on Mr. Thornely hav ing been recently waited upon, by the commander of a British ship bound to the United States, respectfully to inquire whether Mr. T. would ship a portion of goods by his vessel, was promptly and uncourteously answered,—" Not a package, Sir, whilst there is an American ship in the port to take it ?" Without alluding to the various other palpable disqualifica tions of Mr. Thornely, this single circumstance is, of itself, quite sufficient to unfit him in the estimation of every British Liverpool, Dec. 3, 1832. SHIPOWNER. LORD SANDON-MR. THORNELY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL .STANDARD. SIR,—No effort has been left untried, no influence unexer cised, which could possibly induce the Wesleyan Methodists to join Nr. Thornely's party. It is not surprising, then, that fears have been entertained by Lord Sandon's friends lest such ex traordinary exertions might have the intended effect on that re spectable body. But it appears to me that the hopes of the So cinians and the fears of Churchmen, in reference to this so ciety of Christians, have both been grounded on the supposition that the Wesleyans are Dissenters. Now, if you inquire of any intelligent member of that body whether he be a Dissenter, he will immediately answer in the negative. How then can we sup pose, that, in the present critical times, the Wesleyans will op pose that Church to which they profess strong attachmant? The two most important questions which will be debated in the next Parliament are a reform in the Church Establishment and a system of national education. Mr. Thornely, as a con scientious Socinian, cannot support a Church which is, in his opinion, unscriptural; nor can he consent to the diffusion of her doctrines among the children of the poor. On the other hand, no one can doubt that Lord Sandon, while he will agree to any reasonable alteration in the collection and distribution of her revenues, will always remain the true friend of the Na tional Church, and will make national religion the basis of na tional education. It has been said, that we do not send a man to ParliaMent to legislate on theological points ; but, since it is certain that those, and many other such questions, bearing intimately upon the re ligion and morals of our country, will come under the discus sion of our future representatives, I cannot conceive how a Wesleyan Methodist, or any other professing Christian, (unless he be swayed by other than religious considerations) can, in the present crisis of affairs, give a conscientious vote in favour of a Socinian, who may, perchance, have it in his power to give a casting vote against the existence of that Church which has justly been considered the grand bulwark of Christianity in his kingdom.—l am yours, &c. Y . Liverpool, Nov. '27, 1832. THE SHIPPING INTEREST, TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. SIR,—I believe it will readily be admitted that there is no port in Great Britain where the great interests arising out of ships, colonies, and commerce arc so fully appreciated as in the good old town of Liverpool; and at a time like the present it behoves every man to consider well the pretensions and merits of the different candidates now soliciting our suffrages for the honour of representing our interests in Parliament, at one of the most important periods of our history; fOr a ndw era has commenced in the representative government of this country. To explain, in few words, what sort of men. we ought not to send to Parliament, I will suppose a case, which, ;although purely fictitious, our shipown ers w ill, I f ear , t e ll_you is one of mortifying but too common occurrence. A fine Britisriship is about to proceed to a port in the United States, and the owner, not wishing to send her away in ballast, calls upon various merchants with a view to procure freight, and he says,—" I have a good Liverpool ship to sail for the States in a few days, and I shall be glad if you can give me a little freight." American Merchant.—" I think we have nothing we can ship by your vessel." Shipowner.—" Mine is a first class ship, and I will take freight at as low a rate as any one; and as I understand you have .some goods to ship, I hope you will give me a preference." American Merchant.—" Why, we prefer shipping in Ameri can bottotns." Shipbuilders and shipowners of Liverpool, what would you thiirk of this ? Can there be a doubt what course you should pursue at the approaching election ? I think not. Those men who will foiter and encourage British interests ought to have onr best.support, even for our own sakes. And What is meant by " , universal commerce ?" Is it to ad- Irak l'orcieneraof all denominations to trade with us and with oar coloines, 'upon the same footing we ourselves enjoy, even %without granting no reciprocity in return ? I suppose it means this ; if it 'metres anything. Or is it to be found in the system now , "ieitsrred of-leatgaing with our opponents and quarrelling 'with our old commercial friends? "Free -trade", lio , doubt sounds well, but it can only be car iiod,oll prosperotrsly wit!. nations 'that stand in the same relative situation as ourselves; but as it is now carried on, it is a ques tion if , we are mot losers by inany'of 'the changes introduced of late years. Even that ~ great theorist, the • late Mr. linskisson, admitted thittif free trade was found to be incompatible with the prosperity of oar commercial marine, the former must give wav, and .the •latter be protected. Shipowners . aud , shipbuilders of Liverpool, I call upon you to support thine whose interest and predilections are truly Bri tish, and brtloing so you support yourselves. Let your motto .be " Ships, Colomes, acid Commerce ;" and support with might 'and main Lord Sand6n and Ifoward Douglas, so will you set an example of patriotisin to the whole kingdom, and confer never-fading honourullon the .tood old town of Live Tool. A RASTER SHIPBUILDER. MOB MO \ EMENTS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST-4ND4RD. • Sia,—l. wish to make knowu to your readers a very sensible pamphlet, entitled, Conservatives and Destructives, or Mob teorce considered." It is a very short work, calculated to di minish the exaggerated alarms which we have recently felt from the apparent success of the mob insurrections at Paris, Brussels, bristol, and Lyons. The writer shows that the suc cess of what are called the " glorious three days" in Paris, was owing, not to the mob, but the citizens; not to the popu lace, but the population. . Fra nce was deraocraticised : the explosion had been secretly preparing for years: the Chamber of Deputies set the example of rebellion, by refusing the sup plies ; and the infatuated King waged war upon his people, with nothing but a divided force of 8000 men, and these without. commander 3, concert, or communication. The sth Regiment deserted; a Swiss battalion fled in a panic from the Louvre to the Champs Elysees; and the troops that remained faithful being divided, - dispirited, and famished, (for they had nothing to eat ) ) were forced at last to retire from the contest. Had Larvebe Jacquelain's corps, which was at Beauvais, been or dered to advance in time, we should have heard no more of the glorious three days. The insurrection at Lyons was begun, no doubt, by the mob, but the mob was joined leg the National Guards, even in their uniforms; and a vast number of the mob were the disbanded veterans of the imperial army. The citizens thought the surrection good sport, till their own houses began to burn, and then it ceased to be ,sport, and they. formed themselves into conservative bands; and-very shortly, without the help of the regular troops, repressed the insurrection, which only lasted four days. A week afterwards, Soult and the Duke of Orleans entered the city. insurrection in Brussels was a very singular event. The mob first rose and burnt the house of an Italian newspaper edi tor, and got drunk with his wine. They then broke the win dows of the Court of Justice, and burnt the Chief Judge, Van Maaven's house. So far all was good sport. But the discon tented began to think that they might make something more out of it, and get rid of the House of Orange. So they pfr suaded the donkey magistrates to remove the military and give them army, and said that they would restore peace! They did restore peace, with a vengeance ; but it was by tearing down the standard of the House of Orange, and erecting the revolu tionary flag in its room. Hence the glorious independence of the braves Belges. Prince Frederic of Orange arrived with his army before Brussels on the 23rd of September, and instead of encamping near the city, as he ought to have done, and cutting off its sup plies, and leaving its fat burgesses to the tender mercies of the mob, he attempted to enter it by main force, and, failing in this, and not wishing to destroy it, retired. Hence the new citizen kingship of poor Prince Leopold; hence the new appendage of Belgium to the French republican monarchy; hence Lord Palmerston's Dutch war. The Bristol insurrection began, as usual, with the mob, but the citizens basely betrayed their trust. Out of a population of 30,000 males, capable of bearing arms, only 150 could be found (Oh everlasting shame!) to act as s p ec i a l c onstables in defence of their town. 'When the Recorder was pelted, they danced with joy; when the Mansion-house was plundered, they shouted " King and reform." There was no civil force, and only 100 dragoons ; and the unhappy colonel shook hands with the mob. At length, however, when three fourths of Queen-square and the Bishop's palace were burnt; when the politicians were revenged, and the corporation haters satisfied, a handful of regulars extinguished the insurrection : twenty-three dragoons quelled the chief body of the rioters, which three more troops entirely dispersed. The mob, therefore, did not beat the regulars, either at Paris, Lyons, Brussels, or Bristol, and a mere mob never will beat a well-organised military. A mere mob is not only the basest, but the most cowardly thing in the world. There were barri cades in Bristol, and the streets were strewed with broken glass; but all in vain. Let us then not be afraid in Liverpool : to be sure we have little cause to fear. Our people is not given to insurrections; and our Radical press, though quite as wicked as the Radical press elsewhere, is too weak in intellect and re spectability to have any extensive influence. But even if our mob was excitable as it is orderly, and our Radical press as ta lented as it is stupid and vulgar, we need not fear. Let all who have property to lose be united, and then no mob will be able to hurt them.—Yours, &c. DEMOCRITUS. MR. EWART AND RELIGION PURIFIED AND DISENTHRALLED. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL ST✓INDARD. SIR,-Mr. Ewart has lately published an address to the elec tors of Liverpool, declaratory of his political principles, if the word principles can be applied to the conduct of one, who (not to mention the unparalleled bribery that secured his first elec tion for the borough) professed himself, at the commencement of his career, a disciple of a Canning and a Huskisson, and has lately been sailing in the wake of Hunt, of radical noto riety. Upon the general tenor of this address, it is not my pre sent intention to animadvert : I shall confine my notice thereof to one particular expression, of most convenient ambiguity, and which Mr. Ewart has not, as yet, given me, individually, an opportunity of hearing explained. I have waited, also, in vain, until some one, who takes a more active, though not a more anxious, interest in the result of the present struggle, shall have obtained the desired information. The honourable candidate, however, or some of his zealous partisans, has saved us farther trouble. The cry of " Ewart and Thornely for ever" would have been a sufficient answer to my inquiry, had . I not been in formed, that many of the gentlemen who exert themselves for Mr. Ewart, are not contented with the promise of a vote for him, but are almost as solicitous, if not equally so, that the se cond vote should be given to Mr. Thornely; nay, it is whis pered, that an influential member of the candidate's own family has thus acted. This conduct identifies the views and the in terests of the two gentlemen ; they are considered by their friends to possess the same claims to public support. We may, therefore, be fairly allowed to judge of the sentiments of the one, who has not spoken out boldly, by what we know to be those of the other. Mr. Thornely, in his address to the electors, has manfully thrown down the gauntlet to the members of the established church, by putting forward prominently and boast ingly the circumstance, that he is one of the great body of dis senters, &c., &c. He has omitted, however, to add that he be longs to that class of dissenters (not the most numerous I would hope,'nor the most influential,) which assumes the name, how properly I will not now stop to inquire, of Unitarians. Here, then, we have the key, I fancy, to Mr. Ewart's inten tions as to the purification and disenthralment of religion.. For he is not satisfied with using the cant terms of the day (for there is cant in politics as well as in religion,) and of enlisting him self under the banners of those whose cry is church reform; he flies at higher ,o•ame, and will purify and disenthral religion it self. Trying Mr. Ewart, therefore, by the rule of "tell me your company, and I will tell you what you are ;" this must be his meaning ; he will purity religion from the superstitious doctrines of—the fall of man—the corruption of human nature —the necessity of a redeemer—the divinity of Jesus Christ, — he will disenthral those who will condescend to acknowledge religion at all, from the slavery of creeds and articles, and from the tyranny, so degrading to the native dignity and independ ance of man, of being the soldiers and servants of a crucified master. Be it so. But can any consistent churchman support the pretensions of such a candidate ? and will the great body of dissenters accept the services of such a champion ? I have already taken up too much of your space ; I will, therefore, ask only two other short questions. Was not Mr. Ewart educated at the orthodox University of Oxford ? and is he not a brother of the Rev. Peter Ewart, a beneficed clergy man of the Church of England ?—Yours, &c. • C. THE LIVERPOOL LIBERALS, TO THE ELECTORS OF LIVERPOOL. BROTIMI ELECTORS.--There is yet time previous to the election for you to examine the claims of the Radicals to the title of Liberals, (as they dub themselves,) and, if you find them not worthy of it, there is yet time to refuse them your support. A junta has been formed by a few of the most tyrannical and for ward of the shopkeepers, and it has arrogated to itself a power whirl.' it has not the discretion to wield. It has a wish to impress on the minds of those unconnected with it, that all the £lO householders, and a portion of the freemen, are at its disposal. This is any thing but the trnth. There is 'neither power nor liberality amongst its qualifi cations ; but abundance of ill-nature, slander, and, under the sem blance of friendship,the . meanest duplicity. This" Liberal Club--a Very small portion of the great community of this town—;has already boasted, that it will send up two members ; therefore, as proof of its liberality, it is determined to send up two to represent the smallest portion of the interests of this place, whilst the greater interests, and which mainly support the town, are to have no representative. And why ? Because they are only needed .1/y the shop keepers!! Ifereis liberallty—andlere is a lesson for every commer cial town in the empire ! Mr. Thotnely is, according to the wisdom of the junta, to be one of its representatives. Of course, he is held up as a pattern of perfec tion, and as asample of liberalism. Now, if he be a man of that de seription, ho* is it that his name is ,not to be found in the subscrip tion lists of some of the principal charitable institutions of his nature town ? Particular stress is Lad upon the circumstance of his being $ townsman, but if he withhold his purse from the aid of those no ble institutions, it would be better for his cause riot to blason it ice' This is another instance-how they miscall themselves, when they some the name of Liberals. The Liberal Constituents would compel their members to vote 115 they shall be instructed ; and in no single instance shall those wer: hers vote without the adviceof their constituents ; so that. in tY: they will be autonzatms, worked by means of machinery which ti le ' cannot control 1 Is there anything like intimidation in this ? In accordance with those sentiments the Corn Laws must be a b : c i ished, because, good souls, the Liberal Constituents have' no lan d ,, property to be injured by such a sapient change. To u nlist the rr,. on the same side, they would hvie them to believe, that bread va much cheaper but they forget to mention as well, that e mplori aes will be scarcer, and that wages will be lowered, as a necessary quence. Slaves must be emancipated at once, without arqindemnilh ationt°, the planter for that part of his property ; because the junta zeo a ' l ' lose a shilling! Liberality again. They would sponge out the national del)t—l,ecause they are not fig' holders. They would abolish pensions —because they cannot all be pensione r ` They would reduce taxation--as the present ministry has de-he! a 3l like that ministry, remember, if these Liverpool Liberals P t into place, they would perform the required service gratis ! ! ! And are they not equally liberal to their political opponents ? - very liberal--of abuse. Witness the ruffianly manner in which 3. 1 -'° Sandon has been assailed by the liberal rabble during his canvass' must conform to their opinions. or be branded with the most obno>", ious names they can invent, and they lack not invention of that sod and if they cannot convince by such a reasonable course, they wil l _„,. te‘ spatter their opponents with mud, jostle, and upset them : it is a thy cause that requires such filthy supporters. Will foreigne r ' he s ; lieve, that this occurs in the second commercial town of this gr ~ th e open ? That it is the conduct of enlightened Englishmen ia t open light of day ? And, if - those men will not scruple to brea k r e , laws to attain their aim, how can it be expected that they shal l P u. ! sue a different course when they are made legislators? Freemen ar : r t , electors be not deceived--admit not such men to guard your rights' tb however fit to serve you they might be, so long as they are tO OO swayed by the tyrannical dicta of that self-elected junta, so long they unfit to hare a seat in Parliament. It is worth the while of every friend to freedom to examine the f r , vate characters of some of the leading liberals of this town ; It will. of found, that they are amongst the foremost in reducing the wage s „ h i their men--of tyranizing over them to an extent th a t only the enemies of mankind, and is anything but compatible with the li beral principles they profess to be governed by, and of a c ti n g witk tj'e most bare-faced duplicity. If, then, it be proved that the Radicals are any thing but libera l : that they only would reduce pensions because they cannot be ska ret , --that they would sponge off the debt, because they would lose a '. ' 3l thing by such a procedure--that they would destroy the C Ola° trade, (which has done so much for Liverpool,) because they are ! ' d engaged in it, purposely to enrich themseives, and that the meaaa.::, they propose to benefit the country are fraught with danger a nd y 6 --that their chief plans are to aggrandize themselves, and that all is proof of being liberal. God grant that th ere may yet be fo o d sufficiency of my countiymen to form a counter-acting majority' be willing to subscribe themselves, like me, AI, December 1, 1832. l FROM A CORRESPONDENT.—A very important suiae -t f the no doubt be discussed immediately on the convocation % t he new Parliament. We allude to the projected alteration t s , it timber duties. Setting aside party motives and i t: placat e- nea rs is, unquestionably, of much greater importance than it 1 0 i fa' on the surface to possess. The argument whi c h is urged nn un' your of it is, " that the country pays one million Per alit}`more than should be paid for this article, and th a t the (I' l % o o inferior to that imported from the Baltic." The atl4q 7 ,-aiii against the change are, that the proposed alt er ation t vi i ,',. a nch the shipping interest, and impair that most i m portant -- o eff of trade—ship-building. It will destroy a most valuable nu co y for seamen, injure the manufacturers, and put an end t° gration to our North American colonies. th' con Before we proceed further, we will briefly survey th e Amt tet tion of the shipowner. The war of 1793 gave an unprec e " - „eci' impulse to ship building ; the Government required, tilri p te edly, a large number of transports; and the West 'llicb g ,hie rest, from the delay of the convoy system, found their own rs of inadequate to carry on their trade thither . The shipow ne oce ir Newcastle, Shields, and Sunderland, (who had hitherto „art pied their vessels in the coal and a portion of the Baltic o',er trade,) now commenced building ships for the transpor!'ur vice; and the Cumberland shipowners, who had confined oAt selves chiefly to the Irish and coasting trade, turned thei' tb aa tention to other trades, which our commercial monopoll :ot er offered to their view. High freights and an almost un'cota rupted demand continued until the year 1810, when the. „log mercial calamities of that year materially affected the interest ; it however rallied, and continued a profitable traticoit, til the year 1815. The real difficulties of shipowners then or menced; they found themselves in the trade of c ommo o n riers, subject to all the liabilities (and they are truly ht l ,4 ca tsi both classes of persons, with ships, in most instatwes, eo class; rejected by the West India interest, either as 1 12, further need, or by the underwriters, as unfit for "i or, iu d T e h s e p transport ir,the own vessels e se discharged ver o t u y s e l r y e either tn w b r t o r o a t e sn ": Wb h e i t r t for the most part, sank them into deeper distress.' i ,d,.-thtl i t , proof need be adduced of the then depression, than L'^ilst all about 1816, timber freights had sunk to 345. per load, what Or, the equipment, the wages, and the cabin expenses, wer e , e cte° rates ; and we may here remark, that it was not to . be e"-‘ ott oie that the habits and expenses of the officers could inst i ` o f tb' ously be changed to meet the unparalleled depressiollica ott time. This crisis ruined every shipowner who dePe e bvi freight as a carrier, and whose ;hips were encumbered by Jo . (The new register act, legalizing the mortgage then passed.) Those who had realized -something strnto, with difficulties almost insuperable, and were contli s e_ ne , V! , work their ships without remuneration, and, in most ca e' ri e •_ to submit to a loss in depreciation, owing to the peaceronjett: then threatened (1819) alteration in the currency of fro , 60 per cent. Since this period economy in managemen t ;f of ships, 0 9 ... „ied ther with a reduction in the prices of the articles n eces%.,: t ae: the outfit of vessels, have enabled many to continue in the but we may safely aver that, even now, there is no caP:totr unprofitably invested as that of the common carryite owner We. shall now proceed to show, that the proposed din uldE ruin the shipowners :—Because the second class ships "",°r,aet) immediately thrown out of employment, there being node. so:1 employ this tonnage fully, except colonial timber tracoa:r that ship-building would.. be most vitally injured t i v t e 0 , 5 doubt, wnen it is considered, that a great impulse is iw n ?e a ', " yen thereto by the consideration that a British ship, t.e._iae, old, is always worth, and will sell for, the full mark et a timber ship. t c : To show the importance of this observation, we nee d t 7tiof , mask, that, in the year 1829, 1611 vessels, comprising an d ill of 431,901 were employed in the colonial timber trane t !, t it freight payable on timber imported one million. lii; e nit_ 4) q" destroy a valuable nursery for seamen we need °DIY, t her(? - 0 4 that, in the same year, 20,098 sailors were employed Li t The value of the exports were 2,206,913. This state r e d iv l ', the importance of the timber trade to the country; a o sert that any change in the duties at present will pre'bo li u,eocot ruinous consequences to those whose property is " 4 tbilt it, and it was so embarked under the strong persuasion_ do r e shipping and colonial interests would never be iniur e a t larg ur serted. But if this trade is ofimportance to the cuiPt, i r e be to , s yl it is especially so to Liverpool. The best proof wit_ oil e vey our dock quays during the timber import; then it,e,, may be formed of the employment it affords—the trn;.trat e y casions. This is not all. We may safely refer to a ll o men connected with repairs and fitting out of vessels, re will reply affirmatively to the vast importance Of American trade to the port ofLiyerpool, if the Pr°3—ce''ss'Yei' • ration takes place. The greatest portion of it must n.ea , leave it ; and Leith, Newcastle, and Goole s';' colbe what we now enjoy. There. is yet another truly Bu t „ t a i le, / ati deration, which ouglty ht to determine us to avoid, if P°7„,ape ant destruction of it. Ma of the finest of our sous ar e c (from circumstances not necessary to enumerate) tbe their native land, their homes, and their altars. _ of their fathers, and seek an a.sylrun foreigl'coect'i)p., What country is there which holds out the same r 0 f i e • peace as one inhabited by the same race,. governed Da , /f a; laws, and where worshippers kneel at the same a1ta,7; 011 .,,a , this trade, and you cut off the hopes of this class °L . nt to •L'f or well known, that the means of support to an entigraa,.o 0 i y America, for two or three years, arises from the eb tanning employment as a wood-cutter, and by this he i fer procures the means cif building a house ancl,purcint,abese 4 0 ; of land, which gives him. a comfortable .domicile. t y r o il! siderations will, we hope,,put an end to all doubt as priety of endeavouring to keep this trade; and the fir' sc islio be to-instruct our representatives to accomplish ani their votes in Parlialnent.