Northern Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-03-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS. --WEDNESDAY. POSTPONEMENT OF BILLS. z _ l r. Spoonnooter postponed, till Tuesday, his motion res p ec t- Su'... ah, and "nunittee on the J , Trelawne for a week, his motion for going into Church Rate Bill. ~_,.. Sheriffs' BILLS. tinge nigh Expenses Bill was read a second Ur. Black moved the second reading of the Edinburgh Annuity Tax Bill. billb e C u mming Bruce moved, as an amendment, that the ~ e _ read a second time that day six months. The_ bi ll m most ush:lraareeledssivas a barefaced robbery; and one of the --tt benefit al to afns submitted to parliament. I PrePese confiscate lon g established property for . the adv antage. ew ,wit h out even the pretext of national kgMr. B a b xte r seein that it . was admitted that something yherat raentdone, he wished to know the intentions of the tskt 131%1:Blackburn opposed the bill as a direct attack on the 3 1 ".„Iled Church of Scotland. adalit„lersman said that the principle of the bill had been d theref ore -- ""``' . by the house in the case of Church-rates, an tim e he thought that the bill ought to be read a second . ogr. Stew art opposed th e bill, admitting that the subject lddt be be s e t t l ed, and expressing his expectation that it Miloproperly dealt with by the Government. Lord Advocate declared that he had already prepared 4 the subject, which had moreover the sanction of the exa "e t ra _ra. en!. Idle could not at that moment state what the well, principles of the bill would be, but he trusted that it th e 4 reconcile the strong feelings entertained in favour of ch volantary principl e , w i t h th e r i ghts of the Established bintireh• Under the se c i rcumstances, he trusted that the xi wo uld be all owed to stand over. to'r. Moncrieff thought that the bill ought to be allowed sh o t into committee. They were agreed that the tex t '413 ebbs abolished, and the only question was what ough t di,,, in its place ? The committee might be fixed for the "' n 't day, and the bill of the Government considered in k ni r ea ri liti me• tiee 0 ,,' -(Piven supported the bill, which inflicted no injus- IC tr a ny existing interest. re ore -`-`• Bairn° said that the tax was not voluntary, and ab o li ?re bore no analogy to Church-rates. When they sti tu sued 11nnisters Money in Ireland, they provided a sub taxthet, while the principle of the present bill was to abolish consent without any substitute, and to that he could not sires. I) at Dale , unbar supported the bill, characterising the tax _ r.q al and unjust. 'cr la.__ Scott opposed the bill, the principle of which Lor,,TeanY bad. loid e f l „..,ebo and Mr. Mackie also opposed the bill, which womulire.ble.rilgshiipt ported by believe bouchere. did not hat a satisfactory measure o_ the i ntroduced bfrref:e3dilcu.gsuunruh:obilistcettao:urtetsvoblyi:tlht_e government. . The . great majority ' a ad he di d ° Edinburgh were in favour of the " de t eil e d h 11°t " e whY the Establishe a d s C d h a ur ne ch b c y o t ul h d e voluntary principle as w Mr. until ,ho ur, duce 11 the bill of r ged the postponement of the second the Lord Advocate could be intro kfr, Biackijee,,,sen., and Lord Duncan, supported the bill. til e worst repued, sayinc, .... e _ feelings in Edi b'' that the present system excited. hi'n "lo d i ~ , n urgh. ' 4 161 l7 vi ueu, when the amendment was negatived ilei,ooiti :as ' then read a second time. 1 D) ACT AMENDMENT BILL. bill Itlieri (4irresigßan:rrAiot(vierAthile second reading of the Poor Amendment Bill. The object of the p aren w t aa to settle the religion in which a child, to whose Thi s o a n ga n o clue could be found, should be brought up. lii sh -Cneinstim excited violent discontent throughout the 'could' 1;,,—,115. The present law enacted that such a child as , uro u , .‘ u p in the Protestant religion, but there child W' Probabilit in most unions that the parents of the th r il ' i rea er s e h 11 ' )I rlau Y Catholics The bill provided that the o, the faith should be brought up . according to the probabilities the B eea rc c r of the parents, which were to be calculated by the Lor d j . !'' Oua.rdi ans. pop id :rowne seconded the motion. In many unions t was al to at"oa Were entirely Roman Catholics, in others i d ecided ,c' exclusively Presbyterians. All cases should be the chdci;7aratelY• There was great mortality amongst that re drew when brought up in the workhouse, and for Dardi ans 4. clause was added to the bill, empowering the lava Arr. Gt,.,,' Put their children to nurse. . 0 ~,..... 0.0 Protested against altering the law of the i;it t _ , 4 aCCOu n th e Uall ee Othe r probabi li ties. The proposed bill would prin,,, confusion and discord into the unions. If klobt ed 'line of taking deserted . child Fen to nurse was pose ~ mothe rs kin g abliaeridonil enbte,ingi-lazytiel„,, desert their children forlePur: months,r. • r bill aleitd - ; ' second time that day °Piaiot'"nsell called on the government to declare its t kt.• Do bbs moved the adjournment of the debate. ileac, B. Osborne taunted the government with their , Lordlthe subject. Vatt o ther l said that there was no indisposition on the 'lit kwn tghoyernment to declare its opm . ion, but they had tekdt,t,ratioYnl,lciami: ' full provisions of the bill for above an hour. ~itted that the subject deserved serious con dis:dedrebbityt e th eo ' ought to be settled, but it was not to be theseNion. attproposed bill, which would produce greater nu gh e t rl to ino b n e y a t r a n ur w ne a d s now felt. He thought the •J. b. Fitz j r i s reri oos rli hge.rald said that the government had on . 4 t introduced a bill on the subject of the kttle4 0 ,, as there any provision in that bill for the le Th e A tt i this question. pinion444l4ooregyi ;General for Ireland, after referring to the 1 1 4 . 11 ln. en on the subject, said that the present bill 4,4lre,ste4intacr_e_as_e a.gtation. He . did not think that the m:rh'e ctbate,WrrenneadAni); prrsion on the subject. utes to °lll B il . adjourned ] immediately afterwards, at ten Tilt MERSEY DOCKS AND lIARBOTTit BILL. _ PRo".11 OUR OWN REPORTER. Y. L s ll l, a e Select 01:10IISE OF COMMONS, WEDNEsD t A noon r‘ll 9, th e , . — 0, mad tte e on this bill re-assembled aiiLew 11144' All ht llon. Sir George .Cornew att e , i thed other members of the committee w is er i e n , soggest. °Pe cott, Q C , r. 1 ° lice. also 1111koter I°ll raade by .th'e sa o id m th it a t t ee in m ace F o r r i d d a a l , e t w h i e t with t r il l) ! ,_kihBgltzerrielie,W pre pared ° , l l l th_ clauses for providing te . r a 7 th e el , ',O commence in the year 1860. The following ,?, . ause :---- erwtell(l,e' p r l l e e i r ,„ Ito make provision for the repayment Pa monies which have alread by the kard ~el' Which hereafter be borrowed ex. acted v.,,hder th May .been o !tad ei,lat after e authority of Parliament, be it es of rates or and kfter ~.: theretao ellth - recovery thereof, monies iliciciel4ellseB 134yalg latheeaccholleycetaiornof for tirYneat e, ,, , or . to theall charges accruing due, on a nd : the 0. al/. interest charge onsuc h rat t e e s, by t i le r the deu,e,ing forming a a utherised to be grsanancl eXpelise kard , `-,k andannuities avment of all charges pelisse 8 Of su . after p- , • in and repairing the bearcoutheija4Porting, maintain a l ! Pres er „N ofth... t 0 be established teetito.lllg, hlligeineral managenm and P 11- li di g, maintaining, 1 -and g n , e d a e e b ur t y . t nr h g e , apply )ear, B abse u c etl ' the Mer se; iljgo' k a _Es e ta a te th en e t b d o c a o r nin d daui s cn h ttai a in . yearly which of the rates w B hsp th e _ 9, ent to th - 6 , 24th day of June, 1860, at' rekahisQrPias of any - ke teat to th e a esaid, on their hands after such payment as 4 e ,Pay liii ,a B the aaid surpl shall be equal to in, or,. towards_.o. extent of £lOO,OOO, or such less s q n 4 d ti th en °f, some or- anyaa of the principal ty m o o f n t i h e e s which tl, e Which shall'!le arid owing on the sectin. ail Neh then have become due and a able ; and in r eoiti e4 ing of, and e xtinguishing of, the ;Jersey Dock trille°Pecti "vulch may be then existing, according to the eiple Priorities of such monies and annuities, until all e b ee n ~-,` ra.ionies duel , a . n the security of the rates . shall have 'll n -va " -1 ) and u Pro,,i„Orchased up aandMeexti extinguished and subject to the Mersey Dock annuities shall have Ithiehlens herein contained; a all rates and other eeei, ll A liall monies or 13e collected levied, borrowed, and raised i tli e ' nader or b ' 'f the said recited . acts, or he oetrit;rwi.th°4l)'or of )r tlils 'ir tut the o' application of which 'Ray . b y bloti:. le expressly etir".c4ted, shall and may hefapptilieaat se e uoard according to the provision% !_ °e Af‘Lontained in see,tion 284 of th ° Mersey 11111 P„Tinoetoenaolidation Act, 1858." . tt le 0 18 cla qae ji'ewere ander_ the impression - n the suggestion of &, etakittee. 1 were strictly an,OP, g rider to on h ftsuse wh i .. , Butt hey had also p. ePared a re t s i sion that in bringing litas cash `; he thought the committe.ee w ould sanct ;In 111eli ,„Y,e the board shall at any timean/ 41. 0 ''' ' llB as af • • towards .. baying b,, we, : f nio_.es, :resaid, applicable Mersey t uishini; possess 0 ( anntltie: . ,r redeeming or ex ing apply al: 7 s u e d e ja of t h e ! it shall be lawful for them to he, 4l _ expedi 'lllPlus, applicable as aforesaid, as th sh- a ' Ett h eat in or towards any purposes for which . theyi e rat es „ line power to borrow money, on the 4 ‘` WhePrOPOSed to insert another clause, as followt:-- en tlie )' t e t' security o PPlied h ia, aral as often as any surplus moneys shall have _ 4 Y the board, 111 , -!: • the above provisions, in re Mr. Hope Scott was about to show why it was necessary to postpone the application of the surplus until 1860, when The Chairman said he need not argue that point. Mr. Scott then went into the proposal to leave out the words "amending arid improving," and endeavoured to show that if they were omitted the board would be unduly crippled. The Chairman said, that the words " amending and improving," were undoubtedly very general words, because they might be construed to mean the building of new docks. He wished to guard against any vague words being here after brought forward as having the force of an act of parliament. Would it not be better to leave out the words, and introduce the words " for the general management and all reasonable expenses for conducting and maintaining the docks ? " Considerable discussion followed, Mr. Hope Scott ob jecting to leave out the words " amending and improving," on the ground that it would be highly injudicious to restrain the board, and that such an important body ought to be allowed a large discretion as to the improvement and extension of their works ultimately. The Chairman said, the committee had decided to intro duce the following words into the clause : "for the general management of the dock estate, with all reasonable expeness necessary for conducting, securing, maintaining, preserving and improving the same," it being a distinct un derstanding, that the construction which the committee intended to put on those words was, that nothing of an extraordinary or new character, in the way of works or erections was included. The clause with this alteration was then adopted, and the preamble of the bill declared proved. Mr. Sergeant Bellasis expressed dissatisfaction with the clause as modified, but after the decision of the committee he said the opposition there on behalf of those for whom he ... appeared, would be carried no further. Mr. Hope Scott : Then it is to go to the House of Lords I suppose. Just what I thought. Mr. Sergeant Wrangham, on behalf of the Great Western and the Birkenhead Railway Companies, proposed the introduction of a clause preventing the opening of the new works ; which would be constructed under the present bill until the works at Birkenhead were completed. He did not impute any desire on the part of the Board to commit a breach of faith, but he at once admitted that there was a distinct leaning towards Liverpool on the part of the Board, and that was the reason why he proposed the clause. Some discussion followed on the proposed clause, Mr. Hope Scott opposing it on the part of the promoters. The Chairman said, he supposed that if the proposed clause was admitted into the bill, the learned counsel thought the Board would be glad to finish the Birkenhead works in order to open those at Liverpool. Mr. Sergeant Wrangham. : Exactly so. The committee rejected the clause; and the other clauses having been agreed to, the bill was ordered to be reported to the house. LIVERPOOL COTTON TRADE. ASTOUNDING DISCLOSURES BEFORE VICE-CHANCELLOR SIR W. P. WOOD MPrRTENS v. HAIGH.—His Honour gave judgment in this case on Tuesday, which came on upon a motion for an injunction to commit the defendants, and Robert Bell, of India Buildings, Liverpool, who had acted as their agent, for breach of an injunction. The plaintiff was a merchant edi y Lug uit u tnillbb Sib ew Orleans in tne cotton traue, and the defendants, Messrs. Haigh, who were cotton brokers at Liverpool, had.acted as his agents in respect of dealings in cotton to a large extent. In Dec., 1857, upon the plaintiff agreeing to give the defendants additional security to meet the depreciation in value of the cotton then held by them as a security for the balance due from him, they wrote to him pledging themselves to hold the cotton until the 20th of February, 1858, unless requested by him to dispose of it at an earlier period. In February, 1858, the plaintiff was in formed that the defendants intended-to sell the cotton at the expiration of the time limited by their agreement. Wishing to obtain possession' of the cotton, he offered to discharge the balance due from him. His applications upon the subject not having been acceded to he gave them notice of his intention to apply for an injunction to restrain them from selling the cotton. He had accordingly filed a bill, and obtained an inj unction to that effect ex parte on the 19th of February, 1858. The defendants had not moved to dissolve the in junction, but the cotton which they stated to have been under the control of Messrs. Overend, Gurney, and Co., as security for certain bills drawn by Bell upon the defen dants, and discounted by Overend, Gurney, and Co., had, notwithstanding the order of this Court, been subsequently sold. The plaintiff had moved to commit the defendants and Bell for a breach of the injunction. The defendants stated that the cotton, as to the greater portion of it, was pawned with Messrs. Overend, Gurney, and Co. by their Liverpool agent, Bell, before notice of the injunction which was obtained had been received, and that the balance owing to them by the plaintiff was very heavy, and could not be adjusted until the cotton—which was of doubtful •if not inferior value —had been sold. Mr. Daniel and Mr. T. Stevens were for the motion ; Mr. Rolt and Mr. Eddis appeared for the defendants, Messrs. Haigh ; Mr. F. J. Wood for Bell. The Vice-Chancellor, after stating the circumstances, said that the plaintiff, in obtaining the injunction, had set out the case plainly and clearly, and had not concealed any fact from the Court. The defendants did not move to dissolve the injunction, and must be taken to have submitted to the justice of the order. They had, in May, 1858, put in an answer setting up a variety of things, but neither to Messrs. Gurney nor to the plaintiffs had they behaved in a fair or ingenious way. With respect to Bell, there could be no doubt that he had committed a breach of the order in spirit, if not in the letter, by making himself, as he had done, a sort of instrument in the transaction. However strong a case of suspicion there might be against 'him, the Court could not go so far as upon mere suspicion to commit him, that being in the nature of a criminal proceeding. As to the defendants, Edwin and Reginald Haigh, they had committed a plain breach of the injunction. He had never had to deal with a case which had caused him more anxiety. These defendants seemed to have been playing the same tricks with the Court that some merchants, he regretted to say, were in the habit of doing with their neighbours. They ought either to have obeyed the injunction or to have stated their case plainly and simply, and applied to dissolve the injunction. His only reluctance as to actually commit ting them was that neither the plaintiff nor any one else would gain any benefit by such a course being taken. He had made up his mind, however, if ever such a case came again before the court, to make an example and commit the parties. In the present instance he should not commit the defendants, and the order would be that they undertake to abide by any order this court would make as to damages occasioned to the plaintiff by the sale of the cotton, in the event of its appearing at the hearing that the plain tiff did not authorise or acquiesce in the same being made over to Messrs. Gurney and Co. by way of security. A receiver would be appointed, and the defendants, Regi nald and Edwin Haigh, must pay all the costs of the present application. [We are informed that the plaintiff has appealed to the Lords Justices to secure a commitment of the defendants.] PICTURE SWINDLING. -We feel it advisable to call the attention of collectors to a trade in counterfeit pictures, which has for a long time past been successfully carried on in the principal towns of Germany, esnecially those in the neighbourhood of the Rhine. The pretended originals con sist chiefly of co pi es f rom what is called the Dusseldorf school, which are produced in incredible numbers, and are executed with more or less ability, and with all the usual trickery and artifice employed on such occasons. This trade is the more successfully carried on from the circumstance that the unfortunate victims of the deceit are generally, from a feeling of false shame, little inclined to bring the offender to account. One of the most industrious of these manufacturers, named J. Hellen, was, however, lately brought before tai police co ur t of Dusseldorf, and, in ‘ f4pite of his strenous denial of the offence, found guilty, anti sentenced to three months' imprisonment, together with a fine of one hundred thalers, and a suspension of his privileg6.! of citizenship for tize space of three years.— Bulletin. payment of any moneys borrowed on the security of rates, or in the purchase or extinguishment of any dock annuity, or on or towards any purpose for which moneys might otherwise have been borrowed on the security of the rates, the borrowing powers of the board, to the extent of the moneys so applied, shall be extinguished." The Chairman said, he did not think there was anything objectionable in the proposed clauses. But there was one word in the first clause to which he would call their attention. It was the word " established." Did that apply to new works ? Mr. Hope Scott replied, that it meant the maintenance of the works authorised. The words " erected" perhaps ought to be added. Mr. Sergeant Bellasis opposed the clause, on the part of the Birkenhead Comissioners, on the ground that it would give the Mersey Dock Board an unlimited power to employ all the surplus in the construction of new works at Liverpool. He urged that the words "improving and amending," should in any case be struck out of the clause. Mr. Scott contended, that the restriction was explicit on that point, and that as it was extremely likely that in a very short time additional powers would be required from Parlia ment, the present opposition, (which he could not but consider of a most factious character) might be raised should the board have misapplied the surplus. Mr. Sergeant Bellasis said, the board admitted that they had now a surplus of £120,000, and therefore the application of it to the purpose of a sinking fund ought not to be postponed until 1860. THE GOVERNMENT REFORM BILL. what is the result of it ? Why, that very large majority, particularly of electors, but especially of non-electors, have given their sanction to the permissive prohibitory bill, pro hibiting the sale of intoxicating drinks. (Oh, oh, loud cheers and some laughter.) A Voice : A teetotal meeting. (Laughter.) The Chairman : If the franchise were largely extended, would you not come up in masses to the polling-booths, and there say to those who offered themselves as your represen tatives ' Are you willing to carry out a legislative measure for the permissive prohibition of the sale of intoxicating drinks ?" If they said " yes," then you would give them a majority of votes, and send them up to parliament to repre sent you. (Hear, hear, cheers, and laughter.) You are the law-makers. (Cries of "Question, " Question.") I am showing you the principles upon which we ought to act, if we are looking fir the good of the country. There is another good thing to be attained, which will increase the consumption of all you are producing most enormously, and give a most extraordinary enhancement to the value of your labour. If all the customs' duties and excise duties were swept away from the face of the land, the demand for the products of your labour would be beyond all human calcula tion. (Hear, hear, and cheers) What would then be the price of your labour in the market no man could calcu late, so great it would be. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let us have a legislative measure instituting direct instead of indirect taxation, making every man pay, rich or poor, according to his ability to pay, and not as the system now is, making poverty pay, and letting the rich man g o f r ee (cheers) —free at least, comparatively—l do not say that he is entirely so, but to a very enormous and unreasonable extent. (Hear, hear.) Now comes the question —is it not desirable, if you look for good legislation, that the franchise should be extended to the broadest limits ? (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I believe it is, and therefore lam willing to be here to-night. (Cheers.) Ido not feel my opinions at all compromised by being here to-night. (Hear, hear.) I am willing to be with you to tell you, and to incite you to strive for measures having such fruits as their results, and I shall therefore feel very great pleasure in listening to the arguments which shall be adduced by the several speakers who will be called upon to speak to you, and to the resolutions which will be prqposed for your decision. (Cheers.) The Secretary read the following letters : Union Court, 21st March, 1859. Mr. Robertson Gladstone presents his respects to Mr. Allen, and regrets to state that he has an engagement on hand for every even ing this week, which will of necessity prevent his thinking of un dertaking any other duty. This circumstance has prevented his attending a meeting of the Reform Club this week, for which he received an invitation ; but, at the same time, Mr. R. G. cannot help stating that it would have afforded him much satisfaction to be pre sent on the occasion of the meeting of the working men on Wednes day next, for Mr. R. G. hopes that, in connection with the all important question of Parliamentary Reform, the working men will direct their thoughts, in close relation to this matter, to the subject of taxation, for the purpose of ascertaining whether the revenue is now raised from proper sources, and whether the working man does not pay more than his fair proportion. To Mr. Alexander Allen. House of Commons, March 22, 1859, Dear Sir,—Your favour of the 20th only reached me this morning. Had it been in my power to leave London I should have been ♦ery glad to have attended your meeting to-morrow evening. We should probably not all agree as to what measure of reform may be neces sary at this moment; but I am sure that, whilst stating my views of the measure now before the country, I should have received from the working men of Liverpool a candid and impartial hearing. It was well observed by Lord Stanley last night, "that to reject a measure of reform does not necessarily insure the passing of one of a more extended character," and that "it is well to remember that in politics a lost opportunity does not always recur." Acting upon this view of the matter, although I do not approve of some portions of the bill, I 612411 feel it my duty to Tote for its second MEETING OF WORKING MEN IN THE CONCERT. HALL, LAST NIGHT. A meeting of working men was convened in the Concert. hall last night, for the purpose of allowing members of thai most important class an opportunity of expressing their opinions upon the subject of the Government Reform Bill. The body and galleries of the hall were well filled, although there probably was not, at the opening of the meeting, such a crowd gathered as one might'have expected to see upon such an occasion. As the proceedings went on, however, the crowd grew more and more dense, until, at length, every inch of the building became filled. That the meeting was not likely to be completely unanimous, was indicated beyond doubt by various outbursts of Kentish fire from one portion of the galleries. Shortly after half-past seven o'clock, Mr. Lawrence Heyworth came upon the platform, and was loudly cheered. He was accompanied by Messrs. James Smith, Hardie, Thomas Gibson, James Hall, William L. Costene, James Farrell, W. W. Broome, Edmund Jones, James Chadwick, James Hobbs, W. Peck, Joseph Hughes, Thomas Cope, James Steele, E. Flower, J. Robinson, Thomas Chapman, and several others. Loud cheers were given, intermingled with some very unmistakeable peals of Kentish fire. Mr. Farrell came forward and said : Fellow working men—(interruption and uproar.) A Voice : Never mind—it is only some of the Orange gang. (Hear, hear, cheers, and hisses.) A Voice : No surrender. (Groans, hisses, and Kentish fire.) Mr. Farrell : I beg leave (renewed interruption)—l come forward to propose, that Mr. Lawrence Heyworth be requested to take the chair this evening. (Loud and general cheering.) The motion was carried by acclamation, and Mr. Hey worth took the chair. The Chairman said : Let me say, that I fpel highly delighted to see you all in such good humour, and when we have an object in view such as that of our present meeting, which contemplates the better condition and circumstances of the great mass of the working people, there is no reason why we should not be in good humour. (Hear, hear.) I hope every man present to-night will maintain order—for order is essential to good humour during the whole of the meeting, and from the conversation I have had with the committee, I may add that I am glad to be able to announce it as their particular wish, their pecu liar wish, that if there be any one here present who differs in opinion from any resolution that be put before you for your consideration, any party so differing will come upon this platform—(loud cheers)—and so long as yon maintain my authority I will see that every such person has a fair opportunity of expressing his opinions. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I shall give you my reasons for personally adopting and recommending that course. 1 do so because I. am persuaded there is no means of ascer taining the truth upon any subject—political, social and religious; upon no subject is it possible to attain to any knowledge of the truth unless by free discussion. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let any question be freely dis cussed before rational men, before Englishmen, and lam persuaded that they will divine the truth which is contained in the matter that is so discussed. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, that being the case, lam sure that by your authority I sh a ll be enabled to maintaia order daring this evening. (Hear, hear.) Now, with regard to the great subject of parliamentary reform, a question has been put—and a very pertinent and proper questiOn —by the 'Times newspaper, which asked, " What good is to come by any parliamentary reform ?" That is a very important question to decide in our own minds before we take any further steps; otherwise, mark you, we may be attempting to get a parliamentary reform which will lead to no fruit. (Hear, hear.) What we want is a reform from which we shall derive fruit, beneficial fruit, to be enjoyed by every man, woman, and child in England. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) That is the object we seek to gain in demanding parliamentary reform, and we, therefore, ought to know what we are about to aim at. There are many points we aim at,, but the principal is this The property of the working man is his labour, and what we want is to embrace the value of that labour. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) If you embrace the value of his labour, you put the working man in the position to provide for himself, with all that is essential to his comforts and his enjoyments, and to educate his children with the best knowledge which can be provided for them. (Hear, hear.) Therefore we can answer the Times, and say th a t th e good we expect is to enhance the value of the labour of the working classes, which is their only propery hear.) If w e r re,t, which will beim representatives to parliament who will have that object- —the enhancement of the value of your labour— mainly in view, then I say we shall obtain good legisla tion. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) If you ask me in par ticular what I would point to, I would reply that there are manifold means by which such results can be obtained, but there are two or three in particular which now present themselves to my mind, and which I will point out to you. One of the great evils of the present day, and which depresses the value of labour, is—what ? It is the great number of gin-palaces, and beer-shops, and ale-houses. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We all know it. We all know that they bring crime, poverty, and distress. (Hear, hear, and loud cries of " Question.") They prevent the value of your property being what it otherwise would be. How do they do that ? In this way. They take sixty millions of money, chiefly out of the pockets of the working classes of the country. (Cheers.) If that money were expended in useful articles, which come from your own productive hands, the consumption would be enor mously increased; there would not be hands enough to produce what was wanted, and what would be the consequenee ? Everyone would be running after labourers, and the labour market, your property, would be enormously increased in value. (Hear. hear.) It is a well-known fact that the hope of legislation in this respect is not an impractical one, provided you receive the suffrage, because many of the large town of England have already been canvassed, and proof of their intelligence, and concluded by moving " That it was the opinion of that meeting that the mea sure of Parliamentary reform proposed by the Government of Lord Derby, is an insult to the great body of the people of this country, and should therefore be rejected by the House of Commons. (Applause and cries of "No, no.") Mr. Hardie came fOrrcl to second the resolution, Lind after considerable interruption, went on to say that his impression of the bill was that it was a gigantic sham, a pyramid of hypocrisy, and something more (applause and hisses)---a Bradford lozenge, with a little Jewish salve. (Applause and hisses.) If they had Lord Derby, Lord Stanley, and Benjamin Disraeli there that night, they would not listen to them, if they stated what they did in the House of Commons. A Voice : Two pies•for a penny. Mr. Hardie : He would tell them the reason why he opposed it. Just because he believed, as a working man, that it did not do justice to the class from which he had bust released himself, by making himself a ratepayer, and uying a vote. A Voice : Where did you get the money ? [Here a man in the gallery got on his feet, and insisted upon the speaker answering him a question. Great uproar was consequently occasioned, and the only thing that could be heard from the questioner was, that he was a Protestant elector. Ultimately he was persuaded to come to the platform] Mr. Hardie again essayed to speak, when three cheers were called for Lord John Russell, which was responded to, mixed with hisses. A voice : Turn out the parson. [This applied to some person with a white neckcloth on at the back of the gallery.] _ Mr. Hardie said there was another reason why he was opposed to the bill. It disfranchised 60,000 county electors. (Cries of no, no.) He looked upon that as exceedinFly wrong and selfish, and having a tendency to re-establish the power and tyranny of the landed classes. If these 60,000 electors were disfranchised, the intelligent, the hard working, the honest, the industrious—(no, no), —the independent voters for the county would be swept away— (no, no),—and then there would be very little independence left. (Nonsense, gammon.) It had been shown to the House of Commons and the country . at large, that votes could be manufactured by landed proprietors and swamp the borough constituencies and establish the landed tyrannies of this country. (No, no.) He objected to the bill, because it did not lower the borough franchise below £lO. (Hear, hear.) Why did it not ? A Voice: It has no right to do. They were told by men in the House of Commons who d ) , b — u t t hf for t e h n i p 3 ec b t i e lf w t as o g u o ore in r t i o ut t e h n e de L d or f d(b or s, — thew °w wow, orlingel lv as o swes THE NORTHERN TIMES, THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1859 reading, in the full assurance that it will be materially amended in committee.—l have the honour to be, dear sir, your faithful servant, THOMAS B. HOESFALL. House of Commons, 22nd March. Dear Sir,—l have to thank you for your letter of the 20th. I should have been most happy to have attended your meeting to-morrow, but it will be impossible for me to leave my post here until after the division on the Reform Bill. My opinions have so recently been expressed on the subject, that it is unnecessary for me to trouble you with a repetition of them. I cannot support any reform bill which does not extend the right of voting to the working classes, who have latterly advanced so much in intelligence.—Believe me truly yours, To A. Allen, Esq. J. C. EWIRT. Great applause followed the reading of each of these letters. A letter was also read from Mr. S. B. Jackson, amidst shouts of "coals, coals," and " how is he off for slack," &c. Mr. Smith, of the Tailor's Institution, then came forward, and said, as one of the working classes of Liverpool, he thought it, at least, his duty to appear on that platform that night to state his opinions in reference to what were the conditions, the usefulness, and the intelligence of the working classes, and why they should be omitted from the bill before the Louse of Commons. Ile was not there for the purpose of declaiming against the bill of any particular Government. He regretted to hear at the meeting on last Thursday that one speaker stated that if the bill had been ever so good brought in by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer he would have opposed that measure. He was glad that did not emanate from a working mau, for working men had been invariably put down as the declaimers to a great extent against other classes of the community, simply because of their position. There was another gentleman made a statement at that meeting to the effect that he would oppose the Government bill, because forsooth he had not half a . dozen votes. He believed that gentleman although an honest reformer, committed a mistake ; because he was a freeholder and an owner of property in the borough, and he considered he should have two votes. He (Mr. Smith) did not see, politically speaking, that any property should have a right to vote, because if that were the case it would be bricks against brains. (Applause.) He also regretted that the meeting on Thursday evening partook too much of the old Whig school. There was a good deal of Whiggery about it, of a shuffling character, that did not represent fairly the people of the town of Liverpool, and hence was called that meeting of working men. They had not at that meeting such letters from Horsfall and others, and why had they not ? But it was not a question whether this man or that man was a Whig or a Radical—it was the question whether govern ment, having taken up the reform bill, would extend the franchise to the working classes—whether the working classes would be admitted within the pale of the constitution. He would say that the working men were within the mark of intelligence, and ought to be admitted. He had worked with the working classes, and had mixed with them for the last fifteen years, and seen them in all positions, .and he was convinced that the working classes were as good men of intelligence in 1859 as the middle classes were in 1832. The objection was, that the working men were not suf ficiently intelligent. Now, if that had been the objection against the middle classes in '32, it would have been many years before they would have &ot the franchise. (Hear, hear.) This was only a sidewind, to deprive the • working men of the possession of that which they ought to have in such a country as this, where liberty was enjoyed to such an extent, where the institutions were the freest in the world, to which the working man gave his protection, and ought he not to have a voice in the country ? He would ask them to look at France and to look at America. If they went to America and looked at what they were doing with the suffrage. There was no analogy between America and France. The French people never enjoyed those free institutions that the English had. The French never had any free debating, and free public platform, but they had a liberty and a right to protest against any grievance. And whenever a grievance went abroad in France and was even murmured, the man was put in prison. They could come there and protest against the Government Bill if they thought right. Having adopted the educational course which England had done amongst the working classes, he contended they were sufficiently educated, at all events, to be admitted within the pale of the constitution. One fact was evident, that the government of the day did not intend to admit the working men to the constitution. This was quite clear. He was not going to stand there to hold up his hand to vote any government out unless they could secure a better one. He would say that the bill was a sham, in tended to cast the working classes over for the next thirty years, when the one-half of that meeting would be in their graves. The time had now arrived when they should seek that franchise for themselves which they deserved, and he asked them, in the name of all that prosperity and success —in all the enterprises which they undertook— he asked them to make a clear stand before any government except that government which gave them their legitimate rio.hts. He did n want narlia mentary reform merely because of the question of . rhey all knew what advance had been made in this country since the last reform bill passed. In the great railways, steam communication, telegraph, and 'docks, and warehouses, &c., and the working men had done all this, and they were praised for doing this, and they were flattered, but unfortunately the working classes had been often class-trapped into the support of princi ples which acted against themselves. (Hear, hear.) But if the working classes did this, and support the great great manufacture of a country like this, was that not sufficient intelligence to qualify them for a vote. Should they pass a degree in college,were they required to be doctors of law, or schoolmasters before they got the fran chise ? This was not the sort of franchise they wanted. The basis of their right was the franchise of brains, and the franchise of industry. Let them have a fair examina tion, and he would guarantee the result of that examination would be the extension of the franchise over the length and breadth of that country. In regard to property, they were not men of property, unfortunately—at least, they were not men of property that produced the vote, but they were the men that produced the property, and many of them possessed money property. (Cheers.) It was a fact that there were two million indi viduals enrolled members of friendly societies in this country. It was also a fact that they had nine or ten millions of money invested in savings' banks, and if they were so Con servative for he maintained the working classes were t ru ly Conservative, as to lay by a little money, and if they handed this money for the use of the government, why were they not within the pale of the constitution ?—why were they not to partake of the advantage ? If they would not give the franchise on manhood suffrage, they ought to give it on this. It was one of the points of the bill that if a man had £6O in the savings' bank he was to have a vote. Was that not absurdity ? Where was the working man that could afford to put £6O in the savings' bank ? He wonld ask those who had been Conservative with regard to the present Government, was that an honest condition to give the franchise upon? Let them leave politics aside. They wanted their rights, and their rights should be their intelligence and their industry. (Applause.) They were told they had no stake in the country. That was a pre posterous idea. Mr. Smith went on to refer to the ability with which the working men managed their societies as a the , middle classes, who, according to their own showing, had at the present moment the greatest influence and power in the country, of any other body. He would mention a man who made a sßech the previous night, in proof of what he was saying. (" Name.") Bulwer Lytton. What did he say ? (" Who ?") Bulwer Lytton. (Laughter.) (" What's his name ? where does he live ?") Mr. Hardie then proceeded to read an extract from Bulwer Lytton's speech amidst cries of " that's from the Post ;" " it's not correct, &c." Mr. Hardie, however, assured the meeting that the paper from which he read the extract was the Morning Star. He said, they did not want to take the right from the middle classes, they wanted their own rights. (Hear, hear, and applause.) For the government to say that the working classes were not fit to receive the franchise, was to say that all their efforts for their amelioration and education had been fruitless; was to say that the working classes were void of brains. That they had no interest at all in common with the other classes for the preservation of the country. He would say that that man studies best the interest of his country who was willing to give the working classes their rights. He could not believe that the working. men had not improved by railroads, by free libraries, and by reading the best works, and who to-night were reading the debates of the previous night's discussion. He could not believe that such things as these had produced no effect on the working classes of this country. He also objected to the £6O in the savings' bank qualification. He would ask if a man who had a moral character which could not be impunged had not a right to vote. He would ask them to work until they got their liberties, and if they did not work they never would get them at all. He also objected to the bill because it did not secure vote by ballot, and then concluded amidst applause and hisses. Mr. Parsonage, clerk of St. John's Church, then presented I himself, and was received with mingled cheers, groans, and hisses. Ile proceeded to say that he came forward to move an amendment, which he held in his hand, before doing which he might perhaps be permitted, after the very lengthy speeches which had been made, to relate just one anecdote. (No, no, and hear, hear.) When Benjamin Franklin was a boy, he was once standing at the door of his father's work shop, and a man came up, who said, " My little fellow, you are a very nice little boy ; you are a beautiful boy"- A Voice : We can't say ditto of you. (Laughter.) Mr. Parsonage continued : The man wound up by saying, " My beautifnl little fellow, has your father got a grinding stone ?" A Voice : Too old ; too old. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Another Voice : We have heard it a thousand times (Renewed laughter.) Mr. Parsonage : H( me a turn asked the little boy will you give -A Voice : We'll give you a turn out. (Laughter.) Mr. Parsonage : The little fellow complied in conse quence of the flattery, and ho turned at the stone, the man grinding all the time, until his strength was fairly exhausted. Then what did the man say ? A Voice (in sepulchral tone):_Amen. (Great laughter). Mr. Parsonage : He said "My little fellow, did you hear the bell ring? It is after school time, so now set off to school, for it is very late, and you will get a good flogging. There were many parties who might be represented by . that man. (Hear, hear.) They were certainly flattering the working man, and, nevertheles, he (Mr. Parsonage) would appeal to the working men there, and ask them whether the parties who talked most of the rights of the working man, were the working man's best friends. (Cheers, and cries of question.) Who were the best employers in the town. (Hear, hear, and question.) The men who talked most of the rights and privileges of the working man, were the men who would keep him to the grinding stone if they had the power. (No, no, hear, hear, and cries of question.) The preceding speaker had said that the working man was robbed of his rights unless he got universal suffrage. (No, no.) Now what did Lord John Russell say upon that subject ? A Voice : Lord John Russell is a fool. (Laughter.) Another Voice : Lord John Russell is like Parsonage then.. (Renewed laughter.) Another Voice : Only he has'nt got quite such a Cor poration. (Great laughter.) Mr. Parsonage made some quotation from Lord John Russell's speech, which amid the noise that prevailed, was unaudible, and proceeded to ask where, if they desired the progress of Reform, or to whom they were to look for a better measure than that proposed. A Voice : To John Bright (loud and repeated cheers). Mr. Parsonage : I am u friend to Reform. A Voice : What sort of Reform ? Mr. Parsonage : With your present opposition to the Government you impede the cause of Reform. A Voice : Preposterous (loud laughter). Mr. Parsonage : In consequence of the disturbed state of this meeting- A Voic• You may thank your own mob for it. (Cries of hear, hear, and cheers.) • T shall content myßplf ietallng the amendment. I have a right to move an amendment, and you ought to hear me. (bear, hear, and No, no.) This is my amendment : That this meeting condemns any movement of any political party whatever which will delay the settlement of the Reform question, as being prejudicial to trade, reform, and th e b est inte rests of the country; and views with regret the amendment moved by Lord John Russell, on'3londay evening last, because it is im possible to escape the conviction that it is not the desire for the advancement of the working classes, but that of place and power which actuates the opposition to the second reading of Lord Derby's Bill. Mi. Parsonage then resumed his seat amid mingled cheers, groans, and hisses : _ _ 7 0 Mr. Shaw (who scrambled down from one of the side galleries to the platform amid much laughter), came for ward to second the resolution, and proceeded in very vehe ment style to address the meeting. He reminded them of the anecdote of the gooso and her golden eggs, and said there were men whii get golden eggs every day, and yet tkey were not contented. They wanted now to kill the goose. A Voice : A bad prospect for you. (Great laughter.) Mr. Shaw continued to address the meeting, but owing to the noise, it became to those not close to him inexpli cable dum show. From an occasional word it could ke gathered that he was making some remarks upon the foreign policy of England, probably conceiving that topic perfectly appropriate to the discussion of a home reform bill. Ile finally seconded the amendment, and took his seat. The Chairman then put the amendment, in favour of which a great many hands were held up. On the negative,_ however, being put, an overwhelming majority of hands exhibited themselves. _ _ The Chairman : I need hardly say that the amendment is lost. You all know it. (Enthusiastic cheering.) [A person who had previously risen several times in the gallery and had been invited ou the platform, now rose on the latter spot and was greeted with hisses, laughter, and cheers. His name was stated to be Doyle. He proceeded vehemently to address the,meeting.] A Voice : Sure he is only a Connaught man. (Laughter.) Mr. Doyle : Never you mind what man I am; lam not ashamed of my coat. (Laughter.) The man who does not know how to exercise his vote independently, and who is biassed to sect or party, is unworthy to have a vote. Now, I appeal to any man who knows what Itomanism is. (Oh, oh, older, order, hear, hear, hisses , and cheers.) A Voice Oh, what an ass ! (Laughter.) Mr. Doyle : Where is the nian, under the influence of Romanism, who could exercise his Tote without prejudice, as a rational being. (Laughter, cheers, groans, and great confusion) [The speaker here turned round, and appeared to bo engaged in an animated polemical debate with some 1 person on the platform. No sentence of the dia!oguo reached the audience in the hall, except the words, "Is he not a slave —I appeal to yourself," uttered by Mr. Doyle with amazing emphasis of tone and gesture.] Mr. Doyle again turned to the body of the hall, and cried with stentorian lungs--I appeal to this meeting; I have to put a question. (No, no, hear, hear, andconfasion.) This is my question. (No, no.) The Chairman : I am exceedingly anxious to give every one a fair hearing, but this speaker wanders so completely from the question, that it is a perfect waste of time. (Hear, hear.) He begins to talk about the Roman Catholics. (near, hear, hires, and groans.) Mr. Doyle : Will you allow me to ask one simple ques tion ? (No, no, and hisses.) Here's civil and religious liberty. (Groans.) Is this civil and religious liberty I ask you. (Groans, hisses, and laughter.) Mr. Parsonage : This is universal suffrage and fair play. I (Cheers and groans.) Mr. Gibson rose and proceeded to address the meeting, but was met with shouts and groans, which rendered it impossible for him to be heard. Ile made several unsuc cessful attempts, and then waited patiently for a subsidence of the storm of opposition. , Some gentlemen on the plat form went up to Mr. Parsonage, and apparently asked that gentleman to endeavour to get a hearing for Mr. Gibson. Mr. Parsonage came forward and said : I merely want to ask my friends present, for I have no party here (oh, oh) —none that I know of—(oh, oh) —to give a fair hearing to the speaker. Several Voices : No ; hear Doyle first. (No, no.) Mr. Parsonage : They wiltnot hear Doyle, although th ey have a right to do so. They ought to hear him, but they will not. Therefore, I hope , you will hear the oth e r gentleman. Mr. Gibson : I thought we had met here to-night on very serious business ; business which affects you more than it does me. (Cheers.) I thought we had met to discuss the Reform Bill now before the House of Commons • to talk of the clauses which affect the working men of 'this large community, and to say whether the bill gives them that fag. measure of citizen rights_ to which we thi n k th e y are entitled (cheers.) Now, I unhesitatingly say (uproar) that the amount of Po er placed in the hands of the working classes by this measure, is far too stinted, and very That it is the opini mentary Reform will 'Great 61( Are permanent satisfaction to the p. agree with you in tote, ones continu not hear him, for thou c ,— some time, his voice was completely drowned in the dii and babble of the people.] Mr. Broom came forward and said he was a stranger but for all that he hoped they would hear him in support o a resolution which would give every working man fright to send in a representative to the Commons House of Par liament. He was in favour of that, and he should like to know why working men paid taxes without having a vote. It was despotism to deny it to him. He asked if they were prepared to have a representative in the Howe of Com mons. [The audience, being rather musically inclined " Rule Brittania," and kept their heels going in style, during all which time Mr. Broom stood in a perplexed condition, not knowing whether to stand or sit down.] Mr. Broom then asked the opinion of the audience, what he should do, and they told him to sit down, which he accordingly did. struck up rummer The resolution was put to the meeting and ca Mr. Allan then read the followingpetition Your petitioners also respectfully submit that the vote by ballot is indispensable as a preservative of the purity of elections; that a more adequate apportionment of members to property and popula tion is imperatively necessary; and that the duration of parliament. should be considerably shortened. Your petitioners humbly pray that these measures may receive s the immediate consideration of your honourable house, r as eing such as the advancing intelligence and increasing.cniVeuxßnee.ol the working classes of the population, and the polio. al igencies of the country require. And your petitioners will ever pray, dre., &C. It was moved and seconded, that the meeting approve of the petition, which was passed. It was moved and seconded, that a vote of thanks be given to the chairman, which was carried unanimously. Thie done, the meeting then separated. unfair. (Cheers.) A growing community, such as we are, requires a suit of clothes to fit the present age ; and, as the bill of 1832 extended the franchise to the middle classes, I have no hesitation in saying that the working classes of the present day have grown so much in intellect and position, that the franchise ought now to be extended to them. (Cheers, and cries of hear hear.) In that sense I am a working man. I demand for the classes who meet in this hall. to-night, the privileges which, as a citizen, I have enjoyed- for many years. (Hear, hear.) I have grown so dissatisfied with parties that I am for measures not men (cheers) ; and if the old war cry of " measures, not men," had been more promi nently raised before the country long ago, we should have found that the working classes of the country would have been listened to by the statesmen of the country years before this. (Cheers.) The bill of the Chancellor of the Exchequer is good as far as it goes, but I contend that it does not g.o far enough. (Hear, hear.) The direction it takes is rather towards the educated classes, as they are called, and the working classes are almost entirely ignored. (Hear, hear.) If gentlemen here are disposed to allow a Government, by whatever party name it ma . ride rough-shod over them, then upon themselves the blame must rest ; and I am rather of opinion, from the behaviour of some gentlemen here to-night, that there is a large body willing to be ridden over, or, at least, not seeming to resist it. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) For mysel only say that if Lord John Russell, Mr. G Derby, Mr. Disraeli, or Mr. Bright- to care ae, Lord A Voice : Three cheers for Bright. , Mr. Gibson : If any one of these statesmen - I care not who—the rose by any other name will smell as sweet - will bring . forward a satisfactory measure of Reform, I for one would gladly accept it ; and if the bill now offered by Lord Derby to the working classes of the country were such a bill as their intelligence, their education, and their true Con - T.- vliitism entitled them to have, I should be inclined to give him a warm support in his measure. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Gibson pointed out several defects in the present bill, which he declared an insult to the working classes of the country, and concluded amid loud applause by supporting the original resolution. Mr. Allen then came forward, and was greeted with all manner of noises, amid which he said : Chairman and Gentlemen, I am very sorry that there is no chance of being heard. (Order.) I rise to say a few words in support of the second resolution. I will read that resolution to yoti and save time. He then read the following resolution :-- measure of Pulls.- 111. this country which does not secure residental manhood suffrage, vote by ballot, a more equal distribution of members to property and population, and a shortening of the duration of Parliaments. Mr. Farrell said: I come to second the motion that has just been made, and I hope you will all consider yourselves worthy of the condition in which you are placed. If you are not all men, I hope you will live to be men; long enough to know the value of manhood suffrage. A Voice : It's a hoax. Mr. Farrell continued : I hope you will have that suffrage which I came here to get for you. lam favourable to the ballot, because I wish you, as working men, to • enjoy the right and privilege of giving your vote according to the dictates of your consciences. (Tremendous uproar.) I tell you the ballot is not an un-English institution. It is no more harm for a man to vote in secret than it is to say his prayers in secret, or to lock his door at night when he goes to bed. This is my view of the ballot. It is not un-English. A Voice : It is a hoax. Mr. Farrell : A man should give his vote a3cordiug to the best of his judgment. At this stage the audience, as if by pre-arrangement, commenced to sing something having in sound a faint resemblance to the National Anthem. At the conclusion, Mr. Farrell said he had only to say that he most cor dially seconded the resolution. Mr. Warden then rose, and said: I rise to move an amendment to the last resolution, and I am sorry to find that we have so much noise ; but I am very glad to know, that if we had noise, we have had it mixed with a little harmony. lam a working man, and not ashamed of it. My trade is a basket maker. This meet ing was called to hear the opinions of the working men and nobody else should have spoken. lam a Conservative. (Hisses, and hear, hear.) I will give everybody fair play. Mr. Gibson : I did not get fair play. Mr. Warden : I like to see a little spirit, but I think we have had enough of this noise. (Hisses and groans.) I was about to move as an amendment, that voting by ballot is not in accordance with the constitution, and not only that, but it is not in accordance with the constitution of the people as Englishmen. (Gammon.) I am told that the ballot is to protect us. I am not ashamed to register my opinion in public. I don't want to hide it and vote in secret. A Voice : I don't want to lose my work. Mr. Warden was about to proceed when another voice cried out, " Vote by basket.," and roars of laughter followed. Mr. Warden said he would not occupy their time any longer, but would say that all who wanted to make a noise, let them do so at once, and let it be over. A Voice : It is your own party that makes the noise. Mr. Warden concluded by moving the amendment. Mr. Jones then rose and was gi eeted with " What's your name ?" Jones was the reply. A Voice : Who stole the child ? Mr. Jones went on, amid the tumult of' voices, to say However much you may differ from my views, or with the views of our chairman, in political matters, there is one thing that we all know that he has done his duty, and with those who differed from him it was only a matter of opinion. (Ho, ho.) I say there is something due to his age, and to the sincerity of his motives, to hear his opinions expressed in your hisses. A Voice : Are you , a souper r • Mr. Jones : I did think, and do still thin addressing an assemblage of intellectual and rational beings —(hear, hear) but I shall be compelled to conclude by thinking lam in the wild beast menagerie at the bottom of Shaw's-brow, if you go on in this way. A Voice : Three cheers for the ballot. [This was heartily re-ponded to, and they did not appear to be at all scrupulous about adding one to the number proposed.] Mr. Jones continued : I do not see the necessity of this. I believe that no man having a feeling of honesty about him and no Englishman will shrink from the manifestation of his view, but will record his vote openly. I. hope you will do me the favour of listening to a few remarks or reasons why I hold these A Voice : Give him firm Lk, that I was Another Voice: We di. Mr. Jones continued : There is a very respectable man the flour trade who is most anxious to rate himself me. (Laughter and interruption.) I entered th . staunch supporter of church and state. (Cries of question.) An ardent admirer of Lord Derby —(hear, hear) • both for his eloquence as a debater, and his ability as a statesman; and I do believe (boo) that to-night in this assembly then: is no exemplification of his principles. (Great interruption.) I will ask but three minutes and then 1 will sit down. A Voice : Sit down now. [The audiencethat th,v w sein eeddetefiniiiiir do the .n d if theycooxut best hn could not t ma i k; him sit down. S room a TO THE HONOITRABLE THE COMMONS OF TUE ' U NITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAN D IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED. Gentlemen,—At a meeting held on the 23rd March, at the Concert Hall, Lord Nelson-street, Liverpool purpose of affording the working classes and other inhabitants an opportunity of expressing their ov , Which was convened for the Luions upon the various • projects of Parliamentary Reform which are at present before the country, it was resolved that your honourable house should be made ae.- by such meeting, and quainted with the sentiments which were unanimouslv expressed With the decisio n a rr ived at upon the ab ove i mportant subje c t ; and in conformity thereto it was resolved to petition your honourable house. Y our petitioner s h umbly show that in expressing their decided disapprobation of the measure recently introduced by her Ibjesty's Ministers, they are at the same time of opinion that no m..a.,ure of Parliamentary Reform can be expected to give permanent satisfac tionl to the p eop l e of this country, which does not secure residential manhood suff rage, i ndependently of the ratepaying qualification al together, it being believed that such a restriction upon ae elec toral priA liege is a positive injustice perpetrated upon the great body of the people. c et of [de d ,f er t, the Tonal 3" o f ; er of 3.0 ut~ ~cltl done ibs's. tb s e e! ea.ll