Northern Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-10-31 00:00:00

present moment, are upon as satisfactory a footing, and are as generally amicable, as they were a few months s i nc e. (Hear, hear.) The present Government have difficulties to contend with, in the position of what is called the Italian question, in which I hope and trust they will be steady in their purpose not to entangle themselves in the negotiations of any congress. (Cheers.) They have difficulties in China ; they have difficulties upon the coast of Africa, seriously threatening us, unless a decided tone be taken, and unless this country is disposed to m aintain rights which are absolutely essential to our welfare. They are threatened with difficulties in the North Pacific, where our transatlantic brethren rather, if I may use tho familiar expression, appear to be " trying it on." (Laughter.) They are threatened with diffi culties in various quarters, but they are not difficulties which may not be surmounted by a mixture of firmness, of good temper, but at the same time, of a determination to maintain the rights and the honour of this country. (Cheers.) They have, on the other hand, great advan tages in their favour; they preside over the destinies of a nation which never at any time was so abounding in material resources, in wealth, and in prosperity, as it is at the present moment; they preside over a nation in which commerce is prosperous and active almost beyond precedent, and at the same time, as I believe, free from all undue speculation. hear.) They preside over a country in which labour is abundantly employed, and the population is generally contented; they have the consciousness that within the last—l will not say how many months, —but that in the last certain number of months, the military and the naval resources of this country have been greatly improved ; that if the national defences are not altogether what we desire them to be, our great fortifications of Gibraltar and of Malta have' received from the labours of the late Government- T (hear)—an amount of reinforcement which has placed them in a far better position of defence than they had been for the last twenty years; and they know that they preside over the destinies of a country the population of which are keenly alive to the necessity of maintaining the national protection, in which the military ardour has been again awakened—(hear)—in which private and personal efforts will not be spared for the vindication of their country's honour—(hear)—and they may feel assured of this, that while the country and while Parliament will not readily forgive that minister who petulantly or hastily should embroil this country in an unnecessary war, they will, without regard of party, or without regard of any other considerations than those affecting the national interests, bring forward the whole weight of public opinion, of all parties, bring forward the inex haustible resources of this country, in support of any minister. in whose hands the honour and dignity of the country should be threatened, and who should steadily set himself to resist, from whatever quarter it may pro ceed, any attack upon the independence, the honour, or the interests of the country. (Cheers.) Above all, gentlemen, the present Government have this great advantage over their predecessors, that they will not have to contend with an opposition which will condescend to any factious combinations—(cheers)—from men of opposing principles for the purpose of ejecting them from office, without respect to the consideration of the country, or the probability of their being enabled p: r manently to maintain the position they may attain. (Chew.) It may be that the present Government may fall by their own internal dissensions—(hear, hear) ; indeed, looking to the composition of, that Government, I can feel no great confidence that such may not unhap pily be the case—(hear) ;—but honestly and sincerely I say that I desire that those differences may ba made up. Among the members of the Government, and still more among those who support them, there are men who, in their hearts, are as sincerely Conservative as those whom I have the honour to address—(cheers and laughter)—there are others who most unwillingly , fol low a power which they feel to be too strong for them ; and there is another party, I verily believe, who are the loudest in clamouring for those measures, and setting themselves at the head of that motion which they feel themselves unable to resist, but who would deeply and sincerely deprecate the very success of their own osten tatious attempts at legislation. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, this is not the time or the opportunity for me to enter upen the consideration of individual questions ; but I will say, in all sincerity of heart, that I earnestly desire that her Majesty's present Government may be enabled to bang forward such a bill of parliamentary reform as may be safely supported by the great body of the Conservatives of this country. (Hear, hear.) I think it is of the highest importance that that question should be finally and speedily disposed of. (Hear, hear.) If the Government of which I was a member undertook to attempt the settlement of that question, it was not because we deemed that it was, in itself, called for by imperative necessity, but that having been repeat edly promised in speeches from the throne, and in de clarations of ministers, we felt that it was of the most vital consequence that it should not be long left in suspense, and we honestly and 'fairly endeavoured to introduce a measure which might conciliate various opinions and settle the question by the adoption of our measure by moderate, men of all parties. (Hear, hear.) How that attempt failed you all know ; into the details of that measure I am not about now to enter. Wever tainly considered that the, extension of the franchise to the amount of introducing the principle of uniformity between the county and the borough was a principle which, while it largely increased the constituency, was likely to satisfy the claims of justice, and at the same time hold out the best hope--I will not say of a final—but, at all events, of a durable—settlement 'of the question. (Hear, hear.) But the House of Coili?nons repudiated that principle; and I presume that, in whatever measure may be introduced, some reduction of the borough fran chise will be introduced by the Government. I am not prepared to say that no such reduction may be admitted without danger, but I do say that it is a question before the adoption of which it is necessary that the greatest cir _wirnspection and the greatest care should be exercised, and the most minute caumlatioris entered into, as to the practical effect of the amount of the reduction which may so be made. (Hear, hear.) I am not jealous, the Conservatives are not jealous of the interests of the lower and of the working-classes. (Hear, hear.) I desire to see their interests fully and fairly represented; but I confess to you, if I look to the revelations of Gloucester and of Wakefield, and of other places (hear), I doubt whether any great extension o f the consti tuency wonld not tend largely to extend that corruption which is the bane of our electoral system. (Hear, hear.) And if I look to the manner in which even the most intelligent of the workmen in some of the labour ing classes have been misled by false and delusive advisers, I think it is, at least, a subject for serious con sideration how far, in the interest of those classes them selves, it would be desirable to give a preponderating power to the voices of those largely numerically superior, who, pursuing what they vainly believe to be their own interests, would, in point of fact, if legislation depended upon their voices, proba bly introduce measures which would be absolute) suicidal and fatal to their own interests. (Hear, hearl , !nay, gentlemen, therefore, that while a Reform Bil introduced by the present Government shall meet with no factious Conservative opposition, I hold it to be the duty of any ministry who are responsible to their Sovereign and to their country, not to be led away by mere popular cl amour upon a subject which may be of such vital importance, but before they propose a measure to Parliament, to seriously consider I can the effect of their proposed legislation ; and a say is, God grant that this Government may the wisdom and the prudence to introduce such, measures the as w ill meet with the sanction, and pass with ap probation of a united Parliament, . whether Conser vatives or, as they call themselves, Liberals. (Ch eers.) G en tlemen, before I sit down, there is one subje c t more, and one of some delicacy, but one upon which. I should desire to say a few words, because the greatest pos s ibl e misrepresentations have been made with regard to the conduct of the late Government upon this question. Among other inventions , which were introduced to calumniate the policy, . and to produce prej dice against the late Administration, was one—that they had entered into a corrupt alliance with the Roman Catholic body of this country, for the p ur p ose of obtain ing their support by concessions dangerous to the Pro testant interests of this country. (Hear, hear.) I need 'not say, gentlemen, that that imputation was as baseless as one to which I have seen great currency given, namely, that I had countersigned a p a per containing stipulations with regard to the Reform Bill, upon the faith of which I was to obtain the votes of certain Liberal members. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) All I can say is, that until I saw that subject a few days ago dealt with in the newspapers, not only had I never counter-signed, but I had never seen-1 had never heard of such a document ; and upon writing to the gentleman whose reportel speech had given rise to this imputation, he most candidly and honourably assured me that his language had been wholly misrepresented ; that such a document indeed had been signed by himself and others, and it had been intended to be presented_ to—(laughter),—and by them intended to be signed by Lord Derby. Gentlemen,—to revert to the other topic to which I called your attention lam happy: to say that, with re gard to the great body of enlightoned Roman Catholics of this country, I have for some time past perceived a growing tendency to alienate thentwlves from the ad vanced Literal party, and to unite themselves with those who are their natural allies,-the Conservatives of this country. (Cheers.) I have myself personal friends, among others, I may specify my honourable friend the High Sheriff of this county {(cheers), than whom no stauncher Conservative sits at this 'table, and whose re ception to-night by you satisfies me tthat you share with me the feeling, that a difference in „religion ought not unduly to pvejudice politically. ((Cheers.) Still less ought they to interfere with the obligations of private friendship. I have Roman Catholic tenants, I have Roman Catholic labourers, in my employ; and I should be ashamed of myself, if, in the treatment of either one or the other, there could be discovered the slightest dif ference between my treatment of them and those of my own religion. Hear, and cheers.) Igo further ; and ' I say that I . ,cordially and earnestly sympathise and accord with those endeavours which were made, so much to his credit, by my excellent friend, the late Secretary of State for War, to afford to those gallant soldiers who are receiving in our army greater opportunities than they had hitherto possessed for exercising the rites lef their own religion •and obtaining the consolations of their priesthood. .(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I think I may appeal to the whole course of a somewhat long political life, of now somewhat near six and thirty years, whether I am a man who, with every desire to maintain the principles of entire tolera tion and of religious liberty, which I have at all times supported and maintained, whether I am the man who would voluntarily yield to any of the encroaehments of the Roman Catholic Church as a political body (cheers); or whether I would sacrifice one jet or one iota of the rights and of the privileges of that church to which I myself belong; or whether I would diminish its means of public usefulness, or whether I would depreciate it, as a great portion of our political institu tions, by lowering its position and depreciating its rank and influence in the councils of this country. To that chureh I have always been sincerely attached, for that church I have made many sacrifices even against the opinion, at the time, of its members. I have intro duced many measures, the value of which has been sub sequently acknowledged (hear, hear,) and you may depend upon it, gentlemen, that there are few feel ings which are nearer to my heart, and few principles which I am more determined to maintain than the maintenance of the dignity, the importance, the rights, and the privileges of the Established Church of these realms. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I know that I have detained you longer—(no)--than would have been con sistent with my duty on ordinary occasions ; but this is no ordinary, it is a most gratifying, but a most extraor dinary occasion. I am called upon here to receive a high compliment ; I am called upon to receive your ap proval of my past course, and you have a right to know what are my principles and opinions upon which I have acted,—the course which, if your confidence be con tined to me, it is my intention, with God's blessing, to pursue. (Loud cheers.) . I speak to you in entire openness ; and I say to you that there ought not to be in my hands, or in the hands of my successor, whoever may be at the head of that great Conservative party which now honours me with their confidence, the fate of that party, the fate of this country (because I con sider the fate of this country to be involved in the power and in the prosperity of that party)—(cheers). That fate is in your hands,—it depends upon your energies, it depends upon your confidence in your leaders, it depends upon your united action, it depends upon your shaking off all that apathy which has hitherto paralysed your resources. (Hear, hear.) And what you have to do is to determine that there shall be a Conservative Government in this country—(cheers) ;—and, gentle men, to act upon that principle in such a manner as, by your own endeavours, and by your own exertions, to render that possible which, without those exertions and without those efforts, will be wholly hopeless, viz., the prominence of Conservative principles in the Govern ment of this country, in whose very hands it rests. Gentlemen, once more let me gratefully and cordially thank you for the high honour which you have done me, and assure you that no time will ever obliterate from my memory the gratifying recollection of this proud and triumphant oceasion.---The noble lord resumed his seat amidst enthusiastic cheers. The CHAIRMAN —I read the other day in a poem, by an author not perhaps much read in the present age, the words " What constitutes a state ?" where he said— " Not high-raised battlements, Nor laboured mound, Thick wall nor moated gate, Nor cities proud, with Spires and turrets crowned." No, he said,not these, but " men—high-minded men" — (cheers) " Men who their duties know ; But know their rights; and Knowing, dare maintain— Prevent the long-aimed blow, And crush the tyrant While they rend the chain." (Loud cheers.) These, he declares, these a contitute a state." (Renewed cheers.) I could not but at once identify with these words, the character of the late Secre tary for Foreign Affairs, Lord Malmesbury. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) When I remember his con duct in freeing our countrymen from the tyrannical chain of Naples, and when I remember his general con duct with regard to foreign affairs, I think we must see in the Earl Malmesbury one of those men who most truly constitute a state. (Loud cheers.) I 'shall not detain you any longer, but propose at once the health of the Earl of Malmesbury. (Cheers.) The toast was drank with all the honours. The Earl of MALMESBURY, who, on rising, was re ceived 'with loud cheers, said : —Mr. Chairman, my lords, and gentlemen, I feel it a very great difficulty, and a very hard task, to express to you my sincere gratitude, and all the feelings which move me at this moment, for the compliment which you have paid to an individual who deserves so little at your hands as myself. Gentlemen, I have not even the natural advantage of my noble friend at my left of hav ing had the great ability to serve the country, during a now somewhat long life, with such eminent distinction. ' I have not the local advantage, like him, of being per sonally known to each and all of you. But I come from a very distant part of the country a Conservative servant of the public to attend this great Conservative demon stration. (Vehement cheering.) My lords and gen tlemen, it is with no object of self-glorification that I admit the truth which has been stated several times this evening, by our respected chairman and by our noble friend, that when her Majesty called my noble friend to office, I found the foreign affairs of this coun try in a most alarming and anxious state. (Hear, hear.) I found the country, to whose cordial alliance we principally look—whose cordial alliance is of the utmost importance to , this country—in a state Of mind towards us which was the most dangerous, 4nd raised the greatest anxiety in the minds of both the statesmen and the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, thank God those days have passed away, and I hope we shall never again shall be so near a rupture with our neighbours as we were at that moment. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible for any of you, living in this great emporium of trade and commerce, acquainted, as you are, by your great in telligence, with all subjects of business, not to under stand the immense value, the unspeakable value, of a cordial alliance with France. (Cheers.) My lords, on the first occasion when my noble friend was called to be Prime Minister of this country, we found France in a very anxious position. She was obliged to change, or had determined to change, her form of government, and even to change the dynasty of her sovereigns. My n al o h b di l e e hf f e r e ie h n sn d, and I acting under him, saw at once that vn the only was . course which to be pursued, was that g most s o consistent ofrespecting the feeling s an d thethe principles Englishmen,—thatwishes of the French people. (Hear, hear.) We at once, and without hesita tion, recognized the prince whom France had chosen to rule over her ; and, although other countries did not follow in our steps, and hesitated to do the same, we refused all advice to follow their course, and at once, following out those principles which I havei described,' we acknowledged, and cordially acknowledged, Louis Napoleon as the Emperor of the French. (Cheers.) My lords and gentlemen, it so happened that it was my for tune in early life, and even before he was an exile in this country, to be intimately acquainted with him— and I assure you that I really, deeply, and completely appreciated, from the moment I first knew him, his great qualities and abilities ; and there are men now who could bear witness to my having publicly and constantly stated what I do here, of those abilities and qualities when very few, if any, other Englishmen were acquainted with him, or had an op portunity, like myself, of judging of them. And, my lords and if,entlemen, it will be a satisfaction to you, and it is right, for the sake of truth, on this occasion, spoakiag of that prinee,.to say,t that whenever I had any oonversation with upon ;pelitical matters, tong ago and since, and even the very [last time. I hat-the honour of any communication. swath his Majesty, he ,always held the same language, -land always expressed his belief that it is scat only the Itest policy of France itself, bat it is his earnest personal wish to' main tain a cordial alliance with -this land. (Hear, hear,- and loud cheers.) That, nay lords and gentlemen, is a fact which ought to be known,—(hear, hear) — and a fact which ought to 'be -pondered upon by-the states:len of this country. (Ilear, hear.) But,. not withstanding the feelings of the Emperor of the French, we have again, since that time which I have described, been tinder considerable apprehension` as to the feelings of the French nation, and the French Government, towards us ; and if I may be permitted, from the ex perience I have had of foreign affairs, to express my oyinion with respect to the feelings and the p o l ic y of the French Government, I would say -this, that however earnest.their ministers may be to maintain that friendly alliance, I think they do not quite understand the policy and the nature of this country. (Hear, hear.) My lords and gentlemen, it appears to me that we can with perfect ease maintain a cordial friendship, a complete alliance with France and she with us, without our being obliged to go hand in hand, and arm in arm, and step by step in every course and every path which she may-follow consistently with her own political in terest. (Hear, hear ? ) And I say that it is unreason able in a French statesman, or in a French monarch, to say that, because upon certain points we cannot agree with ker -policy, and because, at certain moments, we cannot follow in the paths in which they would lead; because, in fact, the policy and interests of the two countries upon particular subjects are var i ous - and different, I say it is unreasonable to turn round, as the _French press has often done, and has latelplon ,e upon us, and to say, "You are no lon - ger a;faith ful and cordial ally." (Hear, hear, and cheers.) ,X 7, I would go further than that, and . I would say that it is not for the interest of any permanent alliance, that we should go hand in hand, arm in arm, and foot by foot, in every path which France may follow. (Hear, hear:) Because, if upon any occasion by chance we should differ and not be seen by the rest of Europe, and the world at large, joining France in an intimate manner, a suspicion would be immediateJy 'roused that our cordial alliance had ceased. (Hear, hear.) My lords and gentle m e n , I maintain that the policy of England is entirely and naturally different ia many points from that of France. They taunt us—the writers in the French press taunt us —now with having lost our former (power, with being isolated—that's the word —from the other nations of Europe, and having taken up the position of a second-rate power, because we did not interfere in the affairs of Italy. I accept the word isolation. I take it in its aneient and literal sense, and from its Latin derivation. Our geographical isolation has been our safety hitherto, and you may depend'Vpon it, that our isolation from foreign policies will often be our safety hereafter. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We may be a warlike, but we are not a military' nation. We are an industrious and commercial people. That fact will never prevent ns from defending our own rights and our own country—(cheers)—but it certainly prevents us, as it ought to prevent us, from meddling with the in ternal affairs of other states. (Hear.) My londs and gentlemen; I regret that at this moment; the horizon of foreign politics should be so clouded. I cannot say any thing upon the subject of China, which has been touched upon to-night, because the information we have_ is so incomplete ;—the instructions issued by the late GOvern ment and written by me, those instructions which many of you must have read, because they have been published in the public prints, I should say, for the sake of truth, were not written in any spirit of hostility to China, and never contemplated the events which have taken place. But at the same time ,it is fair to Mr. Bruce to say, that in sending a public servant to so great a distance that he could not appeal to the Government at home upon any sudden emergency I left him with a very wide discretion to his judgment, and a judgment in which I had a very great confidence. (Hear, hear.) Until we know more of his reasons for acting as he did, I think it would be unfair to form any opinion, or, at all events, to express it on such a public occasion. (Hear, hear.) My lords and gentlemen,—l have detained you long enough, and perhaps too long, for I know that several speakers are to follow me, but it would not- have. been respectful to you, having filled the depart nent which I did—a department pecu liarly interesting to.a great commercial town like-this, influencing its interests so much, according to the 'man ner in which it is conducted—it would not have been respectful in me to have altogether been silent upon the subject of foreign affairs. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I can only add, in a few words, in allusion to what has been said by my noble friend as to myself and the' rest of my late colleagues in, office. My noble friend has been kind enough to say that we were a material assis tance to him in conducting the affairs of the state. I can only say, for my part, that if a Conservative Govern- . ment has any one thing to boast of more than the rest, it is one that must add immensely to its strength, and that is the entire cordiality and, unanimity which exists among its members. (Cheers.) That cordiality, and that unanimity, were caused by the high private cha racter, and the demeanour to us all, of my nohle friend. (Cheers.) His straightforwariness in all his views, in all his requests, in all his instructions ; the com plete confidence ich we felt, each and all of us, that under any circumstances of difficulty, even if we had inadvertently made a mistake, he would stand by us. (Cheers.) His generosity and his good temper en deared him to each of us, and never was there a Minister wham a set of men with more pleasure and pride can support and serve. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of a noble man who had occupied one of the highest posts in the country—Lord Chelmsford. (Loud cheers.)—The toast was received with loud enthusiasm. Lord CHELNI9FORD rose amidst loud cheering, and said :—My Lord, As in a theatre, the eyes of men, After a well-graced actor leaves the stage, ' Are idly bent on him who follows nest, Thinking his prattle to be tedious, — so I feel, after the powerful and eloquent speeches of my noble friends, that all who succeed them must be listened to with impatience, and that in such an assem bly as this, and amongst so many eminent men, be must be cold and miserable indeed who does not deeply feel the honour of being selected as the subject of such a popular compliment. lam aware lam not shining here, by any light of my own—the lustre which I may have on this occasion in your eyes is reflected from my noble friend, and, I may add, from those distinguished col leagues with whom it was my pleasure and honour to be associated in the late Government.. (Cheers.) The high office which I had the honour to fill did not appear to have that immediate and direct influence upon the public interest which belongs to those of other departments. I allude, for instance, to the affairs of the army, which were so admirably conducted by my right hon. friend, General Peel, whose absence we all regret, ,and those of the navy, by my right hon. friend Sir John Paking ton. But although conversant with individualsubjects, and individual rights and interests, yet the operation of the office which I had the honour to discharge was equally important to the public interest as those great bulwarks of the national interest. Although it may not have appeared that there was any immediate order upon the general interests of society, yet it was as important to the administration of justice in each individual case, as the action of those great interests to those great na tional defences of the country ; and it was in the same rate as prejudicial to the interests of the country, that there should be a perverse administration of justice, as that those defences should have been neglected, as the internal cancer is more fatal to the constitution than even the loss of a limb. (Hear, hear.) When I under took the responsibility of the high office, I might well have shrunk from the duties I had to perform, when I looked back upon the illustrious line of predecessors who had filled the chair I was called upon to fill. I felt that there was something which was in the power 'of every man of intellect to perform from the highest to the lowest, and that was to exercise every faculty he pos sesses in the performance of the duty which he is called upon, according to his station in life, to perform ; and I think I may without presumption claim at least the credit for having performed my duty to the best of my ability. I know that the public is always generous towards those who may be supposed to have done their best in the position in which Providence has placed them, and as it has been so ordered that the esteem of our fellow men should accompany their good actions, so, where that esteem is net the end and object of those actions, but where it follows upon them, it is, as my noble lord has observed, the highest reward of public service—that reward my noble friend has had, and has seen reflected through this g rea t meet i ng a manifestation of the public estimation in which he is held. But there is something to me peculiarly striking in this demonstration. It is said that great man appears less the nearer you approach IVORMERN !DAILY TEMES. him, but say noble friend has said, you :are his neigh bours, pm are.in immediate sontact with him, and you have formed the ?same estimation of his public character as those who admire him so much. I cairnot but feel . deeply gratified that you should for one moment have turned aside from the great object of this assembly to bestow a compliment upon myself. I know that, when the heart is full,-the simplest words are the best, .and in return far the honour you have done me, _all that can say is that I shall ever feel grateful for the kindness I received st your lands. The Ciiiraltaor proposed the health of the light Hon. B. Disraeli. (Loud and continued cheering and waving of handkerchiefs.) If Mr. Disraeli could have sustained -the Administration by his eloquence he would have done so. (Cheers.) He had held the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he (the .chair man) felt that there was something to be said in ,relation to his occupation of that important office. At the present time the country was called upon to pay an extra charge upon its income, and blame was laid by some upon the predecessors in office of the present Government. (Rear, and laughter.) Butle (the chairman) maintained that the conduct of Mr. Disraeli in office was both just and judicious. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The country was just then rising out of the suffering of a great commer cial crisis, and if they had then had- an additional income-tax laid upon them. it would have crushed them down, and prevented them from bearing, as with recovered strength and prosperity they now could do, the financial burthens of the country. (Hear, hear.) He therefore maintained that the late Chancellor of the lxehequer had acted judicioaslya and, to confirm what he bad said with regard to the eloquence of Mr. Disraeli, he would call upon the right honourable gentleman him self to address the assembly.—The chairman concluded by proposing the health of . Mr. Disraeli. The toast was drank amid the 'most enthusiastic demonstrations of applause. ~. Mr. DISRAELI was received with loud cheers, which were repeated again and again. When the applause had subsided, he said—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, your illustrious guest to-day, and others of my colleagues, who have preceded me, have touched upon the conduct of their office, and have done so, I am sure, not only with exceeding great interest to your minds, but with great sympathy on your part. But I may be allowed to remind you that it was my privilege to fill an office, the possessor of which, upon all public occasions, has been allowed to be silent, except upon one memorable day of the year. (Laughter.) Therefore, I. am sure that you will excuse me from vindicating the course which I thought it my duty to recommend to Parlia ment, or attempting to foresee the course which will be adopted by my successor. With .refer ence to the remark of your chairman, that in recommending the reduction of taxation, which was adopted and sanctioned by Parliament, I recommended a course which, had it not been an imperative duty for us to adopt, a considerable increase in the armaments of this country would still, notwithstanding that reduc tion, have left a large surplus in the Exchequer. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, as you have had the kind ness, to-day, through your chairman, and through the generous manner in which you have been pleased to re ceive the proposition of my health—as you have been pleased to refer to my conduct in the House of Commons, and to my attempts to conduct the affairs of that assembly, perhaps you will joermit me to remind you that it fell to my lot, which, I believe, has fallen to no other man, to be suddenly and unexpectedly called to attempt to conduct the affairs of that great assembly. I can assure you, gentlemen, that no individual in this room could have been more sensible than myself of my inefficieacy for the discharge of such a duty. (Cries of " No, no.") But I think there are emergencies when it is the duty of every public man not to shrink from the exercise of responsibility, and I undertook that office because I felt that I should have the advantage of the constant counsel and the admirable advice of your principal guest this evening,—(hear, hear)—who in that House of Parlia ment had for a long period of years obtained a great, a various, and a distinguished expeijence. (Cheers.) - It was under these circumstances, and with this advan tage, that I undertook to attempt to cenduct the affairs of the Conservative party in the House of Commons, now ten years ago. Gentlemen, they have been ten years of great - difficulty, and, permit me to add, of great exertion. But, gentlemen, although I know that, as far as I myself individually am concerned, much may have been done which ought not to have been done, and much may have been omitted which ought to have been accomplished, I think that I may be permitted to say this—that looking back over these ten years, when I consider what was the position of the Conservative party, as far as the House of Commons is con cerned, ten years ago, whether I look at its numbers, at its intelligence, at its influencein the country, or at its power in debate, or at its position at this moment, I may not shrink from any comparison with what it was at that period, and therefore I trust that, even under my humble gui dance, it has not suffered in public esteem—(" no," and Cheer;)—or lost in public position. (Cheers.) I venture to say that these have been ten years of great difficulty and great exertion ; but I may be allowed to add that, during that period, however various may have appeared to you, and to the world, to have been the vicissitudes, however capricious may have appeared to be the changes, we ourselves have always had a main object in the course which we have pursued, and in the purpose which we have at length achieved. It has been our wish to put an end to that which I may describe as the monopoly of Liberalism--(loud cheers)—which, in our opinion, has exercised a very pernicious influence upon the course of public proceedings, and upon the character of public men. (Hear, hear.) Now, for more than a quarter of a century, by this theory of a monopoly of Liberalism, one half the public men of England have been held up as individuals who were incapable and unqualified for attempting any measure which might improve the institutions or the administration of the country ; while, on the other hand, in order to sustain this monopoly, men were perpetually pledging them selves to changes and alterations, injurious almost in every case, in many utterly impracticable ; and who, when they were in power, expended all their resources in inventing evasions by which they might extricate themselves from their previous pledges. (Loud cheers.) . Now, I believe, and I am sare that all my colleagues do, , this state of affairs was the principal cause of that in sincerity in public life which has of late years been so frequently attributed to the conduct of public men, but which I believe is now completely terminated. I believe that we have brought about a healthy state of political parties. (Cheers.) Men will now be decided upon by the policy which they recommend and the measures which they bring forward, not by traditions Which are generally false, not by promises which are seldom fulfilled. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I know that we are told now that this monopoly of Liberalism is extirpated, and that it is at length shown that no single party isto have the peculiar privilege of governing by right the country, and we are .told now that party is of no im portance, because there are no longer any public questions to settle. (Laughter.) Gentlemen, he would, in my opinion, be an arrogant, and not a very far-seeing states man, who, in dealing with the affairs of a great empire, would presume to say that great questions would not frequently occur. But let that pass. I maintain that it is an error—a pernicious error—to associate the existence in England of great parliamentary parties solely with the existence of great political questions. (Hear.) Great political questions should be rare, and will be rare, in com munities which enjoy'so salutary a political state as, on the whole, England has so long enjoyed. The duties of an oppo sition, gentlemen, are not to be confined merely to emergencies ' • there are duties which perpetually exist, and which ought to be constantly fulfilled. There are duties of vigilance and of criticism, and it is only upon great emergencies that an opposition is called upon to propose the initiative. (Cheers.) I therefore hold that our duties as a great Conservative party, although there may not at the moment be questions that concern the exist ence of the principal institutions of the state at stake, are still duties which are urgent, which cannot be neglected, which must be fulfilled, and it is a doctrine which I trust will never be popular in this country, that political party is a constitutional arrangement which ought to be obsolete. (Hear, hear.) If parliamentary government be, as I believe it is, as I cannot doubt you and the great majority of Englishmen must believe it is, the best guarantee for public liberty—(hear)—then, rely upon it political party must be acknowledged as a salu tary influence in the state, because parliamentary government is impossible, except on condition that there should be political party. (Hear, hear.) What is the House of Commons ? What is the House of Lords ? What is the proudest Parliament in the world, though its elements may be composed, in one house, of men like your noble guest (Lord Derby,) and in the other, of the most distinguished commoners that ever existed? What are they but two crowds of indivi duals, if there is no sympathy of principle, no similarity of sentiment, and no combination of action to guide them. (Loud cheers.) Such a senate, whatever its elements, must be the slave ofa Minister, and would deserve to be so. If that were the condition of the representative body ofa Parliament generally, What must be the .condition of the nation of which it should be the type and guardian ? (Hear, hear:) I say this in vindication of the character of our parliamentary goveinment, of the necessity of political parties, not to differ from the tone which has been adopted, and the counsel which has been offered to night by your .distinguished guest, the chief of the Con servative party, and the chief under whom I have laboured on terms of - confidence and trust, which proba bly have never been exceeded before between public men—l say this not to contravene, but to substantiate the advieehe has given you. (Cheers.) There are duties of great polhieal parties other than those of vigilance, and of criticism—other than those of advancing to an emergency, to propose a policy, or to initiate a measure. There are duties more important, and, I would say, more solemn.. There are moments when a party like the great Conservative party of a powerful and ancient nation like England have not to oppose the Government, but, if necessary, even to support it, and if the moment demanded such a course, to give strength even to their rivals, and to support those whose success in their poli tical career might, under ordinary circumstances, be to them a source of di sa p po i ntment. (Loud heers.) Gentlemen, I am not one of those who squander ambiguous voices in the market- place. That has never been my custom. I have ever been the supporter of a peaceful . policy. I have ever believed that peace might be maintained, with a good understanding with our allies, and that we should look upon their conduct, not in a suspicious or litigious spirit, but that we should give to their conduct, and allow to their proceedings a fair and even a generous interpretation. (Hear, hear.) I should indeed be blind to the signs of the times, I should indeed be insensible to the feelings that are universally expressed ; I should be treating it with, I think, a haughty negligence, if I did not recognise what is the anxiety of a great people. I knoW not whether 'it be true or not that designs upon the independence and upon the empire of England are cherished by any Government or potentates in other countries. I presume not to read state secrets, nor is it for me, in the responsible position in which I and my colleagues have been placed, to presume to pretend that we can communicate to you any intelligence of which.vou are not already equally the masters. But this I will say, with reference to the form of our Constitution, and especially with reference to that House in which I have the honour of a seat, that if there be any foreign Government or foreign potentate who, on the supposed distinction and political dissensions .of our form of Government, believe that he has found elements upon which he may calculate for pursuing with success any system of aggression or of violent ambi tion, then I can assure that Government o r th a t ru le r that they mistake the character and the genius of the English people—(loud cheers)—and the English Con stitution, and if they count on our dissensions, or on the noble rivalries of our public life for the successful pro secution of their designs, they will count upon them to their confusion. (Loud cheers.) And that even if the time should come, when the independence of this country or the empire of our Sovereign is indeed menaced, they will find that the Sovereign of these realms rules over a devoted people and a united Parliament. — (The honourable gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud cheers). The Chairman proposed the health of Lord Eglinton, and alluded to the great progress which had been made by that part of the kingdom called the Emerald Isle in prosperity and improvement. A great deal of this advancement was due to the Government set over the people of that country ; and he therefore could not allow the name of the noble earl who presided over that country during the Government of Lord Derby, to pass without especial notice. He called upon the meeting to drink the health of the Earl of Eglinton. (Vociferous cheering.) The toast was drank with all the honours. The Earl of EGLINTON rose to respond, amid loud cheering. His Lordship said:—Mr. Chairman, my lords, and gentlemen, I need hardly tell you that the honour which you have just paidme must-be most gratifying to my feelings, —( cheers, ) — but I will say that it is even more gratifying to me, when I reflect—when I know that the honour so paid me is in relation to the position that I late:7 held in the kingdom of Ireland. (Cheers). I should, indeed, be wanting in every good feeline. if I did not take the deepest interest in a country which has been on two occasions committed to my charge. (Hear, hear.) - I should be guilty of the basest ingratitude if I did not feel the livelu st affection in the welfare of those who, on both these occasions, treated me with a kindness and a confidence which has been but rarely accorded to a public man, or to public men. (Cheers.) Your chairman has told you that Ireland is progressing—is keeping pace, at least, with the rest of , the kingdom—(Hear, hear)—and, I will add my testimony to his. (Hear, hear.) I will say, gentlemen, that the most gratifying thing that ever happened to me in my life was to find the improvement which had taken place between the time when I was first in Ireland, and when I returned to it on a later occasion. (Hear, hear.) The improvement that had taken place, and which was progressing was beyond my hopes, infi nitely beyond my expectations. (Hear, hear.) I found agriculture of every sort improving ; I found rents paid ; I found general crime diminished—(hear, hear)—l found the poor houses were empty. (Loud cheers.) There was and there is but one plague spot left, and that is that dread secret combination of blood which retards the pro gress of Ireland which occasionally deluges it with honest and worthy blood, which is a disgrace to a civilised people. (Hear, hear.) That, gentlemen, is the only plague spot, and I believe the only thing left which retards the progress of Ireland, and I believe that that would be put a stop to if every Christian, whether layman or churchman, whatever religion he may be long to, were to put his shoulder to the wheel, like my noble friend your guest this evening. (Loud cheers.) If they were all not only to do their utmost to secure the apprehension of the criminals, of expressing their detestation of it, and of refusing to have even any connection with those who are the abettors and aiders cf such assemblies, great good - would follow. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, to go from that grave subject, I will mention one point, which, I think, will find favour in your eyes, and which, I think, it is but justice to Ireland to allude to, and that is, that in the division on which the fate of the late Government depended, Ireland sent sixty-eight out of one hundred and five members to its support. (Loud cheers.) I wish I could say the same of the country to which I, as an individual belong—(laughter,)—but I have hopes of that country yet—(renewed laughter,)—and I do not feel that we are so much disgraced, so far as the Conservative feelings of our country are concerned, as we have hitherto been—(laughter and cheers,)—certainly not in the county . to which I individually belong, because I come here bearing the news of the recent triumph of the Conserva tive party here. _ (Cheers.) lam happy that that event occured upon so auspicious an occasion, and I trust it will be a happy omen of future elections. (Hear, hear.) Although it it is now late in the evening, I cannot sit down without expressing the extreme easure I feel in being . present at this magnificent demonstration. (Cheers.) Ido indeed rejoice that I have been allowed to join in this tribute of respect to one whom I look upon as my most valued friend, and my greatest benefactor, and my political chief. (Great applause.) I have not been like my noble friend on my left, I have not been a member of the home ministry under the noble earl, but I will bear my testimony to the high character which he bears amongst men who have been placed under his command, and the confidence with which he treats those who may be perhaps young in office, who are willing to do the duty allotted to them. (Cheers.) I will say this, that the noble earl is not more distinguished by his eloquence which is unsurpassed— (hear,- hear,)—by those talents by which he is so promi nently distinguished, thau by the uprightness of his con duct, than by the uprightness of his character and by the straight forwardness of his political views. (Cheers.) And I can only say, I shall never forget the confidence with which he has treated me, being as I was, upon the first occasion, a totally untried man, and at the last certainly not unequal to the office with which he entrusted me.. (Cheers.) With such a leader, and with such :feelings I perceive actuate the assembly before me, t feel sure the Conservative cause Will triumph, and that this h is o b m ut th a ey pr a e r l e ud t e he to re g, on bu th t e of part those 'yes. (Loud cheers.) health f The CHAIRMAN proposed theo ir John Pakinnion, whom he described as the greatest practical those, not only whom I am addressm and brought it from a low state to be equal in navy, pgrreesaetnertateineTY reformer of the age,—a man, who had reformed the guns and men to meet the great forces of other nations. (Loud cheers.) Sir JOHN PAKINGTON.—My lords and gentlemen, 1 really know not in what terms to express the gratitude OCTOBER 31, 1859. esoeoavr dsyeSttgv ___ a ss noat eliyti l I IIIi, : 1 declarationet o tl yleA think'—, ~ wasft _ _ t i I, i. the I lii as in I feel for the kindness which you have done me, ?Von the first occasion upon which I have received the hosPi tality and kindness of the gentlemen of Liverpool. Never has there been an occasion so gratifying to mY own feelings as now, when we have assembled together, to pay this noble tribute to the public merits of Lord Derby. (Cheers.) Throughout my public. life I have invariably looked with confidence and respect to my noble friend Lord Derby for guidance and for advice ; and in my public life I have been closely and intimately connected with my noble friend, and nothing more delightful to me could have occurred than to have been allowed to participate in this national tribute to the merits of that distinguished man. (Cheers.) Gentle-- men as I had the honour, during the last administration , of holding the high office of First Lord of the Admiralty,- you will allow me to say that I heard with great grati fication the terms in which the improvements of our national defences, and our naval strength was referred to by my noble friend this evening. I take no exclu sive merit to myself for that improvement in in the national defences. Whatever exertion I have used, it has been as the organ of a united administration, and on no point was that administration more unanimous (and no member in that administration you willtheagree administration wenihaxdt inht ceodhnt,mhtlteehrot, hef o syi f ut nthbh atkahj that in madect s iman"aoktyfphnt publicr proportion was stronger in his opinion than Lord Derby,) than upon the absolute necessity of improving our national defences ; and, above all, in giving increased and proper strength to our naval forces. (Cheers.) Let m e ac knowledge, at the same time, that our political oppo nents have generously and fairly recognised the fact that the late administration did exert themselves in im provinggtr h e e eFeierr proportion r en i m s c i reference their-,impropriety; with t; r h it l t t ey and out intending to speak in disrespect of the majority the the Commons, the ridicule of passing a vote of want of confidence in that administration. (Cheers.) It Was only last session we proposed estimates of an nu' precedented exteat to increase our naval strength. Th(s . were proposed in the usual manner to Parliament —. Parliament approved and adopted them, and I believe that the country also approved of what we did. But that was not all. During the period of the general election, when '° Parliament was sitting, and no House of Commons t ' ) appeal to, war broke out between France and Austria ; nhtm the oo member, honour, power, e,should armaments.hb outouit aa ndT d That unanimous tisn d loawo, ns:sti the om ionn s o o a ut oit f sn e and during that period the lats Government felt that the t c t n y G r he e eo o a rvd f s eeiEnnrinvmgityolhenanona and ft requiredxdaelvniun,sclaentadvisedi ov ie f ;d t o h ui veti t advised the offer of a bounty to sailors of an unP re „ - cedented amount ; we strengthened the workmen 1 " dockyards without - loss of time, and advised that the ships which now constitute the Channel and Mediter ranean fleets should be increased. I have befo re taken occasion in the House of Commons to touch upon,. this subject, but I am sure you will allow me to repeat i " now. Here was a fair ground of attack. If Parliamen t and the country disapproved of what we did, here was fai r ground for a vote of censure, or vote of want of co: fidence. We had taken a most unusual course—one tha t neither the House of Commons not the country CO nk' regard with indifference. On the one hand, we s'i r ,,, e open to the severest reprobation for having acted with an audacious disregard of constitutional prudence or on the other hand, we were entitled to public gratitude fo r having adopted a wise, and a vigorous, and a timely policy. (Cheers.) With strange inconsistency t he r House of Commons, I was going to say, adopted neithe. the one nor the other, but I believe I might say tha,t they adopted both of those courses. They declared th?t they approved of our policy, but they also declared is the same breath, that they had no confidence in men who advised that policy. (Cheers.) I hope m y rig e hon. friend at the end of the table (Mr. Napier) will forgl4 me, if I say that this was the decison of almost an IrL' h House of Commons, rather than that of an Engles House of Commons, sitting in London. But, gentlemen I have strongly felt from the day that vote was pas" t) , and I am confirmed and strengthened in that opinion of the splendid scene I see before me, that that vote was,e,.. sanctioned by the opinion of the people of this cornwi' d going more than t yltwomp.l I believe that the general voice of the enligh.t e ri n o I sa w y was _classes of. this country was opposed, to that deT s r this being a factious and unfair one. I believe t" a "ph , s o c v o e u r nt ; ry ba d t o l es th ap m p k re l ci m at a e— y upright, patriotic character of Lord Derby; an , my noble friend, at this moment, stands, if poss ible ~re higher in public estimation than he ever stood beo ..do (Great cheering.) Gentlemen, I must not further upon your time,—(" Go on !")—but I canne t io . down without expressing my cordial thanks -- I ! l a ce say, my entire approbation, for the liberal and patr i „ 0 1 efforts which are making in this great city of Liv er P t i t is for the improvement of the commercial marine of...ite country. I believe that this is a matter of first T i e importance to our national interests, and that it is h i f erti i dealt with in Liverpool in a large and 11 , 0 . spirit. (Hear, hear.) I trust that by the a". 0 ; 0 tion of the recommendation of the comm iss t i ee of which my noble friend, Lord Hardwicke, wa s at president, that those efforts which are being Int,aar Liverpool will. be extended, and assisted by s i r e n oaf efforts in other parts of England. I am deeply w ill vinced—l feel confident, that . you men in Liverlanols agree with me in that opinion —that whatever 1 t be to elevate our commercial marine, and draw closer 9 i NY connection between our merchant service and our r O O O l navy, will tend greatly both to strengthen our naL l ,: r i, - . defences and, promote our commercial prosP h `, t l (Cheers.) In conclusion, gentlemen, let me say t w ig, trust the prosperity of Liverpool will be great, g r° veil and long-continued. (Cheers.) I consider it a foti great honour to be invited by you to join in th is , the vity to-day. I thank you with all my heart IS be' honour you have done me, and trust that you w Here that lam greatly gratified. (Loud cheers.) ,ith The CHAIRMAN, in a few words, proposed the l i fiiir of Lord Stanley, which was drunk amid most 0 ' siastic acclamation. l oft Lord STANLEY, in responding, said—Mr. ChM' „a my Lords and Gentlemen,—Our remaining tinio be to intresit fortunately limited, and however tempted I mig ht cog do otherwise, I thi n k I s h a ll b es t consu lt both f, it s - wishes and your convenience, if I c o n t en t tnY'eif `` axe' expressing, in the f e w es t an d pl a i nes t wo rds I e t - ion 4 1 the gratitude which I cannot but f ee l f or a receP' 0' hav e singularly cordial and encouragin g , a s that Y ea a 0 00 given me to-night. (Cheers.) In any place, an ale' any occasion, such a reception would have hee l/ cool lam I deeply gratifying. It is doubly gra tifyi n g. - o ast pelled almost to repeat my fath er ' s w ords, be doubly 's oth0 th have my father's feelings. (Cheers.) It 1 w „ ~ gratifying when in the county, and in the te ... ., „ate which not ralone, but those who have borne 7 7 d0 abi11 f . for some centuries, have been connected. i t 1 ad °, gratifying when, in the presence of that b .: fe i , colleagues and friends, who With me ha il 0 0 t o .aes , the uncertain features of parliamentary war --I .. o ileae t ic , all, gratifying when foremost among those v alet. to ii , and foremost among those to whom you have er soaPj honour to-night, I see one to whom I ara,l s , tes4 bound by ties earlier and closer than even tofrie" l ,l political sympathy and connection upon which i!' i tteM - 4 ,' Mr. Disraeli, has so eloquently discourse, ..,' beef Gentlemen, the state of political affairs n''' s , filr',, it is impossible for any one who has watcne o , e . , 4 events of the last fifteen or twenty years teasncit'id of , o ' os , u of p t o e n n t m h e a n t t g io r n o e u d nd. to-night oy th th at llshwall nsoaty,t.rteiPtatibetbritnitioict and lo ll :S . 1 th e e ll both in Parliament and out of it, were more . ,, t t aol_ t i t a discountenanced than they are at the prese_l er y par or , There never was a time when our parliamel'i c ol , ~,,, e a o gr un e t a r t y. change rrhere has ne c v o e m r w e o as ve a r t t i h m e e f w ee h li e n n gs ex a t • desirina use carried even by others, measures of practicva. h fo ri he reform. The grievances, real or supposed, Il l e for L e d whatwere misor e go t m h o o t r i o m u o g s htu r n de it r ed to in d d o, esi i r n ing . V I . aio . ici to o ,j d the bitter curse of the last generation , .o_'"; o ' n eir oc a most part, died away ; and I do not see ticui'ld br I{o - risen up to take their place. T h e l _ ( A ) 010 , 4 ; between the landed and the mercantile, ‘, li ii rt ily C 1 ; 0 0 turing interests has been effectually an CI N history. re .41 than at any previous period of our A Iv it t ; The masses are Conservative, becausreva f o r ai 1 a th n o d ro l u b g e h l l i y eve id th en at tifi t e h d ese in tw s o ym gr p e: i t hy in . t a e n re a sts io a ( r e e f b e es. . el ; l o l tented, and they will remain Conse tic' symP t°7ll ' ll them political agitation is only a _ ci thel erit ig an indication of social uneasiness,iv xi' „ , e (the g - o , Cct; remain Conservative so long as servative policy consists no . tici ating aa a C where it has arisen, but in an P , wen yo Gentle 7 removing its cause. (Cheers.) t o h h a e t ei t , h ii,i„ e tr tr taat tc t or l ; ) ii , classes of this country) bear nainermoridu ~1 .y 7 .~ ( 1 't ,~ t i '1 "( 2 } i 3 ri 4 1 a K