The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-08-04 00:00:00

1535 tore rif-their revetine.pliinged the Corporation was, that it' corn -I.elled them to make salft of the next presentation to the churches of St. Andrewsuid Charles, anct.to apply - the proceeds towards 'the reduction of the debt which they had incurred. No part of this mama was expended upon . the churches themselves, which - required,..repairs, and it consequently became necessary to im pose a 4hurch-rate, a measure of courseveryunpopular amongst the inlabit an t s .lt seems also to have been the opinion of many persons, th a t th e sale of the next presentation was in itself, and - within/ reference to the application of the monies. arising from it, ilaimproper act on the part of the •corpFiration ; that they stthcluitynthe situation of trustees for the public, charged with of providing the, churches with proper . ministers; and • tlat it wa s a b reac h o f that duty in thetn,totransfer the right to • °fors The connexion of . the corporation with .the manage-' laL of the poor appears, under the present system ; to be un irable. Although we could not trace the-existence:of any iMproper conduct on the part of those members of the corpo . I_*Jtte b o dy w h o are e.c. offi cio guardians of the poor u yet a , strong Feeling seemed to prevail, on the part, or the inhabitants, with , regard to the imprapriety of their acting in that character." It * was signed Henry Roscoe and. Edward Rushton, and he should ,beleady to bear testimony to.the honest termination to which :,•Oey had broh . ght their magniloquent report. The report to. 4 - tirlitchhe had jot !Seen calling their •lordships' attention bore' the signatures - of-Messrs. Roscoe and Rushton, and however in - . 'correct that report might in some respects he, those gentlemen 'redeemed all their errors by means of the extraordinary force find power With which they pointed out the glaring and icanda ,tous breaches of trust committed by those popularly chosen cor- . ,pnratiops. Thus there was presented to the house an example . I—an1 — an "example; not alone of what was probable, butthat which . certainly take place in any bodies similarly constituted. ..„ I hey h a d, in the case to which he was adverting, a popularly - s rn• • s nstituteu Isody selling the next 'presentation " to a. living, for , • the purpose of erecting a hotel and a theatre,. at the latter of which n o , dbubt the best educated and most moral of females , he'the Most constant attendants. Here was a mercantile '''Peeittation of which the history of no corporation extant could • furnish an example. The learned gentleman next adverted to the history ()flits inquiries instituted by the commissioners into . the Case'of some o f th e Welsh corporations, in which they found . , the magistrates unable to speak English; but in his opinion the just ground of complaint was, not- that the natives of Wales were unacquainted with that which must have been to them a ' f 2rcigo louguage,.Mit that commissioners should have beeinsent down there who knew nothing of the language of those with whom they were to communicate. He should now come to , that report of Mr. Hogg which had occasioned such a sensation, which was for its statements and its reasonings so-valuable. - That report, as their lordships knew, had long been delayed, but :atieu g th th ey wore i n p ossess i on of it; to obtain it was as diffi ....tillt as to, get „hp a fresh manuscript from Herculaneum or PouiPeil ; When finally it seas unrolled. it contained full re- Inv/Meet -far : she tronlite inhih acquiring it occasioned. Mr. iu making up his. report, 'complained that :be had not been consulted on .the general report;- he 'certainly had a. full right, to be consulted. : However, his brother commissioners thought otherwise, nand he expressed hii " cordial disagree laent" frosty them. He (Sir C. Wetherell) did not desire to be hypercritical; but, perhaps, he might he allowed to observe, that though there were some authorities for "cordial disagree ment," insincerity of disagreement might have answered the. 'purposes of the learned coo:ilia:loner equally welt. Ile trusted that in the course of the observations which - he had been per mitted to address .to them, he had succeeded in giving the house a general view of the bill, as to the rights which it called ,into existence, as to the mode of election under it, as to the • nature and title of the offices which it created, as to the duties which it imposed, and-the manner in which those duties were to be performed : he had thus endeavoured to sketch the corpo , ration system which that bill would establish, and he called the attention of their lordship; to the three propositions which he • , conceived arose out of the preamble. On this subject the learned gentlenitio restated, and dwelt unlbn 'those itt reference to the Preamble, .which on the s precediug evening he had pressed upon the attention of their lordships, and recapitulated many of the leading noiots.,in his ferule, and present address, afterwards Proceediog • to cooleodthat.the officers of corporations had nei ther been convicted of misconduct, nor the trustees of breaches of trust. It.had . .been stated, over and over again, that those corporations must be wholly remodellM; forsooth they admit * of no cure or correction—,thete was no physic to be admin-. isitered to the sufferer—the malady was to be put an end to, not by theoperation et . 4naticine-but by, the more suntrnary process of. killing the patient.; 4t the patient were -cold, there was to be no attempt-hi : warn him ;, if paralytic, no effort to infuse vi gour,into the system, but the short mode of overcoming every Aliculty was to kill him. outright. As • the wise and humane physician did not desire to destroy the physical man, so the aound and beneyolenklegislator would not desire to destroy the rrietaphisical' existence called a municipal corporiition. With out requesting much of their lordships' attention to the rules which. governed philosophical and liberal reformers, without dwelling on the changes of .circamstances upon which so much stress had been laid, .heshpuld just direct the attention of their lordships to some, of the rules which governed the proceedings of that house. It was perfectly true that a corporation might forfeit its right, but nothing of the sort was for a moment pre tended 'with respect to any of the corporations which had formed the subject of the report of the counnissioners. The question therefore, which their lordships bad to consider was in some de . glee analogous to a proceeding in the Court of King' Bench, by a writ of rpm warrant°, or a- proceeding on equitable grounds, before the Lord Chancellor, in the Court of Chancery. Now that which the Court of King's Bench or the Court of Chancery 'ould hold to be law in their judicial capacity the House of Lords would.alsp hold to be law.. That house had not only a legislative, but a jiitlici;tl character; that which they would not AO in the latter capacity, they surely ought not to do in the termer. In both they would he governed by principles consonant with justice, and with the generalcharacter cifourjtirisprudence. Were they to proceed otherwise it would not be justice, but ty ranny. It was because the Attorney-General _could not and dared not sign the name of. John Campbell tb any legal infor mation, in any of his Majesty's courts, in the shape of quo Varranic, to strip those corporations of their rightful functions; hachure he would not, he could not, degrade himself by affixing his sign:iture to such instruments, to be judged, deliberated, and sl,ecided,upen ac co rdi ng to th e 'rifles and law of evidence, the nee 1 - 1.445 e „,I.,ettla Was.a.o,be caii npiira, io its leg,ialative capacity, • to in vo l ve i n one genera l sweep i n g C on fi s ioition and forleithre, punishing in the lump the supposed guilty, and admittedly innocent, when, even in case of the supposed guilty, the Attor - a:ley-General .could not advance a' single step in, procuring by' law and evidence the judgment' of proved delinquency.' Ire' (Sir C. Wetherell) called upon their lordships to recollect that . while they sat in their legislative charaeter they could not dis possess. themselves of their judicial functions ; and whets this Lill sought to annihilate those corporations in lola, they were hound to inquire whenhe.: sncli alausennd neglect had been proved asnyould, on thwordinary piA*les of British law, anthurise a verdict of forfeiture'audaarutimoion. if abuse and neglect, if a ce - se of forfeiture or couliscation, were proved, cadet queßtio, the Conclusion wan tuituitted. But no, said the political specu lutists, no,. said the Philantbrdpist, no,. said the changers of the constitution of the realm,, the tnewwho marctiedwith thechange . of circumstances—no,- theyrould not think . 6f putting an end to those corporations in the tirdinary course of the law on the head Of delinqdency, they outst .of• course deal with the case as an ordinary legislative measure, and-call on that house to' pass this bill without establishing hy . eyidence any one of the ordinary grounds on whichasonfiscation or forfeiture could be operated tecording to the invariable rinciples of the laws - • He was sure they would not thus vilify- and abuse their . supreme powers 'as legislators. They would not thus allow themselves to be made tools of 'by consenting to- do. that in their legislative capacity which, at judges, they would be ashamed to carry into effect. Such was the fallacy—he was going to say the political icon trivance—of those who thought it expedient to put an cud to all those communities; by this trickery, by this unwholesome, tinconstaptional•procet% the case was.converted from being a matter of right or wrong, and to be treated according to the ordinary principles of. law-into the shape 'of -a mere • political question, to answer the purposes of a political party, and or. which their' lordships, were called on to pronounce in the arbi trary exercise of their , powers as legislators, that which in the shbordinate but sacred eliaracter as judges was inconsistent with sight and law, and infinitely beneath their honourable con . sideration. . This was. a ballot' pains awl penalties—a proceed ?fig certainly known to the law, of which there were several • • instances on their _lordships' journals, and which was usually adopted where detinciuency existed of that description which it • was either iinuissible or very difficult to deal with according to the oidipary principles of the law.- But he was not aware that any such difficulty existed in the present instance. He 'main ' tamed that in the case of a delinquent corporation it was not necessary to resort ,to theextraoruinary measure of pains and penalties. Where even there was a clear case . of abuse or neg lect connected either with charitable trusts. or the general Powers et the corporation, legal proceedings might have been taken to n6Complish the ends iu view. There were some autho rities on this part of the stihject.to which he considered it mate . lief shortly to , call their Itntlships' attention. There was only one case on the journals of that house which, after considerable research, ha bad been tilde to find, where there was a sentence of confiscation of charter pronounced by parliament. "that case was referred .to in Lord Coke's Fourth Institute, p.2:18, and also iu the .pelehrated quowarrauto case in the reign of Charles 11. !Sir Reheat Sawyer, then •aittorney-general; was employed to .proenrakforfeiture . .•of theicity of London charter; and it was • vnry, necessary ter...sertaiin,persona to be apprized of the fact thikt that same Slr s lt, Sawyer, .was afterwards expelledefrom the RoAineso c e annisnous,bn.tbe serjeannet-arins, (the Sir William Ai ' tissatt. of • day,) . ' venous -handicraft achievetnents in steali ng . with.oPeetoginsß.ei,forethestavelution a judgnierat was Aartisr.; a perfectly clear cartefor, • -, ,faitore., k 44 not occurred; kit , it was forfeitable—that he was • s re a dy. I t T'sowever, a case did exist, why had not the .-nterney,gerierii.l.•nreceeded?. No doubt it was said that parties anent acting legislatively might do sos• He•found nofeaso, how- , 'eFer, -on the jourwali , in which that house, had acted, except • , ; ••the thug Of :RiChand P:„ the case of the corporation of Cant-• • where the Mayor, :bailiffs, and commonalty made a vita, ••• , teat. aiseult.•on Ihe . 4ancellor and scholars of the University, • compelled them to give a bond for 12000, and, in fact, for the time.heing„.nuiporessed the university. the matter•was brought ~:before parliautent by,vaay of attainder. The corporation asked • three things--a copy . of ,the bill, counsel, and time to plead ; . which settled the question as to counsel being heard in the Present instance. .fheir..,had what they requested, and after • various subterfuges fni:itheen resorted to, as stated in the • report, the house priumuuced a sentence similar to that whiCh in, the Court of King's Bench would have been a for • feiture by quo slater -rant° , 'rho charter, however, was after ;wards restored, and peace, and harmony had since prevailed • xiniong all the parties during the -long interval between that time and the celebrated case of quo warranty: With respect tv • the charter of the city of London, and from that up to the pre sent moment, there bad not been a single instance of parliamen tary attainder or iinpeachment, or proceeding by bills of pains and penalties, towards the corporations of the country. But there were some other facts to which he wished to call their lord ships' attention . .. There was a personal remedy, by indictment or information, Wier polies, against a mayor or any other of fiCer who tnisconducted himself in any particular instance; but that was not to Listen aggregate delinquency on the whole body. . • Il e would now call their attention to a few facts illustrative of ••• his laniaositia:,- occurred that in 1803 there were riots hi -.. • NPttingham which - interfered essentially with the freedom of • -elention. A petition seas . presented to the House of Commons, •••;;;. .On which a special report, taken on oath, was made, stating that the Magistrates who were specifically named' had connived at : •those disturbances. The writ was suspended, and a bill was . brought in for the purpose of amending that defect in the ma gistracy of the corporation cif Nottinghain,.its effect being not .•to forfeit the charter—not even to take away from the corpora -. ,lion thennagieterial functions—not even to declare that those • o bad so misconducted themselves shonld no longer act as iztag,istratein.but merely to give the county magistrates a con • • nurrent jurisdiction in the town. -On that eceasion Mr. Fox, .thdithlest cOnatitutionallawyer of the times•in which he lived, • . Maintained that.... the, corporation. should not in perpettium bear • n• intrusion of,ceunty magistrates . .wfthin the• e4r.Rnrake j•iiiisdiettau, and that: the remedy should be strictly delinquency - ..whiCh hart; beetk , ; o ,yesl e - h • - alleng eck • &to rn e.y-G eera t - rniutsi Sir '.-ri*rn'ertl*"qe-57'PeFaittP-.ode-offlin clianeellia, to-come f,award delinquency which* thisorierie4., charkedon the. exlijsog.,. esir po ration a,•and: tree pledged hi Luse ...not o leave alas:haw he4oss as the woliterm4y,., of their 'lord-, . . .;chips' citiker would permit him t o remain, in order tii prove how, utterly . false,,nnaligpant,. ind contemptible they were.' He would venture to itistiThat i in the whole tract of time since this Louse existed, the instances which he adduced were the only tines bearing at all on the questiOn. He would not undertake to Say whether in early times there might not have been cases like that of Nottingham; but he would say that the present bill was a bill of pains tend penalties. He had, therefore, stated his doubts as to the course • which he should feel bound to pursue. If their lordships would ha'ie the kindness to look into their own journals as to the course'of procedure which was to he at= tempted. and with reference to which he had called this bill a bill of pains and penalties, they Would See that the course he ad vocated was the only one justified by reason and precedent. He would refer their lordships in particular to the case of BishijS Atterbury, which, took place in 1723. That house had never proceeded in a case of pains and penalties but in due course of law, and they would find that in Bishop Atterbury's case evi dence was heard , by their lordships, not from his seat .on.the prelates' bench, but at the bar of the house. These instances would be found in Mr. Hatfield's volume. His proposition. was, that the promoters of this bill had thought fit to pronounce, a sentence of deprivation ou these corporations on the ground. of misconduct. Very•well; •but in Atterbury's case the facts were proved as well as in any other case. Those were the facts on which he relied. There was also the case of Mr. Wilson, who was -disabled from holding any office in the magistracy of Edinburgh at the time of .the death of Captain Porteus. The facts of this delinquency were tried there as in the case of any ordinary issue. But it was then ordered that counsel should he heard and witnesses examined nu .either side. The question which was : tried in' the instance 'of, Mr. Aleiander Wilson involved the deprivation of office, and in capacity to hold it for the future; bat the question was tried of the bar of the house, and the same issue was brought to adjudi cation as would have•been tried at any bar of the king's courts. They would not,.therefore, say "'We wilt, without - examination, judge of--the facts which We are called' upOn, judicially and le gislatively, to pronounce our decision upon." In the case of Nottingham there was a debate in.thecommOns' OU par liament, coatained. in the :35th volume of Hansard's parliamen tary debater, on which occasion Mr. Bennett made a very strong speech. There was a division on the su!!ject, 164 being against the bill, and Mr: Grey and 'Lord - Cavendish being included in a minority of 29. Tlie amendment was supported by that eminent constitutional lawyer, Mr. Fox. The consequence of that Wscussion was, that the county magistracy was added to aid the ciel,cas which existed in the corporations of Notting-' ham. Ile wished to ask who was the protector of this bill ? He did not know who he was—he did not care; he should look to meet the Attorney-General there, though he did not know who the author of this bill was. He. thought •it. was a spurious bill, and ,he i flid not think that any man would he particularly fond of haying it affiliated upon knot. No lord chancellor now sat on the, woolsack ; there was no tine to giie sanction to a bill in which the king was not a sovereign, in which he :playedbut a vice-regal . part, and must eontinlie to do so unless he submitted to the dirty.dogiiida.tion of,tyallicking for the inagieterialpewer wie.h the ileiteettatical domittune established by the bill, lig was exceeding . sorry to see the chancellor, the keeper Of the seals, was net in existence to tell the king how many offices were taken away by, this bill. He did not know that these charters granted by princes were all intended to be taken away, and these plaCes were to be filled through other modes and chan nels of appointment than those which the present corperatecon 7 ditions required ; These rights were to be taken away from the king's dunces. He was the donor, the giver of every thing that was given before this bill was thought.of. He was exceedingly pained that there was not a minister of the crown .to give his majesty this information. In these changes of time and cir cumstances, as the preamble of the bill stated, he did not know what was going . on. But if such a responsible minister of the crown had been in existence, five minutes would not have elapsed before he would have been asked what steps he had taken on this subject. Parliament was under this bill to take away thoye rights which existed only by royal grant. It was under these circumstances, that if be should be asked what course he meant to take with regard to every one of these cor porations, he,should•deroand that every one of them should be served with a copy of the bill, he should claim that every one of these corporations should be tried at the bar of the house, in the same manner as every alleged delinquency on their part ought to ,he proved, and that they should have an opportunity of disproving the charges which bad been brought against them. Prom these claims he should not recede. He claimed to tender 'witnesses at the bar, to refute the falsehoods and malignant pre amble of this bill. As for the phrase, "change of circumstances," he confessed he was unable to meet it in any tangible point of view. He might guess , what it meant, hut his conjectures were nothing. Alderman Parsons, and Sir Joseph Locke, and the 4,000 kicked out corporators of Oxford, might not, perlitys, be more fortunate. He should not be at all surprised if theuakianWn ;Weeders of the bill should say to the Attorney- General, 9 Mr. Attorney, we du not know anything about this, you must coms and get us out of this scrape." But what he (Sir C. Wetherell) now. announced to their lordships, and through their lordships to the public, was this—that till it wa s conceded to him.thatall the privileges which he had claimed Were to be allowed to his clients he would nut retire Nur their lordships' bar till he had confuted the scandalous falsehoods that had been propagated. If their lordships chose to say, that looking at this claim merely as a matter of privilege they could not allow it, looking at it as a matter of right they could not concede it, he should then decide what course be should take; but in.this the High Court of Parliament, as Lord Coke called it, the ordinary roles of evidence As much applied as in the ordinary practice iii the King's courts. The only question, in fact, with which the house had to deal was the truth or false hood of the imputations, on which; if established, punishment was to follow. It was under these circumstances that he had to complain of. the state of things intended to be brought about by. this bill—of this new kingdom of which his majesty was riot to be the king—of this new system of republican organiza dun which was not to invest his majesty , with the powers of a sovereign, but to make hint play a vice-regal part. In these boroughs, these newly created municipalities, it would not he the King's peace which would be broken, but what they might Drink fit to call their peace. This body of nearly 3,000,000 of the King's , subjects, were to be exempted from the King's peace, • :aud would very probably think they did his majesty an honour iii subMitting the magistrates they had chosen fur his majesty's approbation. If these privileges had been taken away by his majesty, he would surrender diem, but he would not. tamely surrender them to a democratical body, such as was likely to monopolize the whole power of the "borough tinder this bill. \Vhert there .was ne i - eaponsible adviser 'el - - the' Crown in 16% , cabinet, to be, its was thealuty et' him who bad the . charge of. the. RI eat,seal, the conservator of his majesty's prerogatives, it was quite impossible t o say w h e th er hi s ma j es ty in his personal andindividual character thought fit to give his assent to this bill, It was really deplorable that any man should be so ill in formed of a measure so much affecting his own prerogative, while these euortnutis changes were going on, and that no man would be found to tell him how those prerogatives 'were likely to be affected by the proceedings of the houses of Parliament. lie : would not wish to advert to the privileges of that house, and he would.reerind.their lordships that they held their hereditary rank and dignity bya title analogous to that which it was now proposed to sweep away, Their lordships' titles rested on the same specics of grant, and if on this ground inutility was pre dicated of the corporations, it might be also predicated of the House of Lords. If that fixed and immovable character Was now removed frem , these corporations, the experiment might as easily be made. with the House of Lords.• As to the phrase of "change of circumstances.,"' he had always be unable to grapple w thst philosophy, but their lordship!' would recollect that the privileges of that house were materially affected by this bill. If the principle of an elective council, of universal suffrage, and annual parliaments,. was to be embodied, good fortune must surely attend their lordsbips,—and he hoped it would— if in the wreck and r'evolittion of this measure they were the only persons who. escaped being overwhelmed and submerged by.the waves whi c h threatened to swallow up every existing land -mark. _ _ Sir Charles Wetherell having concluded his speech, M r . Knight commenced his addre ss . The learned gentleman having spoken for several hours, on the motion of Lord Lyndhurst the further hearing of that learned counsel was postponed to the next day, and the house adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS.—SATUItDAY. -Their lordships assembled at one o'elock z 'The Earl ol Shaftesbury. sat on the woolsack. • MR. COMMISSIONER RUSHTON. The Earl of FALMOUTH presented a petition , against the municipal corporations bill from the corporation of Penryn, denying that any charge could be substantiated against them, aurl praying the house not to pass the bill. lie (the Earl of Falmouth) had looked into the report of Mr. Rushton, with respect to Penryn, and found that there was no charge agpinst them ; yet this Mr. Rushton, who was never in Penryn in his life before the two days he visited it as a commissioner, sets himself up to say, against the opinion of twenty gentlemen born in the place, that the funds of the corporation might be better managed under popular controul—they haying a surplus of £lOO front a very small income. Surely these gentlemen were better 'informed upon the subject than lat. Rushton could be. Lord 13aotintiAst defended the character of his learned friend (!) Mr. Rtishton. - - On the motion of Lord MELBOURNE, the order of the day for hearing counsel upon the corporation bill was read and counsel called in.' • sir. liNtni-yr appeared anti resumed his argument. At the close of the learned Counsel's speech, Sir CRAZLES WETHERELL advanced to the bar, and said he wishediii call their lordships . attention to the question of hear ing evidence on behalf.tif the corporations. Sir Charles was proceeding•to address their lordships wheti • . Lord 8i10ut.;14A55 interrupted him by saying that the conduct of the learned counsel was very irregular. The claim to hear evidence had: already Iseen'ma4e, and very ably made by the 4arned ;too4iel,. and it was thereore a very extraordinary codrsion thy, part of,tlie learned gentlenian ; after their lord ship? had for two -successive days attentively listened to the long speeehes which he had addressed to them, and then to the speethes.of the other learned counsel—it was very extitierdinary on the partufSir Charles, when he knew it was contrary to the 'ex.pressect understanding of the house to hear any flirther ob servatiens, to rise, and again seek to urge the Claims of the cor porations to:have evidence heard at their foiriships' har. Sir Charlei,,not being a member of that house, could not move that evidence be.heard. That could only be done by one of their Fordships.l.„, • • • A Noins, Loan said . that what Sir Charles Wetherell wished .to state to Lh'eirlordships was, that he was noiv . ready to examine witnesses if tlieir lordships pleased. Sir Charles Wetherell assented to this view of the case. The Earl of \VINCUILSEA.—My lords, I wish, before this question be di,posed of, to address a few words to your lordships. Lord Baouro si.—Let counsel withdraw. Lurd 111atnoua NE. —Counsel must withdraw. Counsel then withdrew, and The ,Earl of WINCHILSEA, with an earnestness that com - manded the deepestiattention, resumed as follows.—My lords, 1 beg to express a wish, which 1 feel from the very bottom of my heart, that the noble viscount at the head of his Majesty's go vernment, as he, values his own character as well as the safety of his country, will take into his most serious consideration, between this and Monday, the course he will pursue as to this bill. .We are arrived at a most fearful crisis. Never did there exist such a state of things as the present. This house was never in such a situation. (Hear, hear.) And I do not see, after what has passed at the bar of this house—after the'able exposure, of tha,certain consequences of this measure, Which has been made—how any noble lord can lay his hand on his heart and vote for 'this "hill. (Hear, hear.) I implore your lordships, from the bottom of my heart, not for one moment to entertain this most atrocious measure. I would scorn to belong to a house which could entertain it. In Gi;d's • name let it be rejected now. If your lordships do entertain the measure, it will he ruinous to the honour and destructive of the peace and tran quillity of the country. Tremble, Inv lords, for the consequences w hi c h w ill ensu e. lou AM degrade yourselves if you sanction so monstrous a measure, and you will bring ruin 'cal this once happ.lantE It is one of the most atrocious attacks ever made on-the pioperty.and rights of this country. ,Lord-MEILBOURNE said--I move the adjournment of the fur ther consideration of the querition till Monday, when I shall' move that the house resolve' itself. into a torittnittee on the bill. • The Earl of,WiNcumss..A.—Then shAll'intive as ;Ai amend . Meal; for-au address to •his Majesty: praying that he *ill be'gra-• ciqusly pleased le orderto be laid.on your lordships' table copies of:anylustructioqs given. to the cduitnissioners with4bich we are:ungquainted, I give the noble viscount notice I Shalt di 'Vide the,house on the question. • .• •. The Duke of NETWCASTLIi.—I wish to understand the noble viscotint : correctly. Do-you (addressing' himself to Lord Mel bouroe)lneen to refuse hearing the offered evidence? Lord: Mitt.co(iervir (with much emphitsis).--Certainly. THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. dernned like the old timbers of a ship fit only for the fire. Mayors and aldermen are tossed into the O'CON NELL ealdrOn.to make charms for a popish spell. The king's rights are treated with as much respect as a bell man's noise at the market cross. The charters of the sovereign are valued at no more than .a canilet petticoat sold at rag fair. His Majesty is kicked aside like a cos . termonger whose donkey has been impounded for rent. He is not consulted--he has no chancellor to advise— no attorney whom he can trust—no factor to command— no servant who does not turn upon his heel, kicking at his master, and flattering himself he is a better man and a greater philosopher than his liege lord whose wages he receives, and whose bread he eats. In short, those hybrid calves—human blockheads we do not choose to call them—Messrs. RoscoE and RUSHTON, in Devon shire, usurped more power than any monarch in Eng land. We can excuse their ignorance, for duller or hungrier turnspits never turned a wheel in Lord BROUGHAM'S factory, but their subserViency to the said now degraded lord, who was their master, their em ployer, and their feeder, is raised to a degree of disgust ing notoriety, never to sink, never to smell otherwise than rank and nauseous, by Sir CHARLES WETHERELL. Sir CHARLES has proved that the censures which the bill conveys fall upon his Majesty—that its effects tell upon him—that it not only question his honour but it also circumscribes his power—and that it exposes the Sove reign to such indignity and deprivation, affecting the crown, its heirs, and successors, which the King of Eng land ought not to be exposed to, and which GEORGE the THIRD rather than have submitted to, would have sought refuge in Hanover, or have perished on the scaffold. Parliament, we shal perhaps be told, is omnipotent, and so it is to a certain extent, but thank God the House •of Commons is not the whole parliament Of England. The lords have as much right to reject the bill as the com mons had to pass it, and by rejecting it, or at least alter ing it in many important points, they will only fulfil the wishes and intentions of the majority of the English re presentatives in the House of - Commons. We need not here remind the reader that, this bill is not the bill of the English people speaking by their representatives. A vast majority of our countrymen are opposed to it. It is purely an Irish and Scotch bill, forced upon us by those who know nothing of our municipal institutions, who are ignorant of everything appertaining to them, and incom petent to judge of their fitness or utility. But it is not the lords alone whose duty it is to exercise an independ ent judgment by rejecting the bill; if they should deem it an unwise, or unjust, or uncalled for measure, we con tend that the King is bound to reject it, on the ground that it is a monstrous and unconstitutional interference with the royal prerogative. His Majesty may not per sonally consider himself aggrieved by its enactments or its deprivations, but surely the crown will deal tenderly with the rights of its successors 1 There is the young Princess of KENT, the heiress presumptive of the British throne, is she to be placed in a worse .situation, as re gards the royal prerogative, than any of her ancestors of the House of Brunswick ? Sure we are the people of England would be ashamed to impose restraints of a gall ing nature upon a British queen, and we feel confident that his present Majesty is embued with sufficient dig nity and nobleness of spirit to resent the degradation. We now come to the rights of the church. Sir CHARLES WETHERELL has shown into whose hands the patronage of numerous livings in the church would fall if this bill should pass. How many years is it since up wards of an hunctred chapels, which belonged to English presbyterians were wrested from them, by the most dis honest class of sectarians that ever lived, and are now in the hands of modern infidels ? What has been the fate of the presbyterians within the last sixty or seventy years may be the fate of the church of England before 1850, should this atrocious bill become the law of the land. The corporation of Liverpool has considerable patronage, but the members of the Common Council are also members of the established church; This is our pre sent security and defence ; but. how long would the church be safe if the Common Councils of Liverpool, Bristol, Norwich, Coventry, and some hundred other boroughs, .awe composed of socinians, independents, baptists, and liaplsts ? The axe would then be laid to the root ;athe tree. The enemy would then be in the centre of the camp; and on the watchtowers of our Zion would be' seen the wolf in sheep's clothing, the philosopher sow ing tares, the carping socinian smuggling his fraudulent interpolations into the pages of the sacred volume, and the contemptuous hater of sacraments sitting in meek vestments, with his head covered, sneering at our faith in some consecrated sanctuary, and perhaps pocketing the tithes, which he once refused to pay, in the name of charity. Look to Ireland ! A bill following upon the heels of ours has already been introduced for municipal reform in that country. It is evidently, almost.avowedly, O'CoN tim's bill. The qualification of an elector there is that he shall reside in u five pound house. How is this rental to be ascertained ? There are no poor-rates in Ireland —no taxes of any kind directly affecting the lower classes; consequently this bill recognises universal suffrage, and universal suffrage would place all the corporations of Ireland in the hands of the priests and the Roman Ca tholics. Do this, we say, and the church of Ireland would be annihilated in the next succeeding twelvemonths. These are powerful reasons why the Lords should patise before they open a door to such wide destruction, and by an act of folly encourage crime. This is not a time to weaken or impair the outworks of our venerable es tablishments. They must see the reckless and desperate character of the men who assail the church, and who wade chin deep in perjury to accomplish their unhallowed pur poses. The Louis must not allow themselves to be en trapped by these men, whose servants for evil the ministers of the King at present are. They must not truckle to them, or compromise with them, or surrender one jot or tittle of their principles. To entertain a thought of yielding is to abandon virtue. To trifle with them is contamination; to offer terms is ruin. Lastly, how does this nefarious bill bear upon the patent rights of the Peers themselves? Their Lordships will be pleased to bear in mind that all their honours aid titles, and many of their estates, have been conferred upon them by the kings of England. But what better title have they to their lands and titles than the corpora tions have to their. property, their privileges, and their rights of common ? None-whatever. The huMble ban :dicraftsman, who by inheritance or servitude has acquired the rights of a free burgess, is entitled do as much proiec tion, as the oldest and noblest peer in the realm. The House of Commons have no inure right to touch his le ally acquired immunities, than they have to turn the Duke of DEvoNsfitaE out of Chatsworth, or the Duke of BEDFORD out of Woburn Abbey. They have as much right to seize the ships belonging to Mr. BROCELEBANK as they have to annul the rights of a ship-carpenter. But what are the Lords called upon to do ? They are required to pass a Lill which wrests from corporations the property and the patent rights they have received from the crown. They are asked to invade • and annul the charters emanating from the sovereign—to rob one man for the pretended benefit of another--the former not having offended, the latter having no claim upon their benevolence or their . justice. What is this, if conceded, but saying that the House of Commons can deal with the patent rights of peers as well as burgesses, both having proceeded from the same source ? If the peers pass this bill, they will pass a bill of attainder against themselves. They will strike a blow at their own escutcheons—they will light a fire, the flames of which would speedily reach their own patents, charters, and title deeds. No, we hope better things from the nobles of England. More than mad would they be to promote a measure, which besides its glaring iniquity and monstrous op pression, would react upon themselves, and strike at the root of the monarchy. They have in the freemen of England two millions of true, stanch, brave, and loyal friends who at this moment look up to them for protec tion, and rely upon their sense of justice. It would be a dangerous experiment to convert these friends into ene mies. It would be a fearful risk to exasperate these men into the cry, "down with the peers!—they robbed us, we shall retaliate upon them! This must not he, even though iD'CoNNELL should be offended, or Lord JOAN RUSSELL transported. The lords have a simple duty to perform— ' 7175LeT Tull. Vitt! The Duke of NEWCASTLE (with much energy).—Then I have no hesitation iu saying that the conduct of the noble viscount is contrary to what ought to be the conduct of a man, of a minis ter of the crown, of a British peer, and of a British subject. fie (Lord Melbourne) is taking from the people of this country their property, by the most unconstitutional and most arbitrary means. I have no hesitation in saying that Ido think the mea sure before your lordships is so atrocious as to render the noble viscount liable to impeachment; and, if no other person bring forward a motion for his (Lord Melbourne's) impeachment, I myself will do it. Lord Baouoira beg to remind the noble duke, that in his zeal for the impeachment of my noble friend he has over looked the important circumstance, that as he himself will have to act as a judge when my noble friend is impeached, he cannot also be his prosecutor. The impeachment must come from the Commons; and when the other house.does impeach my noble friend, I shall give the case all the unbiassed and impartial con. sideration for which the learned counsel (Mr. Knight) has this day given me credit when sitting in the Court of Chancery. [Mr. Knight, in the course of his speech, took occasion to state that Lord Brougham had always acted with the strictest impartiality, even when deciding questions affecting the in terests of his•most intimate friends, when Lord Chancellor.] The Earl orFaI.MOOTH.—I wish to know whether any noble lord cannot move, on Monday, that evidence be heard on behalf of the corporations ? The Duke of CUMBERLAND.—WO are, too warm at present for considering the question before the house. We had better adjourn the house till Monday, and between this and that time we shall he better able to decide on what ought to be done. Lord BROUGHAM.—I believe the illustrious duke and I are agreed as to the propriety of deferring the further consideration of the measure; but it will never do to adjourn the house before we adjourn the further consideration of the question. The latter must be first moved. "I do not think," added Lord Brougham in a peculiarly sarcastic manner, " that, we are at all too warm." A Noete LORD.—I wish to ask the noble viscount whether there are any other papers to produce respecting this question? Lord MELBOURNE.—Not any. The further consideration of the question was then adjourned till Monday. Lord BROUGHAM then moved for certain returns relative to the number of sittings in Chancery for the last twelvemonths. He was sure it would be found, that in consequence . of the late arrangement with regard to the great seal, there had been more sittings in that court since theu than during any previous cor responding period. The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented a petition against the municipal corporations reform bill.—After which the house adjourned. TO CORRESPONDENTS We have to atuilottise for our long arrear of literary notices, the House of Commons and its intolerable tedium of talk interfering , with more pleasing avocations. We shall, how , ever, if possible on Friday next endeavour to make our court of literature as clear as, Lord Brougham's Court of Chancery, under the management of his three commis sioners. The same reason must be given for our neglect of a vast num ber of ably written letters. The misfortune is that these . things do not always keep well. We have a large stock of poetry on hand, some of it so miser ably bad that, with the permission of the several authors, we propose sending it to the Liverpool Mercury. The worst of it is quite as good as any that ever made a first appearance iu that droll journal. "Hints on Railways, Steam-boats, and Explosions" must stand over for the present. We do not like the subject. "A Day at Waterloo, and Ten Minutes in the Sea, by a Man chester Weaver," is very good, but too personal. About the "little ebapel in Toxteth-park," all we have to say is-TAKE IT. Cbe Viiberpool „Stanbarb. TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 4, 1835. By the Eli Whitney, Captain HARDING, which sailed from New York on the 2d July, we have papers to that date, but they contain no intelligence of much interest. By the Johnstone, Captain NITHEasoN, we have re ceived Demeraa papers to the 13th June, but there is nothing in them worth extracting. The Combined Court assembled at George Town on the 10th for the despatch of business. Some important financial ques tions were to be brought under the consideration of the Court. • We have, in substitution of various matter, made room for the whole of Sir CHARLES WETHERELL'S Speech at the bar of the House of Lords against the corporation robbery bill. That speech, we take upon ourselves to assert, is 'one of the most splendid e ff or t s o f e l oquence that has been li t stened to in modern times. lis reason ings are conclusive—its arguments unanswerable. Its . dem6nsttations are . so palpable, its faCts so incontrover tible, its exposure of tyraimy and injustice so glaring, , that it is' iwpossible to follt:4 the learned counsel through . his appeal.withentcoming to the conclusion that a- more fraudulent measure of usurpation never was attempted 'in England or any other country. For these reasons we earnestly request the attention of our readers to the defence offered for corporations by Sir CHARLES WETHERELL. There are three points which, as they bear upon the vitality and existence of the Bri tish constitution, demand our earliest notice. These are— Ist. TJie King—and his rights. 211 y. The Church—and its preservation. 3dly. The Lords—and their existence. The first concerns the. King. No less than on e hun dred and eighty-three boroughs who possess, and h ave possessed .for centuries, certain rights conferred upon them by chatters obtained from the kings of England- - who know no superior but ltis majesty—,and are respon sible to no tribunal but the Court of King's Bench—these boroughs are to be deprived and denuded of their char tered rights, •not by the King, or the King's court, for any act of delinquency proved or confessed, but by the House of Commons, or rather a faction of that 'house, for the purpose of conferring additional power, and an extended political influence, upon the worthless and un principled cabal who, by virtue of the priestly and po pish support of one DANIEL O'CoNNELL, call themselves the ministers of the crown. A herd of filthy and fetid father confessors in Ireland—a crew of monks, unwashed even in the dog days—a set of brooding bigots, reared in savage ignorance, and who extort money from wretched peasants under the pretext of administering cold water to the tongues of murderers and other felons in purga tory—who cheat, and chaunt, and gesticulate, and per form all sorts of mummery in the mass-house, in order to empty the purses, the old stockings, and the hoarded bags of the most miserable slaves on the face of tie ' earth—these people, we say, having returnedO'CoNtstr.i. and some forty other fellows to the House of Commons, have compelled Lord JoIIN RUSSELL not only to rob the Church of England, but to subvert the municipal car porationS of England, making them the prey of the de mocracy, as a prelude to the meditated spoliations .of the church-robbing and popish democracy iu Ireland. there be in Englishman in this favoured Aland who can look' upon this feloniou,s'' act with any feelings but those Of : disgust andladignation, he is a poor craven wretch, feeble in intellect, rickety in mind and body„and ki4wa4s .Ihom a mother's' attachment must be founded tnOre pity than in love. It is an act which sanctions ieonf,e-, derative insult towards the King—which strikes, and is intended to strike, at the royal prerogative—vvlrich :not only repeals all the charters grantedby the kings of Eng. l'and, but also tells the King that he is not competent to grant a charter, inasmuch as it restrains him from grant ing any charter without the permission of the House of Commons. It tells the King morethan this. It virtually says—" your ancestors have given powers to corporate bodies, which you have .not supervised—which you have allowed to. be abused—which you are not competent to manage—and which we the commons of England think ought to be placed under our jurisdiction, and that you the sovereign ought to be relieved from inspecting or controlling by the powers invested in the judges of your points." It goes a step beyond this, for it says—" You, the King of England, having allowed divers abuses to creep in which operate like an ulcer upon popular opi nion, inasmuch 'that corporators are tories when they should be wings, and are attached to the Church of Eng land w h e n they should be strongly in favour of DANIEL O'CONNELL and the sainted priests of popery in Ireland, oie, • Lord JOHN and othera,shave resolved to divest your majesty of all. future power in granting charters, or form ing corporations, because we think that DANIEL O'CON NELL and ourselves are better qualified to exert such a power than your majesty or any other king who shall or maybe by our infferance raised to the throne of these Word 3 like these—plain words which carry no doubt ful meaning' with thern—have not, we presume, been. addressed to WILLIAM the FOURTH. • But all the insult they convoyall the degradation they aim at—,is as serted, is vinilieated and approved by Lord Jowl Rua szt.L'a corporation bill, The king's power is treated with radical contempt. , The royal charters are eon- LONDON LATEST NEWS. City, Saturday Evening, Seven o'clock. The periodical returns of the assets and liabilities of the Bank of England from the sth of May to the 28th of July, inclusive, have been published, and they show a gradual increase in the amount of the precious metals held by the Corporation. This new feature in the returns has inspired increased confidence among those who expressed alarm at the previous continued diminution of the amount of bullion in the coffers of the Bank. The increase in j the stock of bullion since the last return has been from £6,219,000 to £6,233,000. The lowest amount held by the Bank for the last two years was £6,150,000, as stated in the account made up to the 2d of June last. The cir culation of the Bank of England has, according to the present return, been increased from £18,315,000 to £18,322,000, while the deposits have been increased from £10,954,000 to £11,561,000. In the amount of Securities held by the Bank there has been an increase from £25,678,000 to £26,224,000. ln the rest, or ba lance in favour of the Bank, there has been an increase since the last return from £2,628,000 to £2,644,000. Prices of the English Funds at Four o'Clock :—Red. 3 per Cents., 91; Consols, 901 ; 3 per Cents. Red., 991; New 31 per Cents., 981 ; Long Annuities, 16, 1 ; India Stock, 255; India Bonds, 5 pm.; Excheq. Bills, 19 pm. ; Consols for Account. 901. In .the Foreign stock market there has, been a good deal of business doing to-day. The principal transactions have been in Spanish and Portuguese Bonds, which but for the improvement in the English Securities would have been depressed. Spanish Bonds fell in the morning to 49L but closed at 501 2 and the Scrip rose from 101 to 91 per cent. discount. Portuguese Bonds, were quoted this afternoon at 911, and the Three per Cents, advanced from 59 . ? to 60. The business in Russian and Danish . Bonds was at quotations rather above those of yesterday. ,The Republican Securities continue to find a very dull sale. Colombian at from 351 to 36 ; Chilian at 43; and Mexican at 361. The Hamburgh mail reached town this afternoon with accounts of Wednesday. The Funds there had declined slightly, Austrian Metalliques having receded to 102, and Bank ghares-from 1,333 to 1,331. • • Prices of Foreign Funds :—Belgian, 1001; Brazilian, 86 ; Buenos Ayres, 31 ; Chilian, 43; Colombian, ; Danish, 77; Portuguese (New), 911 ; Ditto 3 per Cents., 60; Russian, 1091; Spanish, 501; Ditto Scrip, 91 dis. Dutch 21 per Cents., 541. SHARES.—Provincial Bank of Ireland, 461. CORRESPONDENCE. TO MR. Ii7LLI.dM RATHBONE, Note one of RI: Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the County of Lancaster. SIR,—As I observe that, by some means or other, you have lately bad "honours thrust upon you," and that in making a choice selection of competent individuals for county magis trates, you have been included among the number, permit nip to put a case, in which I require a verdict from you, iu your official capacity. . _ Some four or five years ago, when General Gascoyne, the late representative for Liverpool, came to visit his constituents, prior to a general election, he was assaulted whilst in his car riage by an individual belonging to the opposite party, in a most gross and uugentlemanlike manner. The act itself is beneath description; but the assault wes witnessed by three or four gentlemen well known in Liverpool, who gave testimony at the time as to the fact. None of the police unfortunately were at hand at the time to take this individual into custody; and so contemptible was he considered, that no legal prosecu tion was entered upon. Some time afterwards, a brother of this individual, not believing that one of his name could com mit such an act, attempted, through the radical press, to deny the charge. The evidence of the three or four witnesses, how ever, was "so very untoward," that be withdrew from the field, and left his brother's case precisely where he took it up. Now, what I want to know is as to the punishment you would award for this assault? You must recollect it was unprovoked and-uncalled fir; end, therefore, there must be something in proportion in your verdict as to what should be inflicted in so gross an instance. Now, remember, is there any doubt on the score of "identity?" for the guilty individual is still living near Liverpool, and has been frequently upbraided with the act. Awaiting your reply, believe me to remain, with very great personal respect, for so fit and competent a magistrate, Your very obedient, humble servant, ONE HORSE AND FOUR WHEELS August 1, 1834. P.S.—Though I differ widely in politics with the other gen tlemen lately appointed county magistrates, pray accept of nay best wishes and expression of great respect for them. TO CHARLES HORSFALL, ESQ.,- PRESIDENT OF THE LIVERPOOL DISPENSARIES. Stn,-1 beg to know whether a resolution has not been passed that advertisements should be inserted alternately itk.the diffe rent newspapers of the town, without reference to political principles ? and I also wish to know whether, at a recent meet ing of the sub-committee of the South Dispensary, of which James Molyneux, Esq., is vice-president, a resolution did not pass, that a certain advertisement, connected with that public charity, should not Le inserted in the Liverpool Standard? As a warm supporter of the charity, I take leave to observe that such a proceeding, if true, is not calculated to promote its interests. A SUBSCRIBER. Liverpool, August 3, 1833. TO TILE EDITOR OP THE LIVERPOOL ST.I.VDAILD. Sta,—The other day, when poring olcr au American paper, the Balliniore Gazette, I was struck with whut I considered roost entertaining, though bitter critique upon M. de Torque work upon the United States. Poor persecuted Jonathan, in his senatorial capacity, seem!' to writhe under the lash that M. de Tocqueville inflicts upon him. Not blood, hut a fiery spirit flows in copious streams from the v, (mud thus inflicted, and by the cool, yet pointed raillery of the talented author, Jonathan is worked up into a most ungovernable fit of frenzy, launches out against his lite rary victim, rates the aristocracy of Europe, and ends with a splendid tirade against the eloquence of the British and French parliaments. Little do the worthy members for Liverpool, Birminghcm, and Ipswich, Messrs. Ewart, Thornely, and Wason, imagine the low estimation at which their powerful oratory is held by this son of a whipper of wild cats! But 1 shall give these dis ciples of Demosthenes an opportunity of judging for them selves, by quoting the exact words of M. de Tocqueville, and the mal-treated Yaukey's comment upon the same. Thus speaks M. de T.! — "When one enters the Chamber of Representatives, at Washington, one is struck with the vulgar aspect of this great assembly—the eye seeks in vain for souse celebrated man on whom to rest. Nearly all the members are obscure individuals, whose names give back no image to the mind. They are for the most part village attorneys, small traffickers, or even be longing to the lowest class of people." To this the star-and-stripe hero most indignantly replies:— " Nothing can be more galling to the pride of European aristocracy, whether high or low, than that merit, born of poverty, or sprung from a low station, should be exalted to the high places of the land. Our prosperous republic, (!) there fore, could, from its very nature, afford little comfort to such a visitant as M. de Tocqueville. 'The industrious man,' says the volume of inspiration, 'shall stand before princes.' Judged by this rule, the less numerous branch of our national legis_ latUre, the senate, could supply from both parties together a greater number of eminent, or ' celebrated' men, of men de_ serving to 'stand before princes,' than the whole of the Bri tish parliament!! As to the French parliament; yr legislature, few, we supisose, besides this gentleman, would consider that body worthy of a comparison with either house of congress!" The latter part of this brilliant effusion is indeed a bonne bouche, and worthy of what it is sure to meet with—the most stirling contempt. It manifestly proves that the writer of this article was at the time of his writing it labouring under a horrible life-and-soul-subduing fit of spite, and that M. de 'Foe aueville had merely opened afresh the wound established by Mrs. Trollope; otherwise, why should he attack the British parliament in so uncalled for a manner, when it is a French man who thus gives the American senate its true character? If you consider the above worthy of insertion in your excel , lent paper, you are at liberty to du so.—l am, &c. 0. L. (AriVERTISEbIENT.) Liverpool, 30th July, 1835. GENTLPIII I3 I . 4 — I Yesterday received your kind present of an elegant silver snuff-box, and your grateful acknowledgments f or w hat you are pleased to call . my kind attention to your com forts and welfare. Allow me to state, that on the Ist April, 1803, I was sworn in as a lauding-waiter for the port of Liverpool, and on the 3d, when I commenced the business of the quays, the then collec tor, the late Arthur Onslow, Esq., thus addressed me: — Sir, you are now entering upon an important office as landing-waiter of the port of Liverpool. " Sit, your first attention is, that his Majesty the King shall receive uo injury, and that all his duties shall be regularly discharged. " Your next attention , is equally as binding as the first—that you give even; accommodation to the merchant consistent with your duty to t'he crown." To which address I replied— " Sir, my utmost attention shall he given to your most excel lent instructions, and I hope by so doing to merit your kind approbation." Collector.—' I hope and trust you will." These excellent instructions, to the utmost of my abilities, were my guide and rule for the three years that I was a landing waiter; and I received the approbation of the collector and controller, by their recommendation to the Honourable Board of Customs, on my being appointed to the situation of jerquer of the customs for the port of Liverpool. On the 6th March, 1806, I left Liverpool for London to go under instructions as a jorquer. Ou the '26th of the same mouth I returned to Liverpool, and on the 27th was sworn into, end took possession of the jerquer's-office, which I ant very. sorry to say was in dreadful confusion. There were ten tills:stud ships' blue books without a single warrant in them, and there were nearly one hundred thousand warrants heaped together which it was impossible to assort. (The warrants belonging to .each bide book ought to have been tied together, and kept inside the blue book.) After two years' great exertions, by which my health was severely injured, the office was brought into order and revularity slid has continued suc h un til th e d a y 1. left it, the 14th April:lB3s. The number of vessels from foreign parts, English as well ,as foreign, arriving at the . port of Liverpool were, in 1806, 1226; in 1816 , 1477 • and in 1834, 3201. Eighteen years since, when the number of vessels from reign parts were•only 1477 per year, I had four clerks; and when the number was more than double, four clerks only have I had. Will it be believed, that on the 29th March, 101, the present inspector-general, Alexander Ross, Esq., came into my alike, when the following conversation took place:— Mr. Ross.—Sir, I am coming your clerks from you. Mr. B.—Sir, I hope in God office if you do. Mr. Ross.—l shall give you much. Mr. B.—lf, sir, be is not wi him? Mr. Ross.—lf he does not sui will break him. you will ruin my he is not worth It shall I do with tim to me, and I Mr. B.—l thank God. sir, I never broke but one brother officer, and then by the command of the late controller, Edmund Rigby, Esq., and that was poor Jack Wright, and he deserved it above twenty times. Mr. Ross.—Look you, sir, (stretching out,his hand,) I have broke many an officer, and I hope in God to break many more! The inspector-general then left my office. Surely, surely a most gentl eman ly a nd Christian-like expression! April l et, 1834.—The inspector-general took from me Mr. William Every, who had been my clerk for eighteen years, and before the 10th September, 1834, he had given me ten different clerks. _ Sept. 10, 1834.—He came into my office and said, " I am come to inspect your office;" and in a little time he said, " I find it greatly in arrears." " Sir," I replied, "it is you I have to thank for it. You took away one of my confidential clerks, and in l ess th an fi ve mo nth s you have given me ten different clerks." Mr. Ross.—Sir, I will look no further. I will come again after quarter-day (the 10th October); and if you and your clerks have not got up your arrears by that time, *I have the power and I will make you and your clerks come every nun-mpg at eight o'clock, and make them and you stay until eight o'clock at night! Mr. B.—Sir, unless you give me assistance, it is impossible to bring op the arrears. But vou will - do as' ea please. Oct. 17. 1834.—This fatal day came, and William Southgate, Esq., a surveyor of the customs, was shot in the Custorn-house= yard, and livel only two days afterwards—a melancholy event indeed ! Gentlemen, following those excellent instructions given me by oar former collector, Arthur Ouslow, Esq., I have to the best of my abilities paid every attention (as was my duty) that the crown did not suffer from the port entries being delayed; and, that every accommodation should be given to the mer chant, I employed my oldest clerk, Mr. Halsal Latham, entirely in examining and comparing the copies of the ships' reports and the tide-waiters' blue books, that, if possible, no delay should be caused in the jerquer's-office; and I can with confidence ap. peal to every merchant in Liverpool if such has not been the case for the twenty-nine years last past when I held that re sponsible office. I have mentioned only a few of the acts •of your present in spector-general to show that you are not tlie only persons in his Majesty's Cul i toms who have fallen under hi:, gentlemanly treat ment. I am now addressing a memorial to our sovereign Lord King William the Fourth, showing forth the many gentlemanly actions which your present inspector general (which we will eupßose) has pleasingly perforined; and I hope and trust his Majesty will, in his great kindness to the welfare of his brother freemen of Liverpool, most handsomely reward the same high-minded gen tleman according to his great deserts.—Wishing you awl your families health and comfort in this life, I beg to remain, gentlemen, l'our sincere well-wisher, BRYAN BLUNDELL. To the Members of the Weighers' Funeral Society of his :klajesty's Customs, Liverpool. THE NEW PARLIAMENTARY REGISTERS FOR LIVERPOOL. The overseers have completed their lists of voters, which were on Sunday affixed to the several church doors within the borough as prescribed by the reform bill. The number of votes registered for the borough is 7,767, but in this number is included the names of a great number of per sons who are entitled to the right of voting by the occupation of premises in different districts for each of which they are returned as voters. The number of voters on the Borough List is about the same as last year; but there is a great falling off in the lower qualifi cations, there being 56l voters at £lO, 149 at £ll, and 318 vo ters at £12, - making a total of 1,02 S voters of this description, less than last year: these parties were qualified, last year, by their landlord; paying the rates. Upon the qualificatien above L'l2. there is a proportionate increase, making the aggregate nearly equal to the list of last year. The number of claimants to be put on the present register was 60'2, of which number 169 were already on the list; 382 were admitted, and 131 were objected to on various grounds and are left for the Revising Barristers to decide. The list of County voters, resident in the Parish of Liverpool contains upwards of 900 new claims, as compared with last year's list. The total numblrof county voters within this parish is now about 2.000. The time for getting . up the registers being very short,—say, only ten days to examine into such qualifications and to com plete and publish registers containing upwards of %MO names, —there will, no doubt, he found some misnomers, and possibly some omissions. The Churchwardens end Overseers, thereiore, wish the parishioners and freeholders to examine the registers themselves, and, should any mistake occur, they will Inv.'? au opportunity of making their claim on or before the 15th instant, which, if found to be correct. will be admitted by the 'Revising Barrister when he holds his court in October next to revi►e the list. In addition to the recommendation of the parish ofEccrs we would strongly impress upon the mind of each indiviedial voter the necessity of examining the register personally, not only for the purpose of correcting any verbal error or inisdescriptioe of his premises which may acciefentally deprive hi!» of his right, but also for the equally important purpose of proteeting the public against the consequences of conferring the elective fran chise upon those who, as al;ens, have no right to that privilege under any circumstances whatever. g to take one of yoti will no , for ; but rorth t v( neh, what ui ou, report hi EXPEDIENCY.—NIioRDswo IH. If to expedience principle must bow; Past, future, shrinking up beneath the incumbent now; If cowardly concession still must feed The thirst for power in men who ne'er concede; If generous loyalty must stand in awe Of subtle treason, in his mask of law; Or with bravado insolent and hard, Provoking punishment, to win reward; If office help the factious to conspire, And they who should extinguish fan the fire— Then will the sceptre be a straw, the crown Sit loosely, like the thistle's crest of down, To be blown off At will, by power that spores it In cunning patience, from the head that wears it. THE FANCY FAIRS AT THE ZOOLOGICAL GA R DEN S.--We have great pleasure in announcing that notwithstanding the unfavourable state of the weather when these fairs were held, Mr. Atkins has transmitted, through the hands of his worship the Mayor, the sum of £4O to be distributed among the follow , ing charitable institutions of this place, viz.:—The Tufirmary, £10; the Northern Hospital, £5; the District. Provident So ciety, £5 ; the Blue Coat Hospital, £ a ; the Eve Institution, £5, and the St. Patrick's School, £5. The gardens are now in beautiful condition, and, independently of the great variety of animals which Mr. Atkins has collected with great judgment and industry from every quarter of the globe, presents au equally agreeable promenade for the old or the young, the healthy or the valetudinarian. The success of Mr. Atkins in the manage ment of these gardens has been well earned by his industry liberality, and public spirit. DISTRICT PROVIDENT SOCIETY.—At the last quarterly meeting of this useful society Mr. James Irving was unant , Tonsil? elected treasurer, in the room of the late Air. Dobson. PRESENT OF A SILVER TANKARD TO Mit. MILCREST.— Messrs. R. F. Breed and Eccleston have transmitted to Mr. Thomas Milcrest, shipbuilder, a handsome silver tankard, bearing the following inscription :—" The Levant Steam Corn pany presented to Thomas Milerest, Esq., this tankard as a token of their estimation of his services, rendered that company prior to building their first vessel, the Crescent. July2.s, ISM.' A similar present, we understand, was made to that gentleman by the amateur rowers of the Harlequin sotue tune ago. EXTRAORDINARY CONVULSION OF NATURK.—A few days ago a remarkable phenomenon occurred at the quarry of Dr. Hughes, in Toxteth-park. Whilst the workmen were engaged in their labours they observed a mass of rock, with a quantity of superincumbent earth upon it which would weigh at least lOU tons, suddenly to heave, and rose six iuches, after which it im mediately settled iu its proper position; stacking the rock in various places, and leaving .other marks of the convulsion. THE IRISH CHURCH.—In the course 0 f the discussion in the House of Commons uu Wednesday on. Lord Morpeth's new clause of this bill; charging the consolidated fund with 1230,000 a-year to be paid to the national board of education in Ireland, Mr. Sharman Crawford said "he accepted the bill only on the ground that it would enable him to make Jet:tested applications on the part of Roman catholics and dissenters for the recogni tion of the principle, that they should contribute nothing to the protestant church establishment." This candid admission on the part of Mr. ,Crawford shows the great advantages to las hoped for from further concessions. What will the Lords think . of it? - GENERAL DARLING.—Mr. Morgan O'Connell succeeded i n defeating his Majesty's ministers in the House of Commons on Thursday by a majority of eight on his motion for a select com mittee to inquire Mtn the conduct of General Darling, as governor of New South Wales. Another novelty ill this affair was a petition from Marylebone,• presented by Mr. Bulwer, praying the house to institute the inquir). Sir 11. Hsidings, w h en t his petition was presented, observed, that a b the inha bitants o f iklarylchone had nothing to do with the colony of New South Wales he thought the ,petition was got up merely to serve a particular purpose. Sir Henry is roost probably wrung, Possiblv a great nunil.er of Mr. Bulw er 's constituentsh a ve visited, are likely to visit, or have friends now residing in New South Wales. The populous parishes of St. Pancras and St. Giles form a part of the borough of Maryleboue. Lieutenant George Spong, R, N., has been appointed mad the stipendiary magistrates for Trinidad under the slave eman cipation act. FRENCH BOOKS, WORKS OF Any, &c.—M. Choffin, of Church-street, has opened a direct correspondence with Paris from this place, which will enable hint, through the medium of his agent there, to supply any publication, work of t, or French manufacture in a few days. INDIAN FROG CONCCRTS.—DWing a moonlight night, par ticularly after rain, these little animals exert their vocal powers to the utmost, in sounds as loud as the bleeting of sheep. - The burden of their song seems to he "Will you take en egg' will you take an egg ?" which they pronounce very distinctly.—, Aliatic Journal. liosAvAttm's DANCING.—" Went to the Princess 'fallev rand's, who told us some anecdotes of Napoleon which were amusing. She confirmed the accounts generally circulated, of his delight in mortifying women. `:Flint Dieu, madame, que vous it.tes devenue was one of his ordinary civilities. She saw bins dance very ill at the marriage of the Prince D'Arem berg with Mademoiselle Tascher, a cousin of Josephine. A. negro, named Julien, cos of his band, cajed to him roughly, aliLost every moment, "to theright," "to thi-. lift;" "set," "lead (Num" &c. To see a negro Ow! order" to the absolute Mester of Europe made but retlect."—The life of Mackintosh, by his Soh.