The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-03-13 00:00:00

he protection of agriculture were likely to continue in force. For the present we must content ourselves with ur ging the preceding considerations on the attention ol our readers. Want of space precludes us from enter ing any further into the question. We shall, however, again and again recur to it. We beg to direct the attention of our readers to a condensed report of the proceedings at the half yearly meeting of Proprietors of the Bristol and Exeter Rail way, which appears in another column. It will be seen from the Report of the Directors, that if their exertions are seconded by the support of the bona fide share holders, the completion and opening of the Line as far Bridgewater, (a length of 34 miles) may he depended upon during the course of the present year ; and we trust that a consideration of the benefits which would result to the undertaking from the success of such an effort will not be lost sight of. Yesterday a meeting, convened by the Mayor, was held in the Sessions House, for the purpose of " con sidering the propriety of petitioning the Legislature in favour of the Irish Municipal Bill." Our radical contemporary of this day will no doubt blazon forth the resolutions passed at this meeting as the expression of the public opinion of the inhabitants of Liverpool. The resolutions express no such thing. They merely convey the sense of the Popish rabble of the town, who are, almost to a man, utter strangers in the town, the lowest and most degraded of the vagabond Irish, who an nually cause an immense addition to our parochial rates, and among whom not one in a hundred can boast of either a vote, a clean face, a decent coat, or an honest character. Such were the men whose dirty fists were held up in favour of the resolutions which were carried yesterday. The Radical party, for some time after the meeting had been convened, imagined that no opposition would be offered to the proceedings : but on discovering that the Conservatives intended to muster their forces on the occasion, the emissaries of the Precursor Society were dispatched in every direction to collect together the low Irish Papists, for the two-fold purpose of in timidating the respectable part of the inhabitants, and of carrying the resolutions in favour of the Bill for converting the Irish Municipal Corporations into schools of Popish " normal agitation." ,The expe dient was, to a certain extent, successful; but it failed in exciting any feeling of alarm in the minds of the Conserrative gentry of the town. The meeting was appointed to take place at twelve o'clock. Long, however, before that hour, the principal avenues to the Sessions House were sur rounded by a dense body of low Irish vagabonds, Whose Very appearance was sufficient to prevent any man of respectability, or possessed of delicate olfactory nerves, from making any approach to the entrance doors. The mob were evidently bent upon excluding from the meeting all excepting those who were in favour of the Popish Bill now before Parliament. when the doors were opened, the Irish rushed in, and took possession of all the space behind the rails. The Conservatives were compelled to seek an entrance through the side doors, which had been previously opened for the admission of the few " gentlemen of' the broad cloth" in the 'Whig interest who " honoured" the meeting with their presence. When it was perceived that the Conservatives were making their way in great numbers to the lower part of the room and the galleries, the signal was given by the notorious Langan, and repeated by several members of the Common Council, for a rush inside the bars on the part of the Irishmen. The signal was immediately understood, and the rabble began to clamber over the seats, in order to dispossess the Conservatives of the seats usually reserred for the snore aristocratic part of the audience. Hundreds of Conservatives went away, being totally unable to obtain an entrance. The be haviour of the Irish was—that of blackguards of the lowest degree. They did not hesitate to jostle and as sault every man who had a decent coat who came in their way; and several Whig gentlemen were thus un ceremoniously treated, being mistaken for Conserva tives. On the first division which took place, the parties were so nearly balanced, that in common with many others, we were unable to say which party had the ma jority. The Mayor, however, decided in favour of the Liberals, though many felt persuaded that the Con servatives were the more numerous. Of this we feel assured, that if the -" broad cloth," or the gentlemen off 'Change had had to decide the matter, the majority Would have been five to one in favour of the Conserva tives. The principal speakers on the Conservative side Were Messrs. N. Robinson, J. Wright, T. B. Horsfall, J . Sheppard, Isaac Holmes, and C. Bushell. In ad dition we noticed, amongst a large body of Conserva tive gentlemen, Sir Thomas Brancker, Messrs. James Aspinall, R. Gladstone, W. Potter, T. Sands, 'l'. Moss, George Green, Robert Horsfall, Thomas Porter, J. Fairclough, J. N. Wood, Jos. Cooper, James Lawrence, Duncan Gibb, W. Huson, C. Boutflower, Josias Boo ker, C. Groves, Daniel Neilson, J. Wellstood, Richard Griffiths, Wm. Shand, William Jones, M., Bousfield, Nicholas Bold, J. A. Tinne, &c., &c., &c., besides a large body whose names we cannot enumerate. It is an undeniable fact that, even if the first resolution was Carried, in accordance with the decision of the Mayor, the negative was carried by an overwhelming majority of the more respectable portion of the meeting. Once more we beg emphatically to deny: that the resolutions alleged to have been carried at the meeting of yesterday, convey the sense of the merchants and tradesmen of Liverpool. They were carried through the sheer physical force of the Irish strangers in the t own, marshalled under their fugleman, the ex-boxer, , Langan. If the Mercury says anything to the con trary to-day—it lies. TH E CHUR C H. James Clarke, Esq., Recorder of Liver- Pool, has contributed one hundred pounds towards the build ink fund for the erection of St. Thomas's Church. Lancaster. List of Cabin Passengers o n bo ar d th e G eorge W as hi ngton, Captain A. Burrows, from New York, arrived on Tuesday : Mr. George Wildes, London; Mr. L. Palmieri, Naples, Consul of the Two Sicilies for the U. S. of America; Mr. ~,,`-'• L. Boric, Philadelphia Tobias, Liverpool. ~?led on the passage, Mr. Henry Clark, Hackney near Lon merl. -,, PRSTIVA,L CHORAL SOCIETY.—On Tuesday evening the z estival phoral Society gave their sixth public performance in the N uric-hall, Bold-street. There was a numerous an d „respec i i t ble attendance. The scheme compri se d a se l ect i on from andel's Acis and Galatea, and Haydn's first service. . 'file principal vocalists were Miss Leach, iss Stott, Mr. Lunt, Mr. G. Lunt, Mr. Davies, Mr. Earnshaw, and Mr. P. Gardner. Mr. G. Holden was the conductor, and Mr. Elliot lead the band, which was highly effective. The per formance gave entire satisfaction. AN OLD HAND.—By the Parkfield, which arrived the other day, there came a convict transported for life for forgery, from Liverpool, under the name of Drake. Unfortunately for him, our convict police system partakes somewhat of the Pouche perfection, and the consequence was, that he was discovered by Mr. Ryan, chief clerk of the Superintendent of Convicts Office, to be one John Roberts, an absentee from Van Diemen's Land in 1830, by the ship Surry, and was assigned to Captain Swanston, and represented himself to have been a clergyman of the Church of England. Not liking his quarters there, he joined some other desperate cha racters, and they effected their escape by taking possession of the Badger schooner. With her, he sailed to America, and there he re-assumed his reverend character, under the name of the Rev. William Robertson, M.A. America did not suit him, and he wended his way back to England, and in Liverpool he committed the crime for which he has been transported, under the name of John Drake. He was for warded to her Majesty's gaol of Sydney, to be forwarded to Van Diemen's Land, to take his trial for the piracy. On being questioned as to where he obtained his degree of M.A., he replied at Eton. The following is a specimen of his style, which certainly appears to be cultivated. The extract is from a letter addressed to the surgeon superintendent on the way out :—.`• Respected sir, I fear that the avalanche of your displeasure has fallen on my devoted head."—Sydney Colo nist. ROYAL UNION SOUP. —MARCH OF INTELLECT.—At an eating-house in Somers-town, a board is exhibited, on which is painted in large letters :—W. and S. Weeding, perveyor of Soop to Her Magesty Victorier the Furst, and Prince Al bert the Furst's loyal subgects. The only house in the me troperlis where a basin of Royal Union Soop can be hobtain ed. Hot Joints from 12 to 3 Daly. Noospapers taken hin." BLENHEIM, NEAR WOODSTOCK, SUNDAY.—The Duke of Marlborough, accompanied by his eldest son the Marquis of Blandford, arrived here express last evening from town in consequence of the demise of his noble father the late Duke, on Thursday evening. His grace was staying at the man sion of his mother, now dowager duchess, in Park-lane, when he received a letter dated from hence on Thursday, informing him of the late duke's dangerous illness; the next 'I, post brought a second, informing him of the duke's disso -4 lution. The o b sequ i es o f hi s grace are f i xe d to take place on 45 ':- Friday next, at the mausoleum of the Churchill family, built 4 1 by the celebrated Duke of Marlborough. The late duke had 1 , i n e . . lived in co m p ara ti ve ret i rement for some years on a wing of to his noble mansion, seldom quitting it except for a short visit 'fil l' to one of the wa t er i ng places every year. The present duke, 5 1 ,'Ettit , by, his marriage with ' a s i s t er o f t h e E ar l o f Galloway, h as ' nlt i four children, the M arqu i s o f Bl an df or d, in h is 1 8th year, kJ ' 4 4 Lady Louisa Spe ncer C hurchill, and Lords Alfred and Allan 1(r 3.1 11 0'., Spencer Churchill. Lord Churchill, formerly Lord F. I N* 1,, Spencer, brother to the lat e 'd u k e, an d hi s son , th e H on. J. ` l lq G. Spencer, Lord Galloway, and Lord Charles Churchill 4 15', 1 841 ' will, it is expected, attend the.. funeral. .Lord John Sencer "nd „. Churchill will be absent, having sailed in command of the .1 k.,, - -bivid frigate- for the East India station. Tha Dowager '-1, .. - .Duchess of Marlborough is now in town.—Morning Herald . of Tuesday. THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH AND MR. KELLY, TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. SIR,—In looking over one of your numbers a few weeks ago, my attention was arrested by a paragraph commencing with the following sentence—" The Hindrance.? which Civil Establishments of Christianity present to the Progress of Genuine Religion." The paragraph went on to state that this was the subject of a public lecture delivered on behalf of the Liverpool Young Men's Voluntary Church Society, in a Baptist Chapel, Pembroke-place, by Mr. Kelly, a preacher of the Independent denomination; and it furnished in the se quel an epitome of the several arguments adduced by the lecturer in support of his thesis. I was particularly struck with one of the arguments, as being one of the most barefaced attempts to impose upon, and mislead the young men of this town, that ever came under my notice. My first thought was to address you immediately on the subject, but upon further consideration I thought I had better wait until the lecture itself should be published, in order to afford the lec turer the privilege of stating the argument in his own words. The said lecture is now before me, from which I beg to transcribe a few passages, marking in the usual way th ose t o which I beg more particularly to call attention. " Civil Establishments hinder the progress of religion by exerting an injurious influence upon Christian character and duty The charge is easily substantiated. " 1. Civil Establishments render the formation of scrip tural churches impossible, &c., &c. "2. Civil Establishments do practically and in effect re lease Christian men from a most important duty—the duty of propagating the Gospel, &c., &c. " 3. Another point, closely connected with the former, and yet deserving of distinct consideration, is the influence which Civil Establishments exert in destroying the grace of Chris tian liberality..... Liberality, rightly understood, is the re sult of a triumph over the worldliness and selfi s h n ess o f our nature, and the fruit of consideration and self-denial. It is thus an clement of true nobleness of character. Its exercise is one grand means of exciting and invigorating, those cement ing charities which bind the Church of God together. Being the expression of kindness and sympathy on the part of the richer churches towards the poorer, it awakens reciprocal affection in those who receive the benefit, &c., &c. " Civil establishments destroy this grace. They are intend ed to make it unnecessary. Every thing is done, in as far as the establishment can do it, to render its exercise su perfluous and uncalled for. Men are systematically taught) to restrain this grace, and to abstain from its cultivation ; and the practical effect is, that men being apt scholars in all that concurs with the selfishness of their nature, there are multitudes, who would be understood to be Christians, who have not the remotest conception that it is any part of their duty to devote the smallest portion of their property, how ever ample it may be, to the cause of God; and they never do it. There are many too who are really influenced, we are bound in charity to believe, by Christian principle, who have yet been taught the lesson so effectually, that whatever graces they may exhibit, self-denial and liberality in the employ ment of their property are NOT amongst them. They do not refuse absolutely to give, but they look upon it in the light of charity beyond the fair demands of duty. The injury from this cause done to Christian character, and to the interests of religion, are incalculable : it affects in a greater or less de gree all classes. The evils which establishments have originated extend to zmendowed Protestantism, linger there, and hinder its efficiency establishments have done much to quench the spirit of libe rality ; and so far as they have succeeded in doing this, they have injured Christian character, and operated disastrously on the interests of religion." These extracts might have been given at greater length, but I conceive they will be considered sufficiently full to convey to your readers a correct idea of the charge—the serious and grave charge—preferred by the lecturer against established churches in general, but more directly against the Established Church of England, which is mentioned by name in several parts of the lecture. The most effectual methofftO — render the Established Church unpopular in the country, is to represent it to the millions which constitute the humbler classes of society as destitute of liberality, and consequently one that does little to relieve their sufferings, and supply their wants. The lec turer knew this well, and accordingly made his charge of il liberality against the church in terms, though general, yet sufficiently distinct to convey that impression. But, as he did not produce any facts in support of the accusation, he of course expected his audience to take his mere assertion for proof, and, as the lecture is now published, he expects the public to do the same. But this will not satisfy the accused. We, whose privilege or misfortune it is to be members of an established church, have a right to demand proof. We guess the lecturer has none to advance—nay more, we suspect he knew, at the time he stated that " civil establishments destroyed the grace of Christian liberality," that, so far as the Church of England was concerned, it was not true, for that ample evidence of the contrary had been published. However, we shall leave the lecturer to settle that point with his own conscience, and proceed at once to disabuse the public mind, and, if they pleaso, the members of " the Liverpool Young Men's Voluntary Church Associ ation," on this important subject. The subjoined tables will exhibit a comparative view of the support given by churchmen and dissenters to institu tions for the good of the poor of all religious denominations, according to the printed list of subscribers ; and under the word " dissenters " will be included Wesleyans, Quakers, and Roman Catholics, in addition to the denominations usu ally,called dissenters : DURHAM. Sums subscribed. Churchmen. I Dissenters. Institutiotzs. Infirmary Blue-coat School Compassionate Society Mendicity Society Infant Schools Bible Auxiliary Bible Association Total i £9lO 18 10 I £33 10 8 So that in this place Churchmen give TWENTY-SEVEN POUNDS for every one given by Dissenters. EXETER. Sums subscribed. Churchmen. 1 Dissenter:. Institutions. Hospital Dispensary Humane Society Lun. Asylum—Benefactions Deaf and Dumb Institution Lying-in Charity Coal Charity Blanket Society Eye Intrtnaty Penitentiary £2016 4 0 214 14 6 39 18 0 8972 9 4 297 11 0 63 0 0 214 4 0 70 14 0' 137 12 0 163 2 0 £l3l 1 0 36 4 6 8 8 0 936 7 0 42 3 0 4 14 6 43 11 6 18'5 0 g 9 0 40 5 0 Total.. Here :again Churchmen give NINE POUNDS for every one given by Dissenters. GLOUCESTER. Sums subscribed. Churchmen. I Dissenters. Institutiou. Infirmary Lunatic Asylum Dispensary Benevolent Society Female Ditto Ladies' Dorcas Charity Lying-in Charity Magdalen Asylum Gloucestershire Society £4O 19 0 3 3 0 19 19 6 5 14 0 2 9 0 12 2 0 1 0 0 3 2 0 2 2 0 Total .. In this instance TWENTY-SIX POUNDS are given by Churchmen for every one pound by Dissenters. LEEDS—INFIRMARY, 1833. Sums subscribed. Churchmen. I Dissenters. Annual subscriptions Donations £1652 17 0 £458 17 0 272 0 0 47 0 0 199 0 7 0 0 0 Congregational collections.. Total FOUR pounds to one in fav, is notorious as the stronghol NOTT: £2123 17 al £505 17 0 rour of the church in a town that Id of dissent. 'INGHAM. Sums subscribed. I Churchmen. f Dissenters. Institutions. General Infirmary Lunatic Asylum Dispensary for the town £lO2 IS 0 16 16 0 132 6 0 Total .. £252 0 0 Seven pounds to one in fai Donations and Legacies to the General Infirmary, from its commencement JJJ Ditto to Lunatic Asylum .. £lOOO 0 0 180 0 0 Total Twenty-one pounds to on, £25,000 0 0 in favour of th ENFIRMARY, £79 19 8 1124 6 6 £llBO 0 0 e church. 1832. Collected at Dissenting Meeting-houses WILTSHI RE — Collected at Salisbury Ca- 1 thedral Do. at the different churches' Total Sixteen pounds to one in £1204 6 2 £73 18 11 Favour of the church. The grand total produced by these different sums put together, stands thus— SUMS GIVEN. By Churchmen By Dissenters 415,594 10 51 I £3,406 5 7 Which shows a clear balance in favour of the Established Church of FORTY TWO THOUSAND ONE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY EIGHT POUNDS. Such is the overwhelming pre ponderance of the LIBERALITY of Churchmen over that of Dissenters in these few places. And it is stated that the Dissenters in the said towns are as numerous and respectable as they are in other parts of the country, in proportion to the population. With these facts before us, what comes of Mr. Kelly's statement that " Civil Establishments destroy the grace of Christian liberality ; and that men are systematically taught to restrain this grace and to abstain from its cultivation 7" Arguing from these results the public will come to a different conclusion, and concur with the writer of these lines, in the inference that Christian liberality is fostered and exercised by the church beyond all comparison, and, that just in pro portion to the spread of Dissent, will the spirit of disinter ested benevolence ret rogra d e, and the comfort and privations, not to say painful sufferings, of the " masses" be neglected. The Established Church is emphatically the church of the people, and the best friendof the poor, the destitute, and the unfortunate. Let the people know it by the publication of facts such as the above, and they will not fail to rally round the church, and stand in the gap against the further advance of its assailants. Let " The Liverpool Young Men Esta blished Church Society" appoint a committee to investigate the state of the public charities in Liverpool, giving in paral lel columns the sums subscribed by Churchmen and Dis senters respectively. By so doing they will render the church material service ; and let me recommend to them, and to all the working classes in the town, " A Lett er t o Si r R. Inglis, Bart., on the Relative Numbers, Influence, and Benevolence of Churchmen and Dissenters, by Presbyter," price three pence, to which letter I am principally indebted for the sta tistics given above.—l am, Sir, your obedient servant, D. JAMES. Kirkdale, March 12, 1840. A destructive fire broke out early on Friday morning, in the extensive warehouses of Messrs. Blith, Hilton, id Hughes, featherbed manufacturers, 47, Upper Thames -street. They were entirely destroyed, but the greater part of the stock, we are happy to say, was saved, though the loss sus tained must be very great. Several neighbouring houses also were much injured. Amongst the burning ruins were found two of the patent fire -proof boxes, containing bank notes, cash, and papers, to the amount of £5OOO, all of which were uninjured. INTERESTING TO LADIES.—The more delicate th e b eauty of a female, the more susceptible i t is to the effects of our rigid winters. The fine skin of England's lovely women is not calculated to withstand exposure to their o wn c li mate, without the assistance of some soothing application to allay the smarting irritability produced by the action of a wintry atmosphere. No discovery has effected this purpose except Rowland's Kalydor, the application of which not only re moves the tenderness of the skin produced by cold, but all cutaneous eruptions. In addition to these advantages, by imparting a pliancy to the surface, which is delightf u l an d luxurious to the sensation, it decidedly prevents the skin from being susceptible to the attacks of bleak biting winds. £359 19 6 231 7 0 129 13 3 60 10 6 60 14 0 40 19 0 27 15 7 £l9 7 6 0 0 0 1 1 0 3 17 6 1 11 6 2 2 0 5 11 2 £lOlB 0 0 363 0 0 360 0 0 £1741 0 0 'our of the churl 1£20,000 0 0 5,000 0 0 £1482 19 0 48 4 0 175 17 0 93 2 6 21 8 0 27 9 0 50 0 0 267 13 6 258 6 0 IRISH CORPORATIONS BILL. Yesterday a public meeting was held in the Nisi Prins Court, in the Sessions-house, " for the purpose of consider ing the propriety of petitioning the legislature in favour of the measure of Irish Municipal Reform now before the House of Commons." The meeting was called by the Mayor, in pursuance of a requisition addressed to him for the purpose. Precisely at twelve o'clock the doors were opened, and the public admitted. The Reform Committee entered by the private doors, and in a few seconds nearly the whole of the front benches were crowded by their followers. A great number of conservatives, however, succeeded in obtaining admission, in spite of the attempts that were made to crowd the room with the partisans of the other side. The MAYOR having taken the chair, the TOWN-CLERK read the requisition in compliance with which the meeting had been called. There appeared to be about from 70 to 100 names appended to it, at the head of which was Colonel Williams. The MAYOR said that, in compliance with the requisition just read, he had deemed it his duty to call the present meeting. The only observation he should think necessary to trouble the meeting with was this, that whatever differ ences might arise upon the question which was the object of the requisition, the truth would best be elicited by calm and temperate discussion. (Hear.) More he need not say at a public meeting convened by the Mayor of Liverpool : less he ought not to say. (Hear.) He claimed for every person who wished to address the meeting a patient hearing, and, if it was necessary, he would call upon every respectable inha bitant of the town to support him in preserving order. He called upon Mr. Currie to move the first resolution. Mr. W. W. CURRIE then stood forward .but for some moments was unable to obtain a hearing, owing to the confu sion caused by parties endeavouring to obtain places. The interference of the mayor, however, soon procured order. Mr. Currie then proceeded to say, that he appeared before them under different circumstances to those under which he appeared the last time this subject was brought forward. And he trusted that the excellent advice just given by the mayor, which had not been attended to on that occasion as it ought, would at least be observed this day. The circum stances of the question were, he was happy to say, somewhat different to those four years ago. A very great and power ful change had taken place in the public mind in favour of the settlement of this long agitated question. When they perceived in the present session, that the most distinguished leaders of that party who had hitherto opposed the bill, when they saw that those men, distinguished for talent, in fluence, rank and power, had on this occasion given way, and agreed it was time this question should be settled, he could not help entertaining a strong hope that the opinion of of that meeting likewise would be in accordance wfth those sentiments. The requisition was addressed to the mayor to call a meeting to consider the propriety of petitioning the House of Commons to pass the bill. The bill had since, however, passed the House of Commons with the largest majority, numerically, which had ever been known upon this question. This was the fourth time the Irish Municipal Reform Bill had been before the House of Commons, and there were for it—ayes, 192, noes 34. (Cheers and hisses.) That bill had since been introduced into the House of Lords read as a matter of form the first time, and it was to be read a second time the 30th of this month. It could not have escaped the recollection of those who took an interest in public affairs, that this time last year Sir Robert Peel, when called to take upon himself the administration of public affairs, confessed that under the circumstances by which he was surrounded he found Ireland the great point of diffi culties, and that which made him dread the future. He (Mr. Currie) fancied that a failing of that kind had influenced the Right Hon. Baronet, and induced him toexercise his in fluence over those who acted with him, and to that change he must attribute what had occurred. The subject was really one so obvious that lie should consider it almost absurd to appeal to that meeting with arguments in favour of the measure ; but he must be allowed to say that if those persons who had hitherto opposed it were wise in their ge neration, their example with regard to the church for in stance should be followed : that if they were most anxious as they professed to be for the property of the church in Ireland, they should be the more strongly induced to remove any ob stacle to the advancement and spread of that church. But, was the course now pursued, connectinc , the municipal cor porations bill with danger to the Church of Ireland, likely to remove those obstacles, or advance the spread of protestant ism, and get rid of its enemies amongst the Roman Catho lics ? (Har.) He should think not. If the Roman Catho lics thought that their civil rights were opposed by the parties who supported that establishment, it was impossible they could view that establishment with a favourable eye. (Hear, hear.) Then with regard to the corporations themselves. It had been said by a very great authority, whose character was enrolled in the pages of history already—he meant the Duke of Wellington—(loud cheering)—that he was against them, and would deprive them of the system of exclusion ; but that, as he did not wish in doing away with that system of exclu sion in one party to give it to another, he would abolish the Irish corporations altogether. (Cheers.) Was that fair? (Cheers, and hisses.) 'Was it fair to say because we could not approve of them to sweep them away altogether ? De cidedly not. But the meeting would observe religion was not the point upon which corporation reform was based. It had nothing to do with it. It was based upon those princi ples which had induced the legislature to pass the reform bill for England and Scotland—(hear); but the circum stances that gave preponderance in favour of one party did not alter the principle of justice, for all men duly qualified by station, property, and character, had a right to share in the management of the affairs of the community in which they resided. (Cheers.) The principle was invariable, although the circumstances might vary. It might so happen that the preponderance might be on one side to-day, and a few years hence in another. His opinion was this, that if this question was settled, so far from being a source of strife and discord amongst the people, we should have them di recting their energies to the improvement of their neigh bourhoods ; that we should find religion a matter not to enter into the management of corporate affairs, but that that duty must be left to the men, most qualified by their ability and property, their station and respectability, and who has been chosen for it. (Hear.) He must be allowed to say, ' and he spoke it with great respect, inasmuch as he saw a member of that corporation present, that if there were any one circumstance more than another which rendered it desi rable that this Irish municipal reform bill should pass it was this, that it would utterly extinguish in its present form the corporation of Dublin. (Cheers and hisses.) Mr. SHEPHERD.—Three cheers for the Lord Mayor of Dublin ! (The cheers were immediately given with great effect, but mingled with a few hisses.) Mr. CURRIE said the sentiment he had just expressed was not one coming from him as a solitary individual—it was one which had been admitted by the great conservative leader in parliament ; for if they had read the newspapers they must recal to mind three distinct occasions on which the conduct of the corporation of Dublin had been treated in no very ceremonious terms by the leaders of that party. (" Hear," from the whigs.) It might he said there was no necessity for a change in the corporation of D u bli n , b ecause t h e law since 1829 had placed all persons upon an equality, and en abled them to sit in that corporation. (Hear.) But what was the fact? Whatever the spirit of that law might be, in practice it had not been acted upon, for since that period there had not been a single dissenter elected into the corpo ration of Dublin. Was it right that this should be so ? or ought they to be surprised that men of as great wealth, and in some instances of ten times greater than those who were in, should feel annoyed at being excluded from that right ? Certainly not ; and he could not conceive it possible that anything like harmony could exist in Dublin, so long as this festering sore was allowed to continue. (Hear, hear.) From the corporation of Dublin had sprung all that intolerance, violence, want of kindness, and want of humanity towards their fellow-subjects, which must necessarily create a bad feeling in their minds, and render it impossible that the peace of Ireland could be permanently preserved. (Hear, hear.) It was now time that these considerations should be brought to weigh upon the minds of the House of Lords. He hoped they would at length see that it was now necessary to close the wound. Mr. Currie then went on to contend that owing to the state of our foreign relations it was necessary to have an united population at home ; and to express a hope that the House of Lords would now put an end to the question. If they desired peace and happiness to reign in a distracted country, if they felt desi rous that its natural resources should be called out, if they wished that the superabundance of capital whi c h was flowing to foreign countries should be attracted to Ireland, if they desired to scatter peace and plenty over a smiling land, he trusted they would feel that they resisted long enough, and that the time was come when the measure ought to pass. With that view he begged to move the first reso lution. (Cheers and hisses.) Colonel WILLIAMS rose to second it. He spoke as fol- lows—l am sorry to find that lam not quite so popular a character in this meeting as the Lord Mayor of Dublin, whose cheering I cannot make out. (Hear and laughter.) I beg you will attend to the Mayor's injunction to be silent. My name was read at the head of the requisition. lam not an inhabitant of Liverpool, but I will tell you what I am. I am brother to a great many of you in the Lack ground there, I believe (hear, hear) I am a Liverpool freeman, gentlemen. (Cheers.) lam one of the old freemen, gentlemen. (Con tinued cheering and laughter.) I belong to that virtuous body of which you have present among you the most con spicuous representatives ! (Hear.) Well, gentlemen, are not we of the old fraternity to call upon the legislature to ex tend the blessings which we enjoy to Ireland? And why not ? What is the opinion of the illustrious Duke ? (Hear.) The illustrious duke is a great man in his way—a capital soldier, but as to his politics, I hold them very cheap. (Cheers.) Mr. SHEPHERD.—Three cheers for the Duke! (Nine tremendous rounds of applause were the answer to this ap- peal.) The MAYOR, having found some difficulty in restoring si lence, pointed out the disadvantage and interruption created by calling for cheers in the midst of an address. He put the question whether they would allow it in future, and the meet ing decided by a show of hands that they would not. Colonel WILLIAMS proceeded. Are you, he asked, pre pared to listen to any body but yourselves ? Nothing can be so inconvenient as this cheering for one man and then another. It is unworthy of a delibe - rate assembly, but I shall say no more upon that point. Let it be recollected that this is - a great question—a question not to be frittered away by trifling exclamations and cheering. The municipal system is the system upon which all our freedom and all our wealth has proceeded ; out of the corporations has arisen the liberty and the wealth of England, and it is for that reason this country has taken the lead of all the civilized world. Well; are we not to grant the same blessing--are we to deny, to Ireland — that miserable, ill-fated island, so unhappily placed in our hands that she cannot stir unless we let her—are we, I ask, to deny to that discontented country the means of raising herself in wealth and civilization and freedom also? (Hear, and cries of " No.") What is the resistance contemplated to this measure ? I thought, at least, the opposition would be confined to what is called in the houses of parliament "in doors." (Hear, hear.) Who e ver ex p e cted, before, the people of England to resist the right and the prin ciple of representation ? (Hear.) It is the principle of local representation we are contending for • and that representa tion, whether it exists scattered up an d down in the island, or is concentrated in St. Stephen's Chapel, has still the same influence and the same consequences—to ensure to us our liberty. Oh, it would be endless to enumerate the blessings arising out of the system which we derived from our Saxon ancestors ; and are we to prefer the Normans, who took our estates from us, who laid four towns waste for the purpose of making hunting grounds —are we to listen to those Nor mans, that refuse to give us the blessings we derived from the Saxons? Having mentioned that, I will now call upon you, when we have a Saxon Prince of some influence among us, and who knows the blessings derived from his country, to invite him to co-operate with us in extending the blessings of freedom, which can only be done by the representative system when in co-operation with the representative system of the House of Commons. I will take up no more of your time ; but be it understood, that if the House of Lords should again reject this bill, it will be because we have not enough of liberal men in the other house. (Cheers.) I se cond the motion. Mr. NicnoLAs ROBINSON was one of those who, so far from experiencing the satisfaction described in the motion at the passing of the bill through the House of Commons, re gretted that it had done so—(hear, and some uproar)—for his opinion was that if it became law, it would throw the whole of municipal corporations of Ireland into the hands of the Roman Catholics. (Cheers and hisses.) If there was to be a petition at all to the House of Lords upon the sub ject, he should say, " let us petition the House of Lords to throw it out." (Great uproar from the whigs.) As Mr. Currie had very properly and truly said, it would change the corporation of Dublin. (Hear.) Yes, it would make this alteration, it would drive out the Protestants and put in the Roman Catholics. (Cheers.) For this reason he should, without any further observation, oppose the motion. Mr. JOHN WRIGHT rose to address the meeting, but the Whigs created such a clamour that it was impossible for him to proceed. The MAYOR claimed an impartial hearing for every one, whatever his opinions might be, and he earnestly requested they would keep silence, that they might hear. (Cheers.) Mr. WRIGIIT wished to put his friends in a good humour, for he had always found in a public meeting truth was much better dictated by a good feeling than by calling names. (Hear.) He was quite sure when he came here to oppose the propositions of his friend Mr. Currie, seconded by his gallant friend Colonel Williams, they were both liberal enough to believe he could have no personal feeling, no un kindness in his mind against any individual who might hap pen to have different political opinions to himself, (Hear.) He believed then, that the apprehensions of his friend Mr. Robinson would be realized—that if the proposed measure became law the whole of the Protestant members of the corporations in Ireland would be ousted and replaced by Roman Catholics. (Hear.) In asserting this opinion he did not by any means wish to cast the slightest reflectien upon his Roman Catholic fellow subjects; nay more, he went further and would most distinctly say that he thought it would be their duty to attempt it. Mr. Currie, therefore, he considered, had come to a conclusion rather too hastily when he stated that religion could have nothing to do with this question. (Hear.) His (Mr. Wright's) argument was this—that if the corporations, which were the strong holds of Protestantism, were swept from the face of Ireland and they were filled by Roman Catholics, the Roman Catholics would have the power to return a greater number of mem bers to the House of Commons, by which means they would have more power to attack the church establishment of Ireland. (Loud cheers and some interruption.) Then, the probability that they would so attack it was this. As an indivi dual he wished to give every man high and low a conscientious feeling for the faith in which he had been brought up ; but, if he understood rightly, one of the tenets of the Roman Ca tholic faith was, that they were bound to upset anything which they called heresy. (Cries of " No," drowned by those of " Yes.") He considered it their duty to endeavour to establish their faith, and he cast no reflections upon them for it whatever. This was one of the reasons for opposing the motion. The gallant colonel had stated that he was one of the old freemen. He (the colonel) had looked towards him (Mr. Wright) a little cunningly when he talked of the purity of the old freemen. He did not think the praises of the gallant colonel came from his heart exactly, although they proceeded from his lips ; because many were the times when he had given them severe rebuffs—good advice he (Mr. Wright) knew, but he did not know that he had ever given them anything else. (Laughter and cheers.) However, his gallant friend and himself, though they had taken opposite parts in politics for many years, had always kept good friends, and he hoped they should continue so. His gallant friend had appealed to them, as brother freemen, whether they should not like to give to Ireland the same benefits as they themselves enjoyed. He (Mr. Wright) agreed in that re spect with the gallant colonel ; every honest freeman would ; but the gallant colonel did not know, when he uttered those words, what this bill contained (hear, hear) ; he forgot that in this very bill there was a clause disfranchising every free man in every corporation. (Cheers.) He (Mr. Wright) had always, but he did not mention it as a boast, and it was for those who were freemen in this meeting to do the same, stood up whenever he found their franchises and privileges at stake. (Hear.) He wished them to come forward now, and when this motion was put to the vote, to show that they wished those gentlemen to whom the gallant colonel had appealed, they could not agree in the delight expressed by the motion, because it destroyed the franchise of the freemen of Dublin and other places. For these reasons he should oppose the motion. The mayor then proceeded to put the motion, and having twice requested a show of hands, in order to satisfy himself declared that he had no hesitation in deciding that the ayes had it. Mr. JAMES BRANCKER said it was his duty to move the second resolution, said he should follow the example of his friend Mr. Alderman Wright. Mr. WRIGHT.—" I am not an alderman." (Laughter.) Mr. BRANCKER then read the resolution, and said that the best way of getting on with business was to make as short speeches as possible, and therefore he should content himself with recommending the motion to the favourable consideration of the meeting. He must, however, say, that there was no Irishman so degraded as ever to be content with less than equal rights and privileges to Englishmen. (Hear, hear.) _ • _ _ MC. JAMES MULLENEUX seconded the motion. The question before the meeting was so plain, so simple, that he wondered exceedingly how a difference of opinion could exist upon it, and that it should be necessary at this time of day for them to leave their usual occupations and employments, to urge upon the legislature the propriety of doing justice to a large portion of our fellow-citizens, and extending to them what we had obtained for ourselves. If local self govern ments were good as a whole, it was good as applied to every part of this great empire ; and by it, those who opposed us and arrogated to themselves a superiority in religion, in which he was incliged to include a claim to superiority of morals, they would surely recognize in this great measure the great principle of one of those divine commandments upon which hung all the law and the gospel. But if he was astonished that injustice should be so long perpetrated towards Ireland, he was still more astonished that it should be so long and so meekly borne; and he hoped that his Irish fellow -countrymen would never rest satisfied, would never desist from agitation, until all those distinctions that caused discord and strife amongst all the subjects of this empire should be removed and destroyed. He seconded the motion. Mr. T. B. HoRSF ALL opposed the motiou. When first he saw the placards convening this meeting upon the walls of the town, he determined to make it his duty to attend it, not only because he considered this as a question of great and vital importance, not as a question of party politics, not a question affecting the mere temporal rights and privileges of the Irish population, but as a question striking at the very root of our Protestant institutions. (Loud cheers.) He could only say that whatever opinions he might give utterance to, nothing was further from his heart than to hurt the feelings of any individual in the room. Another feeling which induced him to attend was the thorough conviction that, at the hands of the Mayor, every gentleman who wished to address the meet ing would receive that impartial attention which he, the Mayor, had so well endeavoured to obtain. His friend Mr. Currie had said he objected to corporations being exclusive. In what way did he object? He objected to their being ex clusively Protestant, but not to their being exclusively Ro man Catholic. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, and cheering.") He always liked to come to figures, and hoped that he should be able to lay before Mr. Currie and that meeting, some facts which would convince him that if this bill passed, the corporation of Dublin, from being exclusively Protestant, would become—and he said it in no offensive spirit—exclu sively Popish.. (Some interruption and cheering, in which Mr. Wright and the Mayor interfered, and eventually order was restored.) A voice.—Will Mr. Horsfall give his authority for that statement ? Mr. HORSFALL had been asked for his authority, and he would endeavour to give it. A calculation had been made of the householders of the city of Dublin—and they would bear in mind that the £5O freeholders and the freemen were disfranchised—and it appeared from that calculation, that of the £lO householders the Roman Catholics were 9250, whilst the Protestants numbered only 4852. (Great interruption.) When his friend Mr. Currie complained that no Protestant dissenter had been admitted into the corporation of Dublin, he (Mr. Horsfall) was perfectly willing . to appeal to the dis senters of Ireland, and by their decision he would will ingly abide. If the Protestant dissenters of Ireland would ra ther have this municipal reform bill than the corporations as they now were, he would grant it. (Hear.) But the Pro testant Dissenters of Ireland, unlike many of the Protestant Dissenters in this country, united heart and hand with the Protestant Church of Ireland, contending against the com mon enemy of the Protestant religion and the Protestant Church. (Loud cheers.) The next point to which he would allude, was the power which this bill would give to the cor porations when so constituted. It was not like the municipal reform bill for England. The municipal reform bill for Eng land compelled our corporations, if he mistook not, to light the streets, and do many other things which were necessary ; but the proposed bill for Ireland gave the corporation of Dublin power to raise a sum of £70,000 or £BO,OOO per annum, to be applied solely to the payment of the corporate officers ; it did not provide for lighting a single street, nor for a single paving stone to be put down, nor indeed for any thing but the payment of th e officers. (" Hear, hear," and a cry of " No, no.") Gentlemen might say " No, no," but they would have an opportunity of disproving the assertion, if they could ; let them at the proper time do so, and not interrupt him in making a statement. (Hear.) He quoted now the words of a most eminent Protestant in Ireland, when appealing to this country for aid—and would not the Pro testants of England aid their Protestant brethren in Ireland ? (" Yes, yes," and hisses.) He quoted the language of a distinguished Protestant— Many voices—Name, name i (Hisses.) Mr. HORSFALL.—It was a name dear to every Protestant heart—it was Professor Butt. (Immense applause.) Pro fessor Butt said, " If this bill should pass, so sure as we now have a Protestant Lord Mayor presiding over the city of Dublin, so sure would the arch-demagogue of Ireland occupy that seat." (Hisses and groans. On this as well as several other occasions during the meeting, Langan the prize-fighter made himself very conspicuous, both in hooting at the top of his own lungs, and exciting others to follow his example.) The MAYOR entreated that there might be no noise. Every gentleman who wished to speak should be heard, and he would be much obliged if they would not make any un pleasant demonstrations. Mr, HORSFALL felt it his duty to single out a man who had interrupted him frequently ; and as he was - a professor, or had been a professor of pugilism, he claimed the mayor's protection. He was no match for Mr. Langan. The ex-pugilist replied by a kind of horse-laugh. Mr. HORSFALL resumed. He had given them the autho rity of Professor Butt's speech, wherein he stated, that as a certain consequence of this bill, the arch-demagogue of Ire land would be seated in the lord mayor's chair if it passed. Professor Butt then went on to say,—" It will be with him no mere empty honour : the town council will have the power of awarding him such a salary as they may think reasonable. And what will they think reasonable for the Great Man who has done such service to Ireland? Aye, and they will have the power of taking the Protestant p ro p er t y o f t h e c i ty of Dublin to pay it.' (Cheers.) It appeared further from this statement that the lord mayor might be elected for life, and of that O'Connell would be very glad ( c h eers , hi sses, and laughter) ; for he would then have in a single sum, from the corporation of Dublin, what he now wrings from the poor people of Ireland. (Loud cheers.) Now he (Mr. Horsfall) begged most distinctly to say, that nothing was further from, his heart than to cast any reflection upon the mayor or ma gistrates of this borough, but this bill gave power to the town councils, constituted as they would be, to recommend the ma gistrates to the lord lieutenant for appointment ; so that we should not only have Roman Catholic corporations, but a body of Roman Catholic magistrates, And although he was not objecting, or going to object, to any magistrates—far from it—now upon the bench at Liverpool, be would ask what justice there was in that law which had passed in this country, and degraded from the bench such men as Mr. Robinson, Mr. Wright, Mr. Sandbach, Mr. Lawrence, and many others whom he might name. (Immense uproar and applause.) He should be sorry to detain the meeting with any lengthened remarks which this subject might necessarily call forth, but he could not help saying, that whatever might be the decision of that meeting upon the resolution now submitted, he did protest against a meeting held in a room capable of contain ing only 600, 800, or possibly 1000 people, being considered an expression of the sentiments of the inhabitants of Liver pool. (Great cheering and uproar which lasted several mi nutes.) Whatever might be the decision to which he had alluded, a voice had gone forth from Protestant Liverpool, that Protestantism should not be put down. (Immense cheering.) Our legislature. should know it. (Great cheer ing again.) It should penetrate the cabinet. (Continued cheering, amidst which a voice cried question,' when the Mayor called out to order.) It should penetrate the recesses of the palace. It should rend the veil which hid the mys terious workings of Popery. It should tell our beloved and gracious monarch that the Protestant people of England—. (uproar drowned the rest of the sentence.) The MAYOR asked what it was they expected by making this noise. Let them bear and reply, but not shout and dis turb others and keep themselves there all day. (Cheers.) One gentleman (Langan) had repeatedly shouted, that indi vidual' he thought, ought to be ashamed of himself. (Con tinued confusion.) Mr. WRIGHT said that if gentlemen would not help the mayor it was quite impossible for him to keep order. He had hoped that both sides would have kept order. (Hear.) Mr. HORSFALL.—It should tell our beloved and gracious monarch that the Protestants of England were determined to maintain those principles which h a d seate d the house of Brunswick upon the throne of these realms,—(cheers), — and it should convey to the Protestants of Ireland the assu- ranee that the Protestants of England would stand by them to the last. (Renewed cheers.) And should that arc h de magogue, as he had threatened, bring his five hundred thou sand fighting men—(immense uproar commenced by Langan and continued by the whigs.) The Mayor again appealed to the meeting to keep order. He did not conceive their case so weak as to oblige them to put him down by clamour. Mr. HORSFALL continued—But what was more, it would convey a word of comfort to the Protestants of Ireland with the assurance that should the arch demagogue of Ireland bring his five hundred thousand ribbonmen, as he threaten e d, —(hisses and cheers),—the Protestants of England would stand by them to the last—they would fight with them in the last battle, and die with them in the last ditch. (Immense applause mingled with some disapprobation from the whigs.) Mr. SHEPHERD said they had heard many speeches tcr-day upon the subject of Irish municipal corporations ; and he agreed with the mayor that a calm dispassionate discussion Would best suit this case. (Hear.) There were many opi nions upon it. We had heard several to-day ; and as there probably were many Roman Catholics in that assembly, it would be pleasing to them and satisfactory to the meeting, if he read the opinion of a very excellent Roman Catholic gentleman, a man of large property, in the county of Wex ford, on the workings of this bill if passed into a law. He would afterwards read extracts from a Protestant individual of high talent, showing his opinions, and the meeting in their discretion might adopt that which they thought best. Mr. BOLTON.—Give us the substance of it. Mr. SHEPHERD.—No, I must go through it entirely. The MAYOR.—Are the notes long ? Mr. SHEPHERD.—Not very long sir. These are from a man who received the thanks of the Catholic Association, and who is possessed of very large estates. The MAYOR.—Are your notes long? Mr. SHEPHERD.—Not very long. The MAYOR.—Be pleased to take up as little time as you possibly can, for this is a meeting for public discussion, and not to read books or extracts. Mr. SHEPHERD.—We were brought here to adduce evi dence for and against the question; and as the impartial chief magistrate of Liverpool, we believed when we came here, and we still believe that you would act patiently and impartially. (Hear, hear.) The MAYOR. —When you find me acting otherwise than patiently and impartially, it will then be time enou g h t o ca ll me to order. (Cheers.) Mr. SHEPHERD.—Mr. Mayor, I did not call you to order; far front it. I said you would act impartially ; that you came there impartially, and that I believe you will act impartially. (Cheers.) Mr. ROBINSON.—I must say Mr. Mayor that I thought Mr. Shepherd rather paid you a compliment than otherwise. The MAYOR.—I did not take it as such but lam glad to • find it is so. Mr. SHEPHERD then proceeded to read the following document : " A Petition from James Edward Devereux, of Carigme nan, in the county of Wexford, Esq., against the Ministerial Irish Municipal Corporation Bill presented to the House by Lord Lyndhurst.—The prayer of the petition is, that their lordships would take into their serious consideration the arguments adduced by the petitioner, and that they would ` reject the Irish Corporation Bill.' As Mr. Devereux is a staunch Roman Catholic; as he was one of the five delegates who, on the 3d of January, 1793, presented the petition of the Catholics of Ireland to Geo. 111. ; and as his whole life has been devoted to forwarding the real and substantial inte rests of his Catholic brethren ;—his statement ought to have considerable weight with the respectable part of the Catholic body in Ireland. In thus openly laying his sentiments before the Legislature, and thereby exposing himself to the full tide of party malice and obloquy, he can have no sinister object in view, he can have had but one cause to serve, that of truth and justice. To prove that he has been long considered worthy of the esteem and confidence of the Roman. Catholics of Ireland, the petitioner sets out with stating the fact, that he had repeatedly received the thanks of the Catholics of the towns of Wexford and New Ross, and, through their ge neral committee, the thanks upon several occasions of the Catholics of Ireland ; which general committee presented him with a piece of plate of the value of one hundred guineas. The petitioner observes, that the bill against which he raises his voice is only calculated to place the Catholics of Ireland under the absolute dominion of an unprincipled faction, composed of the Irish Catholic members of the House of Commons, who, forming one head and one body, h ave , as it were, repudiated all individuality ;' and, therefore, he thinks that he had a right to ` consider the act of any one member of that body as the act of the whole.' The bill would, he contends, in the first place, give all the civil power to the faction ;' and the civil power having at its disposal the military power under various circumstances, it must follow as a necessary result that the faction would enjoy absolute dominion.' These charges the pe titioner states are not new. They were made by him years before the Irish Corporation Bill was brought forward, or even thought of; and he alludes to a variety of letters and pamphlets published by him on the subject in the years 1831, 1832, and 1833. The petitioner attributes the misfortunes of Ireland, for six hundred years, to the melancholy truth that it had, during all that period, been governed by faction ; and he adds, that the people gladly consented to the Legisla tive Union, in the hope that under its beneficial influence the reign of faction would cease, and that Ireland would be henceforward governed only by the Imperial Parliament.' That hope, however, was unfortunately disappointed. The petitioner describes what, in his opinion, would be the pro bable effect of these annual municipal elections. The peo ple,' he says, ' would be kept in a state of permanent ex citement ; for in each town two parties would immediately be formed—not a Catholic and a Protestant party, (no, thank God, that is now over,) but two Catholic parties hating one another most cordially : the one, the party of the pretended Catholic faction, with its servile tail ; and the other, the party of independent Catholics of all ranks, which, of course, the Protestants, abhorring hypocrisy, would join.' The peti tioner then refers to the peaceful situation in which many of the towns in Ireland are at this moment placed, and argues that if the new corporate system were allowed, that peace could not long continue; since the father of the bill had dis tinctly declared, That these corporations are to be normal schools (not of peace, but) of agitation.' Th e p e titi oner j ust l y infers from this declaration that the baneful fruits of these corporation struggles would be political strife and rancour and hatred I The most respectable citizens would, no doubt, be at first elected, but that would not long satisfy the incendiary or pretended Catholic faction formed in those towns, in consequence of the new democratic system of election, out of a people who had become from what was most docile, what was most ungovernable, by the facilities which the new system afforded to the intrigues of agitators, all the manoeu vres of the demagogues would, be aimed at every man in the town who presumed to think for himself; respectable citi zens would soon be wearied out by the attacks of the fac tion ; they would renounce all functions, and these functions would be instantly occupied by scamps of the pretended Ca tholic faction. Having thus ousted the worthy out of all authority, they would then trample upon them at their leisure. The worthy tradesman, merchant, shopkeeper, mechanic, or labourer, who would have a will of his own, would be persecuted without mercy, threatened with exclusive dealing, with a death's head and cross-bones, &c., and compelled to yield to the very dregs of soci ety, so that thos3 towns would soon become pandeino niums under demoniac rulers ; a constant goading opposition would be created, and it would be sufficient that the virtuous and worthy citizens of all degrees should pursue one line of conduct, to excite vexatious persecutions from the other party.'—Such is the picture drawn by an Irish Roman Ca tholic of a very ancient house, by one who for many years laboured in the Roman Catholic cause, whose opinions are not the offspring of self-interest or disappointed ambition, and which, therefore, deserve the serious consideration of such of his fellow-countrymen as are not irrevocably bound to O'Connell and his faction.' " [During the reading of the early portions of this document Mr. Rathbone contended that it was out of order, and on the question being put the meeting confirmed him. We have given the document, however, as we conceive it im portant to Mr. Shepherd's argument.] Mr. SHEPHERD proceeded to state that the -Roman Catholics of Galway and Clonmel were against the measure. (No, no.) He stood there as an Irishman; he respected his Roman Catholic countrymen ' but he could not consen t to give the cold sho u ld er t o his Protestant countrymen because they were Protestants. He was as nearly connected with Ireland, in family connection and estates, as any one present, and he had never done any act hostile to the inter ests of his country. (Hear.) But he claimed from that meeting the right to discuss fairly, quietly, and dispassion ately, the merits of this all-important case. He agreed with many in that meeting that Sir Robert Peel had acted very erroneously upon it. The bill had been before the House of Commons : 243 voted for the abolition of the corporations, and a majority of the House of Commons also voted for their abolition. What then was to be done ? Why either to abolish or reform them ; and he would say, in the sincerity of his heart, that he hoped the House of Lords would make it such a bill as would put an end to all party strife and feuds, and one that would protect Protestants, whilst giving equal and honest justice to the Roman catholics. (Hear, hear.) Mr. MURRAY, an operative, made a long speech in favour of the motion, in the course of which he replied to a few re marks of those who opposed it. He was much cheered by his own party. The MAYOR then put the motion, and it was carried. Mr. ROSSON, in moving the next resolution, took occasion to extol Lord Durham's official report on the Canadas as a model of wisdom, and descanted on th e pr i nc i ple of self local government therein asserted. He contended that this question should not be argued on religious or sectarian grounds, but that it was a question of pure constitutional liberty. He concluded a conciliatory speech, which was considerably applauded, by moving the resolution. Mr. VINCENT HIGGINS seconded the motion. Mr. ISAAC HOLMES next addressed the meeting amidst some confusion and occasional interruption, against the motion. The MAYOR put it, and it was carried. Mr. BOLTON moved the next resolution, declaring the right of Ireland to justice. He contended that as England and Scotland had had the benefit of municipal reform it was most unjust to deny it to Ireland, and that the arguments of its opponents, by making it a religious question, were based upon a false foundation. Mr. SHELL in seconding the motion, ridiculed the idea o f corporate reform being lik e ly to ruinthe Protestant esta blishment. He contended that reform was absolutely ne cessary, and declared that in one instance in Liverpool votes for the mayoralty had openly been bought and sold. The MAYoR called the speaker to order. Mr. SLIM said he was speaking of the old corporation ; not of the men but of the system. He had himself seen the practice, and he was greatly astonished to find it in a country that pretended to freedom. Mr. ROBINSON.—AII I have to say is this—if Mr. Sheil alludes to me, I declare upon my honour that no man can say I ever gave a shilling. Mr. SHELL had merely alluded to the facts, and to the contest between Mr. Porter and Mr. Robinson, and be should constantly expose it. Mr. RowNsoN.—l can say this individually, I had no thing to do with it. Mr. SHIEL.—Now for Mr. Horsfall. Mr. Horsfall was a man that professed extreme religious opinions, and said the corporations of Ireland were the root of the Protestant insti tutions. Mr. HORSFALL.—What I said implied they were a great support. Mr. SHIEL contended that his version of the expression was correct. Mr. Horsfall had said, whatever might be the decision of this meeting, he should not take it as the acknow ledged voice of the inhabitants of Liverpool. He (Mr. Shiel) was glad to hear that declaration; and he should wish to ask when did Mr. Horsfall ever meet them in Clayton ,square ? (Hear, hear.) Mr. HORSFALL.—A question has been distinctly put, which I will distinctly meet. (Cheers.) I will meet Mr. Sheil there to-morrow, if he wishes. (Renewed cheering.) Mr. SHEIL.—The question I asked was when did Mr. Horsfall ever dare to do it. He tells me he is willing to meet me there. Mr. HORSFALL.—The proposition has been repeated in another form. Never since I took any interest in the tn dis cussions in this town has a meeting been called iu Cl ver Y le o nd sqnare by the authorities. (Cheers.) w eil l or n a e ny other myself to attend meetings called by man mayor il ofC Clayton-square, Liverpool.n-s I" latotheeh(eMerrs..)SM.hreil)Shfills that chair as g 14 n o r t . Ho M rs r iall Square, and therefore he never t h E a d m Bald stated t hhies never matte r h w ed as e g t e t t e t e m d g ed too ee p y er m so e n e a t l i . n called by the mayor in the mayor was not h pr a e d se s n po t. ken (C a r t i a e n s y ef plip li lic e t ! th i t t i lo n i g s a a t y w s h o i . ° ) M m va r r i: sum,. iinHgonaesirseA.LL m ade some remark which we lost i n th e repeated that this discussion was be com i ng too pre and after a few more observations he c onc l u d ed b y personal, seconding the motion. Mr. WRIGHT was not going to. oppose the resolution; but Mr. Sheil having spoken of place and family influence being used, he (Mr. Wrignt) begged to assure him that be had neither directly nor indirectly disgraced himself by even thinking of family influence when he was performing a pub lic duty. (Hear, hear.) He was sure that Mr. Currie, who was in the council at the time he was, would say that he had ever attempted to do his duty without fear, favour, or affec tion in any way. (Hear.) Mr. SBEIL beg distinctly to say, that he had made no per sonal allusion to any gentleman except one ; and he should not shrink from it, as he witnessed the proceeding, and at the time thought it -a great violation of every right prin ciple. He should never hesitate to bring it forward as a proof of the necessity of corporate reform, whenever he had an opportunity. (Cheers.) Mr. HORSFALL enquired whether the words " this great act of equal justice " in this resolution, applied to the present bill? Mr. BOLTON replied that they were connected with the preceding resolutions, and meant that equal justice should be extended to Ireland. Mr. HARDY said there had not been a resolution passed or proposed in which he had not heartily concurred. He had heard the sentiments of every gentleman who had sup ported the resolutions, likewise of those who opposed them. Every gentleman who had opposed the resolutions, had taken up the question on the ground that it would affect the Pro testant interests of the country ; but he did not see how it could affect them, seeing that it was a bill clearly for the mu nicipal government of the corporate towns of Ireland. Mr. Horsfall, who was the great oracle of the opposition, had mentioned a clause in it, which would disfranchise great num bers of the present freemen, and that the great arch-dema gogue might be elected the perpetual mayor of Dublin. He (Mr. Hardy) should like to know what clause in the bill that was— , The MAYOR.—Mr. Horsfall said there was such a clause in the bill by which they might do so, but they would not necessarily do so. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HARDY repeated his assertion, and called upon Mr. Horsfall for his authority for the statement. In conclusion he cordially coincided and agreed with every resolution - hitherto put forward, and he hoped they would have their due effect upon the House of Lords, for he thought they would not for the fourth time kick the bill out sans cere monie, after the immense majority by which it had passed the lower house. (Cheers.) Mr. HORSPALL said his authority for the statement was Professor Butt (cheers,) and he would say further, that there was nothing in the English bill to prevent there being a perpetual mayor of Liverpool. The MAYOR.—OnIy this one simple thing, that the mayor has to be re-elected each year ; and I apprehend Mr. O'Connell or any other person must be treated precisely in the same way. (Hear.) Mr. JOHN OWEN strongly objected to the bill, for this reason that O'Connell had said, " Give me but this bill and I ask no more," a statement which was sufficient to fill every true Protestant with alarm. He further objected to it, because it would deprive-the Protestant gentry, who com prised nearly all the intelligence and wealth of the country, of all participation in local government; and also :because it would give the ascendancy to Popery in almost every re spect. (Cheers,) He called upon the meeting to oppose it. A Man.—lf the Protestants pf Ireland want the assistance of the Protestants of England, it is not for military aid, as in tory times. The MAYOR then put the motion, and declared it to have been carried by a large majority. Mr. HUGH HORNET* rose, amidst general cheering, to propose the next resolution, the substance of which was that Ireland being an integral part of the British dominions, was entitled to participate in all the free institutions of this coun try, and that consequently the meeting heartily approved of the measure which was to give them the benefit of popular municipalities. He regretted exceedingly that this resolu tion had not been confided to the hands of some gentleman who had paid greater attention to the subject than he had been able to give ; but the object in view was in its inten tion so just and reasonable, the proposition involved in the resolution was so clear and undeniable, that it was unnecessary for him to occupy the ti me o f the meeting at any great length in support of it. All they asked upon the part of their Irish fellow-subjects was, that they should be put in possession of those same civil institutions which we ourselves enjoyed. (Hear.) It was stated in this reso lution that Ireland was an integral part of the British domi nions : yes, she was as much an integral part of the British dominions as the county of Lancaster, and it would be as unjust to deprive the inhabitants of Ireland of the right and privilege of municipal institutions, as it would be to exclude the county of Lancaster from the operation of the law.— (Cheers.) He should not advert to the argument introduced improperly he thought, and unwisely he was sure, by which it had been attempted to shew the effect which this measure would have upon the different religious persuasions. (Hear.) This was not a religious question. It was a question which regarded the indefeasible right that every British subject had to select the person who was to manage his own local concerns. (Hear, hear.) He would, however, observe this much, that if the Roman Catholics of Ireland exceeded in numbers and influence the Protestants, then he thought that it was only fair and just that that greater number and that more extended influence should have the manage ment of their own local affairs. (Cheers.) But there had been another argument used, not in that room, he admitted, but by the parties who opposed the measure elsewhere, that the Irish were an ignorant and uncivilized people, that they were unfit to be trusted with the exercise of civil rights, and that they were almost incapable of appreciating duly the be nefits and advantages of constitutionalliberty. (Hear.) This argument seemed to him a gross libel upon a people who were as highly endowed by nature as any people upon the face of the earth. (Cheers.) It was very true that the party which had used this language had done every thing in their power to confirm the truth of their assertions; it was very true that they had done all they could, by centuries of misgo vernment, to debase the people of Ireland; it was very true that they had refused them, as long as they dared, those privileges which every Englishman was accustomed to re gard as his inalienable birthright ; and it was very true, they argued that it would be dangerous to confide to them civil rights because they had been so long accustomed to the exercise of them. (Hear.) For his part he was not aware of any way of rendering the people worthy of enjoying freedom, and he believed history furnished no example of it, in any other way than by promoting the exercise of the rights of freemen. (Cheers.) The Irish were a high-spirited ge nerous hearted people, and it was not at all surprising to him that during long periods of oppression, they should have exhibited symptoms of turbulence and disaffection ; bat he thought the experience of the last few years had shewn that they could be as grateful as any other people, that they could be as orderly, as well conducted, and as obe dient to the laws as ourselves, when they had a just, a liberal, and an impartial government. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) He need not occupy more time in support of the reso lution. He believed the measure now before parliament if passed into a law would be a great boon to Ireland ; he be lieved, too, that it would be received by a vast majority there as a gracious and a conciliatory act ; and as such it would have a tendency to promote that harmony and good feeling between the two kingdoms which was so necessary for the well being and stability of tke empire. (Hear.) He be lieved, further, that it was especially desirable, that not only strict justice required it, but that sound policy and wisdom required, that we should assimilate the laws and institutions of this country to every portion of our dominions. Hold ing these opinions he had thought it his duty to attend this meeting, and he had great pleasure in moving this resolution. (Cheers.) Mr. BAINES said that at that late hour he should not de tain the meeting, but content himself with expressing his concurrence with the sound, philosophioal, and Christian observations just made by Mr. Hornby. He cordially agreed in the sentiments of the resolution, and begged to second it. He believed that to extend the institutions of the two coun tries, and to place them upon exactly the same footing, would be the most effectual method to preserve the unity of the empire, and to make our connection with the sister island of real benefit to all parties (hear, hear). The MAYOR then put the motion, and it was carried. Mr. WILLIAM RATBBONE felt much obliged for the wel come cheer with which he had been greeted, and received it as an assurance that honest and disinterested endeavours, even if they accomplished little, were appreciated by his fel low-townsmen. His object in rising was to read, and then to request their hearty adoption of a petition founded upon the resolutions which they had carried by such majorities. Having read the document, he said it was founded upon two principles—its expediency and its justice. (Cheers.) If the principle of it were adopted he believed it would be a healing measure, and would enable this country to defy all the world though in arms a ga i ns t us . (Hear.) We knew what Irishmen had done. The Irish Duke of Wellington led on his countrymen at Waterloo ; those plains had been flooded with their blood, and they had fought him on to vic tory. Should we refuse, then, to the brave vindicators of our country's rights, justice ? No ! (Cheers.) When they went forth to the battle field at Waterloo, who looked whether they were Protestant or Catholic? They were subjects of Great Britain ; they fought for Great Britain, they bled for the constitutional liberty of Great Britain, and they would willingly do so again. It h a d b een asserted that a Catholic population would elect only Catholics but only look at Li verpool. What was the case there ? There was a population of 250,000 in Liverpool, 80,000 of whom were Catholics, yet there were only two Catholic aldermen in the council. A VOICE.—The aldermen are not elected. (Hear, hear.) Mr. RATHDONE only wished, if it were possible. to speak peace, and he believed that object would be ensured, by the adoption of this great measure. He was not there now to dis cuss the religious part of the question ; for he contended it was not a religious, but a constitutional question, and that that ought never to be brought forward by any man who relied as he did upon the British constitution. One gentleman had spoken of the evil effects of the poor law in Ireland. It was at first rejected by the protetant portion of the community, but now both parties were heartily working it together. Mr. Currie had a brother-in-law in Ireland, a high church man, who passed through Liverpool only last night—the Rev. Mr. Moore, a name connected with the highest tory families in Ireland, and a name respected and beloved every where where he was known, and this gentleman said, the Irish poor-law was working very well, and conciliating all parties. He had great pleasure in moving the adoption of the petition. Mr. JOHN OWEN explained that he had not, in the re marks he had made, objected to the Irish poor law. Mr. COGLAN had been requested to second the petition. He cordially concurred in it, and he trusted that the high parties to whom it was addressed would meet it in that fair and dispassionate manner necessary for such a great occasion. Englishmen had much to condemn in the line of policy they had adopted towards Ireland. There was a black spot upon the escutcheon of our national honour relative to that coun try, and the sooner we retraced our steps, and gave her jus tice, the sooner should we do our d uty to t h at i ntegra l por tion of the empire. After some remarks about the Orange faction, which it is unnecessary to publish, Mr. Coglan con cluded his address by expressing his hope that the bill would receive the sanction of the House of Lords. Mr. SHEPPARD wished it to be known to this meeting, that " From the year 1641 to the year 1660—the-date of the `Act of Settlement'—the Whigs and Cromwellians. in con junction, confiscated twenty-two counties in Ireland ; and of these twenty-two counties it was calculated the Whigs re tained nineteen. What ' care' the Whigs had to the ' honour' of their Sovereign, to the merits of the suffering Irish, or t o the laws of justice, was still remembered by the descendants of those men who were robbed of their inheritance under the sanction of a law which the King himself was privately averse to; and it is equally well remembered by the Duke of De vonshire, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the M arqu i s of Head fort, the Lord Fitzwilliam, the Ponsonbys, Duncannons." (Hear, hear.) A PERSON enquired in what work th ese f acts were stated? Mr. replied, in a letter dated Dublin, Feb. 10th, 1836, addressed to the people of England and Ireland" by Mr. Thomas Finn, the brother of Mr. O'Connell's bro ther-in-law;—(cheers)—added, that if the querist would call at his house he might see it. (Continued cheers.) Mr. BUSHELL commenced by saying that he had stated before, when he had occasion to address the mayor upon a point of order, that it was not his intention to speak upon the question. But having now heard the subject fully dis cussed pro and con, and feeling that a most important feature bad been lost sight of in the debate, he should not be doing his duty to himself, or to those principles, both religious and political, which he professed, were he to leave the meeting without stating the points upon which he was at issue with the supporters of the resolution. The most important fea ture in the question, as he conceived, had been almost lost sight of. If the question were only whether justice should be done to Ireland—if it were merely whether the inhabi tants of Ireland should have the management of their own local affairs, he should at once say, 'Yes. (Hear, hear.) He would deprive Ireland of, nothing which she was de. sirous to have in that way; but there was this further consi deration—how should we be affected by the boon which we would otherwise most willingly grant ? (Hear.) He was not intolerant either in spirit or in feeling ; he would give to every class of his fellow-subjects those privileges which he himself possessed ; he would be just and right towards them, but at the same time he must be just to himself. (Hear.) Now if this bill passed, we should he materially affected in our representation by the parliament. We all knew, and it had been illustrated in this country already, what had been the effect of municipal reform here ; we all • knew what had been the influence of the corporations in all parts where they existed ; we all knew that in nine cases out of ten the representation went with the influence of the corporation. Now if the influence of the corporations in Ireland were thrown into the hands of the Catholics—and he would speak kindly and charitably of them ; he would take them by the hand in temporal matters, and would serve them and vote with them where he could—here was a principle he could not concede (hear). He said, if this bill were adopted the Roman Catholics would return to the British House of Com mons almost the whole of the Irish representatives (hear) ; and they would not only have a vote upon questions of Irish policy but upon questions of English policy also; they would not only have a vote upon the education scheme, but upon matters affecting the established church and our religion. (Hear, hear.) Taking this view of the matter; haying gleaned the knowledge he possessed from what he had heard in the debate ; and having found by the debate the probable ef fect if the representation of Ireland in the House of Comnions should be in the hands of the Roman Catholics, he must oppose the motion. (Hisses, and uproar.) He would sug gest that Mr. Langan, who seemed to have been in hysterics for three hours, be taken out, or that if he would not be quiet, he be entrusted to the care of two or three policemen. (Cheers.) He must say, that most of the measures carried by the present government, had been carried, not by the re presentatives of England or Scotland, but by the power they acquired from Ireland. (Great uproar.) The MAYOR was very sorry the meeting would not hear Mr. Bushell for a few moments longer, as the last thing he had said was one of the greatest compliments that could be paid to Ireland. Mr. BUSHELL continned. There was this insuperable difficulty in the way of this bill—that should it pass Ireland would be certainly represented numerically, but not in her wealth, station and influence. (Hear.) If they could get rid of this difficulty he would then become as firm an advo cate for municipal reform in Ireland as he must now be from connection its opponent. (Cheers.) Mr. TINDAL ATKINSON, in a highly-declamatory address, contended that Mr. Bushell's remarks were lame and impo tent, and that the grand cure for all the evils of Ireland was this measure of corporation reform. Mr. BUSHELL begged to explain. If Mr. Atkinson had observed, instead of disregarding, his professed intentions of not indulging in personalities, his conduct would have been in much better keeping with his conversation. If, instead of throwing ridicule upon hi s (Mr. Bushell's) positi on , h e h a d attempted to answer it, he would have done much more to have served his own cause than he had by all the observations he had thought proper to make. (Hear.) Mr. RATRBONE would venture to answer his friend Mr. Bushell, and some other of his good friends on the other side. We had heard of some gentlemen being degraded from the magisterial bench ; he had sat upon the bench with those gentlemen, and before many weeks were over he hoped he should again have the pleasure of sitting with his friends, Mr. Robinson and Mr. Wright.' (Cheers.) Now, as to Mr. Bushell. The House of Commons was composed of 658 members, of whom one hundred and five were from Ireland, and of that number from seventy to eighty were the regu lar supporters of a liberal ministry. Suppose the whole were liberals; that would be an addition of somewhere about 25 to the liberal ranks. Had his excellent Protestant friend, being himself (Mr. Rathbone) a Protestant, so little confi dence in the stability of Protestantism as to imagine that the loss of some 25 votes from among the Irish members would upset the church ? Mr. RUSHELL.-Mr. Rathbone talks of twenty-five as be ing of no consequence ; but whilst the present ministry are content with majorities of one, two, three, fifteen, and twen ty-five, twenty-five are enough to do all the mischief. (Loud cheers.) On the motion of Mr. W. W. CURRIE, seconded by Mr. RATHBONE, it was resolved, that the petition should be signed by the Mayor, on behalf of the Meeting, and for warded, for presentation, to the Earl of Derby and the Mar quis of Normanby. Mr. WRIGHT moved a vote of thanks to his worship the mayor, for his able, impartial, and excellent conduct in the chair. (Loud cheers.) Mr. ROBINSON heartily seconded the motion, and said every one must cordially approve of it who had seen the manner in which the mayor had conducted the proceedings. Mr. W. W. CURRIE put the motion, and it was carried by acclamation. The MAYOR said it was extremely gratifying to him to find that he had succeeded in giving satisfaction to a meeting like the present, where there had been such a considerable difference of opinion, and to perceive that he had carried the thanks of all present. (Hear, hear.) — Although there had been great difference of opinion, there had also been great good feeling, and he hoped to see that prevail at all future meetings. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) He would just observe, in conclusion, that if any expres sion had escaped from the lips of any gentleman which might be considered personally offensive towards any one, he trusted, it would be attributed to the right mo tive,—namely, the feeling that influenced him to support as much as possible those principles which he thought right ; that they would not leave that place till all unpleasant feel ings had been banished, and that the minority would give way to the majority, and help them too carry out the great principle of good will which had just been so triumphantly manifested. The meeting then separated, having been occupied from twelve o'clock until a quarter to five. POLICE INTELLIGENCE.-WEDNESDAY. INTERESTING TO SHIPOWNERS. George Hen r y Clarke appeared before the stipendiary magistrate to claim from his brother, Francis Clarke, captain of the brig Elizabeth, of London, a balance of wages amount ing to £7 18s. 2d. Mr. Wardle appeared for the claimant. The claimant stated that on the 14th of September last, he signed articles as chief mate of the vessel of which his bro ther was master. He was to go to Tampico and back, and was to receive £4 per month. The vessel arrived here on the morning of the Bth of February ; but, though he had in the meantime applied unsuccessfully for his discharge, he had not received it up to the present time. He served in the vessel until the Ist of March, and in the claim now preferred the wages were calculated up to that day, although he had received wages at 18s. a week. The mate contended that he was entitled to both the monthly wages and the weekly allowance. To this the captain objected, maintaining th at it' was in direct opposition to the practice of the port, and to confirm this called Mr. Poole, who stated that it was the custom of the port to consider the voyage complete on arrival, after which weekly wages were paid to those of the crew not discharged. Rushton Mr. Rushton did not consider the voyage complete on the arrival of the vessel in port. The mate could not then have left the vessel. If he had done so, he would have been liable to pay a forfeit of one month's wages. The claimant urged that he had previously been in the habit of receiving both the monthly wages and the weekly al lowance from other vessels. Capt. Clarke had himself never heard of such a practice, nor had any masters of vessels whom he had spoken to on the subject. Mr. Wardle contended that the weekly allowance (in this case 18s) was merely for providing the mate with board and lodging, instead of being provisioned in the vessel. Mr. Rushton was of the same opinion. Ile thought that the weekly wages were in lieu of provisions. Mr. Poole and the captain still maintained that the practice of the port was opposed to the double demand. Mr. Rushton.—Well, this is quite new to me. Ido not think it is iaw. My present impression is, that the man is entitled to both food and pay until the voyage is legally com plete. I will, however, consider the case, and give my deci sion to-morrow. Some further conversation took place, in the course of which the magistrate advised the parties to settle the matter. The captain finally agreed'to pay the mate his wages up to the time that the vessel was discharged, which was about ten days after her arrival. Mr. Rushton then expressed his opinion that the claimant was entitled, not only to wages, but an allowance for board and lodging, up to the time that the vessel was discharged, and the voyage legally complete. STEALING MAGAZINES. Charles Johnson,;iioiiadiorTen m inimths_ been in the service of Shaw Brothers, printers, was placed a t th e b ar, charged with havi ng robbed his employers. From the evidence, it appeared, that on the morning of Tuesday, the prisoner was observed to go into the ware-room behind the shop of Messrs. Shaw, and take away two parcels, one of which he put into his hat, and the other into his coat pocket. He went out through the shop. The prisoner, on being questioned, denied that he had taken anything away. The stock was examined, and a deficiency was found to the extent of 550 magazines, worth about £2. Mr. Shaw stated that the prisoner had no authority to go into the ware-room, or to touch the box from which the magazines were taken. The prisoner, on his voluntary examination, stated that be had taken away no magazines but what had been counted out to him on the previous night. He was committed to take his trial. YESTERDAY. PILFERING ABOUT THE DOCKS. The court was occupied for a considerable time in hear ing cases, which of late have increased in a very great de gree, of pilfering property from the docks. One man was stopped with fourteen pounds of iron in his hat ; another with a quantity of rope concealed in some sweepings; and various other devices were used for carrying off the pro perty. Mr. Rushton said the practice arose in a great mea sure from giving lads the sweepings—they thought themselves thus authorised in taking anything they saw. It was a prac tice, however, which must be checked ; and, accordingly, he inflicted summary punishment in each case, varying from seven days to three months imprisonment, of which latter only one instance occurred, where the prisoner bad been previously nine times committed and twice discharged. IMPORTANT TO SHIP-PASSENGERS. The following is a case which will serve as a caution to persons embarking for America or elsewhere, not to put themselves into the hands of those individuals who skulk about the docks, subsisting by what they get from ship agents, as a commission, for procuring passengers, and what th e y can exact from the passengers themselves. It ca nno t be expected that such men will stick at trifles • and when there is a chance of l os i ng their commission or letting their prey slip through their fingers, they will not fail to practise deception on those persons who are , foolish enough to put faith in them. Mr. Durandu, ship-agent, whose office is in the Waterloo road, appeared under the following circumstances : A young man named Levi, a Jew, who wished to go to New York, was taken to Mr. Durandu's office by one Wolff Wolff, also a Jew, and one of the commission-seekers above referred to. According to Levi's statement, he was there informed by. Mr. Durandu that £3 10s. was the lowest fare by one of the early packets ; but, on his representing that he could not afford so much, Mr. Durandu accepted .-C2 155., and gave him a ticket to go on board to-morrow (this day). He then bought provisions for the voyage, after which he was told that the vessel in which he was to sail would not leave port for a fortnight or more. Wolff stated that Mr. Durandu took down Levi's name, and gave him a ticket, for £2 155., but that nothing was said about the time at which the vessel was to start. On being cross-examined, the latter witness said he re collected Mr. Durandu telling him that complainant could not go this week for £2 15s. Durandu then stated that complainant wanted to go on board the Memphis. He informed him that he could not do so, but that he could go with other vessels for £2 15s. Wolff, being anxious to get his commission (2s. 6d.), de ceived complainant, and persuaded him to take.his passage in a vessel which would not sail under a fortnight. He (Mr. Durandu) had no share in the deception, and if the com plainant had been inconvenienced, it was by the misrepre sentations of Wolff. He had no objection to return the money to complainant, but he did not see why he should be at the loss of the 2s. 6d. which Wolff bad received. Wolff having agreed to pay back the 2s. CA, the parties left the office. IMPORTANT INTELLIGENCE.—The Globsof Monday even ing says The new French ambaisador is a Protestant, being the first on record. His Excellency rises every morn ing at six o'clock, and at seven his secretary is in attendance." What an admirable summary of a statesman's (talk avoea. tions ! All, howeve r , th a t we can gather from it h i r that M. Guizot gets up earlier than his secretary. Are we to attri bute Lord Palmerston's slumbers during the debates to the same cause ? 11 0 eri oP e cl - 4, , X* - 6 i ‘, ... ....:,,,..