The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-01-17 00:00:00

~~~ MESSAGE Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatires a • OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE ONITED STATES. WASHINGTON, December 23, 1839. I regret that I cannot on this occasion congratulate You that the past year has been one of unalloyed prosperity, The ravages of fire and disease have painfully afflicted otherwise flourishing portions of our .country ; and serious embarrass ments yet derange the trade of many of our cities. But, notwithstanding these adverse circumstances, that general prosperity which has been heretofore so bountifully bestowed upon us by the Author of all good, still continues to call for our warmest gratitude. Especially have we reason to rejoice in the exuberant harvest which has lavishly recompensed well-directed industry, and given to it that sure reward which is vainly sought in visionary speculations. I cannot indeed view without peculiar satisfaction, the evidences afforded by the past season of the benefits that have sprung from the steady devotion of the husbandman to his honourable pursuit. No means of individual comfort is more certain, and no source of national :prosperity is so sure. Nothing can compen sate a people for a dependance upon others for the bread they eat, and that cheerful abundance on which the happiness every one so much depends, is to bb looked for no where of with such sure reliance as in the inddstry of the agriculturist and the bounties of the earth. With foreign countries, our relations exhibit the same favourable aspect which was presented in my last annual mes-. sage, and afford continual proof of the wisdom of the pacific, just, and forbearing policy adopted by the first admi nistration of the federal government, and pursued by its successors. The extraordinary powers vested in me by an act of congress, for the defence of the country in an emer gency, considered so far probable as to require that the exe cutive should possess ample means to meet it, have not been exerted. They have, therefore, been attended' ith no other result than to increase, by the confidence thus reposed in me, obligations to maintain, with religious exactness, the cardinal principles that govern our intercourse with other nations. LlappilY, in our pending questions with Great Britain, out of which this unusual grant of authority arose, nothing has occurred to require its exertion; and as it is about to return to the ,legislature, I trust that no future necessity may call for its exercise by them, or its delegation to another department of the government. For the settlement of our North-eastern boundary, the F r~uu,ci you promised by Great Britain for a commission of e xploration - has been received, and a counter p r oject, including also a provistorc,‘,.- . A adjustment of the limits in dispute, is now beicirellinrit i a, for its consideration. A just regard to the de licate state of this question, and a Proper respect for the natural impatience of the State of Maine, not less than - a conviction that the negociation has been already protracted longer than is prudent on the part of either government, have led me to believe that the present favourable moment should on no account he suffered to pass without putting the question for ever at rest. I feel confident that the govern ment of her Britannic Majesty will take the same view of this subject, as I am persuaded it is governed by desires equally strong and sincere for the amicable termination of the con troversy. To the intrinsic difficulties of questioni of boundary lines, especially those described in regions unoccupied, and but partiaily known, is to he added in our country the embar rassment necessarily arising out of our constitution, by which the- general government is made the organ of negociating, and de;.:i:lioe; upon the particular interests of the States on whose frontiers these lines are to be traced. To avoid another controversy in which a State government might rightfully claim to have her wishes consulted, previously to the conclusion of conventional arrangements concerning her rights of jurisdiction or tetwitory, I have thought it neces sary to call the at'Leetion of the government of Great Britain to another portion of our conterminous dominion of which the division still remains to be adjusted. I refer to the line from the entrance of Lake Superior to the most northwes tern point of the Lake of the Woods, stipulations for the settlement of which are to be found in the seventh article of the treaty of Ghent. The commissioners appointed under that article by the two governments having differed in their opinions, made several reports, according to its stipulations upon the points of disagreement, and these differences are now to be submitted to the arbitration of some friendly sovereign or State: The disputed points should be settled, and the line designated, before the territorial government, of which it is one of the boundaries, takes its place in the union as a state, and I rely upon the cordial co-operation of the British government to effect that object. . There is every reason to believe that disturbances like those which lately agitated the neighbouring British Provinces will not again prove the sources of border contentions, or inter pose obstacles in the continuance of that good understanding which it is the mutual interest of Great Britain and the United States to preserve and maintain. Within the Provinces themselves tranquillity is restored, and on our frontier that misguided sympathy in favour of what was presumed to be a general effort in behalf of popular rights, and which in some instances misled a few of our more inexperienced citizens, hassubsided into a rational conviction strongly opposed to all intermeddling with the internal affairs of our neighbours. The people of the United States feel, as it is hoped they always will, a warm solicitude for the suc cess of all who are sincerely endeavouring to improve the po litical condition of mankind. This generous feeling they cherish towards the most distant nations ; and it was, natu ral, therefore, that it should be awakened with more than common warmth in behalf of their immediate neighbours. But it does not belong to their character, as a community, to seek the gratification of those feelings in acts which violate' their duty as citizens, endanger the peace of their country, and tend to bring upon it the stain of a violated faith towards foreign nations. If, zealous to confer benefits on others, they appear for a moment to lose sight of the permanent ob ligations imposed upon them as citizens, they are, seldom long misled. From all , the information I. receive, confirmed to some extent by personal observation, I am satisfied that no one can now hope to engage in such enterprises without en countering public indig,nation, in addition to the severest penalties of the law. Recent information also leads me to hope that the emi grants from her Majesty's Provinces, who have sought refuge within our boundaries, are disposed to become peaceable re: sidents, and to abstain from ail attempts to endanger the peace of that country which has afforded them an asylum. On a review of the occurrences on both sides of the hue, it is satis factory to reflect,- that in almost every con.lplaint•against our country, the offence may be traced to emigrants from the Provinces who have sought refuge here. • In the few instances in which they were aided by citizens of the United States, the acts of Untie misguided men were riot only iu directcon travention of the laws and well known wishes of their own Government, but met with the decided disapprobation of the people of the United States. . I regret to state the 4iiearance . of a different spirit among her Majasty's subjects in the Canadas. The sentiments of hostility to our people and institutions, which have been so frequently expressed there, and the disregard of our rights which have been manifested on some occasions, have, I am sorry to say, been applauded and encouraged by the, people. and even by some of the subordinate local authorities, of the Provinces. The chief officers in Canada fortunately have not entertained the same feeling, and have probably prevented excesses that must have been fatal to the peace of the tiro countries. I look forward anxiously to a period when all the transac tions which have grown out of this condition of our affairs, and which have been made the subjects of complaint and re monstrance by the two governments respectively, shall be fully examined, and the proper satisfaction given where it is due from either side. Nothing has occurred to disturb the harmony of our inter course with Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Naples, Portugal, Prusia, Russia, or Sweden.' The internal state of Spain has sensibly improved, and a well grounded hopeexists that the return of peace will restore to the people of that country their former prosperity, and enable the Government to fulfil all its obligations at home and abroad. The Govern ment of PortUgal, I hive the satisfaction to state, has paid in full the eleventh and last instalment due to our citizens for the claims embraced in the settlement. made with it on the 3d of March, 1837. I lay before you treaties of commerce negotiated with the Kings of Sardinia and the Netherlands, the ratifications of which have been exchanged since the adjournment of Con gress. The liberal principles of these treaties will recom mend them to your approbation. That with Sardinia is the first treaty of commerce formed by that kingdom, and it will, I trust, answer the expectations of the.present sovereign, by aiding the clevelopement of the resources of his country, and stimulating the enterprise of his people. That with the Ne therlands happily terminates a long existing subject ,of dis pute, and removes from our future commercial intercourse all apprehension of embarrassment. T..e King of the Netherlands has also, in further illustra tion of his character for justice, and of his desire to remove every cause of dissatisfaction, made compensation for au American vessel captured in 1800 by a French privateer, and carried into Curaeoa, where the proceeds were appropriated to the use of the colony, then, and for a short time after, un der the dominion of Holland'. The death of the Sultan, has produced no alteration in our relations with Turkey. Our newly appointed minister resi dent has reached Constantinople, and I have received assur ances from the present ruler that the obligations of our treaty and those of friendship, will be fulfilled by himself in the same spirit that actuated his illustrious father. I regret to be obliged to inform you that no convention for the settlement of tue claims of our citizens upon Mexico has yet been ratified by the government of that country. The first convention formed for that purpose was not presented by the President of Mexico for the approbation of its congress, from a belief that the King of Prussia, the arbitrator in case of disagreement in the joint commission to be appointed by the United States and Mexico, would not consent to take upon himself that friendly office. Although not entirely satisfied with the course pursued by Mexico, I felt no hesitation.in receiving in . the most conciliatory spirit the explanation O ffered, and also cheerfully consented to a new convention, in order to arrange the payments proposed to be made to our d ve e r e m m in ed en le t. ss () B ie l citizens, in a manner which, while equally just to them, was government, Mr. Ellisr y o i us and inconvenient to the Mexican go cownfiasdednirtelyzotno t re he pa i i n r te t n o t i‘ ioLs xi : n f , that and diplomatic intercouse has been resumed between the two countries. The new convention has, he informs us, been recently submitted by the President of that republic to its congress, under circumstan ces rati fication ; a result which I cannot v' Instructions have been given to . allow myself to doubt. ich th p e r c om om is m e i a ss s l p oi e l e e d r y o of the United States under our Convention ta with Texas, for the_ de marcation.c of the line which separates The commissioners of both governmentss us from that republic. The in New Orleans in August last. The joint commission was adjourned to convene at the same place on stl'-i)e tobee : It is presumed to be now in the perfor gi n a2 i n a t n ii 7 u e .l o ' finctd; duties.. _ The new Government of Texas has shown its desire to cul tivate friendly relations with us, by a prompt reparation . for injuries complained of in the cases of two vessels of the United States. With Central America a convention has been concluded for the renewal of its former treaty with the United States. This was not ratified before the departure of our late Charge d'Affaires from that country, and the copy of it brought by him was not received before the adjournment of the Senate at the last session. In the mean while, the period limited for the exchange of ratifications having expired, I deemed it expedient, in consequence of the death of the Charge d'Affaires, to send a special agent to Central America, to (dose the affairs of our mission there, and to arrange with the Government an extension of the time for the exchange of ra tifications. The commission created by the States which formerly cnm pozed the Republic of Colombia, for adjusting the claims against that Government, has, by a very unexpected con struction of the treaty under which it.acts, decided that no provision was made for those claims of citizens of the U. S. which arose from captures by Columbian privateers, arid were adjudged a g ainst the claimants in the judicial tribunals. This decision will compel' the U. S. to apply to the several Go vernment formerly united for redress. With all these—New Grenada, Venezuela, and Ecuador, a perfectly good under standing exists. Our treaty with Venezuela is faithfully car ried into execution, and that country, in the enjoyment of tranquillity, is gradually advancing in prosperity under the guidance of its present distinguished President, General Paez. With Ecuador, a liberal commercial convention has lately been concluded, which will be transmitted to the Se nate at an early day. With the great American Empire of Brazil our relations continue unchanged, as does our friendly intercourse with the other Governments of South America—the Argentine Republic and the Republics of Uripay, Chili, Peru, and Bolivia. The dissolution of the ,Peru-Bolivian.Corifedera tion may occasitinisoule temporary ipconvenience to our citi- zens in that quarter, but the obligations on- the new govern ments which have arisen out of that Confederation to observe its treaty stipulations, will no doubt be soon understood, and it is presumed that no indisposition will exist to fulfil those which it contracted with the United States. The financial operations of the Government during the 'present year have, I am happy to say, been very successful. The difficulties under which the Treasury Department has laboured from known defects in the existing laws relative to the safe keeping of the public moneys, aggravated by the sus pension of specie payments by several of the banks holding public deposits, or indebted to public officers for notes received in payment of public dues, have been surmounted to a very gratifying extent. The large current expenditures have been punctually met, and the faith of the government in all its pecuniary concerns hasbeen scrupulously maintained. The nineteen millions of Treasury notes authorised by the act of Cougress of 1837, and theniOditications thereof:with it view to the indulgence of merchants on their duty bonds, and of the deposit banks, in the payment of public moneys held by them, have been so punctually redeemed as to leave Less than the original ten millions outstanding at any one time, and the whole amount unredeemed now falls short of three millions. Of these the chief portion is not due till next year, and the whole would have been already extinguished could the Treasury have realised the payments due to it from the banks. If those due from them during the next year shall be punctually made, and if Congress shall keep the ap propriations within the estimates, there is every reason to believe that all the outstanding Treasury notes can be re deemed, and the ordinary expenses defrayed, without impos ing on the people any additional burden, either for loans or increased taxes. To avoid this, and to keep the expenditure within reasona ble bounds, is a duty, second only in importance to the pre servation of our national character, and .the protection of our citizens in their civil and political rights. The creation, in time of peace, of a debt likely to become permanent, is an evil for which there is no equivalent. The rapidity with which many of the States are apparently approaching to this condition, admonishes us of our own duties, in a manner too impressive to be disregarded. One, not the least important, is to keep the Federal Government always in a condition to discharge, with ease and vigour, its highest functions, should their exercise be required by any sudden conjuncture of pub lic affairs—a condition ~to which we are always exposed, and which may occur when it is least expected. To this end, it is indispensable that its finances should be untrammelled, and its resources, as far as practicable, unencumbered. No circumstance could present greater obstacles to the accom plishment of these vitally important objects, than the creation of an onerous national debt. Our own experience, and also that of other nations, have demonstrated the unavoidable and fearful rapidity with which a public debt is increased, when g';•----aot has once surrendered itself to the ruinous practice of stipplyttiN, The struggle, therefore, on our iL- necessities by new loans..l part, to bp must , . be made at the threshold. To make our efforts effective. severe economy is necessary. This is the surest provision for the national welfare ; and it is, at the same time, the best preservative of the principles op whicli our institutions rest. Simplicity and economy in the affairs of State have never failed to chasten and invigorate republican principles, while these have been as surely subverted by national prodigality, under whatever specious pretext it may have been introduced or fostered. These considerations cannot' be lost upon a people who have never been inattentive to the effect of their policy upon the institutions they have created for themselves ; but at the present moment their force is augmented by the necessity which a decreasing revenue must impose. The check lately given to importations of articles subject to duties, the de rangements in the operations of internal trade, and especially the reduction gradually taking place in our tariff of duties, all tend materially to lessen our receipts ; indeed it is pro bable that the diminution resulting from the last cause alone, will not fall short of five millions of dollars in the year 1842, as the final reduction of all duties to 20 per cent. then takes effect. The whole revenue then accruing from the customs, and from the sales of public lands, if not more, will undoubt edly be wanted to defray the necessary expenses of the Go vernment under the most prudent administration of its af fairs. These are circumstances that impose the necessity of rigid economy, and require its prompt and constant exercise. With the legislature rest the power and duty of so adjusting the public expenditure as to promote this end. By the pro visions of the constitution, it is only is consequence of ap propriations made by law that money can be drawn from the treasury ; no instance has occurred since the establishment of the government in which the executive, though a compo nent part of the legislative power, has interposed an objec tion to an appropriation bill on the sole ground of its extra vagance. His duty in this respect hr.s been considered ful filled by requesting such appropriations only as the public service may be reasonably expected to require. In the pre sent earnest direction of the public mind towards this sub ject, both the executive and the legislature have evidence of the strict responsibility to which they will be held ; and, while I am conscious of my own anxious efforts to perform with fidelity this portion of my public functions, it is a satis faction to me to be able to count on a cordial co-operation from you. At the time I entered upon my present duties, our ordinary disbursements—without including those on account of the public debt, the post office, and the trust funds in charge of the government—had been largely increased by appropria tions for the removal of the Indians, for repelling Indian hos tilities, and for other less urgent expenses which grow out of an overflowing treasury. Independent of the redemption of the public debt and trusts, the gross expenditures of seven teen and eighteen millions in 1834 and 1335 had, by these causes, swelled to twenty-nine millions in 1836, and the ap propriations for 1837, made previously to the 4th of March caused the expenditure to rise to the very large amount of thirty-three millions. We were enabled during the year 1838, notwithstanding the continuance of our Indian embarrassments, somewhat to reduce this amount ; and that for the present year 1839, will not in all probability exceed twenty-six millions—or six millions less than it was last year. With a determination, so far as depends on me, to continue this reduction, I have directed the estimates for 1840 to be subjected to the severest scrutiny, and to be limited to the absolute requirements of the public service. They will be found less than the expenditures of 1839 by over live millions of dollars. The precautionary measures which will be recommended by the secretary of the treasury, to prdtect faithfully the pub lie credit, under the fluctuations and contingencies to which our receipts and expenditures are exposed, and especially in a commercial crisis like the present, are commended to your early, a&teati9p. i t:lU *itd g e then proceeds to allude to the sale of public la tist L ilie principal defences of the seaports and navy yards —the negociations on the subject of the Florida war—the re port of the secretary of . the navy—the mail service, and the revenue of the post-office' department—the power assumed by territorial legislatures to authorise the sale of bonds by corporate companies, on the guarantee of the territory—the collection, keeping, and disbursement of the revenue—and the monetary affairs of the Union. The last topic occupies the greater part of the message. The following are the most important paragraphs.l The continued agitation of the question relative to the best mode df keeping and disbursing the public money, still inju riously affects the business of the country. The suspension of specie payments in 1837, rendered the use of deposit banks,. as prescribed by the act of 1836, a source rather of embar rassment than aid, and of necessity placed the custody of most of the public money, afterwards collected, in charge of the public officers. The new securities for its safety, which this required, were a principal cause of my convening an ex tra session of congress ; but in consequence of a disagree ment between the two houses, neither then, nor at any sub sequent period, has there been any legislation on the subject. The effort made at the last session to obtain the authority of congress to punish the use of public money for private pur poses as a crime, a measure attended under other govern ments with signal advantage, was also unsuccessful, from diversities of opinion in that body, notwithstanding the an xiety doubtless felt by it to afford every practicable security. The result of this is still to leave the custody of the public money without those safeguards which have been for several years earnestly desired by the executive ; and as the remedy is only to be found in the action of the legislature, it imposes on me the duty of again submitting to you the propriety of passing a law, providing for the safe keeping of the public moneys, and especially to ask that its use for private pur poses, by any officers entrusted with it, may be declared to be a felony, punishable with penalties proportioned to the magni tude of the offence. These circumstances, added to known defects in the exist ing laws, and unusual derangement in the general operations of trade, have, during the last three years, much increased the difficulties attendant on the collection, keeping, and dis bursement of the revenue, and called forth corresponding exertions from those having them in charge. Happily these have been successful beyond expectation. Vast sums have been collected and disbursed by the several *Departments with unexpected cheapness and ease ; transfers have been readily made to every part of the Union, however distant ; and defalcations have been far less than might have been expected, from the absence of adequate legal restraints. Since the officers of the Treasury and Postoffice Departments were charged with the custody of most of the public moneys received by them, there have been collected sixty-six millions of dollars, and, excluding the case of the late collector at New York, the aggregate amount o! losses sustained in the collection cannot, it is believed, exceed sixty thousand dol lars. The defalcation of the late collector at that city, of which Congress has been fully informed, ran through all the modes of keeping the public money that have hitherto been in use, and was distinguished by an aggravated disregard of duty, that broke through the restraints of every system, and cannot, therefore, be usefully referred to as a test of the comparative safety of either. Additional information will also be furnished by the report of. the Secretary of the Trea sury, in reply to a call made upon that officer by the House of Representatives at the last session, requiring detailed infor mation on the subject of defaults by public officers or agents under each administration, from 1789 to 1837. This docu ment will be submitted to you in a. few days. The general results, (independent-of the, Postoffice, which is kept sepa rately, and will h e s t a t e d b y it se lf,) so far as tifey bear upon this subject, are, that the losses which have been, and are likely to be, sustained, by any class of agents, have been — the greatest by bankers, including, as required in the resolu tion, theft- depreciated paper received for public dues ; that the next largest have been by disbursing officers, and the least by coll ec t ors and receivers. If the losses on duty bonds are included, they alone will be three-fold those by both ?ngress col lectors and r ece i vers. Our whole exper i ence, t h ere f ore , highest )e e t g h r e e e experience of security o ofis furnishes ; the s t rongest evidence that the desired leg i slat i on alone wanting to insure in those operations f an o d th fa e c r il h i a ty tion S s. uch F a ro ls m o a t p h p e e r a e r_s tl to le haa have let di sults of inquiries made by the Secretary of the Treasury in regard to the practice among them, I am enabled to state, that in twenty-two out of t ' • wenty -seven toreign governments, from which undoubted information has been obtained, the public moneys are kept in charge of public officers. This concurrence of opinion in favour of that system is perhaps as great as exists on any question of internal administration. In the modes of business and official restraints on disbur sing officers, no legal change was produced by the suspension of specie payments. The report last referred to will be found to contain also much useful information in relation to this subject. I have heretofore assigned to Congress my reasons for believing that the establishment of an Independent National Treasury, as contemplated by the constitution, is necessary to the safe action of the federal government. The suspension of specie payments in 1837, by the banks having the custody of the Mlle money, shewed in so alarming a degree our de pendence on those institutions for the performance of duties required by law, that I then recommended the entire disso lution of that connection. This recommendation has been subjected, a s I desired it should be, to severe scrutiny and animated discussion ; an d I allow myself to believe, that, notwithstanding the diversities of opinion which may be anticipated natural . on all subjects involving such importantcon siderations, it has secured in •t • your as general a concur rence of publi c sentiment sas could l, be expected on one of such magnitude. Recent events have also co • to such a connection. coSntinued to develope new objec tionshe existing system and practice, abled( tn is ahy bank, under t its liabilities for deposit s an d notes into *meet, on demand, all main tains specie payments, and transarT s circulation. It only by the confidence of the public a profitable business, only whenever this is destroyed, the deman as its of solvency ; and its anti note-holders —pressed more rapidly thandepositors collections from its debtors — force it to stop p a yment. This loss of confidence, with its consequences, occurred in 1837 and afforded the apology of the banks for their suspension. The public then acquiesced in the validity of the excuse ; and, while the state le g islatures did not exact f ront them their forfeited charters, Congress, in accordance with the recommendation of the executive, allowed them time to pay over the public money they held, although compelled to issue treasury notes to supply the deficiency thus created. It now appears that there are other motives than a want of public confidence under which the banks seek to justify themselves in a refusal to meet their obligations. Scarcely were the country and government relieved, in a degree, from the difficulties occasioned by the general suspension of 1837. when a partial one, occurring within thirty months of the former, produced new and serious embarrassments, though it had no palliation in such circumstances as were well alleged in justification of that which had previously taken place. There was nothing in the condition of the country to endan ger a well-managed banking institution ; commerce was de ranged by no foreign war ; every branch of manufacturing industry was crowned with rewards : and the more than usual abundance of our harvests, after supplying our domes tic wants, had left our granaries and storehouses filled with a surplus for exportation. It is in the midst of this, that an irredeemable and depreciated paper currency is entailed upon the people by a large portion of the banks. They are not driven to it by the exhibition of a loss of public confidence, or of a sudden pressure from their depositors and note holders, but they excuse themselves by alleging that the cur rent Of business, and exchange with foreign countries, which draws the precious metals from their vaults, would require, in order to meet it, a large curtailment of their loans to a comparatively small portion of the community, than it will be convenient for them to bear, or perhaps safe for the banks to exact. The plea lias ceased to be one of necessity. Con venience and policy are now deemed sufficient to warrant these institutions in disregarding their solemn obligations. Such conduct is not merely an injury to individual creditors, but it is a wrong to the whole community, from whose liberality they hold most valuable privileges—whose rights they violate, whose business they derange, and the value of whose property they render unstable and insecure. It must be evident that this new ground for bank suspensions, in re ference to which their action is not only disconnected with, but wholly independent of, that of the public, gives a cha racter to their suspensions more alarming than any which they exhibited before, and greatly increases the impropriety of relying on the banks in the transactions of the govern ment. A large and highly respectable portion of our banking in stitutions are, it affords me unfeigned pleasure to state, exempted from all blame on account of this second delin quency. They have, to their great credit, not only, conti nued to meet their engagements, but have even repudiated the grounds of suspension now resorted to. It is only by such a course that the confidence and good-will of the com munity can be preserved, and, in the sequel, the best interests of the institutions themselves promoted. New dangers to the banks are also daily disclosed from the extension of that system of extravagant credit of which they are the Formerly your foreign commerce was principally fOunded on an exchange ~f commcdittes, including the precious metals, and leaving in its transactions but little foreign debt. Sw.li is not iinx the case. Aided by the r...Tnaled . - :nem credit has become too ryl•fitriu,ty • ' • Many of the banks them selveh, not etc,-- - \vit. n'tatinc . p ys i,,,, / amon g rathcr mi s, V 414 while they imikar bllity, oT the meraantib •-• !•:.nunity ; they have become borrowers instead of they establish their agencies abroad ; they deal laigtty in stocks and merchandise, they encourage the issue of state securities until the foreign mar ket is glutted with them ; and, unsatisfied with the legitimate use of their own capital, and the exercise of their lawful pri vileges, they raise, by large loans, additional means for every variety of speculation. The disasters attendant on this devi ation from the former course of business in this country are now shared alike by banks and individuals, to an extent of which perhaps there is no previous example in the annals of our country. So long as a willingness of the foreign lender, and a sufficient export of our productions to meet any neces sary partial payments, leave the flow of credit undisturbed, all appears to be prosperous ; but as soon as it is checked by any hesitation abroad, or by an inability to make payment there in our productions, the evils of the system are disclosed. The paper currency which might serve for domestic purposes is useless to pay the debt due to Europe. Gold and silver are therefore drawn, in exchange for their notes, from the banks. To keep up their supply of coin these institutions are obliged to call upon their own debtors, who pay them principally in their own notes, which are as unavailable to them as they are to the merchants to meet the foreign demand. The calls of the Banks, therefore, in such emergencies, of necessity, exceed that demand, and produce a corresponding curtailment of their accommodations and of the currency, at the very moment when the state of trade renders it most in inconvenient to be borne. The intensity of this pressure on the community is in proportion to the previoUs liberality of credit and consequent expansion of the currency ; forced sales of property are made at the time when the means of purcha sing are most reduced, and the worst calamities to individu als are only at last arrested, by an open violation of their ob ligations by the batiks, a refusal to pay specie for their notes, and an imposition upon the community of a fluctuating and depreciated currency. These consequences are inherent in the present system. They are not influenced by the banks being large or small, - created by National or State Governments. They are the results of the irresistible laws of trade and credit. In the recent events which have so strikingly illustrated the certain effects of these laws, we have seen the bank of the largest capital in the Union, established under a National charter, and lately strengthened, as we were authoritatively informed, by exchanging that for a State charter, with new and unusual privileges--in a condition too, as it was said, of entire sound ness and great prosperity—not merely unable to resist these effects, but the first to yield to them. • '• Nor is it to be overlooked that there exists a chain of • ne cessary dependence among these institutions which obliges them, to a great extent, to follow the course of others, not withstanding its injustice to their own immediate creditors,. 1 9r injury to the particular community in which they are,. placed. This dependence of a bank, which is in pro,,orthm i to the extent of its debts for circulation and depositdis not! . I merely on others in its own vicinity, but, on all those which connect it with the centre of trader Distant banks may fail, without seriously affecting those in our principal commercial cities ; but the failure of the latter is felt at the extremities cf the Union. The suspension at New York, in 1837, was every where, with very few exceptions,. followed,.as Soon, • as it was known • that recently' at Philadelphia inniaeclie:tely, affected the banks of the South 'arid West in a shriller' man- ner. The dependence of our whole bauking,'system on the , institutions in a • few large cities, is not found in the laws of their organization, but in those of trade and exchange. The banks at that centre to which currency flows, and where itis required in payments for merchandise, hold the, poker of controlling those in regions whence it comes, while t latter possess no means' of restraining them ;* so that the'V ll In ,e of individual property, end the prosperity of trade, t'lirots Iv the whole interim. of 'the country, are made to depend - on the good or management of the banking institutions in the great seats of trade on the seaboard. But this chain of dependance does not stop here.—lt does not terminate at Philadelphia or New York. It reaches across the ocean, and ends in London, the centre of the credit system. The same laws of trade, which give to the banks in our prin- - cipal cities power over the whole banking system of the United 'States, subject the former in their tern, to the money power in Great Britain. It is is not denied that the suspension of the New York banks in 1837, which was followed in quick succession throughout the Union, was Produced 'by an appli cation of that power; and it is now alleged, in extenuation of the present condition of so large a portion of our banks, that their embarrassments have arisen from the same cause. From this influence they cannot now entirely escape, for it has its origin in the credit currencies of the two countries; it is strengtheued by the current of trade and exchange, which centres in London, and is rendered almost irresistible by the large debts contracted there by our merchants, our banks, and our States. It is thus that an introduction of a new bank into the most distant of our villages, places the business of that village• within the influence of the money power in England. It is thus that every new debt which We contract in that country, seriously affects our own currency, and ex tends over the pursuits of our citizens its powerful influence._ We cannot escape from this by making new banks, great or small, State or National. The same chains which bind those now existing in the centre of this system of paper credits, must equally fetter every similar institution we create. It is only by the extent to which this system has been pushed of late, that we have been made fully aware of its irresistible tendency to' subject our own banks and currency to a vast controlling power in a foreign land; and it adds a new argu ment to those which illustrate their precarious situation. Endangered in the first place by their own mismanagement, and again by the conduct of every institution which connects them with the centre of trade in our own country, they are yet subjected beyond all this, to the effect of whatever mea sures policy, necessity, or caprice, may induce those who control the credits of England to resort to. I mean not to comment upon these measures present or past, and much less to discourage the prosecution of fair commercial dealing between the two countries, based on reciprocal benefits ; but it having now been made manifest that the power of inflict ing these and similar , injuries, is, by the resistless law of a credit currency and credit trade, equally capable of extending their consequences through all the ramifications of our bank ing system, and by that means indirectly obtaining, particu larly when our banks are used as depositories of the public moneys, a dangerous political influence in the United States, I have deemed it my duty to bring the subject to your no ' Lice, and ask for your serious consideration. Is an argument required beyond the exposition of these facts, to show the impropriety of using our banking institu tions as depositories of the public money ? Can we venture not only to encounter the risk of their individual and mutual mismanagement, but, at the same time, to place our foreign and domeitic policy entirely under the control of a foreign moneyed interest ? To do so is to impair the independence of our Government, as the present credit system has already impaired the independence of our banks. It is to submit all its important operations, whether of peace or war, to be con trolled or thwarted at first by our own banks, and then by a power abroad greater than themselves. I cannot bring my self to depict the humiliation to which this Government and people might' be sooner or later reduced, if the means for defending their rights'are to be made dependant upon those who may have the most powerful of motives to impair them. Nor is it only in reference to the effect of this state of things on the independence of our Government or of our banks, that the subject presents itself for consideration ; it is to be viewed also in its relations to the general 'trade of our country. The time is not lopg past when a deficiency of foreign crops was thought to afford a profitable market for the surplus of our industry ; but now we await with feverish anxiety the news of the English harvest, not so much from motives of commendable sympathy, but fearful lest its anti cipated failure should narrow the field of credit there. Does not this speak volumes to the patriot? Can a system be be neficent, wise, or just, which creates greater anxiety for in terests dependent on foreign credit, than for the general prosperity of our own country, and the profitable exporta tion of the surplus produce of our labour ? The circumstances to which I have thus adverted appear to me to afford weighty reasons, developed by late events, to be added to those which I have on former occasions offered, when submitting to your better knowledge and discernment the propriety of separating the custody of the public money from banking institutions. Nor has any thing occurred to lessen, in my opinion, the force of what has been heretofore urged. The only ground . on which that custody can be de sired by the banks, is the profitable use which they may make of the money. Such use would be regarded in individuals as a breach of trust, or a crime of great magnitude, and yet it may be reasonably doubted whether, first mad last, it is not attended with more mischievous consequences when per mitted to the former than ,to the latter. The practice of permitting the public money to be used by its keepers as here, is believed to be peculiar to this country, and to exist scarcely any where else. To procure it here improper influ ences are appealed to ; unwise connections are established between the government and vast numbers of powerful st o ra tt u i jant g ltu h ieion t ortni bear s t s o ,oat.an idiadt their both use eriripiiisurplus stockholders kce the ohvieol: l combinations, a;s e tci throughout d i ri s v o, e , u g a l ieh r i and legislative tn l egislatiye de= state institutions •, other ' motives than the, public good are i b pi r u le s g e is t h i r le ti j o r n, h a e re m f e r eie d. It is made the interes at g t hne o t f o eux b nc a s iuo p nik c i:n t a i g os l exertionsn means are e the u r i n n i c s r h e e a d s e foraonf t t a h x wo a s t e i oenua excessive itvhee issuesa c ca - lid to extravagant trading arid speculation, and are t wa h fr e lr fo ll r el e de runners of a vast debt abroad, and' a suspension Of t atll° the bank therefore, as I am , w i t h the propriety of the fundsthOgovernment bei ng . w ithd rawn from the private a of Impressed,c use of either banks or individualsi, • and the public money kept by duly appointed public • agents ; and believing, as I do, that such also is the judgment which discussion, reflec tion, and experience have produced on the public mind, I leave the subject with you. It is, at all events, essential to the interests of the community and the business of the government, that a decision should be * triade. * * * * M. VAN BUREN. Mr. M aerea d y w i l l ma k e his debut at Drury-lane as Macbeth, Which is to be revived with new scenery) et,e. TOWN COUNCIL PROCEEDINGS. A special meeting of the council was held on Wednesday, for the discussion of several subjects the consideration of which had been adjourned. PURCHASE OF THE BIRKENHEAD PROPERTY. The MAYOR said that the first business of the council would be the proposed purchase of the Birkenhead . property. The deputy town-clerk would read the minutes• of the last council. on the subject. This having bee; done, Mr. CURRIE moved the confirmation of the recommenda- don of the Finance Committee, for the purchase of the-above . . named property, characterising the proposed purchase as one that was exceedingly judicious and desirable. Mr. PLATT seconded the motion, `clunking that the matter was one of immense importance to the "corporation, as well as calculated to advance the interests of the community at large. Mr. Aldercnon,SitEu. was opposedlo:the purchase bf "the property, and thought that not many years, elapse be fore the corporation would have' to regret‘their pUrchases on the other side of the water. He thought it his duty to state this, but he would not take up the time of the council in what he knew would be useless opposition. Mr. MELLOR opposed the motion on this ground—The proposed purchase would cost £65,000, which, at, two per cent. per annum, would be £l3OO a year ; and whatever benefit might result from the purchase hereafter, the present inhabitants of the town would be deprived yearly of the use of that sum. _ _ _ _ _ ffi:B - 11 - A -- Cmiuxit4 observed that Mr. Mellor was wrong in his calculation. There would not be a loss of two per cent. on the whole amount of purchase money, but only on that part of the property which did not yield any return. There would, therefore, be no need of a sinking fund, except for one-fourth part of the purchase. If he was wrong the town clerk would correct him. The motion was then adopted without a division. MR. °KILL'S SALARY. Mr. SHIEL said the motion he was about to make was a matter of simple right, which he believed was vested in every member of the council. Any one there might do it, and no one, he believed, had any right to make any opposition. He moved, therefore, that the Treasurer be ordered to make a return of all monies paid out of the Corporation fund to Mr. Charles Okill, since his first connexion with the Corporation, in 1815, up to the present time, distinguishing the amounts paid as a fixed salary, from those paid for special and distinct services ; and stating, as accurately as possible', the particu lar service for which the different sums were paid, with the dates of the order of council relating to each sum, and that the return be sent to each mernber of the council as soon as practicable, but not later than ,the summons for the next meeting of the council. Mr. CURRIE arose and was about to address the council, when • suurr, said if he had anticipated any opposition to his motion, he Should haVe endeavoured to enfor/e it by argu ment. He must, therefore, throw himself on , the good feel ing of the council, to hear what he might have to say on any part of the subject that . rnight•arise. Mr. CUIUUE said he merely wished to remark that the motion was so reasonable and proper, that no member of the Finance Committee could possibiy have any objection to it. He admitted at once the justice of the principle and would second Mr. Shell's resolution. So far from any member of the Finance Committee desiring to keep back information of the nature mentioned, he, himself, at the last Council, had intended to give all the information now sought for, and he should unquestionably have done so if it had not been that he was a little irregular, which prevented him. He had, however, told one of his friends, on the other side of the table, that if he thought proper to ask for the information, he had it with, him and would put the Council in possession of it. It was not asked for. He had the same document containing the information now, but if they thought it more proper that the information should come before them in a formal manner, of course there was no member of the com mittee could have any objection. Mr. ShEIL protested against the production of the infor mation in any form but that called for in his motion. I I The MAYOR was about to put the motion, when Mr. SHEti, said he did not know what object Mr. Currie had in saying that he was ready to produce the document at the last Council. He (Mr. Sheil) recollected that Mr. Carrie made two distinct speeches on the question,—one on the motion and one reply, besides a distinct reply to him (Mr. Sheil). Mr. Currie said be had the document and was ready to produce it now. He (Mr. Sheil) considered it very sin gular that Mr. Currie had not produced it when the subject was first brought forward. Mr. Currie did state all that Mr. Okill had done for the corporation, since 1815. He detailed all Mr. Okill's circumstances very minutely, but lie did not state the other side. Why did he not produce the other side of the account ? This, he believed, was the way lawyers proceeded when bringing actions ; they stated all on one side, laid down all their allegations, and left the parties to produce the other side of what they had to set off against their statements. Surely the gentleman who came into that Council as a representative of a portion of the public of Liverpool was not to come forward as an advocate of expen diture, without putting the people in possession of all the facts. Both sides of the statement ought to have been given, as well what Mr. Okill had received as what he had done. Mr. C unurE avowed himself somewhat astonished at what had fallen from Mr. Sheil, and particularly at his appearing not to kkuow why he (Mr. Currie) had brought forward the subject: - It could not have been forgotten that he brought •it forward as chairman of the Finance Committee, in conse quence of a 'memorial from Mr. Okill. lie (Mr. Currie) it would also be remembered, was the first person whO men tioned.thuliedessity of postponing the subject for a month, . iu.or4 to_give time to every person for consideration and inqinry. That necessity was doubted, but it ultimately turned 'otifithut he was right. Mr. Sheil asked him why the state ment,s,mi the other side had not been read. The report in the reference of the subject to the committee had bedn'read, andlhilit set forth • Mr.• .Okill's services ;,• he told. Alderman. Evans that he had the statement of the money paid to Mr. Okill;. and would produce it if he (Mr. Evans) would'ask for it. • The first part of the proceedings turned out to be irre gular., and the statement was not asked for. Mr. Sifuti: 'said Mr. Carrie had not answered thd 'Charge `that - he had brought forward, that he had given it one-sided. statement. He charged Mr. Currie with having acted im properly, in having brought forward a one-sided statement. The MAYoa arose;:and taut the resolutiOn, which was cartied without a division. • . • . . LEVYING A WATCH RATE-THE PARISH AND THE COUNCIL. • - - +. The NI AYOu; stated . that the Yieft‘bitiitiess forthoreon i deration of the council viai.a. commuitidatnux kontt sp select vestry relative to the Trevieus proceeding* of the council ott the subject of the watch rate. - • The TOWN-CLERK read the following communication : At a meeting of the Select Vestry; held in the'Board-room in Renwick-street, on Tuesday, the ith day of ,Tanu ary; 1840, The Rev. Rector Bitooxs in the chair, The Vestry-clerk having laid before the vestry the 'cow.- mimication of the town-clerk, containing a copy of the par liamentary notice as to watch rate, and the resolution of the council at their meeting on the Ist January instant, Resolved—That it appears to this board that the bill pro posed to be solicited by the corporation for continuing iu the council the discretionary power of laying a rate to the ad ditional extent provided by the act of last session, will not meet the views and objects of the parishioners as embodied in their resolution' at their last general vestry and they therefore trust the council will be pleased to re-consider the subject, and to instruct the town-clerk to solicit au act hav ing for its object the direct exoneration of the parishioners from any rate beyond the amount' authorised to be levied by the municipal corporations amendment act. • ' Resolved—That ; if the council be pleased to carry ont the views of the parishioners as above expressed, the select ves try are prepared, and now offer, to contribute one-half of the expense of such application to parliament. Resolved—That a copy of the resolution of the general ves try be transmitted, along with the foregoing resolutions, for the purpose of representing to the council-the repugnance of the parishidners to the act of last session. Resolved—That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be transmitted by the churchwardens to his worship the mayor, with a request that he would lay the same before the council at their next meeting. • • Extracted from the minutes, • • • M. D. LOWNDES, Vestry-clerk. The TOWN-CLERK then proceeded to say that he thought it necessary to remind the council, as figures were not .always recollected, of the exact position in-which the corporation stood in reference to the parish, in conSequence'of the mu . - nicipal act of 1835. Before the passing of, that act, a watch.; rate was levied in the parish ; but the effect of the municipal act had been to throw on the corporaliori the burden' of pay= ing for the parish of Liverpool £11,500 of county rate, which, to the fullest extent, was paid by the corporation, indeed, to a greater extent. This payment was now Made altogether direct to the country, consisting of the' expenses of gaols, payments for prosecutions, the payment of the coroner, and the payment of a balance claimed by the county to the amount ' of about £2OOO. He was therefore quite borne out in say ing that the corporation fund, either directly or indirectly, had to pay upwards 0f,£11,500. There was then to be con sidered the effect of the late decision, which had relieved the corporate estate from the payment of parochial taxes to the amount of £3500, so that the short effect of the municipal bill, with reference to the county-rate and the watch-rate, was to throw upon the corporation the payment of £B,OOO, which the corporation had not previously borne, so that the parish was a gainer by that amount, and also a gainer in the better lighting of the town, involving a charge of £7OO, and a gainer with respect to the advantage of a day and night po lice. The town-clerk then alluded to his report on the sub ject, in which he had suggested that a clause should be ob tained, giving to the council the power of appropriating their surplus revenue to the payment of such portion of the watch rate as was beyond the maximum rate collected and payable in the parish under the old watch-rate, and at the same time giving the council a discretionary power to levy that overplus (not, however, to exceed 6d. in the pound ;) and he con ceived that he was going to the full extent of his duty to pro pose that the council should. take that discretionary power. Until that resolution of the idea vestry had been handed to the mayor, he had not been aware that there existed any dif ference of opinion on the subject of the corporation taking that discretionary power. His own' notice, which had ap peared in the newspapers, distinctly stated that the object of the bill was to apply for discretionary power to apply any surplus of the corporate fund in or towards the payment of the watch-rate; and, moreover, the notice given by the ves try-clerk was couched in terms not very different from his (the town-clerk's.) The town-clerk read the resolution of the select vestry, which, he contended, asked simply that there should be a discretionary power on the part of the council, not that they ahould be altogether relieved from the obligation of levying. It was out of his power to advise that the council should part with that discretionary power. A time-might possibly come, as had happened under the old corporation, when it would be necessary to make use of every branch of the revenue—he alluded to the period when a part of the revenue was suspended. He thou. lit that the council should remain in possession of a discretionary power to levy according to circumstances ; for it was too much for the parish to anticipate that circumstances might not happen in the course of years which. would fairly justify the council in levying the additional amount, which, by law, they were empowered to levy. It would be, for the council to consider every year whether they would confine themselves to the old maximum .rate, leaving the parish a gainer by £BOOO, or whether circumstances did not make it imperative on them, in discharge of their public duty, to leYy the addi= tional amount. He hoped that the revenue of the corpora tion would continue, and that the council would he enabled to relieve the parishioners from any levy beyond the old maximum rate; but he thought it his duty to give his most distinct opinion, that the council should not part with a dis 'cretionary power. For that opinion he was responsible to the council and to the town. Mr. ISAAC HOLMES entirely differed from the town-clerk. He concluded that it was proper tOconcur with the'parish in entirely getting rid of the bill.. .The individual who brought forward that bill in parliament, never contemplated its appli cation to such boroughs as Liver Pool, When they possessed a great revenue. It was merely intended by Mr. 'Baines, who introduced the measure into parliament, that it was to apply to such boroughs as Leeds, Manchester, Bolton, Bir minghaM.,&c., where there were no borough funds to which they could resort. The parish authorities and the town-clerk were at variance in opinion, relative to the saving which the parish obtained by the municipal bill. It was stated by the parish that the county-rate amounted to £40,000, and that the corporation was exempted from the payment of taxes to about £4OOO, making a difference of only £6OOO, which was the additional burden cast upon the corporation. Now, when the present council enjoyed an income of £23,000 per annum more than the old corporation, surely so trifling an addition might be easily borne. With respect to the appli cation to parliament, to give the - council a discretionary power to lay a borough watch-rate, they possessed that power at present ; for the maximum rate of the bill under dicussion was 6d in the pound ; but the act expressly said it was not to exceed 6d ; therefore, if they levied a rate by vir tue of that bill, it might only be the sixteenth part of a penny, and that would be sufficient to satisfy all the provi sions of 'that act. If the' parish of Liverpool were not to derive any benefit, in being eased from taxation, in the name of goodness, of what advantage had been the municipal reform ? He considered that the parish of Liverpool had a right to demand ..the rescinding of the measure. At the vestry meeting which, took. place, wh en th e reso l u ti ons were passed to' empower the churchwardens to apply for the repeal of the act in question, there 'were, certain gentlemen, who, although they didnot expressly state that,they were autho rised by the donfinant party in that council, to say that the council did not :intend 'to carry the act into' effect, yet by • their language. they, implied that they were so authorised. Mi. Holmes concluded with the following motion i:--" That this council concur • with the parish of Liverpool, that it is pr9per,to,apnly:tor.parliainent for. the resciuding .of,the act, so far as 'regards this borough—and that the expense of such 4iPplication shall' tie: easily borne byAlia:council and the parish." • • Mr. Coop En. said it was the general opinion out of doors that' the churchwardens had the support of the public in their endeavours to get the act alluded' to rescinded, so far as re garded Liverpool. It was quite wrong in the council to say to the community generally, as they were saying, " We are going to levy sixpence in the pound, and we will tax you whether you are agreeable or not." He, for one, should de cidedly oppose the vesting in the'eouncil of any such power; and he thought that those individuals who were favourable to the clause would hesitate in approving of the proposed ap plication to Parliament, if they had sat with him and seen the number of appeals against the payment of the parish rate. Out of thirty-six thousand persons rated, fourteen thousand only had paid, leaving twenty-two thousand who had declared themselves paupers and unable to pay. He se conded the resolution. Mr. CURRIE remarked that the sentiments of Mr.'COoper were not to be considered as those of the council, but of Mr. Cooper himself. The council had never said that they would tax the public, whether the public were agreeable or not. On the contrary, the notice of .the Town-clerk was an act of forbearance ; for it was never intended to avail themselves of the powers conferred by the bill, except in cases when it would be prudential to do so, and until that time should ar rive, the Town-clerk and the council were willing that the act should lie in abeyance. Why, then, was it attempted to impress upon the public that the council were disposed to annoy-and oppress them ? He should be sorry that anything was either said or done to cause a difference between the corporation and the parish, for which there was not the slightest reason. The very object of the proposed bill was to obtain what the parish desired, namely, to relieVe the coun cil from the obligation of levying the rate. Mr. Woot.a.tcliT said that the select vestry wished to im press upon the public, that the council were desirous of taking from them all that they could get. Such was not the case. as was proved by the fact that the council hpd the power to levy the £B,OOO which they theinselves paidi - The old corporation had never paid a farthing towards the public expenses. He could not help feeling, all the time that Mr. Cooper was speaking, that his observations were addressed, not to the Mayor, but to the gentlemen who sat opposite to the Mayor (the reporters.) Mr. Alderman EARLE.—It is nothing but an electioneer ing trick. Mr. JOHN SMITH observed, that the impression on his mind had been that the proposed bill was to place 'the town in exactly the same position as it had been before the passing of the recent act. He could assure the council that there would be a great deal of jealousy if the council obtained the power intended to be applied for; for the public did not know how, when obtained, that power would be exercised. Mr. Alderman EVANS admired the modesty of the proposal made by some gentlemen. The council were asked to de prive themselves of the discretionary power, and to pay the expense of making a confession of their imbecility. He should like to contrast the capability of the council to decide on the subject of the public interests with that of the select vestry. They (the council) were the real representatives of the peo ple ; but what were the vestry ? He wished they were under that organisation which would give to their proceedings that order and regularity, and that responsibility, which the pub lic had a right to claim. The power had got into the hands of four or five men, many of whom were actuated by a desire to gain notoriety. Look at their acts ; and if he might judge of their capability from that, he should allude to their absurd efforts to put the poor rates on the dock estate. After acts of that sort, he did not consider that the select vestry could be said to represent the people ; they were not supposed to do so in a general way. The fact of lodging the proposed discretionary power in the hands of the council did not at all suppose that the power would be abused. The council was the proper depository of all power. He did not think that too much power could be given to it, because it was responsi ble in every way ; and if the public had anything to complain of, there was the proper place to seek for redress. But for the select vestry to come forward and ask the representatives of the people to denude themselves of any power was not only—he would avow the word—impertinence to the council, but an insult to the constituencies that sent them there. Mr. Alderman SnEIL should be sorry to see any of the public money expended in a contest between the corporation and the parish. He should at once vote for the power of levying to be in the select vestry, if they could by any fair means be styled the representatives of the town. As he was well known to entertain strong views in favour of giving to all an equal participation in the right of protecting themselves from taxation, and as the prespt system of electing the select vestry was diametrically opposed to those views, he could not consent to place in the hands of the vestry any power of which he could deprive them. The system was founded on the principle - that the rich alone could have a right of levying taxes.. The rieh,man aright have, twenty-four votes, whilst the poor man could have but one. For that reason, and that alone, he should certainly support the propriety of giving to the corporation the proposed power, because they were elected on a more general principle. Mr, G. IL LAWRENCE believed that if ever there was a well-regulated parish it was that of Liverpool. He thought it very hard that, when speaking on this subject,.persons should 'be taunted with speaking to the press, and for elec tioneering purposes, rather than from a wish to promote what they conceived to be ,the good of the tbwii. He thought, howeVer; that the council should not abandon the principle proposed by the town-clerk;. neither did he, think that the public would - sustain any loss by placing the power in the balids of the council;- for , It 'ought' to be recollected;lthat if ithqr had not ;this power, they had the powerofleyyingA otaikate., which would, tie supposed, put the matter on the 't aine' looting: "With- these vitYis, -he should , -ailtierte!tb' the -town'-clerk's opinion. BOLTON was opposed to giving any poWer to the pa- He said that it ought also to be borne •iii inind•lhat although £B5OO only was levied; the actual expenditure .Of the police, &c. was £25,000. He thought it better that they should retain the discretionary power of levyihg a watch-rate, than, in case of necessity, resort to a borough-rate. Mr. HENRY LAWRENCE disclaimed any concurrence in the opinion that there was an inclination on the part of the council' to throw burdens upon the public. He,. however,' could see no disadvantage in acceding to the proposal of the parish. It had been said that th 6 were' the'repre sentatiyes- of the public, and so they were to a certain extent ; but, as he did not wish to be personal, he should not enter into that subject. ' Mr. Alderman EARLE.—Say what you like; you can do no harm. Mr. H. LAWRENCE.—tinder the present municipal act many persons had - no vote at all, though he did'not on that account say. that the system of representation was unfair, as was said in many quarters. He hoped that the corporation and the parish would not proceed to extremities, for it would be foolish to waste their money in litigation. (Cheers and laughter.) -Mr. Baronr thought that the proposal now'rnade was, not calculated to allay the anxiety which prevailed, and. suggested that a select committee should be appointed to take the re port . of the Town-clerk into consideration. The. TowN-cLgitx, in reference to what had been said by Mr. Woolright, stated that there was now thrown on the borough fiiiid' the sum of £BOOO, to the exoneration of the parishioners of Liverpool. .Until the act of last . session, however, the council had no power to levy that £BOOO unless there.bas'no 'surplus. The Town-clerk then proceeded to show.whatwoultl be the result to the.parish if the whole six pence in thepound should ever happen te, be levied. Six pence in the pound, on the rental of , Liverpool, would yield £20,125, which, as the council had heard from Mr. Bolton, was less than the actual amount of the watch expenses. If the amount of the old watch-rate, £Bs27—the additional sum • tor better cleansing, £7OO, and the amount to which the parish had been relieved from county-rates, £11,500, were added together;they would produce a total of £20,727 ; and if from that - were deducted the sum saved to the corporate funds by exoneration from the parochial rates, there would remain £17,227, which, being deducted from the whole sum yielded by the levy of sixpence in the pound, would leave a balance of £28983, which the parish would have to pay. But so long as the council did not exercise the power of levying, the parish would remain a gainer by upwards of £BOOO. Mr. ISAAC HOLMES, in reply, said that if he had not fully made up his mind upon the measure of applying for a com plete repeal of the bill then under discussion, what had then transpired in the council would have caused him to advocate it. He was happy to find that Mr. Woolright completely accorded with him in opinion that there was no surplus fund. He (Mr. Holmes) contended that there never had been a surplus fund since the new corporation came into power. At present this corporation expended from eight to ten thousand pounds per annum more than the old one. (Mr. Rathbone and Mr. Bolton—" No, no.") He was ready to prove his assertion from the published documents, and would enter upon the subject the first opportunity. It had been stated that the council had power to levy a borough-rate, if the funds were not sufficient. Then why object to the re scinding of this bill? The select vestry had been abused in no measured terms. It was said that they were no repre sentatives—that they were merely chosen by four or five individuals ; but what was the case of this council ? One third of the whole council were merely chosen by two or three individuals—(Mr. Mellor here rose to call Mr. Holmes to order, but the Mayor decided that he was in order)—and one-half of those gentlerhen were actually the rejected of the people. The vote was then taken. The motion of Mr. Holmes Was lost by 39 to 13. For the motion there were—Councillors D. Hodgson, I. Holmes, R. Houghton, W. Preston, J. Barton, J. Cooper, J. Lawrence, T. Robinson, H. Lawrence, J. N. Wood, R. Gladstone, It. Jones, jun., arid J. Smith. Against it- 7 -Councillors J. Holmes, W. Thornhill, H. R. Sandbach, G. Quayle, T. Case, H. Holmes, J. Mellor, E. Pilcher, T. Bolton, J. Woolright, R. Bright, W. Rathbone, H. Hornby, R. V. Yates, C. Bushell, T. Morecroft, G. H. Lawrence, T. Coglan, J. S. Leigh, J. Platt, W. M`Kee, F. Jordan, W. M. Duncan, W. W. Currie, D. Mather ; Alder men R. Sheil, T. Booth, J. Hornby, T. Leathoin, G. Holt, R; Berm, W. Earle, J. Moon, E. Evans, T. B.. Barclay, T. Bailey; T. Holt, E. Harvey ; and the Mayor. Abseut—Councillors B. Frankland, G. Wright, T. Sands, Priestly, W. Lassell, J. Carson, T. Blackburn, R. Rigby, E. Segar ; Aldermen R. Roskell, C. H. Jones, and W. P. Freme. • The MAYOR then observed that it would be necessary that some reply should be made to the select vestry. Mr. CASE thought that the matter did not seem to be properly understood by the select vestry, and he suggested that, in Order to effect a complete understanding, and to save the, expense of litigation, a committee should be appointed to confer' ith the vestry. Mr. CURRIE said that as it would be necessary to follow the matter up, he should move the following resolution : " That this council, animated by an anxious desire to pro mote the utmost harmony and good understanding with the members of the select vestry, regre t that they cannot concur with the wish of that body 'that they should relinquish the power in question ; but, with a proper regard to the arrival of a period when it may be necessary to avail themselves of that power, they utterly disclaim any present intention of doing so, and sincerely hope that such a contingency will never. occur." Mr. BO .TON seconded the motion. Mr. Alderman EVANs could not conceive the use of it, because the council had already decided the question, and left no discretion whatever. He did not want to contend for the right to be arrogant in the matter; but he considered that' the council ought to maintain its own position and its own dignity ; and he did say that this motion was a conces sion not consistent with the dignity of the council, and alto gether uncalled for, and would be absolutely useless in its effects. It was undertaking to say what they would do in future. Mr. RATUBONE did not take the same view of the motion .as Mr. Evans did.. He thought that it was merely a cour teous reply to the select vestry, and called for by the wish of the council, as expressed by his good friend Mr. Lawrence, that they should not throw away the public money in law charges. - It Was . a mere act of courtesy, which, as a public \ body, the select vestry were entitled to ; and although that body should forget what was due to themselves, the council ought not to forget what was due to their own character. _ The TOWN-CLERK said it had struck him, on hearing the resolution of Mr. Currie, that, if it were placed in juxtaposi tion with that of the select vestry, it might appear as if the council were giving up the position which they had taken. He had, therefore, framed the following :—" Resolved—That while this council is animated by an anxious desire upon all occasions to promote the utmost harmony and good under standing with the members of the select vestry, they regret that they cannot concur in the wish of that body that they should .relinqnish the power in question ; but with a proper regard to the possibility of the period arriving when,it may be necessary to avail themselves of the power, they utterly disclaim any present intention of doing so, and sincerely hope, as they fully expect, that such contingency will never occur." Mr. CURRIE consented to withdraw his motion, and to move that which had been drawn but by the town-clerk.: Mr. BOLTON seconded it. Mr. COOPER said:that he' could ITS' lnit' look upon the whole proceeding as an attempt to take money out of the pockets of the parishioners without an . act of parliament. If the council wanted the power of levying a rate, why did they not go for a borough-rate, by which means the public would not be called upon to pay without knowing what they had to pay for. • Mr. Bust' EL L much regretted that it should go forth to the public that the interests of the parish were not duly consi dered in that room. He considered himself as one of the representatives of the parish at large, and could not under stand how the interests of the corporation and the parish could be disunited. As one of the representatives of the pa rishioners, he should always feel great distrust in acting con trary to the opinion of their legal adviser; for although he entered that chaniber prepared to act on his own opinion, the opinion of their legal adviser would always have great weight with him ; it ought indeed to be - departed from with great care and caution. Mr. B. concluded with a few obser vations on the remarks made by Mr. Alderman Shed, to which that gentleman briefly replied. The motion was then agreed to without opposition, and the council separated. REPRESENTATION OF ST. ANN'S WARD. The independent and Conservative burgesses of St. Ann's ward dined together, on Tuesday evening, at Mr. Holden's, in Richmond-row, for the purpose of commemorating the re turn of Robert Jones, jun., Esq., to the town-council. About sixty gentlemen sat down—the largest number the' room could accommodate ; had there been more convenience the attendance would have been trebled. The %hair was oc cupied by James Parker, Esq., and the vice-presidents were Robert Garratt, and John Cooper Grocott, Esqrs. The en.. joyinents of the evening were materially increased by a variety of excellent singing, by Messrs. Holden, George. Caerns, and Lunt, under the able leadership of Mr. J. Taylor at the pianoforte. Non npbk Dornine having bcenchatinted, . The PRESIDENT rose and said, before he submitted the list of toasts which he held in his hand, he must be alle'Wed to make an observation on the position which he now occu pied. He should like to have seen one of those gentlemen who had been foremost in gaining the victory they were met to celebrate in his situation, and it was with extreme reluc tance he took the chair. The first toast was one which called for no remark ; it was a pure Conservative toast, and there fore it called for no remarks. It was, " Her most gracious Majesty the Queen, and may she long live in the hearts and affections of a loyal people. (Three times three.) National anthem, " God save the Queen." The next toasts were " Her Majesty the Queen Dowager, the orna ment of her sex, and the rest of the Royal Family ;" " The Duke ;" " Lord Lyndhurst and the Conservative Peers ;" " Sir Robert Peel and the Conservative Members of the House of Commons ;" all of which were most enthusiastically applauded. The PRESIDENT briefly, and in appropriate terms, intro duced the toast of " Our glorious Constitution in Church and State." (Great applause.) The Rev. Mr. PICTON said he rose with mingled feelings of gratitude and pleasure to respond to the toast which had been so unanimously and so heartily received. He rose with feelings of gratitude, because he saw himself surrounded by those who were ever staunch supporters of that Constitution for which our forefathers bled and died ; he rose also with feelings of pleasure, because he found himself in the midst of those who were warmly attached to the interests of that Church, which had for its end the glory of God and the sal vation of man. (Cheers.) It became the ministers of the Gospel at all times, but especially in times like the present, to stand boldly forth in the defence of their Zion, when they saw her assailed and opposed by open and avowed enemies from without, as well as by false and pretended friends from within. (Hear, hear.) He was not there, he would wish it to be understood, in the character of a political partizan (hear); he was there as a humble guest at that table, which had been prepared in honour of the return to the town coun cil of a gentleman whose principles and integrity every true conservative could but admire. (Cheers.) The principles of that gentleman were sound and good ; they were fraught with every tendency calculated to promote, not only the ge neral good, but likewise to give efficiency and stability to that Church which had for ages past proved a blessing to our own country, and to every other country whither its princi ples and doctrines had been carried and promulgated. (Loud cheers.) With these feelings of gratitude and pleasure, and with these few remarks, he begged to conclude by cordially thanking the meeting for the manner in which they had been pleased to notice the Church of which he was a very humble minister. (Cheers.) The PRESIDENT said the next was the toast of the evening, for it was the health of the conservative member for St. Ann's Ward (loud cheers) ; • but, before they drank it, he begged to offer a feW remarks. What was the position of the ward one month previous to the contest in which the conservatives had gained the victory ? (Hear, hear.) Why, • it was looked upon as decidedly in the bands of the radicals ; indeed a friend of his, to whose political principles, however, he was opposed, had frequently boasted to him, " We have nothing to do but to walkover the course." (Hear.) Mr. Jones came forward not to gratify his own vanity, but, like a true Conservative in principle and practice, he said the ward should not be lost for want of a contest. (Cheers.) The conservatives then mustered their forces ; they stormed the citadel ; they' niade a breach in the walls ; and they planted t'lleifitandard•ot", conservatism victorious upon the ramparts. .(cheers.),, The radicals were completely defeated. (Cheers.) Aborby *horn Was the victory Won ? Was it•aehieved by the merchants. of the ward? No; it was astiievgl by Mr. Jones•and a few tradesmen who were asso 4hatectvbith him. (Cheers.) 'They formed themselves into allim.band., and carried all before them (Hear.) Of those tradesmen none were more active than Mr. Holmes. (Hear.) By whom had the radicals been driven from the representa- Aicli of the 'town but by the tradesinen? (Hear.) In like manner it was the tradesmen of Liverpool who would ere long drive the radicals froth the town council. (Hear.) At the smite time some little allowatice must be made for our ono milts ,sitnated as they were,.for, the strong feeling they had manifested r at their defeat in this ward. When it was found that' the citadel was earried r a conneil °. f war was held, and ' a very ,old political engineer —one of twenty 'years' standing —was called in for the purpose of forming a mine. That mine had been sprung, and an explosion had taken place; but it had;rehounded with infamy upon the parties who in vented it. (Cheers.) It had made Mr. JOfies stand higher in the estimation of the burgesses of the:ward, and of the town at large. (Cheers.) When the supposed heavy charge against Mr. Jones was mooted in the town council, what was the consequence? Did not Mr. Jones court inquiry ? and what did Mr. Bushell and the conservative members say ? Why, that they would be the Ost to raise their hands against him ! (Hear.) The council passed'a resolution for investi gating the affair ; no less than seventeen witnesses were ex amined ; and great credit was due to the TOwn-clerk for the manner in which he presented the inquiry. But when he (the Town-clerk) brought forward his report, how was it received? (Hear.) Mr. Berm, the alderman of the ward, Said, " I am proud and glad that the inquiry has been made; Mr. Jones has come out of it free, and 1 am thankful for it." What said the chief magistrate ? Did he not say that a full investigation had been made, that an impartial decision had been given by the Town-clerk, and that every gentleman in the council, ought to be satisfied with it? (Cheers.) But this would not do ; the sting was too smart, and another scheme must be resorted to : they said, "We must drive Mr. Jones into a corner, and then we shall manage him." (Hear, hear.) They proposed a committee, a majority of which were radicals ; Mr. Jones even seconded that, and another investigation took place ; and what was the result of this third trial ? Why, that Mr. Jones was fully acquitted of any participation, directly or indirectly, in the charges brought against him. Great credit was due to the Conservative - gentlemeh who investigated the affair for their patience and care ; had he (the President) been one, he should not have consented to put in a clause with a qualifica tion. In order to screen Mr. Coglan from a prosecution, a clause was inserted in the report, to the effect that the charges Were neither frivolous nor vexatious. He (the President) knew why that was introduced. The Radicals, being a ma jority, said, " we agree that Mr. Jones must be acquitted, but we fear for Coglan ;" and, consequently, to screen Cog lan, they voted that the charge was neither frivolous nor vexatious. (Hear, hear.) The President concluded by pro posing the health of Mr. Jones, which was received with four times four. Mr. JONES, on rising to reply, was greeted with renewed cheers. It gave hint pleasure, he said, and he felt delighted to see so many of his respected friends crowded around. They had met to do him the honour of celebrating his return —a return fraught.with vexation and disappointment to him self—but nevertheless it had been a glorious victory. (Hear.) He had no ambition to gratify in going into the council— (hear)—but, seeing the manner in which this ward had been grasped by their Radical opponents, he thought it high time for the Conservatives to oppose them. A few Conservatives met on the very eve of the election ; they united their forces ; and they gained their victory. (Cheers.) The troubles they had had to contend with since, had, whilst they lasted, been very annoying; but he had the satisfaction of. saying that they had terminated in a victory even greater than the first. (Cheers.) The machinations of the party calling themselves " liberals" had indeed been such, that he trusted the Conser vatives would not only deprive then' of the-government in the councils of the town, but in the councils of the nation. (Hear.) The standard they had set up in the late inquiry had been the standard of party ; and he would appeal to all who had read the evidence, how poor in other respects were their pre tences. There was one circumstance in the case which ap peared to have escaped the notice of the press. When the subject was first mooted by Mr. Benn, the motion went to the effect that it should be referred to the Town-clerk to re port. Mr. Coglan supported, and was satisfied with that proportion. Now if Mr. Coglan, at the following meeting had come prepared with a resolution, to the effect, that during the interval between one meeting and the other, he had become dissatisfied with the Town-clerk as the referee, there had been no complaint; but he did not prepare himself till after the decision of the Town-clerk had been announced to the council. Mr. Benn, on the decision being read, said he was satisfied with it, and that he felt gratified the matter was at an end ; but Mr. Coglan was not, and he wished to go into details. The Mayor told him he could not, unless he intended to conclude with a motion, to which he replied that he should. Mr. Rathbone then took a piece of paper and prepared a motion ; Mr. Coglan continued speaking, and when he had concluded, the council were kept waiting for several minutes before the motion so p re pared by Mr. Rath bone was moved. Mr. Rathbone had previously passed it over to Mr. Coglan to see if it suited; and finding it did, he (Mr. Rathbone) immediately seconded it. (Hear.) Now was it prudent for any individual to enter the council-cham ber, and arrogate an importance which did not really be long to hint—because he might fancy he possessed knowledge and experience superior to those of any other member ; or of the eloquence he possessed, and the learning he had achieved, to become the ready factotum of their opponents of the radi cal party? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Coglan, in the first instance, was perfectly satisfied with the course proposed, and con tented to abide by its issue. There must have been some well organized committee at work to carry the matter further, that told Mr. Coglan he ought to be dissatisfied, and that they would prepare what he should propose. The venom was therefore prepared by Mr. Rathbone, a n d vented by Mr. Coglan. (Hear.) He (Mr. Jones) had already said that in entering the town-council he had no ambition of his own to gratify. He felt, in doing so, that he owed a duty to the ward, namely, to endeavour to rescue it from the grasp of the radical party ; he had succeeded—(cheers) —and he hoped the time was not far distant when the standard of conserva tism would be permanently unfurled and planted in it. (Loud cheers.) With this hope he begged the meeting to accept his thanks for * the honour conferred upon him ; but before he concluded, they must permit him to say that, little as was his ability, he had acted conscientiously in the discharge of his duty, and that he hoped to serve them in a way to reflect credit upon himself, and prove advantageous to the burgesses of the ward. (Cheers.) Mr. ISAAC HOLMES then jocularly intimated to the com ae pany that there had recently been a second meeting at the Angel, at which it had been determined that a lamentation should be composed for the loss of St. Ann's Ward ; and he believed that one of their musical friends would oblige-the , company by singing that lamentation, as well as the lamenta a. - tion of Mr. Joseph Mason. Mr. GEORGE then sang the following parody : Oh, cruel were the voters who would not vote for me, And cruel was the brewer, who such a sight could see— Oh, are the tories, together they at; leagued, By liberals - and radical, no longer are deceived. Mr. ISAAC HOMES.-It was afterwards determined that all the fallen angels should join in the lamentation ; and the company will now hear the lament of the fallen angels, alias ie radicals. Oh, cruel was the town-clerk, committing a great sin, To make so cruel a repOrt, not even worth a pin ! And cruel were the judges; in their judgment they did stray, With their cruel ouster order to drive long shanks away. Oh, cruel of St. Ann's, to become a tory ward, For liberal cant and promises they now have no regard— Our curses on the tortes, that ward they've fairly won, There's Segar and poor Tommy Cog, completely are undone. Oh, cruel are the freemen whom we wish to buy or sell, But yet our gold they will not take, and that we know full well; For Billy and fur Elphinstone we Weed bribes in vain— They spurned our bribes, and will not vote for radicals again. Then since we are iu sore distress, we'll make our lamentation 'Gainst Robert Jones and Isaac Holmes, we'll vent our in dignation— Our curses on those tories, they care not for our frown, We wish them from the council, we would drive them from the town. Mr. Isaac HOLMES.—And it was determined that the whole should conclude with the lamentation of Mr. Joseph Mason, which you will now hear, with a liberal offer : Oh, cruel were the voters who would not vote for me, And cruel was the brewer, who such a sight could see ! Then, since I'm now a cast-away, I'm always to be found, Licens'd to give my best advice on payment of five pound ! The song elicited much laughter and approbation. The CHAIRMAN then gave—" The Conservative Mem bers of the Town-council." Mr. Isas.c Hol.mus responded in an address of consider able length. He alluded to the reception which he and other conservative members had met with in the town-council, and spoke of the rising prospects. The conservatives had now twenty members in the council, and, if they had fair play, they would have been able to muster as many councillors as the radical party.. That day intelligence had been brought of a rule having been granted relative to Evertor Ward, and he supposed that there was now every reason to expect that the representation of Everton Ward would be given to a conservative. (Cheers.) The speaker here proceeded to detail very minutely the case of personation (that of John Davies) which took place at the recent municipal contest in lf t verton Ward ; he stated that the names of the three radi cal canvassers who had knowingly brought forward a non 'elector of the name of John Davies to poll for a registered burgess of the same name could be brought forward ; and he concluded his observation on this point by stating that he had no doubt whatever that similar frauds had been practised by the radicals in every ward in which they could practise them undiscovered. He then alluded to the case of Mr. R. Jones, to the bitterness and pertinacity with which it had been urged, even after an acquittal had been given in by the town-clerk, and it had been shown to the satisfaction of every reasonable mind that the accusations were completely • un: founded. He said, that although it had been proved that there was not a tittle of evidence to support the two charges of Mr. Coglan, Mr. Coglan had not the manliness to come forward to apologise, either to the town or to Mr. Jones. for having brought those two accusations, but he had gone, like a sulky child detected in a falsehood, into a corner, nursing his anger, and sucking his own venom. He (Mr:Holmes) repeated that, unless Mr. Coglan came forward to apologise for his unfounded statement, the shame and the reproach would rest upon him. Mr. Holmes proceeded to give an outline of the evidence adduced on behalf of Mr. Jones, which completely disproved the charges brought against him, and showed that they had originated in direct falsehood. Mr. COOPER also rose to return thanks. After a brief allusion to several proceedings on the part of the council in the policy of which he did not concur, he called attention to the fact, that two or three additional schools were intended to be built at the expense of the corporation. He hoped the inhabitants of Liverpool would never rest satisfied unless these schools were appropriated to the education of the chil dren of parents of the established church. (Cheers.) For, he had ever contended, and must still..holtla - that so long as the children of Protestants could not, with a due regard to principle, be sent to these schools, they were deprived of the right of participating in the funds of the corporation which were applied to the purposes of education. (Hear, hear.) He would say a word or two with regard to the watch-rate. (Hear, hear.) He happened to know that the bill which authorised a watch-rate to be levied, was framed with the in tention of giving that power only to such towns as Leeds, Manchester, Bolton, and Birmingham, where there had been previously no corporations, and consequently no funds. It was never contemplated to extend it to Liverpool, and there fore he should support the churchwardens in their endeavour to procure its repeal, as far as this town was concerned. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Cooper concluded by proposing the healths of the MeMbers for the County. (Cheers.) Mr. ISAAC HOLMES, with a neat and appropriate intro duction, proposed the health of the chairman, the conserva tive candidate for St. Ann's Ward, at the next election. He spoke highly of the character and ability of Mr. Parker, and expressed a hope that the conservative electors would do their duty when the day of battle arrived. (Much cheering.) The CHAIRMAN, on rising to respond, was received with enthusiastic applause. He stated that, if permitted to follow the bent of his own inclination, he would much rather remain in the quiet of retirement than mingle in the turmoil of a political life. It had been hinted to him, that he should be proposed as the conservative candidate at the next election for St. Ann's Ward; and lie then stated what he now re peated, that if, at the last hour, no more efficient and deserv ing gentleman could be found to (tome forward, he would sa crifice his personal feelings, and, like his friend Mr. Jones, do all that he could to rescue the ward from the hands of the radicals. (Much applause.) The chairman then referred to the broken professions of economy of the dominant party in the town council, to the importance of the warehouse and the education questions, and concluded by saying, that if his ser vices should be needed, he should not hesitate in coining fariaari, (Cheers.) - • . Mi. t: Jose gave" . The Members for the Borough." (Loam and long'continued applause.) The CHAIRMAN, with a suitable eulogium on their v:;lu ahle services, proposed—" The Chairman, Committee, and Canvassers of St. Amt's Ward." (Applause.) Mr. R. GAILRATT, one of the vice-chairmen of the evening, and the chairman of the ward committee, returned thanks. The CHAIRMAN next gave , —" The Honorary Secretary of St. Ann's Ward, Mr. R. Harrison." (Cheers.) • Mr. R. HARnis6N, in responding to the toast, said, that the consideration which induced him to accept the honour able position of Secretary to the,Ward was, because he con sidered it might render him an opportunity of advanciug those principles in which he had been instructed, and which he hoped.he•would always uphold. He had previous to the achievement of the late victory in the ward, almost despaired of seeing the efforts of himself and colleagues crowned with that success which the cause they espoused so richly merited; but the result of the late contest, in having their hopes re alized, had dispelled all doubts, and lie was convinced that on any future Occasion, by a mutual co-operation and a deter mination of purpose, they would be enabled triumphantly to contend with their opponents. He thanked them sincerely for the manner in which they had received the mention of his name in connexion with the toast, and he begged to assure them, so long as he enjoyed their confidence, he would never shrink from lending his aid, however humble, in carrying out those principles they all so highly . esteemed. (Loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN next proposed—" The vice-presidents of the evening." (Cheers.) Mr. GRocoTT replied, alluding to his office of assessor of the ward, and stating that his endeavour on all occasions had been to act with impartiality. (Applause.) The health of John Formby. Esq. was next given from the chair, and a hope expressed that at the next municipal elec tion he would have a seat in the town-council. (Great ap plause.) Mr. FORMBY replied, stating that in two or three years hence lie might perhaps aspire to the honour, but he th o ught that for the coming contest the conservatives were already very well provided. He then referred to the harsh course which had been pursued in the case of Mr. Jones, and made several observations on the fact of a certain newspaper having persisted in maintaining that Mr. Jones was guilty, even af ter he had been twice acquitted. Such conduct, he observed, would not have been tolerated in the case of the humblest individual, after a jury of his countrymen had aquitted The newspaper in question, having, however, received no tice that an action would probably be brought, had become silent, and not said a word since. The CHAIRMAN proposed—" The 193 burgesses who re corded their votes in favour of Mr. Jones." Mr. HOLDEN, the worthy host, replied, and in the course of his remarks gave a synopsis of the evidence he had given before the committee of inquiry on the case of Mr- • Jones. That evidence. as he stated, distinctly gave the lie to the statements of one of the opposing witnesses. The CHAIRMAN gave—" Mr. Wilkinson and the Conser vative Tradesmen's Association of Liverpool." (Applause.) Mr. WILKINSON briefly responded, and concluded by giv ing " The Conservative Operative Association of Liverpool. (Applause.) The chairman, with a number of the guests then departed ; but the festivity was afterwards continued under the presi dency of Mr. Grocott, and several gentlemen addressed the meeting on local topics, amongst whom was Mr. George Wright. NS_ COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. THE QUEEN V. QUAY LE. Sir W. Follett was instructed to move for a rule nisi for a quo warranto, commanding the defendant to show by what authority he claimed to exercise the office of town councillor of the borough of Liverp oo l, It appeared that two candi dates, a Mr. Shand and Mr. Quayle, tried for the office. At first the majority of votes was declared to be in favour of Mr. Quayle, but ultimately it was discovered that both parties had polled the saline number of votes. It was subsequently , however, discovered that a system had been adopted of per sonating the votes of voters who were not at the time in the country, and thus Mr. Quayle appeared to have more votes than he really was entitled to. - L those circumstances, the majority was in favour of Mr. Shand. It was further discovered,that the vote of a person named Evan Jones, w ho had voted in favour of Mr. Shand, had been struck out, through a mistake which he had made in answering affirma tively the question put to him, whether he had before voted at the election. It was held, that having once voted, he could not vote again, and accordingly his vote was struck out; but he entirely mistook the question, as he meant to convey by his answer that he could not vote again. Rule granted. HUNGARIAN NATIONAL Pain .—The pride of the Ma gyar, which is one of his strongest train, leads him to look down on every other nation by which be is surrounded with sovereign contempt. • All foreigners are either Schwab (Ger man), or Talydu (Italian) ; and it is difficult to imagine the supercilious air with which the Magyar peasant pronounces those two words. As for his more immediate neighbours, it is worse still ; fur the most miserable Paraszt-ember (poor man, peasant !) of Debreezen would scorn alliance or inter course with the richest Wallack in the country. I remember the Baroness W telling ine, that as she was going to Debreczen sonic years ago with vorspann, she was accom panied by her footman, who happened to be a Wallack ; and, in speaking to her, he was overheard by the Magyar coach man using that language. The peasant made no observation at the time •, but, as they approached the town, he pulled up' and desired the fobtinati to get down ; assuring the lady 8 t the satnnthue,,that he meant no disrespect to her, but that it was quite i m possible that h e , a Magy ar , s h ou ld en d ure the disgrace of driving a Wallack into Debreczen. Entreatie s and threats were alike vain : the peasant declared he would take out his horses, it the footman did not get down—which he accordingly did. The Germans are scarcely better treated it was only the other day, when Count M—, au Austria° officer of high rank, was calling on Madame R—, that her little son happening to let fall some plaything he had in big hand, the count :applied his glass. to his eye, and politely offered to find it. for him. The child, however, though it could hardly speak, had already l earne d t o hate ; an d in it,l sparing vocabulary it .fonod-the-: words'' blinder Schwab I which it launched forth with all the bitterness it could MO" - ter, in answer to - the polite offer.-of 'the astonished count.-- Pagees ffungary wed Transeninzia.... I I