The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-05-15 00:00:00

ion his 'bo tr.) i gilt wt.) . 72te irtY ;:ate f 10 iord nell ar.) ;Ts- t h a t 1 1 10 D 101. 0 the nied , Jed Awe , some pro ued )oso v ton' 'from more forj, praF', e st at r vials y I!0 ° OSIVe D Sa id t Wk ° Bata' Wer e theS e Mr. -Ic te -5 title ,;t 1 la 'vision and perjury ? (Hear.) If they protest against the oath what is the inducement to take it ? Without entering into the theological part the civil part is this—if you fail in it it will cost you nothing. (Hear.) Now, sir, a failure in the attempt ought to be charged with costs. (Hear, hear.) Lord Stanley's bill proposes that failure in such an attempt should be charged with costs, and this will take one argu ment out of the priests' mouths, and add one item of protec tion to the poor man's conscience. (Cheers.) But I must forbear. Sir, the question before us is not one of mere Irish interest or of mere local application. It affects the whole empire. (Hear.) Look at the principle involved in it. Sir Thomas, some of us have been giving warning to this country for the last ten or twelve years ; we have been telling plainly and pretty clearly , that the conscientious members of the Roman Catholic Church are not bindable by an oath admi nistered by heretics. We have been making it plain, that, perjury is not to be considered a crime, committed by a few individuals belonging to the system in despite of the system, but that it is - a part, a deliberately organized part, of the sys tem itself. . A VOICE.—No, no. (Cries of " yes, yes," and hisses.) Mr. MiNEILE.—An argument will be better than all your yeses. Have patience. (Loud cheers.) I do not wonder at any honest man feeling indignant at such a charge, and as an honest man myself I should not advance such a charge but that I am penetrated to the heart's core with the best evidence of the truth of it. (Cheers.) A VOlCE.—Prove it. (Hear.) • Mr. M'NEILE.—Come then, lam ready with proof. (Im mense applause.) The influence of the Romish priesthood over the people is notorious, and not denied. Now with regard to these priests, every beneficed man among them is bound by oath—not an oath given to heretics, but an oath to the superiors of his order,—to agreement with all that is defined in all the general councils of the church. (Hear.) If any man denies that, I will send him to the creed of Pope Pius the 4th, to which every Romish priest is bound by oath as much as I myself am bound to the 39 articles of the Church of England. (Hear.) Th e y are sworn t o a ll that is defined in all the general councils. One of those councils has declared clearly and distinctly, that oaths in opposition to the advantage of the church, contra eccleshe utilitatem, ate not to be considered oaths but perjuries. (Hear.) We ltriisve spoken this ; we h ave pr i nte d thi s ; we h ave c i rcu l ate d bish ; we ha ve sent this:to the priests, the bishops, the arch bishops, the d emagogues, aye, to the ag i tators ; we have invited any one, or all of them, to advance a proof in op- Position to .it, and to this hour they are all silent. (Tremen dous Roman ch Catholicceers .) But the f e o bis t h h o e p se s, r a e n alm dt s pu hea t rchbishops of the forth a declara tion to the people of England, protesting in the most solemn manner, it was a vile calumny to charge them with not being ' bound b y an oath ; they did so. The very men who had sworn to that counc i l, put forth that' declaration ! (Hear, hear.) I say, sir, we have exposed the flagrant hypocrisy of men who to gain a Point with the British public, disclaimed upon' oath the very L a )ri r n o ciplestowhich they themselves were bound by oath. (H We showed the nefarious hypocrisy of the men—l will name some of them to you—Dr. Troy, Dr. Doyle, and Dr. Murray, who lives still, and can answer if he dare. (Tremendous cheers.) I say we showed the nefa rious hypocrisy of these men who were secretly circulating by episcopal authority in Ireland, the very principles which they were denying upon oath before committees of the House of Lords in England ! (Cheers.) We have given the in stances, the dates, we have compared their evidence in the House of Lords, with their notes in the Bible ; we have shown they were circulating the Rhemish testament with its persecuting notes at the very time they were swearing that such principles had never been circulated in Ireland. (Cheers.) More than this—we have again and again an swered the arguments brought forward in their defence, namely, that their people so respect an oath, that for years and wears they were kept back from civil principles in Eng land, rather than take the oath required by the then existing laws. (Hear.) Was it by the respect for that oath, or by their attachment to their own superstitious creed ? (Hear.) Observe. If it be asked, upon the supposition that they disregard an oath, why did they not pretend to renounce their religion and take that oath, and so pass on to parlia mentary and all other privileges, the answer is this ;—By so doing nothing would have been gained to the church. (Hear, hear.) The gain would have been to individuals obviously and avowedly forsaking their church. The oath required the abjuration of popery; the individual taking it would have gained undoubtedly advantage, but the stigma of idolatry would have remained nationally, as it is scripturally, affixed upon his church. For individual advantage then the system never would sanction wide spread or indiscriminate perjury; but change the aspect to the other, and let the church, as a system, be the gainer, and then every species of individual perjury becomes a martyr's sacrifice to their creed. (Hear.) Sir, our warnings were not taken—(hear)—our assertions were not believed ; we were accused of libelling the Romari Ca tholic religion even when we quoted out of their own books ----- (hear)—books in authority in their own church ; even When we quoted their own standard books, returned to par liamentary committees as being taught in the college of May tooth ! (Hear.) Yes ; the very quotations out of their own books were charged as libels against their own religion ! (Hear, hear.) Well, so went on the matter, till experience, Which is a very powerful teac:eer, seems to have thrown new • light upon the minds of some of the most influential senators. They have learned that wisdom from experience which they refused to learn from books ; and now they see something more is necessary to carry out their legislation among the Roman Catholics of Ireland than an appeal to an oath ! (Hear, hear.) When the Municipal Reform Bill for Ireland was first before the House of Commons, Sir Robert Peel insisted, in order to determine the qualification of a claimant, that there should be a proof beyond the oath of the claimant —that there should be the voucher of his taxation by the poor law list. (Hear.) And the other night, in the House of Lords, the Duke of Wellington—(at the. mention of the name of this illustrious man all the meeting simultaneously rose and gave three cheers for his Grace)—l will tell you what he said. He said, " I would recommend your lordships to look for some other evidence than the individual's own oath uton the subject." (Hear.) Sir, we rejoice to know them. Cheers.) Perhaps such tads as the one recorded in the Cork petition, presented the other night to the House of Commo ns , by Mr. Sergeant Jackson, has tended to en lighten his Grace's mind. A considerable number of persons swore that their houses were of the annual value of £lO, and they were registered as voters, but at the quarter sessions the same parties, in order to obtain exemption from local taxation, swore that the same houses were not of the value of 1:5 ! (Hear, hear.) Lord Stanley feels, as Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington Aetin to do, that something is required to help a poor Irish man to keep his oath, or rather to protect him against his tyrants. (Cheers.) Lord Stanley seems to have ascertained it is not quite so convenient for the priest to pay the costs as to absolve from the perjury ; therefore he proposes there should be costs enacted against frivolous claims. (Hear.) Oh, depend upon it, they did not say a word about that in the square—that is the sore place. (Cheers and laughter.) Thus, sir, we find our statesmen driven by experience to at tempts to stretch the British constitution, so that it shall include those who are not to be bound by an oath. Hitherto the glory of our constitution has been its Scriptural basis — (hear)—and an oath for confirmation the end of all strife. This is still the glory of the Protestant members of this great community—(hear, hear, hear)—and I stand here on behalf of the Protestants of Ireland to ask why they are to be in sulted; to ask why they are to be drawn into the same category of legislation with men who have broken bonds, and who are not bindable by an oath? (Hear.) But, sir, if the good of the whole country may be attained by the Protestants of Ireland being content to pocket this affront ; if by their forbearance upon this point they may tend to the universal Christian weal ; if the stretching of the constitution can take place, so as to include all without injury to ally, then a remedy may be attained in this direction ; but if you find that the constitution in order to stretch enough must break, if you find in making your legislation palatable to Ro ruanists you must divest it of all that makes it safe for Pro testants, then your choice is not between exclusion and in clusion, but your choice is between exclusion and existence. (Loud cheers.) Sir Thomas, it is rapidly coming to this. Our legislators are trying the last experiment; they are try ing the last experiment : they are trying whether a reference to a voucher, to a taxation list, will do to guard the outposts of the constitution against men who will not be restrained by the sanctity of an oath. (Hear.) The experiment is going on. If Lord Stanley's bill passes, the experiment will be tried ; if it succeeds we shall rejoice ; if it succeeds, though many, many members of the British constitution may lament that such a disgraceful refuge (for after all it is a disgrace) is had recourse to, to bind them, then it will be well ; but if it should turn out to be impossible, if the interests of the em pire are proved to be at stake, if the existence of Protestant ism, identified as it is with the great Scriptural principle of the observation of an oath, be found to be incompatible, then the question must be decided, whether, in order to please our Roman Catholic fellow subjects, we are to send our constitution in shivers before the winds ' or whether we are to reform its buttresses, to mature and protect and strengthen them, by putting them on the rock of the holy Word of God, and to maintain to Protestantism exclusively not only the Crown, which is still so—not only the Lord Lieutenancy, which is still so—not only the Lord Chancellorships, which are still so, but to carry out the principle, which remains yet at the top. (Hear.) Why not throw open the Crown, the Lord Lieutenancy, and the Woolsack, as well as everything else? Oh, there is a latent suspicion still that it will not do. (Cheers.) I say this is a great experiment going on to ascertain how far what is called liberalism in Politics can be carried with safety to the British constitution. (Cheers.) We should rejoice to carry it as far as possible, for we do not want to limit time franchise of our fellow sub jects as is slanderously reported of us ; no such thing ; but we desire that the franchise should be legally claimed. (hear.) If the franchise should he extended, let it be done openly and above board by the legislature, and not by the back door of fraudulent perjury. (Cheers.) If we are to have universal suffrage, let it be enacted in the House of Commons ; if we are to have men voting in the place of dead men, let them legalise it if they arc not ashamed ; but do not let qs have honesty, plain dealing, justice, and sincerity of heart out raged by this bit by bit intrusion upon us—this secretly undermining and sapping the foundations of the edifice which they are afraid boldly to attack. (Cheers). I must have done, but first I is ant to tell you that you should make a matter of real serious conscience of this. If you believe what I say, that this experiment is going on, every man has a part in it, and has a part to take. If there were such an expression of genuine protestant feeling as really is existing in England, I say if it were made plain and palpable, every hand that from an honest heart applauds such sentiments as I have uttered, would take the pen, sign a petition, and make his voice heard constitutionally in the House of Commons. It is not a pe tition with five, ten, fifteen, or twenty thousand names,.that would then go from this town ; but we should have a petition with a hundred thousand names. (Loud cheers.) And so of other towns. There is a slumbering principle in the Pro testant population of England, and I do not regret that it re quires excitement to bring it out. There is health when the body is in a state of quiescence, but morbid excitement is a sign of disease. There yet remains some health in the body, I say ; a degree of quiescence is a sign of health ; but you must remember that even a healthy man may fall a victim if the house be pulled down about his ears. (Hear.) We want the slumbering feeling to be roused, and that the men of England should feel there is a real cause. (Cheers.) What were you told here the other day? It is reported here that at the meeting in Clayton-square it was said that uni versal suffrage and ballot, and other such measures, were put out of sight for the present—that they were slumbering like giants, only to rise again and carry all before them. (Hear.) And so they will, if you slumber—not a doubt of it. (Cheers, and a Voice, •` We will watch them.") If that man has spoken the sentiments of you all, if you will act consistently with that cheer, and if all the other towns in England follow Your example, the constitution of England is safe still. (Tremendous cheering, during which the reverend gentleman resumed his seat.) _ Mr. Sitann said, that after the eloquent speech they had lust heard from the reverend gentleman he should content himself with merely seconding the resolution. If the Pro testants of England did but act upon the recommendations Mr. M'Neile had given them, their cause would yet be safe. (Cheers.) The ell AIRMAN then put the resolution, and it was car ried with only six or seven dissentients. Mr. M'NEILE here rose again and said : Allow me one word. I want, in the prophetic anticipation derived from experience, to put upon undeniable record, in opposition to all the misrepresentation that may be heaped upon us in some most veracious and honourable organs, the amount of this meeting. To guard against any misrepresentation that only a few people were gathered together, and that the meeting was. a great failure, if any of our radical friends should_huppe n to be present I would invite them to join me in looking about to see where they could find room to put another man. (Loud cheers.) Mr. T. B. HORSFALL, on rising to propose the next reso lution was received with loud cheers. He spoke as follows— I have been thinking, gentlemen, that I really did not know Who was most to be envied, the gentlemen who have already preceded our eloquent friend, Mr. M'Neile, by their ora tions in Clayton-square, or those gentlemen who have to succeed him and say anything on the same subject. (Hear.) I am glad the resolution placed in my hands will require little, if any comment. It expresses our confidence in Lord Stanley, and calls upon this town and upon this country to give him their cordial support. I can only regret that the resolution did not go a little further—that whilst it expressed their confidence in Lord Stanley, it did not express also their want of confidence in those corrupt ministers, by whom he is opposed. (Immense cheers.) Mr. M'Neile has already introduced to your notice so many of the Clayton-square orators, that I should not again presume to introduce Mr. Alderman Sheil, had not Mr. Alderman Sheil thought pro per to introduce me to the meeting in Clayton Square. (Hear.) The passage of his speech to which I allude is this : " Before he entered upon this part of the subject, perhaps it might be his duty, in consequence of what occurred the last time he had the honour to address a public meeting, to ask where was the opposition with which he was then threat ened ?* (Great cheering.) Where was the gentleman who said he was ready to meet him: in Clayton-square ? (Re newed cheering.) Did he (Mr. Sheil) appear there without having given him fair notice? Had not this meeting been published in every possible way in every district in Liver pool ? Why, then, did he not appear there ? " And the Editor of the Mercury, taking care that the allu sion should not be lost, adds : " By Mr. T. B. Horsfall, at the meeting held in the Sessions House, a month or two ago, relative to the Irish Municipal Bill." " Why did he not appear there ? " I will not accuse Mr. Alderman Sheil of an act of political dishonesty towards a political opponent. I will not accuse him of stating, or in sinuating what he knew to be untrue ' • but I will read what actually did occur at the Sessions'-house, and you shall judge for yourselves Whether I shrunk from, or threatened to meet Mr. Alderman Sheil. Had I said, I would meet him, and then have shrunk from the contest, I should be ashamed to address you or any other meeting in Li verpool. (Cheers.) 'What I stated in that Sessions'- house, and which must be in the recollection of some here present, :was this; Mr. Alderman Sheil enquired why did not Mr. T. B. Horsfall meet him in the Square ? I said I would meet him there to-morrow if the Mayor thought fit. Mr. Alderman Sheil then made some further comments, and I replied that I would not meet him in the Square unless the Mayor thought fit to preside. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, as a general principle, Mr. M`Neile has so admirably laid down the tactics of the conservatives, that I feel it unneces sary to say anything upon that point ; but lest there should be some here who, not being present in the Sessions'-house, may doubt my version of the story, I will call in support of my statement a testimony which I presume Mr. Alderman Sheil himself will not pretend to doubt. (Cheers.) It is the Liverpool Mercury—(hisses) which says-- (Mr. Sheil.)--=" Mr. Horsfall said the voice of six or seven hundred, or even a thousand persons assembled in that room, must not be taken as the voice of the people of Liverpool ; buf he asked Mr. Horsfall when it was that he and his party dared to meet them in Clayton-square? " Mr. T. B. Horsfall said he would meet Mr. Sheil in Clayton-square to-morrow if the Mayor thought fit. " Mr. Sheil ridiculed this answer, and said it reminded him of the captain, who. having lost his vessel, asked leave to go on board, and fight the battle over again. " Mr. T. B. Horsfall said he would not attend a meeting in Clayton-square unless it were called by the Mayor." Now how far Mr. Shiel was justified—how far he could re concile it to his conscience, to say I threatened to meet him with Mr. Thomas Blackburne in the chair, I leave you to discover. (Hear.) Ido not accuse him of stating what he knew or believed to be untrue; but I do express my belief that like many others of his countrymen, he is a great wit with a very short memory. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, though Mr. Alderman Shiel has done me an act of injustice, I will do him, so far as I can, an act of justice. (Hear, hear.) II believe my friend Mr. M`Neile has mis-stated, un wittingly I am sure, what Mr. Alderman Shiel said at the meeting in Clayton-square. I do not think from the nature of the resolution that Mr. Alderman Shiel intended to advo cate the repeal of the union. It is very true he said that if Lord Stanley's bill passed it would add to the arguments for, nay that it would at once carry the repeal ; but he did not express any opinion as• to his own views upon the subject, except as regarded the effect of this particular measure. (Hear.) However, be that as it may, this bill is so important a measure, that Mr. Alderman Shiel is decidedly of opinion that if it is carried, it will lead to the repeal of the union. I am so much of the contrary opinion—that I think it far more likely, if the measure be not carried, to lead to the repeal of the union, if such a thing were possible. (Cheers.) How ever, I believe there is that right feeling still existing both in the Irish and English nation, that no measure, whatever dif ference of opinion there may be upon it, could lead to a re peal of the union. (Cheers.) There is no doubt Ireland would be the greatest sufferer if such a measure should be carried; and for this I will give you a greater authority than Mr. O'Connell—an opinion of one of the greatest statesmen that Ireland ever produced—l mean Edmund Burke, (cheers) who said : _ _ " Great Britain would be ruined by the separation of Ire land. But as there are degrees even in ruin, it would fall the most heavily on Ireland. By such a separation, Ireland would be the most completely undone country in the world, the most wretched, the most distracted, and, in the end, the most desolate part of the inhabitable ylobe." (Loud cheers.) In fact, I believe if Mr. O'Connell could bring his consci ence to speak out what he really believes would be the effect of the repeal of the union, he would be of the same opinion as Mr. Burke. (Hear.) I believe that whilst he is, for his own personal aggrandisement, advocating the repeal of the union, he laughs in his sleeve at those deluded fools, whom he and others make their willing tools. (Loud ap plause.) Mr. Alderman Shell goes on to complain of the tories, and what does he complain of them for doing? He says, " how did the tories behave in the parish-office ? that they remitted the taxes of the poor." (Hear.) What could they do better ? (Cheers, and cry of " Nothing.") What could Mr. Sheil have done if he had been there? I must suppose an opposite, and believe that Mr. Alderman Sheil, if he had been placed there, would oppress the poor. (Hear.) But he assigns an object, for he says the tories have done this because they did not want them upon the register. Now it so happens that some years ago I was sidesman of Liver pool ; at that time Mr. John Holmes, a dissenter, was the warden, than whom there is not a more respectable, upright and worthy man upon the liberal side. (Hear.) No one could have behaved more kindly or more liberally in remit ting the taxes of the poor than he did ; but surely it was not the intention of Mr. John - Holmes to keep them off the re gister ? Mr. Aid. Shiel, I suppose would wish for such a constituency as that at Belfast and other places, to which Mr. M'Neile has alluded, where out of between 6000 and 7000 upon the list there were only about 2000 who had legal votes ; and it is stated upon good authority that wi regard to il dh double, treble, and quadruple certificates, so Earth, it appeared that, besides an innumerable nu 'er who had doubly registered, and of whom no account we's taken, there were no less on the present register than 174 persons who appeared registered three successive times, 20 persons who were registered four times, two persons who were registered five times, and one person who was registered no less than six times—(Hear, hear.)—a famous Tom Cassidy he—and upon the whole these 197 electors had among them 618 cer tificates to vote. (Cheers.) If any thing could call more loudly for a reform of the present system of registration in Ireland I am at a loss to conceive what it could be. (Hear.) We stand here, gentlemen, in a most extraordinary position. We are the reformers ! (Loud cheers.) The Clayton-square meeting were anti-reformers ! (Renewed cheers.) We want to reform abuses, provedlabuses ; they resist that re form. (Cheers.) Lord ' Stanley is consistent. (Cheers.) They said he used to be a reformer; why , what is lie now. (Cheers.) It is they who have deserted their principles, and refused to reform an abuse that has been proved. (Continued cheers.) Mr. Horsfall concluded by moving the following resolution. " That this meeting has the tallest confidence in the ability and firmness of Lord Stanley, and in his lordship's long experience in Irish affairs, and on his intimate knowledge of the true interests of Ireland as an Irish landlord, and enter tains the most sanguine expectation that his lordship will triumphantly carry so wise and beneficial a measure; and that this meeting earnestly calls upon this town and the coun try at large to contribute their best support and encourage ment to his lordship in this undertaking." Mr. SHEPPARD was cordially greeted on rising to second the resolution. He said, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I have been requested to second the resolution so well intro duced to your notice by Mr. Horsfall. I assure you, sir, that I feel much honoured, and yet greater pleasure in being de puted to do so. Because, sir, as an Irishman, I believe, that if Lord Stanley's bill for the amendment of the Irish system of registration be allowed by parliament to become law, it will be highly beneficial, not only to Ireland, but, ultimately, to Great Britain also. Sir, my business here is to explain the nature and progress of this measure, and although you and a great many present are fully acquainted with its pro gress, yet, sir, I feel it an imperative duty imposed upon me, to do the best I can to explain to all the nature of this bill, as it is at present placed. In the year 1835, Sergeant O'Loughlin and Attorney-General Perrin brought in a bill for the amendment of the Irish registry, embodying precisely the principles of Lord Stanley's bill. That bill passed through the House of Commons rapidly ; it was, however, sent to the lords a few days previous to the end of the session, and consequently their lordships had not time to discuss its me rits. The House of Lords most properly decided not to de termine upon the principle or details of a measure so impor tant without sufficient consideration, which it was utterly and literally impossible for them to bestow at that late period of the session. The following year, 1836, Sergeant O'Loughlin and Lord Morpeth introduced a second bill • it was read a first time on the 29th March; on the 18th July, government moved the second reading, and it was ordered to go into committee that day two months. This bill also contained exactly the same principle as Lord Stanley's bill. But sir, this was mere delusion ; the session being then over, this bill, like the other, fall to the ground. In 1837, the govern ment, I believe, introduced no measure upon this subject. In the year 1838, Lord Morpeth and the then Attorney- General Woulfe, gave notice of a bill, and brought it in. It also contained precisely the same principles as Lord Stanley's. This bill was put off from day to day until a very late period of the session. Well, then came 1839, ministers made no attempt whatever to bring in any measure upon the subject. Mr. O'Brien, one of the ministers steadiest supporters, brought in a bill himself—a short bill, but an excellent one, embodying just the same principle as the rest ; but its fate was marked, he was obliged to give it up without one single reason assigned for so doing. This terminated the series. Permit me now, sir, for one moment, to revert to the Irish co ercion act, 3 Wm. 4, c. 4, which received the royal assent April 2, 1838, and was continued in force in Ireland until the Ist of August, 1834. Sir, I think the conduct pursued by the Liverpool whig gentry, during the progress of this bill through both houses of parliament, will give the meeting' . an insight into the patriotism and love for Ireland of some of the most conspicuous of the Liverpool whigs. Section 13 of the act in question, enacted that the lord-lieutenant of Ire land, and any officer commanding the district authorised by him, might commission officers of the regular forces to hold courts-martial for trials of offences within this act. Sec. 22—Persons found out of their houses under suspicious cir cumstances in a proclaimed district, after sun-set, may be committed, and if convicted, deemed guilty of misdemeanour. Where, then, may I respectfully ask, was the Liverpool whig gentry's patriotism when the habeas corpus act was suspended in Ireland? In what cupboard was their boasted love for Ireland locked up ; and did those gentry then attend a public meeting, and declaim against the affront at that period offered to Ireland? Oh, no! They were silent, with the exception of Dr. Collins ; for the minister of that day introduced the measure, and the whig gentry were as mute as they were when O'Connell and his party introduced, some years back, a bill very similar to Lord Stanley'a present one, for the amendment of the Irish registration. The Liverpool whig gentry's patriotism for Ireland then slept, and notwithstand ing all their chatter upon this subject, they left for other men and other times the task of rendering impartial justice to that country. We now, sir, come to the year 1840, when we find these whig gentry in full cry at a bill introduced by Lord Stanley for the amendment of the Irish system of voting. Why, may I calmly ask, is all the opposition given to Lord Stanley's bill ? Because, sir, the bill in question is advocated by a nobleman who had the moral courage very often to beard Daniel O'Connell in his den, and also to leave the ranks of the whigs when he found out that they intended, by their proposed measures, to demolish, instead of repair, our glo rious constitution in church and state. Permit me to remind the meeting, that in the year 1835 eleven tory judges were on the Irish bench ; Daniel O'Connell and his party then ap proved of the appeal to the going judge of assize from the barristers' decision. The same party, also, then commended the system of annual registration. In 1840 they oppose both, when they have five whi g judges and seven tories on the Irish bench. Mr. O'Connell, at a radical meeting in Dublin, on the 14th of April, 1840, alluding to Lord Stanley's bill, said —" This (Lord Stanley) was the man who was about legis. lating for the registration of voters in Ireland, and they should not conceal from themselves the fact that he possessed the most formidable advantages. * * * * * * * * One of the greatest advantages was, that he could turn round on the government and say, ' How can you oppose this and this clause, when you brought it in yourselves before ?' This was a great advantage (continued O'Connell) in the hands of a skilful debater." But, sir, it is alleged that Lord Stanley's bill takes away, at one blow, the vested rights of the existing voters in Ireland. This is exactly the reverse of the fact. It studiously preserves them. The 6th section directs the clerk of the peace to include in his lists of voters (the nucleus of the register) all who, on the 20th of July next, will be then registered and entitled to vote in Ireland, who, by the 20th section, will be entitled as of course to be on the regis ter, and vote in future without any proof of title unless ob jected to, and on such objection proved to be disqualified by the objector, at the peril of paying costs if he fail, the fact of the voter standing on such list being directed to be in all cases and on all points prima facie evidence of his right to be on the register ; and in no case will the voter, if objected to, be required even to appear, or be put to any trouble or expense till the objector have established his objection, which objection, and which alone, he NO then, and not before, be required to rebut. Again, the bill is said to increase all the difficulties and complication of the 'notice to register, and makes the omission of any one particular fatal. On the contrary, the notice to register is precisely- the same in its requirements as the pre sent, with the addition of the single circumstance, that for the sake of perspicuity, these same requirements have been placed in a greater number of columns. And moreover, if a lifehold property, the names of the lives must be specified, as directed by the acts of the Ist George 4, c. 11, and 4 Geo. 4, c. 55, to the existence of one of which, be it remarked, the voter must, under the present law, make oath. This meeting will readily comprehend the rage of the Registry Association at this provision. The three voters (to speak in patois) who carried the life in their leases on their shoulders to the grave, and within a few days after voted out of that very lease so expired, making oath to its existence against their landlord, Colonel Percival, will no longer he able to perjure themselves. Once more : the bill is said to put the claimant upon a complicated trial, and to render the com plexity still more difficult. So far from it, the process of trial is exactly the same as under the reform act, the provisions being copied verbatim therefrom, with this advantage, as before stated, to the voter, that no mistake on his part can, as formerly, prejudice him, the assistant barrister being required-by the 26th section to correct every such mistake ; and with the further advantage, which the voter in England does not possess, that once placed on the registry, he will remain there, not for eight years only, as at present, but for life, so long as his place of abode and qualification remain the same, unless on formal objection made by a brother voter, under the peril of costs if he make it vexatiously, such ob jector fully proving him to be disqualified, and his title to be bad. Now, sir, I boldly avow, in the face of this intelligent and respectable meeting, that a more indulgent, impartial, or kind-hearted landlord than Lord Stanley does not exist in my own unfortunate but beloved country. He has vast estates in Tipperary,and treats his tenantry with the utmost consideration and regard, constantly introducing agricultural improvements, and assisting them to promote the best breed of cattle. (Hear, hear.) Is this the man, I would ask, the heir to the house of Derby, the representative of North Lancashire, eminent for wealth, talent, mind, and accomplishments, to be told to be mute on Irish subjects in the legislature of which he is an ornament, by Mr. O'Connell? (Cheers.) Men of Lancashire, you ought not to suffer this. He bearded O'Connell, and for that cause now receives the abuse of the detirigogne and his crawling tail and party. But, sir, we are told by Mr. Daniel O'Connell and others, that whether this bill be carried or not, the repeal-cry must be raised, as the last resource for " justice to Ireland." Sir, I beg to remind the meeting of what Lord John Russell is reported to have said—l believe on the 6th of February, 1833 : " Shall we now say that there ought to be a separation be tween England and Ireland, at a time when, as I contend, all that has lately passed in that country shows that the ob jects in view are neither more nor less than these—that an attempt should be made, under the name of a repeal of the union, aad under the power of a separate parliament, to dis unite the two countries—to confiscate the property of all En glishmen who have property there—to overturn, at once, the united parliament, and to establish, in the place of a king, lords, and commons of the united empire, some parliament, of which Option. and learned gentleman (Mr. O'Connell) should be leader and chief." Sir, this meeting, no doubt, also remembers the words the whigs sanctioned, and which were spoken by his late Ma jesty King William the Fourth, when answering an address to the crown from both houses of parliament touching the repeal of the union :—" You may rely, therefore, on my dis charging, with fidelity and firmness, the sacred duty which I owe to my subjects, in exercising the powers with which the constitution has invested me, for their protection against attempts which, if successful, must inevitably produce a se paration of my dominions." Will the whigs now act in a similar manner, and recommend her Majesty to dismiss any magistrate who may be found wearing in his coat a repeal button? This will show justice. If the conservatives look even at an orange flag they•are immediately denounced. (Tre mendous cheering.) I intrepidly ask, ought the repealers, then, to be in any way encouraged? Mr. Sheppard again re verted to Lord Stanley, and energetically called upon the vast assembly before him to support one of Lancashire's brightest stars in carrying out the contemplated bill for the amendment of the Irish registration. If, continued Mr. Sheppard, you do so, and by your exertions help his lordship to succeed, the Irish constituency will then be enabled to send more conservative members to parliament. The im perial legislature will, consequently, then triumphantly be enabled to pass beneficial measures for the advancement of this great empire, and Lord Stanley be further enabled to hurl, with redoubled effect, defiance against the Irish agitator and his mischievous clan.. Mr. Sheppard sat down amidst loud cheering; and the resolution having been put, was car ried by acclamation, there being only oor three dissen tients. Mr. C. LAWRENCE said the honour of moving the next resolution had been conferred upon him. lie would not, however, take up the time of the meeting, or weaken the ef fect of the eloquent, powerful, and conclusive speeches they had just heard—speeches he made bold to say such as had never been heard in that theatre—by endeavouring to add to the arguments already advanced. He should content himself with moving the resolution that had been entrusted to him, which was— "That a Petition from this town to the House of Com mons, praying that honourable house to go into committee on the bill and to pass it without delay, be forthwith pre sented, and that the Petition now read be ad - opted." The CHAIRMAN then read the petition, of which the fol lowing is a copy : " TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE 'UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, IN PAR- LIAMENT ASSEMBLED. "(The Petition of the Undersigned Clergy, Bankers, Mer chants, Electors, and other Inhabitants of the Town of Liverpool, " HUMBLY SHEWETH, " That your Petitioners, deploring the present defective state and demoralising tendency of the existing Registration Law for Ireland, desire to express their great satisfaction with the Bill which has been introduced into your Honourable House and read a second time, for the supplying of the ac knowledged defects, the removal of the abuses, and the re medy of the evils of the said Registration Law. " Your Petitioners have considered the objections which have been urged against that Bill, and have found them of a threefold character—Personal, Fraudulent, and Mistaken First, Personal, not grounded on any alleged charge against the provisions of the Bill itself, but on the fact that it has been brought iu by a particular individual ; your Petitioners think that such objections are not entitled to any attention whatever in your Honourable House ; Secondly, Fraudulent, under the pretence of keeping the franchise extended, but with the real design of keeping an open door for claimants who have no legal franchise, and even for personifiers of dead men whose names are assumed by others, and retained on the list by perjury; your Petitioners respectfully represent that it well becomes your Honourable House to resist, and defeat all such dishonest and disgraceful attempts ; And Thirdly, Mistaken, founded in misapprehension of the Principles and Provisions of the Proposed Bill ; your Petitioners are of opi nion, that your Honourable House when in Committee can fully satisfy all such honest, but ill-informed Objectors. Your Petitioners therefore implore your Honourable House to go at once into Committee on the said Bill, and not to tolerate any factious opposition to it in Committee, but speedily to pass it to a third reading. "And your Petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray, &c." Mr. GRANT briefly seconded the resolution, and it was unanimously carried. Mr. ROBERTSON GLADSTONE rose amidst much applause to move the next resolution. He quite concurred, he said, in the opinions expressed by one or two gentlemen who had preceded him, that it wasimpossible to add to the arguments the meeting had just heard adduced in favour of the passing of Lord Stanley's bill. (Hear, hear.) In proposing the fifth resolution, therefore, he would merely remark that he considered that bill highly calculated to secure to the people of Ireland the easy attainment of the franchise by those duly qualified to enjoy it, and those only, during the existence of their qualification. (Hear.) It secured further the exclu sion of fraudulent intruders upon the franchise without un necessary trouble and expense. (Cheers.) With this ex pression of his sentiments, he begged to move— " That the Petition be forwarded to the Members for the Borough for presentation, and that a copy of the resolutions passed at this meeting be forwarded to Lord Sandon, to Cresswell Cresswell, Esq., and to Lord Stanley." Mr. BAKER, in seconding the resolution, begged to con gratulate that large assembly and his fellow-townsmen upon this unprecedented meeting. (Cheers.) He called it unpre cedented advisedly. Upon most occasions the boxes had been partially filled with a number of the fair sex ; but, on this occasion, he defied their liberal opponents to put in, with truth, the usual paragraph, " two-thirds of the audience con sisted of ladies and children." (Loud cheers.) The CIIAIRMAN put the motion, and it was carried with out a dissentient. Three cheers each were then given for Lord Stanley, Lord Sandon, Mr. Cresswell, and the other Lancashire conserva tive members, and a few groans were levelled at the Irish agitator. Mr. J. B. LLOYD next moved a vote of thanks to the chairman, and the proposition having been seconded by Mr. PROCTOR, it was carried by acclamation. Sir Taos. BRANCKER having briefly expressed his thanks, the meeting separated about half-past two o'clock. THE MARCH OF INTELLECT.—When we consider the rapid increase of knowledge during the present century, when discoveries have been made in astronomy by Sir William Herschel and other observers of the celestial bodies; in che mistry, through the researches of Sir Humphry Davy, Dr. Wollaston, Professors Brande and Faraday ; and, through the brilliant genius of James Watt, the steam-engine has become one of the most mighty machines which the industry of our enterprising fellow-countrymen employ, or the na tional commerce requires ; and when through the various philosophical institutions, springing up in every part of this empire, we shall, on giving these subjects a due considera tion, not be surprised to fid that, in the present day, when the minds of men are thirsting after information on important topics, to find that the diseases afflicting the human frame have not been overlooked, particularly those distressing and often fatal maladies, viz., the Gout and Rheumatism. And it is pleasing to discover that science has not been inattentive to the demand made upon her stores of knowledge, for the introduction of Blair's Gout and Rheumatic Pills have not only immediately relieved the symptoms of the diseases in question, but have effected a permanent cure ; and the great demand now made upon the proprietor for supplies of these medicines, as well as the testimonials which are constantly sent him from all parts of the United Kingdom, are decided of proofsn inestimableot onl v vo alu of etheirto all classes efficacy, s but of soi likewise ety. fsethereadvt . A PANTALOON AT SEA. — We had not long left Dover when a breeze sprung up, to the joy of the captain and crew, but death to all the passengers. Oh! the heaving of the vessel, and the heaving of the voyager ! Not the slightest occasion for the stomach-pump—especially for myself. The veterinary gentleman at Dover had provided against that, although I went regularly through every a ction and attitude, so much so, that the rest, who really were ill, and no mistake, thought I was making fun of them, particularly Columbine and her mother, who sat nearly opposte to me, only to the leeward. I held tight by the arms of the bench, as I u se d to do in Mother Goose, for fear of being pitched forward ; so they had an excellent full view of my face, whenever they dared to lift their heads up, and see the " much ado about nothing" I made. My dreadful faces and noises set them off ten times worse than ever, and they held up their hands, and turned up the whites —no, the yellows of their eyes, as much as to say, " For pity's sake, Barnes, don't do it again!" But Barnes could not help himself.—From the Journal of Barnes, the Pantaloon, in Bentley's Miscellany. FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 15, 1840. We have received our files of the Jamaica Royal Gazette to the 28th of March, and of the Jamaica Standard to the 25th of March. The contents of these papers, we are sorry to find, are of a very unfavourable character. They are fraught with evidence of the de plorable condition to which that once rich and flourish ing island is now reduced. The spirit of improvement in the conduct of the negroes has not proved so ge neral or so continuous as was expected a few months ago. The usual period of crop time had far advanced, and yet there were few estates on which labour could be depended upon for even two weeks consecutively. The Standard remarks that it was no uncommon thing to find the whole operations in the manufacture of su gar one day stopped by a strike among the cane-cut ters, a few days afterwards by the cartmen or mule men, and again by the trash-carriers, and so on from one body to another. The consequence was, that large quantities of canes never reached the mill-yards at all, but were allowed to wither and rot upon the ground; while the produce of the rest, from stoppages in the manufacture, and various other causes, was necessarily as deficient in quality as' he whole crop was in quantity. The result will be that the present year's crop will fall off nearly as much from that of last year, as that crop was deficient in comparison with the preceding year. If things do not change for the better, our contem porary adds, the half of the estates in the island must be thrown" up7frorn the sheer difficulty of cultivatin g them. In Westmoreland, Hanover, and St. Elizabeth's the planters have the most gloomy prospects. This is attributed to the agitation of the Baptist Missionaries. The only remedy that can be suggested for the existing evils is, immigration .on an extensive scale. The Standard, however, very properly adds that " immi gration even will not avail unless the labourers are made more dependent than they are at present." This, it is alleged, can only be done by abandoning the per nicious system of " provision grounds," and establish ing a land society, for the purpose of buying up all those mountain settlements, and other unoccupied lands, which may, from time to time, be offered for sale by retiring proprietors. So long as the labourers, through the enormous profits of their provision grounds, can afford to lay by their whole earnings —so long is Jamaica in the imminent danger of being lost as a sugar exporting colony. The Standard, upon data which may he confidently relied upon, states that the parish of St. James will not ship this year 4,500 hogsheads, although 12,000 used to be a very moderate estimate. Trelawney will not exceed 5,000, although 15,000 was, in former times, no uncommon occurrence. The subject of immigration, we are glad to find, is exciting a considerable degree of attention in the island of Jamaica. On this topic a correspondent of the Weekly Despatch writes thus from the parish of St. Elizabeth. " Some work occasionally for a few hours, four days in the week, and others not at all. There are estates in the county of Cornwall, that used to make 180, 160, 140, and 130 hogsheads of sugar, on an average ; whilst the present crops will not pro duce 24, 20, 15 and 12 hogsheads each. It is in vain to expect better times and more labour from the eman cipated and disorganised negroes, without causes to force them to labour. Emigration by thousands can only produce this effect. The present negroes disregard all advice. The young care not for the good counsel of their former owners." Immigration is pointed out as the only effectual remedy for this state of things. English and Scotch labourers are more particularly in request for the highland destricts, for which they are fully adapted. There is no portion of the work on estates in the elevated parts of the island which they are not capable of performing. During Sir Charles Metcalfe's tour through the island the planters and managers of estates in the parish of Manchester presented an address to his Excellency which throws considerable light upon the actual condition of the labouring population. The parties whose signatures are appended to this address deprecate the exaggerated statements submitted to him by the Baptist missionaries and others, from which it would appear that there was no indisposition whatever for labour manifested by the negroes. They discribe the agricultural state of the parish as " truly deplorable." They state that the " coffee fields generally present a neglected and ruined appearance." In field labour four days a week was the utmost that they would com mand, and that only for a period of from five to seven hours. We have received a file of the Guiana Chronicle to the 18th of March, inclusive. It appears that a great number of emigrants had arrived in the colony from the United States and Barbadoes. The most sanguine expectations were entertained as to the prosperity of British Guiana from these accessions to its labouring population. We rejoice to find that the planters are generally alive to the importance of a large supply of free immigrants. Since our last we have received New York papers to the 20th ultimo, inclusive. They do not contain any news of importance that has not already been anticipated. The measure of Sir Robert Inglis to provide for an increase of church accommodation is fixed for the 21st instant, and will no doubt meet with the determined opposition of the anti-church party both within and without the walls of Parliament. When the bill has been before us we may have a few words to offer on its principle and provisions ; and, in the mean time, we must express the pain and regret with which we regard the acrimonious feeling manifested towardi its authors and supporters by men who profess, on ordinary occa sions, a sincere regard for the true interests of religion and of mankind. The question at issue between the dissenters and non-descript religionists who constitute the anti-church party, and Sir Robert Inglis, is simply whether it is the duty of the state, under any circumstances, to pro vide for the religious culture of the people. It has been proved, by the evidence given before the Ecclesi astical Commission, that owing to the increase and centralization of the population in particular districts, a great deficiency of the means of spiritual instruction exists throughout England. In the metropolis alone it is computed that 700,000 persons are unprovided with a place of worship, 400,000 of these being located in one district—viz., the Tower Hamlets. In Liver pool, Manchester, Birmingham, and the whole of the manufacturing districts of England, the want of places of worship for the increasing population is seriously felt; and the proposition of Sir Robert Inglis is, that the aid of government should be afforded to provide the means of alleviating this spiritual destitution of the people. The outcry which is raised against the proposition of the right honourable baronet is professedly based upon a religious scruple. The anti-church party re fuse to sanction a grant from Government, because its application will he directed by the Church of England, from whose doctrines and mode of government they dissent. The amount of the grant for such a purpose, diffused as its pressure will be over a large commu nity, is not the objection. These men would readily vote, for any other purpose, double the amount. But the administration of the funds to be provided will go into the hands of the Church of England ; and, rather than that church should reap any additional love and respect in the eyes of the people of England, the friends of the voluntary system are ready to deny to the crying necessities of thousands of their fellow-creatures a sup ply of that saving truth which alone can render them good subjects and good Christians. It is this bitterness of feeling towards the Church of England which we regret to see evinced on all occa sions by a great portion of the dissenting body. It cannot surely be gratifying to any man to witness the gross and scandalous ignorance in spiritual matters which pervades great masses of the population of our large towns. Why then resist a proposition to abate the evil ? Religious scruples may in some cases be conscientious and praiseworthy ; but in this case, when we have only two alternatives offered for our ac ceptance—viz., religious instruction conveyed to the people by the Established Church, or withheld altoge ther, we think that scruples upon points of form, or differences upon particular doctrines, should be laid aside. It is manifest that the state alone can afford means sufficient to supply the destitution complained of. Private munificence has already done much ;.the Church building Society has done much; but the evil has far outgrown their means, and, unless the national funds be applied, and applied freely, it must go on increas ing. Why then, we repeat, restrain a national effort directed towards so noble a purpose, because the Church of England offers herself as the only instru ment by which it can be accomplished ? Alas, we fear that motives, not so pure and disinte rested as they should be, are at the bottom of this op position; that in some breasts " envy, hatred, malice, and all uncharitableness" are stronger towards that church, its members and its ministers, than Christian love towards their fellow-men. We acquit the oppo nents of church extension of any wish to intrude the voluntary system amongst a great portion of the po pulation whose destitution in religious matters is com plained of. That system seldom rears itself amongst the abodes of poverty. It seldom sows where it can not reap. It will not go forth into the byeways of the world to gather within its fold the lame, the halt, and the weary; to sit by the bedside of shivering wretches; to wipe the throbbing brow of the victims of crime and inebriety; and to feed with the bread of life the ghastly lips of the despairing and famine-stricken be ings who have lived without God in the.world and are dying without hope. Into such scenes, where crime and poverty herd together and feed each other, vo luntaryism loves not to enter, and would rather that religion should remain an unknown and unloved name amongst thousands of our perishing fellow-men, than that the ministry of a church which is willing and anxi ous to offer it consolations should be allowed to per , form a work to which their duty as Christians impera tively calls them. Religious differences and political enmities overbalance Christian feeling. It is lamentable to witness the consequences which this opposition to the cause of true religion and mo rality is bringing upon society. The spread of char tism in our manufacturing districts, and the open and disgusting avowal of the tenets of the socialists amongst so large a portion of our industrious mechanics, may with too great reason be attributed to the want of the means of religious instruction at their own doors, and the consequent unfrequency of their attendance upon the sacred rites of divine worship. To these causes we may also attribute the gigantic progress which Po pery has made within the last few years throughout the length and breadth of England; and so long as Protes tant dissent is banded with Popery in the political arena, the religion of Antichrist will be allowed to pursue its proselyting course ; so long as socialism and atheism furnish strength and numbers to the liberal cause, the efforts of the Church of England in behalf of the mo ral and religious culture of the people will be retarded by the_ most strenuous endeavours of the combined faction. We had purposed this day noticing some of the ex traordinary misrepresentations, put forth by our con temporaries, respecting the object and details of Lord Stanley's bill. We say extraordinary misrepresenta tions, because in our experience of party warfare we have never seen the weapon of " enormous lying" so extensively used, even by the present Whig faction, as it has been in the disgraceful opposition offered to this measure. The labour has, however, been spared us; and our contemporaries will scarcely bless the chance which transferred the lash from our hands into those of one who has wielded it with such tremendous and punishing effect. • The bill of Lord Stanley is now placed fully and fairly, with all its provisions, before the people of Li verpool —we may say of Great Britain ; for to what remote corner of the empire will the proceedings of the triumphant meeting of Wednesday last fail to penetrate ? They have seen the web of sophistry, calumny, and falsehood, which its enemies have been labouring for weeks to throw over it, demolished thread by thread, and those enemies themselves held up by a giant grasp before the assembled thousands of Liverpool's Conservatives, and their nakedness, their weakness, and their wickedness exhibited to the mockery of the world. - A flood of light has been poured upon a subject which was previously but dimly seen, and little understood, in England at least ; and we venture to predict, that by the meeting of Ned-• nesday, and by the splendid eflbrt of that lion-hearted churchman Mr. McNeile, a spirit has been raised which neither the threats, the calumnies, nor the sophistries of the Ministerial and Popish faction will succeed in putting down, until the Augean stable of Irish corrup tion is thoroughly cleansed, and the abettors of that corruption, the slaves who have fattened upon its filth, are driven from about the Court and the Government of Protestant England. The Conservative people of England, we repeat, have never hitherto understood Lord Stanley's mea sure fully, or appreciated aright its vast importance. The Liberals, as they delight to call themselves, have taken their view of it from the lips of the lying mendi cant whose robberies it is intended to check. But the clear, lucid, and eloquent exposition of Mr. M`Neile will correct the misunderstanding of the former, and shame—if anything can shame—the mendacious re presentations of the latter. We shall hear no more now, we trust, of this bill being a " scorpion bill," a " persecuting bill," or a "disfranchising bill." We shall hear no more, we trust, of its being harassing in its details, or i nqu i s i tor i a l i n i ts pr i nc iple. Mr. M‘N e has shown that it is a scorpion to the wrongdoer only; that it disfra nc hi ses the disqualified only; that it is harassing to perjurers only; and ftrhaautitlniesut claimsnpleas antly inquisitorial to those only whose du will examination possiblel We have given elsewhere not bear the light of day or e the as sf test ul la of report of the proceedings at the meeting of We dnesday, and shall not attempt to magnify its importance by a de scription of its numbers, or of its respectability. We urge upon those of our readers who had not the good fortune to be present, an attentive perusal of the reso lutions passed, and of the speeches by which they were introduced and supported ; and we ask them—we ask the world—to compare the proceedings generally with those of the Whig-Radical gathering in Clayton square. The meeting of Wednesday last left those who attended it masters of every principle and every detail of the measure, elicited by a calm, dignified, and searching examination of the bill itself, and of the arguments of its opponents. The gathering of the Square returned to their various occupations as wise as they came. At the Amphitheatre documentary evidence was brought forward in proof of every fact asserted ; but at the " gathering" not a single proof was vouchsafed of all the heinous charges brought against the measure of Lord Stanley. On the con trary, vulgar personal abuse of that nobleman was substituted for argument, and mere assertion, mis representation, and rabid scurrility substituted for facts and principles. The "gathering" of hodmen and nondescripts was forgotten when its purpose was accomplished—when a petition to prop up a declining and base Administration had been got up and passed ; but the meeting of Wednesday last will not be of merely temporary interest. The searching eloquence of Mr. M‘Neile, his noble denunciation of the perju ries of Ireland, his trenchant exposure of the frauds by which the supremacy of Popish Liberalism is main tamed in that country, will circulate throughout the length and breadth of this Protestant land, and rouse from their lethargy thousands who have hitherto been blind or refused to see. • But although this is the case, the Conservatives of Liverpool must not neglect their duty, which is to sign immediately the petition adopted at the meeting. The bill will again come before the House on Monday next, and in all probability the decisive struggle will take place on that day. Let Liverpool, then, place the moral strength of 'her Protestantism, her wealth, her intelligence, and he - r numbers, in - the hands of her excellent Members. Let it be shewn, by the petition sent up for presentation on that day, that she is in earnest, and can not only tall: but act. We must impress upon the minds of our Conserva tive brethren, that the question involved in the measure of Lord Stanley is not one of mere party interest; on the contrary, it involves the morals of an entire people. If the bill of Lord Stanley should be rejected by the House of Commons, the perjury, the gross frauds and imposition which the present system encourages, will go on, sanctioned, openly sanctioned, by a vote of that House. Yes, the people of this great empire will then have declared, through their representatives, that they are willing to place their religion, their liberties, their "glorious constitution in Church and State," in the power and under the feet of the Roman Catholic priest hood of Ireland ! Are the Protestant Conservatives of Liverpool willing to join in such a declaration ? Are they ready, by abandoning their posts, to submit to such an imputation ? We trust they, are not ; that, on the contrary, they are prepared, with their champion Mr. M'Neile, to regard the measure of Lord Stanley as the last experiment which ought to be tried "TO GUARD THE OUTPOSTS OF THE CONSTITUTION AGAINST MEN WHO WILL NOT BE RESTRAINED BY THE SANCTITY OF AN OATH ;" and should that effort be in vain, to look forward to the only alter native which remains to them—" TO REFORM ITS BUTTRESSES, TO MATURE AND PROTECT AND STRENGTHEN THEM, BY PUTTING THEM ON THE ROCK OF THE HOLY WORD OF GOD." We say, therefore, to the Protestant Conservatives of Liverpool, be in time ! PETITION ! PETITION ! PETITION ! THEATRE ROYAL.—The engagement of Mrs. Honey ter minates this evening, and next week the public will have the gratification of being amused by the well-known talents of Mr. Buckstone and Mr. T. P. Cooke. A variety of in teresting pieces are announced for production during their stay, which have obtained great and deserved popularity in the metropolis. _ THE STEAM-SHIP UNICORN.—This fine vessel, which has hitherto been employed on the station between this port and Glasgow, is now lying in the Clarence half-tide Dock, taking in her stores for her voyage to Halifax. She is the first of a series of vessels about to run regularly with letters and government despatches to and from our North American colonies, and amongst which will be the new steam ships Caledonia, Britannia, Arcadia, (we believe,) and pro bably 'the Achilles,—all the property of the British and North American Royal Mail Steam Packet Company. She is commanded by Captain Douglas, a gentleman of great experience, and has engines of three hundred horse power. The accommodations of the Unicorn are of the same splendid description as those that characterise the Glasgow steam ships generally. Her saloon is spacious, and finished in the style of the days of Good Queen Bess," in solid rosewood, with panels, or centre pieces, in each compartment, formed by richly goaded antique foliated frame work, within each of which is a Chinese view, on a bright green ground, in the finest japan. The furniture corresponds, and the smaller cabins and sleeping-rooms are finished in corresdonding style, and fitted with every possible convenience. The stock of provisions and liquors, consisting of live stock, fresh and preserved meats, choice wines and other liquors, fruit, pre serves, &c., exceeds what we should have conceived neces sary for an East India voyage, so that those on board who are fond of the good things of this life, will have rare doings of it. We understand th e U n i corn will take out a conside rable number of passengers. They will, we learn, embark at the Clarence pier -head at nine o'clock to-morrow morn ing, and the vessel will sail as soon after as the London mail bag is received on borrd. THE " LIVERPOOL" STEAM -SHIP.—The alterations in this vessel, commanded by Captain Engledue, and now in No. 2 Queen's Graving-dock, are going on with much ala crity, and in a few weeks she will be entirely " closed in." She has been remodelled, and rebuilt outside of her original sides, rendering her a double vessel, of uncommon strength. She has all the appearance of a new ship on the stocks, and her new model is much admired by nautical men, who pre dict that she will gain a character for fastness and safety not surpassed by any of the Transatlantic steam-ships. No thing will be stowed in the cavities between the double sides, but they will give her great additional buoyancy and bearing, and enable her to carry, when occasion requires, a consider able press of sail. Each side is divided into three water tight apartments by bulk-heads, and each of these has its respective pump in case of accidental leakage. She is thus, in fact, on the principle of a life-boat. The upper works will be raised above their former height, so that the paddle boxes will not appear disagreeably prominent. The new timbers are below of oak, and above of English larch, or British hecmatac, a strong, durable timber, at once tough and comparatively light. The new planking is of elm and the best pine. The enlargement of the vessel will admit of much additional accommodation for both passengers and crew. She will be rigged in a rakish manner, with taunter masts than before ; and, as she presents a beautiful sheer, we doubt not she will, when afloat, be one of the handsomest vessels belonging to the port. A BEAUTIFUL SPECIMEN OF A MERCHANT VESSEL.— There is now lying in No. 1 Queen's Graving Dock, fitting up, a new barque, of about 300 tons burden, called the Mysore, built by and for Messrs. Chapman and Willis, ship-builders, which presents, in model and in workmanship, a fine specimen of a vessel combining capacity for stowage, with admirable sailing qualities. She is finished in every point with the greatest care, nothing having been spared which skill or taste could devise. We never saw a finer bow. She is, we learn, intended for the East India trade. Her cabin is on deck, and is very neat. Her caboose, and some small apartments under the same roof, is ingeniously placed on the railway, so that as it stands over the fore-hatch when the vessel is at sea, it may with facility be moved fore and aft, without being hoisted up, or strained by removal in the usual way. The long-boat is also fixed on a central revolv ing chock, so that when the chocks at the bow and stern are knocked out it can easily be turned athward ships, ready for being launched. This is a new and useful contrivance of Messrs. Chapman and Co. THE PRESIDENT STEAM-SittP.—This fine vessel (the largest yet built to be propelled by steam) is rapidly approach ing towards completion, for her first voyage across the At lantic ; and from her extraordinary size and the magnitude of the operations on board, continues to be an object of in creasing public interest. Nearly two hundred workmen are employed on board, in fitting up her engines, cabins, &c. Her machinery is now nearly all on board; the heavy castings and boilers are all secured in their positions, and the lighter work alone is passing auder the hands of the finishers, Not withstanding the great weight of the stupendous engines, &c., the vessel, such is her capacity, though of a fine model, is very little set down in the water ; and it is probable, that, after her coals, water, stores, &c., are on board, she will stow from eight hundred to a thousand tons of goods. The cabins are in course of completion, by Mr. Simpson, houseon painter and decorator, of the Strand, London. They deck, and two decks. The saloon is entered from the main on each side the entrance there is a steward's large size. In one of these no fewer than a thous a nd thousand p e antry of wine.a glasses may be appended from the roof. an ware will be kept. The other pantry, f li or e m re i n g op posite wing, will be appropriated for the i]aglish Gothic china and plate. The cabins will be finished in the old style, handsomely painted and chasti y gilded The saloon occupies the full breadth of the ship, and is a very large feet three inches in and nearly square apartment, eight_othic design, and the height. The cornice is of embattled furniture will correspond. A wide corridore or lobby leads from the after part of the saloon towards the stern amid ships, and forms a spacious and well lighted promenade. On each side of this lobby, sma ller passages, with Gothi c po i nted arches, lead to exceedingly and deta c h e d s l eeping rooms, which are two deep on each side. There is also a ladies' retiring ' r oom, and two other rooms, lighted by la rge windows in th e stern. A circular staircase communicates w ith the lower cabins or dormitories, which are fitted up in the same manner. Here, too, there is a long central corridore, communicating by minor passages with a double row of sleeping rooms on each side. This is lighted by a central longitudinal opening in the corridore above which is railed round, so that both decks may be seen, and a thorough ventilation is secured. The whole resembles more an upper story of a large inn, than the cabins of a ship. We, however, advise our readers not to visit the President until a few weeks hence, when the painters and decorators will have completed their operations, and there will be room to inspect the whole, without hindrance to the workmen. She will leave the Trafalgar Dock, where she is now lying, by the end of the present month, and will go into the Cobourgh, where she will receive her paddle-wheels. It is expected that she will take her departure, on her first voyage to New York, on the 20th July. If the Largest Stock of the most Fashionable Goods, at prices considerably under the usual charges, form an induce ment to purchasers, the subscribers with confidence solicit an early inspection of their present Stock of BROCADED and CHINE SILK SHAWLS, confident their superiority cannot fail to insure a rapid sale, combining as they do the necessary essentials of elegance, fashion, and extreme cheapness. J. and J. EDGLEY, Foreign and British *awl Warehousemen, 44, Bold-street. THEATRE-ROYAL, LIVERPOOL. For the BENEFIT of Mrs. HONEY and the Last Night of her Engagement. The early arrangements of the Season include the engage. went of the following Performers of the Metro politan Theatres : Mr. BUCKSTONE, the celebrated Dramatist and Peformer, of the Theatre-Royal, Haymarket. Mr. T. P. COOKE, of the Theatres-Royal Covent-garden and Drury-lane. Mr. YATES, the Proprietor and Manager of the Theatre- Royal, Adelphi. Mr. and Mrs. KEELEY, of the Theatres-Royal, Covent garden and Adelphi. Mr. PAUL BEDFORD, of the Theatres-Royal, Covent garden and Adelphi. Mr. POWER, of the Theatres-Royal, Covent-garden, Drury-lane, and Haymarket. And Mr. G. VANDENHOFF, of the Theatre-Royal, Covent garden. The celebrated Dancers, Mr. GILBERT and Miss BALLIN, of Her Majesty's Theatre, and the Theatres-Royal, Co vent-garden and Drury-lane, are also engaged, being their first appearance here these four years, and who will, in the various Ballets and Dances which will be produced during their engagement, be assisted by their Pupils, Master and Miss MARSHALL, and Miss TAYLOR. An engagement has also been entered into with Madame VESTRIS and Mr. CHARLES MATWS, during their London recess, for Ten Nights, ant they will make their appearance soon after the close of Covent-garden, of which due announcement will be made. Arrangements are also in progress with other eminent Per _ formers, and a variety of Novelties will be produced in rapid succession. THIS present FRIDAY, M a y 15, 1840, the Entertain ments will commence with the petit Comedy of A DAY AFTER THE WEDDING. Colonel Freelove Lord Rivers Mr. W. H. Bland. Lady Elizabeth Freelove Mrs. W. H. Bland. After which, the Musical Drama called THE SPIRIT OF THE RHINE. Ignatius Shtuftlekrantz Mr. Baker Irma. Arthur HuntieY . : Mr. P. Crowe. ~.. (her original character,) Mrs. Honey. To which will be added the Musical Farce of a LOAN OF A LOVER. Captain Amersfort Mr. W. Howard. Peter Spyk.... Mr. Baker. Ernestine Miss Cleaver. Gertrude (first time here) Mrs. Honey. To conclude with the Farce of CATCHING A.N HEIRESS. • Captain P00d1e.... Mr. W. Howard. Captain Killingly . Mr. W. H. Bland. Tom Twigg Mr. Baker. Sally Giggle .. Caroline Gayton.... Mrs. Honey. On MONDAY next, May 18th, Mr. BUCKSTONE and Mr. T. P. COOKE will commence an engagement of Ten Nights at this Theatre, when will be produced the last new Drama, in three acts, written by Mr. Buckstone, called POOR JACK, as performed last season at the Theatre-royal, Adelphi, with the greatest success, in which Mr. T. P. Cooke and Mr. Buckstone will sustain their original characters of Jack Somerton and Tim Twopenny. The entertainments will commence with the Drama of the LADY AND THE DEVIL. Wildlove, Mr. W. Howard; Claudian, Mr. W. H. Bland; Jeremy, Mr. Baker; Zephyrina, Mrs. W. H. Bland. After which, a new Domestic and Nautical Drama, in three acts, called POOR JACK. Jack Somerton, Mr. T. P. Cooke, his first appearance at this Theatre these nine years ; Tim Twopenny, Mr. Buckstone, his first appearance this season. After which, a Farce called MAKE YOUR WILLS. Joseph Brag, Mr. Buckstone. To conclude with the Farce of FORTUNE'S FROLIC. Robin Roughhead, Mr. Slaiter ; Dolly, Mrs. Tellet. E,hr kfurrpool `ztaltbarb. PAROCHIAL AFFAIRS OF WEST DERBY. PROPOSED IMPROVEMENT SCHEME. Several meetings of the rate-payers of the township of West Derby have recently been held, which have excited considerable interest, the principal subject of discussion being a proposed parochial improvement scheme, prepared by the committee, on the merits of which there are strong conflict ing opinions. The proposed plan is one " for improving the executive establishment of the township," and is in effect— lst,—That every officer should receive a fixed salary, with out perquisites. 2d,—That the payment of such salaries shall be from each description of rate or tax collected, and that a fund, to be called a " fee fund" be formed, to the credit of which all commissions on collections and allowances for specific duties shall, instead of being paid to individual officers, be placed, and all payments on account of salaries, rent, &c. be made from such fund, and placed to its debit. 3d,—(We omit the specific duties assigned to each officer.) That the executive establishment shall consist of Salary. A head rate-book clerk, with £5OO security .. £136 An assistant clerk. One collector, with £5OO security Two auditors, at each 2O One surveyor of highways lOO The first meeting at which this scheme was discussed at any length was held on the 30th April ; Joshua Walmslev, Esq., in the chair. It was then moved by Mr. John T a yl o r , and seconded by Mr. Forshaw, " that the scheme for paro chial improvement, as far as practicable, should be carried into effect." On this motion an amendment was made by Mr. Thomas Smith, and seconded by Mr. Vincent Higgins, to the effect that the poor-rate assessment and other books be kept in a public office, in security, and accessible to the ratepayers at proper times, and not in the assistant-overseer's office, where they were not accessible without much expense of time and exertion of nerve. Also that a suitable office or room be for that purpose taken. On a division, there appeared—for the amendment. 42 ; for the motion, 19. The amendment then became the ori ginal motion, and an amendment was moved that the report be referred back to the committee, with an addition of four other gentlemen, to report to another meeting. This was negatived, and a poll on the original motion being de manded, the poll took place on the Ist and 2d of May, when it closed, Mr. Smith and Mr. Forshaw not requiring its con tinuance. The result at the close was— For Mr. Taylor's motion... Mr. Smith's amendment,.. PERSONS. 51 13 VOTES. Majority for the motion .. 38 52 It was then moved by Mr. GRUNDY, and seconded by Mr. BaassY,—" That a committee be now formed, to carry into effect the Parochial Improvement Scheme, with power to make such alterations in the details as they may deem bene ficial to the township, and, that the following gentlemen do form the committee, viz.—The Honorary Overseers for the time being—Mr. John Taylor, Mr. James Anderton For shaw, Mr. Edward Deane Falkner, Mr. Thomas Rowlandson Robinson, Mr. William Eaton Hall, Mr. William Blain, Mr. Robert Wilson, Mr. Joshua Walmsley, and Mr. Vin cent Higgins." An amendment was moved by Mr. T. SMITH, and seconded by Mr. V. HIGGINS, to the effect "That this vestry proceed no further with the consideration of the said scheme, or with the amendment thereon ; and that it be further resolved, that the whole question be adjourned, until this day seven years, that is to say, until the 7th day of May, 1847." On a show of hands the numbers were— For the amendment For the motion Majority 33 A poll being thereupon demanded by the mover and seconder of the motion, the poll was appointed to take place yesterday, and commenced, at the Commissioners' Rooms, in Harper-street, Low-hill, at nine in the morning. At the close for the day (four o'clock) the following was the result : For the motion For the amendment lB9 Majority against the scheme The poll will be re-opened this day at nine in the morning. The result appears to be doubtful. SHARP PRACTICE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL STANDARD. SIR,—A bank of Liverpool having received a bill TO OE. TAIN ACCEPTANCE, sent to the office of the party on whom the same was drawn ; the office being,leeked, a notice to the following effect was deposited in the box for bills and letters : " Bill for on , drawn by —, lies for acceptance at the Bank " Please take it up before three o'clock. " . 13th May, 1840." This morning, the 14th May, the bill above alluded to was presented to the apprentice at the said office, noted, for non acceptance. A question between bankers and merchants may arise on such sharp practice. It is acknowledged the bill was drawn in Ireland, and after sight ; and the banker's clerk states, he called more than once at the office; the no tice, however, was not left in the bill box until after three quarters past two o'clock. The usual custom or courtesy between merchants has ex isted more than thirty years—to leave the bill for acceptance, and called for the next day. No advantage could be derived by noting yesterday, as no post would have been lost by holding the bill until this day. The bill is now refused acceptance, and the amount has been sent to the drawers. This is only reported as an occurrence between a bank who has previously had similar bills in every respect, none of which ever met either delay or dishonour. QUERY.—Is the conduct of the hank justifiable, or does the momentary absence of the drawer (being for some time confined) and of his apprentice, warrant such a breach of custom ?—Yours, &c., A MERCHANT. Liverpool, 14111 May, 1840. COURT OF QUEEN'S n BENCH.- .:EDNESDAY. (Sittings in Banco.) THE QUEEN V. THOROGOOD. Lord Denman delivered the judgment of the court in this case. It was a writ "de contuniace capiendo," which had issued against the defendant for the non-payment of church rates. A great many objections were taken to the validity of the writ, on the ground of several defects which appeared on the face of it, and the court was called on to quash it. The first objection was that the " sign/cavil" did not appear to have issued within 10 days of the commission of the con tempt, as was required by the statute the 53d Geo. 111. But there was no doubt that the practice complained of had pre vailed for a long time, and so was no good ground of objec tion to the significavit. The second objection was that words were introduced into the significarit which were not found in the statute. The court, however, thought that they were merely superfluous, and as they did not alter the sense, they could not affect the sionificarit. The third objection was, that this matter was not matter of spiritual cognizance, be cause the sum due was not more than £lO. The answer to that objection was that all church rates were matters of spiritual cognizance before the passing of the stat. the 53d Geo. 111, and the court was of opinion that it lay on the defendant to show the exception, and not on the court to negative its ex istence. The court must presume, so far ai the citation went, that the spiritual court had acted in a case where it had jurisdiction. The fourth objection was, that the writ was bad for want of the addition to the name of the de fendant. The answer to that was, that if it was not rendered unnecessary by the form given in the schedule of the stat. 53d Geo. 111. still looking to the act the sth Eliz. which required the citation, it would be found that the writ was not vitiated, but only the pains and forfeitures stated by the statute, which were subordinate to the writ, were made void. Now imprisonment could not be considered in the light of pain or penalty, but as done for the purpose of enforcing the sentence of the court. The objection, there fore, was not tenable. The fifth objection was, that the spiritual judge by whom this sentence was pronounced had no jurisdiction—that the matter ought to have been taken before the commissary, who held his office for life, of the county where the contempt was committed, and not before the otficial principal. Dr. Lushington, who held both offices, appeared to have acted in the latter character. The two offices, it was argued, were distinct, and might be held by two parties ; and that if they were so divided, the official principal could not act within the county of the commissary. The court, however, found, that at the time this sentence was pronounced, an inhibition prevented the commissary from acting. It was contended that the inhibition extended to voluntary jurisdiction. But the court found that that dis tinction was expressly denied in those books to which recourse must be had to find out the practice of the spiritual court. The inhibition, it appeared by them, followed on the bishop's per sonal presence, and all the powers and authorities of a particu lar officer were suspended by it, the bishop bringing with him not only the means of visiting churches and acting in spiritual affairs, but also the power of his officers, among whom the official principal was the superior. The court was therefore principal _ _ relieved from inq u i r i ng w h et h er t h e o ffi c i a l con current jurisdiction with the commissary, and it gave no opinion upon that point. But even if it were not so, the powers of the commissary were destroyed by the inhibition. Another objection arose on the statute of Henry VIII., that the appointment of the commissary constituted the district a " peculiar" to the diocesan. It appeared, therefore, then to the court, that all the objections to the writ were effec tually answered, and on grounds that did not call in question 'the judgment of Lord Tenterden in " The Queen v Tucker," and the doctrine of Lord Talbot, to which his lordship there referred.—Rule discharged. THE UNITED STATES STEAM-SHlP.—This beautiful ship, which is lying near the President, in the Trafalgar-dock, is in a state of great forwardness , all the heavier portion s of her machinery being already on board. A number of work men are on hoard fixing the engines, &c., and fitting up the cabins. The accommodations will be of the first class, neither pains nor expense being spared to render the whole, in ac cordance with past experience, a combination of the commo dious and beautiful. This ship ( w hi c h we shall notice more fully hereafter) is greatly admired, both for her model and workmanship, and the taste displayed in the carving of her head and stern. PRIZE ESSAY ON MISSIONS.-It will be in the recollec tion of many of our readers that two prizes, of two hundred guineas and fifty guineas respectively, were some time ago offered, by a co mm i ttee of christians, for - the best essays in support of foreign missions, showing the " duty, privilege, and enconragenient" that may be urged to stimulate to in creased liberality, prayer, and devotedness in the cause. The prospectus was issued under the auspices of the professors of theology in the universities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, (Drs. Chalmers and Mac Gill,) and of Dr. Duff, the eminent Indian missionary. We are happy to learn that about sixty essays were lodged ; these are now under examination,. and the award is expected to be intimated before the close of the year. When we mention that the arduous task of adjudica tion is being discharged by Mr. Melvill, of Camberwell, Dr. Walsh, Professor of Church History in the University of Edinburgh, Dr. Wardlaw, of Glasgow,. Dr. Bunting, of Lon ' don, and Mr. Crisp, of Bristol, it will be evident that ample pains have been taken to secure an intelligent and impartial award. THE ISLINGTON MURDER. — Richard Gould was brought up for re-examination on Wednesday, on a charge of burgle riously entering the dwelling-house of the late Mr. Temple man, at Pocock's-fields, Islington, and stealing from thence a quantity of silver money. The street and the avenues lead ing to the court were thronged at an early hour of the morn ing, and the utmost anxiety prevailed to catch a glimpse of the prisoner, who arrived at Bow -street early in the morning, and was locked up in one of the cells until the commence ment of the proceedings. Jarvis was also present, having re ceived directions to attend with the other witnesses, most of whom gave evidence at the trial of the prisoner, at the Cen tral Criminal Court, last session. At the close of the exami nation, the magistrates ordered him to be remanded until Tuesday next, at twelve o'clock. THE QuEsnoN.—" Pray madam, do you like , buttered . toast ?"" Yes, sir." " B u tt ere d o n both sides ?'' " Yes, sir." " Will you marry me ?" The mode adopted by a certain eccentric physician is almost as condensed. A lady came to consult him. He prescribed and took his guinea. " Madam," said he, " I wish to see you again this time to. morrow. In the interval take the medicine here prescribed, and ere we meet again, make up your mind to give a plain ` yes' or ' no' to the question I now put to you. I am in clined to wed, but have no time to woo. Will you allow me to lay out my fee in the purchase of your wedding ring '— Frazer's Magazine. 2 -11 ! l