The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1840-01-17 00:00:00

. `S \ 41 1 w, ", 1~~~~ tt MESSAGE zens in that quarter, but the obligations on the new govern ments which have arisen out of that Confederation to observe its treaty stipulations, will no doubt be soon understood, and it is presumed that no indisposition will exist to fulfil those which it contracted with the United States. The financial operations of the Government during the present year have, I am happy to say, been very successful. The difficulties under which the Treasury Department has laboured from known defects in the existing laws relative to the safe keeping of the public moneys, ag gravated by the sus pension of specie payments by several a the banks holding public deposits, or indebted to public officers for notes received in payment of public dues, have been surmounted to a very gratifying extent. The large current expenditures have been punctually met, and the faith of the government in all its pecuniary concerns has been scrupulously maintained. The nineteen millions of, Treasury notes authorised by the act of Conkriss of 1837, and the modifications thereof, with a view to the indulgence of merchants on their duty bonds, and of the deposit banks, in the payment of public moneys held by them, have been so punctually redeemed as to leave less than the original ten millions outstanding at any one time, and the whole amount unredeemed now falls short of three millions. Of these the chief portion is not due till next year, and the whole would have been already extinguished could the Treasury have realised the payments due to it from the banks. If those due from them during the next year shall be punctually made, and if Congress shall keep the ap propriations within the estimates, there is every. reason to believe that all the outstanding Treasury notes can be re deemed, and the ordinary expenses defrayed, without impos ing on the people any additional burden, either for loans or increased taxes. To avoid this, and to keep the expenditure within reasona ble bounds, is a duty, second only in importance to the pre servation of our national character, and the protection of our citizens in their civil and political rights. The creation, in time of peace, of a debt likely to become permanent, is an evil for which there is no equivalent. The rapidity with which many of the States are apparently approaching to this condition, admonishes us of our own duties, in a manner too impressive to be disregarded. One, not the least important, is to keep the Federal Government always in a condition to discharge, with ease and vigour, its highest functions, should their exercise be required by any sudden conjuncture of pub lic affairs—a condition to which we are always exposed, and which may occur when it is least expected. To this end, it is indispensable that its finances should be untrammelled, and its resources, as far as practicable, unencumbered. No circumstance could present greater obstacles to the accom plishment of these vitally important objects, than the creation of an onerous national debt. Our own experience, and also that of other nations, have demonstrated the unavoidable and fearful rapidity with which a public debt is increased, when the government has once surrendered itself to the ruinous practice of supplying its supposed necessities by new loans. The struggle, therefore, on our part, to be successful, must be made at the threshold. To make our efforts effective, severe economy is necessary. This is the surest provision for the national welfare ; and it is, at the same time, the best preservative of the principles on which our institutions rest. Simplicity and economy in the affairs of State have never failed to chasten and invigorate republican principles, while these have been as surely subverted by national prodigality, under whatever specious pretext it may have been introduced or fostered. These considerations cannot be lost upon a people who have never been inattentive to the effect of their policy upon the institutions they have created for themselves; but at the present moment their force is augmented by the necessity which a decreasing revenue must impose. The check lately given to importations of articles subject to duties, the de rangements in the operations of internal trade, and especially the reduction gradually taking place in our tariff of duties, all tend materially to lessen our receipts ; indeed it is pro bable that the diminution resulting from the last cause alone, will not fall short of five millions of dollars in the year 1842, as the final reduction of all duties to 20 per cent. then takes effect. The whole revenue then accruing from the customs, and from the sales of public lands, if not more, will undoubt edly be wanted to defray the necessary expenses of the Go vernment under the most prudent administration of its af fairs. These are circumstances that impose the necessity of ri g id economy, and require its prompt and constant exercise. With the legislature rest the power and duty of so adjusting the public expenditure as to promote this end. By the pro visions of the constitution, it is only is consequence of ap propriations made by law that money can be drawn from the treasury ; no instance has occurred since the establishment of the government in which the executive, though a compo nent part of the legislative power, has interposed an objec tion to an appropriation bill on the sole ground of its extra vagance. His duty in this respect hes been considered ful filled by requesting such appropriations only as the public service may be reasonably expected to require. In the pre sent earnest direction of the public mind towards this sub ject, both the executive and the lee ° islature have evidence of the strict responsibility to which they will be held ; and, while I am conscious of my own anxious efforts to perform with fidelity this portion of my public functions, it is a satis faction to me to be able to count on a cordial co-operation from you. At the time I entered upon my present duties, our ordinary disbursements—without including those on account of the public debt, the post office, and the trust funds in charge of the government—had been largely increased by appropria tions for the removal of the. . Indians, for repelling Indian hos tilities, and for other less urgent expenses which grow out of an overflowing treasury. Independent of the redemption of the public debt and trusts, the gross expenditures of seven teen and eighteen millions in 1834 and 1335 had, by these causes, swelled to twenty-nine millions in 1836, and the ap propriations for 1837, made previously to the 4th of March caused the expenditure to rise to the very large amount of thirty-three millions. - We were enabled during the year 1838, notwithstanding the continuance of our Indian embarrassments, somewhat to reduce this amount ; and that for the present year 1839, will not in all probability exceed twenty-six millions—or six millionsless than it was last year. With a determination, so far as depends on me, to continue this reduction, I have directed the estimates for 1840 to be subjected to the severest scrutiny, and to be limited to the absolute. requirements of the public service. They will be found less than the expenditures of 1839 by over five millions of dollars. The precautionary measures which will be recommended by the secretary of the treasury, to protect faithfully the pub lic credit, under the fluctuations and contingencies to which our receipts and expenditures are exposed, and especially in a commercial crisis like the present, are commended to your early attention. [The message then proceeds to allude to. the sale of public lands—the principal defences of - the seaports and navy yards —the negociations on the subject of the Florida war—the re port of the secretary of the navy—the mail' service, and the revenue of the post-office department—the power assumed by terriforfarlegislatures to authorise the sale of bonds by corporate'companies, on the guarantee of the territory—the collection, keeping, and disbursement of the revenue—and the monetary affairs Of the Union. The last topic occupies the greater part of the message. The following are the most important paragraphs.l - continued agitation of the question relative to the best mode of keeping and disbursing the public money, still inju riously affects the business of the country. The suspension of specie payments in 1837, rendered the use of deposit banks, as prescribed by the act of 1836, a source rather of embar rassment than aid, and of necessity placed the custody of most of the public money, afterwards collected, in charge of the public officers. The new securities for its safety, which this required, were a principal cause of my convening an ex tra session of congress; but in consequence of a disagree ment between the two houses, neither then, nor at any sub sequent period, has there been any legislation on the subject. The effort made at the last session to obtain the authority of congress to punish the use of public money for private pur poses as a crime, a measure attended under other govern ments with signal advantage, was also unsuccessful, from diversities of opinion in that body, notwithstanding the an xiety doubtless felt by it to afford every practicable security. The result of this is still to leave the custody of the public money without those safeguards which have been for several years earnestly desired by the executive ; and as the remedy is only to be found in the action of the legislature, it imposes on me the duty of again submitting to you the propriety of passing a law, providing for the safe keeping of the public moneys, and especially to ask that its use for private pur poses, by any officers entrusted with it, may be declared to he a felony, punishable with penalties proportioned to the magni tude of the offence. These circumstances, added to known defects in the exist ing laws, and unusual derangement in the general operations of trade, have, during the last three years, much increased the difficulties attendant on the collection, keeping, and dis bursement of the revenue, and called forth corresponding exertions from those having them in charge. Happily these have been successful beyond expectation. Vast sums have been collected and disbuised by the several Departments with unexpected cheapness and ease ; transfers have been readily made to every part of the Union, however distant ; and defalcations have been far less than might • have been expected, from the absence of adequate legal restraints. Since the officers of the Treasury and Postoffice Departments were charged with the custody of most of the public moneys received by them, there have been collected sixty-six millions of dollars, and, excluding the case of the late collector at New York, the aggregate amount o! losses sustained in the collection cannot, it is believed, exceed sixty thousand dol lars. The defalcation of the late collector at that city, of which Congress has been fully informed, ran through all the modes of keeping the public money that have hitherto been in use, and was distinguished by an aggravated disregard of duty, that broke through the restraints of every system, and cannot, therefore, be usefully referred to as a test of the comparative safety of either. Additional information will also be furnished by the report of the Secretary of the Trea sury, in reply to a call made upon that officer by the House of Representatives at the last session, requiring detailed infor mation on the subject of defaults by public officers or agents under each administration, from 1789 to 1837. This docu ment will be submitted to you in a few days. The general results, (independent of the Postoffice, which is kept sepa rately, and will be stated by itself,) so far as they bear upon this subject, are, that the losses which have been, and are likely to be, sustained, by any class of agents, have been — the greatest by bankers, including, as required in the resolu tion, their depreciated paper received for public dues ; that the next largest have been by disbursing officers, and the least by collectors and receivers. If the losses on duty bonds are included, they alone will be three-fold those by both col lectors and receivers. Our whole experience, therefore, furnishes the strongest evidence that the desired legislation of Congress is alone wanting to insure in those operations the highest degree of security and facility. Such also appears to have been the experience of other nations. From the re sults of inquiries made by the Secretary of the Treasury in regard to the practice among them, I am enabled to state, that in twenty-two out of twenty-seven foreign governments, from which undoubted information has been obtained, the public moneys are kept in charge of public officers. This . concurrence of opinion in favour of that system is perhaps as great as exists on any question of internal administration. In the modes of business and official restraints on disbur sing officers, no legal change was produced by the suspension of specie payments. The report last referred to will be found to contain also much useful information in relation to this subject. I have heretofore assigned to Congress my reasons for believing that the establishment of an Independent National Treasury, as contemplated by the constitution, is necessary to the safe action of the federal government. The suspension of specie payments in 1837. by the banks having the custody of the public money, shewed in so alarming a degree our de pendence on those institutions for the performance of duties required by law, that I then recommended the entire disso lution of that connection. This recommendation has been subjected, as I desired it should be, to severe scrutiny and aninrated discussion ; and I allow myself to believe, that, The commissio n create d b y the States w hi c h formerly come notwithstandin g the natural diversitie s of opinion which may posed the Reoablic of Colombia, for adjusting the ,claims be anticipated on all subjects invo l v ing such important con aaainst that Govern men t, h as , b y a very unexpected con - siderations, it has secured in its favour as general a concur struction of the treaty u n d er w hi c h it acts, decided that no rence of public senti ment as could be expec t e d on one of provision was made for those claims of citizens of the U. S. such magnitude. which arose from captures by Columbian privateers, and were Recent events have also continued to de lo e new objec adjudged against the claimants in the judicial tribunals. This tions to such a connection. sekton ve p is any bank, under the decision wi ll compel the U. S. to apply to the several Go- existing system and practice, a bl e ' vernment formerly united for redress. With all these—New its liabilities for deposits and notes in to meet, on demand, al} Grenada, Venezuela, and Ecuador, a perfectly good under- tains specie payments, and transacts c a irculr a to b ri l . It main - t l e busines s,. standing exists. Our treaty with Venezuela is faithfully car- only by the confidence of the public in its vied into execution; and that country, in the enjoyment of whenever this is destroyed, the demands o o f ee s u i l t ir v e e d a n e:p i :is ' l i B t 3 o 7 r d s , gradually adyaneilig in prosperity under the and note-holders: —pressed more ,rapidly' than 4 make his gtruiindclanucilelitoYi is s ts present distinguished President,. - General co llections from its debtors—force.it to atop . p ay The apdlogY of the banks. their ' , i.Usp ens i on ." . ' Paez.. With Ecuador,. a liberal coven - el-ski convention has loss of confidence, itith,.'its conseektienceri, lately been, concluded, iashich will...be . traoamitted to the Se- sand -afforded nate at au eai-ly day. . _ _ • • •-- • The -public then acqtiibSeed in 'the 'validity of the excuse;_ With _the great —A-Mexican Empire? of- Brazil our i , elations- mid,' while ' ofe-'stateje-gislaturth did not exadt.'frOin thenl;, - c kes out ifiendl)t. in.teromw se . cdutinue unchanged, ,Americar--the thtir-forfeited cliartets; Conkreis, in*coidanee with th e the other .Goverrimenta. , ;‘intifk&-tiecathinencilation.'ol the- eAteeutiVe . , aTlOTveci:il.on tide to p ay Republic And, the Reihiblicv.of rq u , over 'the 134 Itc•it?On6,- the - (beßl, 7 4lT.ho . iiih compelled-to isstbg. The. dissolution Of .the Peru-Bolivian. Gilkife,ilera;ei. r t urrnotef to upplythe ireficieriOtbus created. tion may : oc cas i on ' sonielernporery inconvenience to our eiti. reas - g - noo - appears *that there are oilier ragfives than a want of wz• e -; • 'T , ' , • ~ ;0. ' • „ • - 4P OF THE PRESIDENT OF .THE UNITED STATES. VITAsiiINGToN, December 23, 1839. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate . . a;&d House of Representatives: I . reiret that I cannot on this occasion congratulate you that the psst year has been one of unalloyed prosperity. The ravages of fire. anal disease have painfully afflicted otherwise flourishing portions of our country; and serious embarrass ments yet derange the trade of many of our cities. But, riotwithstl4dinsr ti tr which hasbeen heretofore so bountifully bestowed tw the A'ithor of alt good, still continues to call for titude. Especially have we reason to rejoice adverse ell curilstances,_ that general prosperit upon 1131 our warmest A d • in the exuberant harvest which has lavishly recompensed welhdirected industry, and giVen to it that sure reward. which is vainly sought in visionary speculations. I cannot indeed view without peculiar satisfaction, the evidences afforded by the past season of the benefits that have sprung from the steady devotion of the husbandman to his honourable pursuit. No means of individual comfort is more certain, and no source of national 'prosperity is so sure._ Nothing can compen sate a people for- a dependance upon others for the bread they eat, and that cheerfty abundance on which the happiness every ohe so much depends, is to by looked for no where'of with - such sure reliance as in the industry of the agriculturist and the bounties of the earth. With foreign countries, our relations exhibit the same favourable aspect which was presented in my last annual mes sage, and afford ,continual proof of the wisdom of the pacific, just, and forbearing policy adopted by the first admi nistration of the federal government, and pursued by its successors. The extraordinary powers vested in me by an act of congress, for the defence of the country in an emer gency, considered so far probable as to require that the exe cutive should possess ample means to meet it, have not been exerted. They have, therefore, been attended with no other result than to increase, by the confidence , thus reposed in me, obligations to maintain, with religious exactness, the cardinal principles that govern our intercourse with other nations. Happily, in onr pending questions with Great Britain, out of which this unusual grant of authority arose, nothing has occurred to require its exertion ; and as it is about to return to the legislature, I trust that no future necessity may call for its exercise by them, or its delegation to another department of the government. For the settlement of our North-eastern boundary, the proposition promised hy Great Britain for a commission of exploration and survey, has been received, and a counter project, including also a provision for the certain and final adjustment of the limits in dispute, is now before the British government for its consideration. A just' regard to the de licate- state of this question, and a proper respect for the natural impatience of the State of Maine, not less than a conviction that the negociatiou has been already protracted longer than is prudent .on the part of either government, have led me to believe that the present favourable moment should on r.o account be suffered to pass without putting the question for ever at rest. I feel confident .that the govern ment of her Britannic, Majesty will,take the Saine view of this subject, as I am peugacied it is. governed by desires equally strong and sincere for the amicable termination of the con- troversy. To the intrinsic difficulties of questions of boundary lines, especially those described in regions unoccupied, and but partially known, is to be added in our country the embar rassment necessarily arising but of our constitution, by which the general * government is made the organ of negociating, and deciding upon the particular interests of the States on whose frontiers these lines are to be traced. To avoid another controversy in which a State government might rightfully claim to have her wishes consulted, previously to the conclusion of conventional arrangements concerning her rights of jurisdiction or territory, I have thought it neces sary to call the attention of the government of Great Britain to another portion of our conterminous dominion of which the division still remains to be adjusted. I refer to the line from the entrance of Lake Superior to the most northwes tern point of the Lake of the Woods, stipulations for the settlement of which are to be found in the seventh article of the treaty of Ghent. The commissioners appointed under that article by the two governments having differed in their opinions, made several reports, according to its stipulations upon the points of disagreement, and these differences are now to be submitted to the arbitration of some friendly sovereign or State. The disputed points should be settled, and the line designated, before the territorial government, of which it is one of the boundaries, takes its place in the union as a state, and I rely upon the cordial co-operation of the British government to effect that object. There is every reason to believe that disturbances like those which lately agitated the neighbouring British Provinces will not again prove the sources of border contentions, or inter pose obstacles in the continuance of that good understanding which it is the mutual interest of Great Britain and the United States to preserve and maintain. Within the PrOvinces themselves tranquillity is restored, and on our frontier that misguided sympathy in favour of what was presumed to be a general effort in behalf of popular rights, and which in some instances misled a few of our more inexperienced citizens, hassubsided into a rational conviction strongly opposed to all intermeddling with the internal affairs of our neighbours. The people of the United States feel, as it is hoped they always will, a warm solicitude for the suc cess of all who are sincerely endeavouring to improve the po litical condition of mankind. • This generous feeling they cherish towards the most distant nations; and it was, natu iercf,we, that it should be awakened with more than warmth in behalf of their immediate neighbours. does not belong to their character, as a community, to e the gratification of those feelings in acts which violate their duty as citizens, endanger the peace of their country, and tend to bring upon it the stain of a violated faith towards foreign nations. If, zealous to confer benefits on Others, they appear for a moment to lose sight of the permanent ob ligations imposed upein them as citizens, they are seldom long misled. From all the information I receive, confirmed to some extent by personal observation, I am satisfied that no one can now hope to engage in such enterprises without en conotering puul.c indignation, in addition to the severest peaalties of the law. , Recent information also leads me to hope that the emi grants frond her Majesty's Provinces, who have sought refuge within Our boundaries,. are disposed to become peaceable re• silents, and to abstain from all attempts to endanger the peace of that country which has afforded them an asylum. On a review of the occurrences on both sides of the line, it is' satis factory to reflect, that in almost every complaint against our country, the offence may 'be traced to emigrants- from the Provinces who have sought refuge here. In the few instances in which they were aided by citizens of the United. States, the acts of these misguided men were'riot only in direct con travention of the laws and well known wishes of their own Government, but met with the decided disapprobation of the people of the United States. I regret to state the appearance of a diffeient spirit among her Majesty's subjects in the Canadas. The sentiments of hostility to our people and institutions, which have been so frequently expressed there, and the disregard of our rights which have been manifested on some occasions, have, I am sorry to say, been applauded and encouraged by the people, and even by some of the subordinate local authorities, of'the Provinces. The chief officers in Canada fortunately have hot entertained the same feeling, and have probably prevented excesses that must have been fatal to the peace of the two countries. I look forward anxiously to a period when all the transac tions which have grown out of this condition of our affairs, and which have been made the subjects of complaint and re monstrance by the two. governments respectively, shall be fully examined, and the proper satisfaction given where it is due from either side. Nothing has occurred to disturb the harmony of our inter course with Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Naples, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, or Sweden. The internal state of Spain has sensibly improved, and A well grounded hopeexists that the return of peace will restore to the people of that country their former prosperity, and enable the Government to fulfil all its obligation Sat home arid 'abroad. The Govern ment of Portugal, I. have the satisfaction to state, has paid in full the eleventh and last instalment due to our citizens for the claims embraced in the settlement made with it on the 3d of March, 1837. • I lay' before you treaties of commerce negotiated with the Kings of Sardinia and the Netherlands, the ratifications of which have been exchanged since the adjournment of Con gress. The liberal principles of these treaties will recom mend them to your approbation. That with Sardinia is the first treaty of commerce formed by that kingdom, and it will, I trust, answer the expectations of the present sovereign, by aiding the developement of the resources of his country, and stimulating the enterprise of his people,. That with the Ne therlands happily terminates a long existing subject of dis pute, and removes from our future commercial intercourse all apprehension of embarrassment. T..e King of the Netherland s has also, in further illustra tion of his charticter for justice, and of his desire to remove every cause of dissatisfaction, made compensation for an American vessel captured in 1800 by a French privateer, and carried into Curagoa, where the proceeds were appropriated to the use of the colony, then, and for a short time after, un der the dominion of Holland. The death of the Sultan, has produced no alteration in our relations with Turkey. Our newly appointed minister resi dent has reached Constantinople, and I have received assur ances from the present ruler that the obligations of our treaty and those of friendship, will be fulfilled by himself in the. same spirit that actuated his illustrious father. I regret to be obliged to inform you that no convention for the settlement of the claims of our citizens upon Mexico has yet been ratified by the government of that country. The first convention formed for that purpose was not presented by the President of Mexico for the approbation of its congress, from a belief that the King of Prussia, the arbitrator in case of disagreement in the joint commission to be appointed by the 'United States and Mexico, would not consent to take upon himself that friendly office. Although not entirely satisfied with the course pursued by Mexico, I felt no hesitation in receiving in the most conciliatory spirit the explanation offered, and also cheerfully consented to a new convention, in order to arrange the payments proposed to be made to our citizens, in a manner which, while equally just to them, was deemed less onerous and inconvenient to the Mexican go vernment-. Relying confidently upon the intentions of that government,-Mr. Ellis was directed to repair to Mexico, and diplomatic intercouse has been resumed between the two countries. The new convention has, he informs us, been recently submitted by t h e P resident ' of that' • republic to its congress, under circumstances which promise a speedy rati fication ; a result which I cannot allow myself to doubt. Instructions have been given to the Commissioner of the United States under oui Convention with Tdxas, for the de marcation of the line which separates us from that Republic. The comm issioners of both governments met in New Orleans in August last. The joint commission was organized, and adjourned to convene at the same place on the 12th of. Oc • - It is presumed to be now in-the performance of its duties. ral, ti comitiou tober. The new Government of Texas has shown its desire to cul tivate friendly relations with us, by a prompt reparation for injuries complained of in the cases of two vessels of the United States. • With Central America a convention has been concluded for the renewal of its former treaty with the United States. This was not' ratified before the de p arture of o ur late Char.e . d'Affaires from that country, and the copy of it brought by hiiioNas not received before the adjournment of the .Senate at the last session. In the mean while, the period limited for the exchnnge of ratifications. having expired, I deemed it exptlient; in consequence of the ,death of the Charge d'Afrdres, to send a special agent to Central America, to elesa the - affairs of our mission there, and to arrange with the Government an extension of the time for the exchange of ra• tineation :~ _ . S NZ I t~ public confidence under which the banks seek to justify themselves in a refusal to meet their obligations. Scarcely were the country and government relieved, in a degree, from the difficulties occasioned by the general' suspension of 1837, when a partial one, occurring within thirty months of the former, produced new and serious embarrassments, though it bad no palliation in such circumstances as were well alleged in justification of that which had previously taken place. There was nothing i n th e con diti on o f the country to endan ger a well-managed banking institution; commerce was de ranged by no foreign war ; every branch of manufacturing industry was crowned with rewards : and the more than usual abundance of our harvests, after supplying our domes tic-wants, had left our granaries and storehouses filled with a surplus filr exportation. It is in the midst of this, that an irredeemable and depreciated paper currency is entailed upon the people by a large portion of the bank's. They are . not driven to it by the exhibition of a loss of public confidence, or of a sudden pressure from their depositors and note holders, but they excuse themselves by alleging that the cur rent of business, and exchange with foreign countries, which draws the precious metals from their vaults, would require, in order to meet it, a large curtailment of their loans to a TOWN COUNCIL PROCEEDINGS. comparatively small portion of the community, than it will be convenient for them to bear, or perhaps safe for the banks to exact. The plea has ceased to be one of necessity. Con venience and policy are now deemed sufficient to warrant these institutions in disregarding their solemn obligations. Such conduct is not merely an injury to individual creditors, but it is a wrong to the whole community, from whose liberality they hold most valuable privileges—whose rights they violate, whose business they derange, and the value of whose property they render Unstable and insecure. It must be evident thai thii new ground for bank suspensions, in re ference to which their action is not only disconnected with, but wholly independent of, that of the public, gives a cha racter to their suspensions more alarming than any which they exhibited before, and greatly increases- the impropriety of relying on the banks in the transactions of the govern ment. A large and highly respectable portion of our banking in stitutions are, it affords me unfeigned pleasure to state, exempted from all blame on account of this second della _ quency. They have, to their great credit, not only conti nued to meet their engagements, but have even repudiated the grounds of suspension now resorted to. It is only by such a course that the confidence and good-will of the cora-. munity can be preserved, and, in the sequel, the best interests of the institutions themselves promoted. New dangers to the banks are also daily disclosed from the extension of that system of extravagant credit of which they are the pillars. Formerly your foreign commerce was principally founded on an exchange of commodities, including the precious metals, and leaving in its transactions but little foreign' debt. Such is not now the case. Aida' by the faci lities afforded by the banks, mere credit has become too commonly the basis of trade. Many of the banks them selves, not content with stimulating this system among others, have usurped the businesi, while they impair the sta bility, of the mercantile community ; they have become borrowers instead of lenders, they establish their agencies abroad ; they deal largely in stocks and merchandise, they encourage the issue of state securities until the foreign mar ket is glutted with them ; and, unsatisfied with the legitimate use of their own capital, and the exercise of their lawful pri vileges, they raise, by large loans, additional means for every variety of speculation. The disasters attendant on this devi- ation from the former course of business in this country are now shared alike by banks and individuals, to an extent of which perhaps there is no previous example in the annals of our country. So long as a willingness of the foreign lender, and a sufficient export of our productions to meet any neces sary partial payments, leave the flow of credit undisturbed, all appears to be prosperous ; but as soon as it is checked by . . any hesitation abroad, or by an inability to make payment there in our productions, the evils of the system are disclosed The paper currency which might serve for domestic purposes is useless to pay the debt due to Europe. Gold and silver are therefore drawn, in exchange for their notes, from the banks. To keep up their supply of coin, these institutions are obliged to call upon their own debtors, who pay them principally in their own notes, which are as unavailable to them as they are to the merchants to meet the foreign demand. _ _ The calls of the Banks, therefore, in such emergencies, o necessity, exceed that demand, and produce a corresponding curtailment of their accommodations and of the currency, at. the very moment when the state of trade renders it most in inconvenient to be borne. The intensity of this pressure on the community is in proportion to the previous liberality of credit and consequent expansion of the currency ; forced sales of property are made at the time when the means of purcha sing are most reduced, and the worst calamities to individu als are only at last arrested, by an open violation of their ob ligations by the banks, a refusal to pay specie for their notes, and an imposition upon the community of a fluctuating and depreciated currency. These consequences are inherent in the present system. They are not influenced by the banks being large or small, created by National or State Governments. They are the results of the irresistible laws of trade and credit. In the recent events which have so strikingly illustrated the certain effects of these laws, we have seen the bank of the largest capital in the Union, established under a National charter, and lately strengthened, as we were authoritatively informed, by exchanging that for a State charter, with dew and unusual privileges—in a condition too, as it was said, of entire sound ness and great prosperity—not merely unable to resist these effects, but the first to yield to them. • Nor is it to be overlooked that there exists a chain of ne cessary dependence among these institutions which obliges them, to a great extent, to follow the course of others, not withstanding its injustice to their own immediate creditors, or injury to the particular community in which they are placed. This dependence of a bank, which is in pro, ortion to the extent of its debts for circulation and deposits is not merely on others in its own vicinity, but on all those which connect it with the centre of trade. Distant banks may fail, without seriously affecting those in our principal commercial cities; but the failure of the latter is felt at the extremities cf the Union. The suspension at New York, in 1837, was every where, with very few exceptions, followed, as soon as it was known ; that recently at Philadelphia immediately affected the banks of the South and West in a similar man ner. The dependence of our whole banking system on the institutions in a few large cities, is not found in the laws of their organization, but in those of trade and exchange. The banks at that centre to which currency flows, and where it is required in payments for merchandise, hold the power of controlling those in regions whence it comes, while the latter possess no means of restraining them ; so that the value of individual property, and the prosperfty of trade, through' the whole interior of the country, are made to depend on the good or management of the banking institutions in the great seats of trade on the seaboard. But this chain of dependance does not stop here.—lt does not terminate at Philadelphia or New York. Itreaches across the ocean, and endi in London, the centre of the credit system. The same laws of trade, which give to the banks in our prin cipal cities power over the whole banking system of the United States, subject the former in their turn, to the money power in Great Britain. It is is not denied that the suspension of the New York banks in 1837, which was followed in quick succession throughout the Union, was produced by an appli cation of that power; and it is now alleged, in extenuation of the present condition of so large a portion of our banks, that their embarrassments have arisen from the same cause. From this influence they cannot now entirely escape, for it has its origin in the credit currencies of the two countries; it is strengthened by the current of trade and exchange, which centres in London, and is rendered almost irresistible by the large debts contracted there by our merchants, our banks, and our States. It is thus that an introduction of a new bank into the most distant of our villages, places the business of that village within the influence of the money power in England. It is thus that every new debt which we contract in that country, seriously affects our own currency, and ex tends over the pursuits of our citizens its powerful influence. We cannot escape from this by making new banks, great or small, State or National. The same chains which bind those now existing in the centre of this system of paper credits, must equally fetter every similar institution we create. It is only by the extent to which this system has been pushed of late, that we have been made fully aware of its irresistible tendency to subject our own banks and currency to a vast controlling power in a foreign land, and it adds a new asgu ment to those which illustrate their precarious situation. Endangered in the first place by their own mismanagement, and again by the conduct of every institution which connects them with the centre of trade in our own country, they are yet subjected beyond all this, to the effect of whatever mea sures policy, necessity, or caprice, may induce those who control the credits of England to resort to. I mean not to comment upon these measures present or past, and much less to discourage the prosecution of fair commercial dealing between the two countries, based on reciprocal benefits ; but it having now been made manifest that the power of inflict ing these and similar injuries, is, by the resistless law of a credit currency and credit trade, equally capable of extending their consequences through all the ramifications of our bank ing system, and by that means indirectly obtaining, particu larly when our banks are used as depositories of the public moneys, a dangerous political influence in the United States, I have deemed it my duty to bring the subject to your no tice, and ask for your serious consideration. Is an argument required beyond the exposition of these facts, to show the impropriety of using our banking institu tions as depositories of the public money ? Can we venture not only to encounter the risk of their individual and mutual mismanagement, but, at the same time, to place our foreign and domestic policy entirely under the control of a foreign moneyed interest? To do so is to impair the independence of our Government, as the present credit system has already impaired the independence of our banks. It is to submit all its important operations, whether of peace or war, to be con trolled or thwarted at first by our own banks, and then by a power abroad greater than themselies. I cannot bring My self to depict the humiliation to which this Government and people might be sooner or later reduced, if the means for defending their rights are to be made dependant upon those who may have the most powerful of motives to impair them. Nor is it only in reference to the effect of this state of things on the independence of our Government or of our banks, that the subject• presents itself for consideration ; it is to be viewed also in its relations to the general trade of our country. The time is not long past when a deficiency of foreign crops was thought to afford a profitable market for the surplus of our industry ; but now we await with liverish anxiety the news of the English harvest, not so much from motives of commendable sympathy, but fearful lest its-anti cipated failure should narrow the field of credit there. Does not this speak volumes to the patriot? Can a system be be neficent, wise, or just, which creates greater anxiety for in terests dependent on foreign credit, than for the general prosperity of our own country, and the profitable exporta tion of the surplus produce of our labour ? The circumstances to which I have thus adverted appear to me to afford weighty reasons, developed by late events, to be added to those which I have on former occgsions offered, when submitting to your better knowledge and discernment the propriety of separating the custody of the public money from banking institutions. Nor has any thing occurred to lessen, in my opinion, the force of what has been heretofore urged. The only ground on which that custody can be de sired by the banks, is the profitable USE which they may make of the money. Such use would be regarded in individuals as a breach of trust, or a crime of great magnitude, and yet it may be reasonably doubted whether, first and last, it is not attended with more mischievous consequences when per mitted to the former than to the latter. The practice of permitting the public money to be used by its keepers as here, is believed to be peculiar to this country, and to exist scarcely any where else. To procure it here improper influ ences are appealed to; unwise connections are established between the government agd vast numbers of powerful state institutions ; other .motives than the public good are brought to bear both to the executive and legislative de partments, and selfish combinations, leading to special legislation, are formed. It is made the interest of banking instituions and their stockholders throughout the union, to use their exertions for the increase of taxation and the accu mulation of a surplus revenue; and, while an excuse is afforded, the means are furnished for those excessive issues which lead to extravagant trading and speculation, and are the forerunners of a vast debt abroad, and a: suspension of the bank at home. Impressed, therefore, as I am , with the propriety of the funds of the government being withdrawn from the private use of either banks or individuals, and the public money kept by duly appointed public agents; and believing, as I do, that such also is the judgment which discussion, reflec tion, and experience have produced on the public mind, I leave the.subject with you. It, is; at ail events, essential' to . :the .interests- of the community and the business of the vaverninent, that a deeision shoUld be made.: - -- * * ,• * • * * • 4, - • * • M. VAN BUREN.' ' . • • ~.. . **,.• 7 - 77 Mr. MacriEiay will make- his debut . at Drury-lane as Mac beth, which is to be reyivedivith dew s cenery, &c. tom.= , . power at present; for the maximum rate of the bill under. dicussion was 6d in the pound ; but the act expressly said it A special meeting of the council was held on Wednesday, was not to exceed 6d ; 'therefore, if they levied a rate by vir for the discussion of several subjects the consideration of tue of that bill, it might only be the sixteenth part of-a which had been adjourned. penny, and that would be sufficient to satisfy all the provi- PURCHASE OF THE BIRKENHEAD PROPERTY. MODS of that act. If the parish of Liverpool were not to The MAYOR said that the first business of the council derive any benefit, in being eased from taxation, in the name would be the proposed purchase of the Birkenhead property. of go odness, of what advanta g e had been the municipal The deputy town-clerk would read the minutes of the last reform ? He considered that the parish of Liverpool had a council on- the subject. right to demand . the rescinding of th e measure . At the This having been done, vestry meeting which took place, w h en th e reso l u ti ons w ere , Mr. CURRIE moved the confirmation of the recommenda- passed to empower the churchwardens to apply for the repeal tion of the Finance Committee, for the purchase of the above of the act in question, there were certain gentlemen, who, named property, characterising the proposed purchase as One although they did not exptessly state that they were autho that was exceedingly judicious and desirable. rised by the dominant party in that council, to say that the Mr. PLATT seconded the motion, thinking that the matter council did 'not intend to carry the act into effect, yet by was one of immense importance to the corporation sus well their language they implied that they were so authorised. as calculated to advance theinterests, of- the community at Mr. Holmes con cluded with t he following motio n :—" That .0. . . large. this council concur with the parish of Liverpool, that it is Mr. Alderman SHELL was opposed to the purchase of the Proper to apply to parliament for the rescinding of the act, property, and thought that.not many years would elapse be- so far as regards this borough—and that the expense of such fore the corporation would have to regret their purchases on application shall be easily borne by this council and' the the other side of the water. He thought it his duty to state parish." this, but he would not take up the time of the council in what Mr. COOPER said it was the general opinion out of doors he knew would be useless opposition. that the churchwardens had the support of the public in their Mr. MELLOR opposed the motion on this ground—The endeavours to get the act alluded to rescinded, so far as re roposed purchase would cost £65,000, which, at two per garded Liverpool. It was quite wrong in the council to say cent. per annum, would be £l3OO a year • and whatever to the community generally, as they were saying, "We are benefit might result from the purchase hereafter, the presen t going to levy sixpence in the pound, and we will tax you inhabitants of the town would be deprived yearly of the use whether you are agreeable or not." He, for one, should de of that sum. cidedly oppose the vesting in the council of any such power; Mr. BLACKBURN observed that Mr. Mellor was wrong in and he thought that those individuals who were favourable his calculation. There would not be a loss of two per cent. to the clause would hesitate in approving of the proposed ap on the whole amount of purchase money, but only on that plication to Parliament, if they had sat with him and seen part of the property which did not yield any return.. There the number of appeals against the payment of the parish would, therefore, be no need of a sinking fund, except for rate. Out of thirty-six thousand; persons rated, fourteen one-fourth part of the purchase. If he was wrong the town. thousand only had paid, leaving twenty-two thousand . who clerk would correct him. had declared themselves paupers and unable to pay. He se- The motion was then adopted without a division. conded the resolution. MR. OKILL'S SALARY. Mr. CURRIE remarked that the sentiments of Mr. Cooper Mr. SHIEL said the motion he was about to make was a were not to be considered as those of the council, but of Mr. matter of simple right, which he believed was vested in every Cooper himself. The council had never said that they would member of the council. Any one there might do it, and no tax the public, whether the public were agreeable or not. one, he believed, had any right to- make any opposition.' He On the contrary, the notice of the Town-clerk was an act of moved, therefore, that the Treasurer be ordered to make a forbearance ; for it was never intended to avail ther.eselves of return of all monies paid out of the Corporation fund to Mr. the powers conferred by the bill, except in cases when it Charles Okill, since his first connexion with the Corporation, would be prudential to do so, and until that time should ar in 1815, up to the present time, distinguishing the amounts rive, the Town-clerk and the council were willing that the paid- as a fixed salary, from those paid for special and distinct act should lie in abeyance. 'Why, then, was it attempted to services; .and stating, as accurately as possible, the particu. impress upon the public that the council were disposed to lar service for which , the different sums were paid, with the annoy and oppress them ? He_should be sorry that anything dates of the order of council relating to,each sum, and that was either said or done to cause a difference between the the return be sent to each member of the council as soon as corporation and the parish, for which there was not the practicable, but not later than - the striirmins for the next slightest reason. The very object of the proposed bill was to meeting of the council. • obtain what the parish desired, namely, to relieve the coun- Mr. CURRIE arose and was about to address the council, cil from the obligation of levying the r ate. .when - - Mr. Woosarcier said that the select vestry wished to im- Mr. Snurr. said if he.had anticipated any opposition to his Press upon the public, that the council were desirous of motion, he should have endeavoured to enforce it by urgu- taking from them all that they could get. Such was not the meat. He must, thereforeSthroW himself on the good feel- case. as was proved by the fact that the council had the ing of the council, to hear what he might have to say on any power to levy the £B,OOO which they themselves paid. The part of the subject that might arise. - old corporation had never paid a farthing towards the public Mr. CURRIE said he merely wished to remark that the expenses. He could not help feeling, all the time that Mr. motion was so reasonable and proper, that no member of the Cooper was speaking, that his observations - were addressed, Finance Committee could possibiy have any objection to it. not to the Mayor, but to the gentlemen who sat opposite to He admitted at once the justice of the principle and would the Mayor (the reporters.) second Mr. Shell's resolution. So far from any member of ' - Mr. Alderman EARLS.--It is nothing but an eleetioneet the Finance Committee desiring to keep back information of ing trick. the nature mentioned, he, himself, at the last Council, had Mr. JOHN SMITH observed, that the impression on his intended to give all the information now sought for, and he mind had been that the proposed bill was to place the town should unquestionably have done so if it had not been that in exactly the-same position as it had been before the passing he was a little irregular, which prevented him. He had, of the recent act. He could assure the council that there however, told one of his friends, on the other side of the would be a great deal of jealousy if the council obtained the table, that if he thought proper to ask for the information, power intended to be applied fur; for the public_ did not he had it with him and would put the Council in possession know how, when obtained, that power would be exercised. of it. It was not asked - for. He had the same document Mr. Alderman EVANS admired the modesty of the proposal containing the information now, but if they thought it more made by some gentlemen. The council were asked to de proper that the information should come before them in a prive themselves of the discretionary power, and to pay the formal manner, of course there was no member of the com- expense of making a confession of their imbecility. He should mittee could have any objection. like to contrast the capability of the council to decide on the Mr. SHELL protested against the production of the infor- subject of the public interests with that of the select vestry. oration in any form but that called for in his motion. They (the council) were the real representatives of the peo- The MAYOR was about to put the motion, when pie ; but what were the vestry ? He wished they were under Mr. SHELL said he did not know what object Mr. Currie that organisation which would give to their proceedings that had in saying that he was ready to produce the document at order and regularity, and that responsibility, which the pub the last Council. He (Mr. Shell) recollected that Mr. Currie lie had a right to claim. The power had got into the hands made two distinct speeches on the question,—one on the of four or five men, many of whom were actuated by a desire motion and one reply, besides a distinct reply to him (Mr. to gain notoriety. Look at their acts ; and if he might judge Sheil). Mr. Currie said he had, he document and was ready of their capability from that, he should allude to their absurd to produce it now. He (Mr. Sheil) considered it very sin- efforts to put the poor rates on the dock estate. After acts gular that Mr. Currie had not produced it when the subject of that sort, he did not consider that the select vestry could was first brought forward. Mr: Currie did state all that Mr. be said to represent the people ; they were not supposed to Okill had done for the corporation, since 1815. He detailed do so in a general way. The fact of lodging the proposed all Mr. Okill's circumstances very minutely, but he did not discretionary power in the hands of the council did not at all state the other side. Why did he not produce the other side suppose that the power would be abused. The council was of the account ? This, he believed, was the way lawyers the proper depository of all power. He did not think that proceeded when bringing actions ; they *stated all on one too much power could be given to it, because it was responsi side, laid down all their allegations, and left the parties to ble in every way ; and if the public had anything to complain produce the other side of what they had to set off against of, there was the proper place to seek for redress. But for their statements. Surely the gentleman who came into that the select vestry to come forward and ask the representatives Council as a representative of a portion of the public of of the people to denude themselves of any power was not Liverpool was not to come forward as an advocate of expen- only—he would avow the word—impertinence to the council, diture, without putting the people in possession of all the but an insult to the constituencies that sent them there. facts. Both sides of the statement ought to have been given, Mr. Alderman SH ELL Should be sorry to see any of the as well what--Mr. Okill had received as what he had done. public money expended in a contest between the corporation Mr. CURRIE avowed himself somewhat astonished at what and the parish. He should at once vote for the power of had fallen from Mr. Sheil, and particularly at his appearing levying to be in the select vestry, if they could by any fair not to know why he (Mr. Currie) had brought forward th means be styled the representatives of the town. As he was subject. It could not have been forgotten that he brought well known to entertain strong views in favour of giving to it forward as chairman of the Finance Committee, in conse- all an equal participation in the right of protecting themselves quence of a memorial from Mr. Okill. .He (Mr. -Currie) it from taxation, and as the present system of electing the select would also he remembered, was the first person who men- vestry was diametrically 'opposed to those views, he could not tioned the necessity- of -postponing the subject for a month , consent to - place in the hands of the vestry any power of in order to give time to every person for consideration and which he could deprive them. The-system was founded on inquiry. That necessity wasdoubted, but it ultimately turned the principle that the rich alone could have a right of levying out that he,was right. Mr. Sheil asked him why the state- taxes.. The rich man might have twenty-four votes, whilst Ments on the other side had not been read. The report in the poor man could have but one. For that reason, and that the reference Of the' subject to the committee had been read, alone, he Should certainly support the propriety of giving to and this set forth Mr. Okill's services ; he told Aldermait the corporation the proposed power, because they were elected EvanS that lie had the statement of the money paid to Mr. on a more general principle. . Okill, and would produce it if be (Mr. Evan's) would' ask vie Mr. G. H. LAWRENCE believed that if ever there was a it. The,fiest part of the proceedings turned out to he itre- well-regulated parish it was that of Liverpool. He thought gular, ttridthe statement was not asked for. it very hard that, when speaking on this subject, persons Mr. SHELL said Mr. Currie had not answeredte charge should be taunted with speaking to the press, and for elec that he had brought forward, that he had given a ones Sided tintieming purlioses,tather than froin'a wish to pro Mote what statement. He charged Mr. Currie with having acted ksIS theynonoeived to be the good- of the town. He thought; properly, in having brought rorward'a one-sided statement: however; that the council should not abandon the principle The MAYOR arose; and put the re.soltition; • ichiCh was propOSed Isysthe testn-cletke neither did-he think that the carried without a division. public would.. sustain any loss by 'placing the power-in the '• LEVYING A WATCH RATE—THE PARISH 4ND. THE hands of the council; for it .ought to be recollected, that if coutscrLoo.'s theYlidd-not thi's - power, the's- hadthe pOwer - of levying a bo= The . Maxon stated that the ne#-bosingins forstkesonsi- rough-rate, wxtich would,- he suppoied, put the -matter-on the detatiOnof the council was a coromunication_from-theaclgot same footing., With these, vigsyt, he should adhere to the vestry• - i•silatite to the preVions proceeding 'of the cOliPeil 694n-clerk's^4lnlan. ' --1 the. subject of the watch rates . , s Mrs BOSTON was opposed to giving any power to the pa- The TOWN-CLERK read the following communication rish. He said that it ought also to be borne in mind .that At a meeting of theSelectVestry,heltisio the Board-room although 1:8500 - only was levied, the actual expenditure of the in Fenwick-street, on Tuesday, the 7th day of Janu- police, &c. was £25,000. He thought it better that they ' ary., 1810, should retain the discretionary power of levying a watch-rate, The I Rev. Rector BROOKS n the chair, then,in case - of necessity, `resort to a borough-rate. The Vestry-cleric having laid before the vestry the corn-. Mr..H_ENRY LAWBETICE:diSeIBiIDed: any ecinturrendesili munication of the town-clerk, 'containing a copy of the par- the opinion that there was an inclination on the part.ofitlan liamentary notice as to watch rate, and the resolution of the council to throw burdens upon the public. He, lid-Weyer, council at their meeting on the Ist January instant, could see no disadvantage in acceding to the proposal oft &lit Resolved—That it appears to this boaid that' the bill pro- parish. It had been said, that the council were the repre posed to be solicited by the corporation - for continuing' in the sentatives'of the public, and so theyavere to a certain extent ; council the discretionary power of laying a rate to the ad- hut, as he did not wish to be persoiial, he should not enter ditional extent provided by the act of last session, will not into that subject. . meet the views and objects of the parishioners as embodied Mr. Alderman Eauxpos-Say what you like ; you can do in their resolution at their last general vestry : and they no harm. therefore trust the council will be pleased to re-consider the Mr. 11. LAWRENCE.—Under the present municipal act subject, and to instruct- the town-clerk to solicit an act hay- many persons had no vote at all, though he did not on that ing for its object the direct exoneration of the parishioners account say-that the system of representation was unfair, as from any rate beyond the amount authorised to be levied by was said iu many, quarters. -He hoped that the corporation the municipal corporations amendment act. and the parish would not proceed to extremities, for it would Resolved—That, if the council be pleased to carry out the be foolish to waste their money in litigation. (Cheers and views of the parishioners as above expressed, the select ves- laughter.) try are prepared, and now offer, to contribute one-half of the Mt. BRIGHT thought that the proposal now made was not expense of such application to parliament. • . calculated to allay the anxiety which prevailed, and suggested Resolved—That a copy of the resolution of the general yes- that a select committee should be appointed to take the re try be transmitted, along with the foregoing resolutions, for port of the Town-Clerk into consideration. the purpose of representing to the council the repugnance of The TOWN -CLERK, in reference to what had been said by the parishioners to the act of last session. Mr. Woolright, stated that there was now thrown on the Resolved—That a copy of the foregoing 'resolutions be borough fund the snip of £BOOO, to the exoneration of the transmitted by the churchwardens to his worship.the mayor, parishioners' of Liverpool. Until the act of last session, with a request that he would lay the same before the council however, the council had no power to levy that £BOOO unless at their next meeting.. there was no surPlus. The Town-clerk then proceeded to Extracted from the minutes, • s - , show what would be the result to the parish if the whole six- M. D. LowNDaS, Vestry clerk.; pence in the pound should ever happen to be levied. Six- The TOWN-CLERK then proceeded. to say that he thought pence in the pound, on the rental of Liverpool, would yield it necessary to remind the council, as figures were not always £20,125, which, as the council had heard from Mr. Bolton, recollected, of the exact position in which the corporation was less than the actual amount of the watch expenses. If stood in reference to the parish, in consequence of the mu- the amount of the old watch-rate, £Bs27—the additional sum nicipal act of 1835. Before the passing of that act, a watch- for better cleansing, £7OO, and the amount to which the rate was levied in the parish ; but the effect of the municipal parish had been relieved from county-rates, £11,500, were act had been to throw on the corporation the' burden of pay- added together, they would produce a total of £20,727 ; and ing for the parish of Liverpool £11,500 of county rate, which, if from that were deducted the sum saved to the corporate to the fullest extent, was-paid by the corporation, indeed, to funds by exoneration from the parochial rates, there would a greater extent. This payment - was now made altogether remain £17,227, which, being deducted from the whole sum direct to the country, consisting of the expenses of gaols, yielded by the levy of sixpence in the pound, would leave a payments for progecutiong, the payment of the coroner, and balance of £2898, which the parish would have to pay. But the payment of a balance claimed by the county to the amount so long as the council did not exercise the power of levying, of about £2OOO. He was therefore quite borne out in say- the parish would remain a gainer by upwards of £BOOO. ing that the corporation fund, either directly or indirectly, Mr. Isaac HOLMES, in reply, said that if he had not fully had to upwards of £11,500; There was then to be con- made up his mind upon the measure of applying for a corn sidered the effect of the late decision, which had relieVed the plete repeal of the bill then under discussion, what had then corporate estate from the payment of parochial taxes to the transpired in the council would have caused him to advocate amount of £3500, so that the short effect of the municipal it. He was happy to find that Mr. Woolright completely bill, with reference to the county-rate and the watch-rate, accorded with him in opinion that there was no surplus fund. was to throw upon the corporation the payment of £B,OOO, He (Mr. Holmes) contended that there never had been a which the corporation had not previously borne, so that the surplus fund since the new corporation came into power. parish was a gainer by that amount, and also a gainer in the-. At present this corporation expended from eight to ten better lighting of the town, involving a charge of £7OO, and thousand pounds per annum more than the old one. (Mr. a gainer with respect to the adiintage of a day and night po- Rathbone and Mr. Bolton—" No, no.") He was ready to lice. The town-clerk then alluded to his report on the sub- prove his assertion from the published documents, and would ject, in which he had suggested that a clause should be ob- enter upon the subject the first opportunity. It had been tamed, giving to the council the power of appropriating their stated that the council had power to levy a borough-rate, if surplus revenue to the payment of such portion of the watch- the funds were not sufficient. Then why object to the re rate as was beyond the maximum rate collected and payable scinding of this bill ? The select vestry had been abused in in the parish under the old watch-rate, and at the same time no measured terms. It was said that they were no repre giving the council a discretionary power= to levy that overplus sentatives—that they were merely chosen by four or five (not, however, to exceed 6d. in the pound ;) and he con- individuals ; but what was the case of this council ? One ceived that he was going to the full extent of his duty to pro- third of the whole council were merely chosen by two or pose that the council should take that discretionary power. three individuals—(Mr. Mellor here rose to call Mr. Holmes Until that resolution of the select vestry had been handed to to order, but the Mayor decided that he was in order)—and the mayor, he had not been aware that there existed any dif- one-half of those gentlemen were actually the rejected of the ference of opinion on the subject of the corporation taking people. that discretionary power. His . own' notice, which had ap- The vote was then taken. The motion of Mr. Holmes peared in the newspapers, distinctly. stated that the object of was lost by 39 to 13. - the bill was to apply fot digraioniry power to apply any For the motion there were—Councillors D. Hodgson, I. surplus of the corporate fund in or .towards the payment of Holmes, R. Houghton, W. Preston, J. Barton, J. Cooper, the watch-rate; and, moreover, the notice given by the yes- J. Lawrence, T. Robinson, H. Lawrence, J. N. Wood, R. try-clerk was couched in terms not very different from his Gladstone, R. Jones, jun., and J. Smith. (the town-clerk's.) The town-clerk read the resolution of Against it—Councillors J. Holmes, W. Thornhill, H. R. the select vestry, which, he contended, asked simply that Sandbach, G. Quayle, T. Case, H. Holmes, J. Mellor, E. there should be a discretionary power on the part of the Pitcher, T. Bolton, J. Woolright, R. Bright, W. Rathbone, council, not that they ahould be altogether relieved from H. Hornby,'R. V. Yates, C. Bushell, T. Morecroft, G. H. the obligation of levying. It was out of his power to Lawrence, T. Coglan, J. S. Leigh, J. Platt, W. M'Kee, F. .advise that the council should part with that discretionary Jordan, W. ISI. Duncan, W. W. Currie, D. Mather; Alder power. A time might possibly come, as had happened under men R.-Sheil, T. Booth, J. Hornby, T. Leathom, G. Holt, the old corporation, when it would be necessary to make R. Benn, W. Earle, J. Moon, E. Evans, T. B. Barclay, T. use of every branch of the revenue—he alluded to the'period Btilley;T. Holt, E. Harvey ; and the Mayor. when a part of the revenue was suspended. He thou ht that Absent—Councillors B. Frankland, G. Wright, T. Sands, the council should remain in pogsession of a discretionary J. Priestly, W. Lassell, J. Carson, T. Blackburn, R. Rigby, power to levy according to circumstances ; for it was too E. Segar ; Aldermen R. Roskell, C. H. Jones, and W. P. much for the parish to anticipate that circumstances might Freme. not happen in the course of years which would• fairly justify The MAYOR then observed that it would be necessary that the council in levying the additional amount, which, by law, some reply should be made to the select vestry. they were empowered to levy. It would be for the council 'Mr. CASE -- thought that the matter did not seem to be to consider every year whether they would confine themselves properly understood by the select vestry, and he suggested to the old maximum rate, leaving the parish a gainer by that, in order to effect a complete understanding, and to save £BOOO, or whether circumstances did not make it imperative the expentie of litigation, a committee should be appointed on them, in discharge - of their public duty, to 'levy the addi- to confer with the vestry. tional amount. He hoped that the revenue of the corpora- Mr. Comm; said that as it would be necessary to follow Lion would continue, and that the council would be enabled the matter up, he should move the following resolution : to relieve the parishioners from any levy beyond the old " That this council, animated by an anxious desire to pro maximum rate; but he thought it his duty to give his most mote the utmost harmony and good understanding with the distinct opinion, that the council should not part with a dis- members of the select vestry, regret that they cannot concur cretionary power. For that opinion he was responsible to with the wish of that body that they should relinquish the the council and to the town. power in uestion ; but, with a proper regard to the arrival flora Mr. Isaac HOLMES entirely differed the town-clerk, of a period when it may be necessary to avail themselves of He concluded that it was proper to concur with the parish in that power, they utterly disclaim any present intention of entirely getting rid of the bill. The individual . WhO brought doing so, and sincerely hope that such a contingency will forward that bill in parliament, never contemplated its appli- never occur." cation to such boroughs as Liverpool, when_ they possesaed Mr. Bobtos; secon d e d t h e mot i on . a great revenue. It was merely intended by Mr. Baines, Mr. Alderman EVANS could not conceive the use of it, who introduced the measure into parliament, that it was to because the council had already decided the question, and, apply to such boroughs as' Leeds, Manchester, Bolton , Bir - left no discretion whatever. He did not want to contend fOr mingham,&c., where . there were no borough funds to which the right to be arrogant in , the matter ; but, he considered they couldresort. The parish authorities and the town-clerk that she C ou n c il - ought ' to rhaintain its own, position and its were at variance in opinionsrelative to the saving which-the , -own' lignity; and he did gal' that this theeno uo t o ro o nw o it il s , an .ac d atoonlces:s, parish obtained by the municipal bill.. It was stated by the •sion not consistent - with the dignity of parish that the connty s rate amounted to J: 40,000, and that - githet - sincalledsforsand wad be -absolutely usele ss irats,, - the corporation was exempted from the payment of taxes - tts effectas It nail'ai t ide r taking - tO say what they - Mould m . - about £4OOO, making a difference of only £6OOO, which was - - fctture: . ---., • the additional burden cast upon the .corporation.• Novi,s ••=IS - Irslt at - trtfio did not. take the Same View Of,th o 1.3 z- '" . when the preseqt council enjoyed anApeoure of 5....3,000-pet l. -as AII 4 e-EYttitS did. -site thought "thAt it ' %was acKir- s . more than the old cOrooration, .surely-so- trifling- -an tecars-replyto the-select-vestry, and called by additiOu might be easity.bornes . Witn .regpect to.the appli-s the council; as expfessed-by his good TrieMl cation to ,parliament,.. to give Sthe zauncil -diseietionaist that : they-should not throOs away the ISOM money in' raw!' ?r► Xop,tish .watcb.-rattiAlicY posscasCd OW chant's.. ,It-fras w o l ere-adt'42C - c.ottitesy; which, WO, public- body, the select vestry were entitled to ; and although that body should forget what was due to themselves, the council ought not to forget what was due to their own character. The TOWN-CLERK said it had struck him, on hearing the resolution of Mr. Currie, that, if it were placed in juxtaposi tion with that of the select vestry, it might appear as if the council were giving up the position which they had taken. He had, therefore, framed the following :—" Resolved—That while this council is animated by an anxious desire upon all occasions to promote the utmost harmony and good under standing with the members of the select vestry, they regret that they cannot concur in the wish of that body that they should relinqnish the power in question ; but with a proper regard to the possibility of the period arriving when it may be necessary to avail themselves of the power, they utterly disclaim any present intention of doing so, and sincerely hope, as they fully expect, that such contingency will never occur." Mr. CIIRRIF. consented to withdraw his motion, and to move that which had been drawn out by the town-clerk. Mr. BOLTON seconded it. Mr. COOPER said that he could not but look upon the whOle proceeding as an attempt to take money out of the pockets of the parishioners without an act of parliament. If the council wanted the power of levying a rate, why did they not go for a borough-rate, by which means the public would not be called upon to pay without knowing what they had to pay for. Mr. BusitE Lt. much regretted that it should go forth to the public that the interests of the parish were not duly consi dered in that room. He considered himself as one of the representatives of the parish at large, and could not under stand how the interests of the corporation and the parish could be disunited. As one of the representatives of the pa rishioners, he should always feel great distrust in acting con trary to the opinion of their legal adviser; for although he entered that chamber prepared to act on his own opinion, the opinion of their legal adviser would always have great weight with him ; it ought indeed Co- be departed from with great care and caution. Mr. B. concluded with a few obser vations on the remarks made by Mr. Alderman Shed, to which that gentleman briefly replied. The motion was then agreed to without opposition, and the council separated. REPRESENTATION OF ST. ANN'S WARD. The independent and Conservative burgesses of St. Ann's ward dined. together, on Tuesday evening, at' Mr. Holden's, in Richmond-row, for the purpose of commemorating the re turn of Robert Jones, jun., Esq., to the town-council. About sixty gentlemen sat down—the largest number the room could accommodate ; had there been more convenience the attendance would have been trebled. The chair was oc. - - cupied by James Parker, Esq., and the vice-presidents were Robert Garratt, and John Cooper Grocott, Esqrs. The en joyments of the evening were materially increased by a variety of excellent singing, by Messrs. Holden, George, Caerns; 'and Lunt, under the able leadership of Mr. J. Taylor at the pianoforte. Non nobis Domine having been chaunted, The PRESIDENT rose and said, before he submitted the list of toasts which he held in his hand, he must be allowed to make an observation on the position which he now occu pied. He should like to have seen one of those gentlemen who had been foremost in gaining the victory they were met to celebrate in his situation, and it was with extreme reluc tance he took the chair. The first toast was one which called Mr, IskAc Holism then jocularly intimated to the corn' pany that there had recently been a second meeting at the Angel, at which it had been determined that a lamentation should be composed for the loss of St. Ann's Ward; and he believed that one of their musical friends would oblige the company by singing that lamentation, as well as the lamenta tion of Mr. Joseph Mason. Mr. GEORGE then sang the following parody : Oh, cruel were the voters who would not vote for me, And cruel was the brewer, who such a sight could,see-.- Oh, cruel are the tories, together they are leagued, By liberals and radicals no longer are deceived. Mr. ISAAC HoLatEs.—lt was afterwards determined that all the fallen angels should join in the lamentation; and the company will now hear the lament of the fallen angels, alias he radicals. Oh, cruel was the town-clerk, committing a great sin, To make so cruel a report, not even worth a pin!,- And cruel were the judges, in their judgment they did stray, With their cruel ouster order to drive long shanks away. Oh, cruel of St. Ann's, to become a tory ward, For liberal cant and promises they now have no regard— Our curses on the tones, that ward they've fairly won, There's Segar and poor Tommy Cog, completely are undone. Oh, cruel are the freemen whom we wish to buy or sell, But yet our gold they will not take, and that we know full well ; For Billy and for Elphinstone we offer'd bribes in vain— They spurned our bribes, and will not vote for yadicals again. . - Then since we are in sore distress, we'll make our lamentation 'Gainst Robert Jones and Isaac Holmes, we'll vent our in dignation— Our curses on those tories, they care not for our frown, We wish them from the council, we would drive them from the town. Mr. ISAAC HOLMES.—And it was determined - that the whole should conclude with the lamentation. of Mr. Joseph Mason, which you will now hear, with a liberal offer : .. Oh, cruel were the voters who would not vote forme, And cruel was the brewer, who such a sight could see ! Then, since I'm now a cast-away, I'm always to be found, Licens'd to give my best advice on payment of five pound ! The song elicited much laughter and approbation. The CHAIRMAN then gave—" The Conservative Mem bers of the Town-council." Mr. Isa AC HOLMES responded in an address of consider able length. He alluded to the reception which he and other conservative members had met with in the town-council, and spoke of the rising prospects. The conservatives had now twenty members in the council, and, if they had fair play, they would have been able to muster as many councilors as the radical party. That day intelligence had been brought of a rule having been granted relative to Everton Ward, and he supposed that there was now every reason to expect that the representation of Everton Ward would be given to a conservative. (Cheers.) The speaker here proceeded to detail,yery minutely the case of personation (that of John Davies) which took place at the recent municipal contest in Everton Ward ; he stated that the names of the three radi cal canvassers who had knowingly brought forward a non elector of the name of John Davies to poll for a registered burgess of the same name could be brought forward ; and he concluded his observation on this point by stating that be had no doubt whatever that similar frauds had been practised by the radicals in every ward in which they could practise them undiscovered. He then alluded to the case of Mr. R. Jones, to the bitterness and pertinacity with which it had been urged, even after an acquittal had been given in by the town-clerk, and it had been shown to the satisfaction of every reasonable mind that the accusations were completely un founded. He said, that although it had been proved that there was not a tittle of evidence to support the two charges of Mr. Coglan, Mr. Coglan bad not the manliness to come_ forward to apologise, either to the town or to Mr. Jones, for having brought those two accusations, but he had gone, like a sulky child detected in a falsehood, into a corner, nursing his anger, and sucking his own venom. He (Mr. Holmes) repeated that, unless Mr. Coglan came forward to apologise for his unfounded statement, the shame and the reproach would rest upon him. Mr. Holmes proceeded to give an outline of the evidence adduced on behalf of Mr. Jones, which completely disproved the charges brought against him, and showed that they had originated in direct falsehood. Mr. COOPER also rose to return thanks. After a brief allusion to several proceedings on the part of the council in the policy of which he did not concur, he called attention to the fact, that two or three additional schools were intended to be built at the expense of the corporation. He hoped the inhabitants of Liverpool would never rest satisfied unless these schools were appropriated to the education of the chil dren of parents of the established church. ,(Cheers.) For, he had ever contended, and must still hold, that so long as the children of Protestants could riot, with a due regard to principle, be sent to these schools, they were deprived of the right of participating in the funds of the corporation which were applied to the purposes of education. (Hear, bear.) He would say a word or two with regard to the watch-rate. (Hear, hear.) He happened to know that the bill which authorised a watch-rate to be levied, was framed with the in tention of giving that power only to such towns as Leeds, Manchester, Bolton, and Birmingham, where there had been previously no corporations, and consequently no funds. It was never contemplated to extend it to Liverpool, and there fore he should support the churchwardens in their endeavour to procure its repeal, as far as this town was concerned. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Cooper concluded by proposing the healths of the Members for the County. (Cheers.) Mr. ISAAC HOLMES, with a neat and appropriate intro duction, proposed the health of the chairman, the conserva tive candidate for St. Ann's Ward, at the next election. He spoke highly of the character and ability of Mr. Parker, and expressed a hope that the conservative electors would do their duty when the day of battle arrived. (Much cheering.) The CHAIRMAN, on rising to respond, was received with enthusiastic applause. He stated that, if permitted to follow the bent of his own inclination, he would much rather remain in the quiet of retirement than mingle in the turmoil of a political life. It had been hinted to him, that he should be proposed as the conservative candidate at the next election for St. Ann's Ward; and he then stated what he now re peated, that if, at the last hour, no more efficient and deserv ing gentleman could be found to come forward, he would sa crifice his personal feelings, and, like his friend Mr. Jones, do all that he could to rescue the ward from the hands of the radicals. (Much applause.) The chairman then referred to the broken professions of economy of the dominant party in the town council, to the importance of the warehouse and the education questions, and concluded by saying, that if his ser vices should be needed, he should not hesitate in coming forward. (Cheers.) Mr. R. JONES gave—" The Members for the Borough." (Loud and long continued applause.) The CHAIRMAN, with a suitable eulogium on their v-lu able services, proposed—" The Chairman, Committee, and Canvassers of St. Ann's Ward." (Applause.) Mr. R. Gannare, one of the vice-chairmen of the evening: and the chairman of the ward committee, returned thanks. The CHAIRMAN next gave—" The Honorary Secretary of St. Ann's Ward, Mr. It. Harrison." (Cheers.) Mr. R. Haunisox, in responding to the toast, said, that the consideration which induced him to accept the honour able position of Secretary to the Ward was, because lie con sidered it might render him an opportunity of advancing those principles in which he had been instructed, and which he hoped he would always uphold. He had previous to the achievement of the late victory in the ward, almost despaired of seeing the efforts of himself and colleagues crowned with that success which the cause they espoused so richly merited; but the result of the late contest, in having their hopes re alized, had dispelled all doubts, and lie was convinced that on any future occasion, by a mutual co-operation and a deter mination of purpose, they would be enabled triumphantly to contend with their opponents. He thanked them sincerely for the manner in which they had received the mention of his name in connexion with the toast, and he begged to assure them, so long as he enjoyed their confidence, he would never shrink from lending his aid, however humble, in carrying out those principles they all so highly esteemed. (Loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN next proposed—" The vim-presidents-of the evening." (Cheers.) Mr. GROCOTT replied, alluding to his office of assessor of the ward, and stating that his endeavour on all occasions had been to act with impartiality. (Applause.) The health of John Formby. Esq. was next given from the chair, and a hope expressed that at the next municipal elec tion he would have a seat in the town-council. (Great ap plause.) Mr. FORMBY replied, stating that in two or three years hence he might perhaps aspire to the honour, but he thought that for the coining contest the conservatives were already very well provided. He then referred to the harsh course which had been pursued in the case of Mr. Jones, and made several observations on the fact of a certain newspaper having persisted in maintaining that Mr. Jones was guilty, even af ter he had been twice acquitted. Such conduct, he observed, would not have been tolerated in the case of the humblest individual, after a jury of his countrymen had aquitted him. The newspaper in question, having, however, received no tice that an action would probably be brought, had become silent, and not said a word since. The CHAIRMAN proposed—" The 193 burgesses who re corded their votes in favour of Mr. Jones." Mr. HOLDEN, the worthy host, replied, and in the course of his remarks gave a synopsis of the evidence he had given before the committee of inquiry on the case of Mr. Jones. That evidence. as he stated, distinctly gave the lie to the statements of one of the opposing witnesses. The CHAIRMAN gave—" Mr. Wilkinson and the Conser vative Tradesmen's Association of Liverpool." (Applause.) Mr. 'Wniciszsox briefly responded, and concluded by giv ing " The Conservative Operative Association of Liverpool." (Applause.) The chairman, with a number of the guests then departed ; but the festivity was afterwards continued under the presi dency of Mr. Grocott, and several gentlemen addressed the meeting on local topics, amongst whom was Mr. George Wright. for no remark ; it was a pure Conservative toast, and there fore it called for no remarks. It was, " Her most gracious Majesty the Queen, and may she long live in the hearts and affections of a loyal people. (Three times three.) National anthem, " God save the Queen." The next toasts were " Her Majesty the Queen Dowager, the orna ment of her sex, and the rest of the Royal Family ;" " The Duke ;" " Lord Lyndhurst and the Conservative Peers ;" " Sir Robert Peel and the Conservative Members of the House of Commons ;" all of which were most enthusiastically applauded. The PRESIDENT briefly, and in appropriate terms, intro duced the toast of " Our glorious Constitution in Church and State." (Great applause.) The Rev. Mr. PICTON said he rose with mingled feelings of gratitude and pleasure to respond to the toast which had been so unanimously and so heartily received. He rose with feelings of gratitude, because he saw himself surrounded by those who were ever staunch supporters of that Constitution for which our forefathers bled and died ; he rose also with feelings of pleasure, because he found himself in the midst of those who were warmly attached to the interests of that Church, which had for its end the glory of God and the sal vation of man. (Cheers.) It became the ministers of the Gospel at all times, but especially in times like the present, to stand boldly forth in the defence of their Zion, when they saw her assailed and opposed by open and avowed enemies from without, as well as by false and pretended friends from within. (Hear, hear.) He was not there, he would wish it to be understood, in the character of a political partizan (hear) ; he was there as a humble guest at that table, which had been prepared in honour of the return to the town coun cil of a gentleman whose principles and integrity every true conservative could but admire. (Cheers.) The principles of that gentleman were sound and good ; they were fraught with every tendency calculated to promote, not only the ge neral good, but likewise to give efficiency and stability to that Church which had for ages past proved a blessing to our own country, and to every other country whither its princi ples and doctrines had been carried and promulgated. (Loud cheers.) With these feelings of gratitude and pleasure, and with these few remarks, he begged to conclude by cordially thanking the meeting for the manner in which they had been pleased to notice the Church of which he was a very humble minister. (Cheers.) The PRESIDENT said the next was the toast of the evening, for it was the health of the conservative member for St. Ann's. Ward , (loud cheers); but, before they drank it, he begged to offer a few remarks. What was the position of the ward one month previous to the contest in which the conservatives had gained the victory ? (Hear, hear.) Why, it was looked upon as decidedly in the bands of the radicals ; indeed a friend of his, to whose political principles, however, he was opposed, had frequently boasted to him, " We have nothing to do but to walk over the course." (Hear.) Mr. Jones came forward not to gratify his own vanity, but, like a true conservative in principle and practice, he said the ward should not be lost for want of a contest. (Cheers.) The conservatives then mustered their forces ; they stormed the citadel ; they made a breach in the walls ; and they planted the ..standard of conservatism victorious upon the ramparts. (Cheers.) The radicals were completely defeated. (Cheers.) Aid by whom was the victory won ? Was it achieved by the richi* the influential •merchants of the ward ? No ;it was icliteved by Mr. Jones and a few tradesmen who were asso ciated with him. (Cheers.) They formed themselves into a firokband, and, carried all before them. (Hear.) Of those tradesmen none were more, active than Mr. Holmes. (Hear.) By whom 'had the radicals been driven from the representa tier' of .the ,tow if but. by the tradesmen? (Hear.) In like Manner it was the tradesmen of Liverpool who would ere long driie the'radierils from the town council. (Hear.) At the stung,. Ore some little. allowance must be made for our oppo nents, situated as they were, for the strong feeling they had Manifested at their defeat in this ward. When it was found that the citadel-was carried, a council of war was held, and a very old pol'tical engineer —one of twenty years' standing —was called in for the purpose of forming a mine. That mine had been sprung, a nd an explosion had taken place ; but it had rebounded with infamy upon the parties who in vented it. (Cheers.) It had made Mr. Jones stand higher in the estimation of the burgesses of the ward, and of the town at large. (Cheers.) When the supppsed heavy charge against Mr. Jones was mooted in the town council, what was the consequence ? Did not Mr. Jonei court inquiry ? and what did Mr. Bushell and the conservative members ..ay ? Why, that they would be the first to raise their hands against him ! (Hear.) The council passed a resolution for investi gating the affair ; no less than seventeen witnesses were ex amined ; and great credit was due to the Town-clerk for the ' manner in which he presented the inquiry. But when he (the Town-clerk) brought forward his report, how was it received? (Hear.) Mr. Benn, the alderman of, the ward, said, " I am proud and glad that the inquiry has been made; Mr. Jones has come out of it free, and 1 am thankful for it." What said the chief magistrate? Did he not say that a full investigation had been made, that an impartial decision had been given by the Town-clerk, and that every gentleman in the council ought to be satisfied with it? (Cheers.) But this would not do ; the sting was too smart, and another scheme must be resorted to : they said, "We must drive Mr. Jones into a corner, and then we shall manage him." (Hear, hear.) They proposed a committee, a majority of which were radicals ; Mr. Jones even seconded that, and another investigation took place ; and what was the result of this third trial ? Why, that Mr. Jones was fully acquitted of any participation, directly or indirectly, in the charges brought against him. Great credit was due to the Conservative gentlemen who investigated the affair for their patience and care ; had he (the President) been one, he should not have consented to put in a clause with a qualifica tion. In order to screen Mr. Coglan from a prosecution, a clause was inserted in the report, to the effect that the charges were neither frivolous nor vexatious. He (the President) knew why that was introduced. The Radicals, being a ma jority, said, " we agree that Mr. Jones must be acquitted, but we fear for Coglan ;" and, consequently, to screen Cog lan, they voted that the charge was neither frivolous nor vexatious. (Hear, hear.) The President concluded by pro posing the health of Mr. Jones, which was received with four times four. Mr. JONES, on rising to reply, was greeted with renewed cheers. It gave him pleasure, he said, and he felt delighted to see so many of his respected friends crowded around. They had met to do him the honour of celebrating his return. —a return fraught with vexation and disappointment to him self—but nevertheless it had been a glorious victory. (Hear.) He had no ambition to gratify in going into the council— (hear)—but, seeing the manner in which this ward had been grasped by their Radical opponents, he thought it high time for the Conservatives to oppose them. A few Conservatives met on the very eve of the election ; they united their forces ; and they gained their victory. (Cheers.) The troubles they had had to contend with since, had, whilst they lasted, been very annoying ; but he had the satisfaction of saying that they had terminated in a victory even greater than the first. (Cheers.) The machinations of the party calling themselves "liberals" had indeed been such, that he trusted the Conser vatives would not only deprive them of the government in the councils of the town, but in the councils of the nation. (Hear.) The standard they had set up in the late inquiry had been the standard of party ; and he would appeal to all who had read the evidence, how poor in other respects were their pre tences. There was one circumstance in the ease which ap peared to have escaped the notice of the press. When the subject was first mooted by Mr. Berm, the motion went to the effect that it should be referred to the Town-clerk to re port. Mr. Coglan supported, and was satisfied with that proportion. Now if Mr. Coglan, at the following meeting had come prepared with a resolution, to the effect, that during the interval between one meeting and the other, he had - become dissatisfied with the Town-clerk as the referee, there had been no complaint; but he did not prepare himself till after the decision of the Town-clerk had been announced to the council. Mr. Benn, on the decision being read, said he was satisfied with it, and that he felt gratified the matter was at an end ; but Mr. Coglan was not, and he wished to go into details. The Mayor told him he could not, unless he intended to conclude with a motion, to which he replied that he should. Mr. Rathbone then took a piece of paper and prepared a motion ; Mr. Coglan continued speaking, and when Ire had concluded, the council were kept waiting for several minutes before the, motion so prepared by Mr. Rath bone was moved. •Mr. Rathbone had previously passed it over to Mr. Coglan to see if it suited ; and finding it did, he (Mr. Rathbone) im me di a t e l y secon d e d it. (He ar . ) Now was it prudent for any individual to enter the council-cham ber, and arrogate an importance which did not really be long to him—because he might fancy he possessed knowledge and experience superior to those of any other member; or of the eloquence he possessed, and the learning he had achieved, to become the ready factotum of their opponents of the radi cal party? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Coglan, in the first instance, was perfectly satisfied with the course proposed, and con tented to abide by its issue. There must have been some well organized committee at work tocarry the matter further, that told Mr. Coglan he ought to be dissatisfied, and that they would prepare what he should propose. The venom was therefore prepared by: Mr: Rathbone, and vented by Mr. Coglan. (1-tear.) He (Mr. Jones) had already said that in entering the town-council be had no ambition of his own to gratify. ,He felt, in doing so; that he owed a duty to the ward, namelya-to endeavour to rescue it' from tire grasp of i/he radical party he had succeeded--(cheers)—and he hopd •the time was not far distdnt , when the standard elconservi 4-ism would be permanently unfurled Mid planted in it. (Loud :cheers.:.:. With this hope he.beggeit the meeting to accept his" thanki for_ the-hononr ;bollferirad upon-him; -but before he concluded, they must permit hini to say thatOittle us was his ,ability, he had -acted- conscietitiously in the - Alischarge of his 1 duty; and; that he. -11 Oped to serie-thein in sway to reflect credit upon himself, and prove advantßocks to the, burgesses of the ward. (Cheers.) , • COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. ~`~~: THE QUEEN V. QUAYLE. Sir W. Follett was instructed to move for a rule tiiri for a quo warrant°, commanding the defendant to show by what authority he claimed to exercise the office of town councillor of the borough of Liverpool. It appeared that two candi dates, a Mr. Shand and Mr. Quayle, tried for the office. At first the majority of votes was declared to be in favour of Mr. Quayle, but ultimately it was discovered that both parties had polled the same number of votes. It was subsequently, however, discovered that a system had been adopted of per sonating the votes of voters who were not at the time in the country, and thus Mr. Quayle appeared to have more votes than he really was entitled to. Under those circumstances, the majority was in favour of Mr. Shand. It was further discovered that the vote of a person named Evan Jones, who had voted in favour of Mr. Shand, had been struck out, through a mistake which he had made in answering affirma tively the question put to him, whether he had betore voted at the election. It was held, that having once voted, he could not vote again, and accordingly hicNote was struck out; but he entirely mistook the question, as he meant to convey by his answer that he could not vote again. Rule granted. H UNGARI AN NATIONAL PRIDE.—The pride of the Ma gyar, which is one of his strongest train, leads him to look down on every other nation by which he is surrounded with sovereign contempt. All foreigners are either Schwab (Ger..' man), or Taly tin (Italian) ; and it is difficult to imagine the supercilious air with which the Magyar peasant pronounces those two words. As for his more immediate neighbours, it is worse still ; for the most miserable Paraszt-ember (poor man, peasant !) of Debreezen would scorn alliance or inter course with the richest Wallack in the country. I remember the Baroness W telling me, that as she was going to Debreezen some years ago with vorspann, she was accom panied by her footman, who happened to be a Wallack ; and, in speaking to her, he was overheard bythe Magyar coach man using that language. The peasant made no observation at the time; but, as they approached the town, he pulled up, and desired the footman to get down ; assuring the lady at the same time, that. he meant no disrespect to her, but that it was quite i m p oss ible that he, a Magyar, should endurei the disgrace of driving a Wallack into Debreczen. Entreaties and threats were alike vain : the peasant declared he would take oat his horses, if the footman did not get down—which he accordingly did.. The Germans are scarcely bettei treated : it was only the other , day,' when Count an Austrian officer of high rank, was calling on Madame Its-J,lliat her little son happening to let fall some plaything helad in his hand, the. count applied fils—glaes.• to his eye, and politely offered to find it for hit h. 1 The child, hocrever,though it could hardly speak, had -alreaclY learned to hate ;- hrid in.its '- sparing vocabulary it- found the words " blinder Schwab 1" which it launched forth with all the-bitteiness it could mils ter, in answer to theAaolite, offer of the astonished count— , Paget's MI.VOIII . aYld -71'ansviratiO. ixt#sl