Northern Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1859-03-18 00:00:00

. . Reform Bill. We are here to use our exertions to prevent ..1 the land, and I have no doubt it from becoming the law o that we shall be succeeded, The Chancellor of the Ex chequer, the Rights Honourable as he is called—l dont know wteether you call him so or not (laughter) has given us very many - specimens of affrontere, but this beats all. I cannot see how he could have bro•aght forward such a measure and think it would go down with the country. It is impossible that the country could swallow it. It is our business to take care that it is not put upon us. With these few remarks, I beg to move the following resolution, regretting that it has not been put into abler hands : That, in the opinion of this meeting, the Reform Bill introduced by the Derby administiation is insufficient to meet the increased and increasing intelligence of the age, and is therefore highly unsatisfactory. Mr. Steams (Town Councillor), . said : Chairman and gentlemen, I think it will appear that we are assembled 1 here this evening to have a turn at that fine old English pastime " foot-ball." We have a Derby Reform Bill before us which has been kicked from almost every borough and every town in the kingdom, until it has found itself before you in Liverpool this evening. (Hear, hear.) And when I look round at this vast assemblage and see the energy and determination which is depicted on every countenance---(laughter and applause)---I think we shall be able to kick that bill, at all events as far as Knowsley ; and in that secluded spot there will be stout hearts and wil ling hands to kick it to Preston; and then, Mr. Chairman; when it gets to your country, to the north, I promise there will be some rough lads to receive it. Now, why do I ask you to treat with so much contempt• and ignominy the bill p roceeding from Lord Derb 's government. It is because l itis a bad bill. (Applause. It is, as it has been described by others, " a sham, a c eat, a delusion, and a snare." (Hear, hear, and applause.) It is a sham and a cheat be catise—(eries of " No, no ") - because it professes to disfran chise nobody. It only disqualifies 7,500 of the freeholders of Liverpool and Manchester. (Hear, hear.) That is not disqualification. Now, I will take my own individual case, and I only do so to illustrate my argument. lam a free holder of the county, by a threefold qualification, by inheritance in right of my wife which was her father's and hgr grandfather's, and who had given a vote for the county for centuries. I am a freeholder by bequest and by purchase, and why am I to be deprived of my right of voting for the county. (Hear, hear.) 7,500 of the merchants and trades men will be disqualified, and every man who will return Mr. Cheetham for the county. Is Lancashire one of the most powerful in the United Kingdom ? A county did I say—l might almost call it a province. Powerful, for its wealth, its coal mines, its mills, its rail roads, and gigantic and magnificent docks.' And were 7,500 of the merchants and tradesmen to have no say in the representation of the county of Lan cashire ? Are they to be handed over, by a family arrange ment, to a few court-hunting families ? (Applause.) We are not to be disfranchised, we are only to be disqualified. (Hear, hear.) Bat I see from Mr. Disraeli, what fell from him last night, that he is to give as the option whether we vote for the county or the borough. But why ? Be cause if I use my vote for the county, am I to be de prived of my vote as a burgess of Liverpool. (Hear, hear.) There is something else to be represented in the county of Lancashire. I well remember when Mr. Cheethami was down, previous to his nomination, talking with him, along with that veteran of reform--that noble name —Mr. Rathbone. (Great applause and cheering—the gentlemen on the platform standing and waving their hats.) Mr. Jeffery called for one cheer more for Mr. Rathbone, which was enthusiastically responded to. Mr. Steains, in continuation, said—A name which will be worthily represented by his son, who is here to-night, ready to step into his father's shoes. I say that in conver sation with Mr. Cheetham, when Mr. Rathbone was pointing out the great interests that were to be represented, I said : Mr. Cheetham, there is another interest to be represented, and it is for that interest I give you my vote and humble influence—it is the brains of Lancashire that want repre senting. (Hear, hear.) I tell you if you disfranchise the 7,500 freeholders of Manchester and Liver , . pool, you would take away a great deal of the brains of the country. It is a delusion, because it pro fesses ; very liberally, it gives the lawyers, parsons, and doctors of the kingdom a vote. Why, I was always under the impression that the last reform bill of 1832 provided amply for these gentlemen. If there are any lawyers or doctors who have no vote it is their own fault. If they only get married and pay rates they will have a vote. Laughter and applause). The bill is Jesuitical. (Hear, hear, and " no, no.") It is a cunningly devised bill to draw distinction (uproar) between land and trade. I have a great regard for land, and all its interests, but I cannot see the distinction between £lO,OOO in laud and £lO,OOO in pocket. I think the man has a greater stake who has got his property in bank notes, for if anything happens his bank, notes 'may be worth nothing, but the land remains. Land will always have a predominance. Again, the bill is a delusion, because it professes to give every . man who has gathered together £6O, and put it in a saving's bank, a vote. I quite admire that man who can scrape together £6O in the savings' bank, but I cannot understand his al lowing it to remain there. (Hear, hear.) I fancy there is something in this savings' bank vote. It is very generally understood that the commissioners for the savings' bank are no other than the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Ido not wish to throw any doubt about the security of savings' banks. You have the very best security—the security of the government. Bid there is a dallying between the savings' bank and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which wants looking into. You have it day after day in the public papers, that " £20,000 has been invested in the funds by the savings' bank." This would enable the Chancellor of the BILL. Exchequer to make things very comfortable by giving men who had £6O in the savings' bank a vote. Then I put in a lit tTI,N G -- claim for other men who have £6O in a building or other able Public 'IC Ti " AMPHITHEATRE LAST NIGHT. e.O meeting of the inhabitants oiLiverpool favour- society, or has £6O in his pocket, £6O worth of cattle, or £6O worth of furniture, and every man who can sign a de- C onve ne d substant. oksrsoeiat,n ial measure of Parliamentary Reform was claration . that . he is worth X 60, and get it signed by the under the auspices of the Liverpool Reform mayor, give him a vote. (Applause.) Why in the name d sciatic In the Amphitheatre last night, for the purpose of common sense is it to be confined to a man . who . has £6O en 'nato b Pon a titio to in the savings' bank. I say it is a sham er °wdee r Y o f the n the House of Commons con poin, ,in eye _ Government Bill. The Amphitheatre was and a deceit. I remember • when the great reform bill was agitated, " the bill, the whole -bill, and b ez ,ee s e to ee ,..,e e e part for some time before the hour ap ti e w ere r lum nee the proceedings. The stage and the nothing but the bill" was the cry. But do you hear that oe a eserved I`, , 1 1 th e i for the members of the Reform Associa- now ?No ; you hear a low, scornful grumbling that will j oro ekiee r friends. Among those on the stage were— not have this bill, or ) any part of it. kne e er'uak, James Steains, T. Gair, P. H. Rathbone, A Voice : What about the Bs. lodger . T, lupine' James Mr. Steains : Now, Mr. Chairman, it is a much easier ,Rafei es Iv , H. Ferule, S. G. Rathbone, T. D. Hornby, '-'elle ei • Langton, C. Holland, Wellwood Maxwell, task to pull down and oppose than itis to build up. I will, J ltam ip •P• Macgregor, J. R. Jeffer C. P. Melly C. if you will not deem me guilty of . pieeumption, tell you I,,4.l7,ighamilion.,a.TT: ea• C lerk " s 'e, jun , Samuel Thornely, y, Swinton Bo.Olt, what my opinion is, and what we should endeavour to secure. 'A. W' le ,-,. Ariiozley, L. B. Mozley, C. T. Bowring,do I so without any conversation with any of the gentlemen J. C , oi. H •ba . l A ly . , J. Robinson, S. B. Jackson, that I see around me. I think we all should first secure the .11 , illiams, t eaeri ee l ie: IYhitty, J. B. HuEwer,W. R. Jeffery, Jabez £6 borough franchise (hear, hear) ; the £lO county qualifi e•hes S. Peck Steel Gibson cation ; the disfranchisement of pocket, or what is . termed G, J eore e l y, j . e , A. Sleih, W. .3 1 . Lamport, J. iaitland,' nomination or rotten boroughs. And I would begin, not- W ; P reston re °uu Campbell, E. Harvey, Thos. Avison, withstanding all Mr. Disraeli's sophistry, with letter A, and l'i r ',. - Mend e l' , ' - e_ugh Hall, Brandon, Mozley, Arthur . Hope, the first borough would be Arundel; and I would franchise Nir ''''l Mr ° ` e ' &c. the larger towns that have sprung up, such as Birkenhead, Ewart, accompanied by Mr. Brocklebank, lo u larle, a * Staleybridge, Gravesend, and many others. And as to the th e cheers ether ether gentlemen, came upon the platform, ballot, why not make it permissive. (" No, no," " hear, le„ ef n take a s h w ere given by the meeting. The chair was hear.") Th e ~ Thomas Bre kl b k E President I am not an advocate of the ballot. I Th itss oe i ati c ean , sq., of the prefer the old straightforward way of going to the Ile e Chair °n • poll, and declaring for whom I vote openly. But let those kee said : 1 Oa; on taking, his seat, was loudly cheered, who are enamoured of the ballot make use of it, and let ft f at Ineeti,, v e been called upon to take the chair of this those who want its protection have the benefit . of t. I e te (i e titie l l t ril re .k, aciiisi jobeialutiovirtue of my office of 'president of your think some plan might be adopted by which it might be ee n, and I have acceded to the call with used, but Ido not want it ; I would not use it. . But let ha r ' e 4 ser —s ' because I admire the wise and temperate reformers of every . shade of politics, with all their varied e s P e eete nt ved by the town of Liverpool with respect to the views, lay them aside, and present a bold and united front to the House of Commons ; and, above all, let them place Posi a tiZ l Y cl it tl ee e d sti°ll of Parliamentary Reform. (Hear hear.) At t e ofti i : , advert to the wide difference between the confidence , in that man who understands better than any be " rete ll 'S etuestion in 1832, and itsosition in 1859. man)• living the practice of the constitution ; a man who of civil and religious liberty has done more for the cause . a n r o e h cljes sed e , t an D e e ' i° d grievances of great p magnitude were to u atir garee v e the nation rose as one man to wrest from than any man now living ; a man whose life has been one fe te Ped. th eVe representation of the people, which it had of unsullied pure patriotism. aft a tt ; e ue eee.) At this time ministers of the Crown A Voice : Derby is the man. he " Ina ) , b u Ter, have announced that the Reform Bill of Another voice : Mr. Spooner. ( . Laughter.) i " e ntee 0 Lnl Peeeecl and extended. (Hear, hear.) The Mr. Steains : A man who bears the time honoured name . L tl e ci e ji as o lg (I I. o rdof Russell. (Applause.) Russell, the landmark of liberty , Deft)) hastri d its ' pr ' entice hand," all over the world. Mr. Chairmau, I have much pleasure in 10 Ye ri erb re ' ''"' ne a mere sham. tried cheers.) ' . I think Ye 1 t e Would ha seconding the resolution which has been moved by Mr. N eil 0 the Country, Ave been more loyal to his party, more (e late eke a task 11 Wry, if he had forbidden Mr. Disraeli to Earle. . th e „ t eed hi n , for which all his antecedents have dis- The Chairman then put the resolution calling for a show th e :alley f re e; e cCheers.) lam certain you will condemn of hands for and against. of th ltentio ho e f " ts es and paper votes of the great novelist, The few hands that were raised against the motion were e effta ri g h t of tike any small boroughs, and. the ignoring received with a storm of hisses and hooting. ge. (o any classes to an extension of the The resolution was declared carried by a large majority. lobe: be ex , ud cheers.) I trust, however, the suffrage will Mr. J. R. Jeffery came forward . to propose the second i n.c lger cons Tided so far as to cause the right to vote to be no resolution, and was received with loud f l and t enthusiastic idle netre ena lueeed a privilege or to subject the votes of sober, cheers. He said : Mr. Chairman and e low- owilsmen, if Ref a nd w or w t a ki ng men to be swamped by those of the 1 there be one characteristic for which we, as Englishmen, R -orr e p, etese. ( Hear .) Th e next statesman to offer a I are more famous than -another, it is that we give a clear ' ee n seell. -""' R will in all probability be my Lord John stage and no favour to any and every man who may present se ` rs ant w i t : introduced the bill of 1832. He is eon- himself before a Liverpool audience to express an opinion e t' t nPathi ses the constitution of this country, and he upon any subject. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) There is . an towerenlind With,, the working classes. (Hear.) I need element in those who entertain what are called progressive t h e i le - , w ' :t it le figu how he was employed recently, in this very views which we should be glad to see imitated upon all 7 7 Measures to promote their welfare. From such occasions as this, and that is, that every man stands ; ,. i n ktrt, and l a., eight to expect a full and ample measure of upon this platform upon his own footing. (Cheers.) He tj e e e l litu y ou "lint not if he bring in a good bill you will commits no man to the sentiments to which he ci people er cordial support---(hear)—whilst, if he do not, may give utterance. For what I say our esteemed ati ee of th t Liverpool, in common with other constituen- chairman is not responsible, and for what he may (1," propoundge'lle will again assemble in public meeting, say, or any other gentleman here may give utterance to, NEI Cheers fur themselves the measure they require. no other individual is responsible. (Hear, hear.) That is kr .) eee • Earle em one element in the system we adopt to carry forward pro . co tninee )1e forward and was received with applause. geessive views. We Choose to claim it for ourselves, and we ;Veg. , i e n,'? o eel. as 8 0011 as the applause had subsided by yield it to everybody else. You have been told by . the sien you h ae u e le townsmen, I thank you for the kind recep- 1 previous speakers that this meeting has been called to-night ‘ ,•'n, le a , v e e .given me on coming before you on this occa- for the purpose of denouncing this most abominable bill o tlld n ot ', I consulted my convenience or my health I which has been brought in. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, ItEa have f su te inix__, been here this evening. But being in somebill 1 Icall it • a of sale—(laughter and cheers)—and you re r 'ne s wr one, T 11 P with politics since ever I knew right i and I are . the goods 'and chattels. (Renewed cheers.) Let te } ,.. elf i n b,: l -. coUld not, upon the present occasion, justify ' me explain to you why I designate it by that phrase, and 1/44ear, hear°mug absent from such a meeting as this. I I ask those of you who held up' their hands against ist eens 4 , . ev e , are m e t t oge th er t o con demn in the the last resolution to give me their ear for three minutes, ' terms possible, the bill that is falsely called a whilst I explain how it is that we are to be the goods and 269,476 t ens, and 19,597 tons. Timber vessels are at pre- 6ent detained in the river, but I do not think it i s alto a. altogether °'slcing to want greatof water to enter the docks. It is to i 11extent owing t o th e crow d ed state of the Liver- °l ' docks. The re i s no d ou b t the Great Float at Bir- , ' nhead wou l d afford ample accommodation for timber great As re gar d e d depth of water, Birkenhead possessed t advantages, but he did not know exactly where the 44 water storage was. There was undoubtedly plenty of land storage, but the dock board had no information as to the amount of water storage. The timber committee of 1850 reported in favour of Birkenhead for the timber trade, in preference to the north end. All the gover nment nominees, m embers o f t h e Mersey board, dissented from , the present aPPliCation Mr. De a lt, b ne of the members o f t h e b oar d, s alci at one of the meetings that le looked upon Birkenhead with " unmitigated disgust." Was not aware that other member s of the board concealed their thoughts with refer ence to Birkenhead. Mr. Webster : Well, perhaps they don't bolt out their 'P i nions co fr ee l y. k r • s r . arnevorth : W e ll, per h aps no t. ex amination co n ti nue d : I consider it was a great taisfortime that th e sc h eme of 1855, as regards the timber tnrad the , was not carried ou t . I mean t h e proposa l i n re f erence land at the north e n d. Re-e xamined : Whether this bill passes or not, a portion Vef.the timber trade will be located at the north. It is o‘4rating there at the present time. The Dock Board, at epresent moment, is speeding large sums of money, in tr es and other ways, for the accommodation of the timber fade there. I don't think that in any respect Birkenhead t : asse sses greater facilities, or accommodation, for the inland le in timber than will be afforded at the north end. in )Rite Chairman : There was not exactly an understand tieo. the Dock Board when, sometime ago, they had . a at b,ucta tiell with the timber trade respecting accommodation , jt the north end, that the works now proposed should be timeeute but I still think that it is incumbent on the bero execute them. The decrease in the importation of the aet Liverpool was rather apparent than real, because -mount imported in 1853 was only 273,000 tons, and there h • 'tecleedelug so large an excess in 1854 as 387,000, it over the e _ the trade, so that the gradual diminution was only reco tfect of it. He believed that the trade . was now that7 r iug the effect of the recent large importations, an foi?t;11 4 ,Year or two the returns would show an increase. ; /' lemin e• examined by Mr. Burke : Had been Liver - 1)0 4 Y years connected . with the timber trade in kr, ° • The witness corroborated the statements of end Parnworth as to the proposed works at the north adcl e u e r Liverpool bein g required for the. timber trade. He Li ve — that, for several years past, the timber trade in cale e r r °l had been constantly increasing. He had made b ascert a i n from statistical and other information, and ad iiiiportni-led that, taking the average amount of timber gre ss i v e 't into Liverpool every five years, there was pro the e increase from 1849 up to 1857. He considered adealt'iresent scheme a very sound one, and calculated to 0 an te the timber interest in Liverpool. ' t he f ar , elamilled brokers Webster Chaloner is one of time best timber in Liverpool. I was for some f e ,halon Pa f i tuers h e iP with him. Up to the present time . 3 i t . if south end to go the north end, and remains a Lf. By can help • I don't think he will go to the north end , By th e a P it tiieb onunittee • I er trade e• • , tri • ; see no probability whatever of the Posed work Z °lll ol B irkenhead, and, therefore, the pro docks. The ti ° 7 4-' net at al interfere with the Birkenhead . Makin.. of th ee er trade are very much interested in the irsern . e proposed works. leasese 'Juan/la n • ° f land ' suPpose the timber trade, having taken t he Pro and offices in that locality, would wish to see the P cb sed wor value of ... ks carried out, becausp it would increase Mr. p i "fle land there ?to th eh , . Ming : There is no doubt it would be advantageous Th e "b l i ° their trade. en indi„,•leairui, an But may they not be supposed to have i ntere s t interest, as distinguished from the general the pro: nort their judgment be biassed in favour of the vales of ks, from the fact that it would enhance M. ti . L .,e ef their land there ? au , h swe . r. -leuli ng : That is rather a difficult question to rh e e l , th e ei eairmen: Have you formed any judgment as to head?'S ° f vessel s lik ely to b e accommo d a t e d a t Birken- Mr. PI Th e ebenliug : I have not. as to th e ' a rinan : You have expressed a confident opinion You for m unfitness of Birkenhead for the timber tra .. t e r s ade, can : krFteanni.opinion as to its fitness for other . d . e sider a ti e mr. . Smith, agent to the Bridgewater Trust was repeateialled, and stated that the Trusthad absolute Y ur ged upon the Mersey Dock-board, the l for th e i necessity of increased accommodation at Liverpoo l Merle:can-Land carrying trade. The witness read severe lio eed : Ls which the T rust had forwarded to the Dock ( l eek accaontud tatadte. that he looked upon the increase of ation at Liverpool as a vital question. R. _ tu ck the present scheme a good one. If the proposed T ritst at the north end were carried out, the Bridgewater ba s i es weuld be prepared toe take a long lease of one of the r „ This Iv as as e ,the case on behalf of the promoters, and Mr. the Great'4.'., was addressing the committee on behalf of heilivayeN.,!_estern Railway Company, and . the Birkenhead 'ulPany, when our parcel was dispatched. 'Flit GOVERNMENT REFORM THE NORTHERN TIMES, FRIDAY, MARCH 18 1859 . to demand it for themselves. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) To withhold it is to perpetuate an injustice, and it should not be permitted. Hitherto taxation has been the basis of electoral qualification. What does this bill propose to do ? The very reverse of that. It no longer gives the privilege of voting to those who take care of the state— it throws the state to the winds, and it gives it to those who are either pensioners upon the state, or who simply, take care of themselves. (Hear, hear.) It gives it to annuitants in the funds, to the holders of bank stock — A Voice : What about bankrupt stock. (Cries of order, and laughter.) Mr. Jeffery : To the holders of India bonds to various state pensioners, and so on, who may live wherever they please, and by the aid of voting papers can give their votes. (Hear, hear.). Is that right. (No, no.) Gentle men Mr. Steams referred to the £6O deposit in the Savings' Bank. Let me say three words upon that subject : It is a delusion, and if you trust to it, it will prove to be a rotten reed. (Cheers.) In the first place, many of you know that, according to Savings' Bank regulations, it requires a year to deposit £3O. It will, therefore, take two years, at the least, to collect £6O, and then you must have it deposited for twelve months before you are entitled to vote by virtue of it. So that it takes three years, be you as econo mical as you will, and all these parties thus entitled to vote may live anywhere. Now, gentlemen, this is what is called ,the enfranchising portion ; but the bill proposes to dis franchise every working man in the employ of the govern ment, every mechanic in her Majesty's dockyards is to be disfranchised. Mr. Disraeli said, indeed, that they will only be disqualified. Sir, I cannot imagine how the House of Commons could have permitted any man to stand up and address it with such effrontery; how it could have permit ted him to proceed until he had retracted such an equivoca tion. (Hear, hear.) If artizans are to be disqualified, why not disqualify every man in the pay of the Government ? (Hear, hear.) Why stop at artizans ? Why select artisans ? Because they are comparatively helpless in the estimation of the Government. (Hear, hear.) Let them disqualify every officer in the army and the navy ; let them disqualify every man situated in the same position, with regard to the acceptance of pay, as the Government artizans. (Hear, hear.) Let us be no parties to the disqualification of the artizan I will be no party to it (Cheers) I have said that the payment of taxation hitherto has been the basis of electoral qualifica tion. Who does not pay taxes in this country ? More than half the gross revenue which comes into the exchequer of the country, is raised from commodities which the people eat, drink, smoke, snuff, or consume in clothing. Who consume such commodities to a greater extent than the working classes ? (Hear, hear.) And yet these very classes are the people to be ignored in this new Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Again, I say, demand your rights through your representatives, and cease not until you obtain them. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the whole bill is a huge trap. (Laughter.) It is made to catch the rats running away from the Liberal camp. (Cheers and laughter.) It is quite obvious that unless the government cam have some ratting from the liberals they can never carry this bill. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt that the masterhand who baited this trap thought he had done it very cleverly, but we see what he . is about, or, if we do not see it, we ought, and he will not catch us, I hope, in that trap. (Hear, hear.) Now let me give you a word of warning— beware of your professed friends. (Hear, hear.) There is more danger from within than from without. We know how to deal with a decided and declared opponent ; but we do not know how to deal with a sinister and pro fessed friend. Let me call your attention to two letters which have appeared within the last few days—a letter from Mr. Ellice, of Coventry, and one also from Lord Grey to my Lord Elcho. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I venture to say that there is something very like a conspiracy upon this question - (hear, hear) —a conspiracy in order that we may be sold. But let us sleep with one eye open until the fate of this bill has been decided. (Laughter and cheers.) Now, lam going to be very modest. (Laughter.) lam not going, like my friend Mr. Steains, to stand up here and frame a Reform Bill. A Voice : You can't. (Laughter and cries of " order,") Mr. Jeffery : I want two things. Now, mark me; I want two things, and less than those two things I, for one, will not be content with. (Hear, hear.) The first is, that each and every elector shall, as nearly as possible, be made of equal weight in the scales of the nation. Do you know our relative weights at present, and our relative values ? Just let me give you an idea. First, then, let me take the town of Chippenham. How many Manchester electors do you suppose it requires to make one Chippenham elector ? Well, this is a plain Rule of. Three sum. Forty. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) It requires forty Manchester electors to be equal to one Chippenham elector. Is that equity—is it justice —is it common honesty ? (" No, no.") Let us take Buckingham, the capital of the county which Mr. Disraeli represents himself— A Voice :.Three cheers for Mr. Disraeli. (Cheers and hisses.) Mr. Jeffery : 11( w many Glasgow electors would it take to make one Buckingham elector ? It requires 43. A Voice : Three cheers for Oliver Cromwell. (Cries of order, and laughter.) Another Voice : Three cheers for Queen Elizabeth. (Cheers, laughter, and cries of order.) Mr. Jeffery : Now let me come home. How many Liverpool electors would it take to be equal to one of Devizes ? Fifty-five. ( Oh, oh, and laughter) One Devizes elector has as powerful a voice in the Legislature as fifty-five of us. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) Equal intelligence, I say. should command, and 'if it does not command, it should demand electoral equality. (Hear, hear, and cheers) Now let us try the same thing by the test of money value. Let us have another Rule of Three sum. If a Liverpool elector be worth 45., what will an elector of either these three places I have named be worth ? Answer that question for me. If a Liverpool elector is of the value of 45., an elector of either of these. three places is worth £lO. (Laughter, and cries of " oh, * oh.") That is the relative money value, gentlemen. How can any representation be considered fair which is so based—and that will be the state of things, remember, if this bill should become law. I am not dealing with any of the places which Mr. Disraeli proposes to denude of one member. lam taking those which will remain as at pre sent even if his bill should pass. I told you that I wanted two things, and I have named one of them. I shall now name the second—that every elector shall have secured to him an equal independance in the exercise of his franchise. (Hear, hear.) Now these two principles embodied in a bill shall receive my most strenu ous support. I shall not cavil at the particular means by which such results are arrived at. Ido not care whether the protection and security I think requisite be called the ballot, or any other name, so long as it produces the result. A Voice : What about the wreck ? (Cries of order, order.) Mr. Jeffery : My friend, we shall all be made a wreck, if we support this bill. (Cries of hear, hear, and loud cheers.) A Voice : Where do you keep the hose. (Order, order, and laughter.) Mr. Jeffery : Give me those two points and I shall be satisfied. Now, do you want them ? (Cries of " Yes, yes.") Then give your commission to your members, requesting them to give your orders to the government and the legis lature, with instructions for immediate execution. (Loud cheers, amid which Mr. Jeffery resumed his seat.) Mr. Samuel Rathbone was loudly cheered on coming forward. He said : Gentlemen, I am much obliged to you for the reception that you have given to me, and which I know I owe to the name of my father, who, though he is not present with us to-night in person, is here with us in heart and soul. (Loud cheers.) I have great pleasure in seconding the resolution that has been proposed to you by Mr. Jeffery, for I do believe the wisest friends of the constitution are those who desire to extend the franchise to the working classes. (Hear, hear.) I know there are many who warn us not to follow the example of the United States, not to " Americanize " our institutions, as the cry is. A Voice : Give it him sharp. Mr. Samuel Rathbone continued : The heavy taxa tion, the insecurity of life in her great cities, and the corruption lately revealed among her prominent statesmen, have alarmed them beyond measure. But though we shall, I trust, profit by her dearly-bought experience, it would be mere weakness to allow it to prevent us remedying the de fects in our own constitution. When the last great reform bill passed, the cry was, don't let us have a French revolution in England, and famous capital the Tories made of it. They brought out a most amusing caricature in which the King was represented playing leap-frog with his peers down Constitution-hill. The crown had fallen from his head, while two portly bishops had rolled over in the fun, and were meant, no doubt, to foreshadow the coming fall of the church. Well, that great measure of which sad dis asters were predicted, has now been pretty well tried ; and I will put it to the veriest Tory in England whether we are not now a more loyal, united, and more prosperous nation than before it passed. And even our old friend, the church, which was to be its first victim, has, I think, rather benefitted by the change. Her ministers are admitted to be more zealous and active than ever, while her earthly position remains securely fortified, as of old, behind the outworks of her innumerable livings. And while these have been the results of carrying reforms in time, let me remind those timid Conservatives who foresee disaster from every change of the year 1848, what flocks of despotic kings and princes came for safety to our shores, some of them without a second shirt to their backs, and one of them, who had left home in such hot haste, that he actually forgot to bring his wife out of the e mess. These pallid fugitives were, surely, so many warnings, or to speak more correctly, running commentaries on the madness of checking the natural growth of a country's institutions. We have now had nearly thirty years of inaction, and surely the time has come to move a step on. The time, too, seems to be most favourable for passing a well considered measure of Reform, because this difficult question is happily as yet unincumbered by passion or excitement ; a measure which, like all past changes in our constitution, shall be based more on experience than iheory :—and I trust, also, a measure which, while it provides for the 'representation of every important, class in this community, shall not be calculated to overwhelm the influence of any. There, are two bills now before the conntry, and we hear that Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston are each anxious to lay their hands on ano ther, so that we shall have lots of choice ; and I, for one, shall most truly rejoice if one is brought which will unite in its support the whole and entire Reform party in Liverpool. I trust we shall see a bill proposed which will land both the express and parliamentary trains of the party at the same terminus after their temporary separation. • I will not longer trespass on your patience. Indeed, the exhausting- eloquence of the speakers who preceded me, exhausting, of course I mean, to the subject, not the audience, left very little to be said in support of this motion. .I have cordial plea sure in seconding the resolution that I hold in my hand. The motion was then put and carried, only about twenty hands being held up against it. The parties who opposed the resolution then commenced " the Kentish fire," and kept it up some moments. Mr. James Molyneux then rose and said : Gentlemen, I have to submit to your consideration the third resolution, but before I do so I will avail myself of this opportunity, as a very old reformer (bear, hear, and "speak out"), to express my unmitigated contempt of the Government measure, which they call a reform bill. It might be more properly called a sham ; and it is, at least, an attempt to regain the power from us which we now hold. Gentle men, I have the privilege to submit to your consi deration this resolution, and to ask your approval . of the petition which will shortly be submitted to you. But before I do so I avail myself 'of this- opportunity as a very old reformer to express my unmitigated contempt of the Government measure which they call a Reform Bill— (hear, hear)—but which I regard, if not as a sham, a delusion, and a snare ; at least as an attempt to enable the monopolist to regain the power which we have wrenched from them, and which I hope the people of this country will never allow them to possess (cheers). Gentlemen, I confess I did not expect from Lord Derby any good thing as far as reform is concerned, and therefore feel no disappointment. lam not visionary enough to hope to gather figs from thistles, or grapes from thorns. Gentle men, I am aware that the object of this meeting is to protest against the Government measure (uproar), and not to sug gest any plan of our own. Still, gentlemen, I perhaps may be allowed to read to you the opinion of one of the first men of the age, if not the greatest man of the age, and the greatest benefactor of the human race, I will add, upon this sub ject. In his opinion I think the majority of the reformers will concur. (Applause.) Lord Brougham said the gross inequality of the electoral divisions is much to be repro bated; a million of persons and an enormous wealth in one or two counties have no grater weight in the scale of Par liamentary influence than a few hundred persons in some obscure town. It is plain that, while this inequality con tinues, little confidence can be given to the resolutions of the Commons as an indication of public opinion. The:duration of Parliament is clearly too long ; members chosen while the state of the • Sovereign's _ life pre sents the prospect of a six or seven years' seat, never think of their constituents any more than if they had none. Triennial parliaments ought, most certainly, to be substituted for septennial. The necessity of securing the electors, by the plan of secret voting, seems at length to have forced itself on the minds of those formerly most reluctant to entertain the subject of the ballot. It seems, however, clear that it would be some shelter to tradesmen, and that such protection, if town elections are to be other than a farce, is necessary. Gentle men, as I do not see as well as I did some thirty years ago, I will call upon Mr. Maxwell, the son of our lamented friend Mr. George Maxwell—(loud applause) to read the petition. Mr, Maxwell then read the following petition : TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, IN PAR LIAMENT ASSEMBLED. The petition of the electors and non-electors of the borough of Liverpool, in public meeting assembled Humbly showeth,—That this meeting views with extreme regret the very meagre, inefficient, and delusive measure of Parliamentary Reform which has been presented to your honourable house by her Majesty's Government. That in the year 1852 and 1854, her Majesty's Ministers then in office called the attention of Parliament to this question, and sug gested that alterations should be made in the Reform Act of 1832, calculated to give more complete effect to the principles on which that act was based, and to extend their application. That your petitioners consider that the bill now introduced fails to promote the ends which in any bill to amend the representation of the people it is desirable to have in view, and is not calculated to give more complete effct to the principles on which the act of 1832 was based, and to extend their application. Because, Ist, it does not enfranchise, as a body, any portion of the working classes, by wholly omitting to lower, in any degree, the borough qualification of a voter. Because, 2nd, the effect of the measure will be to a large extent to disfranchise prospectively, if not immediately, a mOst intelligent and independent class of county voters, viz., those resident in boroughs sending members to Parliament. Because, 3rd, such last mentioned provision is calculated to throw the representation of the counties still more into the hands pi' the large landed proprietors. Because, 4th, the proposed bill does not disfranchise wholly or partially certain boroughs whose constituency is so small as to render their representation undesirable, exposed, as many of them have repeatedly been proved to be, to venal practices ; and, in consequence of the retention of such parliamentary boroughs, many places which, by their importance and intelligence are far more entitled to return members to Parliament, are thereby necessarily debarred from the privilege. Because, sth, many of the new franchises proposed by the bill I will be incapable of a satisfactory working, and liable to abuse. Because, 6th, the voting by means of voting papers will be certain to open a door to fraud, intimidation, and dictation. Because, 7th, the proposed enlargement of the existing Parlia mentary boroughs is intended still further to emasculate the county register, by removing from it prospectively, if not im mediately, the county- voters resident in the neighbourhood of such boroughs. Because, Bth, the measure, as a whole, will not put an end to the agitation for reform which has more or less existed of late years, and which it is highly expedient that any new Reform Bill should do. Your petitioners, therefore, humbly pray that your honourable house will refuse its assent to this bill on the proposed second reading of the same. And your petitioners will ever pray. Mr. Molyneux then said : Gentlemen, I beg leave to move thatthat petition be adopted by this meeting, and signed on its behalf by the chairman, and that Mr. Ewart be re quested to present it and support its prayer : Mr. 141‘Gregor said : I wish I had the voice to say a word or two, so that you might all hear me, but I won't occupy your time further than by saying, I second the re solution ; and I only wish that there was time long enough to have this petition signed by the masses of Liverpool, so that the House of Commons might know the feelings of the people, not only all that are here to-night, but of the entire town of Liverpool. Mr. Phillip Rathbone came forward to address the meeting in support of the resolution. He commenced by observing that when old George Stephenson was about to begin the first railway, a friend asked him how would he carry out his project if a cow got on the rails, when old Mr. Stephenson replied, " it wad be unca bad for the cow." So it was with Mr. Disraeli when he saw that it would be awkward for his cow in the way of reform. He did much wiser than to attempt to stop a meethig which he could not prevent, and when he could not get ou he put a bill across the way. But there was a good engineer at the head A Voice : What are you afraid of. Raise your voice. Mr. Rathbone : When Mr. Disraeli found that his bill was found out, and the forty shilling franchise wast talked of, he said, " You pays your monish, and you takes your chance." Ile (the speaker) would say that they were called upon to vote against the second reading of the bill. He distrusted the cause in the hands of those that could not to be trusted, He did not know by entrusting the child to the care of such a stepmother, who might be tricked out of that franchise which was pretended to be given them, and he would vote against the bill brought in by him, if there was no other reason whatever than that it had been brought in by him. (Cheers and hisses). Let them have men in whom they could put their confidence, and they would pass their measures, but don't let them have men to pass measures in whom thel could put no confidence. A voice : Your a Jesuite. Mr. Rathbone : It was time, he thought, that Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston would make their battle. He concluded amid applause, by remarking that their sitting member was likely to become a standing one. Mr. J. C. Ewart, M.P., said : M r. Chairman and gen tleman, I would indeed be wanting in the common feelings of a man, if I did not show some emotion at the kind and generous manner in which you have been pleased to receive me this evening. (Hear, hear.) I confess that I have come down from London this morning at some public incon venience to myself, but when I heard this meeting was to great ipoll;liavae)e.. take place here this e venin g , I could not resist the tempta tion of attending, in order to show m y fellow townsmen an d brother electors that I would always be ready to sta n d up for the rights and the privileges of the people. We, the liberal party , hate, I think, shown g re ( a nce to the present governm ent ( hear, hear), and honour d b een most anxious to give to the right ' able gentleman, the leader of the H ouse of Commons a fair trial, so that he might have an_ opportu n ity of redeeming the promise which he made at the commence ment of the session. "That he fondly hoped," was his expression, " that he would be able to introduce a bill for reforming parliament whi ( c o la. h, w oh ou ) ld I be satisfactory to the people of this country." what astonished at that declar.ationonfl s somewhat some- pleased that the right hon. es fe s lt l wa a declaration as that. For I I will, he had the pow satisfaction to the power of b knewgentleman could make such _ . very well, if he had the ringing iu a bill that would give people of this country. I find that bill has been brought in, and I appeal to this cast assembly before me, I appeal to the intelligent community of Liverpool, whether that right hon. gentleman's wishes which he fondly indulged in bn not now scattered to the wind. _ A Voice :It miscarried. (Laughter.) —. - Mr. Ewart : It is now twenty-seven years since the Great Reform Bill was carried. During that time, I need not ask you what. vast improvements have been made in knowledge and science amongst the people. We have seen our steamers, perhaps, I may say, visible in every sea in the world. Our wishes and our wants are carried like a flash of lightning to almost the remotest corners of the globe. Libraries are open to the public, lectures are given for their instruction, cheap concerts have been given for the rational entertain ment of the people. I appeal to you, and I appeal to you with perfect confidence, arc not the people since 1832, very a much improved and arc they n o t entitled to a larget measure of reform ? (Hear, hear.) But,- gentlemen, v says Mr. Disraeli, the Chancellor of the Exchequer ? He says :—" I cannot deny the truth of all you say, but I will not allow any greater measure of reforni than giving to a man who has £6O in the bank a franchise, to doctors and , lawyers, and a great many other persons of that kind, and I • will give it to lodgers, not who pay .their £lO, but who pay their Bs. a-week, or their £2O a-year." I ask you is -that giving a fair franchise to the industrious community. (No, no.) Gentlemen, I have been one who have always, I trust, been advancing the liberties and rights of the people. (Hear, hear.) I will be no party to such a proceeding, but I will unhesitatingly declare that if I possibly can, I will do my utmost to throw that bill out of parliament. (Hear, hear, and applause.) But, gentlemen, while alluding to the present ministry, it is but right and fair—and I never will say anything but what I do consider ight and fair—it :s right I should separate froa that ministry 'two most aistinguished persons, who have arways been considered to be most honest. Now, gentlemen, what did these distinguished men say? They said, "We cannot go quite so far as the £lO county franchise, but we must admit that the people have advanced in intelligence, and we at all events will not agree to your proposition, but we insist that the £6 franchise shall he adopted in the boroughs. (Hear, hear.) Now these gentlemen stood ..to their opinions, and like true honest people. when they found they could not get that first measure of- Reform passed, they in stantly resigned their seats. - Now gentlemen, I am one of those, who though 'perhaps I do entertain what some people may consider to lie somewhat strong opinions, yet I hope lam not-so w e dd e d t o m y. cro t c h ets that I will not always give way' to what I consider is for the good of the people. I will frankly tell you, if the government had brought such a bill forward as Mr. Henley and Mr. Walpole brought forward, I would have voted for it; although I have always voted for the £lO franchise. Or if such a bill as that brought in by Mr. Locke Kin, had been brought in, I would have voted for the £2O franchise for the county, on the condition that the boroughs got their £6 franchise. Gentlemen, this. country cannot stand this system of perpetual agitation. Let government bring forward such a measure as the people are fairly entitled to. The people of this country find this constant agitation interfere - not only with their daily avocation, but it interferes also very materiall y . with the general pursuits of commerce. I will most gladly * present this petition to the House of Commons ; and in doing so, I shall feel that I am repre senting the opinions, not only of a vast majority of this intelligent community, but that I am representing the opinions of the vast majority of the people of England. (Applause.) Mr. Ewart then resumed his seat. A Voice : Will Mr. Ewart vote for the ballot? Mr. Ewart : I hope I have never shrunk from giving my opinion upon all occasions. (Hear, hear.) As I under stand.the gentleman, he asks me whether I will vote for the ballot. I think that gentleman has not consulted the general votes of the 110v.60 of Commons upon that question. I may refer him to the votes given by me since I have been in Parliament, and he will invariably find that I was not skulking away from a division. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Charles Holland hoped the gentlemen was perfectly satisfied with the answer he had received. (Cheers.) The duty which he had to perform was a very easy one, upon which he felt sure they would have perfect unanimity— it was to move a vote of thanks to their worthy representative. (Cheers.) He. trusted that the miserable phantom of a bill, the paltry juggle which kept the word of promise to the car, but broke it to the hope, was now atterly disposed of, and that the voice of the people of England, uttered throughout the vast meetings which had taken place, with the voice of the present meeting added, had consigned the bill to the tomb of the Capulets for ever, and that they should hear no more of it. (Cheers.). There was still, however, a great question to be settled in the House of Commons, and he trusted the people of England would not permit the question of the enfranchisement of the working classes to be made a foot-ball of by any party in that house. (Cheers). He called upon them not to be wedded to any great man, however aristocratic or whatever its antecedents, but to consider only the ques tion of the measure which should carry out the object they sought to attain, and with nothing short of which they ought to be satisfied. No measure, by whomsoever proposed, which did not effectually carry out upon a broad and intelligible basis, the wants and wishes of the people of the country, ought to have their support. (Hear, hear.) He congratulated the meeting upon having one member with them upon whom they could depend to be true to the cause of the working classes of the country, and concluded by proposing, " Thatthe thanks of this matting are due and are hereby given to J. C. Ewarn;, Esq., M.P., for his presence at this meeting, and for his efficient services as one of our representatives in the House of Commons." (Loud cheers.) Mr. Robinson said he had much pleasure in seconding the motion of the preceding speaker.. He had watched Mr. Ewart's career with interest and a great deal of care, and he had found that he had done his duty in a most ! conscientious manner. In him they had a merchant prince without ostentation, a churchman without bigotry, • a townsman who sought the common good of his country, a member of Parliament who combined the gentleman with the politician. A Voice : IVhat'do you get for that ? Mr. Robinson : He was a Statesman who sacrificed his time and his talent for the benefit of Liverpool. lie did not want to lift Mr. Ewart up above all others, but he thought he would be borne oat in what he had stated. Two years ago the people of Liverpool returned him by a large majority and he believed if another appeal was made the people of Liverpool would return him again. (Hear, hear, and ap= lause.) Mr. Ewart, twenty-seven years ago, was a reformer, when to be n reformer was counted by some to be a reflec tion on the State. He was an advocate for religious liberty, when - to be such was considered to be against Queen and Constitution. He was a free trader, when the farmer was told that if the measure was carried there would be no more land cultivated in England. These things must be pleasing for him to reflect upon. He also possessed another quality : His name was connected with the benefit of tire people, and the institution of free libraries (applause) ; and it was only natural to think that he wished to share with them the liberty which he possessed after having enlightened their minds by such means. Many people had apprehended_ much from the power of the working classes. They were the wealth producers of the country, and the . e t l t f h ar a e t protectors of the country. Some people thought that t 4 constitution was a watch or a clock, or sonic piece o f mechanism ; his opinion was that it is an organiser. He heaved considered n d t e h r a a t the fustian sam jacket, same feeli feeling wag o w f a a s r felt as within the country's was concerned, as moved the hear ts of the fine g entleman in Hyde Park, who said "dem'e." While England remained a the welfare nation, there would exist one c ommon bond of brot herhood. He had no doubt that the meeting would concur with the resolution moved by Mr. Holland, and he would not have the slightest objection if they passed it uproriously. (Great cheering). Mr. Ewart thanked them for their kindness, and con cluded by moving a vote of thanks to the chairman. • *At this stage of the proceedings a drunken fellow arose, amid shouts of" Sit down, and hold your tongue," "Go on," &c. He was invited to the platform, which he succeeded in reaching by the assistance of several of th e audience. He said he wanted to ask M r. E wart a question, and toa attempts fewby to askingd o why Mr. } war t h a d not so, he manaied t o make attended a meeting in Liverpool , called by Mr• It b haiftneirself several lierd • oe tick, at which religious liberty was advocated. Mr. Ewart renlied that he was in the south of England at the time, and did not consider himse lf bound to attend any meeting that Mr. Roebuck might be pleased to call. Mr. Jeffery then put the resolution, thanks of that the . d the meeting be given to the chairman, which was came • amid cheers, and the • meeting broke up. , chattels under this bill of sale. Mr. Disraeli has told you that this bill is not a disfranchising bill. It deprives every freeholder of the borough of Liverpool, who may be a resident within the borough, of the privilege of exercising his vote for the county. A -voice : " Quite right" and hisses.) (" No, no ; " laughter, cheers, Is that not a disfranchising bill ? (Cries of hear, and loud cheers.) Suppose that the land within the parliamentary borough range should be owned by inhabitants of the borough, that land remains unrepresented as part of the county. (Hear, hear.) The borough of Liverpool is thus cut out, at one fell swoop, from the county franchise. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Is ,that right ? (" No, no. ") Then you will admit with me that that is diminishing the power, most seriously, of those who live within the boroughs. (Hear, hear.) But is that all ? What does Mr. Disraeli propose in addition to that ? He proposes that all those who live beyond the precincts of the borough, and are owners of land within the borough, shall have votes for the election of members of Parliament professing to represent that borough. Now, understand this —any man who may live in the Orkney Islands, in Jersey, Guern sey, Alderney, or Sark, can have a voice in the election of the representatives of a borough, if he owns soil within the precincts of that borough to the extent of 40s a year. (Hisses.) Now, will you have this ? (Cries of " No, no.") Let me say one word; while upon this part of the subject, to those who are holders of shares in freehold land societies. This bill disfranchises every one of them but two. Every freehold land society in this country is destroyed by this . bill. Let me have no mistake upon this question. It has not been mooted before by any person to my knowledge, at least I have not observed it. Let me read you only three lines out of the clause of the bill. " Provided always that no greater number of persons shdll be entitled to be registered in respect of any freehold, copyhold, or leesehuld interest in the same premises, than shall be equal to two voters for any single tenement or undivided plot of land, unless they shall have derived the same by descent, succession, marriage, marriage settlement device, or promotion,"—that is to office I suppose (laughter) --" as aforesaid, or unless they shall be bond fide engaged as partners carrying on trade or business thereon." Do you call that an enfranchis ing bill. (No, no) ? Yet Mr. Disraeli had tle effrontery to stand up in the House of Commons and 6ay that it was an enfranchising bill, and not a disen franchising bill. Gentlemen, I call it a stand-and-deliver bill. (Cheers.) How can it be otherwise than a stand and-deliver bill, when two witnesses to the voting paper go to the door of the cottager, and ask for his vote ? (Hear, hear.) They demand his vote ; they say, " Give us your signature, give us your vote." Is not that a stand-and deliver bill ? How many are there who would be enfran chised under a £lO qualification clause, in the county, who could dare to exercise an independent vote, when, probably, the two witnesses would be, the one the lawyer, and .the other the squire's estate agent. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Gentlemen, this voting paper system is no novelty. It is in operation at this moment in the neighbouring township of Toxteth-park. The present government knew perfectly well how the system was worked. Let me give you two instances of manner in which it has worked already, and then you will see probably the reason why the present government adopted it as a part of their so-called Reform Bill. In the neigh bouring town of Preston, two men, one of them at least out of the parish office, and clerk of the clerk to the guardians, committed— A Voice : Name. (Order.) Mr. Jeffery : I am telling you of a circumstance which occurred in the town of Preston, and if you will be kind enough to attend, you will get all the information you require. The two parties of whom I speak were committed to gaol, having been convicted of forgery and alteration of the list of votes which had been delivered. (Hear, hear.) Is that a system which is likely to improve our mode of recording our votes ? (No, no.) I will give you another instance which occurred in the parish of St. Martin's-in-the- Fields, in London. You are aware that the voting papers are first distributed and then called for by parties deputed to that duty. The voting papers in this instance were called for by the parties, and it was known that in a certain locality in a certain district the votes would be in favour of a certain candidate. The old Tory trick was . put to work. They got hold of the man with the bag containing the voting papers, and what did they do with them ? They made him drunk. And what did they do with the voting papers when they had made the man drunk ? They put them into the fire. (Oh, oh.) Is the system, then, under which such things can be done, a system which we are to have introduced in this year 1859. (No, no, and cheers.) You say no—l say no —we will not have it. (Hear, hear, and renewed cheers.) We are not to be done on this question. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Gentlemen, I will give you another name for this bill. I call it. an electoral game law preserving bill, for the poor country electors. (Hear, hear.) It is literally so. With the voting papers how can it be otherwise than that the poor dependant voters will be obliged to vote as they are ordered. (Hear, hear.) How many 'of those whom this portion of the bill will peculiarly affect are able to read or write ? Does not the imposition of this income tax in its exemption, shew that the legislative acknowledges that the former is unable to keep his accounts otherwise. Why does not the legislature put him upon the same footing as it puts the trader ? The trader has to make out a balance sheet, and shew his profits. I was talking to a member of the legislature the other day upon this very question, - and he said, " now there is no use in blinking the question, you know as well as I do that not one farmer in ten knows how to keep books, and that if he were to attempt it, he would make a precious bungle of it." (Hear, hear.) I believe lam right in saying that the last time the income-tax bill was before the House of Com mons, there was an amendment moved at the eleventh hour, fifty-ninth minute, that although the maximum was fixed according to the rental on which the income-tax was based, still there should be a minimum fixed by which if an individual could show that he had sustained losses he should be relieved from any payment. The maximum was so fixed that if he should make £l,OOO, although he only income-tax in £l2O rent, he should be only liable to pay in proportion to the amount of rent he paid, and the minimum was fixed in order that if he could shew that he was unable by losses to make the amount for which he was assessed, he should be exonerated. I am told upou very good authority, that there have been but five applicants to be relieved from the payment of the tax under that statute, and that these five applicants were unable to produce any books to show that theyhad lost any money at all. So much, then, for the education of the agricultural districts, and the community who live in them. How can this system of voting papers be carried out if men to be entrusted with votes can neither read nor write ? it is clear that the only way in which such men can fairly exercise their privile g e of voting is by going to the polling booth or to the ballot box ; and, unlike my friend Mr. Steains, I am an advocate for the ballot. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, this is a ter ritorial owners' bill. (Hear, hear.) It is a bill for the exclusive benefit of territorial owners. ( Hear, hear) A class which never had faith in the people of this country ; which, whenever the opportunity arose, showed its want of faith by placing the people within as many trammels as it was in its power to inflict. ( Cheers.) Call it by its right name, gentlemen, this bill is a gross imposition. ( Cheers) A certain humorous paper has more than once presented to us the Chancellor of the Exchequer as the Wizard of the North. (Hear, hear.) Now, if ever he practised a juggle in his life, this bill is a juggle. (Hear, hear.) . Its effect is calculated to aggravate, and not to diminish existing evils. (Hear, hear.) It de grades the county electors, who may be bought and sold— there can be no doubt whatever about it, may be bought and sold, if this bill becomes law, as any of the black slaves of the United States. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have been entrusted to move the second resolution, and, with your permission, I will now read it, and propose it for your adoption. That, in the opinion of this meeting, no measure of Parliamentary reform will satisfy the Liberal party which does not give to the working classes a larger share in the representation of the country. Who are the working classes ? I shall not attempt to define them. I will give you the words of others as a defi nition. When anything is wanted to be obtained from the people, the majority of the people is talked of. (Hear, hear.) The people are talked of as being ex tremely majestic, and referred to as being all powerful. That is the definition given of the people oft times by those who are in power. But when there is anything to be bestowed, what is it they think of then ? The majesty of the territorial owners. (Hear, hear.) If there is anything to be bestowed through the people it is given to the aristocracy or the oligarchy. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, to ask the present electors to request their representative to support the bill as an improvement upon the present state of affairs, is an insult to their common understanding, and impugns their sense of justice (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Who gave us our franchise ? They who held it before the year 1832 gave it to us as a matter of justice. I ask you, then, should we be less just than they ? ("No, no.") We have it our power now to bring within the pale of the constitution at least as large a number as were brought within the pale then, and who are now as well able to exercise their franchise as we were at that time of day. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, there are six millions of adult inhabitants in this country, and there is just one in four who has the franchise. Now, is that fair ? Is it just ? Do you call that honest legislatnre ? I call it—what ? A voice : Robbery. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Mr. Jeffery : Now, then, I call upon you to unite in demanding from the legislature, through your representatives —and there is one of them here before you (loud cheers) I call upon you through your representatives—and I speak of them in the plural number, to demand, at the hands fo government, justice for those who have not the power BRIGHT 1 AND " THE " BUTTERMIN (Air—" Villikins and his Dinah.") Oh 'tis of a famed merchant who in Liverpool dces ,:well, Who supply folks with Butter who want it to sell ; His name it is Kelly, you scarce need be told, Whose Butter is worth all your silver and gold. ,y. As Kelly was weighing out Butter one day, In walks REFORM BRIGHT, and to him did say, Come leave your shop Kelly, and with me away, And I'll find you a place with no work and good pat•. Singin'—Butter-li—Butter-li—Butte!-11-Isy. Oh l no, my brave BRIGHT, that wont suit my min.], " For to" cut my " old place" I do not feel incline, So to you the good pay I will gladly make o'er, To serve England with Butter a year or two more. Singin'—Butter-li—Butter-li—Butter-a-da!% That's a good noble Kelly--then John Bright replied, You're a "Brick," my "old buck , " and not to be b.iL Ct. , So, in order your Butter to put to the o t , Send me weekly, hencef orward tter-li B ttc '' u f e 3 -t our best. MORAL. persuaded to "shy" it Now all you who want butter, you know where to buy it, f f r ii w u a tt r e d r-V — l 3 hill value for their "tin," and quite • londneasveragosiveataby no means be Think of Kelly the Buttcrman, and Reformer John Bright.