The Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1835-07-24 00:00:00

Imperial Parliament. HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY NEW POOR LAW ACT. Lord TEYNHAM rose in pursuance of his notice to move fur a return of the number of commitments and convictieus iu the the different counties of England and. Wales for offences against the poor law amendment act. The noble lord stated that his reason for making this motion was the strung feeling which existed in the county of Kent with reference to the proceedings which had taken place under the new act—proceedings which were unnecessarily severe; He had from the first reprobated this bill, and pointed out the evils likely to result from it, and was perfectly convinced that its operation would effectually de stroy the character of the people of this country. The moral feeling of the great mass of the pophdation was the best support which their lurdshipe could have in their hour of need. That hour, perhaps, was fast approaching when noble lords opposite inieht feel it necessary to call on the peasantry of Eugland for assistance and protection. The noble lord's motion was negatived without a division. MR. HOGG'S PROTEST. Viscount Mato:mos said, with reference to a question which had been put on a former evening respecting M.r. Hogg's pro test, that the secretary of state nut having received the protest in question, he knew of no other way in which it could be laid before their lordships, except it were embodied in a petition. He did not, however, approve of such a proceeding. The Earl of Pen et:l).ex said that he himself had presented to the holist a .protest or report from Sir Francis Palgrave, and wanted to know what was the difference in the situation of the two parties, that allowed the protest of one commissioner to be received, bat caused the other to be rejected. He conceived that Mr. Hogg's statement bad as good a title to be received as that. he Sir Francis Palgrave. Of the paper drawn up by Mr. Hogg he knew nothing; but if it at all resembled the document that came from Sir Francis Paigrave, it was very important that it should be produced. He felt cow/Weed that they would lose much iu the discussion of this subject, it the paper in ques tion were not iu their lordships' possession. Viscount Meerrouent said that the protest alluded to by the :Earl of Aberdeen had been received in error. The present lord chief baron of the exchequer, when at the bar, had moved Tor a criminal information against Mt. Hogg for his conduct. while acting as a commissioner. Lord Lyre DH RST.—The noble vi.,count ought to have stated that the rule fin a criminal information against Mr. Hogg had been refused or discharged, so that he stood as clear from im putation as he was before the charge was made. When the re port of the commissioners was preparing, an opportunity of attending should have been given to all of them. Wheu his Mhjesty issued a commission, appointing commissioners, or a certain number of them, to make an inquiry, and to report on that inquiry, it must have been meant that all the commissioners should have an opportunity of delivering their opinions. Haw did they know, if the arguments contained in the papers alluded to had been urged on the etther commissioners, that they might not have had the effect of niducing them to alter their report? (Hear, hear.) It appeared to him contrary to justice to ex clude Foul an inquiry of this important nature the opinion of cue of those commissioners, whose province it bad been to in- Cesthhate the affairs of some of the most important corporations. In order that their lordships might come to a correct conclusion on this subject, it was necessary that this document should be laid before them. Lord SEILLMSP.SPALE felt partihularly anxious for the pro • duction of this report, on account of his counection with a county, some towns in which were not fully noticed in the docu ment before parliament, in consequence of Mr. Hogg not having coincided in the course taken by the other commis sioners. They knew not what the opinion of Mr. Hogg was, and such a town as Liverpool ought nut to be thus sightly treated. Viscount Mee uourthe believed that the secretary for the home department was not likely to change his opinion and re ceive Mr. Hogg's statement. Ho did nut mean to make any insinuation against Mr. Hogg by alluding to the proceedings that had been taken against him. The Earl of Devoe/ thought the best eieurse would be to ap point a select committee to inquire into all the facts and cir cumstancee under which the existing report was framed. Lord WHARNCLIFFE made some observations to the same effect, with which the conversation closed. CATHOLIC MARRIAGES lIILL—MR. Id AC DERMOT. The Marquis of CLANRIGALIDV. postponed the second reading of this bill until Monday next. 'the noble marquis took that opportunity of denying in the most positive mariner on the part of Mr. Macdermot, that that learned gentleman had ever used the language imputed to him, and that he had ever written or spoken what had been given as a report of his speech. The Bishop of EXETEO.—The statement he bad made on a former occasion was founded on the authority of a clergytnan of the church of Eugland, who had been intrusted with a mis ' sion to this country by his diocesan the Archbishop of Tuata. The speeph of Mr: Macdermot to which he referred was deli vered at a public meeting held its the town of Castlereagh on the 4th November, 11127. The report of the speech had been verified by the reporter and by three other respectable persons who were present when it was delivered. The reverend pre late then read the following extract from the speech:— : aAs soon as he (William Macdermot, Esq.) took the chair, be stated that the reason of their assembling there was to pre alma a Memorial to the lord lieutenant, in order to get the constabulary police broke fur their interference in cootroversial doettinet, and giving bibles and tracts; and, finally, fur their gallant captain, contrary to his duty, making a police barrack att itzglum for perverts,—[A noble lord said, What?' fhe Bishop of Exeter replied, • Pervert he would not call her a cuitvert.l—and a prison for illegally detaining children from . their parents; therefore we are assembled together in order to adept meaeuree to tame their fanaticism. Gentlemen, the un happy wretch (Miss Bourke) who is the occasion of our assem bling here to-day was seduced, or rather perverted, by that uefariuus, puny, insiguilicerit legislator of Bellvmore—a ma gistrate naioect Baggot. (Shouts of applause.) This fiend nut only did this, but he goes about with a tract in one hand and money in the other, in order to accomplish his pestiferous ends. He goes further, for, if be miss one of the children from the school, he takes the bible in one hand and his sword in the other; when he goes in, if he find none in the house, be will pierce his naked sword down through the bed. (Sheuts.) Gen tlemen, he proceeds still further : if this fail him, he will take the sword In one hand and a coal of lire in the other. I say, gentlemen, should uut this man be held up to the contempt of the people (Deafening shouts.) But, gentlemen, one wuul4 think that this pefarious wasp had some wisdom in his head, and certainly; if we are to measure brain by the circumference of the skull, he must be possessed of a very extraordinary one. (Shoats and clapping.) But, gentlemen, this insignificant wretch stood not alone iu his endeavours to raise a disunion in the minds of the people; for be lies a low, poor, grovelling, ill ' coloured, demoniacal, clerical mountebank, .who was chased from diocese to diocese for his schism. Gentlemen, this puny, ill-coloured runaway wrote certain letters in which the catholic religion is set up to ridicule; and I say m)i friends, front the authority of the Attorney-General, that any person ridiculing the people should be brought to public trial as a nuisance to society. (Shout of applause.) Gentleinen, this poor little mon key slily and insidiously insinuated himself into the police bare race, and openly and publicly calumniated the cathode religion, thinking, poor fihnd, that the gallant captain would write every affectionate letter ti his noble cousin (the Archbishop of Tuam) about his vigilance and zeal, and be partly the means of procur ing for this arch-hungry fiend some part of the green acres. But, gentlemen, our memorial will be before the lot d-lieutenant in a few days, and, as he is a man of candour and honesty, wholly divested of prejudice, we will get a bearing. Thank God! Goulburn is out; if' it were not so, I would um stand here this day. While he was in, if he petitioned daily, none of tllem would be presented. But now we hope to be health and are confident that we will bring one of the King's parsons to a sense of his duty, (laughter,) and, if possible, to have both cap tain and pulicebruke. lam sure your great and good clergy wan, Mr. Quin, daily warns you against these abominable schools. D re ad not their tyranny; What is the catholic rent for? I hope there is we protestant who will be so inhu miri as to turn any person out of his land fur his religion ; .1 . In which sentiment (said the right reverend prelateh I fully euncur9—and, if lie dues, we will be at the necessity of hold ing him up to the ridicule of the public; and, iii great as the authority of the landlord or agent is, pei haps they will ill brook the consequence. But, gentlemen, I did not say that Stoney was that fiend of fanaticism and proselytism who is protected by the pence; but we will shortly have him suspended, and, if not, we must be necessitated to hold him up to the ridicule of the multitude. (Shouts.) Gentle nieu, we have funds enough, we will setup schools in opposition to them ; we will try all means to rebut their schools, and'if we canout do it by these means, does any one think that 7,000,000 . will be held in trammels, and thwarted in their purposes, by a handful of men ?" That speech was priuted in the Roscommon and Leitrim Gazette, and reprinted in other Irish papers home - diately afterwards. That speech had the effect of exciting the people to attack with great violence a clergyman of the church of tengland, onaceuunt of the part he had taken, er was sup posed to have taken, iu the protectiun of the female in question, *has* cenelect wits represented as the effect of seduction, al though she was of full age to judge for herself; and though it was nut pretended that any art or falsehood was practised, or any coercion used, yet the occurrence was described in the ' terms he had" quoted. After the delivery of that speech, Mr. Macdermot was chaired by the people and treated with every slemonetration-of respect e and uti' lie bad become the object o f government patronage, and was included as a member of avert' important comrniseion, for which the speaker of such a speech would by most persons be deemed wholly unfit. Having made these few observations—having referred to the certificate of per sons present at tine meeting, verifying the report to which, in deed, the reporter himself professed himself ready to make oath, he left their lordships to judge on which side the evidence pre pondereted. • The Marquis of C re.aeterce EIDE said, that after so long an In terval it was rather hard to press for censure and condemna tion against a gentleman on account of language which he al together denied. 181311 CVERCION BILL. The Earl of GLIENGALL inquired of Viscount Melbourne, whether it was the intention of his majesty's governtnent to ream the Irish coercion-bill, which would expiLe on the 12th el August. Viscount Mxt.nounstE replied in the negative. On the motion of Lord Auckland, the merchant seamen en listment bill was read a second time and committed for Wed .nesday next. • Lord lltinearistost presented the report of tliA commis sioners of inquiry i n t o the Post-office, wh:ch was ordered to be printed.--. Adjourned. UOUSE OF COMMONS.—Musway. The Speaker took the chair at three o'clock. PIITITiOM PROM CHESTEP.—cATHOLICS IN PARLIAMENT. Among the petitions presented, (and there were a great num ber) Sir P. EGERTON presented one from the city of Chester, ex pressing the regret of the petitioners at the admission of Roman catholic. to parliament, their object being to overturn the esta blished church. The petitioners, in proof of this assertion , re = (erred to the votes lately given by the catholic. on the church bill, which they thought were inconsistent with the oaths they bad taken. The petitioner. prayed the house not to appropri ate the revenues of the Irish church to other than ecclesiastical purposes. The petition was signed by 600 persons, including the mayor and all the principal tradesmen of Chester. OitANGE LODGES. Mr.. W. PATTEN, as the chairman of the committee on orange societies, moved that leave be given to the committee to report frum time to time. Mr. Sergeant Jacxsors said, that in consequence of what had passed in that house on Friday evening, he had the highest authority for stating that the Duke of Cumberland had never issued warrantsfor establishing orange lodges in the army in any part of Great Britain or elsewhere. In the only instxmce where an application had been made to him for the purpirte i he stated iu reply, that iu conformity with the regulations of the army, nothing of the kind could be dune except by an applica tion to the Horse Guards. It was but right to state that cer tain warrants which had been transmitted from Ireland to-re ceive the signature of his Royal Highness, as grand master, did receive that sigma tore, but they were not directed to any regiment in the army when they receivers his signature; and if they hail been subsequently so directed or distributed, it was al together without the privity or knowledge of bis Bevel Highness. The motion was agreed to, and a report was brought up by Mr.. W. Patten. • Mr. BANNERMAN and Mr. OiIvALD postponed their motions respecting the universities of bercleim and Glasgow. Lord John Ress - Km. infoinied the house that it was not the intention of ministers to renew th.t Irish coercion bill. mumciPAL coi:poitaTioNs' Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the order of the day for the third reading of tbibill Mr. MI iss presented a petition against the bill. Sir R. VYVYAN also presented petitions from the cities of Bristol and Coventry against the bill. Some other petitions were presented against the bill which were received and ordered to lie on the table. Several members addressed the house at great length against the principle of the bill. The bill - was read a third time, and passed without a division. STAFFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL. On the 610[1011 that the speaker do leave the chair, Mr. K..13131.t..a5t moved " that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the bribery and corruption which have prevailed at elections for representatives for the borough of Stafford, and to report the result of their inquiries to the house ; that it be an instruction to the committee that they do report iu the first place the result of their inquiries as to bribery and corruption in the late election." Notwithstanding all that had been said against the ' borough of Stafford, lie was quite confident that the criminality which had been practised in that borough had never gone to that extent which had been required by that house to be proved to its satisfaction before it had proceeded to disfranchise a bo rough. Independently of the petition he had presented, he had . letters from great bodies of the electors, denying in the most ex wess terms that they had been guilty of bribery or corruption. There had not been a single case of prosecution against any el.lctor 0f that borough fur such au offence, and he really did hope the house would agree to his motion. Mr. DIVETT said, that if the house assented to the motion of the hon. member, it would be impossible to establish case for disfranchisement. Lord SAN DON stated, that he had had the opportunity of knowing, from living near the place, that there was a growing desire on the part of the respectable inhabitants to rid it of the stigma which rested on it. le considered the course intended to be pursued was an extreme course, and nut j ustitied by pre cadent. Mr. GLADSTONE supported the bill. Captain CIIETWTND supported the amendment. lie com plained that at the second reading he had been taken by sur prise. lie could state that the .1.56 voters who had supported him had received ro bribe or reward of any kind. The hon. member observed, it was to be regretted that the report had not been drawn up with a greater regard to accuracy. The hon. member pointed out several instances of misstatements and con tradictions in the evidence, and concluded by saying that no case had been made out to justify disfranchisement. Thu house then divided, when there appeared— For the original motion Against it Majority iu favour of the bill - —79 The house then went into committee on the bill. The bill passed tlirongh the committee. POSTAGE BILL. On the thin( reading of the bill, Mr. LABOCCIIERE (nought up a rider, the effect of which was to reduce the postage on foreign letters where foreign coun tries reduced theirs. (Hear.) The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at a quarter past oue u!clock. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TuEsnAr. - The royal assent was given by commission to several bills, among which was one for improving the ferry over the river Dee. Lord JOHN RUSSF. LL brought up a bill fur the reform of mu nicipal corporations iu England and Wales. The bill was read a first time pro forma and ordered to be read a second time on Tuesday next. ECCLESIAILIICAI. REVENUES BILL. On the motion of the Archbishop of Canterbury, this bill was re-committed for the purpose of adding two clauses as amend ments. •-• Several bills on the tattle were forwarded a stage.— Ad journed. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TCESDAY. In consequence of .a ballot for the oorough of Kingston-upon- Hull being taken, the gallery did nut open until a quarter-past four o'clock. EXPENSES OF GRANTING NEW CHARTERS. Mr. PEA SE moved for certain paperi connected with this sub. ject, which were ordered to be printed. 1 ARMOUTII ELECTION. Mr. PRAED gave notice, that he would (as we understood) to-morrow present a petition from certain of the electors of Great Yarmouth, praying to be beard by counsel before the commit• tee. Mr. S. RICE, we understood, gave notice that on the 28th of July he would move for the consolidation of the offices of treasurer of the ordnance, treasurer of the navy, and paymas ter of the forces, but from the very low and indistinct tone in which he spoke, it was in► possible to do more than guess at the purport of his expressions. Lord MoiteEzu hoped that all hon. gentlemen who bad no tices on the book for that night would be good enough to give way, and suffer the house to proceed with the Irish Church bill. He trusted, amongst the zest, that the hon. member for La- nark would give way. • Mr. MAxwELL said he would give way, but he hoped that he should not be prevented by the under-strappers of the govern recut from bringing_ on his motion on the 4th of August, for which day he would now fix it; and he now gave notice (as we under 7 stood) that on that day he would move that the conduct of the hand-loom weavers, in the patience with which they had borne their great privations, and the manner in which they had ap proached the legislature to seek relief, was such as merited the favourable consideration of the house. CHURCH OF IRELAND BILL. Sir R. PEEL. said that he had several petitions to presen against the bill, the order of the day for the commitment of which was now about to be moved, and he thought he should best consult the convenience of the house if he simply laid them on Ole table, stating only the places from which they were sent. The right hon. baronet then presented petitions against the bill from Soinerten, in the county of Somerset; from the clergy of the deanery of Doncaster, in the county of York; from Some place in the county of Gloucester; from Sion College, London; from Brighton, and another place . the . name of which we not hear. Coleriel P.KnckY a at., Mr. J AcKsoN, and several other members, presented similar petitions front the county of Sligo against any alienation of church property.—They were read and ordered to lie on the table. Lord MonPETII then moved the order of the day for the com mittee on the church of Ireland bill. Sir Itoeeaz PEEL then rose for the purpose of moving as an instruction to the comieittee "that the bill he divided into two bills."—[The speech of the right hon. baronet being too long even for abridgment in our, columns, with any prospect of con necting its leading points, we substitute for it the following ex cellent summary and commentary, which we extract from the Times of Weduesctay.]—Sir H. Peel commenced his speech by frankly declaring his conviction, that if reason and justice could possibly prevail with the House of Commons, it would not refuse to accede to his motion. Ile knew, however, that he had to contend with great obstacles. First, he had to contend against the piejudice created by the oftentimes repeated exaggerations of the amount of the property of the established church in Ire land, and he confessed that, considering the grossness of those exaggerations, he was not surprised at the impression they had made upon that portion of the house cud the public who be lieved them. Dr. Dole, in a letter to Lord Farnham, had de clared that the annual income of the established cbnrch in Ire land amounted "to several millions sterling," and that the members of the church were about 200,000 in number. When Mr. Hume brought forward the subject in 1834 he calculated the number of the members of the church at 51)0,000. and the annual income of the church at £3,200,(00. In 1534, Mr. Ward materially reduced the extravagant estimates of Dr. Doyle, and the nearly as extravagant estimates of Mr. Hume. Mr. Ward, however, rated - the number of the members of the _ . established church at only 600,000, while he estimated the an nual revenues of the church at £937,317. Lord Althorp, in brin g ing forward the Irish church temporalities bill, fairly ad mitted how grossly the revenues of the Irish church had been exaggerated by others, and how grossly he had exaggerated them eveu to 'himself. Lord Althorp declared that he did not believe the revenues would be [(mud to exceed £BOO,OOO, and he entreated the house to proceed upon facts, and not to be curried away by, the loose estimates that hail hitherto misled them on this subject. So, said Sir lt. Peel, do I now entreat the house to proceed upon facts, and upon facts only. This recommen dation of the right hon. gent - lemon s coupled with the recapitu lation of the startling exaggerations he had enumerated, ap peared to makea strong impression upon the house, nor was that impression at all weakened by his reproach, that hon. members had up till that moment mistaken the echo of their own delusions for conviction, and acted upon these false esti mates as though they bad been ascertained facts. Besides the obstacle which the prejudice arising from these exaggerations has produced, Sir it. Peel alluded to another obstacle--viz., the effect of the resolutions, which, though founded upon erro neous conclusions, the house, for party purposes, had been in duced to pass; and he plainly enoughintimated his apprehen sion, that although the object of those resolutions—the removal of one government, and the bringing in of another—was now effected, and although the error of the conclusions upon which theresolutions were founded has been fully demonstrated by the-reenrt of ceininissioners appointed by the existing minis ters, still false pride and false delicacy might prevent a inajerity, of the house from retracing the false steps it has made. " Had I to deal with unprejudiced and ingenuous minds," said Sir It. Peel, limy ,task would be easy." Nothing could have been snore generous (to his opponents) than the mode in which Sir R. Peel argued his case. Laying aside, pro hoc vice, his own opinions and principles, he declared that he would demonstrate from the recorded principles and the promises of ministers them selves, from their own evidence and their own arguments, that there was no surplus, that the pretence of the existence of a surplus was a dishonest one, and that to proceed upon that pre tence would be to undermine now, and at no distant period to overthrow, the protestant establishment in Ireland. We wd lingly leave it to every man who can read to judge whether Sir It. Peel redeemed his pledge. In the first place Sir It. Peel proceeded to describe with great care and minuteness how the Irish church temperalities bill h ose upon the arrangements of the present bill. We have not room here to enter into this detail, for whirls we must refer our readers to our parliamentary report. Suffice it to observe fur the present that Sir It. Peel showed, from parliamentary docu- Mesita, that the perpetuity fund created by that act not only cannot provide for the objects which Lord Grey contemplated, but that with a heavy annual charge upon it, which it cannot meet, it has already contracted an enormous debt, and suppos ing what it has borrowed, viz., 1:100,000, to be paid off in Au gust, which is impossible, still its annual excess of charge o v er revenue will prevent its being otherwise than in debt for more than 37 years to come. Upon this fund, nevertheless, Lord Morpetb proposes to saddle the payment, that is to say, the ulti mate payment of five per cent. to every clergyman. This pro posal, however, is not so farcical as it sounds, for the treasury is to advance the money in the first instance, which means, of course, that the English people is to pay it first and last, as they are to pay the £1,000,000, which was also, by a joke which we should have thought too practical to be played a second titre, charged upon the sidle perpetuity fund. Having disposed of this part of the subject, Sir R. Peel pro ceeded to observe that there was in mathematics a process called the process of exhaustion; but he said that he doubted whether the most skilful algebraist could have brought it to bear so ef fectually as Lord Morpeth has in this bill. His lordship has directed three batteries against the funds of the protestant esta blishment of Ireland. The first is his deduction of three-tenths per cent. from tithes. The second is the re-opening of the com positions for tithe—thefercible re-opening of those compositions which have been made by the consent of both parties. The third is the fixing of those compositions at the average price of :corn for the last seven years. As to the first, Sir li. Peel said he had little to say, except that it reduced the amount to he re ceived by the clergyman to a certain extent ; which, however, was necessary in effecting Compositions. The second exposed the clergyman, who might have received no tithes for the last three years, to the expense of defending a composition of fifteen years standing before a tribunal, to the expenses of which the clergyman was to contribute. This tribunal, the triple curse of three barristers, was to visit the unhappy clergynian and re open his composition, but what expense it might put hint to:was obviously s not capable of estimation, though the vexation and the injustice of the course must strike every one. It was possible, however, to crtimate the loss that would accrue to the clergyman from forcibly fixing the composition on the average price of corn for'the seven years inunedi.►tely preceding . tlio pass►ng of this bill. -By the acts now regulating compositions for tithes, the average price of wheat was El 1.55. 104 d ► and of 13s. 111 d.; white the average of the last seveii years would be, fur wheat, El I.os. 11d., and-of oats, 114. Sid. This chau l zo; therefore, would effect a diminution of 1-16th per cent., or 1-6th of the whole. . Sir K. Peel then proceeded to demonstrate the effect of LOrd .Morpeth's process.of exhaustion upon the funds of the church; taking, as illustrations, first, £lOO of tithes; secondly, a ,living sof the nominal value of £6OO a-year ; thirdly, the revenues Of the church generally. As to the £lOO worth of tithes, from that there is to he taken three-tenths, or £39. Thus by the first battery the £lOO is re duced to £7O. Vs r liat reduction the battery of the three barristers may effect is omitted from the calculation. But the third battery, the forcible opening of old agreements for compositions, takes off one-sixth of £io, or £ll 10s., which melts down the £lOO to £5B 10s. Then there is to be a further reduction of 6d. in the pound for collection, which is £1 95., and that brings-the £5B 10s. down to £57 With regard to the living of £6OO a-year, three-tenths (4E690 being £lBO, the £6OO is at once reduced to £429. Take from this £420 one-sixth, or £7O, the sum will be further brought dawn to £350. The 6d. in the pound for collection will make further deduction of £8 15s. so that the £6OO becomes £341 Sc. One might suppose that here the process of exhaustion upon the £6OO would be itself exhausted, but the fact is otherwise. Under the church temporalities ect this living of £6OO will be further liable to a reduction of 2; per cent., which, amounting to £Blos., gives a further squeeze to the late £6OO, and out it comes just . £332 15s. at last. Now suppose, said Sir R. Peel, that the incum bent of such a living should, with a view to a future provision for his family, insure his life, paying £4O a year for that purpose, and suppose he required a curate to assist him in the'discharge of his duties, the stipend of that curate being £75 a year,—what would the house say to the surplus emoluments of such a cler gyman ? The gross amount of the tithes payable to parochial incum bents was shown by Sir R. Peel to be £507,367. In the first place, three-tenths of this sum, or £152,700 being deducted, there remain but £354,667. The 6d. in the pound for collection amounts to £8872, which further reduces the sum to £315,795. Deduct again one-sixth for the change in the corn averages, which is £57,632, and the amount of tithe payable to parochial incumbents will, under this process of exhaustion, be reduced from £507,367 to £288,163. To this sum of £288,163, however, is to be added the value of glebes, which Lord Morpeth had estimated at £60,000, but which Sir R. Peel said he believed to he as much as £76,778, which, together with the ministers' money, which amounts to £12,838 gives as the total provision fur the parochial clergy, £377,779. After comparing this sum with the statements of Dr. Doyle, of Mr. Hume, of Mr. Ward, and of Lord Althorp,—Sir It. Peel triumphantly asked the majority of the house, how they came to pledge themselves that there was, that there muit be, a surplus. We have left ourselves no room to notice the elaborate and striking description which Sir H. Peel gave of the actual con dition of the protestant establishment in . Ireland, with the view of further demonstrating the absurdity of talking about " a surplus." Seine features of it, however, are too remarkable to be passed over even in this hasty summary of his admirable speech. Ile showed that there are 1385 benefices in Ireland ; that in 264 of these there are fewer than 50 protestants, and in the remainder, namely, 1121, more thanso. Divide the amount of tithe (£288,163) by this uarober (1121,1 and it appears that the average amount of tithe for each benefice throughout Ire land, with snore than 50 pridestants, will be only £206 a-year. Again, there are 2405 parishes in Ireland, of which 860, accord ing to Lord Morpeth, contain less than 50 protestants, while the remainder, 1545, contain more. Even supposing these 860 parishes to be put into Lord Morpeth's spiritual schedule A, which his lordship proposes, calling them facetiously "feeders of his reserve," still there will be on an average only £lBB a-vear for each of the 1545 parishes saved, —notwithstanding all LZ)rd Morpeth's feeding. To sum up Sir R. Peel's description in a few words (we shall notice it. more at length on another occasion,) there are -961 benefices in Ireland with more then 100 protestants in each, and 1165 with a church in each, some having two churches. There are in all 1383 churches in Ireland; so that if each of these were served by an incumbent with £220 a year, - the funds necessary would be 304,260, which is more than the amount of tithe. The resolution for appropriating the surplus revenues of the Irish church to the purposes of education having been read by the clerk at the table on the motion of Mr. Rice, Mr. S. Rica proceeded to address the house. He assured the right hon. baronet and the house that he yielded to no man in fervent and sincere attachment to the protestant church, and that he was as ready to come forward as its defender as that right hon. baronet could be. What was his proposition? He had made a speech which warranted gentlemen in taking one of two courses, either to reject the principle of the bill ou its second reading or to accompany the authors of the measure in committee for the purpose of modifying some of the details of a bill unopposed on the second reading. Assuming that the bill was calculated to do all the mischief which the right honourable baronet had so powerfully urged, all he (Mr. Rice) could say was that with those opinions he would have died sooner than have consented to the second reading of it; he would not have sought for modes of creating a division. The right honourable gentleman then proceeded to examine the cases brought for ward by Sir Robert Peel in support of his views, upon which he spoke at great length. In the committee he would be prepared to discuss every point. The object of the right hon. baronet's motion was to defeat the question of appropriatioiewhether there was a surplus or not. It was a futile motion-, and only calculated to catch a few votes. Those who voted for the resolution peoposed by his noble friend, the member for Stroud, and who wished to retrace their steps, should support the right hon. baronet's proposition; but let those who thought that re solution was fouuded in justice adhere to it and vote against the motion, and by so doing they would not preclude themselves from considering whether or not there was a surplus, as he con tended there was. He was ready to argue the question of a surplus, but he would mot do so at that time, because he would . not give the right hon. baronet the advantage of apparently debating one subject whilst he was in fact calling upon the house to decide another. He said on a former occasion that', ministers would select their own field of battle. They had in troduced this and another great measure, and to them they would adhere. He would argue the question in committee, but he would not give the right hon. baronet the advantag of a de bate upon figures, and a division upon that. The right lion. baronet might have raised the question by moving that the house should rescind the resolution it had adopted. Let no hon. member suppose that by voting for the right hon. baronet's mo tion tie was in fact rescinding the resolution of the house. lie admitted that he had not grappled with the right hon. baronet's figures. (Cheers from the opposition benches.) The right hon. baronet wished to argue upon one point and to divide upon another. He trusted that the house would negative the right hon. baronet's proposition, and go into committee. (Hear.) For his part he would not allow a parliamentary minority to convert itself into a majority by a sort of sleight of hand or legerdemain—by moving a proposition which apparently meant one thing but in reality meant another. (Much cheesier; from the opposition, answered by loud cheers from the miuisterial benches ) Mr. LEF ROY said that the right hon. baronet had clearly de monstrated—had put beyond the possibility of a doubt that there was no surplus iu existence, and had therefore acted properly in giving the house an opportunity of retracing the hasty and in considerate step to which they had been rashly urged by the present ministers. Mr. Desisoe spoke against the motion. Mr. G. F. YOUNG hoped the bill would prove a bond of union between England and Ireland and pnt au end to the unhappy differences which now existed. Mr. A FRENCH followed on the same side of the question. • Mr. WALTER concluded a speech of some length by saying, if he thought the present measure would tranquillize Ireland, he would cheerfully vote for it; but, being convinced that it would not—that many of its provisions did not apply to those evils which had been assigned Ly the most intelligent men as the real causes of disturbance, he should:vote for the division of the bill. into two parts, that the good iiiioet be retained and the ob jectionable laid aside. (Cheering.) Sir lionenT Brats supported the motion. The hon. baronk was called to order by Mr. Forester, when the Speaker' iinerfered, which he had to do a second and a thied time before order was restored. Mr. HUME moved the adjournment of the further debate. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, - and the house adjourned at twenty minutes to one o'clock. HOUSE OP LORDS—WEDNESDAY. • Lord DVNCANNON laid on the table the copy of Mr. Hogg's protest against the Municipal Corporation report. . • The Merchants Seamen's Bill went through a committee ; report to be received to-morrow. On the motion of Lord SHAFTESBURY, the bills on the table were respectively forwarded a stage ; after which the house ad journed. HOUSE OF COMMONS--WEDNESDAY. Mr. TOOKE gave notice that on this day week he should call the attention of the house to the address to the throne, and his majesty's most gracious answer thereto, respecting a charter to the London Un►versity. Mr. W. W. Wv NNE presented a futher report from the corn ..rnittee to inquire into the circumstances of the late Ipswich election. The report, which was read at length, but indistinctly heard in the gallery, acquitted most of the individuals against whom charges had been made, but condemned the conduct of Mr. Keith in-aiding and abetting the individuals who had ab sconded iii the course they had taken. Mr. Hurst moved that Mr. Keith be taken into the custody of the Sergeant at Arms. After sonic observations from Mr. Wason, Mr. Sinclair, Mr. Wilks, Mr. C. W. Wynne, Mr. Patrick Stewart, Mr. Miles, and Sir M. W. Ridley, Lord John Russell proposed that the motion should be postponed until Friday next, which after some discussion was assented to. Sir B. VERB then moved that Mr. Sparrow be called to the bar and discharged; this gave rise to an extended discussion which was proceeding when the reporter left. No TREAT tte THE Doc DAYS.-A placard is at present to be seen in a bookseller's shop w indow in Great Queen-street, Lincolu's-inn-fields, intimating the proprietor's intention 3f letting a portion of the premises. The placard concludes with an observation anything but recommendatory, at all events, at this season of the }ear— " The apartments," it says "are ex ceedingly warm and corn fortable."—Morning paper. UTILITARiANISNE,—It was Bentham, we believe, who in vented the barbarous word " Utilitarian ;" but Utilitarianism (the thing) had another teacher. At the close of the last century Robespierre professed that he—like nature — careless about the individual, but careful of the species, thinned the Community upon the principle of the greatest happiness to the greatest number of mankind. Fourcroy was refused a short respite from the guillotine to complete some experiments. on the ground that the republic did not need philosophers. We mean not to assimilate the Benthamites with the RobespierrieUs in their views or temper, hut simply to exhibit utilitarianism tits susceptibilities and tendencies. It affects to be republican, but it is wholly unimbued with that republican spirit of Athens and Rome which produced the chefs d'ceu vre of the . ages of Pericles and Demosthenes—Augustus and Adtian—which discomfited Xerxes, and demolished Carthage. The utilitarians may say t heti they understand the word in a different sense, and reproacit •the uninitiated with ignorance. This rebuke of ignorance is the must easy and obvious of all replies to au opponent—it flatters the conceit of those who use it, imposes upeu the vulgar, and costs nothing. Their watchword of " the useful," in its obvious acceptation—without teference to the virtuous, the grand, the beautiful, in sentiment, in action, in the works of nature and in those of art—if once received among the conven tions of society, or the principles of science, would debase and inhumanize our species. Happily the system can never, from its nature, make way in a modern and civilized community. Virtue and humanity—the graces and accomplishments of life —works of taste and genius in science, literature and the fine and useful arts—will be prized for themselves;—for the various pleasures which they impart ;—not by the standard of the utilitarians. What would be the utilitarian value of those . Homeric poems which Alexander inclosed in a golden casket— of the remains of the acropolis—of the transfiguration—of the " Paradise • Lost"—of the " Principa"—of the' M4cbanique Celeste ? British and Fui-ei§n Review. THE LIVMPOOL STANDARD. - FRANCE FOREIGN. EVTELLIGENCE The following telegraphic despatch was posted on the Bourse qn Manday " BA YOMNE, JULY 18.—General Ha'riope to the Minister of the Interior.—The conflict which I felt yesterday must and had taken place, did so take place on the 16th instant. The Car lists were thrown back upon Estella, and they' were vigorously pursued till the fall of night. They had sent off their artillery in the direction of Lecumberri. Details have not yet arrived. It is said that three battalions of Castille, composed of Chris tino's prisoners, have gone over to the army of the Queen." \Ve have no further accounts from the north of Spain, except that Moreno is certainly appointed to the command of the Car lists. He has published a proclamation, in which he alludes to the persecutions he underwent in Fiance and England by the agents of usurpation and the masonic lodges, because he did his duty in putting to death the rebel Torrijos and his companions, and he pledges himself to do his utmost to exterminate the wicked. We cannot help considering his appointment to be most injudicious on the part of the advisers of Don Carlos. PORTUGAL, His Majesty's schooner Viper arrived at Falmouth on Mon day afternoon from Lisbon, which she left on the 10th instant, with despatches ()ran important nature, the particulars of which have not transpired. Strict orders were issued that no private letters should be brought, and rumour states that some counno tion._bad taken place unfavourable to the government. The Viper ►eft the Tagus at a quorter of an hour's notice. As the Pantaloon was to have sailed a couple of days after the Viper, we shall be soon put in possession of further particulars. The despatches may, perhaps, relate to the Queen's marriage. GERMANY. The health of the Emperor of Austria is perfectly re-estab lished, and he is about to leave Schoenbrun to visit the family estates in Upper Silesia, and thence to Bohemia. So far from repairing to Kalisch, as was at first announced, it is now said that he not only does not approve of the military display there, but has actually remonstrated against it. We cannot vouch for the authenticity of this report. "Our Exchange," says the Allgemeine Zeitung, of the 17th, " has been very dull for some time, and will probably remain so unless some unlooked for event should intervene. This state of things arises from the kind of truce that has taken place be tween the speculators for a fall and those for a rise ; the former of whom have failed in their attempt. and is the cause of the steady high prices of our funds, and the little that is done, while there is so much agitation in foreign markets." The funds at Vien-a on the 11th instant were-5 per Cent. Metalllques, 1021: 4 per Cent. Do., 98 • Bank Shares, 1329, At Amsterdam on the 20th—Actual Debt, 55;; Amort. Syn dic, 951 Loan of 1832, 80. At Hterlin on'the 16th—St. S chuld., 101; P. Eng. Bonds, VA. Exchange on London, three months, 6 261. LIVER THEATRE, CHURCH-STREET. For the BENEFIT of SIGNOR BLITZ. QIGN OR BLITZ, the celebrated Professor of the Art of Magic, Sleight of Hand, Ventriloquism, &c., will have the honour of displaying his extraordinary p?wers at this Theatre THIS EVENING, the 24th instant, being the Last Night of his appearance previous to his departure for America. The Amusements of the Evening will consist of New and Extraordinary METAMORPHOSES, never vet exhibited in Liverpool ; ILLUSIONS, both pleasing and astonishing ; MAGICAL COINS ; PROLIFIC HA'l' ; TRA 'FOR MATIONS ; VENTRILOQUISM.; LEGER MAIN. FEATS OF DEXTERITY ; DANCING OF IVE DIN' NER PLATES;—forming Waltzes, Qua es, Reels, and Country Dances, with various others too erous to mention. To conclude with the Wonderful GUN RICK. Signor i3t.tvz will suffer any Gentleman in the Theatre to fire at him with a Gun loaded with powder and two bulls, (pre viously marked,) and immediately after its discharge will ex hibit the same balls in his hand, warm and smelling of gou powder ! ! ! • Boxes, 2s.—Pit, ls.—Gallerv, 6d.—Half-price In the Boxes only at Nine o'clock; and Children admitted to the Boxes at Half-price from the beginning. Doors to be open at Half-past Seven, Performance to begin at Eight exactly. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We most respectfully beg to assure " David" that "Father Tom Maguire" is a person utterly beneath notice. We cannot see how we can insert the letter signed "A Friend to Justice," without exposing ourselves to an action for libel. The correspondent who calls himself a " Reformer of Time," would do better to bring the conduct of the keeper of the room in question under the notice of those who have placed hint j.here. r,be IL,lberpooi Ztanbaril. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 24, 1835. We rejoice to observe that the House of Commons has passed a vote in favour of admitting the ladies to hear its interesting debates. Old RUTHVEN, of Dublin, who is the very pink of gallantry and gentility, and JOSEPH PEASE, the quitker, who is a lily of modesty, but who, nevertheless, , as the song says— " And a flattering tongue has he "- r . form two of a committee to inquire into the best means of accommodating the ladies . in some gallery to be erected' for the purpose, the power of. admission to which shall be vested in and form part of the official patronage of the Speaker. All this is as it ought to be. Some of the leading whips, however, objected to the motion, amongst whom was Lord JoHN RUSSELL. We can fully appreciate the noble lord's motives, and enter most feelingly into his awakened sensibilities. ; If we had been in Lord Jon N's position as the leader of the house, and similarly and de lintely situated as be is in other respects, we should most probably have voted in the minority as he- did. There . are some men of a peculiar celebrity Who are held in the highest estimation where they are least known. The fortuneteller is most esteemed where she is the greatest stranger. The medical quack seldom or never mingles in social or convivial intercourse with his dupes. The women are shrewd observers of character, and he who by adventitious circumstances has gained an unde served reputation among them should avoid corning too frequently into their society. For instance, there is one LYTTON BULWER, who has written certain trashy no vels, the incidents of which being founded in facts are ar• terwards coloured up into egregious lies which lead cap tive the imagination of many of the gentle sex ; but we venture to assert that there are. thousands of these fair admirers who gloat over Pelham and Eugene Aram, and consider BULWER to be a man of surpassing genius, who would not endure his presence or his familiar conversa tion for fifteen consecutive minutes. So is it with at least an hundred of the popular members of the House of Commons. Lord JOHN RUSSELL is one of these. The name is a noble one in English history. Ladies who never set foot in the House of Commons—who never saw Lord JOHN—who never were within fifty or an hun dred miles of London, and who are necessarily compelled to paint a fancy picture of the leader of the Commons of England—draw strongly upon their wishes, and throw a drapery of romance over him whom they conceive to be a hero of noble bearing, of chivalrous gallantry, of splen did oratory, and commanding talents. Alas, for our gen • tle cousins! They are too good, too kind, too generous. Their idol is an ideal one. Admit them to the 4' Ladies' Gallery" of the House Commons, and the -niy-stery .would be unveiled, the mask would be torn aside, and they would see before them, shrunk up into a shrivelled epitome of humanity, and a perfect caricature of noble ness, the miserable, raven-voiced, crafty, but contempti ble leader of the whig administration. Then the charm of the name would cease for 'ever. They would turn away in all the sadness and sickness of unexpected but overwhelming disappointment. For these reasons we confess we are not surprised at the opposition which the motion met with from Lord Jolts; RUSSELL. The Mr. BERKELEY who introduced. it offered as an argument in its favour what we should hardly have ex pected to hear from a radical member of the house. He contended that the presence of the ladies would go far to prevent those unseemly personal altercations and gross terms of abuse which have disgraced the second as well as the first reformed parliament. This is an important admission. Mr. BERKELEY says that the language which has characterized the verbal rencontres of the House of Commons, since the passing of the reform bill, has been alike ungentlemanly and disgraceful ; and, as experience leaches him that no amendment can be reasonably ex pected from the present speaker, the influence of the la dies is, in his opinion, the only safe corrective, if not the only sovereign remedy. Such, by the humiliating confession of this honourable member, are the effects of reform. The proposed cure is, to say the least of it, a curious, and, perhaps, it. will prove an agreeable one. Oh for a night of Mrs. Taw.- LOPE during an angry debate in a fall house ! To hear her describe the contortions of HUME under the lash of Sir HENRY HARDINGE, or the wincings and screamings of Lord JoHN under the flail of Sir ROBERT PEEL, would be - a treat of the most exquisite kind. The ladies of England have no idea what the popular members are, and it is as well, perhaps, that they should only be permitted to reconnoitre them from a respectful distance. A bawl ing blockhead on the hustings attracts some attention, and appears to r ossear. something like magical influence over the mol, he addresses. But the importance of the blockhead . consists in the loudness of the shouts and yells which, luckily for him, drown the nonsense he utters. He appears a great man when borne on the greasy shoul ders of human beasts ; but see him in the House of Commons, in the presence of his superiors, and you be hold a very different animal—one who is totally diSre garded there—who is hardly tolerated, and whose efforts to instruct the house are silenced by cries of " Question!" and bursts of laughter. What idea can the ladies of England form of W'AKLEY, the surgeon, WHALLEY, the mad doctor, ROEBUCK, the Canadian agent, GULLEY, the prize-tighter, old JOE FIELDEN, of Oldham, I3isH, the lottery-man, WooD, commonly called Alderman WOOD, and some fifty other equally bright stars ? But some of the Scotch and Irish members, the joints of the tail in particular, are indescribable curiosities, of whom the eye and ear alone can aid in conveying an idea. To be ap preciated they must be seen and heard. With respect to Liverpool we conceive it would be at tended by the most salutary effects if a committee of ladies were appointed sessionally and sent to London to see Mr. WILLIAM EWART in contrast With Lord SAN DON. If the wives or daughters of those who support the for mer were sent on this interesting mission, we know what would be the consequences. The fifth time in four short years never could occur. Exposed as our national establishment is in the. present day to the reiterated attacks of a host of enemies, who have confederated together for the unhallowed purpose of detracting from her usefulness, diminishing her salu tary influence, or effecting her entire demolition, it becomes the imperative duty of every one who is con scious that she is a scriptural church, of every one who appreciates her as an instrument of good, to raise his voice in her defence, and to repel the insidious attempts of those who wish to make her overthrow the stepping stone to civil anarchy and universal spoliation. Let us no longer be deterred from the performance of this duty by the preposterous taunts of our antagonists, who accuse us of employing the senseless cries of "the church in danger," and "no popery." To be any longer ashamed of such truly sensible cries is an instance of moral cower dice the most reprehensible in its nature, and the most disastrous in its consequences. Can we behold the nominal protestant, in league with the avowed infidel, unblushingly endeavouring to suppress the church in eight hundred and sixty parishes of Ireland—to deprive its members of their ministers—to expose them to pro scription and death; while the infuriated papists are gloating in savage exultation over their intenied vic tims ? Can we behold the laws of our christian land, and the precepts of common humanity, daily, and with impu nity, outraged in the persons of our Irish brethren, with out an acknowledgment of danger the most imminent— without an expression of sympathy the most cordial and loudly demanded ? Nor let us " Lay the flattering, unction to our souls," • that the progress of this spiritual vandalism will be arrested by the sacrifice of so large a proportion of the Irish church. This is only an experiment—a bold and reckless one it is true—put into operation in order to ascertain whether its future annihilation be practicable. Let us not foolishly persuade ourselves that the blow now aimed at the Irish church will not be followed by a similar attack upon the church of England. It is somewhat curious to observe that while Lord MORPETII and his friends profess to entertain a sincere desire to promote the real interests of the Irish church, and strenuously argue that the -measure of spoliation Which they endeavour to foist upon the British parlia ment will tend to accomplish that end ;—while they avow, as their sole object, the .ultimate preservation of the church ;—while they zealously disclaim all hostility, either to its members or its constitution ; the infidel and the papist make their boast in the face of day that this measure is only a step towards it 4 final and inevitable extinction. The Whig party assert that they have intro duced this measure from an honest anxiety to strengthen and establish the church ❑pon a firmer - foundation: the ultra-radical and papist - sectiont undisguisedly avow, as their motive for acceding to,. the, ministeri44l Oat), that it will infallibly secure the speedy downfall of the whole fabric. How can we reconcile this inconsistency ? - Which is the more candid declaration? The friends of the Irish church have pertinaciously and consistently maintained that the existence of any surplus revenue would be found perfectly incompatible with the due and decent maintenance of the proteStant clergy, and an adequate provision for the spiritual wants of the community. And how do the Whigs contrive to realise that surplus, to the appropriation of which they hive pledged themselves, and. on the performance of which pledge theircontinuance in power depends? We answer —by the partial abrogation of protestantism—by offering a premium upon the decimation of churchmen—by con signing over to the bondage of the Jesuit-priests of Rome those portions of Ireland in which a reformed ministry is most emphatically necessary—by affording to the un principled demagogues, who have so long distracted the peace of the kingdom, fresh facilities for effecting the dis memberment of the empire ! Let the people of England be made to understand that he plundering attack which is meditated against the Irish church is based upon falsehood as well as cruelly, and we shall soon witness a burst of popular indignation which will shiver the scheme to atoms, and hurl the au- thors from their high places—which they flagrantly dis honour—into the lowest abyss of infamy. We do not hesitate to affirm, that the report of the commissioners appointed for investigating the religious statistics of Ire land affords intrinsic evidence of a desire to misrepre sent facts, where they at all militate against the precon ceived opinions of those who originated the inquiry. The task of procuring returns seems to have been undertaken with a solemn determination to magnify popery at the expense of protestanism ;—to sacrifice the persecuted friends of order, who form the only bond of union between that country and England, to the insatiate gorge of the "demon of discord," who could, with one flourish of his tail, prostrate the Whigs in the mire of ignoble discomfi ture. The following is the analysis of the report, which ex hibits, in gross numbers, the relative proportion which the catholics.and protestants respectively bear to each other : Members of the established church Roman Catholics Presbyterians Other protestant dissenters 21,808 As we do not find any prima facie evidence that the methodists are included ia the estimated" number of churchmen, it is reasonable to suppose that they are ranked among the 21,804 other protestant dissenters, which are given above as the complement of the popula tion. But how many members arc there in connexion with the Irish methodists? In round figures the last re turn was 25,000. These are the members exclusively. If we take the menzbers at the proportion of one half of the congregations we shall obtain this result—that there are 50,000 adults in Ireland who attend public worship in the methodist chapels ; and this will be found, we appre hend, from the minutes of the approaching conference, to be understated. And let it further be borne in mind, that as the census of the commissioners includes children, vie must augment the number of methodists to 100,000! In dependently, howeVer, of the preceding calculation, the other classes of dissenters, that is, the congregationalists, independents, baptists, separatists, &c., have been esti matedat 54,000; and as this return would only be con-, stituted of the adults attending their places of worship, the total number must be reckoned at 108,000 ! Taking these items together, we have a dissenting population of 208,000! Any one who will take the trouble to investi- . gate the subject dispassionately will find this estimate a near approximation to the truth. How very false — how utterly deceitful, must be the paltry twenty-one thousand allowed by the report ! It, therefore, the com missioners can have truckled so far to the popish priests . and demagogues as to depreciate the numbers of. the protestant dissenters—whom it might have served their purposes to have magnified, in order to render the numerical proportion of churchmen still more inSig ' niticant—what must be supposed' to have•been the line o JULY 24, 1834. , ect whi c h they have pursued in reference to the num ber of episcopalians in Ireland ? They have glaringly under-rated them. Not have they dealt faithfully by the Presbyterians, and for the same ignoble reasons. Popery must be magnified—protestantism must be depressed, seems to have been their governing motives. We feel confident that the relative proportion of the Roman catholic population of Ireland is not more than three to one in comparison with the protestants. As a reason for enter taining this belief, we will only mention that the papists in Liverpool are stated to amount to seventy thousand. Our readers, perhaps, will stare at this senseless but audacious exaggeration ; but let any of their priests be asked the question, and the above will be the answer. But should any superfluous revenue accrue from the plan adopted, whom will its appropriation benefit ? Is not the system of education proposed exclusively sec tarian ? The protestants maintain that the Bible, the whole Bible, and nothing but the Bible, should constitute the basis of all religious education ; anything short of this broad principle they designate as narrow-minded bigotry. Will the dissenters, generally, avail themselves of these surplus funds? Let them bear in mind that every penny derived from the execution of a plan which offers a bounty on the wholesale murder of Protestants will be "THE PRICE OF BLOOD." While their assistance is necessary, in order the more effectually to displace the corner stone of protestantism in Ireland, the popish rabble will gladly hail their co-operation. But let them beware, the day of retribution is at hand. In conclusion, we recommend the unprejudiced perusal of. Sir ROBERT PEEL'S speech on Tuesday evening, and there it will be found how superior truth is to error— how contemptible the party schemes of the present ministry, whose sinister policy is daily becoming more apparent, and sinking them, in public estimation, into irretrievable disgrace. , We have risen from the perusal of Lord BROUGILASe, after-dinner speech in this town, on Monday last, with feelings of a conflicting nature. It is impossible to re frain from laughing—it is impossible not to feel pain. When we see a tumbler standing upon his head or hands, with his legs prancing in the air, we can hardly resist being amused by his grimaces, and the drollery of his unnatural contortions; but at the same time we pity the poor sinner, who for the sake of subsistence, or a lovo of vulgar applause, inflicts upon himself so much bodily suffering, at the hazard of breaking, his neck in order to gratify a liberal and discerning public. If Lord BROUGHAM knew the extent of his own capa bilities, or knew how he is estimated by the people, he would act a very different part in public life, and gain a more worthy renown by either remaining silent at the present moment, or by addressing himself to the judg ment rather than to the passiOns of the most ignorant and most unprincipled portion of his countrymen. But we fear that it is the nature of the noble and learned lord to play the buffoon. A loud gape of a horse laugh at his pranks and his mimicries appears to be the sole reward which he aspires to. It is a wretched vanity that can be indulged at so cheap a rate; and yet Lord BROUGHAM is content to take empty cheers at a drinking boot to be compensation enough for the humiliation into which he plunges himself by his indiscreet admissions. We are not of those who would detract from the merits of the ex-chancelldr. We admit him to be a man of rare and singular talents, of matchless powers of oratory, of crushing sarcasm and invective, an able writer, a formidable opponent in debate ; but it is because Lord BROUGHAM possesses these rare qualities that we regret to see him degrading them to the mean arts of tom foolery, for the purpose of regaininga position not at all I enviable, but which position he has lost for ever. - in grief or disappointment silence is true dignity. .When a 'man has fallen between two chairs, it is folly or madness to knock his head against the floor. Lord BROUGHAM has so fallen, perhaps lower than the floor, but that is no reason why he should attempt to convince even his ad mirers that he is a greater man than ever. Such conceit evinces a ,sad twist in the seat of judgment. That he is down—that he is out of ollice--that be is .aohocbt.,,everY ' body knows; hut to endeavour to convince us, against our clear conviction, that he is a mightier personag6 than at any former period, indicates a state of mind which is 1 enough to make Mr. JAMES BRANCKER'S angels.weer. That the noble and learned lord has suffered, or imagines be has suffered some. deep wrong at theitands of certain members of his own party—the “. base whigs," as that base hound O'CONNELL called them—is asserted without reservation. He was placed at the head of the nobility of England by Lord GREY and the whigs, contrary, it is said, to Lord GREY'S wishes, and he be came an influential member of the cabinet. How he was treated by his political friends, Lord BROUGHAM himself thus describes : " I would say, that he who seeks place—oftentimes misnamed power—does not secure any very enviable prerogative, or any very sweet enjoyment. To be responsible for measures which others control, and perhaps contrive—to be answerable for leaving things undone which he ought to have done, and which be had all the desire to do, but was prevented by others—to be compelled to trust some of the most untrustworthy of their race —to repose confidence when great actions are to be performed, and serious interests are deeply involved,—to be compelled to repose confidence—implicit confidence, in persons whom common prudence would refuse to trust even in the smallest matters—ta have the most profound and difficult views of policy judged of and decided upon by the most ignorant and superficial of hums kind, or the most generous aspirations after the • happiness of man which can warm the human breast chilled by the frowns of the selfish and sordid—these are a few of the unenviable pre rogatives which place confers upon its possessors. T. find, after you have done all you can to serve one to whom -you. are attached, and fail, that he becomes infuriate because you hare tried to succeed; and after you have happily succeeded in serving another, he forthwith requites the obligation, or thinks to cancel it, by picking a quarrel, or has recourse to by far the most un amiable characteristic of a British people—that preposterous pride which shows itself by seeking to get rid of a sense of obli gation by displaying the blackest ingratitude. (Cbeezi.) All this, believe me, he who governs this country and dispenses its patronage experiences, oftentimes in the, course of six little months of his official life." The noble and learned lord tells us by implication. and in language which cannot be misunderstoo& 'that all this disgusting and unworthy treatment he experienced from his friends in the first, and, of conrse,,also in the last, " six little months of his official life?' He tells us by implieation tliat he had to deal with Colksgues in the cabinet who- were of .an " untrustworthy race"—that he had to place confidence in persons who did not possess "common prudence"—that those who decided upon his lordship's " profound and difficutt views of policy" were the " most ignorant and superficial of human kind"--- ' that some of his coadjutors were "selfish and sordid," and that notwithstanding . all the services he bad ren dered, and the sacrifices he had made for his party, they had, by intriguing against him, and ultimately expelling him from his high office, treated him with the "blackest ingratitude." Mercy onus! Had an enemy said this—had a slan derous tory, or an antiliberal tory, or a tory in the rear of the march of intellect said this, or the tenth part of this, there would have been a terrible blast from all the penny trumpets of the press. We should have had no peace by day, no rest by night. The knife grinders in the dark alleys of literature would have come down upon us en masse. We should have had a death's. head placed. over the lintel and cross l• nes on our door posts, and perhaps the attorney. general would have been instructed to open a battery against us in the Court, of King Bench. We, however, are not the accusers. It is Lord firrouGnAm who thus speaks of himself and his party; and he bitterly complains that he has been treate d harshly and unjustly—that he has been betrayed, itv suited, defamed, undermined, and repudiated by his oW° friends. It is under feelings sharpened by s ense o f wrong that his lordship exclaims, casting as it were 1 0 bread upon the waters, and hoping much for himself an d his country, "1 ain scilliny to assist with any man, I care not With 000(1 . he his name Melbourne, or Russell, or Grey, or Althore, Wellington, or Peel !" This is, no doubt, both generous and liberal ; bu t there is more in it than meets the eye at the till glarn'e. tt is not _reasoinble to suppcse that Lor 3c] BRoUGI particul their iv from hi Neither THORP, the wo Who tl Lord I Are th questio The mis fort the con least fi allusioi self tit now He say to quiv tereme life, an Ryhtem it is and . many he ha withi t ref% him o sillinc Pa becon eith( to L a••~ ing Teft noto .: anti i. to cal (wei "fell or is mud the vvhoi Bac, beh wa l of 1 rot, tea bee th • 411 lir ;« th