The Northern Daily Times. — Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-06-17 00:00:00

~... IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY Their Lord s hi ps me t a t fi ve o ' c lock. the The Stock Company Bill was read a second time. long discussion, a division took place, in which bers were— For the bill Against it The Majority for the bill l3 , .. , as rePerteceived of amendments to the Whichwood Foreet n' j L MESSAGE FROM THE QUEEN . .eSty "r) CaexcELLoa read a message from her Ma teo their lordships that she had ente red into fu rti til:ention with his Majesty the King of Sardinia for a tead loan of £1,000,000. The message was afterwards taken _ y the clerk at the table, and it was ordered to be e int o consideration on Thursday next. () UR RELATIONS \VIFU AMERICA. 11 0 b • arl DERBY Y rose to ask a questi on of the ast‘r e arl the Secretary h of State for Foreign Affairs S et of our relations with America. The noble e e : r. 4t atea. that he had waited till the last mom ent in the s a , l3 ," t ion that the noble earl would have volunteered f • tria,non upon a subject of such great import to ov cts that to w hi c h h e h a d a lluded. It was impossible "* st o ,„ 4 " . te the gravity of the position i n which we C, 0 ,: °I. the serious responsibility that rest e d u p on the tar rntnent in regard to the course they think it neces asjeate take under the circumstances. He therefore th e `ne noble earl whher, since the House last met, adr'orerument had come to any conclusion as to the and l' ir e t hey should give to her Majesty on the subject, state B °, whether the noble lord was now prep ared tO the grounds of their conclusions ? (Hear, hear.) Toe karl of CLARENDON—My lords, it is the intention " hPr tao Majesty's Government, at the earliest 2 nt, to lay upon the table of the House the papers 0: 11 h ave been communicated to us by the American "kraent Those papers had been laid before the ktt aat • or at Washington, and are now in the possession h t he Government of this country. They are now 1 t it the printer's hands, and will be lai d before y our I Z -311 iPs as soon as the answer of her Majesty's Govern -14 to these despatches is prepared. Your lordships Ro ust ' however, be aware, that the answer will require th E e ae an tithe and mature consideration. In consequence of tki ti "Ter not being as yet prepared , he refrained from dehg the initi a ti v e in laying before the House the sire d information. I (continued his lord shi p) , feel, tio 8 -ver tbeless, th a t it is the duty of the Government to a 1111 1131 Y the public mind as speedily as poss ible u p on so Po L rtan. a subject. 1 therefore do not hesit ate to take this 11 `Li t Z e asion for announcing to your l ordshi p s, that it is e e intention of her Majesty's Minist ers to advise a °11 "e which would have the effect of suspending diplo ti,tie relations with this country and America . ( Hear, h ear,) Th e In Earl of DERBY said, in the absence of the papers (1 , 1/ , est ion, it would no doubt be premature to enter into a n , . " Is eussion upon this :question. He re j oiced, per ioehally, at the announcement made by the noble earl, ea r n.. th is reason, that although he deeply reg retted the a -s " s e taken by the Government of the United S tates, of erert heless he felt it impossible to vindicat e the conduct Minister in America, and he believed, therefore, plainthe American Government had a just caus e of corn against us. Although it was, no doubt, painful and humil iating on the part of this countr y to submit to thi, the s ame r emoval of our Minister from America, and at sa hle time to recognise the authority of the American Minister in this country , yet , b elievin g the Amer icank r Government had just cause of complai nt a g ainst 4 1 , 2 Cr ampton and our consuls, he rejoiced at the deter a tion of the Government to maintain diplomat ic rela -1 r'll °llB with America. T he Earl o f C LARENDON could not help remarking upon the s toat positive judgment upon Mr. Crampton's conduct b 4113 the noble earl. He could only appeal to t heir lord jo.B, and through their lordships to the countr y , not to the noble earl in thus prejudging the conduct of Mr. anipton. possible T he Ea.rl of DERBY said he had formed his judgment 41) ." the papers he had already read, and which had been l a id before their lordships by command of the Queen. T he subject then dropped. Their lordships rose at a quarter past seven. HOUSE OF COMMONS. — The c ,PE-kRER took the chair at four o'cloc ~IrTHE BRITISH PLENIPO TENTIARIES AT PARIS DL i ENTINCKE presented a petitionlrom Bristol, corn par!linßg of the conduct of the British Plenipotentiaries at ves ,. l s illegally abandoning the right of searching neutral l ot for for enemy's goods, and praying for investigation the matter. (nu l l. ' /I, • ScuLty gave notice that, on the second reading be APpellate Jurisdiction Bill, he should move that it referred to a select committee. lONDAY The THE ABERDEEN UNIVERSITIES. LoRD-ADVOCATE, in reply to Mr. THOMSON, an- Of i n rd his intention in the present sssion, it possible, Ver • i3 ducing a bill for the Union of the Aberdeen Uni sines. To E DIPLOMATIC n AGENTS AT HANOVER AND D RESDEN to answer oto Mr. WISE, ,e'191•(1 PALMERSTON said it was not intended to adopt the e " l rnendation of the co mmittee to rem ove diplomatic a gents from Hanover and Dresden. Cole THE IRISH CO URT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. Cro v nel HIGGINS enquired whether the:attention of the C eti - Nu:tent had been drawn to the recent decision of the t of Queen's Bench in Irel and in the case of Erring oo no d ,'• Rorke, in which it was held that a purchaser Dre,;; l. t he Encumbered Estates Court was bound by a fr, ) ,W °ll ,a lease, not mentioned in the conveyance to him of t i , tu e commissioner, and whether it was the intention re st 4 - ,government to introduce any measure to set at iod ef ule doubts created by that decision as to the e nsiblebess of the title conferred by the commis ? th e said the decision was at variance with i ntentionse o , of the legislature, and the government had doZdered the matter with a view to the removal of t 8 to which the decision might give rise. I n answer THE AU,TRALIA.N MAIL SERVICE. _ to Lord NAAS, the wILsoN said that none of the tenders received for si4ustralian mails had yet been opened. The treasury t ,,,,receive applications till Wednesday next, when - "uers Would be opened. answer THE FOR TIFICATIONS OF BARS. Ia to Sir DE LACY EVANS . Le,„ ti e PALMERSTON said the govern ment had no authen that the the subjoct, but it had been reported been 'e fortification of Kars and a po rtion of Ismail had 11 destroyed by the Russians. Th e - 4 THE SARDINIAN LOAN. the Queen then went into committee on the subject of TQ",.., e en's message in reference to the Sardinian loan. tio n , - , nANCELLOR of the EXCHERQUER moved a resolu stat-..arr-i- -„ ug into effect the terms of the message. He S° o" u "lat act by which a sum of 1,000,000 was advanced ardinia and a furthen sum of .E 1,000,0 00 was promised n t he event of the war lasting more than a year after the It o ' l nent of the first instalment of the loan received the ti T , 37 . al Assent on the 26th of April, and that the ratifica -4°D-r,of the treaty of peace were exchanged on the 27th of °p er il, just one year and a day after the act came into the -atio n. On the day of the Royal Assent being given to th e r , application was made for th e first instalment of tii iis ° ,a,n, but payment was not made till the 3rd of May, the sere Sardinian Government had n ot strict claim to et T c o lid million ; but he hoped tha t under the circum seaeon-7, and considering that they ha d p re p ared for a had -- 1 ; Campaign, and that the cos t of the war to them arse been seventy-five million francs, the House would Tilleedt to th e resolution re " resolution was then agree d to, and the House sore. OUR RELATIONS WITH AMERICA. 04 t he motion that the House go into committee of 6 - 11 Pply _ , a this were two important question the others he had alluded to th‘l deta Whether it was the intention of the overninent eminent with r, tutiiient, or may be ItT Jord RUSSELL said it was necessary, before the voted the army estimates, that some explanations Bhouh l take place with respect to our relations with the Unity I States, and that the House should know whether blar e Were to b e a n y diplomatic relation s with the United States Government, for as the question of en. listwent affected the two countries they appeared to be at an tat,— enQ, each being satisfied with each ot her's expla ;oa,s, but that the American Gove rnment were msstttified with Mr. Crampton , and had i nform Gov ernment that they could not continue to remain in 1 The United States' Govern- Z illm unication with ' l t had also agreed to meet our Government on the Central American question, and he had no wish nor in tentionTh to ent er i n t o e ither of these subjects to - nigh t. - independent of are deliberation, to desire Mr. Dallas to withdraw, and to put an end to any diplomatic communications be the two countries ; and, secondly, the vestion was, her if that course was or was not pursue 3, pending our ciations about Central America, until it was broueit to .t were the intentions of her Maj2stfs o any force that may be no w sent to Grey Town, and the coast of 'erica generally. (Hear.) If her Majesty's government had al nY reason to believe that the removal of Mr. Crampton was intended as a wanton and determined insult on the part of the United States Government towards this Government, her Majesty's Government could do no other than resent it by breaking off with the United States Government. If her Majesty's Government entertain no such opinion, and there were no circumstances connected with _ the question There that would lead them to that conclusion were not only former examples for negociations being carried on, but from the peculiar nature of the circumstances of the case, it was desirable her Majesty's Government should accede to the United States Government, and enter into negociations on the points of difference ❑ow existing, though not serious at the present moment, might lead to most serious cons,:quences if not entered into with that spirit and feeling that was most desirable. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then alluded to many precedents for amicable relationship existing be- tween the two countries, and referred to the regret that would be felt by all at Mr. Dallas leaving this country, and called attention to the conflicting reports current on the state of affairs in America, ant the conduct of cer- tain English ships of war, and concluded by asking her Majesty's Government for an explanation, and expressed a hope that these two governments would not allow the hostilities or squabbles of these hostile states in Central America to embroil the two countries in war which would be a course of events deeply to be deplored. The course of humanity, commerce, and civilisation would suffer for it, and every man who wished to see freedom prevail would regret such a conflict—(hear, hear) —but, on the other hand, would rcjo on friendly relatior continutug hear.) He had no doubt her Majesty's Govern ment would do all they could to preserve the honour and dignity of this country, (Rear, hear.) If the House found there was a probability of our relations being con tinued, and that negotiations were taking place respecting it, they wo;:ld use the necessa-y forbearance, and abstain from discussing the quEstiou. (Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said it was perfectly natural for the House to wish to have an explanation on our relations with America, awl he was not surprised at the course of the noble lord in bringing it before the House. If the noble lord had not done so, it would have been tha duty of her Majesty's Government to have lost no time in communicating the intentions of her Majesty's Government on the question to the House. (H-ar, hear,) After referring to the state of American aff tirs, the noble lord said that with regard to our diplomatic relations with the United States' Government, that Government thought fit to intimate to Mr. Crampton that they could not con tinue their relations with him, and, in consequence, he had left Washington, but it did not go to the extent of a rupture with the retention of Mr. Dallas to this country. (Hear.) On the contrary, the intimation of Mr. Crampton's dismis sal was accompanied with a despatch, containing a desire on the part of the United States Government to continue diplomatic relations with this Court through Mr. Dallas . Her Majesty's Government had duly considered all the vari ous bearings of the question, and did not consider it their duty to advise her Majesty to suspend diplomatic relations with the American Minister accredited to this Court. Her Majesty's Government was prepared to enter into com munica‘icn with him with regard to all questions that may affect the interests and happiness of the people of that great country. (Cheers) The Government, whilst protect ing British interests in American water, would take care nothing was done to insult or annoy the people of America, and in conclusion, said that he hoped this question would be amicably settled, but if not, he could not but allude to the fact that this country was never in a better state to go to war than if war be thrust upon her. (Hear, hear). Mr. DISRAELI next rose to address the Ho ise. He defended the conduct of Mr. Crampton, who, he raid, had been made the scapegoat for the Government. Several other members having spoken, The House went into committee of supply. Several formal votes of £lO, in addition to sums pre viously voted, were taken in order to invite discussion (Hear, upon the estimates. The House resumed. The Annuities Redemption Bill, and the Transfer of Works (Ireland) Bill were read a third time and passed. The other business was disposed of, and The House adjourned at two o'clock. THE QUARREL WITH AMERICA (From the Daily Hem] The Daily laws says—" We are enabled to state, that there is no trath whatever in the reports that any increase of cur naval force oa the North American Stations has either bean made or is at present contemplated. The ships that have recently been ordered out will simply replace others that are returning home quite unfit for longer ser vice. The most stringent instructions have, we believe, been given from the Admiralty t o Admiral 'anshaw, to avoid on his part, and that of the British captains under his command, any collision with the naval force of the United States. A competent British squadron has, however, been ordered to Greytowr, to which the United States Govern ment lately despatched three of those large ships of war which the Americans call frigates. For the British Governme! t simply to fall into Mr. 'Marcy's view, and to t ske up at -ince the other questions in dispute, and arrange it with Mr Dallas, would be au abne gation of sel•-respect, humiliating to the pride and senti ment of England. That course can hardly he the one our Cabinet will take ; but, ta avoid war, we must do all in the way of concession that we can fairly and honourably do. Were it possible, we might send a special mission to Wash on'; but, as a special mission is the highest compliment one government can pay another, Mr. Marcy has rendered that expedition impossible. flow, ver, there really appears no reason why, at some neutral points, same negotiations might not be op ,. .med for the arrangement of all different s. In what Lord J. Russell rightly called the present critical state of things, the first duty of the Cabinet is to support the national dignity and honour, and avoid, as long as pos sible, any risk of war. Lord Palmerston is wonderfully fertile in expedier.ts. On his present device for avoiding a great and serious difficulty, both the credit of the country and the existence of his ministry of the present House of Commoz.ls may depend. Behind him he has a party which needs but a little assistance to be able to place him in a minority on Mr. H. Baillie's now skilfully prepared address to the Crown, and thus add to foreign complications a crisis in our domestic affairs. THE NORTHERN TIMES.---LIVERPOOL, " A LOVER OF TRUTH.' TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN TIMES. [From the Post.] Our diplomatic negotiations with America are a failure. and a failure in negotiations is the precursor of war. We have, then, to hold ourselves ready for the worst. There is no immediate probability that it will come to that, but there is no certainty that it will not. The whole thing turns upon the good sense of the American people. They are at present drifting towares a dispute against their will with a people with whom they have no quarrel, by a govern ment which they have elected, but which they cannot control. Our business must be to take care that We are not flouted beyond reasonable bounds by a country so circumstanced. [From the Times.] If we dismiss Mr. Dallas, we commit ourselves to an approval of a minister whose conduct it is impossible wholly tr defend, and reject the friendly professions of the United States, vouched for as they are by offers of concessions as regards the Central American difficulty, which, a wick ago, no one could have expected. On the other hand, it' we keep Mr. Dallas, we pocket an affront, but, at the same time, take advantage of a conciliatory offer. The balance of benefit is for the consideration of our statesmen. We have no right to assume double dealing ; and, by keeping Mr. Dallas here, and accepting the American terms, we at once bind tha Washington Cabinet to its own admissions, that the subject is a proper one for an immediate diplomatic arrange ment, and that failing, forms a fit case for arbitration. These are the considerations for and against, by which ministers will have to shape their course; end we look with confidence for a decision which, with a due regard to the national dignity, will be consistent with the preservation of peace and good-will with the United States. ITALY His' Eminence Cardinal Antonelli and his Holiness, responding to the verbal remonstrances of Count de Rayneval, the French Ambassador, relative to the inten tion of his government to withdraw the army of occupa tion from Rome, said that they were of opinion that the Pontifical government was sufficiently strong to meet any eventuality that might arise. Comments upon this singular assertion of the Pontifical Court are needless ; but I may say that no one here believes that the Papal government is capable of any such thing. At Ancona political arrests continue. It is said that a diversity of opinion exists between the Pope and Cardinal Antonelli ; his Holiness being in favour of a policy of civilisation, while the Cardinal advo cates the maintenance of the present severe rule. It is even said that a political amnesty would have been granted, had it not been for the opposition of Antonelli. This latter was embittered at Lord Palmerston's recent speech on Italian affairs. The speech was inserted in he Omuta di Boma. TUESDAY. PEACE OR WAR BETWEEN GREAT - BRITAIN AND AMERICA. By the overland mail we have received papers from Melbourne to the 28th March, of which a TO THE COMMERCIAL & INDUSTRIAL CLASSES summary has already appeared in the NORTHERN Q AUSTRALIA. TIMES. In the commercial intelligence of the Melbourne Argus of May 27, we read Duty has been paid on 6,565 oz. of gold for shipment in the following parcels :—For Liverpool, per Marco Polo, 271 oz 9 dwt ; for Point de Galle, per Marion, 5,098 oz 11 dwt ; for Hong Kong, per Mandarin, 420 oz ; for Hobart Town, per Tasmania, 74 oz ; for Adelaide, per Burra Burra, loz The total amount of gold shipped by the Marco Polo amounts to 68,737 oz 9 dwt, of which there were shipped by the Bank of Australasia, 20,000 oz ; Bank of Victoria, . 12,000 oz ; Bank of New South Wales, 20,000 oz ; Union Bank, 3,336 oz ; Lindon Chartered Bank, 8,580 oz. There was also 41,140 sovereigns, of which 40,000 were shipped by the Union Bank." The banks are still the principal gold buyers, and on some of the diggings their agents have given so high as £3 18s to £3 18s 6d per oz. The rate of exchange on London has been raised to 2 per cent prem. The con sequence has been n large exportation of specie, even the colonial coinage being shipped at Sydney for London to a considerable amount, although this operation involves a loss to the colony of the cost of coining, viz., It, per cent. A reduced rate of interest continues to prevail, eligible investments being scarce. THE COURT Her Majesty and Prince Albert, with the Regent of Baden and Prince Frederick William of Prussia, left Windsor Castle with the Royal Family on Saturday for London. Her Majesty left the Castle at ten minutes past one o'clock for the station of the Great Western Railway at Windsor, where a guafd of honour of the Grenadiers, with the band of the regiment, received the Queen with the usual honours. A special train conveyed the Queen, the Prince, the Regent, Prince Frederick William, the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, Prince Arthur, Prince Leopold, and the Princesses Alice, Helena, and Louisa to Paddington, where the royal party, with the ladies and gentlemen in waiting, entered nine of the Queen's carriages, and proceeded to Buckingham Palace, where they arrived at ten minutes past two o'clock, and were received by the Marquis of Breadalbane, Lord Ernest Bruce, Lord George Lennox, and Colonel Francis Seymour (Scots Fusileer Guards.) The Queen and the Prince Consort, with the Regent and Prince Frederick William, honoured the Royal Italian Opera, Lyceum, with their presence in the evening. The Prince was attended by Lieut.-General Baron Schreckenstein, Baron Moltke, Captain de Heinz, Lieutenant Schreckenstein, and Dr. Wegner. On Sunday her Majesty and Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, the Princess Alice, the ladies and gentlemen of the Court, and the domestic household, attended divine service in the chapel of Buckingham Palace. The Hon. and Very Rev. the Dean of Windsor officiated. _ The Regent of Baden and Prince Frederick William of Prussia were also present at the service. VISIT OF HER MAJESTY AND PIitINCE ALBERT TO THE CAMP AT ALDERSHOT .. .11. Yesterday morning, at twenty minutes to ten o'clock, her Majesty, accompanied by his Royal Highness Prince' Albert, the Prince Frederick William of Prussia, the. Regent of Baden, the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and Princess Alice, attended by Lady M'Donald, the Hon. Lucy Kerr, the Hon. Mary Bulteel, Lord Waterpark, Lord Charles Fitzroy, the Hon. Colonel Bouverie, and Lord de Kos, left Buckingham Palace in five of her Majesty's carriages, escorted by a detachment of the 3rd Light Dragoons, pro ceeded to the new station, WandswOrth-read, and travelled to Farnham by the London and South Western Railway. On arriving at Farnham they entered five of the Queen's carriages, having an escort of out riders in scarlet liveries, and drove to the camp at Aluershott. lig . Majesty on entering the - camp was received by the Duke of Cambridge and Lord Viscount Hardinge, the Commander. in-Chief. The troops foLined in line, presenting arms, and the united bands playing " God Save the Queen." The military evolutions then commenced, and her Majesty inspected the several regiments as they marched past. The ropal party will return to town to-day, according to the present arrange ments. RETURN OF TROOPS FROM THE CRIMEA. WAR DEPARTMENT, June 16.—The following vessels passed the Bosphorus, on passage to England, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th inst.:- 13th. Imperatriz, with 7th Regiment. Admiral Moorstom,- with Ordnance stores. Jura, with 250 men, Royal Artillery. Princess Royal, with Scots Fusilier Guards. 14th. Oneida, with 310 men, 6th Dragoons. London, in tow of Oneida, with 130 men, Royal Artillery. Belleisle, with 88th Regiment. Firebrand, with 150 men, Royal Artillery. 15th. Simla, with 320 men, 4th Dragoon Guards. Severn, with 380 invalids. Deobah, with 100 in valids. ARRIVAL OF GENERAL WILLIAMS AT DOVER Dovxa, Monday, 10.47 a.m.—General Sir William Williams of Kars arrived in Dover harbour in the Queen, special mail steampacket, at ten a tn. He was recAved at the landing t lace by Colonel Streatfi,ld, the coin mandant of the garrison ; Captain M'llbain, naval super intendant of the port; Colonel Lake, his late com panion in arms ; and by the Mayor and corporation of Dover. The gallant general, who was looking extremely well, was welcomed by immense crowds of people with the greatest enthusiasm; the whole route from the quay to Birmingham's Royal Ship Hotel was a complete ova'ion. After partaking of a collation which had been provided by the tsiayor at the Ship Hotel, and where an address from the corporation was presented, the gallant officer left for London. Sir,—ln reply to the letter of the above writer, in your impression of to-day, allow us to say that we felt it our duty officially to state the facts of the case which had been misre presented by him. It is not within our province to correct opinions or inferences, but were it so we should certainly THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Friends and Brethren,—ln the present critical position of our international relations, we, the Council of the Liver pool Financial Reform Association, deem it our duty to address to you a few words of friendly remonstrance, in the hone that our doing so may be the initiation of such an expression of the national determination, on both sides of the Atlantic, as will serve to convince those to whom we have respectively deputed the management of our affairs, that, whatever they may wish or propose, they cannot and they shall not transform the people of two nations so closely united as yours and ours into deadly and unrelenting enemies. We take up this question on higher grounds than are afforded by financial or mecca! tile considerations only, though their importance can herdly be over-rated ; and we believe thet the sentiments we are about to express are those entertained by cur fellow countrymen of the com mercial and industrial classes, almost without exception. May they be re-echoed in the same spirit. There is rnmeur of war between us! For a long time past your diplomatists and ours have been corresponding, with more or less of acrimony or superciliousness on either side. We confess frankly that, hitherto, we have paid no attention, or very little, to their disputes. Do not attribute this , apparent neglect to indifference. It has arisen partly from a sort of foregone conclusion that, whatever they might say or do, a quarrel between you and us, to be brought to the mortal arbitrament of arms, was. in the nature of things, all but impossible ; and partly from the fact that our system of diplomacy, aristocratic both in its instruments and objects, is secret in its operations. The theory of our rulers is that the making of treaties, whether these relate to peace or to war, is a branch of the royal prerogative, with which we (the people) have no concern beyond fin.iing the means for their observance, —not even the right to know what is doing until all is done, and we are irrevocably bound by their sti pulations. We aim at the reversal or modification of this li very slavish theory, and hope to accomplish it by and by. In the meanwhile, permit us to observe, that you also have been quiescent, without the same excuse fer your supineness; for your diplomacy is open; your executive can do nothing d, finititi e rit.hout the sanction of the legislative branch of your constitution, of which you have the appointment far more effectively than we of ours. Whence is it, then, if you do really disapprove of the acts of your Ministers, as we are led to believe you do, that there has been no public manifes tation of your disapproval ? The causes of our inactivity up t o the present period have been indicated for yours we can only account on the sup position that you, with us, have believed it all but impossible that diplomatic warfare should terminate in actual hostilities. As to the merits of the questions at issue we shall, of course, differ ; but you must agree with us that, whatever be the pretexts, a war between Great Britain and America would cast into the shade of insignificance all the scenes of carnage that have disgraced and cursed the world since the son of the first man slew his brother Abel. Standing apparently on the verge of such a deadly check to human progress and civilisation, it surely becomes the people of both countries, as rational beings, to ask themselves seriously for what it is they are about to fight, and whether there is any necessity for fighting at all. Aggressive war may be the ultima ratio of kings ; but for the rest of mankind, it is, generally speaking, the perfection of human folly. Connected with you by affinities of race, language, insti tutions, and religion, as well as by common interests, we have no feelings towards you but those of friendship, no wishes but for your prosperity, no desire but that the immense capabilities of your country may be developed to the fullest possible extent. Ia all this we claim no credit for disin terestedness, since with your welfare our own is closely involved ; you cannot prosper without our deriving most substantial ✓ advantages from your progress; nor can you suffer a check to your yell being which will not re-act most strongly upon our own. All that is true of material British interests as regards America is equally true of American interests as regards Great Britain. Are we wrong in assum ing that the feelings of the commercial and industrial classes cf this country towards America are these which animate Americans of the same classes towards Great Britain ? If there be indeed this bond of friendship and mutual interest between us, for what is it that our respective rulers, no matter which are right or wrong, would have us quarrel? Is it to vindicate any great principle, to enforce any right, or to avenge any wrong? Nothing of the kind. The mother of mischief, says the proverb, is no bigger than a midge's wing ; and, verily, the origin of the misunderstanding which threatens such tremendous consequences would seem to be of no larger dimensions. It rests on two grounds, the Enlistment question, and the actual meaning of a treaty concluded between our respective Governments. Of these it is difficult to say which, comparing both with the mighty results that may proceed from them, is most insignificant. As to the first the people of this country disapproved from the first of the Governmental project for raising reinforce ments for the Crimean war either in America or in Europe, and it was only forced on Parliament by the threat of Mini sterial,resignation. It was and is the universal conviction hat, with the same inducements that were offered to foreign ers, at much less expense, and without danger of embroilment with friendly nations, arty number of British recruits that might be required would have been forthcoming. We must say, however, that for what our Government proposed to do in America they scene to have had the implied if not the ex press sanction of yours. What else is to be inferred from your Minister's observation that the American Government would enforce the strictest observance of the neutrality laws in its own territory, but that thee wa; nothing to prevent any American citizen or resident from leaving the States and en listing elsewhere in any foreign service, if it pleased him so to do ? On this hint arrangements, supposed to be perfectly compatible with your laws, seem to have been made ; but these were abandoned before a single man had been enlisted, on grounds which common sense ought to have suggested to our Ministers,—in the first instance, as conclusive against the making of any such experiment. They have since, how ever, formally and solemnly disclaimed all intention to in fringe your laws ; they have expressed their regret if any such infringement has occurred ; they have tendered what is here considered an apology for all that may have been done amiss, either by themselves or their agents; but they have refused to submit to the degradation of branding with renal and disgrace the principal of these agents, because they say they believe him to be guiltless of any offence. Your Govern has dismissed or are about to dismiss Mr. Crampton ; snould ours lack the magnanimity of refraining from reprisals, and dismiss Mr. Dallas, you will no longer have a minister at London nor we at Washington ; but the temporary cessation of diplomatic relations between our respective Governments need not bring with it any interruption of friendly inter course between you and us. We can manage our affairs quite as well without as with them ; and, in any event, this is no question for us to go to war about. Our second supposed ground of quarrel seems to us equally irrational with the first. There is a difference as to the in terpretation of a treaty. Our negociator says that he meant one thing,—yours that he meant another; our two Govern ments are at issue as to the meaning of both, and the true construction of their united handiwork, which, nevertheless, is there in black and white and to speak for itself. Our Government teas offered to submit the whole question to any arbitrator whom yours shall select, mad to abide by his decision whatever that may be. As between man and man nothing can be fairer than such a proposition ; why not, then, as between nation and nation ? Your ministers refuse to act upon it. They say that their construction is the only true one,—that there cannot be two opinions on the matter, and consequently, that there is nothing whereon to arbitrate. But, being so confident, why reject a reference ? If they be right the task of the arbitrator will be all the lighter, the delay in an amicable settlement all the less ; but when ;here are notoriously two opinions on the subject which is said to admit only of one, the party standing so obstinately on its own as to refuse to submit them to an umpire of its own selection would seem to be manifestly and consciously in the wrong. Such, at least, would be the conclusion in any dis pute between individuals, and the same reasoning holds as to a cispute between nations. Again we ask you, in all solemnity, is there anything, in ee cities, h er cutting, each h other's oul this second ground of difference, or in both of them put tog d set throats, h us r o a t t s, to aod destroyingdoto; all teachthat a other's t i h n e ro' us lies for the utter destruction of each other's name and nation ? Reason, justice, common sense, humanity, religion,- all answer, loudly and emphatically, " No." We were told by our Prince Consort, during the late war, that that war had put representative institutions on their trial, and that it might be found necessary to diminish our present freedom both of speech and publication. This was the captious objection of an individual whose residence amongst us seems not yet to have eradicated the despotic leanings contracted by his continental birth and breeding : but if war, between the only two great countries in the world. which have representative institutions, founded on the sovereignty of the people, is to result from such causes as those which we have examined, most truly may it be said, not that such institutions are upon their trial, but that they have been tried, and are condemned. How utterly worthless must they be if the squabbles of deputed ministers , having merely personal ends of their own to serve, can suffice to set two friendly nations in deadly oppo sition to each other ! Hoay gladly will the upholders of the despoti c principle look on and laugh, whilst the two great champions of human freedom and human progress are en gaged in dti internecine, a fratricidal, and a suicidal struggle, which, in whatever way it terminates, must be mutually ex haustive, and is sure to end at last in some paltry compro mise, after the squandering of millions of treasure, and the shedding of oceans of blood To protest against so dire a calamity to you, to ourselves, and to the whole human race, is the object of this address. We may say, also, to prevent its occurrence ; for we feel as sured that if you, the commircial and industrial classes of America, are actuated towa Is us by the same feelings as those which animate the people of this country with regard to you, we shall not enter upon this course of mutual destruc tion. Our rulers and yours may bluster as they please, but with the veto of their constituents on any proceeding to extremities, war between us is impossible. By order of the Council, ROBERTSON GLADSTONE, Liverpool, June 9, 1856. PRESIDENT. recommend your correspondent to peruse some simple manual on logic before he commits himself to newspaper arguments on theological or other subjects.—Yours, very respectfully, FRANCIS J. EATON, } Churchwardens of St. WILLIAM lINWIN, Chrpostonfe, Everton. Everton, June 16, 1856 DIPLOMATIC PRECEDENTS TO THE EDITOR OF THE GLOBE. Fenton's Hotel, Julie 16, 1856.—Sir, —Before Loikl John Russell asks his question to-night, I think it of importance that the country should be informed of the facts stated in the accompanying document. I hope you will give it a place in The Globe. —Respectfully, W. BROWN, M. 1 3, for South Lancashire. 1. In 1793, M. Genet, the French Minister, by con duct endangering the neutral relations of the United States, became personally unacceptable. General Wash ington, through his Secretary of Sate, set forth the details of his conduct, and requested his recall. His government disapproved his conduct and recalled him' 2. In 1809, Mr. Jackson, the British Minister, by conduct which gave offence to the government of the United States, became personally unacceptable to the President, and he was informed that n o further com munication could be held with him. Mr. William Pinkney was then the American Minister in London, and continued so without interruption. Mr. Madison, President. 3. In 1850, M. Poussin, the French Minister, having used language, in one or more diplomatic notes, want ing in respect to the Secretary of State, was sent his pass ports. Mr. Ruth, the American Minister in Paris, was at the tune en route to the United States ; but his successor, Mr. Rives, was received without obstacle, and a new French Minister sent to the United States, General Taylor, President. TILE WEST YORK MILITIA.—The West York Rifles arrived here yesterday, by the Cleopatra, from Cork, and after disembarking they proceeded to the Lime- treet station, and thence by rail to Pontefract, where, we under stand, they will be disembodied. HER 11..JESTI'S THEATRE.—MdIIe. Johanna Wagner made a most triumphant debut at Her Majesty's Theatre, on Saturday evening, in Bellini's Opera of " Romeo and Juliet." The Tebaldo or Tybalt for the evening was Herr Reichardt, who also made his first appearance at Her Majesty's Theatre, the same evening. He likewise achieved - an immense success, and was encored in his principal solo. The Metropolitan papers speak of him as by far the best tenor in Mr. Lumley's FROM DRINK. hostler DEATH. 5..--ThOMSS Crooks, aged 43, an hostler to Mr. Ford, in Old Hall, killed himself on Sunday in the following manner :—ln the absence of the family, the deceased gut into the bar (it is a public-hous her hoe)stler and filled himselt a large measur e of rum, which ano caught him in the act of finishing at one draught. The deceased then went and sat down in the kitchen, where he was found dead a short time afterwards. An inquest will be held op the body this day. LIVERPOOL BANKRUPCY COURT — (Before Mr. Com missioner Perry)—ln re John Foden.—The bankrupt, grocer, of Whitechapel, applied this day for his certificate. He was support° t by Mr. Robertson, and opposed by Mr. Evans, on behalf of the assignees. His Honour granted a certificate of the third class, after six months' suspension, without protection for the first three months.—ln re Thos. Davies : The bankrupt passed his last examination and a , day was named for the certificate meeting. TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN TIMES Sir,—l do not know whether the churchwardens of St. Chrysostom's Church may deem it needful to notice the letter of your correspondent, who designates himself as a " Lover Truth." Perhaps I may be permitted to observe, as one ou of many who heard the sermon on which his strictures ar, founded, that the correctness of the notes of that discourse, as furnished to your paper by Messrs, Udwin and Eaton, can be corroborated by very numerous witnesses, by whom the asser- tions of your correspondent arc not likely to be regarded as " proofs," in refutation of their own consciousness. The question is simply one of evidence at its foundation, Is the auomymous report in the Courier, or the one furnished to yourselves by the churchwardens, the correct representation Until this is decided in favour of Mr, of the sermon ? Macnaught's assailant, it is altogether beside the mark for the latter to raise a discussion on fallibility or infallibility. Hoping that tho "Lover of Truth" will show his sincerity by its practice,—l remain, yours respectfully, A HEARER THE AMERICAN DIFFICULTY TO THE EDITOR OF THU NORTHERN TIMES Sir,—l am not about to make any lengthened remarks on the present critical state of our relations with the United States. Whether Mr. Crampton be guilty or innocent of the charges made against hiLn by the government of that country matters liitle, but when our government was requested to recall him, it was plainly their duty to do so, without making any further enquiry than beyond the fact that he had become unacceptable to the nation to which he had been accredited. If any foreign representative in this country were to render himself d'sagreeable, would there be any hesitation in giving him his mittimus if he were not to withdraw when requested ? But the aristocracy would do well to rather sacrifice a thousand Crampton's than plunge us into a war with America, a strife which would endanger not only the existence of their own order, but of the entire constitution—the Church, the State, and the Throne. For with our docks half empty, our mills closed, our population starving, our merchants bankrupt, and society convulsed, such au eruption would of necessity be inaugurated as the world has not witnessed since the great French revolution, and by the crash of falling institutions, our rulers would learn too late the result of their folly and Let it then be clearly understood, that a war with Americ implies a revolution and a new order of things at home. 16th June, 1856. QUASIMODO. THE EYE AND ENR INFIRMARY, TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN TIMES. Sir, —Will you afford me a brief space n your excellen paper, for the purpose of calling public attention to a gross violation of parental feeling, as well as ordinary bonevolence. On last Wednesday my little boy, being only seven years old, met with a serious accident in the following manner : A number of boys were shooting arrows at a mark, one of which entered my son's eye, wounded it severely, and, as I fear, is likely to deprive him of sight. Knowing somewhat of the delicate mechanism of the human e} e, and the necessity of subjecting it, in such a doubtful, if, indeed, not fatal, condi tion, to the very best scientific skill procurable,—and having heard frequent laudations of the skill and kindness exhibited in " the Eye and Ear Institution" of this town, I had my son immediately conveyed to this establishment, anti cipatir.g not only from prompt attention, but also a satisfactory opinion, with regard to the probable or real result of the accident. Tudge of my surprise, as well as indignation, on being in formed that nothing could be done in the case ; and th assertion, mark you, was made without examining the wounded eye—without even removing the bandage, or making the slightest investigation of the extent of the injury. True, indeed, I was taunted with having been there before, which, although the statement had been true, should not have prevented the appliances of optical in the present instance ; but even this plea does not afford the slightest shadow of excuse, inasmuch as it was my first application, as most assuredly it will be my last. I shall not trouble you with a detail of the conversation I had with the " Knight of the Pestle and Mortar," the only visible representative of " the Eye and Ear Institu!ion," and who in pronouncing the immutable decision to do nothing in the case, appropriately recommended a decoction of poppies— I say appropriately —since science has become so extremely lethargic and stupid at Mount Pleasant. But be this as it may at Mount Pleasant, I felt in Mount Misery, and although I deposited in the first instance my contribution in their receiving box, I left with the fixed deter mination never again to solicit any attention at that In- stitution. Now, Mr. Editor, I am a poor and bard working man, and as this institution is supported by the voluntary contributions of the benevolent public, do you not think I have a right to complain ? And should not some decisive measures be adopted for compelling the practitioners of " the Eye and Ear Institution" to perform their duty promptly, benevolently, and well In such Institutions there should be men of mature science as well as humanity, for without such the public money is frittered away, or perverted from the humane design of the contributors, and parties will go away, like myself, exclaiming " it is an intolerable humbug !"—Your obedient servant, A FATHER. [At the very earnest request of the writer we give insertion to the foregoing, not doubting, however, but that the matter complained of is suaceptable of a satisfactory explanation.— ED. N."T.] THE STEAMSHIP GREAT BRITAIN We yesterday announced the arrival of this noble vessel in the Mersey, with troops from Gibraltar, having previously brought the 30th and 55th regiments from the Crimea to Gibraltar, the following testimonials have been presented to Captain Gray, her commander : Gibraltar, sth June, 1856 Dear Captain Gray,—We have been requested by the officers of the 30th and 55th regiments to convey to you our best thanks for the kindness and attention you have shown to us during our voyage from Balaklava to Gibraltar. The arrangements made for our comfort, and the manner in which all under you have carried them out, have been m gratifying to all on board ; and we beg you will do us the favour to accept some substantial token of our gratitude, as a memento of the same, and as a slight token of our respect and esteem for yourself personally. As it is not probable that we shall be able to procure any thing juitable for such a purpose at Gibraltar, we have en trusted a friend to do the needful for us in England, and beg the favour of your informing us where you would wish it to be sent, when completed. Wishing you all prosperity and happiness, and every success to your noble vessel—We remain, dear Captain Gray, yours most sincerely, C. B. DIITBENEY, Licut-Colonel Commanding 65th Foot. E. WHITAroux, Lieut-Colonel Commanding 30th regt. To Captain Gray, Commander of the screw steamship Great Britain, Gibraltar. The Rev. Mr. Moody has begged to join the officers of the 30th and 55th in this memento to yourself, as well as in the expression of thanks to you, and those under you, generally. C. B. DATJBENEY, Lieut-Colonel. Great Britain, Transport, June 15, 1856 Dear Sir,—We cannot leave the Great Britain without offering to you, on behalf of ourselves and the officers of our respective regiments, our sincere thanks for the very great attention and consideration shewn us on board the ship under vour command, during our passage from Gibraltar to England. The comfort of the officers and their families, as well as that of the men generally, has never ceased to engage your attention, and it has seldom fallen to our lot to embark in a troop-ship where so great an anxiety was evinced by all connected with her, from the commander downwards, to secure the comfort of those committed to their care. We, therefore, beg that you will accept our very best thanks for these attentions, and convey to your officers our acknowledgment of their services, and, wishing prosperity to the Great Britain and all connected with her, we remain, dear sir, yours sincerely, BVRGHLEY, Lieutenant-Colonel, Commanding 48th Northamptonshire Militia. W. MATHIAS, Lieutenant-Colonel, Commanding 3rd Royal Lancashire Militia. To Captain J. Gray, Commanding Fier Majesty's Transport Great Britain. MACNAUGHT ON INSPIRATION TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN TIMES. Sir,—As Mr. Macnaught's book is occupying much of the public attention in the town, and opinions on it are being freely expressed in your paper and in others, if you allow me also a little of your space, I will enaeavour to put the question at is3ue in a small compass. It appears to me that Mr. Lowe's zeal for the maintenance of the authority of Scripture, (for which I commend him,) has made him apprehend an attack before one was really intended, and thus be bas been deprived of that calm jet gLient which is so much required in the discussion of a subject of such grea t importance as the question,—' "Is the Bible infallible?" Mr. Lowe does not appear to me to distinguish between the variety of the sacred historians and their infallibility Paley, Sowndon, Blunt, and other apologi Sco:t, s and commenta. tors, endeavour to reconcile with truth, apparent descrepini"eq on different accounts of the same event given in the and thus defend the writers against the attacks made veracity. For example, each of tt e four Evangelists, in giving an account of the crucifixion of our Lord, records either what he saw or heard, or what was reported to him as having occurred, and, because each account differs in particulars, many persons have essayed to throw discredit on those accounts, because, forsooth, they do not agree in reporting the same partkulars. The writers that I have quoted, as well as a host of others, have endeavoured to prove that in such de4screpancies lies their strong claim to our credence, because, they say, they do exactly what ni At /A) EX' different points of ohs°. of four men writing from four thou'. collision betwee❑ them ; they have written four different accounts of the one event, In such instances the defence stands good, because it is for ie veracity of the writers, and not for their infallibility, that is made. But this valid defence of scriptural veracity cannot used against Macnaught on Inspiration, inasmuch as that volume upholds the veracity and the inspiration of Scripture. Veracity may be an attribute of man and his writings—infalli- !ity cannot. I will endeavour to illustrate my meaning in a more simple form. Several officers of her Majesty's ships have written accounts, at different times, of a great sea mon ster seen by them on the high seas, and supposed to be the great sea serpent. Professor °Nen has not impugned the veracity of these gentlemen ; on the contrary, he appears to have paid great attention and deference to all that they have related as having been seen by them ; and then he seems to have reasoned upon his scientific knowledge, and came to the conclusion that these gentlemen were deceived in what they saw, or fancied they saw ; he had faith in their veracity, but not in their knowledge of natural history, for had they known at the time they wrote as much as he knew, they would have come to his conclusion—that there could not exist such a crea. ture as the great sea serpent, because, if such creatures exist, they must also die ; if they die, their remains must surely be cast up on some shore somewhere, and if only a fragment of a bone or fossil, however small, were discovered, if it were only a vertebra or a tooth, he (Professor Owen) would predicate from it the size, form, and habits of the creature of which this once had formed a part; and, because no such fossils or bones have been found, he boldly denies the existence of the sea erpent. I, therefore, say that it is quite possible that veracity, For which Professor Oven gives credit to these observers, may co-exist with fallibility, for which he also gives them And now for my a priori way of dealing with the infallibility of Scripture. There are a few books of the Bible called the Apocrypha, which, I understand, means doubtful, and though its inspiration is contended tor by some christians, it is, nevertheless, stoutly denied by others. How comes it to pass that fallible men—far were they Jews or Christians, fallible men they were—could decide such questions, except by the exercise of their private judgment, their reason, and their And, if they were at liberty thus to deal with one portion of the Bible, why then, I humbly ask, may the same not be done with. another by others? consciousness ? Again, if the canonicity of any portion of the Scriptures can be, and is considered, doubtful, I opine that 20 far forth, at least, may their infallibility be considered deubtful. N•- where, that I can remember, do the Selipturee declare they are infallible ; but, notwithstanding fact, we tlaa men declaring, in our day, as their deliber opinion, that the Scriptures—the canonical Scriptures, which- re infallible ; and this opinion is not to be gainsaid, on pain of Anathema Maranatha. I can well under- ever they be— stand a man declaring it to be his opinion that the Scriptures 'e infallible, if he has discovered errors in them, and I can also understand a man asserting it to he his opinion, that it is highly probable that the Scriptures will be found infallible by every careful student, far as far as he had tested then he could not find any error in them: But I should be surprised, indeed, if such a man r:fased to see the possibility of one " greater than he" coming after him, and seeing errors that had escaped him. I, therefore, a7gue that until there shall arise a man who his, himself, infallible—as Jesus was—that no man, as he is at present constituted, can predicate of the Scriptures that they are infallible. Jesus himself never declared them so to be. And inasmuch as allibility cannot in the Athanasian sense comprehend nfallibility any more than the finite can comprehend the nfinite, so I argue a priori that man is not likely to discarer what is and what is not infallible to such a certainty as, in justice to his fellow man, will allow of his dogmatising on the subject. Yet we find pious 4nd sincere men dogmatising on this very question to the extent of even p9inting out to the man who differs from 'them as a man to be avoided—as a dangerous man If I am wrong in my reasoning; and therefore in my con clusions, I shall be glad to bo set right, for I am open to con viction, and meanwhile I remain, sir, your obedient servant, A LOOKER ON. ADDRESS IN PARLIAMENT ON THE RECRUITING QUESTION. The following are the terms of the address which Mr: Baillie will move in the House of Commons on Thursday evening next : ."rhat an humble address be presented to her Majesty thanking her Majesty for I:aving been graciously pleased to communicate to this hor.se papers relating to recruiting in the United States of Atnerica : " To inform her Majesty, that we observe it is admitted that the law of the United States, with respect to foreign enlistment, is no less just than stringent ; and that in making this admission, her Majesty's government declared that on no account would they run any risk of infringing this law of the United States : " To express to her Majesty our conviction that for some weeks, both before and after this declarat ion, recruiting was carried on within the United States by her Majesty's officers, without any communication of the measures taken by them to the government of that country, but with tho knowledge and co-operation of her Majesty's envoy at Washington ; and that proceedings have occurred which were at variance with our international obligations, and which her Majesty's advisers were unable or have failed to prevent : "That, accordingly, while we perceive with satisfaction that during the course of these actions some measures have been adopted by the Ministry in a spirit of conciliation, we are una. ble to declare Cie complaints of the American government, that the laws and rights of that country have been violated, to have been advanced without cause : " That, while we assure her Majesty of our firm dete nation to assert now as heretofore, if justice shall require rights and dignity of the crown, we have to express our c viction that wo shall he best prepared to acquit ourse' that duty by the frank admission and complete -- wrong : Ives of gard to g other with these views, and, moreove r, having re the means whi c h appear to be available for composiu matters in dispute, we humbly beseech her Majesty to adopt such measures, with reference ?i3 the correspondence on foreign enlistment and its consequences, as in her judgment shall, while carefully guarding the honour of the crown, promote the restoratica of a good understanding and of close and cordial amity between Great Britain and the United States of iilnCl'iCa Sir De Lacy Evans—Amendment on motion of Mr. %alio,. on recruiting in the United State., to leave out from the first wo rd " That" to the end of the question, in order to add the words "in the means resorted to by government for rein- forcing our army in the field, it is the opinion of this house that, instead of inviting enlistments from the United States, it had been more politic to have e ntertained such offers as were made by high) , respectable parties for raising corps from amongst loyal Canadian fellow subjects," instead thereof. PALMER'S EXECUTION AND THE EAILWAIS.—The receipts from passengers going from Manchester to Stafford, by the only available train, on Saturday morning last. at 4 23 alone, amounted to £59. This was in addition to receipts for passengers that had gone on Friday.